"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" A spectre is haunting Europe — the spectre of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" communism. All the powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to exorcise this spectre: Pope and Tsar, Metternich and Guizot, French<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Radicals and German police-spies.  Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as communistic<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" by its opponents in power? Where is the opposition that has not hurled<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" back the branding reproach of communism, against the more advanced opposition<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" parties, as well as against its reactionary adversaries?  Two things result from this fact:  I. Communism is already acknowledged by all European powers to be itself<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" a power.  II. It is high time that Communists should openly, in the face<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the whole world, publish their views, their aims, their tendencies,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and meet this nursery tale of the Spectre of Communism with a manifesto<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the party itself.  To this end, Communists of various nationalities have assembled in London<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and sketched the following manifesto, to be published in the English, French,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" German, Italian, Flemish and Danish languages.  The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles.  Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and serf, guild-master and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary reconstitution<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes.  In the earlier epochs of history, we find almost everywhere a complicated<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" arrangement of society into various orders, a manifold gradation of social<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" rank. In ancient Rome we have patricians, knights, plebeians, slaves; in<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the Middle Ages, feudal lords, vassals, guild-masters, journeymen, apprentices,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" serfs; in almost all of these classes, again, subordinate gradations.  The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudal<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" society has not done away with class antagonisms. It has but established<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of struggle in place<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the old ones.  Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this distinct<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" feature: it has simplified class antagonisms. Society as a whole is more<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, into two great classes<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" directly facing each other — Bourgeoisie and Proletariat.  From the serfs of the Middle Ages sprang the chartered burghers of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the earliest towns. From these burgesses the first elements of the bourgeoisie<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" were developed.  The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up fresh<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" ground for the rising bourgeoisie. The East-Indian and Chinese markets,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the colonisation of America, trade with the colonies, the increase in the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" means of exchange and in commodities generally, gave to commerce, to navigation,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to industry, an impulse never before known, and thereby, to the revolutionary<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" element in the tottering feudal society, a rapid development.  The feudal system of industry, in which industrial production was monopolised<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" by closed guilds, now no longer sufficed for the growing wants of the new<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" markets. The manufacturing system took its place. The guild-masters were<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" pushed on one side by the manufacturing middle class; division of labour between<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the different corporate guilds vanished in the face of division of labour<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in each single workshop.  Meantime the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising. Even<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" manufacturer no longer sufficed. Thereupon, steam and machinery revolutionised<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" industrial production. The place of manufacture was taken by the giant,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Modern Industry; the place of the industrial middle class by industrial<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" millionaires, the leaders of the whole industrial armies, the modern bourgeois.  Modern industry has established the world market, for which the discovery<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of America paved the way. This market has given an immense development<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to commerce, to navigation, to communication by land. This development<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" has, in its turn, reacted on the extension of industry; and in proportion as<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" industry, commerce, navigation, railways extended, in the same proportion<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the bourgeoisie developed, increased its capital, and pushed into the background<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" every class handed down from the Middle Ages.  We see, therefore, how the modern bourgeoisie is itself the product<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of a long course of development, of a series of revolutions in the modes<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of production and of exchange.  Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" was accompanied by a corresponding political advance of that class. An<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" oppressed class under the sway of the feudal nobility, an armed and self-governing<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" association in the medieval commune:<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" here independent urban republic (as in Italy and Germany); there taxable<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" “third estate” of the monarchy (as in France); afterwards, in the period<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of manufacturing proper, serving either the semi-feudal or the absolute<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" monarchy as a counterpoise against the nobility, and, in fact, cornerstone<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the great monarchies in general, the bourgeoisie has at last, since<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the establishment of Modern Industry and of the world market, conquered<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" for itself, in the modern representative State, exclusive political sway.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" The executive of the modern state is but a committee for managing the common<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" affairs of the whole bourgeoisie.  The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary part.  The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the motley feudal ties that bound man to his “natural superiors”, and has<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" callous “cash payment”. It has drowned the most heavenly ecstasies<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of religious fervour, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of philistine sentimentalism,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in the icy water of egotistical calculation. It has resolved personal worth<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" into exchange value, and in place of the numberless indefeasible chartered<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" freedoms, has set up that single, unconscionable freedom — Free Trade.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" In one word, for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" it has substituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation.  The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto honoured<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and looked up to with reverent awe. It has converted the physician, the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science, into its paid wage labourers.  The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" veil, and has reduced the family relation to a mere money relation.  The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to pass that the brutal<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" display of vigour in the Middle Ages, which reactionaries so much admire,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" found its fitting complement in the most slothful indolence. It has been<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the first to show what man’s activity can bring about. It has accomplished<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" wonders far surpassing Egyptian pyramids, Roman aqueducts, and Gothic cathedrals;<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" it has conducted expeditions that put in the shade all former Exoduses<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of nations and crusades.  The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionising<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the instruments of production, and thereby the relations of production,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and with them the whole relations of society. Conservation of the old modes<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of production in unaltered form, was, on the contrary, the first condition<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of existence for all earlier industrial classes. Constant revolutionising<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" ones. All fixed, fast-frozen relations, with their train of ancient and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" venerable prejudices and opinions, are swept away, all new-formed ones<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" become antiquated before they can ossify. All that is solid melts into<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" air, all that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" with sober senses his real conditions of life, and his relations with his kind.  The need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the bourgeoisie over the entire surface of the globe. It must nestle everywhere,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" settle everywhere, establish connexions everywhere.  The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world market<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" To the great chagrin of Reactionists, it has drawn from under the feet<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of industry the national ground on which it stood. All old-established<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" national industries have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed. They<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" are dislodged by new industries, whose introduction becomes a life and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" death question for all civilised nations, by industries that no longer<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" work up indigenous raw material, but raw material drawn from the remotest<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" zones; industries whose products are consumed, not only at home, but in<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" every quarter of the globe. In place of the old wants, satisfied by the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" production of the country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the products of distant lands and climes. In place of the old local and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" universal inter-dependence of nations.  The intellectual creations of individual nations become common<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" property. National one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness become more and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" more impossible, and from the numerous national and local literatures,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" there arises a world literature.  The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of production,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws all, even the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" most barbarian, nations into civilisation. The cheap prices of commodities<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" are the heavy artillery with which it batters down all Chinese walls, with <|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" which it forces the barbarians’ intensely<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" obstinate hatred of foreigners to capitulate. It compels all nations, on<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it compels<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" them to introduce what it calls civilisation into their midst, i.e., to<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" become bourgeois themselves. In one word, it creates a world after its<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" own image.  The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of the towns.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" It has created enormous cities, has greatly increased the urban population<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" as compared with the rural, and has thus rescued a considerable part of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the population from the idiocy of rural life. Just as it has made the country<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" dependent on the towns, so it has made barbarian and semi-barbarian countries<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" dependent on the civilised ones, nations of peasants on nations of bourgeois,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the East on the West.  The bourgeoisie keeps more and more doing away with the scattered state<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the population, of the means of production, and of property. It has<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" agglomerated population, centralised the means of production, and has concentrated<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" property in a few hands. The necessary consequence of this was political<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" centralisation. Independent, or but loosely connected provinces, with separate<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" interests, laws, governments, and systems of taxation, became lumped together<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" into one nation, with one government, one code of laws, one national <|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" class-interest, one frontier, and one customs-tariff.  The bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce one hundred years,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" has created more massive and more colossal productive forces than have<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" all preceding generations together. Subjection of Nature’s forces to man,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" machinery, application of chemistry to industry and agriculture, <|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" steam-navigation, railways, electric telegraphs, clearing of whole continents<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" for cultivation, canalisation of rivers, whole populations conjured out<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the ground — what earlier century had even a presentiment that such<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" productive forces slumbered in the lap of social labour?  We see then: the means of production and of exchange, on whose<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" foundation the bourgeoisie built itself up, were generated in feudal society.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" At a certain stage in the development of these means of production and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of exchange, the conditions under which feudal society produced and exchanged,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the feudal organisation of agriculture and manufacturing industry, in one<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" word, the feudal relations of property became no longer compatible with<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the already developed productive forces; they became so many fetters. They<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" had to be burst asunder; they were burst asunder.  Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a social and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" political constitution adapted in it, and the economic and political sway<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the bourgeois class.  Society suddenly finds<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" itself put back into a state of momentary barbarism; it appears as if a<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" famine, a universal war of devastation, had cut off the supply of every<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" means of subsistence; industry and commerce seem to be destroyed; and why?<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Because there is too much civilisation, too much means of subsistence,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" too much industry, too much commerce. The productive forces at the disposal<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of society no longer tend to further the development of the conditions<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of bourgeois property; on the contrary, they have become too powerful for<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" these conditions, by which they are fettered, and so soon as they overcome<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" these fetters, they bring disorder into the whole of bourgeois society,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" endanger the existence of bourgeois property. The conditions of bourgeois<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" society are too narrow to comprise the wealth created by them.  The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself.  But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" death to itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to wield<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" those weapons — the modern working class — the proletarians.  In proportion as the bourgeoisie, i.e., capital, is developed,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in the same proportion is the proletariat, the modern working class, developed<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" — a class of labourers, who live only so long as they find work, and who<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" find work only so long as their labour increases capital. These labourers,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" who must sell themselves piecemeal, are a commodity, like every other article<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of commerce, and are consequently exposed to all the vicissitudes of competition,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to all the fluctuations of the market.  Owing to the extensive use of machinery, and to the division of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" labour, the work of the proletarians has lost all individual character,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and, consequently, all charm for the workman. He becomes an appendage of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the machine, and it is only the most simple, most monotonous, and most<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" easily acquired knack, that is required of him. Hence, the cost of production<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of a workman is restricted, almost entirely, to the means of subsistence<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" that he requires for maintenance, and for the propagation of his race.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" But the price of a commodity, and therefore also of labour, is equal to<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" its cost of production. In proportion, therefore, as the repulsiveness<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the work increases, the wage decreases. Nay more, in proportion<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" as the use of machinery and division of labour increases, in the same proportion<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the burden of toil also increases, whether by prolongation of the working<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" hours, by the increase of the work exacted in a given time or by increased<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" speed of machinery, etc.  Modern Industry has converted the little workshop of the patriarchal<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" master into the great factory of the industrial capitalist. Masses of labourers,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" crowded into the factory, are organised like soldiers. As privates of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" industrial army they are placed under the command of a perfect hierarchy<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of officers and sergeants. Not only are they slaves of the bourgeois class,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and of the bourgeois State; they are daily and hourly enslaved by the machine,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" by the overlooker, and, above all, by the individual bourgeois manufacturer<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" himself. The more openly this despotism proclaims gain to be its end and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" aim, the more petty, the more hateful and the more embittering it is.  The less the skill and exertion of strength implied in manual<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" labour, in other words, the more modern industry becomes developed, the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" more is the labour of men superseded by that of women. Differences of age<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and sex have no longer any distinctive social validity for the working<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" class. All are instruments of labour, more or less expensive to use, according<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to their age and sex.  No sooner is the exploitation of the labourer by the manufacturer,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" so far, at an end, that he receives his wages in cash, than he is set upon<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" by the other portions of the bourgeoisie, the landlord, the shopkeeper,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the pawnbroker, etc.  The lower strata of the middle class — the small tradespeople,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" shopkeepers, and retired tradesmen generally, the handicraftsmen and peasants<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" — all these sink gradually into the proletariat, partly because their<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" diminutive capital does not suffice for the scale on which Modern Industry<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" is carried on, and is swamped in the competition with the large capitalists,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" partly because their specialised skill is rendered worthless by new methods<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of production. Thus the proletariat is recruited from all classes of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" population.  The proletariat goes through various stages of development. With<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" its birth begins its struggle with the bourgeoisie. At first the contest<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" is carried on by individual labourers, then by the workpeople of a factory,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" then by the operative of one trade, in one locality, against the individual<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bourgeois who directly exploits them. They direct their attacks not against<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the bourgeois conditions of production, but against the instruments of production<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" themselves; they destroy imported wares that compete with their labour,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" they smash to pieces machinery, they set factories ablaze, they seek to<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" restore by force the vanished status of the workman of the Middle Ages.  At this stage, the labourers still form an incoherent mass scattered<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" over the whole country, and broken up by their mutual competition. If anywhere<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" they unite to form more compact bodies, this is not yet the consequence<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of their own active union, but of the union of the bourgeoisie, which class,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in order to attain its own political ends, is compelled to set the whole<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" proletariat in motion, and is moreover yet, for a time, able to do so.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" At this stage, therefore, the proletarians do not fight their enemies,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" but the enemies of their enemies, the remnants of absolute monarchy, the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" landowners, the non-industrial bourgeois, the petty bourgeois. Thus, the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" whole historical movement is concentrated in the hands of the bourgeoisie;<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" every victory so obtained is a victory for the bourgeoisie.  But with the development of industry, the proletariat not only increases<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in number; it becomes concentrated in greater masses, its strength grows,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and it feels that strength more. The various interests and conditions of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" life within the ranks of the proletariat are more and more equalised, in<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" proportion as machinery obliterates all distinctions of labour, and nearly<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" everywhere reduces wages to the same low level. The growing competition<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" among the bourgeois, and the resulting commercial crises, make the wages<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the workers ever more fluctuating. The increasing improvement of machinery,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" ever more rapidly developing, makes their livelihood more and more precarious;<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the collisions between individual workmen and individual bourgeois take<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" more and more the character of collisions between two classes.  Here and there, the contest breaks out into riots.  Now and then the workers are victorious, but only for a time.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" The real fruit of their battles lies, not in the immediate result, but in<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the ever expanding union of the workers. This union is helped on by the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" improved means of communication that are created by modern industry, and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" that place the workers of different localities in contact with one another.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" It was just this contact that was needed to centralise the numerous local<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" struggles, all of the same character, into one national struggle between<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" classes. But every class struggle is a political struggle. And that union,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to attain which the burghers of the Middle Ages, with their miserable highways,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" required centuries, the modern proletarian, thanks to railways, achieve<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in a few years.  This organisation of the proletarians into a class, and, consequently<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" into a political party, is continually being upset again by the competition<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" between the workers themselves. But it ever rises up again, stronger, firmer,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" mightier. It compels legislative recognition of particular interests of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the workers, by taking advantage of the divisions among the bourgeoisie<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" itself. Thus, the ten-hours’ bill in England was carried.  Altogether collisions between the classes of the old society further,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in many ways, the course of development of the proletariat. The bourgeoisie<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" finds itself involved in a constant battle. At first with the aristocracy;<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" later on, with those portions of the bourgeoisie itself, whose interests<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" have become antagonistic to the progress of industry; at all time with<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the bourgeoisie of foreign countries. In all these battles, it sees itself<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" compelled to appeal to the proletariat, to ask for help, and thus, to drag<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" it into the political arena. The bourgeoisie itself, therefore, supplies<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the proletariat with its own elements of political and general education,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in other words, it furnishes the proletariat with weapons for fighting<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the bourgeoisie.  Further, as we have already seen, entire sections of the ruling class<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" are, by the advance of industry, precipitated into the proletariat, or<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" are at least threatened in their conditions of existence. These also supply<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the proletariat with fresh elements of enlightenment and progress.  Finally, in times when the class struggle nears the decisive hour, the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" progress of dissolution going on within the ruling class, in fact within<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the whole range of old society, assumes such a violent, glaring character,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" that a small section of the ruling class cuts itself adrift, and joins<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the revolutionary class, the class that holds the future in its hands.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Just as, therefore, at an earlier period, a section of the nobility went<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" over to the bourgeoisie, so now a portion of the bourgeoisie goes over<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to the proletariat, and in particular, a portion of the bourgeois ideologists,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" who have raised themselves to the level of comprehending theoretically<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the historical movement as a whole.  Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie today,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class. The other classes<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" decay and finally disappear in the face of Modern Industry; the proletariat<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" is its special and essential product.  The lower middle class, the small manufacturer, the shopkeeper, the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" artisan, the peasant, all these fight against the bourgeoisie, to save<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" from extinction their existence as fractions of the middle class. They<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" are therefore not revolutionary, but conservative. Nay more, they are<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" reactionary, for they try to roll back the wheel of history. If by chance,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" they are revolutionary, they are only so in view of their impending transfer<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" into the proletariat; they thus defend not their present, but their future<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" interests, they desert their own standpoint to place themselves at that<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the proletariat.  The “dangerous class”, <|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the social scum, that passively rotting mass<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" thrown off by the lowest layers of the old society, may, here and there,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" be swept into the movement by a proletarian revolution; its conditions<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of life, however, prepare it far more for the part of a bribed tool of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" reactionary intrigue.  In the condition of the proletariat, those of old society at large are<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" already virtually swamped. The proletarian is without property; his relation<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to his wife and children has no longer anything in common with the bourgeois<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" family relations; modern industry labour, modern subjection to capital,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the same in England as in France, in America as in Germany, has stripped<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" him of every trace of national character. Law, morality, religion, are<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to him so many bourgeois prejudices, behind which lurk in ambush just as<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" many bourgeois interests.  All the preceding classes that got the upper hand sought to fortify<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" their already acquired status by subjecting society at large to their conditions<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of appropriation. The proletarians cannot become masters of the productive<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" forces of society, except by abolishing their own previous mode of appropriation,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and thereby also every other previous mode of appropriation. They have<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" nothing of their own to secure and to fortify; their mission is to destroy<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" all previous securities for, and insurances of, individual property.  All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or in<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the interest of minorities. The proletarian movement is the self-conscious,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" independent movement of the immense majority, in the interest of the immense<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" majority. The proletariat, the lowest stratum of our present society, cannot<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" stir, cannot raise itself up, without the whole superincumbent strata of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" official society being sprung into the air.  Though not in substance, yet in form, the struggle of the proletariat<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" with the bourgeoisie is at first a national struggle. The proletariat of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" each country must, of course, first of all settle matters with its own<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bourgeoisie.  In depicting the most general phases of the development of the proletariat,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" we traced the more or less veiled civil war, raging within existing society,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" up to the point where that war breaks out into open revolution, and where<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie lays the foundation for the sway<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the proletariat.  Hitherto, every form of society has been based, as we have already seen,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" on the antagonism of oppressing and oppressed classes. But in order to<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" oppress a class, certain conditions must be assured to it under which it<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" can, at least, continue its slavish existence. The serf, in the period<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of serfdom, raised himself to membership in the commune, just as the petty<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bourgeois, under the yoke of the feudal absolutism, managed to develop<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" into a bourgeois. The modern labourer, on the contrary, instead of rising<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" with the process of industry, sinks deeper and deeper below the conditions<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of existence of his own class. He becomes a pauper, and pauperism develops<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" more rapidly than population and wealth. And here it becomes evident, that<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the bourgeoisie is unfit any longer to be the ruling class in society,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and to impose its conditions of existence upon society as an over-riding<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" law.  The essential conditions for the existence and for the sway of the bourgeois<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" class is the formation and augmentation of capital; the condition for capital<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" is wage-labour. Wage-labour rests exclusively on competition between the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" labourers. The advance of industry, whose involuntary promoter is the bourgeoisie,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" replaces the isolation of the labourers, due to competition, by the revolutionary<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" combination, due to association. The development of Modern Industry, therefore,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" cuts from under its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and appropriates products. What the bourgeoisie therefore produces, above<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" all, are its own grave-diggers. Its fall and the victory of the proletariat<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" are equally inevitable.  In what relation do the Communists stand to the proletarians as a whole?  The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to the other working-class parties.  They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole.  They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own, by which to<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" shape and mould the proletarian movement.  The Communists are distinguished from the other working-class parties<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" by this only:<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" 1. In the national struggles of the proletarians of the different<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" countries, they point out and bring to the front the common interests of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" 2. In the various stages of development which the struggle of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through, they always<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole.  The Communists, therefore, are on the one hand, practically, the most advanced<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and resolute section of the working-class parties of every country, that<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" section which pushes forward all others; on the other hand, theoretically,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" they have over the great mass of the proletariat the advantage of clearly<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" understanding the line of march, the conditions, and the ultimate general<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" results of the proletarian movement.  The immediate aim of the Communists is the same as that of all other<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" proletarian parties: formation of the proletariat into a class, overthrow<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the bourgeois supremacy, conquest of political power by the proletariat.  The theoretical conclusions of the Communists are in no way based on<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" ideas or principles that have been invented, or discovered, by this or<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" that would-be universal reformer.  They merely express, in general terms, actual relations springing from<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" an existing class struggle, from a historical movement going on under our<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" very eyes. The abolition of existing property relations is not at all a<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" distinctive feature of communism.  All property relations in the past have continually been subject to<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" historical change consequent upon the change in historical conditions.  The French Revolution, for example, abolished feudal property in favour<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of bourgeois property.  The distinguishing feature of Communism is not the abolition of property<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" generally, but the abolition of bourgeois property. But modern bourgeois<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" private property is the final and most complete expression of the system<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of producing and appropriating products, that is based on class antagonisms,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" on the exploitation of the many by the few.  In this sense, the theory of the Communists may be summed up in the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" single sentence: Abolition of private property.  We Communists have been reproached with the desire of abolishing the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" right of personally acquiring property as the fruit of a man’s own labour,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" which property is alleged to be the groundwork of all personal freedom,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" activity and independence.  Hard-won, self-acquired, self-earned property! Do you mean the property<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of petty artisan and of the small peasant, a form of property that preceded<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the bourgeois form? There is no need to abolish that; the development of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" industry has to a great extent already destroyed it, and is still destroying<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" it daily.  Or do you mean the modern bourgeois private property?  But does wage-labour create any property for the labourer? Not a<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bit. It creates capital, i.e., that kind of property which exploits <|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" wage-labour, and which cannot increase except upon condition of begetting a<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" new supply of wage-labour for fresh exploitation. Property, in its present<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" form, is based on the antagonism of capital and wage labour. Let us examine<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" both sides of this antagonism.  To be a capitalist, is to have not only a purely personal, but a social<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" status in production. Capital is a collective product, and only by the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" united action of many members, nay, in the last resort, only by the united<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" action of all members of society, can it be set in motion.  Capital is therefore not only personal; it is a social power.  When, therefore, capital is converted into common property, into<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the property of all members of society, personal property is not thereby<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" transformed into social property. It is only the social character of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" property that is changed. It loses its class character.  Let us now take wage-labour.  The average price of wage-labour is the minimum wage, i.e., that quantum<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the means of subsistence which is absolutely requisite to keep the labourer<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in bare existence as a labourer. What, therefore, the wage-labourer appropriates<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" by means of his labour, merely suffices to prolong and reproduce a bare existence.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" We by no means intend to abolish this personal appropriation of the products<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of labour, an appropriation that is made for the maintenance and reproduction<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of human life, and that leaves no surplus wherewith to command the labour<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of others. All that we want to do away with is the miserable character<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of this appropriation, under which the labourer lives merely to increase<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" capital, and is allowed to live only in so far as the interest of the ruling<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" class requires it.  In bourgeois society, living labour is but a means to increase accumulated<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" labour. In Communist society, accumulated labour is but a means to widen,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to enrich, to promote the existence of the labourer.  In bourgeois society, therefore, the past dominates the present; in<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Communist society, the present dominates the past. In bourgeois society<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" capital is independent and has individuality, while the living person is<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" dependent and has no individuality.  And the abolition of this state of things is called by the bourgeois,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" abolition of individuality and freedom! And rightly so. The abolition of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bourgeois individuality, bourgeois independence, and bourgeois freedom<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" is undoubtedly aimed at.  By freedom is meant, under the present bourgeois conditions of production,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" free trade, free selling and buying.  But if selling and buying disappears, free selling and buying disappears<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" also. This talk about free selling and buying, and all the other “brave<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" words” of our bourgeois about freedom in general, have a meaning, if any,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" only in contrast with restricted selling and buying, with the fettered<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" traders of the Middle Ages, but have no meaning when opposed to the Communistic<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" abolition of buying and selling, of the bourgeois conditions of production,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and of the bourgeoisie itself.  You are horrified at our intending to do away with private property.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" But in your existing society, private property is already done away with<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" for nine-tenths of the population; its existence for the few is solely<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" due to its non-existence in the hands of those nine-tenths. You reproach<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" us, therefore, with intending to do away with a form of property, the necessary<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" condition for whose existence is the non-existence of any property for<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the immense majority of society.  In one word, you reproach us with intending to do away with your property.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Precisely so; that is just what we intend.  From the moment when labour can no longer be converted into capital,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" money, or rent, into a social power capable of being monopolised, i.e.,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" from the moment when individual property can no longer be transformed into<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bourgeois property, into capital, from that moment, you say, individuality<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" vanishes.  You must, therefore, confess that by “individual” you mean no other<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" person than the bourgeois, than the middle-class owner of property. This<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" person must, indeed, be swept out of the way, and made impossible.  Communism deprives no man of the power to appropriate the products of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" society; all that it does is to deprive him of the power to subjugate the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" labour of others by means of such appropriations.  It has been objected that upon the abolition of private property, all<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" work will cease, and universal laziness will overtake us.  According to this, bourgeois society ought long ago to have gone to<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the dogs through sheer idleness; for those of its members who work, acquire nothing, <|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and those who acquire anything do not work. <|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" The whole of this objection is but another expression of the tautology:<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" that there can no longer be any wage-labour when there is no longer any capital.  All objections urged against the Communistic mode of producing and appropriating<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" material products, have, in the same way, been urged against the Communistic<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" mode of producing and appropriating intellectual products. Just as, to the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bourgeois, the disappearance of class property is the disappearance of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" production itself, so the disappearance of class culture is to him identical<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" with the disappearance of all culture.  That culture, the loss of which he laments, is, for the enormous majority,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" a mere training to act as a machine.  But don’t wrangle with us so long as you apply, to our intended abolition<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of bourgeois property, the standard of your bourgeois notions of freedom,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" culture, law, &c. Your very ideas are but the outgrowth of the conditions<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of your bourgeois production and bourgeois property, just as your jurisprudence<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" is but the will of your class made into a law for all, a will whose essential<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" character and direction are determined by the economical conditions of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" existence of your class.  The selfish misconception that induces you to transform into eternal<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" laws of nature and of reason, the social forms springing from your present<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" mode of production and form of property – historical relations that rise<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and disappear in the progress of production – this misconception you share<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" with every ruling class that has preceded you. What you see clearly in<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the case of ancient property, what you admit in the case of feudal property,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" you are of course forbidden to admit in the case of your own bourgeois<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" form of property.  Abolition of the family! Even the most radical flare up at this infamous<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" proposal of the Communists.  On what foundation is the present family, the bourgeois family, based?<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" On capital, on private gain. In its completely developed form, this family<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" exists only among the bourgeoisie. But this state of things finds its complement<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in the practical absence of the family among the proletarians, and in public<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" prostitution.  The bourgeois family will vanish as a matter of course when its complement<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" vanishes, and both will vanish with the vanishing of capital.  Do you charge us with wanting to stop the exploitation of children by<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" their parents? To this crime we plead guilty.  But, you say, we destroy the most hallowed of relations, when we replace<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" home education by social.  And your education! Is not that also social, and determined by the social<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" conditions under which you educate, by the intervention direct or indirect,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of society, by means of schools, &c.? The Communists have not invented<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the intervention of society in education; they do but seek to alter the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" character of that intervention, and to rescue education from the influence<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the ruling class.  The bourgeois clap-trap about the family and education, about the hallowed<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" co-relation of parents and child, becomes all the more disgusting, the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" more, by the action of Modern Industry, all the family ties among the proletarians<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" are torn asunder, and their children transformed into simple articles of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" commerce and instruments of labour.  But you Communists would introduce community of women, screams the bourgeoisie<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in chorus.  The bourgeois sees his wife as a mere instrument of production. He hears<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" that the instruments of production are to be exploited in common, and,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" naturally, can come to no other conclusion than that the lot of being common<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to all will likewise fall to the women.  He has not even a suspicion that the real point aimed at is to do away<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" with the status of women as mere instruments of production.  For the rest, nothing is more ridiculous than the virtuous indignation<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of our bourgeois at the community of women which, they pretend, is to be<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" openly and officially established by the Communists. The Communists have<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" no need to introduce community of women; it has existed almost from time immemorial.  Our bourgeois, not content with having wives and daughters of their<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" proletarians at their disposal, not to speak of common prostitutes, take<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the greatest pleasure in seducing each other’s wives.  Bourgeois marriage is, in reality, a system of wives in common<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and thus, at the most, what the Communists might possibly be reproached<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" with is that they desire to introduce, in substitution for a hypocritically<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" concealed, an openly legalised community of women. For the rest, it is<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" self-evident that the abolition of the present system of production must<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bring with it the abolition of the community of women springing from that system, i.e.,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of prostitution both public and private.  The Communists are further reproached with desiring to abolish countries<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and nationality.  The working men have no country. We cannot take from them what they<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" have not got. Since the proletariat must first of all acquire political<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" supremacy, must rise to be the leading class of the nation, must constitute<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" itself the nation, it is so far, itself national, though not in<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the bourgeois sense of the word.  National differences and antagonism between peoples are daily more and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" more vanishing, owing to the development of the bourgeoisie, to freedom<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of commerce, to the world market, to uniformity in the mode of production<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and in the conditions of life corresponding thereto.  The supremacy of the proletariat will cause them to vanish still faster.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" United action, of the leading civilised countries at least, is one of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" first conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat.  In proportion as the exploitation of one individual by another will<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" also be put an end to, the exploitation of one nation by another will also<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" be put an end to. In proportion as the antagonism between classes within<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the nation vanishes, the hostility of one nation to another will come to<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" an end.  The charges against Communism made from a religious, a philosophical<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and, generally, from an ideological standpoint, are not deserving of serious<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" examination.  Does it require deep intuition to comprehend that man’s ideas, views,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and conception, in one word, man’s consciousness, changes with every change<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in the conditions of his material existence, in his social relations and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in his social life?  What else does the history of ideas prove, than that intellectual<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" production changes its character in proportion as material production is<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" changed? The ruling ideas of each age have ever been the ideas of its ruling<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" class.  When people speak of the ideas that revolutionise society, they do but<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" express that fact that within the old society the elements of a new one<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" have been created, and that the dissolution of the old ideas keeps even<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" pace with the dissolution of the old conditions of existence.  When the ancient world was in its last throes, the ancient religions<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" were overcome by Christianity. When Christian ideas succumbed in the 18th<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" century to rationalist ideas, feudal society fought its death battle with<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the then revolutionary bourgeoisie. The ideas of religious liberty and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" freedom of conscience merely gave expression to the sway of free competition<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" within the domain of knowledge.  “Undoubtedly,” it will be said, “religious, moral, philosophical, and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" juridical ideas have been modified in the course of historical development.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" But religion, morality, philosophy, political science, and law, constantly<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" survived this change.”  “There are, besides, eternal truths, such as Freedom, Justice,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" etc., that are common to all states of society. But Communism abolishes<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" eternal truths, it abolishes all religion, and all morality, instead of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" constituting them on a new basis; it therefore acts in contradiction to<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" all past historical experience.”  What does this accusation reduce itself to? The history of all<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" past society has consisted in the development of class antagonisms, antagonisms<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" that assumed different forms at different epochs.  But whatever form they may have taken, one fact is common to all past<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" ages, viz., the exploitation of one part of society by the other. No wonder,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" then, that the social consciousness of past ages, despite all the multiplicity<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and variety it displays, moves within certain common forms, or general<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" ideas, which cannot completely vanish except with the total disappearance<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of class antagonisms.  The Communist revolution is the most radical rupture with traditional<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" property relations; no wonder that its development involved the most radical rupture<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" with traditional ideas.  But let us have done with the bourgeois objections to Communism.  We have seen above, that the first step in the revolution by the working<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" class is to raise the proletariat to the position of ruling class to win<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the battle of democracy.  The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degree,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralise all instruments of production<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in the hands of the State, i.e., of the proletariat organised as the ruling<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" class; and to increase the total productive forces as rapidly as possible.  Of course, in the beginning, this cannot be effected except by means<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of despotic inroads on the rights of property, and on the conditions of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bourgeois production; by means of measures, therefore, which appear economically<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" insufficient and untenable, but which, in the course of the movement, outstrip<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" themselves, necessitate further inroads upon the old social order, and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" are unavoidable as a means of entirely revolutionising the mode of production.  These measures will, of course, be different in different countries.  Nevertheless, in most advanced countries, the following will be pretty<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" generally applicable.  Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of land to public<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" purposes.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" 2. A heavy progressive or graduated income tax.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" 3. Abolition of all rights of inheritance.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" 4. Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" 5. Centralisation of credit in the hands of the state, by means of a national<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bank with State capital and an exclusive monopoly.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" 6. Centralisation of the means of communication and transport in the hands<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the State.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" 7. Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by the State;<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the bringing into cultivation of waste-lands, and the improvement of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" soil generally in accordance with a common plan.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" 8. Equal liability of all to work. Establishment of industrial armies, especially<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" for agriculture.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" 9. Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries; gradual abolition<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of all the distinction between town and country by a more equable distribution<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the populace over the country.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" 10.  Abolition of children’s<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" factory labour in its present form. Combination of education with industrial<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" production, &c, &c.  When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappeared,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and all production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast association<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the whole nation, the public power will lose its political character.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Political power, properly so called, is merely the organised power of one<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" class for oppressing another. If the proletariat during its contest with<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of circumstances, to organise<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" itself as a class, if, by means of a revolution, it makes itself the ruling<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" class, and, as such, sweeps away by force the old conditions of production,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" then it will, along with these conditions, have swept away the conditions<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" for the existence of class antagonisms and of classes generally, and will<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" thereby have abolished its own supremacy as a class.  In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class antagonisms,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" we shall have an association, in which the free development of each is the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" condition for the free development of all.  Owing to their historical position, it became the vocation of the <|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" aristocracies of France and England<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to write pamphlets against modern bourgeois society. In the French Revolution<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of July 1830, and in the English reform agitation, these aristocracies<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" again succumbed to the hateful upstart. Thenceforth, a serious political<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" struggle was altogether out of the question. A literary battle alone remained<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" possible. But even in the domain of literature the old cries of the restoration<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" period had become impossible.  In order to arouse sympathy, the aristocracy was obliged to lose<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" sight, apparently, of its own interests, and to formulate their indictment<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" against the bourgeoisie in the interest of the exploited working class<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" alone. Thus, the aristocracy took their revenge by singing lampoons on<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" their new masters and whispering in his ears sinister prophesies of coming<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" catastrophe.  In this way arose feudal Socialism: half lamentation, half lampoon;<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" half an echo of the past, half menace of the future; at times, by its bitter,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" witty and incisive criticism, striking the bourgeoisie to the very heart’s<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" core; but always ludicrous in its effect, through total incapacity to comprehend<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the march of modern history.  The aristocracy, in order to rally the people to them, waved the proletarian<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" alms-bag in front for a banner. But the people, so often as it joined them,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" saw on their hindquarters the old feudal coats of arms, and deserted with<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" loud and irreverent laughter.  One section of the French Legitimists and “Young England” exhibited<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" this spectacle.  In pointing out that their mode of exploitation was different<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to that of the bourgeoisie, the feudalists forget that they exploited under<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" circumstances and conditions that were quite different and that are now<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" antiquated. In showing that, under their rule, the modern proletariat never<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" existed, they forget that the modern bourgeoisie is the necessary offspring<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of their own form of society.  For the rest, so little do they conceal the reactionary character of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" their criticism that their chief accusation against the bourgeois amounts<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to this, that under the bourgeois régime a class is being developed which<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" is destined to cut up root and branch the old order of society.  What they upbraid the bourgeoisie with is not so much that it creates<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" a proletariat as that it creates a revolutionary proletariat.  In political practice, therefore, they join in<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" all coercive measures against the working class; and in ordinary life,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" despite their high-falutin phrases, they stoop to pick up the golden apples<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" dropped from the tree of industry, and to barter truth, love, and honour,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" for traffic in wool, beetroot-sugar, and potato spirits.  As the parson has ever gone hand in hand with the landlord, so<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" has Clerical Socialism with Feudal Socialism.  Nothing is easier than to give Christian asceticism a Socialist tinge.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Has not Christianity declaimed against private property, against marriage,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" against the State? Has it not preached in the place of these, charity and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" poverty, celibacy and mortification of the flesh, monastic life and Mother<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Church? Christian Socialism is but the holy water with which the priest<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" consecrates the heart-burnings of the aristocrat.  The feudal aristocracy was not the only class that<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" was ruined by the bourgeoisie, not the only class whose conditions of existence<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" pined and perished in the atmosphere of modern bourgeois society. The medieval<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" burgesses and the small peasant proprietors were the precursors of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" modern bourgeoisie. In those countries which are but little developed,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" industrially and commercially, these two classes still vegetate side by<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" side with the rising bourgeoisie.  In countries where modern civilisation has become fully developed, a<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" new class of petty bourgeois has been formed, fluctuating between proletariat<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and bourgeoisie, and ever renewing itself as a supplementary part of bourgeois<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" society. The individual members of this class, however, are being constantly<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" hurled down into the proletariat by the action of competition, and, as<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" modern industry develops, they even see the moment approaching when they<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" will completely disappear as an independent section of modern society,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to be replaced in manufactures, agriculture and commerce, by overlookers,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bailiffs and shopmen.  In countries like France, where the peasants constitute far more than<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" half of the population, it was natural that writers who sided with the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" proletariat against the bourgeoisie should use, in their criticism of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bourgeois régime, the standard of the peasant and petty bourgeois, and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" from the standpoint of these intermediate classes, should take up the cudgels<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" for the working class. Thus arose petty-bourgeois Socialism. Sismondi was<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the head of this school, not only in France but also in England.  This school of Socialism dissected with great acuteness the contradictions<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in the conditions of modern production. It laid bare the hypocritical apologies<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of economists. It proved, incontrovertibly, the disastrous effects of machinery<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and division of labour; the concentration of capital and land in a few hands;<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" overproduction and crises; it pointed out the inevitable ruin of the petty<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bourgeois and peasant, the misery of the proletariat, the anarchy in production,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the crying inequalities in the distribution of wealth, the industrial war<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of extermination between nations, the dissolution of old moral bonds, of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the old family relations, of the old nationalities.  In its positive aims, however, this form of Socialism aspires either<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to restoring the old means of production and of exchange, and with them<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the old property relations, and the old society, or to cramping the modern<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" means of production and of exchange within the framework of the old property<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" relations that have been, and were bound to be, exploded by those means.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" In either case, it is both reactionary and Utopian.  Its last words are: corporate guilds for manufacture; patriarchal relations<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in agriculture.  Ultimately, when stubborn historical facts had dispersed all intoxicating<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" effects of self-deception, this form of Socialism ended in a miserable<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" fit of the blues.  The Socialist and Communist literature of France,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" a literature that originated under the pressure of a bourgeoisie in power,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and that was the expressions of the struggle against this power, was introduced<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" into Germany at a time when the bourgeoisie, in that country, had just begun<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" its contest with feudal absolutism.  German philosophers, would-be philosophers, and beaux esprits (men of letters),<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" eagerly seized on this literature, only forgetting, that when<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" these writings immigrated from France into Germany, French social conditions<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" had not immigrated along with them. In contact with German social conditions,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" this French literature lost all its immediate practical significance and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" assumed a purely literary aspect. Thus, to the German philosophers of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Eighteenth Century, the demands of the first French Revolution were nothing<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" more than the demands of “Practical Reason” in general, and the utterance<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the will of the revolutionary French bourgeoisie signified, in their<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" eyes, the laws of pure Will, of Will as it was bound to be, of true human<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Will generally.  The work of the German literati consisted solely in bringing the new<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" French ideas into harmony with their ancient philosophical conscience,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" or rather, in annexing the French ideas without deserting their own philosophic<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" point of view.  This annexation took place in the same way in which a foreign language<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" is appropriated, namely, by translation.  It is well known how the monks wrote silly lives of Catholic Saints<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" over the manuscripts on which the classical works of ancient heathendom<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" had been written. The German literati reversed this process with the profane<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" French literature. They wrote their philosophical nonsense beneath the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" French original. For instance, beneath the French criticism of the economic<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" functions of money, they wrote “Alienation of Humanity”, and beneath the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" French criticism of the bourgeois state they wrote “Dethronement of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Category of the General”, and so forth.  The introduction of these philosophical phrases at the back of the French<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" historical criticisms, they dubbed “Philosophy of Action”, “True Socialism”,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" “German Science of Socialism”, “Philosophical Foundation of Socialism”,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and so on.  The French Socialist and Communist literature was thus completely emasculated.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" And, since it ceased in the hands of the German to express the struggle<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of one class with the other, he felt conscious of having overcome “French<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" one-sidedness” and of representing, not true requirements, but the requirements<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of Truth; not the interests of the proletariat, but the interests of Human<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Nature, of Man in general, who belongs to no class, has no reality, who<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" exists only in the misty realm of philosophical fantasy.  This German socialism, which took its schoolboy task so seriously and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" solemnly, and extolled its poor stock-in-trade in such a mountebank fashion,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" meanwhile gradually lost its pedantic innocence.  The fight of the Germans, and especially of the Prussian bourgeoisie,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" against feudal aristocracy and absolute monarchy, in other words, the liberal<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" movement, became more earnest.  By this, the long-wished for opportunity was offered to “True” Socialism<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of confronting the political movement with the Socialist demands, of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" hurling the traditional anathemas against liberalism, against representative<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" government, against bourgeois competition, bourgeois freedom of the press,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bourgeois legislation, bourgeois liberty and equality, and of preaching<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to the masses that they had nothing to gain, and everything to lose, by<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" this bourgeois movement. German Socialism forgot, in the nick of time,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" that the French criticism, whose silly echo it was, presupposed the existence<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of modern bourgeois society, with its corresponding economic conditions<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of existence, and the political constitution adapted thereto, the very<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" things those attainment was the object of the pending struggle in Germany.  To the absolute governments, with their following of parsons, professors,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" country squires, and officials, it served as a welcome scarecrow against<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the threatening bourgeoisie.  It was a sweet finish, after the bitter pills of flogging and bullets,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" with which these same governments, just at that time, dosed the German<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" working-class risings.  While this “True” Socialism thus served the government as a weapon for<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" fighting the German bourgeoisie, it, at the same time, directly represented<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" a reactionary interest, the interest of German Philistines. In Germany,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the petty-bourgeois class, a relic of the sixteenth century, and since<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" then constantly cropping up again under the various forms, is the real<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" social basis of the existing state of things.  To preserve this class is to preserve the existing state of things in<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Germany. The industrial and political supremacy of the bourgeoisie threatens<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" it with certain destruction — on the one hand, from the concentration<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of capital; on the other, from the rise of a revolutionary proletariat.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" “True” Socialism appeared to kill these two birds with one stone. It spread<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" like an epidemic.  The robe of speculative cobwebs, embroidered with flowers of rhetoric,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" steeped in the dew of sickly sentiment, this transcendental robe in which<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the German Socialists wrapped their sorry “eternal truths”, all skin and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bone, served to wonderfully increase the sale of their goods amongst such<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" a public.  And on its part German Socialism recognised, more and more, its<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" own calling as the bombastic representative of the petty-bourgeois Philistine.  It proclaimed the German nation to be the model<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" nation, and the German petty Philistine to be the typical man. To every<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" villainous meanness of this model man, it gave a hidden, higher, Socialistic<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" interpretation, the exact contrary of its real character. It went to the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" extreme length of directly opposing the “brutally destructive” tendency<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of Communism, and of proclaiming its supreme and impartial contempt of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" all class struggles. With very few exceptions, all the so-called Socialist<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and Communist publications that now (1847) circulate in Germany belong<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to the domain of this foul and enervating literature.  A part of the bourgeoisie is desirous of redressing<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" social grievances in order to secure the continued existence of bourgeois<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" society.  To this section belong economists, philanthropists, humanitarians, improvers<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the condition of the working class, organisers of charity, members of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" societies for the prevention of cruelty to animals, temperance fanatics,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" hole-and-corner reformers of every imaginable kind. This form of socialism<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" has, moreover, been worked out into complete systems.  We may cite Proudhon’s Philosophie de la Misère as an example of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" this form.  The Socialistic bourgeois want all the advantages of modern social conditions<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" without the struggles and dangers necessarily resulting therefrom. They<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" desire the existing state of society, minus its revolutionary and disintegrating<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" elements. They wish for a bourgeoisie without a proletariat. The bourgeoisie<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" naturally conceives the world in which it is supreme to be the best; and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bourgeois Socialism develops this comfortable conception into various more<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" or less complete systems. In requiring the proletariat to carry out such<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" a system, and thereby to march straightway into the social New Jerusalem,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" it but requires in reality, that the proletariat should remain within the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bounds of existing society, but should cast away all its hateful ideas<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" concerning the bourgeoisie.  A second, and more practical, but less systematic, form of this Socialism<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" sought to depreciate every revolutionary movement in the eyes of the working<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" class by showing that no mere political reform, but only a change in the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" material conditions of existence, in economical relations, could be of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" any advantage to them. By changes in the material conditions of existence,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" this form of Socialism, however, by no means understands abolition of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bourgeois relations of production, an abolition that can be affected only<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" by a revolution, but administrative reforms, based on the continued existence<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of these relations; reforms, therefore, that in no respect affect the relations<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" between capital and labour, but, at the best, lessen the cost, and simplify<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the administrative work, of bourgeois government.  Bourgeois Socialism attains adequate expression when, and only when,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" it becomes a mere figure of speech.  Free trade: for the benefit of the working class. Protective duties:<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" for the benefit of the working class. Prison Reform: for the benefit of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the working class. This is the last word and the only seriously meant word<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of bourgeois socialism.  It is summed up in the phrase: the bourgeois is a bourgeois — for the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" benefit of the working class.  We do not here refer to<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" that literature which, in every great modern revolution, has always given<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" voice to the demands of the proletariat, such as the writings of Babeuf and others.  The first direct attempts of the proletariat to attain its own ends,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" made in times of universal excitement, when feudal society was being overthrown,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" necessarily failed, owing to the then undeveloped state of the proletariat,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" as well as to the absence of the economic conditions for its emancipation,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" conditions that had yet to be produced, and could be produced by the impending<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bourgeois epoch alone. The revolutionary literature that accompanied these<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" first movements of the proletariat had necessarily a reactionary character.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" It inculcated universal asceticism and social levelling in its crudest<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" form.  The Socialist and Communist systems, properly<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" so called, those of Saint-Simon,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Fourier, Owen,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and others, spring into existence in the early undeveloped period, described<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" above, of the struggle between proletariat and bourgeoisie (see Section<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" 1. Bourgeois and Proletarians).  The founders of these systems see, indeed, the class antagonisms, as<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" well as the action of the decomposing elements in the prevailing form of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" society. But the proletariat, as yet in its infancy, offers to them the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" spectacle of a class without any historical initiative or any independent<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" political movement.  Since the development of class antagonism keeps even pace with the development<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of industry, the economic situation, as they find it, does not as yet offer<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to them the material conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" They therefore search after a new social science, after new social laws,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" that are to create these conditions.  Historical action is to yield to their personal inventive action; historically<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" created conditions of emancipation to fantastic ones; and the gradual,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" spontaneous class organisation of the proletariat to an organisation of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" society especially contrived by these inventors. Future history resolves<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" itself, in their eyes, into the propaganda and the practical carrying out<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of their social plans.  In the formation of their plans, they are conscious of caring chiefly<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" for the interests of the working class, as being the most suffering class.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Only from the point of view of being the most suffering class does the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" proletariat exist for them.  The undeveloped state of the class struggle, as well as their own surroundings,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" causes Socialists of this kind to consider themselves far superior to all<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" class antagonisms. They want to improve the condition of every member of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" society, even that of the most favoured. Hence, they habitually appeal to<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" society at large, without the distinction of class; nay, by preference,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to the ruling class. For how can people, when once they understand their<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" system, fail to see in it the best possible plan of the best possible state<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of society?  Hence, they reject all political, and especially all revolutionary<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" action; they wish to attain their ends by peaceful means, necessarily doomed<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to failure, and by the force of example, to pave the way for the new social<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Gospel.  Such fantastic pictures of future society, painted at a time when the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" proletariat is still in a very undeveloped state and has but a fantastic<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" conception of its own position, correspond with the first instinctive yearnings<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of that class for a general reconstruction of society.  But these Socialist and Communist publications contain also a critical<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" element. They attack every principle of existing society. Hence, they are<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" full of the most valuable materials for the enlightenment of the working<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" class. The practical measures proposed in them — such as the abolition<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the distinction between town and country, of the family, of the carrying<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" on of industries for the account of private individuals, and of the wage<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" system, the proclamation of social harmony, the conversion of the function<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the state into a mere superintendence of production — all these proposals<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" point solely to the disappearance of class antagonisms which were, at that<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" time, only just cropping up, and which, in these publications, are recognised<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in their earliest indistinct and undefined forms only. These proposals,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" therefore, are of a purely Utopian character.  The significance of Critical-Utopian Socialism<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and Communism bears an inverse relation to historical development. In proportion<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" as the modern class struggle develops and takes definite shape, this fantastic<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" standing apart from the contest, these fantastic attacks on it, lose all<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" practical value and all theoretical justification. Therefore, although<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the originators of these systems were, in many respects, revolutionary,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" their disciples have, in every case, formed mere reactionary sects. They<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" hold fast by the original views of their masters, in opposition to the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" progressive historical development of the proletariat. They, therefore,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" endeavour, and that consistently, to deaden the class struggle and to reconcile<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the class antagonisms.  By degrees, they sink into the category of the reactionary <|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" conservative Socialists depicted above, differing from these only by more<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" systematic pedantry, and by their fanatical and superstitious belief in<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the miraculous effects of their social science.  They, therefore, violently oppose all political action on the part of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the working class; such action, according to them, can only result from<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" blind unbelief in the new Gospel.  The Owenites in England, and the Fourierists in France, respectively,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" oppose the Chartists and the Réformistes.  Section II has made clear the relations of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Communists to the existing working-class parties, such as the Chartists<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in England and the Agrarian Reformers in America.  The Communists fight for the attainment of the immediate aims, <|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" for the enforcement of the momentary interests of the working<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" class; but in the movement of the present, they also represent and take<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" care of the future of that movement. In France, the Communists ally with<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the Social-Democrats against the conservative and radical bourgeoisie, reserving, however, the right to take up a critical<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" position in regard to phases and illusions traditionally handed down from<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the great Revolution.  In Switzerland, they support the Radicals, without losing sight of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" fact that this party consists of antagonistic elements, partly of Democratic<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Socialists, in the French sense, partly of radical bourgeois.  In Poland, they support the party that insists on an agrarian revolution<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" as the prime condition for national emancipation, that party which fomented<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the insurrection of Cracow in 1846.  In Germany, they fight with the bourgeoisie whenever it acts in a revolutionary<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" way, against the absolute monarchy, the feudal squirearchy, and the petty bourgeoisie.  But they never cease, for a single instant, to instill into the working<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" class the clearest possible recognition of the hostile antagonism between<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bourgeoisie and proletariat, in order that the German workers may straightway<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" use, as so many weapons against the bourgeoisie, the social and political<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" conditions that the bourgeoisie must necessarily introduce along with its<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" supremacy, and in order that, after the fall of the reactionary classes<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in Germany, the fight against the bourgeoisie itself may immediately begin.  The Communists turn their attention chiefly to Germany, because that<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" country is on the eve of a bourgeois revolution that is bound to be carried<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" out under more advanced conditions of European civilisation and with a<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" much more developed proletariat than that of England was in the seventeenth,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and France in the eighteenth century, and because the bourgeois revolution<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in Germany will be but the prelude to an immediately following proletarian<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" revolution.  In short, the Communists everywhere support every revolutionary movement<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" against the existing social and political order of things.  In all these movements, they bring to the front, as the leading question<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in each, the property question, no matter what its degree of development<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" at the time.  Finally, they labour everywhere for the union and agreement of the democratic<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" parties of all countries.  The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Communistic revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" They have a world to win.  In the Inaugural Address of the International Working Men’s Association, of November 1864, we said:  “If the emancipation of the working classes requires their fraternal concurrence, how are they to fulfill that great mission with a foreign policy in pursuit of criminal designs, playing upon national prejudices, and squandering in piratical wars the people’s blood and treasure?”  We defined the foreign policy aimed at by the International in these words:  “Vindicate the simple laws of morals and justice, which ought to govern the relations of private individuals, as the laws paramount of the intercourse of nations.”  No wonder that Louis Bonaparte, who usurped power by exploiting the war of classes in France, and perpetuated it by periodical wars abroad, should, from the first, have treated the International as a dangerous foe. On the eve of the plebiscite he ordered a raid on the members of the Administrative Committee of the International Working Men’s Association throughout France, at Paris, Lyons, Rouen, Marseilles, Brest, etc., on the pretext that the International was a secret society dabbling in a complot for his assassination, a pretext soon after exposed in its full absurdity by his own judges. What was the real crime of the French branches of the International? They told the French people publicly and emphatically that voting the plebiscite was voting despotism at home and war abroad. It has been, in fact, their work that in all the great towns, in all the industrial centres of France, the working class rose like one man to reject the plebiscite.  The stock exchanges, the cabinets, the ruling classes, and the press of Europe celebrated the plebiscite as a signal victory of the French emperor over the French working class; and it was the signal for the assassination, not of an individual, but of nations.  The war plot of Julyis but an amended edition of the coup d’etat of December 1851. At first view, the thing seemed so absurd that France would not believe in its real good earnest. It rather believed the deputy denouncing the ministerial war talk as a mere stock-jobbing trick. When, on July 15, war was at last officially announced to the Corps Legislatif, the whole Opposition refused to vote the preliminary subsidies – even Thiers branded it as “detestable”; all the independent journals of Paris condemned it, and, wonderful to relate, the provincial press joined in almost unanimously.  Meanwhile, the Paris members of the International had again set to work. In the Reveil of July 12, they published their manifesto “to the Workmen of all Nations,” from which we extract the following few passages:  “Once more,” they say, “on the pretext of European equilibrium, of national honor, the peace of the world is menaced by political ambitions. French, German, Spanish workmen! Let our voices unite in one cry of reprobation against war!    “War for a question of preponderance or a dynasty can, in the eyes of workmen, be nothing but a criminal absurdity. In answer to the warlike proclamations of those who exempt themselves from the blood tax, and find in public misfortunes a source of fresh speculations, we protest, we who want peace, labor, and liberty!    “Brothers in Germany! Our division would only result in the complete triumph of the despotism on both sides of the Rhine.  “Workmen of all countries! Whatever may for the present become of our common efforts, we, the members of the International Working Men’s Association, who know of no frontiers, we send you, as a pledge of indissoluble solidarity, the good wishes and the salutations of the workmen of France.”  This manifesto of our Paris section was followed by numerous similar French addresses, of which we can here only quote the declaration of Neuilly-sur-Seine, published in the Marseillaise of July 22:  “The war, is it just? No! The war, is it national? No! It is merely dynastic. In the name of humanity, or democracy, and the true interests of France, we adhere completely and energetically to the protestation of the International against the war.”  These protestations expressed the true sentiments of the French working people, as was soon shown by a curious incident. The Band of the h of December, first organized under the presidency of Louis Bonaparte, having been masqueraded into blouses and let loose on the streets of Paris, there to perform the contortions of war fever, the real workmen of the Faubourgs came forward with public peace demonstrations so overwhelming that Pietri, the Prefect of Police, thought it prudent to stop at once all further street politics, on the plea that the real Paris people had given sufficient vent to their pent-up patriotism and exuberant war enthusiasm.  Whatever may be the incidents of Louis Bonaparte’s war with Prussia, the death-knell of the Second Empire has already sounded at Paris. It will end, as it began, by a parody. But let us not forget that it is the governments and the ruling classes of Europe who enabled Louis Bonaparte to play during 18 years the ferocious farce of the Restored Empire.  On the German side, the war is a war of defence; but who put Germany to the necessity of defending herself? Who enabled Louis Bonaparte to wage war upon her? Prussia! It was Bismarck who conspired with that very same Louis Bonaparte for the purpose of crushing popular opposition at home, and annexing Germany to the Hohenzollern dynasty. If the battle of Sadowa had been lost instead of being won, French battalions would have overrun Germany as the allies of Prussia. After her victory, did Prussia dream one moment of opposing a free Germany to an enslaved France? Just the contrary. While carefully preserving all the native beauties of her old system, she super-added all the tricks of the Second Empire, its real despotism, and its mock democratism, its political shams and its financial jobs, its high-flown talk and its low legerdemains. The Bonapartist regime, which till then only flourished on one side of the Rhine, had now got its counterfeit on the other.  If the German working class allows the present war to lose its strictly defensive character and to degenerate into a war against the French people, victory of defeat will prove alike disastrous. All the miseries that befell Germany after her wars of independence will revive with accumulated intensity.  The principles of the International are, however, too widely spread and too firmly rooted amongst the German working class to apprehend such a sad consummation. The voices of the French workmen had re-echoed from Germany. A mass meeting of workmen, held at Brunswick on July 16, expressed its full concurrence with the Paris manifesto, spurned the idea of national antagonism to France, and wound up its resolutions with these words:  “We are the enemies of all wars, but above all of dynastic wars.. With deep sorrow and grief we are forced to undergo a defensive war as an unavoidable evil; but we call, at the same time, upon the whole German working class to render the recurrence of such an immense social misfortune impossible by vindicating for the peoples themselves the power to decide on peace and war, and making them masters of their own destinies.”  At Chemnitz, a meeting of delegates, representing 50,000 Saxon workmen, adopted unanimously a resolution to this effect:  “In the name of German Democracy, and especially of the workmen forming the Democratic Socialist Party, we declare the present war to be exclusively dynastic. We are happy to grasp the fraternal hand stretched out to us by the workmen of France. Mindful of the watchword of the International Working Men’s Association: Proletarians of all countries, unite, we shall never forget that the workmen of all countries are our friends and the despots of all countries our enemies.”  The Berlin branch of the International has also replied to the Paris manifesto:  “We,” they say, “join with heart and hand your protestation. Solemnly, we promise that neither the sound of the trumpets, nor the roar of the cannon, neither victory nor defeat, shall divert us from our common work for the union of the children of toil of all countries.”  Be it so!  In the background of this suicidal strike looms the dark figure of Russia. It is an ominous sign that the signal for the present war should have been given at the moment when the Moscovite government had just finished its strategic lines of railway and was already massing troops in the direction of the Prut. Whatever sympathy the Germans may justly claim in a war of defense against Bonapartist aggression, they would forfeit at once by allowing the Prussian government to call for, or accept the help of, the Cossack. Let them remember that after their war of independence against the first Napoleon, Germany lay for generations prostrate at the feet of the tsar.  The English working class stretch the hand of fellowship to the French and German working people. They feel deeply convinced that whatever turn the impending horrid war may take, the alliance of the working classes of all countries will ultimately kill war. The very fact that while official France and Germany are rushing into a fratricidal feud, the workmen of France and Germany send each other messages of peace and goodwill; this great fact, unparalleled in the history of the past, opens the vista of a brighter future. It proves that in contrast to old society, with its economical miseries and its political delirium, a new society is springing up, whose International rule will be Peace, because its national ruler will be everywhere the same – Labour! The pioneer of that new society is the International Working Men’s Association.  In our first manifesto of the 23rd of July, we said:  “The death-knell of the Second Empire has already sounded at Paris. It will end, as it began, by a parody. But let us not forget that it is the governments and the ruling classes of Europe who enabled Louis Bonaparte to play during 18 years the ferocious farce of the Restored Empire.”  Thus, even before war operations had actually set in, we treated the Bonapartist bubble as a thing of the past.  If we were not mistaken as to the vitality of the Second Empire, we were not wrong in our apprehension lest the German war should “lose its strictly defensive character and degenerate into a war against the French people.” The war of defense ended, in point of fact, with the surrender of Louis Bonaparte, the Sedan capitulation, and the proclamation of the republic at Paris. But long before these events, the very moment that the utter rottenness of the imperialist arms became evident, the Prussian military camarilla had resolved upon conquest. There lay an ugly obstacle in their way – King William’s own proclamations at the commencement of the war.  In a speech from the throne to the North German Diet, he had solemnly declared to make war upon the emperor of the French and not upon the French nation, where he said:  “The Emperor Napoleon having made by land and sea an attack on the German nation, which desired and still desires to live in peace with the French people, I have assumed the command of the German armies to repel his aggression, and I have been led by military events to cross the frontiers of France.”  Not content to assert the defensive character of the war by the statement that he only assumed the command of the German armies “to repel aggression"", he added that he was only “led by military events” to cross the frontiers of France. A defensive war does, of course, not exclude offensive operations, dictated by military events.  Thus, the pious king stood pledged before France and the world to a strictly defensive war. How to release him from his solemn pledge? The stage managers had to exhibit him as reluctantly yielding to the irresistible behest of the German nation. They at once gave the cue to the liberal German middle class, with its professors, its capitalists, its aldermen, and its penmen. That middle class, which, in its struggles for civil liberty, had, from 1846 to 1870, been exhibiting an unexampled spectacle of irresolution, incapacity and cowardice, felt, of course, highly delighted to bestride the European scene as the roaring lion of German patriotism. It re-vindicated its civic independence by affecting to force upon the Prussian government the secret designs of that same government. It does penance for its long-continued, and almost religious, faith in Louis Bonaparte’s infallibility, but shouting for the dismemberment of the French republic.  They dare not pretend that the people of Alsace and Lorraine pant for the German embrace; quite the contrary. To punish their French patriotism, Strasbourg, a town with an independent citadel commanding it, has for six days been wantonly and fiendishly bombarded by “German” explosive shells, setting it on fire, and killing great numbers of its defenceless inhabitants! Yet, the soil of those provinces once upon a time belonged to the whilom German empire. Hence, it seems, the soil and the human beings grown on it must be confiscated as imprescriptible German property. If the map of Europe is to be re-made in the antiquary’s vein, let us by no means forget that the Elector of Brandenburg, for his Prussian dominions, was the vassal of the Polish republic.  The more knowing patriots, however, require Alsace and the German-speaking Lorraine as a “material guarantee” against French aggression. As this contemptible plea has bewildered many weak-minded people, we are bound to enter more fully upon it.  There is no doubt that the general configuration of Alsace, as compared with the opposite bank of the Rhine, and the presence of a large fortified town like Strasbourg, about halfway between Basle and Germersheim, very much favour a French invasion of South Germany, while they offer peculiar difficulties to an invasion of France from South Germany. There is, further, no doubt that the addition of Alsace and German-speaking Lorraine would give South Germany a much stronger frontier, inasmuch as she would then be the master of the crest of the Vosges mountains in its whole length, and of the fortresses which cover its northern passes. If Metz were annexed as well, France would certainly for the moment be deprived of her two principal bases of operation against Germany, but that would not prevent her from concentrating a fresh one at Nancy or Verdun. While Germany owns Coblenz, Mayence [i.e.  From 1792 to South Germany was never invaded from that direction, because Prussia was a party to the war against the French Revolution; but as soon as Prussia made a peace of her own in 1795, and left the South to shift for itself, the invasions of South Germany with Strasbourg as a base began and continued till The fact is, a united Germany can always render Strasbourg and any French army in Alsace innocuous by concentrating all her troops, as was done in the present war, between Saarlouis and Landau, and advancing, or accepting battle, on the line of road between Mayence and Metz.  If the present campaign has proved anything, it is the facility of invading France from Germany.  But, in good faith, is it not altogether an absurdity and an anachronism to make military considerations the principle by which the boundaries of nations are to be fixed? If this rule were to prevail, Austria would still be entitled to Venetia and the line of the Minicio, and France to the line of the Rhine, in order to protect Paris, which lies certainly more open to an attack from the northeast than Berlin does from the southwest. If limits are to be fixed by military interests, there will be no end to claims, because every military line is necessarily faulty, and may be improved by annexing some more outlying territory; and, moreover, they can never be fixed finally and fairly, because they always must be imposed by the conqueror upon the conquered, and consequently carry within them the seed of fresh wars.  Such is the lesson of all history.  Thus with nations as with individuals. To deprive them of the power of offence, you must deprive them of the means of defence. You must not only garrote, but murder. If every conqueror took “material guarantees"" for breaking the sinews of a nation, the first Napoleon did so by the Tilsit Treaty, and the way he executed it against Prussia and the rest of Germany. Yet, a few years later, his gigantic power split like a rotten reed upon the German people. What are the “material guarantees” Prussia, in her wildest dreams, can or dare imposes upon France, compared to the “material guarantees” the first Napoleon had wrenched from herself? The result will not prove the less disastrous. History will measure its retribution, not by the intensity of the square miles conquered from France, but by the intensity of the crime of reviving, in the second half of the 19th century, the policy of conquest!  But, say the mouthpieces of Teutonic patriotism, you must not confound Germans with Frenchmen. What we want is not glory, but safety. The Germans are an essentially peaceful people. In their sober guardianship, conquest itself changes from a condition of future war into a pledge of perpetual peace. Of course, it is not Germans that invaded France in 1792, for the sublime purpose of bayonetting the revolution of the 18th century. It is not Germans that befouled their hands by the subjugation of Italy, the oppressions of Hungary, and the dismemberment of Poland.  Indignant as they pretend to be at the sight of French fortresses in Metz and Strasbourg, those German patriots see no harm in the vast system of Moscovite fortifications at Warsaw, Modlin, and Ivangorod . While gloating at the terrors of imperialist invasion, they blink at the infamy of autocratic tutelage.  As in 1865, promises were exchanged between Gorchakov and Bismarck. As Louis Bonaparte flattered himself that the War of 1866, resulting in the common exhaustion of Austria and Prussia, would make him the supreme arbiter of Germany, so Alexander flattered himself that the War of resulting in the common exhaustion of Germany and France, would make him the supreme arbiter of the Western continent. As the Second Empire thought the North German Confederation incompatible with its existence, so autocratic Russia must think herself endangered by a German empire under Prussian leadership. Such is the law of the old political system. Within its pale the gain of one state is the loss of the other. The tsar’s paramount influence over Europe roots in his traditional hold on Germany.  Do the Teuton patriots really believe that liberty and peace will be guaranteed to Germany by forcing France into the arms of Russia? If the fortune of her arms, the arrogance of success, and dynastic intrigue lead Germany to a dismemberment of French territory, there will then only remain two courses open to her. She must at all risks become the avowed tool of Russian aggrandizement, or, after some short respite, make again ready for another “defensive” war, not one of those new-fangled “localized” wars, but a war of races – a war with the Slavonic and Roman races.  The German working class have resolutely supported the war, which it was not in their power to prevent, as a war for German independence and the liberation of France and Europe from that pestilential incubus, the Second Empire. It was the German workmen who, together with the rural laborers, furnished the sinews and muscles of heroic hosts, leaving behind their half-starved families. Decimated by the battles abroad, they will be once more decimated by misery at home. In their turn, they are now coming forward to ask for “guarantees” – guarantees that their immense sacrifices have not been bought in vain, that they have conquered liberty, that the victory over the imperialist armies will not, as in 1815, be turned into the defeat of the German people; and, as the first of these guarantees, they claim an honorable peace for France, and the recognition of the French republic.  The Central Committee of the German Social-Democratic Workmen’s Party issued, on September 5, a manifesto, energetically insisting upon these guarantees.  “We,” they say, “protest against the annexation of Alsace and Lorraine. And we are conscious of speaking in the name of the German working class. In the common interest of France and Germany, in the interest of western civilization against eastern barbarism, the German workmen will not patiently tolerate the annexation of Alsace and Lorraine. We shall faithfully stand by our fellow workmen in all countries for the common international cause of the proletariat!”  Unfortunately, we cannot feel sanguine of their immediate success. If the French workmen amidst peace failed to stop the aggressor, are the German workmen more likely to stop the victor amidst the clamour of arms? The German workmen’s manifesto demands the extradition of Louis Bonaparte as a common felon to the French republic. Their rulers are, on the contrary, already trying hard to restore him to the Tuileries as the best man to ruin France. However that may be, history will prove that the German working class are not made of the same malleable stuff as the German middle class. They will do their duty.  Like them, we hail the advent of the republic in France, but at the same time we labor under misgivings which we hope will prove groundless. That republic has not subverted the throne, but only taken its place, become vacant. It has been proclaimed, not as a social conquest, but as a national measure of defence. It is in the hands of a Provisional Government composed partly of notorious Orleanists, partly of middle class republicans, upon some of whom the insurrection of June has left its indelible stigma. The division of labor amongst the members of that government looks awkward. The Orleanists have seized the strongholds of the army and the police, while to the professed republicans have fallen the talking departments. Some of their acts go far to show that they have inherited from the empire, not only ruins, but also its dread of the working class.  The French working class moves, therefore, under circumstances of extreme difficulty. Any attempt at upsetting the new government in the present crisis, when the enemy is almost knocking at the doors of Paris, would be a desperate folly. The French workmen must perform their duties as citizens; but, at the same time, they must not allow themselves to be swayed by the national souvenirs of 1792, as the French peasant allowed themselves to be deluded by the national souvenirs of the First Empire. They have not to recapitulate the past, but to build up the future. Let them calmly and resolutely improve the opportunities of republican liberty, for the work of their own class organization. It will gift them with fresh herculean powers for the regeneration of France, and our common task – the emancipation of labor. Upon their energies and wisdom hinges the fate of the republic.  The English workmen have already taken measures to overcome, by a wholesome pressure from without, the reluctance of their government to recognize the French republic. The present dilatoriness of the British government is probably intended to atone for the Anti-Jacobin war and the former indecent haste in sanctioning the coup d’etat. The English workmen call also upon their government to oppose by all its power the dismemberment of France, which a part of the English press is shameless enough to howl for. It is the same press that for 20 years deified Louis Bonaparte as the providence of Europe, that frantically cheered on the slaveholders’ rebellion. Now, as then, it drudges for the slaveholder.  Let the sections of the International Working Men’s Association in every country stir the working classes to action. If they forsake their duty, if they remain passive, the present tremendous war will be but the harbinger of still deadlier international feuds, and lead in every nation to a renewed triumph over the workman by the lords of the sword, of the soil, and of capital.  Vive la Republique!  In September 4, 1870, when the working men of Paris proclaimed the republic, which was almost instantaneously acclaimed throughout France, without a single voice of dissent, a cabal of place-hunting barristers, with Thiers for their statesman, and Trochu for their general, took hold of the Hotel de Ville. At that time they were imbued with so fanatical a faith in the mission of Paris to represent France in all epochs of historical crisis that, to legitimate their usurped titles as governors of France, they thought it quite sufficient to produce their lapsed mandates as representatives of Paris.  In our second address on the late war, five days after the rise of these men, we told you who they were. Yet, in the turmoil of surprise, with the real leaders of the working class still shut up in Bonapartist prisons and the Prussians already marching on Paris, Paris bore with their assumption of power, on the express condition that it was to be wielded for the single purpose of national defence. Paris, however, was not to be defended without arming its working class, organizing them into an effective force, and training their ranks by the war itself. But Paris armed was the revolution armed. A victory of Paris over the Prussian aggressor would have been a victory of the French workmen over the French capitalist and his state parasites. In this conflict between national duty and class interest, the Government of National Defence did not hesitate one moment to turn into a Government of National Defection.  The first step they took was to send Thiers on a roving tour to all the courts of Europe, there to beg mediation by offering the barter of the republic for a king. Four months after the commencement of the siege , when they thought the opportune moment came for breaking the first word of capitulation, Trochu, in the presence of Jules Favre, and others of his colleagues, addressed the assembled mayors of Paris in these terms:  “The first question put to me by my colleagues on the very evening of the 4th of September was this: Paris, can it, with any chance of success, stand a siege by the Prussian army? I did not hesitate to answer in the negative. Some of my colleagues here present will warrant the truth of my words and the persistence of my opinion. I told them, in these very terms, that, under the existing state of things, the attempt of Paris to hold out a siege by the Prussian army would be a folly. Without doubt, I added, it would be an heroic folly; but that would be all. The events have not given the lie to my prevision.”  This nice little speech of Trochu was afterwards published by M. Carbon, one of the mayors present.  Thus, on the very evening of the proclamation of the republic, Trochu’s “plan” was known to his colleagues to be the capitulation of Paris. If national defence has been more than a pretext for the personal government of Thiers, Favre, and Co., the upstarts of September would have abdicated on the 5th – would have initiated the Paris people into Trochu’s “plan,” and called upon them to surrender at once, or to take their own fate into their own hands. Instead of this, the infamous impostors resolved upon curing the heroic folly of Paris by a regimen of famine and broken heads, and to dupe her in the meanwhile by ranting manifestos, holding forth that Trochu, “the governor of Paris, will never capitulate"", and Jules Favre, the foreign minister, will “not cede an inch of our territory, nor a stone of our fortresses.”  In a letter to Gambetta, the very same Jules Favre avows that what they were “defending” against were not the Prussian soldiers, but the working men of Paris. During the whole continuance of the siege, the Bonapartist cut-throats, whom Trochu had wisely entrusted with the command of the Paris army, exchanged, in their intimate correspondence, ribald jokes at the well-understood mockery of defence. (See, for instance, the correspondence of Alphonse Simon Guiod, supreme commander of the artillery of the Army of Defence of Paris and Grand Cross of the Legion of Honor, to Suzanne, general of division of artillery, a correspondence published by the Journal officiel of the Commune.) The mask of the true heroism was at last dropped on January 1871.  After the events of March 18 on their wild flight to Versailles, the capitulards left in the hands of Paris the documentary evidence of their treason, to destroy which, as the Commune says in its manifesto to the provinces, “those men would not recoil from battering Paris into a heap of ruins washed by a sea of blood.  To be eagerly bent upon such a consummation, some of the leading members of the Government of Defence had, besides, most peculiar reasons of their own.  Shortly after the conclusion of the armistice, M. Milliere, one of the representatives of Paris to the National Assembly, now shot by express orders of Jules Favre, published a series of authentic legal documents in proof that Jules Favre, living in concubinage with the wife of a drunken resident at Algiers, had, by a most daring concoction of forgeries, spread over many years, contrived to grasp, in the name of the children of his adultery, a large succession, which made him a rich man, and that, in a lawsuit undertaken by the legitimate heirs, he only escaped exposure by the connivance of the Bonapartist tribunals. As these dry legal documents were not to be got rid of by any amount of rhetorical horse-power, Jules Favre, for the first time in his life, held his tongue, quietly awaiting the outbreak of the civil war, in order, then, frantically to denounce the people of Paris as a band of escaped convicts in utter revolt against family, religion, order, and property.  Ernest Picard, the Joe Miller of the Government of National Defence, who appointed himself Finance Minister of the republic after having in vain striven to become home minister of the empire, is the brother of one Arthur Picard, an individual expelled from the Paris Bourse as a blackleg (see report of the Prefecture of Police, dated July 13, 1867), and convicted, on his own confession, of theft of 300,000 francs, while manager of one of the branches of the Societe Generale, Rue Palestro, No.5 (see report of the Prefecture of Police, dated December 11, 1868). This Arthur Picard was made by Ernest Picard the editor of his paper, l’Electeur Libre. While the common run of stockjobbers were led astray by the official lies of this finance office paper, Arthur was running backwards and forwards between the finance office and the Bourse, there to discount the disasters of the French army.  Jules Ferry, a penniless barrister before September 4, contrived, as mayor of Paris during the siege, to job a fortune out of famine. The day on which he would have to give an account of his maladministration would be the day of his conviction.  These men, then, could find in the ruins of Paris only their tickets-of-leave; they were the very men Bismarck wanted. With the help of some shuffling of cards, Thiers, hitherto the secret prompter of the government, now appeared at its head, with the tickets-of-leave men for his ministers.  Theirs, that monstrous gnome, has charmed the French bourgeoisie for almost half a century, because he is the most consummate intellectual expression of their own class corruption. Before he became a statesman, he had already proved his lying powers as an historian. The chronicle of his public life is the record of the misfortunes of France. Banded, before 1830, with the republicans, he slipped into office under Louis Philippe by betraying his protector Lafitte, ingratiating himself with the king by exciting mob riots against the clergy, during which the church of Saint Germain l’Auxerrois and the Archbishop’s palace were plundered, and by acting the minister-spy upon, and the jail-accoucheur of the Duchess de Berry. The massacre of the republicans in the Rue Transnonian, and the subsequent infamous laws of September against the press and the right of association, were his work.  “What! To fancy that any works of fortification could ever endanger liberty! And first of all you calumniate any possible government in supposing that it could some day attempt to maintain itself by bombarding the capital; but that the government would be a hundred times more impossible after its victory than before.”  Indeed, no government would ever have dared to bombard Paris from the forts, save that government which had previously surrendered these forts to the Prussians.  When King Bomba tried his hand at Palermo"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" liberation of the proletariat.  The proletariat is that class in society which lives<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" entirely from the sale of its labor and does not draw profit from any kind<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of capital; whose weal and woe, whose life and death,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" whose sole existence depends on the demand for labor – hence, on the changing<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" state of business, on the vagaries of unbridled competition. The proletariat,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" or the class of proletarians, is, in a word, the working class of the 19th<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" century.  No. There have always been poor and working classes;<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and the working class have mostly been poor. But there have not always<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" been workers and poor people living under conditions as they are today;<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in other words, there have not always been proletarians, any more than<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" there has always been free unbridled competitions.  The Proletariat originated in the industrial revolution,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" which took place in England in the last half of the last (18th) century,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and which has since then been repeated in all the civilized countries of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the world.  This industrial revolution was precipitated by the discovery of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the steam engine, various spinning machines, the mechanical loom, and a<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" whole series of other mechanical devices. These machines, which were very<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" expensive and hence could be bought only by big capitalists, altered the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" whole mode of production and displaced the former workers, because the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" machines turned out cheaper and better commodities than the workers could<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" produce with their inefficient spinning wheels and handlooms. The machines<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" delivered industry wholly into the hands of the big capitalists and rendered<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" entirely worthless the meagre property of the workers (tools, looms, etc.).<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" The result was that the capitalists soon had everything in their hands<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and nothing remained to the workers. This marked the introduction of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" factory system into the textile industry.  Once the impulse to the introduction of machinery and the factory<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" system had been given, this system spread quickly to all other branches<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of industry, especially cloth- and book-printing, pottery, and the metal<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" industries.  Labor was more and more divided among the individual workers so<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" that the worker who previously had done a complete piece of work now did<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" only a part of that piece. This division of labor made it possible to produce<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" things faster and cheaper. It reduced the activity of the individual worker<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to simple, endlessly repeated mechanical motions which could be performed<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" not only as well but much better by a machine. In this way, all these industries<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" fell, one after another, under the dominance of steam, machinery, and the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" factory system, just as spinning and weaving had already done.  But at the same time, they also fell into the hands of big capitalists,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and their workers were deprived of whatever independence remained to them.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Gradually, not only genuine manufacture but also handicrafts came within<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the province of the factory system as big capitalists increasingly displaced<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the small master craftsmen by setting up huge workshops, which saved many<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" expenses and permitted an elaborate division of labor.  This is how it has come about that in civilized countries at the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" present time nearly all kinds of labor are performed in factories – and,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in nearly all branches of work, handicrafts and manufacture have been superseded.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" This process has, to an ever greater degree, ruined the old middle class,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" especially the small handicraftsmen; it has entirely transformed the condition<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the workers; and two new classes have been created which are gradually<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" swallowing up all the others. These are:  (i) The class of big capitalists, who, in all civilized countries,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" are already in almost exclusive possession of all the means of subsistance<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and of the instruments (machines, factories) and materials necessary for<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the production of the means of subsistence. This is the bourgeois class,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" or the bourgeoisie.  (ii) The class of the wholly propertyless, who are obliged<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to sell their labor to the bourgeoisie in order to get, in exchange, the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" means of subsistence for their support. This is called the class of proletarians,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" or the proletariat.  Labor is a commodity, like any other, and its price<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" is therefore determined by exactly the same laws that apply to other commodities.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" In a regime of big industry or of free competition – as we shall see,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the two come to the same thing – the price of a commodity is, on the average,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" always equal to its cost of production. Hence, the price of labor is also<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" equal to the cost of production of labor.  But, the costs of production of labor consist of precisely the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" quantity of means of subsistence necessary to enable the worker to continue<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" working, and to prevent the working class from dying out. The worker will<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" therefore get no more for his labor than is necessary for this purpose;<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the price of labor, or the wage, will, in other words, be the lowest, the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" minimum, required for the maintenance of life.  However, since business is sometimes better and sometimes worse,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" it follows that the worker sometimes gets more and sometimes gets less<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" for his commodities. But, again, just as the industrialist, on the average<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of good times and bad, gets no more and no less for his commodities than<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" what they cost, similarly on the average the worker gets no more and no<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" less than his minimum.  This economic law of wages operates the more strictly the greater<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the degree to which big industry has taken possession of all branches of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" production.  The working classes have always, according to the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" different stages of development of society, lived in different circumstances<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and had different relations to the owning and ruling classes.  In antiquity, the workers were the slaves of the owners, just<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" as they still are in many backward countries and even in the southern part<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the United States.  In the Middle Ages, they were the serfs of the land-owning nobility,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" as they still are in Hungary, Poland, and Russia. In the Middle Ages, and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" indeed right up to the industrial revolution, there were also journeymen<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in the cities who worked in the service of petty bourgeois masters. Gradually,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" as manufacture developed, these journeymen became manufacturing workers<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" who were even then employed by larger capitalists.  The slave is sold once and for all; the proletarian<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" must sell himself daily and hourly.  The individual slave, property of one master, is assured an existence,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" however miserable it may be, because of the master’s interest. The individual<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" proletarian, property as it were of the entire bourgeois class which buys<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" his labor only when someone has need of it, has no secure existence. This<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" existence is assured only to the class as a whole.  The slave is outside competition; the proletarian is in it and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" experiences all its vagaries.  The slave counts as a thing, not as a member of society. Thus,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the slave can have a better existence than the proletarian, while the proletarian<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" belongs to a higher stage of social development and, himself, stands on<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" a higher social level than the slave.  The slave frees himself when, of all the relations of private<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" property, he abolishes only the relation of slavery and thereby becomes<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" a proletarian; the proletarian can free himself only by abolishing private<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" property in general.  The serf possesses and uses an instrument of production,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" a piece of land, in exchange for which he gives up a part of his product<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" or part of the services of his labor.  The proletarian works with the instruments of production of another,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" for the account of this other, in exchange for a part of the product.  The serf gives up, the proletarian receives. The serf has an assured<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" existence, the proletarian has not. The serf is outside competition, the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" proletarian is in it.  The serf liberates himself in one of three ways: either he runs<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" away to the city and there becomes a handicraftsman; or, instead of products<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and services, he gives money to his lord and thereby becomes a free<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" tenant; or he overthrows his feudal lord and himself becomes a property<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" owner. In short, by one route or another, he gets into the owning class<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and enters into competition. The proletarian liberates himself by abolishing<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" competition, private property, and all class differences.  In contrast to the proletarian, the so-called handicraftsman, as he<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" still existed almost everywhere in the past (eighteenth) century and still<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" exists here and there at present, is a proletarian at most temporarily.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" His goal is to acquire capital himself wherewith to exploit other workers.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" He can often achieve this goal where guilds still exist or where freedom<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" from guild restrictions has not yet led to the introduction of factory-style<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" methods into the crafts nor yet to fierce competition. But as soon as the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" factory system has been introduced into the crafts and competition flourishes<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" fully, this perspective dwindles away and the handicraftsman becomes more<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and more a proletarian. The handicraftsman therefore frees himself by becoming<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" either bourgeois or entering the middle class in general, or<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" becoming a proletarian because of competition (as is now more often the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" case). In which case he can free himself by joining the proletarian movement,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" i.e., the more or less communist movement.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": ""  The manufacturing worker of the 16th to the 18th centuries<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" still had, with but few exception, an instrument of production in his own<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" possession – his loom, the family spinning wheel, a little plot of land<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" which he cultivated in his spare time. The proletarian has none of these<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" things.  The manufacturing worker almost always lives in the countryside<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and in a more or less patriarchal relation to his landlord or employer;<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the proletarian lives, for the most part, in the city and his relation<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to his employer is purely a cash relation.  The manufacturing worker is torn out of his patriarchal relation<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" by big industry, loses whatever property he still has, and in this way<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" becomes a proletarian.  First, the lower and lower prices of industrial products<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" brought about by machine labor totally destroyed, in all countries of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" world, the old system of manufacture or industry based upon hand labor.  In this way, all semi-barbarian countries, which had hitherto<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" been more or less strangers to historical development, and whose industry<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" had been based on manufacture, were violently forced out of their isolation.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" They bought the cheaper commodities of the English and allowed their own<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" manufacturing workers to be ruined. Countries which had known no progress<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" for thousands of years – for example, India – were thoroughly revolutionized,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and even China is now on the way to a revolution.  We have come to the point where a new machine invented in England<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" deprives millions of Chinese workers of their livelihood within a year’s<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" time.  In this way, big industry has brought all the people of the Earth<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" into contact with each other, has merged all local markets into one world<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" market, has spread civilization and progress everywhere and has thus ensured<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" that whatever happens in civilized countries will have repercussions in<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" all other countries.  It follows that if the workers in England or France now liberate<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" themselves, this must set off revolution in all other countries – revolutions<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" which, sooner or later, must accomplish the liberation of their respective<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" working class.  Second, wherever big industries displaced manufacture,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the bourgeoisie developed in wealth and power to the utmost and made itself<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the first class of the country. The result was that wherever this happened,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the bourgeoisie took political power into its own hands and displaced the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" hitherto ruling classes, the aristocracy, the guildmasters, and their representative,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the absolute monarchy.  The bourgeoisie annihilated the power of the aristocracy, the nobility,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" by abolishing the entailment of estates – in other words, by making landed<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" property subject to purchase and sale, and by doing away with the special<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" privileges of the nobility. It destroyed the power of the guildmasters<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" by abolishing guilds and handicraft privileges. In their place, it put<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" competition – that is, a state of society in which everyone has the right<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to enter into any branch of industry, the only obstacle being a lack of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the necessary capital.  The introduction of free competition is thus public declaration<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" that from now on the members of society are unequal only to the extent<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" that their capitals are unequal, that capital is the decisive power, and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" that therefore the capitalists, the bourgeoisie, have become the first<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" class in society.  Free competition is necessary for the establishment of big industry,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" because it is the only condition of society in which big industry can make<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" its way.  Having destroyed the social power of the nobility and the guildmasters,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the bourgeois also destroyed their political power. Having raised itself<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to the actual position of first class in society, it proclaims itself to<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" be also the dominant political class. This it does through the introduction<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the representative system which rests on bourgeois equality before the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" law and the recognition of free competition, and in European countries<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" takes the form of constitutional monarchy. In these constitutional monarchies,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" only those who possess a certain capital are voters – that is to say,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" only members of the bourgeoisie. These bourgeois voters choose the deputies,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and these bourgeois deputies, by using their right to refuse to vote taxes,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" choose a bourgeois government.  Third, everywhere the proletariat develops in step<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" with the bourgeoisie. In proportion, as the bourgeoisie grows in wealth,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the proletariat grows in numbers. For, since the proletarians can be employed<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" only by capital, and since capital extends only through employing labor,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" it follows that the growth of the proletariat proceeds at precisely the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" same pace as the growth of capital.  Simultaneously, this process draws members of the bourgeoisie<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and proletarians together into the great cities where industry can be carried<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" on most profitably, and by thus throwing great masses in one spot it gives<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to the proletarians a consciousness of their own strength.  Moreover, the further this process advances, the more new labor-saving<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" machines are invented, the greater is the pressure exercised by big industry<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" on wages, which, as we have seen, sink to their minimum and therewith render<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the condition of the proletariat increasingly unbearable. The growing dissatisfaction<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the proletariat thus joins with its rising power to prepare a proletarian<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" social revolution.  Big industry created in the steam engine, and other<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" machines, the means of endlessly expanding industrial production, speeding<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" it up, and cutting its costs. With production thus facilitated, the free<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" competition, which is necessarily bound up with big industry, assumed the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" most extreme forms; a multitude of capitalists invaded industry, and, in<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" a short while, more was produced than was needed.  As a consequence, finished commodities could not be sold, and a so-called<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" commercial crisis broke out. Factories had to be closed, their owners went<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bankrupt, and the workers were without bread. Deepest misery reigned everywhere.  After a time, the superfluous products were sold, the factories<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" began to operate again, wages rose, and gradually business got better than<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" ever.  But it was not long before too many commodities were again produced<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and a new crisis broke out, only to follow the same course as its predecessor.  Ever since the beginning of this (19th) century, the condition<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of industry has constantly fluctuated between periods of prosperity and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" periods of crisis; nearly every five to seven years, a fresh crisis has<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" intervened, always with the greatest hardship for workers, and always accompanied<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" by general revolutionary stirrings and the direct peril to the whole existing<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" order of things.  First:  That, though big industry in its earliest stage created free competition,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" it has now outgrown free competition;  that, for big industry, competition and generally the individualistic organization of production have become a fetter which it must and will shatter;  that, so long as big industry remains on its present footing, it can be<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" maintained only at the cost of general chaos every seven years, each time<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" threatening the whole of civilization and not only plunging the proletarians<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" into misery but also ruining large sections of the bourgeoisie;  hence, either that big industry must itself be given up, which is an absolute<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" impossibility, or that it makes unavoidably necessary an entirely new organization<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of society in which production is no longer directed by mutually competing<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" individual industrialists but rather by the whole society operating according<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to a definite plan and taking account of the needs of all.  It thus appears that the very qualities of big industry which,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in our present-day society, produce misery and crises are those which,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in a different form of society, will abolish this misery and these catastrophic<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" depressions.  We see with the greatest clarity:  (i) That all these evils are from now on to be ascribed solely<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to a social order which no longer corresponds to the requirements of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" real situation; and  (ii) That it is possible, through a new social order, to<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" do away with these evils altogether.  Above all, it will have to take the control of industry<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and of all branches of production out of the hands of mutually competing<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" individuals, and instead institute a system in which all these branches<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of production are operated by society as a whole – that is, for the common<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" account, according to a common plan, and with the participation of all<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" members of society.  It will, in other words, abolish competition and replace it with<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" association.  Moreover, since the management of industry by individuals necessarily<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" implies private property, and since competition is in reality merely the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" manner and form in which the control of industry by private property owners<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" expresses itself, it follows that private property cannot be separated<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" from competition and the individual management of industry. Private property<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" must, therefore, be abolished and in its place must come the common utilization<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of all instruments of production and the distribution of all products according<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to common agreement – in a word, what is called the communal ownership<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of goods.  In fact, the abolition of private property is, doubtless, the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" shortest and most significant way to characterize the revolution in the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" whole social order which has been made necessary by the development of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" industry – and for this reason it is rightly advanced by communists as<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" their main demand.  No. Every change in the social order, every revolution<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in property relations, is the necessary consequence of the creation of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" new forces of production which no longer fit into the old property relations.  Private property has not always existed.  When, towards the end of the Middle Ages, there arose a new mode<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of production which could not be carried on under the then existing feudal<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and guild forms of property, this manufacture, which had outgrown the old<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" property relations, created a new property form, private property. And<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" for manufacture and the earliest stage of development of big industry,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" private property was the only possible property form; the social order<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" based on it was the only possible social order.  So long as it is not possible to produce so much that there is<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" enough for all, with more left over for expanding the social capital and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" extending the forces of production – so long as this is not possible,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" there must always be a ruling class directing the use of society’s productive<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" forces, and a poor, oppressed class. How these classes are constituted<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" depends on the stage of development.  The agrarian Middle Ages give us the baron and the serf; the cities<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the later Middle Ages show us the guildmaster and the journeyman and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the day laborer; the 17th century has its manufacturing workers; the 19th<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" has big factory owners and proletarians.  It is clear that, up to now, the forces of production have never<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" been developed to the point where enough could be developed for all, and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" that private property has become a fetter and a barrier in relation to<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the further development of the forces of production.  Now, however, the development of big industry has ushered in a new period.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Capital and the forces of production have been expanded to an unprecedented<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" extent, and the means are at hand to multiply them without limit in the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" near future. Moreover, the forces of production have been concentrated<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in the hands of a few bourgeois, while the great mass of the people are<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" more and more falling into the proletariat, their situation becoming more<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" wretched and intolerable in proportion to the increase of wealth of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bourgeoisie. And finally, these mighty and easily extended forces of production<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" have so far outgrown private property and the bourgeoisie, that they threaten<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" at any moment to unleash the most violent disturbances of the social order.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Now, under these conditions, the abolition of private property has become<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" not only possible but absolutely necessary.  It would be desirable if this could happen, and the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" communists would certainly be the last to oppose it. Communists know only<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" too well that all conspiracies are not only useless, but even harmful.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" They know all too well that revolutions are not made intentionally and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" arbitrarily, but that, everywhere and always, they have been the necessary<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" consequence of conditions which were wholly independent of the will and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" direction of individual parties and entire classes.  But they also see that the development of the proletariat in nearly<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" all civilized countries has been violently suppressed, and that in this<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" way the opponents of communism have been working toward a revolution with<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" all their strength. If the oppressed proletariat is finally driven to revolution,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" then we communists will defend the interests of the proletarians with deeds<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" as we now defend them with words.  No, no more than existing forces of production can<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" at one stroke be multiplied to the extent necessary for the creation of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" a communal society.  In all probability, the proletarian revolution will transform<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" existing society gradually and will be able to abolish private property<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" only when the means of production are available in sufficient quantity.  Above all, it will establish a democratic constitution,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and through this, the direct or indirect dominance of the proletariat.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Direct in England, where the proletarians are already a majority of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" people. Indirect in France and Germany, where the majority of the people<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" consists not only of proletarians, but also of small peasants and petty<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bourgeois who are in the process of falling into the proletariat, who are<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" more and more dependent in all their political interests on the proletariat,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and who must, therefore, soon adapt to the demands of the proletariat.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Perhaps this will cost a second struggle, but the outcome can only be the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" victory of the proletariat.  Democracy would be wholly valueless to the proletariat if it were<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" not immediately used as a means for putting through measures directed against<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" private property and ensuring the livelihood of the proletariat. The main<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" measures, emerging as the necessary result of existing relations, are the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" following:  (i) Limitation of private property through progressive taxation,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" heavy inheritance taxes, abolition of inheritance through collateral lines<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" (brothers, nephews, etc.) forced loans, etc.  (ii) Gradual expropriation of landowners, industrialists, railroad<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" magnates and shipowners, partly through competition by state industry,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" partly directly through compensation in the form of bonds.  (iii) Confiscation of the possessions of all emigrants<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and rebels against the majority of the people.  (iv) Organization of labor or employment of proletarians<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" on publicly owned land, in factories and workshops, with competition among<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the workers being abolished and with the factory owners, in so far as they<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" still exist, being obliged to pay the same high wages as those paid by<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the state.  (v) An equal obligation on all members of society to work<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" until such time as private property has been completely abolished. Formation<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of industrial armies, especially for agriculture.  (vi) Centralization of money and credit in the hands of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the state through a national bank with state capital, and the suppression<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of all private banks and bankers.  (vii) Increase in the number of national factories, workshops,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" railroads, ships; bringing new lands into cultivation and improvement of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" land already under cultivation – all in proportion to the growth of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" capital and labor force at the disposal of the nation.  (viii) Education of all children, from the moment they can leave<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" their mother’s care, in national establishments at national cost. Education<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and production together.  (ix) Construction, on public lands, of great palaces as<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" communal dwellings for associated groups of citizens engaged in both industry<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and agriculture and combining in their way of life the advantages of urban<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and rural conditions while avoiding the one-sidedness and drawbacks of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" each.  (x) Destruction of all unhealthy and jerry-built dwellings<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in urban districts.  (xi) Equal inheritance rights for children born in and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" out of wedlock.  (xii) Concentration of all means of transportation in the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" hands of the nation.  It is impossible, of course, to carry out all these measures at once. But<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" one will always bring others in its wake. Once the first radical attack<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" on private property has been launched, the proletariat will find itself<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" forced to go ever further, to concentrate increasingly in the hands of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the state all capital, all agriculture, all transport, all trade. All the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" foregoing measures are directed to this end; and they will become practicable<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and feasible, capable of producing their centralizing effects to precisely<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the degree that the proletariat, through its labor, multiplies the country’s<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" productive forces.  Finally, when all capital, all production, all exchange have been brought<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" together in the hands of the nation, private property will disappear of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" its own accord, money will become superfluous, and production will so expand<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and man so change that society will be able to slough off whatever of its<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" old economic habits may remain.  No. By creating the world market, big industry has<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" already brought all the peoples of the Earth, and especially the civilized<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" peoples, into such close relation with one another that none is independent<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of what happens to the others.  Further, it has co-ordinated the social development of the civilized<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" countries to such an extent that, in all of them, bourgeoisie and proletariat<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" have become the decisive classes, and the struggle between them the great<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" struggle of the day. It follows that the communist revolution will not<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" merely be a national phenomenon but must take place simultaneously in all<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" civilized countries – that is to say, at least in England, America, France,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and Germany.  It will develop in each of these countries more or less rapidly,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" according as one country or the other has a more developed industry, greater<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" wealth, a more significant mass of productive forces. Hence, it will go<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" slowest and will meet most obstacles in Germany, most rapidly and with<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the fewest difficulties in England. It will have a powerful impact on the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" other countries of the world, and will radically alter the course of development<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" which they have followed up to now, while greatly stepping up its pace.  It is a universal revolution and will, accordingly, have a universal<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" range.  Society will take all forces of production and means<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of commerce, as well as the exchange and distribution of products, out<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the hands of private capitalists and will manage them in accordance<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" with a plan based on the availability of resources and the needs of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" whole society. In this way, most important of all, the evil consequences<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" which are now associated with the conduct of big industry will be abolished.  There will be no more crises; the expanded production, which for<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the present order of society is overproduction and hence a prevailing cause<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of misery, will then be insufficient and in need of being expanded much<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" further. Instead of generating misery, overproduction will reach beyond<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the elementary requirements of society to assure the satisfaction of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" needs of all; it will create new needs and, at the same time, the means<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of satisfying them. It will become the condition of, and the stimulus to,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" new progress, which will no longer throw the whole social order into confusion,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" as progress has always done in the past. Big industry, freed from the pressure<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of private property, will undergo such an expansion that what we now see<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" will seem as petty in comparison as manufacture seems when put beside the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" big industry of our own day. This development of industry will make available<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to society a sufficient mass of products to satisfy the needs of everyone.  The same will be true of agriculture, which also suffers from<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the pressure of private property and is held back by the division of privately<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" owned land into small parcels. Here, existing improvements and scientific<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" procedures will be put into practice, with a resulting leap forward which<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" will assure to society all the products it needs.  In this way, such an abundance of goods will be able to satisfy<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the needs of all its members.  The division of society into different, mutually hostile classes<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" will then become unnecessary. Indeed, it will be not only unnecessary but<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" intolerable in the new social order. The existence of classes originated<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in the division of labor, and the division of labor, as it has been known<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" up to the present, will completely disappear. For mechanical and chemical<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" processes are not enough to bring industrial and agricultural production<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" up to the level we have described; the capacities of the men who make use<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of these processes must undergo a corresponding development.  Just as the peasants and manufacturing workers of the last century<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" changed their whole way of life and became quite different people when<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" they were drawn into big industry, in the same way, communal control<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" over production by society as a whole, and the resulting new development,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" will both require an entirely different kind of human material.  People will no longer be, as they are today, subordinated to a<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" single branch of production, bound to it, exploited by it; they will no<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" longer develop one of their faculties at the expense of all others; they<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" will no longer know only one branch, or one branch of a single branch,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of production as a whole. Even industry as it is today is finding such<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" people less and less useful.  Industry controlled by society as a whole, and operated according<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to a plan, presupposes well-rounded human beings, their faculties developed<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in balanced fashion, able to see the system of production in its entirety.  The form of the division of labor which makes one a peasant, another<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" a cobbler, a third a factory worker, a fourth a stock-market operator,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" has already been undermined by machinery and will completely disappear.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Education will enable young people quickly to familiarize themselves with<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the whole system of production and to pass from one branch of production<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to another in response to the needs of society or their own inclinations.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" It will, therefore, free them from the one-sided character which the present-day<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" division of labor impresses upon every individual. Communist society will,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in this way, make it possible for its members to put their comprehensively<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" developed faculties to full use. But, when this happens, classes will necessarily<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" disappear. It follows that society organized on a communist basis is incompatible<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" with the existence of classes on the one hand, and that the very building<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of such a society provides the means of abolishing class differences on<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the other.  A corollary of this is that the difference between city and country<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" is destined to disappear. The management of agriculture and industry by<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the same people rather than by two different classes of people is, if only<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" for purely material reasons, a necessary condition of communist association.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" The dispersal of the agricultural population on the land, alongside the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" crowding of the industrial population into the great cities, is a condition<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" which corresponds to an undeveloped state of both agriculture and industry<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and can already be felt as an obstacle to further development.  The general co-operation of all members of society for the purpose<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of planned exploitation of the forces of production, the expansion of production<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to the point where it will satisfy the needs of all, the abolition of a<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" situation in which the needs of some are satisfied at the expense of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" needs of others, the complete liquidation of classes and their conflicts,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the rounded development of the capacities of all members of society through<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the elimination of the present division of labor, through industrial education,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" through engaging in varying activities, through the participation by all<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in the enjoyments produced by all, through the combination of city and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" country – these are the main consequences of the abolition of private<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" property.  It will transform the relations between the sexes<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" into a purely private matter which concerns only the persons involved and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" into which society has no occasion to intervene. It can do this since<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" it does away with private property and educates children on a communal<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" basis, and in this way removes the two bases of traditional marriage –<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the dependence rooted in private property, of the women on the man, and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the children on the parents.  And here is the answer to the outcry of the highly moral philistines<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" against the “community of women”. Community of women is a condition which<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" belongs entirely to bourgeois society and which today finds its complete<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" expression in prostitution. But prostitution is based on private property<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and falls with it. Thus, communist society, instead of introducing community<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of women, in fact abolishes it.  The nationalities of the peoples associating themselves in accordance<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" with the principle of community will be compelled to mingle with each other<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" as a result of this association and thereby to dissolve themselves, just<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" as the various estate and class distinctions must disappear through the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" abolition of their basis, private property.  All religions so far have been the expression of historical stages<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of development of individual peoples or groups of peoples. But communism<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" is the stage of historical development which makes all existing religions<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" superfluous and brings about their disappearance  The so-called socialists are divided into three categories.  The first category consists of adherents of a feudal and patriarchal<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" society which has already been destroyed, and is still daily being destroyed,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" by big industry and world trade and their creation, bourgeois society.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" This category concludes, from the evils of existing society, that feudal<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and patriarchal society must be restored because it was free of such evils.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" In one way or another, all their proposals are directed to this end.  This category of reactionary socialists, for all their seeming<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" partisanship and their scalding tears for the misery of the proletariat,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" is nevertheless energetically opposed by the communists for the following<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" reasons:  (i) It strives for something which is entirely impossible.  (ii) It seeks to establish the rule of the aristocracy,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the guildmasters, the small producers, and their retinue of absolute or<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" feudal monarchs, officials, soldiers, and priests – a society which was,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to be sure, free of the evils of present-day society but which brought<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" it at least as many evils without even offering to the oppressed workers<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the prospect of liberation through a communist revolution.  (iii) As soon as the proletariat becomes revolutionary<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and communist, these reactionary socialists show their true colors by immediately<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" making common cause with the bourgeoisie against the proletarians.  The second category consists of adherents of present-day society<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" who have been frightened for its future by the evils to which it necessarily<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" gives rise. What they want, therefore, is to maintain this society while<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" getting rid of the evils which are an inherent part of it.  To this end, some propose mere welfare measures – while others<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" come forward with grandiose systems of reform which, under the pretense<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of re-organizing society, are in fact intended to preserve the foundations,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and hence the life, of existing society.  Communists must unremittingly struggle against these bourgeois<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" socialists because they work for the enemies of communists and protect<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the society which communists aim to overthrow.  Finally, the third category consists of democratic socialists<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" who favor some of the same measures the communists advocate, as described<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in Question 18, not as part of the transition to communism, however, but<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" as measures which they believe will be sufficient to abolish the misery<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and evils of present-day society.  These democratic socialists are either proletarians who are not<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" yet sufficiently clear about the conditions of the liberation of their<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" class, or they are representatives of the petty bourgeoisie, a class which,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" prior to the achievement of democracy and the socialist measures to which<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" it gives rise, has many interests in common with the proletariat.  It follows that, in moments of action, the communists will have<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to come to an understanding with these democratic socialists, and in general<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to follow as far as possible a common policy with them – provided that<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" these socialists do not enter into the service of the ruling bourgeoisie<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and attack the communists.  It is clear that this form of co-operation in action does not<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" exclude the discussion of differences.  This attitude is different in the different countries.  In England, France, and Belgium, where the bourgeoisie rules,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the communists still have a common interest with the various democratic<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" parties, an interest which is all the greater the more closely the socialistic<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" measures they champion approach the aims of the communists – that is,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the more clearly and definitely they represent the interests of the proletariat<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and the more they depend on the proletariat for support. In England, for<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" example, the working-class Chartists are infinitely<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" closer to the communists than the democratic petty bourgeoisie or the so-called<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Radicals.  In America, where a democratic constitution has already been established,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the communists must make the common cause with the party which will turn<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" this constitution against the bourgeoisie and use it in the interests of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the proletariat – that is, with the agrarian National Reformers.  In Switzerland, the Radicals, though a very mixed party, are the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" only group with which the communists can co-operate, and, among these Radicals,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the Vaudois and Genevese are the most advanced.  In Germany, finally, the decisive struggle now on the order of the day<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" is that between the bourgeoisie and the absolute monarchy. Since the communists<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" cannot enter upon the decisive struggle between themselves and the bourgeoisie<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" until the bourgeoisie is in power, it follows that it is in the interest<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the communists to help the bourgeoisie to power as soon as possible<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in order the sooner to be able to overthrow it. Against the governments,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" therefore, the communists must continually support the radical liberal<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" party, taking care to avoid the self-deceptions of the bourgeoisie and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" not fall for the enticing promises of benefits which a victory for the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bourgeoisie would allegedly bring to the proletariat. The sole advantages<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" which the proletariat would derive from a bourgeois victory would consist  (i) in various concessions which would facilitate the unification<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the proletariat into a closely knit, battle-worthy, and organized class;<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and  (ii) in the certainly that, on the very day the absolute<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" monarchies fall, the struggle between bourgeoisie and proletariat will<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" start. From that day on, the policy of the communists will be the same<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" as it now is in the countries where the bourgeoisie is already in power.  In the name and on the mandate of the Congress.    “Think over the Confession of Faith a bit. I believe we had better drop the catechism form and call the thing: Communist Manifesto. As more or less history has got to be related in it, the form it has been in hitherto is quite unsuitable. I am bringing what I have done here with me; it is in simple narrative form, but miserably worded, in fearful haste. .”  From various quarters we have been reproached for neglecting to portray the economic conditions which form the material basis of the present struggles between classes and nations. With set purpose we have hitherto touched upon these conditions only when they forced themselves upon the surface of the political conflicts.  It was necessary, beyond everything else, to follow the development of the class struggle in the history of our own day, and to prove empirically, by the actual and daily newly created historical material, that with the subjugation of the working class, accomplished in the days of February and March, 1848, the opponents of that class – the bourgeois republicans in France, and the bourgeois and peasant classes who were fighting feudal absolutism throughout the whole continent of Europe – were simultaneously conquered; that the victory of the ""moderate republic"" in France sounded at the same time the fall of the nations which had responded to the February revolution with heroic wars of independence; and finally that, by the victory over the revolutionary workingmen, Europe fell back into its old double slavery, into the English-Russian slavery.  In our presentation, as in reality, Belgium and Switzerland were tragicomic caricaturish genre pictures in the great historic tableau; the one the model State of the bourgeois monarchy, the other the model State of the bourgeois republic; both of them, States that flatter themselves to be just as free from the class struggle as from the European revolution.  But now, after our readers have seen the class struggle of the year 1848 develop into colossal political proportions, it is time to examine more closely the economic conditions themselves upon which is founded the existence of the capitalist class and its class rule, as well as the slavery of the workers.  We shall present the subject in three great divisions:  The Relation of Wage-labour to Capital, the Slavery of the Worker, the Rule of the Capitalist.  The Inevitable Ruin of the Middle Classes and the so-called Commons under the present system.  The Commercial Subjugation and Exploitation of the Bourgeois classes of the various European nations by the Despot of the World Market – England.  We shall seek to portray this as simply and popularly as possible, and shall not presuppose a knowledge of even the most elementary notions of political economy. We wish to be understood by the workers. And, moreover, there prevails in Germany the most remarkable ignorance and confusion of ideas in regard to the simplest economic relations, from the patented defenders of existing conditions, down to the socialist wonder-workers and the unrecognized political geniuses, in which divided Germany is even richer than in duodecimo princelings. We therefore proceed to the consideration of the first problem.    Consequently, it appears that the capitalist buys their labour with money, and that for money they sell him their labour. But this is merely an illusion. What they actually sell to the capitalist for money is their labour-power. This labour-power the capitalist buys for a day, a week, a month, etc. And after he has bought it, he uses it up by letting the worker labour during the stipulated time. With the same amount of money with which the capitalist has bought their labour-power (for example, with two shillings) he could have bought a certain amount of sugar or of any other commodity. The two shillings with which he bought 20 pounds of sugar is the price of the 20 pounds of sugar. The two shillings with which he bought 12 hours' use of labour-power, is the price of 12 hours' labour. Labour-power, then, is a commodity, no more, no less so than is the sugar. The first is measured by the clock, the other by the scales.  So much money for so long a use of labour-power. For 12 hours' weaving, two shillings. And these two shillings, do they not represent all the other commodities which I can buy for two shillings? Therefore, actually, the worker has exchanged his commodity, labour-power, for commodities of all kinds, and, moreover, at a certain ratio. By giving him two shillings, the capitalist has given him so much meat, so much clothing, so much wood, light, etc., in exchange for his day's work. The two shillings therefore express the relation in which labour-power is exchanged for other commodities, the exchange-value of labour-power. The exchange value of a commodity estimated in money is called its price. Wages therefore are only a special name for the price of labour-power, and are usually called the price of labour; it is the special name for the price of this peculiar commodity, which has no other repository than human flesh and blood.  The capitalist supplies him with the loom and yarn. The weaver applies himself to work, and the yarn is turned into cloth. The capitalist takes possession of the cloth and sells it for 20 shillings, for example. Now are the wages of the weaver a share of the cloth, of the 20 shillings, of the product of the work? By no means. Long before the cloth is sold, perhaps long before it is fully woven, the weaver has received his wages. The capitalist, then, does not pay his wages out of the money which he will obtain from the cloth, but out of money already on hand. Just as little as loom and yarn are the product of the weaver to whom they are supplied by the employer, just so little are the commodities which he receives in exchange for his commodity – labour-power – his product. It is possible that the employer found no purchasers at all for the cloth. It is possible that he did not get even the amount of the wages by its sale.  But all that does not concern the weaver. With a part of his existing wealth, of his capital, the capitalist buys the labour-power of the weaver in exactly the same manner as, with another part of his wealth, he has bought the raw material – the yarn – and the instrument of labour – the loom. After he has made these purchases, and among them belongs the labour-power necessary to the production of the cloth he produces only with raw materials and instruments of labour belonging to him. For our good weaver, too, is one of the instruments of labour, and being in this respect on a par with the loom, he has no more share in the product (the cloth), or in the price of the product, than the loom itself has. Wages, therefore, are not a share of the worker in the commodities produced by himself. Wages are that part of already existing commodities with which the capitalist buys a certain amount of productive labour-power.  Why does he sell it? It is in order to live. But the putting of labour-power into action – i.e., the work – is the active expression of the labourer's own life. And this life activity he sells to another person in order to secure the necessary means of life. His life-activity, therefore, is but a means of securing his own existence. He works that he may keep alive. He does not count the labour itself as a part of his life; it is rather a sacrifice of his life. It is a commodity that he has auctioned off to another. The product of his activity, therefore, is not the aim of his activity. What he produces for himself is not the silk that he weaves, not the gold that he draws up the mining shaft, not the palace that he builds. What he produces for himself is wages; and the silk, the gold, and the palace are resolved for him into a certain quantity of necessaries of life, perhaps into a cotton jacket, into copper coins, and into a basement dwelling.  Life for him begins where this activity ceases, at the table, at the tavern, in bed. The 12 hours' work, on the other hand, has no meaning for him as weaving, spinning, boring, and so on, but only as earnings, which enable him to sit down at a table, to take his seat in the tavern, and to lie down in a bed. If the silk-worm's object in spinning were to prolong its existence as caterpillar, it would be a perfect example of a wage-worker. Labour-power was not always a commodity (merchandise). Labour was not always wage-labour, i.e., free labour. The slave did not sell his labour-power to the slave-owner, any more than the ox sells his labour to the farmer. The slave, together with his labour-power, was sold to his owner once for all.  He himself is a commodity, but his labour-power is not his commodity. The serf sells only a portion of his labour-power. It is not he who receives wages from the owner of the land; it is rather the owner of the land who receives a tribute from him. The serf belongs to the soil, and to the lord of the soil he brings its fruit. The free labourer, on the other hand, sells his very self, and that by fractions. He auctions off eight, 10, 12, 15 hours of his life, one day like the next, to the highest bidder, to the owner of raw materials, tools, and the means of life – i.e., to the capitalist. The labourer belongs neither to an owner nor to the soil, but eight, 10, 12, 15 hours of his daily life belong to whomsoever buys them. The worker leaves the capitalist, to whom he has sold himself, as often as he chooses, and the capitalist discharges him as often as he sees fit, as soon as he no longer gets any use, or not the required use, out of him.  He does not belong to this or that capitalist, but to the capitalist class; and it is for him to find his man – i.e., to find a buyer in this capitalist class. Before entering more closely upon the relation of capital to wage-labour, we shall present briefly the most general conditions which come into consideration in the determination of wages. Wages, as we have seen, are the price of a certain commodity, labour-power. Wages, therefore, are determined by the same laws that determine the price of every other commodity.  Their commodity, labour-power, the workers exchange for the commodity of the capitalist, for money, and, moreover, this exchange takes place at a certain ratio. So much money for so long a use of labour-power. For 12 hours' weaving, two shillings. And these two shillings, do they not represent all the other commodities which I can buy for two shillings? Therefore, actually, the worker has exchanged his commodity, labour-power, for commodities of all kinds, and, moreover, at a certain ratio. By giving him two shillings, the capitalist has given him so much meat, so much clothing, so much wood, light, etc., in exchange for his day's work. The two shillings therefore express the relation in which labour-power is exchanged for other commodities, the exchange-value of labour-power. The exchange value of a commodity estimated in money is called its price.  Let us take any worker; for example, a weaver. The capitalist supplies him with the loom and yarn. The weaver applies himself to work, and the yarn is turned into cloth. The capitalist takes possession of the cloth and sells it for 20 shillings, for example. Now are the wages of the weaver a share of the cloth, of the 20 shillings, of the product of the work? By no means. Long before the cloth is sold, perhaps long before it is fully woven, the weaver has received his wages. The capitalist, then, does not pay his wages out of the money which he will obtain from the cloth, but out of money already on hand. Just as little as loom and yarn are the product of the weaver to whom they are supplied by the employer, just so little are the commodities which he receives in exchange for his commodity – labour-power – his product. It is possible that the employer found no purchasers at all for the cloth.  It is possible that he sells it very profitably in proportion to the weaver's wages. But all that does not concern the weaver. With a part of his existing wealth, of his capital, the capitalist buys the labour-power of the weaver in exactly the same manner as, with another part of his wealth, he has bought the raw material – the yarn – and the instrument of labour – the loom. After he has made these purchases, and among them belongs the labour-power necessary to the production of the cloth he produces only with raw materials and instruments of labour belonging to him. For our good weaver, too, is one of the instruments of labour, and being in this respect on a par with the loom, he has no more share in the product (the cloth), or in the price of the product, than the loom itself has. Wages, therefore, are not a share of the worker in the commodities produced by himself.  Consequently, labour-power is a commodity which its possessor, the wage-worker, sells to the capitalist. Why does he sell it? It is in order to live. But the putting of labour-power into action – i.e., the work – is the active expression of the labourer's own life. And this life activity he sells to another person in order to secure the necessary means of life. His life-activity, therefore, is but a means of securing his own existence. He works that he may keep alive. He does not count the labour itself as a part of his life; it is rather a sacrifice of his life. It is a commodity that he has auctioned off to another. The product of his activity, therefore, is not the aim of his activity. What he produces for himself is not the silk that he weaves, not the gold that he draws up the mining shaft, not the palace that he builds.  And the labourer who for 12 hours long, weaves, spins, bores, turns, builds, shovels, breaks stone, carries hods, and so on – is this 12 hours' weaving, spinning, boring, turning, building, shovelling, stone-breaking, regarded by him as a manifestation of life, as life? Quite the contrary. Life for him begins where this activity ceases, at the table, at the tavern, in bed. The 12 hours' work, on the other hand, has no meaning for him as weaving, spinning, boring, and so on, but only as earnings, which enable him to sit down at a table, to take his seat in the tavern, and to lie down in a bed. If the silk-worm's object in spinning were to prolong its existence as caterpillar, it would be a perfect example of a wage-worker. Labour-power was not always a commodity (merchandise). Labour was not always wage-labour, i.e., free labour. The slave did not sell his labour-power to the slave-owner, any more than the ox sells his labour to the farmer.  He is a commodity that can pass from the hand of one owner to that of another. He himself is a commodity, but his labour-power is not his commodity. The serf sells only a portion of his labour-power. It is not he who receives wages from the owner of the land; it is rather the owner of the land who receives a tribute from him. The serf belongs to the soil, and to the lord of the soil he brings its fruit. The free labourer, on the other hand, sells his very self, and that by fractions. He auctions off eight, 10, 12, 15 hours of his life, one day like the next, to the highest bidder, to the owner of raw materials, tools, and the means of life – i.e., to the capitalist. The labourer belongs neither to an owner nor to the soil, but eight, 10, 12, 15 hours of his daily life belong to whomsoever buys them.  But the worker, whose only source of income is the sale of his labour-power, cannot leave the whole class of buyers, i.e., the capitalist class, unless he gives up his own existence. He does not belong to this or that capitalist, but to the capitalist class; and it is for him to find his man – i.e., to find a buyer in this capitalist class. Before entering more closely upon the relation of capital to wage-labour, we shall present briefly the most general conditions which come into consideration in the determination of wages. Wages, as we have seen, are the price of a certain commodity, labour-power. Wages, therefore, are determined by the same laws that determine the price of every other commodity.  The exchange value of a commodity estimated in money is called its price. Wages therefore are only a special name for the price of labour-power, and are usually called the price of labour; it is the special name for the price of this peculiar commodity, which has no other repository than human flesh and blood. Let us take any worker; for example, a weaver. The capitalist supplies him with the loom and yarn. The weaver applies himself to work, and the yarn is turned into cloth. The capitalist takes possession of the cloth and sells it for 20 shillings, for example. Now are the wages of the weaver a share of the cloth, of the 20 shillings, of the product of the work? By no means. Long before the cloth is sold, perhaps long before it is fully woven, the weaver has received his wages. The capitalist, then, does not pay his wages out of the money which he will obtain from the cloth, but out of money already on hand.  It is possible that the employer found no purchasers at all for the cloth. It is possible that he did not get even the amount of the wages by its sale. It is possible that he sells it very profitably in proportion to the weaver's wages. But all that does not concern the weaver. With a part of his existing wealth, of his capital, the capitalist buys the labour-power of the weaver in exactly the same manner as, with another part of his wealth, he has bought the raw material – the yarn – and the instrument of labour – the loom. After he has made these purchases, and among them belongs the labour-power necessary to the production of the cloth he produces only with raw materials and instruments of labour belonging to him.  Wages, therefore, are not a share of the worker in the commodities produced by himself. Wages are that part of already existing commodities with which the capitalist buys a certain amount of productive labour-power. Consequently, labour-power is a commodity which its possessor, the wage-worker, sells to the capitalist. Why does he sell it? It is in order to live. But the putting of labour-power into action – i.e., the work – is the active expression of the labourer's own life. And this life activity he sells to another person in order to secure the necessary means of life. His life-activity, therefore, is but a means of securing his own existence. He works that he may keep alive. He does not count the labour itself as a part of his life; it is rather a sacrifice of his life. It is a commodity that he has auctioned off to another. The product of his activity, therefore, is not the aim of his activity.  What he produces for himself is wages; and the silk, the gold, and the palace are resolved for him into a certain quantity of necessaries of life, perhaps into a cotton jacket, into copper coins, and into a basement dwelling. And the labourer who for 12 hours long, weaves, spins, bores, turns, builds, shovels, breaks stone, carries hods, and so on – is this 12 hours' weaving, spinning, boring, turning, building, shovelling, stone-breaking, regarded by him as a manifestation of life, as life? Quite the contrary. Life for him begins where this activity ceases, at the table, at the tavern, in bed. The 12 hours' work, on the other hand, has no meaning for him as weaving, spinning, boring, and so on, but only as earnings, which enable him to sit down at a table, to take his seat in the tavern, and to lie down in a bed.  Labour-power was not always a commodity (merchandise). Labour was not always wage-labour, i.e., free labour. The slave did not sell his labour-power to the slave-owner, any more than the ox sells his labour to the farmer. The slave, together with his labour-power, was sold to his owner once for all. He is a commodity that can pass from the hand of one owner to that of another. He himself is a commodity, but his labour-power is not his commodity. The serf sells only a portion of his labour-power. It is not he who receives wages from the owner of the land; it is rather the owner of the land who receives a tribute from him. The serf belongs to the soil, and to the lord of the soil he brings its fruit. The free labourer, on the other hand, sells his very self, and that by fractions. He auctions off eight, 10, 12, 15 hours of his life, one day like the next, to the highest bidder, to the owner of raw materials, tools, and the means of life – i.e., to the capitalist.  The worker leaves the capitalist, to whom he has sold himself, as often as he chooses, and the capitalist discharges him as often as he sees fit, as soon as he no longer gets any use, or not the required use, out of him. But the worker, whose only source of income is the sale of his labour-power, cannot leave the whole class of buyers, i.e., the capitalist class, unless he gives up his own existence. He does not belong to this or that capitalist, but to the capitalist class; and it is for him to find his man – i.e., to find a buyer in this capitalist class. Before entering more closely upon the relation of capital to wage-labour, we shall present briefly the most general conditions which come into consideration in the determination of wages. Wages, as we have seen, are the price of a certain commodity, labour-power.  Let us take any worker; for example, a weaver. The capitalist supplies him with the loom and yarn. The weaver applies himself to work, and the yarn is turned into cloth. The capitalist takes possession of the cloth and sells it for 20 shillings, for example. Now are the wages of the weaver a share of the cloth, of the 20 shillings, of the product of the work? By no means. Long before the cloth is sold, perhaps long before it is fully woven, the weaver has received his wages. The capitalist, then, does not pay his wages out of the money which he will obtain from the cloth, but out of money already on hand. Just as little as loom and yarn are the product of the weaver to whom they are supplied by the employer, just so little are the commodities which he receives in exchange for his commodity – labour-power – his product. It is possible that the employer found no purchasers at all for the cloth. It is possible that he did not get even the amount of the wages by its sale.  But all that does not concern the weaver. With a part of his existing wealth, of his capital, the capitalist buys the labour-power of the weaver in exactly the same manner as, with another part of his wealth, he has bought the raw material – the yarn – and the instrument of labour – the loom. After he has made these purchases, and among them belongs the labour-power necessary to the production of the cloth he produces only with raw materials and instruments of labour belonging to him. For our good weaver, too, is one of the instruments of labour, and being in this respect on a par with the loom, he has no more share in the product (the cloth), or in the price of the product, than the loom itself has. Wages, therefore, are not a share of the worker in the commodities produced by himself. Wages are that part of already existing commodities with which the capitalist buys a certain amount of productive labour-power.  Why does he sell it? It is in order to live. But the putting of labour-power into action – i.e., the work – is the active expression of the labourer's own life. And this life activity he sells to another person in order to secure the necessary means of life. His life-activity, therefore, is but a means of securing his own existence. He works that he may keep alive. He does not count the labour itself as a part of his life; it is rather a sacrifice of his life. It is a commodity that he has auctioned off to another. The product of his activity, therefore, is not the aim of his activity. What he produces for himself is not the silk that he weaves, not the gold that he draws up the mining shaft, not the palace that he builds. What he produces for himself is wages; and the silk, the gold, and the palace are resolved for him into a certain quantity of necessaries of life, perhaps into a cotton jacket, into copper coins, and into a basement dwelling.  Life for him begins where this activity ceases, at the table, at the tavern, in bed. The 12 hours' work, on the other hand, has no meaning for him as weaving, spinning, boring, and so on, but only as earnings, which enable him to sit down at a table, to take his seat in the tavern, and to lie down in a bed. If the silk-worm's object in spinning were to prolong its existence as caterpillar, it would be a perfect example of a wage-worker. Labour-power was not always a commodity (merchandise). Labour was not always wage-labour, i.e., free labour. The slave did not sell his labour-power to the slave-owner, any more than the ox sells his labour to the farmer. The slave, together with his labour-power, was sold to his owner once for all.  He himself is a commodity, but his labour-power is not his commodity. The serf sells only a portion of his labour-power. It is not he who receives wages from the owner of the land; it is rather the owner of the land who receives a tribute from him. The serf belongs to the soil, and to the lord of the soil he brings its fruit. The free labourer, on the other hand, sells his very self, and that by fractions. He auctions off eight, 10, 12, 15 hours of his life, one day like the next, to the highest bidder, to the owner of raw materials, tools, and the means of life – i.e., to the capitalist. The labourer belongs neither to an owner nor to the soil, but eight, 10, 12, 15 hours of his daily life belong to whomsoever buys them.  But the worker, whose only source of income is the sale of his labour-power, cannot leave the whole class of buyers, i.e., the capitalist class, unless he gives up his own existence. He does not belong to this or that capitalist, but to the capitalist class; and it is for him to find his man – i.e., to find a buyer in this capitalist class. Before entering more closely upon the relation of capital to wage-labour, we shall present briefly the most general conditions which come into consideration in the determination of wages. Wages, as we have seen, are the price of a certain commodity, labour-power. Wages, therefore, are determined by the same laws that determine the price of every other commodity.  Wages, therefore, are not a share of the worker in the commodities produced by himself. Wages are that part of already existing commodities with which the capitalist buys a certain amount of productive labour-power. Consequently, labour-power is a commodity which its possessor, the wage-worker, sells to the capitalist. Why does he sell it? It is in order to live. But the putting of labour-power into action – i.e., the work – is the active expression of the labourer's own life. And this life activity he sells to another person in order to secure the necessary means of life. His life-activity, therefore, is but a means of securing his own existence. He works that he may keep alive. He does not count the labour itself as a part of his life; it is rather a sacrifice of his life. It is a commodity that he has auctioned off to another. The product of his activity, therefore, is not the aim of his activity.  What he produces for himself is wages; and the silk, the gold, and the palace are resolved for him into a certain quantity of necessaries of life, perhaps into a cotton jacket, into copper coins, and into a basement dwelling. And the labourer who for 12 hours long, weaves, spins, bores, turns, builds, shovels, breaks stone, carries hods, and so on – is this 12 hours' weaving, spinning, boring, turning, building, shovelling, stone-breaking, regarded by him as a manifestation of life, as life? Quite the contrary. Life for him begins where this activity ceases, at the table, at the tavern, in bed. The 12 hours' work, on the other hand, has no meaning for him as weaving, spinning, boring, and so on, but only as earnings, which enable him to sit down at a table, to take his seat in the tavern, and to lie down in a bed. If the silk-worm's object in spinning were to prolong its existence as caterpillar, it would be a perfect example of a wage-worker.  Labour was not always wage-labour, i.e., free labour. The slave did not sell his labour-power to the slave-owner, any more than the ox sells his labour to the farmer. The slave, together with his labour-power, was sold to his owner once for all. He is a commodity that can pass from the hand of one owner to that of another. He himself is a commodity, but his labour-power is not his commodity. The serf sells only a portion of his labour-power. It is not he who receives wages from the owner of the land; it is rather the owner of the land who receives a tribute from him. The serf belongs to the soil, and to the lord of the soil he brings its fruit. The free labourer, on the other hand, sells his very self, and that by fractions. He auctions off eight, 10, 12, 15 hours of his life, one day like the next, to the highest bidder, to the owner of raw materials, tools, and the means of life – i.e., to the capitalist.  The worker leaves the capitalist, to whom he has sold himself, as often as he chooses, and the capitalist discharges him as often as he sees fit, as soon as he no longer gets any use, or not the required use, out of him. But the worker, whose only source of income is the sale of his labour-power, cannot leave the whole class of buyers, i.e., the capitalist class, unless he gives up his own existence. He does not belong to this or that capitalist, but to the capitalist class; and it is for him to find his man – i.e., to find a buyer in this capitalist class. Before entering more closely upon the relation of capital to wage-labour, we shall present briefly the most general conditions which come into consideration in the determination of wages. Wages, as we have seen, are the price of a certain commodity, labour-power. Wages, therefore, are determined by the same laws that determine the price of every other commodity.  Consequently, labour-power is a commodity which its possessor, the wage-worker, sells to the capitalist. Why does he sell it? It is in order to live. But the putting of labour-power into action – i.e., the work – is the active expression of the labourer's own life. And this life activity he sells to another person in order to secure the necessary means of life. His life-activity, therefore, is but a means of securing his own existence. He works that he may keep alive. He does not count the labour itself as a part of his life; it is rather a sacrifice of his life. It is a commodity that he has auctioned off to another. The product of his activity, therefore, is not the aim of his activity. What he produces for himself is not the silk that he weaves, not the gold that he draws up the mining shaft, not the palace that he builds.  And the labourer who for 12 hours long, weaves, spins, bores, turns, builds, shovels, breaks stone, carries hods, and so on – is this 12 hours' weaving, spinning, boring, turning, building, shovelling, stone-breaking, regarded by him as a manifestation of life, as life? Quite the contrary. Life for him begins where this activity ceases, at the table, at the tavern, in bed. The 12 hours' work, on the other hand, has no meaning for him as weaving, spinning, boring, and so on, but only as earnings, which enable him to sit down at a table, to take his seat in the tavern, and to lie down in a bed. If the silk-worm's object in spinning were to prolong its existence as caterpillar, it would be a perfect example of a wage-worker. Labour-power was not always a commodity (merchandise). Labour was not always wage-labour, i.e., free labour. The slave did not sell his labour-power to the slave-owner, any more than the ox sells his labour to the farmer.  He is a commodity that can pass from the hand of one owner to that of another. He himself is a commodity, but his labour-power is not his commodity. The serf sells only a portion of his labour-power. It is not he who receives wages from the owner of the land; it is rather the owner of the land who receives a tribute from him. The serf belongs to the soil, and to the lord of the soil he brings its fruit. The free labourer, on the other hand, sells his very self, and that by fractions. He auctions off eight, 10, 12, 15 hours of his life, one day like the next, to the highest bidder, to the owner of raw materials, tools, and the means of life – i.e., to the capitalist. The labourer belongs neither to an owner nor to the soil,"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" subsistence of all kinds, which are employed in producing new raw materials,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" new instruments, and new means of subsistence. All these components of capital<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" are created by labour, products of labour, accumulated labour. Accumulated<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" labour that serves as a means to new production is capital.  So say the economists.  What is a Negro slave? A man of the black race. The one explanation is<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" worthy of the other.  A Negro is a Negro. Only under certain conditions does he become a slave. A<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" cotton-spinning machine is a machine for spinning cotton. Only under certain<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" conditions does it become capital. Torn away from these conditions, it is as<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" little capital as gold is itself money, or sugar is the price of sugar.  In the process of production, human beings work not only upon nature, but<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" also upon one another. They produce only by working together in a specified<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" manner and reciprocally exchanging their activities. In order to produce, they<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" enter into definite connections and relations to one another, and only within<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" these social connections and relations does their influence upon nature operate<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" – i.e., does production take place.  These social relations between the producers, and the conditions under which<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" they exchange their activities and share in the total act of production, will<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" naturally vary according to the character of the means of production. With the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" discover of a new instrument of warfare, the firearm, the whole internal<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" organization of the army was necessarily altered, the relations within which<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" individuals compose an army and can work as an army were transformed, and the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" relation of different armies to another was likewise changed.  We thus see that the social relations within which individuals produce, the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" social relations of production, are altered, transformed, with the change and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" development of the material means of production, of the forces of production.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" The relations of production in their totality constitute what is called the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" social relations, society, and, moreover, a society at a definite stage of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" historical development, a society with peculiar, distinctive characteristics.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Ancient society, feudal society, bourgeois (or capitalist) society, are such<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" totalities of relations of production, each of which denotes a particular stage<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of development in the history of mankind.  Capital also is a social relation of production. It is a bourgeois relation<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of production, a relation of production of bourgeois society. The means of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" subsistence, the instruments of labour, the raw materials, of which capital<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" consists – have they not been produced and accumulated under given social<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" conditions, within definite special relations? Are they not employed for new<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" production, under given special conditions, within definite social relations?<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" And does not just the definite social character stamp the products which serve<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" for new production as capital?  Capital consists not only of means of subsistence, instruments of labour,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and raw materials, not only as material products; it consists just as much of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" exchange values. All products of which it consists are commodities. Capital,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" consequently, is not only a sum of material products, it is a sum of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" commodities, of exchange values, of social magnitudes. Capital remains the same<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" whether we put cotton in the place of wool, rice in the place of wheat,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" steamships in the place of railroads, provided only that the cotton, the rice,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the steamships – the body of capital – have the same exchange<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" value, the same price, as the wool, the wheat, the railroads, in which it was<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" previously embodied. The bodily form of capital may transform itself<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" continually, while capital does not suffer the least alteration.  But though every capital is a sum of commodities – i.e., of exchange<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" values – it does not follow that every sum of commodities, of exchange<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" values, is capital.  Every sum of exchange values is an exchange value. Each particular exchange<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" value is a sum of exchange values. For example: a house worth 1,000 pounds is<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" an exchange value of 1,000 pounds: a piece of paper worth one penny is a sum of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" exchange values of 100 1/100ths of a penny. Products which are exchangeable for<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" others are commodities. The definite proportion in which they are exchangeable<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" forms their exchange value, or, expressed in money, their price. The quantity<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of these products can have no effect on their character as commodities, as<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" representing an exchange value, as having a certain price. Whether a tree be<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" large or small, it remains a tree. Whether we exchange iron in pennyweights or<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in hundredweights, for other products, does this alter its character: its being<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" a commodity, or exchange value? According to the quantity, it is a commodity of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" greater or of lesser value, of higher or of lower price.  How then does a sum of commodities, of exchange values, become capital?  Thereby, that as an independent social power – i.e., as the power of a<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" part of society – it preserves itself and multiplies by exchange with<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" direct, living labour-power.  The existence of a class which possesses nothing but the ability to work is<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" a necessary presupposition of capital.  It is only the dominion of past, accumulated, materialized labour over<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" immediate living labour that stamps the accumulated labour with the character<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of capital.  Capital does not consist in the fact that accumulated labour serves living<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" labour as a means for new production. It consists in the fact that living<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" labour serves accumulated labour as the means of preserving and multiplying its<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" exchange value.    What is it that takes place in the exchange between the capitalist and the wage-labourer?  The labourer receives means of subsistence in exchange for his labour-power; the capitalist receives, in exchange for his means of subsistence, labour, the productive activity of the labourer, the creative force by which the worker not only replaces what he consumes, but also gives to the accumulated labour a greater value than it previously possessed. The labourer gets from the capitalist a portion of the existing means of subsistence. For what purpose do these means of subsistence serve him? For immediate consumption. But as soon as I consume means of subsistence, they are irrevocably lost to me, unless I employ the time during which these means sustain my life in producing new means of subsistence, in creating by my labour new values in place of the values lost in consumption. But it is just this noble reproductive power that the labourer surrenders to the capitalist in exchange for means of subsistence received. Consequently, he has lost it for himself.  Let us take an example. For one shilling a labourer works all day long in the fields of a farmer, to whom he thus secures a return of two shillings. The farmer not only receives the replaced value which he has given to the day labourer, he has doubled it. Therefore, he has consumed the one shilling that he gave to the day labourer in a fruitful, productive manner. For the one shilling he has bought the labour-power of the day-labourer, which creates products of the soil of twice the value, and out of one shilling makes two. The day-labourer, on the contrary, receives in the place of his productive force, whose results he has just surrendered to the farmer, one shilling, which he exchanges for means of subsistence, which he consumes more or less quickly.  Capital therefore presupposes wage-labour; wage-labour presupposes capital. They condition each other; each brings the other into existence.  Does a worker in a cotton factory produce only cotton? No. He produces capital. He produces values which serve anew to command his work and to create by means of it new values.  Capital can multiply itself only by exchanging itself for labour-power, by calling wage-labour into life. The labour-power of the wage-labourer can exchange itself for capital only by increasing capital, by strengthening that very power whose slave it is. Increase of capital, therefore, is increase of the proletariat, i.e., of the working class.  And so, the bourgeoisie and its economists maintain that the interest of the capitalist and of the labourer is the same. And in fact, so they are! The worker perishes if capital does not keep him busy. Capital perishes if it does not exploit labour-power, which, in order to exploit, it must buy. The more quickly the capital destined for production – the productive capital – increases, the more prosperous industry is, the more the bourgeoisie enriches itself, the better business gets, so many more workers does the capitalist need, so much the dearer does the worker sell himself. The fastest possible growth of productive capital is, therefore, the indispensable condition for a tolerable life to the labourer.  But what is growth of productive capital? Growth of the power of accumulated labour over living labour; growth of the rule of the bourgeoisie over the working class. When wage-labour produces the alien wealth dominating it, the power hostile to it, capital, there flow back to it its means of employment – i.e., its means of subsistence, under the condition that it again become a part of capital, that is become again the lever whereby capital is to be forced into an accelerated expansive movement.  To say that the interests of capital and the interests of the workers are identical, signifies only this: that capital and wage-labour are two sides of one and the same relation. The one conditions the other in the same way that the usurer and the borrower condition each other.  As long as the wage-labourer remains a wage-labourer, his lot is dependent upon capital. That is what the boasted community of interests between worker and capitalists amounts to.  If capital grows, the mass of wage-labour grows, the number of wage-workers increases; in a word, the sway of capital extends over a greater mass of individuals.  Let us suppose the most favorable case: if productive capital grows, the demand for labour grows. It therefore increases the price of labour-power, wages.  A house may be large or small; as long as the neighboring houses are likewise small, it satisfies all social requirement for a residence. But let there arise next to the little house a palace, and the little house shrinks to a hut. The little house now makes it clear that its inmate has no social position at all to maintain, or but a very insignificant one; and however high it may shoot up in the course of civilization, if the neighboring palace rises in equal or even in greater measure, the occupant of the relatively little house will always find himself more uncomfortable, more dissatisfied, more cramped within his four walls.  An appreciable rise in wages presupposes a rapid growth of productive capital. Rapid growth of productive capital calls forth just as rapid a growth of wealth, of luxury, of social needs and social pleasures. Therefore, although the pleasures of the labourer have increased, the social gratification which they afford has fallen in comparison with the increased pleasures of the capitalist, which are inaccessible to the worker, in comparison with the stage of development of society in general. Our wants and pleasures have their origin in society; we therefore measure them in relation to society; we do not measure them in relation to the objects which serve for their gratification. Since they are of a social nature, they are of a relative nature.  But wages are not at all determined merely by the sum of commodities for which they may be exchanged. Other factors enter into the problem. What the workers directly receive for their labour-power is a certain sum of money. Are wages determined merely by this money price?  In the 16th century, the gold and silver circulation in Europe increased in consequence of the discovery of richer and more easily worked mines in America. The value of gold and silver, therefore, fell in relation to other commodities. The workers received the same amount of coined silver for their labour-power as before. The money price of their work remained the same, and yet their wages had fallen, for in exchange for the same amount of silver they obtained a smaller amount of other commodities. This was one of the circumstances which furthered the growth of capital, the rise of the bourgeoisie, in the 18th century.  Let us take another case. In the winter of 1847, in consequence of bad harvest, the most indispensable means of subsistence – grains, meat, butter, cheese, etc. – rose greatly in price. Let us suppose that the workers still received the same sum of money for their labour-power as before. Did not their wages fall? To be sure. For the same money they received in exchange less bread, meat, etc. Their wages fell, not because the value of silver was less, but because the value of the means of subsistence had increased.  Finally, let us suppose that the money price of labour-power remained the same, while all agricultural and manufactured commodities had fallen in price because of the employment of new machines, of favorable seasons, etc. For the same money the workers could now buy more commodities of all kinds. Their wages have therefore risen, just because their money value has not changed.  The money price of labour-power, the nominal wages, do not therefore coincide with the actual or real wages – i.e., with the amount of commodities which are actually given in exchange for the wages. If then we speak of a rise or fall of wages, we have to keep in mind not only the money price of labour-power, the nominal wages, but also the real wages.  But neither the nominal wages – i.e., the amount of money for which the labourer sells himself to the capitalist – nor the real wages – i.e., the amount of commodities which he can buy for this money – exhausts the relations which are comprehended in the term wages.  Wages are determined above all by their relations to the gain, the profit, of the capitalist. In other words, wages are a proportionate, relative quantity.  Real wages express the price of labour-power in relation to the price of commodities; relative wages, on the other hand, express the share of immediate labour in the value newly created by it, in relation to the share of it which falls to accumulated labour, to capital.    We have said: ""Wages are not a share of the worker in the commodities produced by him. Wages are that part of already existing commodities with which the capitalist buys a certain amount of productive labor-power."" But the capitalist must replace these wages out of the price for which he sells the product made by the worker; he must so replace it that, as a rule, there remains to him a surplus above the cost of production expended by him, that is, he must get a profit.  The selling price of the commodities produced by the worker is divided, from the point of view of the capitalist, into three parts:  Real wages may remain the same, they may even rise, nevertheless the relative wages may fall. Let us suppose, for instance, that all means of subsistence have fallen 2/3rds in price, while the day's wages have fallen but 1/3rd – for example, from three to two shillings. Although the worker can now get a greater amount of commodities with these two shillings than he formerly did with three shillings, yet his wages have decreased in proportion to the gain of the capitalist. The profit of the capitalist – the manufacturer's for instance – has increased one shilling, which means that for a smaller amount of exchange values, which he pays to the worker, the latter must produce a greater amount of exchange values than before. The share of capitals in proportion to the share of labour has risen. The distribution of social wealth between capital and labour has become still more unequal. The capitalist commands a greater amount of labour with the same capital.  What, then, is the general law that determines the rise and fall of wages and profit in their reciprocal relation?  They stand in inverse proportion to each other. The share of (profit) increases in the same proportion in which the share of labour (wages) falls, and vice versa. Profit rises in the same degree in which wages fall; it falls in the same degree in which wages rise.  It might perhaps be argued that the capitalist class can gain by an advantageous exchange of his products with other capitalists, by a rise in the demand for his commodities, whether in consequence of the opening up of new markets, or in consequence of temporarily increased demands in the old market, and so on; that the profit of the capitalist, therefore, may be multiplied by taking advantage of other capitalists, independently of the rise and fall of wages, of the exchange value of labour-power; or that the profit of the capitalist may also rise through improvements in the instruments of labour, new applications of the forces of nature, and so on.  But in the first place it must be admitted that the result remains the same, although brought about in an opposite manner. Profit, indeed, has not risen because wages have fallen, but wages have fallen because profit has risen. With the same amount of another man's labour the capitalist has bought a larger amount of exchange values without having paid more for the labour on that account – i.e., the work is paid for less in proportion to the net gain which it yields to the capitalist.  In the second place, it must be borne in mind that, despite the fluctuations in the prices of commodities, the average price of every commodity, the proportion in which it exchanges for other commodities, is determined by its cost of production. The acts of overreaching and taking advantage of one another within the capitalist ranks necessarily equalize themselves. The improvements of machinery, the new applications of the forces of nature in the service of production, make it possible to produce in a given period of time, with the same amount of labour and capital, a larger amount of products, but in no wise a larger amount of exchange values.  Finally, in whatsoever proportion the capitalist class, whether of one country or of the entire world-market, distribute the net revenue of production among themselves, the total amount of this net revenue always consists exclusively of the amount by which accumulated labour has been increased from the proceeds of direct labour. This whole amount, therefore, grows in the same proportion in which labour augments capital – i.e., in the same proportion in which profit rises as compared with wages.    We thus see that, even if we keep ourselves within the relation of capital and wage-labour, the interests of capitals and the interests of wage-labour are diametrically opposed to each other.  A rapid growth of capital is synonymous with a rapid growth of profits. Profits can grow rapidly only when the price of labour – the relative wages – decrease just as rapidly. Relative wages may fall, although real wages rise simultaneously with nominal wages, with the money value of labour, provided only that the real wage does not rise in the same proportion as the profit. If, for instance, in good business years wages rise 5 per cent, while profits rise 30 per cent, the proportional, the relative wage has not increased, but decreased.  If, therefore, the income of the worker increased with the rapid growth of capital, there is at the same time a widening of the social chasm that divides the worker from the capitalist, and increase in the power of capital over labour, a greater dependence of labour upon capital.  To say that ""the worker has an interest in the rapid growth of capital"", means only this: that the more speedily the worker augments the wealth of the capitalist, the larger will be the crumbs which fall to him, the greater will be the number of workers than can be called into existence, the more can the mass of slaves dependent upon capital be increased.  We have thus seen that even the most favorable situation for the working class, namely, the most rapid growth of capital, however much it may improve the material life of the worker, does not abolish the antagonism between his interests and the interests of the capitalist. Profit and wages remain as before, in inverse proportion.  If capital grows rapidly, wages may rise, but the profit of capital rises disproportionately faster. The material position of the worker has improved, but at the cost of his social position. The social chasm that separates him from the capitalist has widened.  Finally, to say that ""the most favorable condition for wage-labour is the fastest possible growth of productive capital"", is the same as to say: the quicker the working class multiplies and augments the power inimical to it – the wealth of another which lords over that class – the more favorable will be the conditions under which it will be permitted to toil anew at the multiplication of bourgeois wealth, at the enlargement of the power of capital, content thus to forge for itself the golden chains by which the bourgeoisie drags it in its train.  Growth of productive capital and rise of wages, are they really so indissolubly united as the bourgeois economists maintain? We must not believe their mere words. We dare not believe them even when they claim that the fatter capital is the more will its slave be pampered. The bourgeoisie is too much enlightened, it keeps its accounts much too carefully, to share the prejudices of the feudal lord, who makes an ostentatious display of the magnificence of his retinue. The conditions of existence of the bourgeoisie compel it to attend carefully to its bookkeeping. We must therefore examine more closely into the following question:  If as a whole, the productive capital of bourgeois society grows, there takes place a more many-sided accumulation of labour. The individual capitals increase in number and in magnitude. The multiplications of individual capitals increases the competition among capitalists. The increasing magnitude of increasing capitals provides the means of leading more powerful armies of workers with more gigantic instruments of war upon the industrial battlefield.  The one capitalist can drive the other from the field and carry off his capital only by selling more cheaply. In order to sell more cheaply without ruining himself, he must produce more cheaply – i.e., increase the productive forces of labour as much as possible.  But the productive forces of labour is increased above all by a greater division of labour and by a more general introduction and constant improvement of machinery. The larger the army of workers among whom the labour is subdivided, the more gigantic the scale upon which machinery is introduced, the more in proportion does the cost of production decrease, the more fruitful is the labour. And so there arises among the capitalists a universal rivalry for the increase of the division of labour and of machinery and for their exploitation upon the greatest possible scale.  If, now, by a greater division of labour, by the application and improvement of new machines, by a more advantageous exploitation of the forces of nature on a larger scale, a capitalist has found the means of producing with the same amount of labour (whether it be direct or accumulated labour) a larger amount of products of commodities than his competitors – if, for instance, he can produce a whole yard of linen in the same labour-time in which his competitors weave half-a-yard – how will this capitalist act?  He could keep on selling half-a-yard of linen at old market price; but this would not have the effect of driving his opponents from the field and enlarging his own market. But his need of a market has increased in the same measure in which his productive power has extended. The more powerful and costly means of production that he has called into existence enable him, it is true, to sell his wares more cheaply, but they compel him at the same time to sell more wares, to get control of a very much greater market for his commodities; consequently, this capitalist will sell his half-yard of linen more cheaply than his competitors.  But the capitalist will not sell the whole yard so cheaply as his competitors sell the half-yard, although the production of the whole yard costs him no more than does that of the half-yard to the others. Otherwise, he would make no extra profit, and would get back in exchange only the cost of production. He might obtain a greater income from having set in motion a larger capital, but not from having made a greater profit on his capital than the others. Moreover, he attains the object he is aiming at if he prices his goods only a small percentage lower than his competitors. He drives them off the field, he wrests from them at least part of their market, by underselling them.  And finally, let us remember that the current price always stands either above or below the cost of production, according as the sale of a commodity takes place in the favorable or unfavorable period of the industry. According as the market price of the yard of linen stands above or below its former cost of production, will the percentage vary at which the capitalist who has made use of the new and more faithful means of production sell above his real cost of production.  But the privilege of our capitalist is not of long duration. Other competing capitalists introduce the same machines, the same division of labour, and introduce them upon the same or even upon a greater scale. And finally this introduction becomes so universal that the price of the linen is lowered not only below its old, but even below its new cost of production.  The capitalists therefore find themselves, in their mutual relations, in the same situation in which they were before the introduction of the new means of production; and if they are by these means enabled to offer double the product at the old price, they are now forced to furnish double the product for less than the old price. Having arrived at the new point, the new cost of production, the battle for supremacy in the market has to be fought out anew. Given more division of labour and more machinery, and there results a greater scale upon which division of labour and machinery are exploited. And competition again brings the same reaction against this result.    We thus see how the method of production and the means of production are constantly enlarged, revolutionized, how division of labour necessarily draws after it greater division of labour, the employment of machinery greater employment of machinery, work upon a large scale work upon a still greater scale. This is the law that continually throws capitalist production out of its old ruts and compels capital to strain ever more the productive forces of labour for the very reason that it has already strained them – the law that grants it no respite, and constantly shouts in its ear: March! march! This is no other law than that which, within the periodical fluctuations of commerce, necessarily adjusts the price of a commodity to its cost of production.  No matter how powerful the means of production which a capitalist may bring into the field, competition will make their adoption general; and from the moment that they have been generally adopted, the sole result of the greater productiveness of his capital will be that he must furnish at the same price, 10, 20, 100 times as much as before. But since he must find a market for, perhaps, 1,000 times as much, in order to outweigh the lower selling price by the greater quantity of the sale; since now a more extensive sale is necessary not only to gain a greater profit, but also in order to replace the cost of production (the instrument of production itself grows always more costly, as we have seen), and since this more extensive sale has become a question of life and death not only for him, but also for his rivals, the old struggle must begin again, and it is all the more violent the more powerful the means of production already invented are.  Whatever be the power of the means of production which are employed, competition seeks to rob capital of the golden fruits of this power by reducing the price of commodities to the cost of production; in the same measure in which production is cheapened - i.e., in the same measure in which more can be produced with the same amount of labour – it compels by a law which is irresistible a still greater cheapening of production, the sale of ever greater masses of product for smaller prices. Thus the capitalist will have gained nothing more by his efforts than the obligation to furnish a greater product in the same labour-time; in a word, more difficult conditions for the profitable employment of his capital.  If we now conceive this feverish agitation as it operates in the market of the whole world, we shall be in a position to comprehend how the growth, accumulation, and concentration of capital bring in their train an ever more detailed subdivision of labour, an ever greater improvement of old machines, and a constant application of new machine – a process which goes on uninterruptedly, with feverish haste, and upon an ever more gigantic scale.  But what effect do these conditions, which are inseparable from the growth of productive capital, have upon the determination of wages?  The greater division of labour enables one labourer to accomplish the work of five, 10, or 20 labourers; it therefore increases competition among the labourers fivefold, tenfold, or twentyfold. The labourers compete not only by selling themselves one cheaper than the other, but also by one doing the work of five, 10, or 20; and they are forced to compete in this manner by the division of labour, which is introduced and steadily improved by capital.  Furthermore, to the same degree in which the division of labour increases, is the labour simplified. The special skill of the labourer becomes worthless. He becomes transformed into a simple monotonous force of production, with neither physical nor mental elasticity. His work becomes accessible to all; therefore competitors press upon him from all sides. Moreover, it must be remembered that the more simple, the more easily learned the work is, so much the less is its cost to production, the expense of its acquisition, and so much the lower must the wages sink – for, like the price of any other commodity, they are determined by the cost of production. Therefore, in the same manner in which labour becomes more unsatisfactory, more repulsive, do competition increase and wages decrease.  The labourer seeks to maintain the total of his wages for a given time by performing more labour, either by working a great number of hours, or by accomplishing more in the same number of hours. Thus, urged on by want, he himself multiplies the disastrous effects of division of labour. The result is: the more he works, the less wages he receives. And for this simple reason: the more he works, the more he competes against his fellow workmen, the more he compels them to compete against him, and to offer themselves on the same wretched conditions as he does; so that, in the last analysis, he competes against himself as a member of the working class.  Machinery produces the same effects, but upon a much larger scale. It supplants skilled labourers by unskilled, men by women, adults by children; where newly introduced, it throws workers upon the streets in great masses; and as it becomes more highly developed and more productive it discards them in additional though smaller numbers.  We have hastily sketched in broad outlines the industrial war of capitalists among themselves. This war has the peculiarity that the battles in it are won less by recruiting than by discharging the army of workers. The generals (the capitalists) vie with one another as to who can discharge the greatest number of industrial soldiers.  The economists tell us, to be sure, that those labourers who have been rendered superfluous by machinery find new venues of employment. They dare not assert directly that the same labourers that have been discharged find situations in new branches of labour. Facts cry out too loudly against this lie. Strictly speaking, they only maintain that new means of employment will be found for other sections of the working class; for example, for that portion of the young generation of labourers who were about to enter upon that branch of industry which had just been abolished. Of course, this is a great satisfaction to the disabled labourers. There will be no lack of fresh exploitable blood and muscle for the Messrs. Capitalists – the dead may bury their dead. This consolation seems to be intended more for the comfort of the capitalists themselves than their labourers.  But even if we assume that all who are directly forced out of employment by machinery, as well as all of the rising generation who were waiting for a chance of employment in the same branch of industry, do actually find some new employment – are we to believe that this new employment will pay as high wages as did the one they have lost? If it did, it would be in contradiction to the laws of political economy. We have seen how modern industry always tends to the substitution of the simpler and more subordinate employments for the higher and more complex ones. How, then, could a mass of workers thrown out of one branch of industry by machinery find refuge in another branch, unless they were to be paid more poorly?  An exception to the law has been adduced, namely, the workers who are employed in the manufacture of machinery itself. As soon as there is in industry a greater demand for and a greater consumption of machinery, it is said that the number of machines must necessarily increase; consequently, also, the manufacture of machines; consequently, also, the employment of workers in machine manufacture; and the workers employed in this branch of industry are skilled, even educated, workers.  Since the year 1840 this assertion, which even before that date was only half-true, has lost all semblance of truth; for the most diverse machines are now applied to the manufacture of the machines themselves on quite as extensive a scale as in the manufacture of cotton yarn, and the labourers employed in machine factories can but play the role of very stupid machines alongside of the highly ingenious machines.  But in place of the man who has been dismissed by the machine, the factory may employ, perhaps, three children and one woman! And must not the wages of the man have previously sufficed for the three children and one woman? Must not the minimum wages have sufficed for the preservation and propagation of the race? What, then, do these beloved bourgeois phrases prove? Nothing more than that now four times as many workers' lives are used up as there were previously, in order to obtain the livelihood of one working family.  To sum up: the more productive capital grows, the more it extends the division of labour and the application of machinery; the more the division of labour and the application of machinery extend, the more does competition extend among the workers, the more do their wages shrink together.  In addition, the working class is also recruited from the higher strata of society; a mass of small business men and of people living upon the interest of their capitals is precipitated into the ranks of the working class, and they will have nothing else to do than to stretch out their arms alongside of the arms of the workers. Thus the forest of outstretched arms, begging for work, grows ever thicker, while the arms themselves grow every leaner.  It is evident that the small manufacturer cannot survive in a struggle in which the first condition of success is production upon an ever greater scale. It is evident that the small manufacturers and thereby increasing the number of candidates for the proletariat – all this requires no further elucidation.  Finally, in the same measure in which the capitalists are compelled, by the movement described above, to exploit the already existing gigantic means of production on an ever-increasing scale, and for this purpose to set in motion all the mainsprings of credit, in the same measure do they increase the industrial earthquakes, in the midst of which the commercial world can preserve itself only by sacrificing a portion of its wealth, its products, and even its forces of production, to the gods of the lower world – in short, the crises increase. They become more frequent and more violent, if for no other reason, than for this alone, that in the same measure in which the mass of products grows, and therefore the needs for extensive markets, in the same measure does the world market shrink ever more, and ever fewer markets remain to be exploited, since every previous crisis has subjected to the commerce of the world a hitherto unconquered or but superficially exploited market.  But capital not only lives upon labour. Like a master, at once distinguished and barbarous, it drags with it into its grave the corpses of its slaves, whole hecatombs of workers, who perish in the crises.  We thus see that if capital grows rapidly, competition among the workers grows with even greater rapidity – i.e., the means of employment and subsistence for the working class decrease in proportion even more rapidly; but, this notwithstanding, the rapid growth of capital is the most favorable condition for wage-labour.    The first work which I undertook to dispel the doubts assailing me was a critical re-examination of the Hegelian philosophy of law; the introduction to this work being published in the Deutsch-Franzosische Jahrbucher issued in Paris in 1844. My inquiry led me to the conclusion that neither legal relations nor political forms could be comprehended whether by themselves or on the basis of a so-called general development of the human mind, but that on the contrary they originate in the material conditions of life, the totality of which Hegel, following the example of English and French thinkers of the eighteenth century, embraces within the term ""civil society""; that the anatomy of this civil society, how"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the recognition, on the one hand, of the class antagonisms existing<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in the society of today between proprietors and non-proprietors, between<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" capitalists and wage-workers; on the other hand, of the anarchy existing<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in production. But, in its theoretical form, modern Socialism originally<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" appears ostensibly as a more logical extension of the principles laid down<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" by the great French philosophers of the 18th century. Like every new theory,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" modern Socialism had, at first, to connect itself with the intellectual<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" stock-in-trade ready to its hand, however deeply its roots lay in material<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" economic facts.  The great men, who in France prepared men’s minds for the coming<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" revolution, were themselves extreme revolutionists. They recognized no<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" external authority of any kind whatever. Religion, natural science, society,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" political institutions – everything was subjected to the most unsparing<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" criticism: everything must justify its existence before the judgment-seat<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of reason or give up existence. Reason became the sole measure of everything.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" It was the time when, as Hegel says, the world stood upon its head ;<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" first in the sense that the human head, and the principles arrived at by<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" its thought, claimed to be the basis of all human action and association;<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" but by and by, also, in the wider sense that the reality which was in contradiction<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to these principles had, in fact, to be turned upside down.  Now, for the first time, appeared the light of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" day, the kingdom of reason; henceforth superstition, injustice, privilege,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" oppression, were to be superseded by eternal truth, eternal Right, equality<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" based on Nature and the inalienable rights of man.  We know today that this kingdom of reason was nothing more than<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the idealized kingdom of the bourgeoisie; that this eternal Right found<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" its realization in bourgeois justice; that this equality reduced itself<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to bourgeois equality before the law; that bourgeois property was proclaimed<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" as one of the essential rights of man; and that the government of reason,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the Contrat Social of Rousseau, came into being, and only could<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" come into being, as a democratic bourgeois republic. The great thinkers<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the 18th century could, no more than their predecessors, go beyond the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" limits imposed upon them by their epoch.  But, side by side with the antagonisms of the feudal nobility<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and the burghers, who claimed to represent all the rest of society, was<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the general antagonism of exploiters and exploited, of rich idlers and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" poor workers. It was this very circumstance that made it possible for the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" representatives of the bourgeoisie to put themselves forward as representing<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" not one special class, but the whole of suffering humanity. Still further.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" From its origin the bourgeoisie was saddled with its antithesis: capitalists<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" cannot exist without wage-workers, and, in the same proportion as the mediaeval<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" burgher of the guild developed into the modern bourgeois, the guild journeyman<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and the day-laborer, outside the guilds, developed into the proletarian.  For example, at the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" time of the German Reformation and the Peasants’ War, the Anabaptists and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Thomas Münzer; in the great English Revolution, the Levellers;<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in the great French Revolution, Babeuf.  These were theoretical enunciations, corresponding with these<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" revolutionary uprisings of a class not yet developed; in the 16th and 17th<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" centuries, Utopian pictures of ideal social conditions; in the 18th century, actual communistic theories (Morelly and Mably). The<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" demand for equality was no longer limited to political rights; it was extended<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" also to the social conditions of individuals. It was not simply class privileges<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" that were to be abolished, but class distinctions themselves. A Communism,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" ascetic, denouncing all the pleasures of life, Spartan, was the first form<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the new teaching.  One thing is common to all three. Not one of them appears as a<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" representative of the interests of that proletariat which historical development<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" had, in the meantime, produced. Like the French philosophers, they do not<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" claim to emancipate a particular class to begin with, but all humanity<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" at once. Like them, they wish to bring in the kingdom of reason and eternal<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" justice, but this kingdom, as they see it, is as far as Heaven from Earth,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" from that of the French philosophers.  For, to our three social reformers, the bourgeois world, based<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" upon the principles of these philosophers, is quite as irrational and unjust,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and, therefore, finds its way to the dust-hole quite as readily as feudalism<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and all the earlier stages of society. If pure reason and justice have<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" not, hitherto, ruled the world, this has been the case only because men<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" have not rightly understood them. What was wanted was the individual man<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of genius, who has now arisen and who understands the truth. That he has<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" now arisen, that the truth has now been clearly understood, is not an inevitable<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" event, following of necessity in the chains of historical development,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" but a mere happy accident. He might just as well have been born 500 years<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" earlier, and might then have spared humanity 500 years of error, strife,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and suffering.  We saw how the French philosophers of the 18th century, the forerunners of the Revolution, appealed to reason as the sole judge of all that is. A rational government, rational society, were to be founded; everything that ran counter to eternal reason was to be remorselessly done away with. We saw also that this eternal reason was in reality nothing but the idealized understanding of the 18th century citizen, just then evolving into the bourgeois. The French Revolution had realized this rational society and government.  But the new order of things, rational enough as compared with earlier conditions, turned out to be by no means absolutely rational. The state based upon reason completely collapsed. Rousseau’s Contrat Social had found its realization in the Reign of Terror, from which the bourgeoisie, who had lost confidence in their own political capacity, had taken refuge first in the corruption of the Directorate, and, finally, under the wing of the Napoleonic despotism. The promised eternal peace was turned into an endless war of conquest. The society based upon reason had fared no better. The antagonism between rich and poor, instead of dissolving into general prosperity, had become intensified by the removal of the guild and other privileges, which had to some extent bridged it over, and by the removal of the charitable institutions of the Church.  The development of industry upon a capitalistic basis made poverty and misery of the working masses conditions of existence of society. Cash payment became more and more, in Carlyle’s phrase , the sole nexus between man and man. The number of crimes increased from year to year. Formerly, the feudal vices had openly stalked about in broad daylight; though not eradicated, they were now at any rate thrust into the background. In their stead, the bourgeois vices, hitherto practiced in secret, began to blossom all the more luxuriantly. Trade became to a greater and greater extent cheating. The “fraternity” of the revolutionary motto was realized in the chicanery and rivalries of the battle of competition.  The right of the first night was transferred from the feudal lords to the bourgeois manufacturers. Prostitution increased to an extent never heard of. Marriage itself remained, as before, the legally recognized form, the official cloak of prostitution, and, moreover, was supplemented by rich crops of adultery.  In a word, compared with the splendid promises of the philosophers, the social and political institutions born of the “triumph of reason” were bitterly disappointing caricatures. All that was wanting was the men to formulate this disappointment, and they came with the turn of the century. In 1802, Saint-Simon’s Geneva letters appeared; in 1808 appeared Fourier’s first work, although the groundwork of his theory dated from 1799; on January 1, 1800, Robert Owen undertook the direction of New Lanark.  At this time, however, the capitalist mode of production, and with it the antagonism between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, was still very incompletely developed. Modern Industry, which had just arisen in England, was still unknown in France. But Modern Industry develops, on the one hand, the conflicts which make absolutely necessary a revolution in the mode of production, and the doing away with its capitalistic character – conflicts not only between the classes begotten of it, but also between the very productive forces and the forms of exchange created by it. And, on the other hand, it develops, in these very gigantic productive forces, the means of ending these conflicts. If, therefore, about the year 1800, the conflicts arising from the new social order were only just beginning to take shape, this holds still more fully as to the means of ending them.  But, in doing so, they only proved how impossible it was for their domination to last under the conditions then obtaining. The proletariat, which then for the first time evolved itself from these “have-nothing” masses as the nucleus of a new class, as yet quite incapable of independent political action, appeared as an oppressed, suffering order, to whom, in its incapacity to help itself, help could, at best, be brought in from without or down from above.  This historical situation also dominated the founders of Socialism. To the crude conditions of capitalistic production and the crude class conditions correspond crude theories. The solution of the social problems, which as yet lay hidden in undeveloped economic conditions, the Utopians attempted to evolve out of the human brain. Society presented nothing but wrongs; to remove these was the task of reason. It was necessary, then, to discover a new and more perfect system of social order and to impose this upon society from without by propaganda, and, wherever it was possible, by the example of model experiments. These new social systems were foredoomed as Utopian; the more completely they were worked out in detail, the more they could not avoid drifting off into pure phantasies.  These facts once established, we need not dwell a moment longer upon this side of the question, now wholly belonging to the past. We can leave it to the literary small fry to solemnly quibble over these phantasies, which today only make us smile, and to crow over the superiority of their own bald reasoning, as compared with such “insanity”. For ourselves, we delight in the stupendously grand thoughts and germs of thought that everywhere break out through their phantastic covering, and to which these Philistines are blind.  Saint-Simon was a son of the great French Revolution, at the outbreak of which he was not yet 30. The Revolution was the victory of the 3rd estate – i.e., of the great masses of the nation, working in production and in trade, over the privileged idle classes, the nobles and the priests. But the victory of the 3rd estate soon revealed itself as exclusively the victory of a smaller part of this “estate”, as the conquest of political power by the socially privileged section of it – i.e., the propertied bourgeoisie. And the bourgeoisie had certainly developed rapidly during the Revolution, partly by speculation in the lands of the nobility and of the Church, confiscated and afterwards put up for sale, and partly by frauds upon the nation by means of army contracts. It was the domination of these swindlers that, under the Directorate, brought France to the verge of ruin, and thus gave Napoleon the pretext for his coup d’état.  Hence, to Saint-Simon the antagonism between the 3rd Estate and the privileged classes took the form of an antagonism between “workers” and “idlers”. The idlers were not merely the old privileged classes, but also all who, without taking any part in production or distribution, lived on their incomes. And the workers were not only the wage-workers, but also the manufacturers, the merchants, the bankers. That the idlers had lost the capacity for intellectual leadership and political supremacy had been proved, and was by the Revolution finally settled. That the non-possessing classes had not this capacity seemed to Saint-Simon proved by the experiences of the Reign of Terror. Then, who was to lead and command? According to Saint-Simon, science and industry, both united by a new religious bond, destined to restore that unity of religious ideas which had been lost since the time of the Reformation – a necessarily mystic and rigidly hierarchic “new Christianity”.  These bourgeois were, certainly, intended by Saint-Simon to transform themselves into a kind of public officials, of social trustees; but they were still to hold, vis-à-vis of the workers, a commanding and economically privileged position. The bankers especially were to be called upon to direct the whole of social production by the regulation of credit. This conception was in exact keeping with a time in which Modern Industry in France and, with it, the chasm between bourgeoisie and proletariat was only just coming into existence.  Already in his Geneva letters, Saint-Simon lays down the proposition that “all men ought to work”. In the same work he recognizes also that the Reign of Terror was the reign of the non-possessing masses.  “See,” says he to them, “what happened in France at the time when your comrades held sway there; they brought about a famine.”  But to recognize the French Revolution as a class war, and not simply one between nobility and bourgeoisie, but between nobility, bourgeoisie, and the non-possessors, was, in the year 1802, a most pregnant discovery. In 1816, he declares that politics is the science of production, and foretells the complete absorption of politics by economics. The knowledge that economic conditions are the basis of political institutions appears here only in embryo. Yet what is here already very plainly expressed is the idea of the future conversion of political rule over men into an administration of things and a direction of processes of production – that is to say, the “abolition of the state”, about which recently there has been so much noise.  Saint-Simon shows the same superiority over his contemporaries, when in 1814, immediately after the entry of the allies into Paris, and again in 1815, during the Hundred Days’ War, he proclaims the alliance of France and England, and then of both of these countries, with Germany, as the only guarantee for the prosperous development and peace of Europe. To preach to the French in 1815 an alliance with the victors of Waterloo required as much courage as historical foresight.  If in Saint-Simon we find a comprehensive breadth of view, by virtue of which almost all the ideas of later Socialists that are not strictly economic are found in him in embryo, we find in Fourier a criticism of the existing conditions of society, genuinely French and witty, but not upon that account any the less thorough. Fourier takes the bourgeoisie, their inspired prophets before the Revolution, and their interested eulogists after it, at their own word. He lays bare remorselessly the material and moral misery of the bourgeois world. He confronts it with the earlier philosophers’ dazzling promises of a society in which reason alone should reign, of a civilization in which happiness should be universal, of an illimitable human perfectibility, and with the rose-colored phraseology of the bourgeois ideologists of his time. He points out how everywhere the most pitiful reality corresponds with the most high-sounding phrases, and he overwhelms this hopeless fiasco of phrases with his mordant sarcasm.  Fourier is not only a critic, his imperturbably serene nature makes him a satirist, and assuredly one of the greatest satirists of all time. He depicts, with equal power and charm, the swindling speculations that blossomed out upon the downfall of the Revolution, and the shopkeeping spirit prevalent in, and characteristic of, French commerce at that time. Still more masterly is his criticism of the bourgeois form of the relations between sexes, and the position of woman in bourgeois society. He was the first to declare that in any given society the degree of woman’s emancipation is the natural measure of the general emancipation.  But Fourier is at his greatest in his conception of the history of society. He divides its whole course, thus far, into four stages of evolution – savagery, barbarism, the patriarchate, civilization. This last is identical with the so-called civil, or bourgeois, society of today – i.e., with the social order that came in with the 16th century. He proves “that the civilized stage raises every vice practiced by barbarism in a simple fashion into a form of existence, complex, ambiguous, equivocal, hypocritical” – that civilization moves “in a vicious circle”, in contradictions which it constantly reproduces without being able to solve them; hence it constantly arrives at the very opposite to that which it wants to attain, or pretends to want to attain, so that, e.g., “under civilization poverty is born of superabundance itself”.  Fourier, as we see, uses the dialectic method in the same masterly way as his contemporary, Hegel. Using these same dialectics, he argues against talk about illimitable human perfectibility, that every historical phase has its period of ascent and also its period of descent, and he applies this observation to the future of the whole human race. As Kant introduced into natural science the idea of the ultimate destruction of the Earth, Fourier introduced into historical science that of the ultimate destruction of the human race.  Whilst in France the hurricane of the Revolution swept over the land, in England a quieter, but not on that account less tremendous, revolution was going on. Steam and the new tool-making machinery were transforming manufacture into modern industry, and thus revolutionizing the whole foundation of bourgeois society. The sluggish march of development of the manufacturing period changed into a veritable storm and stress period of production. With constantly increasing swiftness the splitting-up into large capitalists and non-possessing proletarians went on. Between these, instead of the former stable middle-class, an unstable mass of artisans and small shopkeepers, the most fluctuating portion of the population, now led a precarious existence.  The new mode of production was, as yet, only at the beginning of its period of ascent; as yet it was the normal, regular method of production – the only one possible under existing conditions. Nevertheless, even then it was producing crying social abuses – the herding together of a homeless population in the worst quarters of the large towns; the loosening of all traditional moral bonds, of patriarchal subordination, of family relations; overwork, especially of women and children, to a frightful extent; complete demoralization of the working-class, suddenly flung into altogether new conditions, from the country into the town, from agriculture into modern industry, from stable conditions of existence into insecure ones that change from day to day.  At this juncture, there came forward as a reformer a manufacturer 29-years-old – a man of almost sublime, childlike simplicity of character, and at the same time one of the few born leaders of men. Robert Owen had adopted the teaching of the materialistic philosophers: that man’s character is the product, on the one hand, of heredity; on the other, of the environment of the individual during his lifetime, and especially during his period of development. In the industrial revolution most of his class saw only chaos and confusion, and the opportunity of fishing in these troubled waters and making large fortunes quickly. He saw in it the opportunity of putting into practice his favorite theory, and so of bringing order out of chaos. He had already tried it with success, as superintendent of more than 500 men in a Manchester factory.  A population, originally consisting of the most diverse and, for the most part, very demoralized elements, a population that gradually grew to 2,500, he turned into a model colony, in which drunkenness, police, magistrates, lawsuits, poor laws, charity, were unknown. And all this simply by placing the people in conditions worthy of human beings, and especially by carefully bringing up the rising generation. He was the founder of infant schools, and introduced them first at New Lanark. At the age of two, the children came to school, where they enjoyed themselves so much that they could scarely be got home again. Whilst his competitors worked their people 13 or 14 hours a day, in New Lanark the working-day was only 10 and a half hours. When a crisis in cotton stopped work for four months, his workers received their full wages all the time. And with all this the business more than doubled in value, and to the last yielded large profits to its proprietors.  In spite of all this, Owen was not content. The existence which he secured for his workers was, in his eyes, still far from being worthy of human beings. ""The people were slaves at my mercy."" The relatively favorable conditions in which he had placed them were still far from allowing a rational development of the character and of the intellect in all directions, much less of the free exercise of all their faculties.  “And yet, the working part of this population of 2,500 persons was daily producing as much real wealth for society as, less than half a century before, it would have required the working part of a population of 600,000 to create. I asked myself, what became of the difference between the wealth consumed by 2,500 persons and that which would have been consumed by 600,000?”  The answer was clear. It had been used to pay the proprietors of the establishment 5 per cent on the capital they had laid out, in addition to over £300,000 clear profit. And that which held for New Lanark held to a still greater extent for all the factories in England.  “If this new wealth had not been created by machinery, imperfectly as it has been applied, the wars of Europe, in opposition to Napoleon, and to support the aristocratic principles of society, could not have been maintained. And yet this new power was the creation of the working-classes.”  To them, therefore, the fruits of this new power belonged. The newly-created gigantic productive forces, hitherto used only to enrich individuals and to enslave the masses, offered to Owen the foundations for a reconstruction of society; they were destined, as the common property of all, to be worked for the common good of all.  Owen’s communism was based upon this purely business foundation, the outcome, so to say, of commercial calculation. Throughout, it maintained this practical character. Thus, in 1823, Owen proposed the relief of the distress in Ireland by Communist colonies, and drew up complete estimates of costs of founding them, yearly expenditure, and probable revenue. And in his definite plan for the future, the technical working out of details is managed with such practical knowledge – ground plan, front and side and bird’s-eye views all included – that the Owen method of social reform once accepted, there is from the practical point of view little to be said against the actual arrangement of details.  His advance in the direction of Communism was the turning-point in Owen’s life. As long as he was simply a philanthropist, he was rewarded with nothing but wealth, applause, honor, and glory. He was the most popular man in Europe. Not only men of his own class, but statesmen and princes listened to him approvingly. But when he came out with his Communist theories that was quite another thing. Three great obstacles seemed to him especially to block the path to social reform: private property, religion, the present form of marriage.  He knew what confronted him if he attacked these – outlawry, excommunication from official society, the loss of his whole social position. But nothing of this prevented him from attacking them without fear of consequences, and what he had foreseen happened. Banished from official society, with a conspiracy of silence against him in the press, ruined by his unsuccessful Communist experiments in America, in which he sacrificed all his fortune, he turned directly to the working-class and continued working in their midst for 30 years. Every social movement, every real advance in England on behalf of the workers links itself on to the name of Robert Owen. He forced through in 1819, after five years’ fighting, the first law limiting the hours of labor of women and children in factories. He was president of the first Congress at which all the Trade Unions of England united in a single great trade association.  These have since that time, at least, given practical proof that the merchant and the manufacturer are socially quite unnecessary. On the other hand, he introduced labor bazaars for the exchange of the products of labor through the medium of labor-notes, whose unit was a single hour of work; institutions necessarily doomed to failure, but completely anticipating Proudhon’s bank of exchange of a much later period, and differing entirely from this in that it did not claim to be the panacea for all social ills, but only a first step towards a much more radical revolution of society.  The Utopians’ mode of thought has for a long time governed the Socialist ideas of the 19th century, and still governs some of them. Until very recently, all French and English Socialists did homage to it. The earlier German Communism, including that of Weitling, was of the same school. To all these, Socialism is the expression of absolute truth, reason and justice, and has only to be discovered to conquer all the world by virtue of its own power. And as an absolute truth is independent of time, space, and of the historical development of man, it is a mere accident when and where it is discovered. With all this, absolute truth, reason, and justice are different with the founder of each different school.  Hence, from this nothing could come but a kind of eclectic, average Socialism, which, as a matter of fact, has up to the present time dominated the minds of most of the socialist workers in France and England. Hence, a mish-mash allowing of the most manifold shades of opinion: a mish-mash of such critical statements, economic theories, pictures of future society by the founders of different sects, as excite a minimum of opposition; a mish-mash which is the more easily brewed the more definite sharp edges of the individual constituents are rubbed down in the stream of debate, like rounded pebbles in a brook.  To make a science of Socialism, it had first to be placed upon a real basis.  “Thought, the concept of law, all at once made itself felt, and against this the old scaffolding of wrong could make no stand. In this conception of law, therefore, a constitution has now been established, and henceforth everything must be based upon this. Since the Sun had been in the firmament, and the planets circled around him, the sight had never been seen of man standing upon his head – i.e., on the Idea – and building reality after this image. Anaxagoras first said that the Nous, Reason, rules the world; but now, for the first time, had men come to recognize that the Idea must rule the mental reality. And this was a magnificent sunrise. All thinking Beings have participated in celebrating this holy day. A sublime emotion swayed men at that time, an enthusiasm of reason pervaded the world, as if now had come the reconciliation of the Divine Principle with the world.”  In the meantime, along with and after the French philosophy<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the 18th century, had arisen the new German philosophy, culminating<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in Hegel.  Its greatest merit was the taking up again of dialectics as the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" highest form of reasoning. The old Greek philosophers were all born natural<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" dialecticians, and Aristotle, the most encyclopaedic of them, had already<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" analyzed the most essential forms of dialectic thought. The newer philosophy,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" on the other hand, although in it also dialectics had brilliant exponents<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" (e.g. Descartes and Spinoza), had, especially through English influence,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" become more and more rigidly fixed in the so-called metaphysical mode of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" reasoning, by which also the French of the 18th century were almost wholly<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" dominated, at all events in their special philosophical work. Outside philosophy<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in the restricted sense, the French nevertheless produced masterpieces<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of dialectic. We need only call to mind Diderot's Le Neveu de Rameau,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and Rousseau's Discours sur l'origine et les fondements de l'inegalite<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" parmi les hommes. We give here, in brief, the essential character<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of these two modes of thought.  When we consider and reflect upon Nature at large, or the history<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of mankind, or our own intellectual activity, at first we see the picture<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of an endless entanglement of relations and reactions, permutations and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" combinations, in which nothing remains what, where and as it was, but everything<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" moves, changes, comes into being and passes away. We see, therefore, at<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" first the picture as a whole, with its individual parts still more or less<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" kept in the background; we observe the movements, transitions, connections,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" rather than the things that move, combine, and are connected. This primitive,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" naive but intrinsically correct conception of the world is that of ancient<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Greek philosophy, and was first clearly formulated by Heraclitus: everything<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" is and is not, for everything is fluid, is constantly changing, constantly<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" coming into being and passing away.  But this conception, correctly as it expresses the general character<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the picture of appearances as a whole, does not suffice to explain the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" details of which this picture is made up, and so long as we do not understand<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" these, we have not a clear idea of the whole picture. In order to understand<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" these details, we must detach them from their natural, special causes,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" effects, etc. This is, primarily, the task of natural science and historical<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" research: branches of science which the Greek of classical times, on very<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" good grounds, relegated to a subordinate position, because they had first<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of all to collect materials for these sciences to work upon. A certain<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" amount of natural and historical material must be collected before there<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" can be any critical analysis, comparison, and arrangement in classes, orders,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and species. The foundations of the exact natural sciences were, therefore,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" first worked out by the Greeks of the Alexandrian period ,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and later on, in the Middle Ages, by the Arabs.  The analysis of Nature into its individual<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" parts, the grouping of the different natural processes and objects in definite<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" classes, the study of the internal anatomy of organized bodies in their<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" manifold forms — these were the fundamental conditions of the gigantic<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" strides in our knowledge of Nature that have been made during the last<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" 400 years. But this method of work has also left us as legacy the habit<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of observing natural objects and processes in isolation, apart from their<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" connection with the vast whole; of observing them in repose, not in motion;<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" as constraints, not as essentially variables; in their death, not in their<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" life. And when this way of looking at things was transferred by Bacon and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Locke from natural science to philosophy, it begot the narrow, metaphysical<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" mode of thought peculiar to the last century.  To the metaphysician, things and their mental reflexes, ideas,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" are isolated, are to be considered one after the other and apart from<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" each other, are objects of investigation fixed, rigid, given once for all.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" He thinks in absolutely irreconcilable antitheses. His communication is<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" 'yea, yea; nay, nay'; for whatsoever is more than these cometh of evil.""<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" For him, a thing either exists or does not exist; a thing cannot at the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" same time be itself and something else. Positive and negative absolutely<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" exclude one another; cause and effect stand in a rigid antithesis, one to<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the other.  At first sight, this mode of thinking seems to us very luminous,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" because it is that of so-called sound commonsense. Only sound commonsense,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" respectable fellow that he is, in the homely realm of his own four walls,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" has very wonderful adventures directly he ventures out into the wide world<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of research. And the metaphysical mode of thought, justifiable and necessary<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" as it is in a number of domains whose extent varies according to the nature<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the particular object of investigation, sooner or later reaches a limit,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" beyond which it becomes one-sided, restricted, abstract, lost in insoluble<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" contradictions. In the contemplation of individual things, it forgets the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" connection between them; in the contemplation of their existence, it forgets<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the beginning and end of that existence; of their repose, it forgets their<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" motion. It cannot see the woods for the trees.  For everyday purposes, we know and can say, e.g., whether an animal<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" is alive or not. But, upon closer inquiry, we find that this is, in many<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" cases, a very complex question, as the jurists know very well. They have<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" cudgelled their brains in vain to discover a rational limit beyond which<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the killing of the child in its mother's womb is murder. It is just as<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" impossible to determine absolutely the moment of death, for physiology<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" proves that death is not an instantaneous, momentary phenomenon, but a<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" very protracted process.  In like manner, every organized being is every moment the same<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and not the same; every moment, it assimilates matter supplied from without,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and gets rid of other matter; every moment, some cells of its body die<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and others build themselves anew; in a longer or shorter time, the matter<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of its body is completely renewed, and is replaced by other molecules of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" matter, so that every organized being is always itself, and yet something<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" other than itself.  Further, we find upon closer investigation that the two poles<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of an antithesis, positive and negative, e.g., are as inseparable as they<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" are opposed, and that despite all their opposition, they mutually interpenetrate.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" And we find, in like manner, that cause and effect are conceptions which<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" only hold good in their application to individual cases; but as soon as<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" we consider the individual cases in their general connection with the universe<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" as a whole, they run into each other, and they become confounded when we<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" contemplate that universal action and reaction in which causes and effects<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" are eternally changing places, so that what is effect here and now will<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" be cause there and then, and vice versa.  None of these processes and modes of thought enters into the framework<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of metaphysical reasoning. Dialectics, on the other hand, comprehends things<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and their representations, ideas, in their essential connection, concatenation,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" motion, origin and ending. Such processes as those mentioned above are,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" therefore, so many corroborations of its own method of procedure.  Nature is the proof of dialectics, and it must be said for modern<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" science that it has furnished this proof with very rich materials increasingly<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" daily, and thus has shown that, in the last resort, Nature works dialectically<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and not metaphysically; that she does not move in the eternal oneness of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" a perpetually recurring circle, but goes through a real historical evolution.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" In this connection, Darwin must be named before all others. He dealt the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" metaphysical conception of Nature the heaviest blow by his proof that all<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" organic beings, plants, animals, and man himself, are the products of a<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" process of evolution going on through millions of years. But, the naturalists,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" who have learned to think dialectically, are few and far between, and this<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" conflict of the results of discovery with preconceived modes of thinking,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" explains the endless confusion now reigning in theoretical natural science,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the despair of teachers as well as learners, of authors and readers alike.  An exact representation of the universe, of its evolution, of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the development of mankind, and of the reflection of this evolution in<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the minds of men, can therefore only be obtained by the methods of dialectics<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" with its constant regard to the innumerable actions and reactions of life<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and death, of progressive or retrogressive changes. And in this spirit,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the new German philosophy has worked. Kant began his career by resolving<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the stable Solar system of Newton and its eternal duration, after the famous<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" initial impulse had once been given, into the result of a historical process,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the formation of the Sun and all the planets out of a rotating, nebulous<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" mass. From this, he at the same time drew the conclusion that, given this<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" origin of the Solar system, its future death followed of necessity.  This new German philosophy culminated in the Hegelian system. In this system<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" — and herein is its great merit — for the first time the whole world,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" natural, historical, intellectual, is represented as a process — i.e.,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" as in constant motion, change, transformation, development; and the attempt<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" is made to trace out the internal connection that makes a continuous whole<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of all this movement and development. From this point of view, the history<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of mankind no longer appeared as a wild whirl of senseless deeds of violence,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" all equally condemnable at the judgment seat of mature philosophic reason<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and which are best forgotten as quickly as possible, but as the process<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of evolution of man himself. It was now the task of the intellect to follow<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the gradual march of this process through all its devious ways, and to<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" trace out the inner law running through all its apparently accidental phenomena.  That the Hegelian system did not solve the problem it propounded<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" is here immaterial. Its epoch-making merit was that it propounded the problem.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" This problem is one that no single individual will ever be able to solve.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Although Hegel was — with Saint-Simon — the most encyclopaedic mind of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" his time, yet he was limited, first, by the necessary limited extent of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" his own knowledge and, second, by the limited extent and depth of the knowledge<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and conceptions of his age. To these limits, a third must be added; Hegel<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" was an idealist. To him, the thoughts within his brain were not the more<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" or less abstract pictures of actual things and processes, but, conversely,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" things and their evolution were only the realized pictures of the ""Idea"",<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" existing somewhere from eternity before the world was. This way of thinking<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" turned everything upside down, and completely reversed the actual connection<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of things in the world.  The<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Hegelian system, in itself, was a colossal miscarriage — but it was also<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the last of its kind.  It was suffering, in fact, from an internal and incurable contradiction.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Upon the one hand, its essential proposition was the conception that human<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" history is a process of evolution, which, by its very nature, cannot find<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" its intellectual final term in the discovery of any so-called absolute<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" truth. But, on the other hand, it laid claim to being the very essence<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of this absolute truth. A system of natural and historical knowledge, embracing<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" everything, and final for all time, is a contradiction to the fundamental<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" law of dialectic reasoning.  This law, indeed, by no means excludes, but, on the contrary,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" includes the idea that the systematic knowledge of the external universe<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" can make giant strides from age to age.  The perception of the the fundamental contradiction in German<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" idealism led necessarily back to materialism, but — nota bene —<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" not to the simply metaphysical, exclusively mechanical materialism of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" 18th century. Old materialism looked upon all previous history as a crude<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" heap of irrationality and violence; modern materialism sees in it the process<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of evolution of humanity, and aims at discovering the laws thereof. With<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the French of the 18th century, and even with Hegel, the conception obtained<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of Nature as a whole — moving in narrow circles, and forever immutable,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" with its eternal celestial bodies, as Newton, and unalterable organic species,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" as Linnaeus, taught. Modern materialism embraces the more recent discoveries<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of natural science, according to which Nature also has its history in time,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the celestial bodies, like the organic species that, under favorable conditions,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" people them, being born and perishing.  In both aspects, modern materialism is essentially dialectic,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and no longer requires the assistance of that sort of philosophy which,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" queen-like, pretended to rule the remaining mob of sciences. As soon as<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" each special science is bound to make clear its position in the great totality<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of things and of our knowledge of things, a special science dealing with<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" this totality is superfluous or unnecessary. That which still survives<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of all earlier philosophy is the science of thought and its law — formal<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" logic and dialectics. Everything else is subsumed in the positive science<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of Nature and history.  Whilst, however, the revolution in the conception of Nature could<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" only be made in proportion to the corresponding positive materials furnished<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" by research, already much earlier certain historical facts had occurred<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" which led to a decisive change in the conception of history. In 1831, the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" first working-class rising took place in Lyons; between 1838 and 1842,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the first national working-class movement, that of the English Chartists,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" reached its height. The class struggle between proletariat and bourgeoisie<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" came to the front in the history of the most advanced countries in Europe,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in proportion to the development, upon the one hand, of modern industry,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" upon the other, of the newly-acquired political supremacy of the bourgeoisie.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Facts more and more strenuously gave the lie to the teachings of bourgeois<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" economy as to the identity of the interests of capital and labor, as to<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the universal harmony and universal prosperity that would be the consequence<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of unbridled competition.  The new facts made imperative a new examination of all past history.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Then it was seen that all past history, with the exception of its<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" primitive stages, was the history of class struggles; that these warring<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" classes of society are always the products of the modes of production and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of exchange — in a word, of the economic conditions of their time;<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" that the economic structure of society always furnishes the real basis,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" starting from which we can alone work out the ultimate explanation of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" whole superstructure of juridical and political institutions as well as<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the religious, philosophical, and other ideas of a given historical<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" period. Hegel has freed history from metaphysics — he made it dialectic;<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" but his conception of history was essentially idealistic.  From that time forward, Socialism was no longer an accidental<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" discovery of this or that ingenious brain, but the necessary outcome of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the struggle between two historically developed classes — the proletariat<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and the bourgeoisie. Its task was no longer to manufacture a system of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" society as perfect as possible, but to examine the historico-economic succession<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of events from which these classes and their antagonism had of necessity<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" sprung, and to discover in the economic conditions thus created the means<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of ending the conflict. But the Socialism of earlier days was as incompatible<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" with this materialist conception as the conception of Nature of the French<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" materialists was with dialectics and modern natural science. The Socialism<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of earlier days certainly criticized the existing capitalistic mode of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" production and its consequences. But it could not explain them, and, therefore,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" could not get the mastery of them. It could only simply reject them as<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bad.  to present the capitalistic mode of production in its historical connection<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and its inevitableness during a particular historical period, and therefore,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" also, to present its inevitable downfall; and  to lay bare its essential character, which was still a secret. This was<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" done by the discovery of surplus-value.  It was shown that the appropriation of unpaid labor is the basis of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" capitalist mode of production and of the exploitation of the worker that<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" occurs under it; that even if the capitalist buys the labor power of his<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" laborer at its full value as a commodity on the market, he yet extracts<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" more value from it than he paid for; and that in the ultimate analysis,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" this surplus-value forms those sums of value from which are heaped up constantly<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" increasing masses of capital in the hands of the possessing classes. The<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" genesis of capitalist production and the production of capital were both<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" explained.  These two great discoveries, the materialistic conception of history<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and the revelation of the secret of capitalistic production through surplus-value,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" we owe to Marx. With these discoveries, Socialism became a science. The<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" next thing was to work out all its details and relations.  China also been began development in natural sciences in the third century B.C.E.  The materialist conception of history starts from<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the proposition that the production of the means to support human life<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and, next to production, the exchange of things produced, is the basis<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of all social structure; that in every society that has appeared in history,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the manner in which wealth is distributed and society divided into classes<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" or orders is dependent upon what is produced, how it is produced, and how<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the products are exchanged. From this point of view, the final causes of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" all social changes and political revolutions are to be sought, not in men's<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" brains, not in men's better insights into eternal truth and justice, but<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in changes in the modes of production and exchange. They are to be sought,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" not in the philosophy, but in the economics of each particular<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" epoch.  From this it also follows that the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" means of getting rid of the incongruities that have been brought to light<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" must also be present, in a more or less developed condition, within the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" changed modes of production themselves. These means are not to be invented<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" by deduction from fundamental principles, but are to be discovered in the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" stubborn facts of the existing system of production.  What is, then, the position of modern Socialism in this connection?  The present situation of society — this is now pretty generally<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" conceded — is the creation of the ruling class of today, of the bourgeoisie.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" The mode of production peculiar to the bourgeoisie, known, since Marx,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" as the capitalist mode of production, was incompatible with the feudal<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" system, with the privileges it conferred upon individuals, entire social<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" ranks and local corporations, as well as with the hereditary ties of subordination<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" which constituted the framework of its social organization. The bourgeoisie<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" broke up the feudal system and built upon its ruins the capitalist order<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of society, the kingdom of free competition, of personal liberty, of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" equality, before the law, of all commodity owners, of all the rest of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" capitalist blessings. Thenceforward, the capitalist mode of production<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" could develop in freedom.  But just as the older<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" manufacture, in its time, and handicraft, becoming more developed under<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" its influence, had come into collision with the feudal trammels of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" guilds, so now modern industry, in its complete development, comes into<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" collision with the bounds within which the capitalist mode of production<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" holds it confined. The new productive forces have already outgrown the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" capitalistic mode of using them. And this conflict between productive forces<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and modes of production is not a conflict engendered in the mind of man,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" like that between original sin and divine justice. It exists, in fact,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" objectively, outside us, independently of the will and actions even of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the men that have brought it on.  Now, in what does this conflict consist?  Before capitalist production — i.e., in the Middle Ages — the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" system of petty industry obtained generally, based upon the private property<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the laborers in their means of production; in the country, the agriculture<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the small peasant, freeman, or serf; in the towns, the handicrafts organized<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in guilds. The instruments of labor — land, agricultural implements, the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" workshop, the tool — were the instruments of labor of single individuals,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" adapted for the use of one worker, and, therefore, of necessity, small,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" dwarfish, circumscribed. But, for this very reason, they belonged as a<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" rule to the producer himself. To concentrate these scattered, limited means<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of production, to enlarge them, to turn them into the powerful levers of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" production of the present day — this was precisely the historic role of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" capitalist production and of its upholder, the bourgeoisie.  But the bourgeoisie,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" as is shown there, could not transform these puny means of production into<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" mighty productive forces without transforming them, at the same time, from<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" means of production of the individual into social means of production<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" only workable by a collectivity of men. The spinning wheel, the handloom,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the blacksmith's hammer, were replaced by the spinning-machine, the power-loom,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the steam-hammer; the individual workshop, by the factory implying the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" co-operation of hundreds and thousands of workmen. In like manner, production<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" itself changed from a series of individual into a series of social acts,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and the production from individual to social products. The yarn, the cloth,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the metal articles that now come out of the factory were the joint product<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of many workers, through whose hands they had successively to pass before<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" they were ready.  But where, in a given society, the fundamental form of production<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" is that spontaneous division of labor which creeps in gradually and not<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" upon any preconceived plan, there the products take on the form of commodities,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" whose mutual exchange, buying and selling, enable the individual producers<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to satisfy their manifold wants. And this was the case in the Middle Ages.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" The peasant, e.g., sold to the artisan agricultural products and bought<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" from him the products of handicraft. Into this society of individual producers,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of commodity producers, the new mode of production thrust itself. In the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" midst of the old division of labor, grown up spontaneously and upon no<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" definite plan, which had governed the whole of society, now arose division<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of labor upon a definite plan, as organized in the factory; side<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" by side with individual production appeared social production.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" The products of both were sold in the same market, and, therefore, at prices<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" at least approximately equal.  The factories working with<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the combined social forces of a collectivity of individuals produced their<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" commodities far more cheaply than the individual small producers. Individual<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" producers succumbed in one department after another. Socialized production<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" revolutionized all the old methods of production. But its revolutionary<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" character was, at the same time, so little recognized that it was, on the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" contrary, introduced as a means of increasing and developing the production<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of commodities. When it arose, it found ready-made, and made liberal use<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of, certain machinery for the production and exchange of commodities: merchants'<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" capital, handicraft, wage-labor. Socialized production thus introducing<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" itself as a new form of the production of commodities, it was a matter<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of course that under it the old forms of appropriation remained in full<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" swing, and were applied to its products as well.  In the medieval stage of evolution of the production of commodities,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the question as to the owner of the product of labor could not arise. The<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" individual producer, as a rule, had, from raw material belonging to himself,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and generally his own handiwork, produced it with his own tools, by the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" labor of his own hands or of his family. There was no need for him to appropriate<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the new product. It belonged wholly to him, as a matter of course. His<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" property in the product was, therefore, based upon his own labor.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Even where external help was used, this was, as a rule, of little importance,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and very generally was compensated by something other than wages. The apprentices<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and journeymen of the guilds worked less for board and wages than for education,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in order that they might become master craftsmen themselves.  Then came the concentration of the means of production and of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the producers in large workshops and manufactories, their transformation<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" into actual socialized means of production and socialized producers. But<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the socialized producers and means of production and their products were<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" still treated, after this change, just as they had been before — i.e.,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" as the means of production and the products of individuals. Hitherto, the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" owner of the instruments of labor had himself appropriated the product,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" because, as a rule, it was his own product and the assistance of others<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" was the exception. Now, the owner of the instruments of labor always appropriated<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to himself the product, although it was no longer his product but<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" exclusively the product of the labor of others. Thus, the products<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" now produced socially were not appropriated by those who had actually set<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in motion the means of production and actually produced the commodities,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" but by the capitalists.  But they were subjected to a<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" form of appropriation which presupposes the private production of individuals,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" under which, therefore, every one owns his own product and brings it to<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" market. The mode of production is subjected to this form of appropriation,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" although it abolishes the conditions upon which the latter rests.  This contradiction, which gives to the new mode of production<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" its capitalistic character, contains the germ of the whole of the social<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" antagonisms of today. The greater the mastery obtained by the new mode<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of production over all important fields of production and in all manufacturing<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" countries, the more it reduced individual production to an insignificant<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" residuum, the more clearly was brought out the incompatibility of socialized<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" production with capitalistic appropriation.  The first capitalists found, as we have said, alongside of other<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" forms of labor, wage-labor ready-made for them on the market. But it was<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" exceptional, complementary, accessory, transitory wage-labor. The agricultural<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" laborer, though, upon occasion, he hired himself out by the day, had a<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" few acres of his own land on which he could at all events live at a pinch.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" The guilds were so organized that the journeyman of today became the master<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of tomorrow. But all this changed, as soon as the means of production became<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" socialized and concentrated in the hands of capitalists. The means of production,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" as well as the product, of the individual producer became more and more<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" worthless; there was nothing left for him but to turn wage-worker under<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the capitalist. Wage-labor, aforetime the exception and accessory, now<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" became the rule and basis of all production; aforetime complementary, it<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" now became the sole remaining function of the worker.  The number of these permanent was<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" further enormously increased by the breaking-up of the feudal system that<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" occurred at the same time, by the disbanding of the retainers of the feudal<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" lords, the eviction of the peasants from their homesteads, etc. The separation<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" was made complete between the means of production concentrated in the hands<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the capitalists, on the one side, and the producers, possessing nothing<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" but their labor-power, on the other. The contradiction between socialized<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" production and capitalistic appropriation manifested itself as the antagonism<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of proletariat and bourgeoisie.  We have seen that the capitalistic mode of production thrust its<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" way into a society of commodity-producers, of individual producers, whose<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" social bond was the exchange of their products. But every society based<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" upon the production of commodities has this peculiarity: that the producers<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" have lost control over their own social inter-relations. Each man produces<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" for himself with such means of production as he may happen to have, and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" for such exchange as he may require to satisfy his remaining wants. No<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" one knows how much of his particular article is coming on the market, nor<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" how much of it will be wanted. No one knows whether his individual product<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" will meet an actual demand, whether he will be able to make good his costs<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of production or even to sell his commodity at all. Anarchy reigns in socialized<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" production.  But the production of commodities, like every other form of production,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" has it peculiar, inherent laws inseparable from it; and these laws work,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" despite anarchy, in and through anarchy. They reveal themselves in the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" only persistent form of social inter-relations — i.e., in exchange —<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and here they affect the individual producers as compulsory laws of competition.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" They are, at first, unknown to these producers themselves, and have to<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" be discovered by them gradually and as the result of experience. They work<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" themselves out, therefore, independently of the producers, and in antagonism<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to them, as inexorable natural laws of their particular form of production.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" The product governs the producers.  In mediaeval society, especially in the earlier centuries, production<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" was essentially directed toward satisfying the wants of the individual.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" It satisfied, in the main, only the wants of the producer and his family.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Where relations of personal dependence existed, as in the country, it also<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" helped to satisfy the wants of the feudal lord. In all this there was,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" therefore, no exchange; the products, consequently, did not assume the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" character of commodities. The family of the peasant produced almost everything<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" they wanted: clothes and furniture, as well as the means of subsistence.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Only when it began to produce more than was sufficient to supply its own<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" wants and the payments in kind to the feudal lords, only then did it also<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" produce commodities. This surplus, thrown into socialized exchange and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" offered for sale, became commodities.  The artisan in the towns, it is true, had from the first to produce<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" for exchange. But they, also, themselves supplied the greatest part of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" their individual wants. They had gardens and plots of land. They turned<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" their cattle out into the communal forest, which, also, yielded them timber<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and firing. The women spun flax, wool, and so forth. Production for the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" purpose of exchange, production of commodities, was only in its infancy.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Hence, exchange was restricted, the market narrow, the methods of production<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" stable; there was local exclusiveness without, local unity within; the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" mark in the country; in the town, the guild.  But with the extension of the production of commodities, and especially<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" with the introduction of the capitalist mode of production, the laws of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" commodity-production, hitherto latent, came into action more openly and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" with greater force. The old bonds were loosened, the old exclusive limits<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" broken through, the producers were more and more turned into independent,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" isolated producers of commodities. It became apparent that the production<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of society at large was ruled by absence of plan, by accident, by anarchy;<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and this anarchy grew to greater and greater height. But the chief means<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" by aid of which the capitalist mode of production intensified this anarchy<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of socialized production was the exact opposite of anarchy. It was the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" increasing organization of production, upon a social basis, in every individual<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" productive establishment. By this, the old, peaceful, stable condition<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of things was ended.  The field of labor became a battle-ground. The great geographical<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" discoveries, and the colonization following them, multiplied markets and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" quickened the transformation of handicraft into manufacture. The war did<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" not simply break out between the individual producers of particular localities.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" The local struggles begat, in their turn, national conflicts, the commercial<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" wars of the 17th and 18th centuries.  Finally, modern industry and the opening of the world-market made<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the struggle universal, and at the same time gave it an unheard-of virulence.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Advantages in natural or artificial conditions of production now decide<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the existence or non-existence of individual capitalists, as well as of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" whole industries and countries. He that falls is remorselessly cast aside.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" It is the Darwinian struggle of the individual for existence transferred<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" from Nature to society with intensified violence. The conditions of existence<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" natural to the animal appear as the final term of human development. The<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" contradiction between socialized production and capitalistic appropriation<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" now presents itself as an antagonism between the organization of production<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in the individual workshop and the anarchy of production in society generally.  The capitalistic mode of production moves in these two forms of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the antagonism immanent to it from its very origin. It is never able to<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" get out of that ""vicious circle"" which Fourier had already discovered.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" What Fourier could not, indeed, see in his time is that this circle is<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" gradually narrowing; that the movement becomes more and more a spiral,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and must come to an end, like the movement of planets, by collision with<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the centre. It is the compelling force of anarchy in the production of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" society at large that more and more completely turns the great majority<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of men into proletarians; and it is the masses of the proletariat again<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" who will finally put an end to anarchy in production. It is the compelling<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" force of anarchy in social production that turns the limitless perfectibility<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of machinery under modern industry into a compulsory law by which every<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" individual industrial capitalist must perfect his machinery more and more,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" under penalty of ruin.  But the perfecting of machinery is making human labor superfluous.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" If the introduction and increase of machinery means the displacement of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" millions of manual by a few machine-workers, improvement in machinery means<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the displacement of more and more of the machine-workers themselves. It<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" means, in the last instance, the production of a number of available wage<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" workers in excess of the average needs of capital, the formation of a complete<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" industrial reserve army, as I called it in 1845 ,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" available at the times when industry is working at high pressure, to be<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" cast out upon the street when the inevitable crash comes, a constant dead<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" weight upon the limbs of the working-class in its struggle for existence<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" with capital, a regulator for keeping of wages down to the low level that<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" suits the interests of capital.  ""the most powerful instrument for shortening labor time, becomes the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" most unfailing means for placing every moment of the laborer's time and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" that of his family at the disposal of the capitalist for the purpose of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" expanding the value of his capital."" (Capital, English edition,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" p. 406)  ""The law that always equilibrates the relative surplus- population,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" or industrial reserve army, to the extent and energy of accumulation, this<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" law rivets the laborer to capital more firmly than the wedges of Vulcan<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" did Prometheus to the rock. It establishes an accumulation of misery, corresponding<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" with the accumulation of capital. Accumulation of wealth at one pole is,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" therefore, at the same time accumulation of misery, agony of toil, slavery,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" ignorance, brutality, mental degradation, at the opposite pole, i.e., on<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the side of the class that produces its own product in the form of capital<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" (Marx's Capital, p. 661)  We have seen that the ever-increasing perfectibility of modern machinery<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" is, by the anarchy of social production, turned into a compulsory law that<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" forces the individual industrial capitalist always to improve his machinery,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" always to increase its productive force. The bare possibility of extending<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the field of production is transformed for him into a similarly compulsory<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" law. The enormous expansive force of modern industry, compared with which<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" that of gases is mere child's play, appears to us now as a necessity<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" for expansion, both qualitative and quantative, that laughs at all resistance.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Such resistance is offered by consumption, by sales, by the markets for<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the products of modern industry. But the capacity for extension, extensive<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and intensive, of the markets is primarily governed by quite different<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" laws that work much less energetically. The extension of the markets cannot<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" keep pace with the extension of production.  As a matter of fact, since 1825, when the first general crisis<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" broke out, the whole industrial and commercial world, production and exchange<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" among all civilized peoples and their more or less barbaric hangers-on,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" are thrown out of joint about once every 10 years. Commerce is at a stand-still,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the markets are glutted, products accumulate, as multitudinous as they<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" are unsaleable, hard cash disappears, credit vanishes, factories are closed,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the mass of the workers are in want of the means of subsistence, because<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" they have produced too much of the means of subsistence; bankruptcy follows<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" upon bankruptcy, execution upon execution. The stagnation lasts for years;<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" productive forces and products are wasted and destroyed wholesale, until<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the accumulated mass of commodities finally filter off, more or less depreciated<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in value, until production and exchange gradually begin to move again.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Little by little, the pace quickens. It becomes a trot.  And so over and over again. We have now, since the year 1825,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" gone through this five times, and at the present moment (1877), we are<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" going through it for the sixth time. And the character of these crises<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" is so clearly defined that Fourier hit all of them off when he described<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the first ""crise plethorique"", a crisis from plethora.  In these crises, the contradiction between socialized production<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and capitalist appropriation ends in a violent explosion. The circulation<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of commodities is, for the time being, stopped. Money, the means of circulation,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" becomes a hindrance to circulation. All the laws of production and circulation<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of commodities are turned upside down. The economic collision has reached<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" its apogee. The mode of production is in rebellion against the mode<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of exchange.  The fact that the socialized organization of production within<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the factory has developed so far that it has become incompatible with the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" anarchy of production in society, which exists side by side with and dominates<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" it, is brought home to the capitalist themselves by the violent concentration<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of capital that occurs during crises, through the ruin of many large, and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" a still greater number of small, capitalists. The whole mechanism of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" capitalist mode of production breaks down under the pressure of the productive<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" forces, its own creations. It is no longer able to turn all this mass of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" means of production into capital. They lie fallow, and for that very reason<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the industrial reserve army must also lie fallow. Means of production,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" means of subsistence, available laborers, all the elements of production<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and of general wealth, are present in abundance.  For in capitalistic society, the means of production can<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" only function when they have undergone a preliminary transformation into<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" capital, into the means of exploiting human labor-power. The necessity<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of this transformation into capital of the means of production and subsistence<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" stands like a ghost between these and the workers. It alone prevents the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" coming together of the material and personal levers of production; it alone<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" forbids the means of production to function, the workers to work and live.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" On the one hand, therefore, the capitalistic mode of production stands<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" convicted of its own incapacity to further direct these productive forces.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" On the other, these productive forces themselves, with increasing energy,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" press forward to the removal of the existing contradiction, to the abolition<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of their quality as capital, to the practical recognition of their character<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" as social production forces.  This rebellion of the productive forces, as they grow more and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" more powerful, against their quality as capital, this stronger and stronger	<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" command that their social character shall be recognized, forces the capital<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" class itself to treat them more and more as social productive forces, so<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" far as this is possible under capitalist conditions. The period of industrial<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" high pressure, with its unbounded inflation of credit, not less than the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" crash itself, by the collapse of great capitalist establishments, tends<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to bring about that form of the socialization of great masses of the means<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of production which we meet with in the different kinds of joint-stock<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" companies. Many of these means of production and of distribution are, from<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the outset, so colossal that, like the railways, they exclude all other<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" forms of capitalistic expansion. At a further stage of evolution, this<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" form also becomes insufficient.  They determine the total amount<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to be produced, parcel it out among themselves, and thus enforce the selling<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" price fixed beforehand. But trusts of this kind, as soon as business becomes<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bad, are generally liable to break up, and on this very account compel<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" a yet greater concentration of association. The whole of a particular industry<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" is turned into one gigantic joint-stock company; internal competition gives<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" place to the internal monopoly of this one company. This has happened in<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" 1890 with the English alkali production, which is now, after the fusion<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of 48 large works, in the hands of one company, conducted upon a single<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" plan, and with a capital of 6,000,000 pounds.  In the trusts, freedom of competition changes into its very opposite<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" — into monopoly; and the production without any definite plan of capitalistic<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" society capitulates to the production upon a definite plan of the invading<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" socialistic society. Certainly, this is so far still to the benefit and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" advantage of the capitalists. But, in this case, the exploitation is so<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" palpable, that it must break down. No nation will put up with production<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" conducted by trusts, with so barefaced an exploitation of the community<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" by a small band of dividend-mongers.  In any case, with trusts or without, the official representative<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of capitalist society — the state — will ultimately have to undertake<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the direction of production. <|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" This necessity for conversion into State property is felt first in the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" great institutions for intercourse and communication — the post office,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the telegraphs, the railways.  If the crises demonstrate the incapacity of the bourgeoisie for<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" managing any longer modern productive forces, the transformation of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" great establishments for production and distribution into joint-stock companies,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" trusts, and State property, show how unnecessary the bourgeoisie are for<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" that purpose. All the social functions of the capitalist has no further<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" social function than that of pocketing dividends, tearing off coupons,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and gambling on the Stock Exchange, where the different capitalists despoil<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" one another of their capital. At first, the capitalistic mode of production<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" forces out the workers. Now, it forces out the capitalists, and reduces<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" them, just as it reduced the workers, to the ranks of the surplus-population,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" although not immediately into those of the industrial reserve army.  But, the transformation — either into joint-stock companies and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" trusts, or into State-ownership — does not do away with the capitalistic<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" nature of the productive forces. In the joint-stock companies and trusts,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" this is obvious. And the modern State, again, is only the organization<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" that bourgeois society takes on in order to support the external conditions<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the capitalist mode of production against the encroachments as well<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the workers as of individual capitalists. The modern state, no matter<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" what its form, is essentially a capitalist machine — the state of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" capitalists, the ideal personification of the total national capital. The<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" more it proceeds to the taking over of productive forces, the more does<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" it actually become the national capitalist, the more citizens does it exploit.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" The workers remain wage-workers — proletarians. The capitalist relation<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" is not done away with. It is, rather, brought to a head. But, brought to<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" a head, it topples over.  This solution can only consist in the practical recognition of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the social nature of the modern forces of production, and therefore in<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the harmonizing with the socialized character of the means of production.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" And this can only come about by society openly and directly taking possession<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the productive forces which have outgrown all control, except that of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" society as a whole. The social character of the means of production and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the products today reacts against the producers, periodically disrupts<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" all production and exchange, acts only like a law of Nature working blindly,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" forcibly, destructively. But,with the taking over by society of the productive<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" forces, the social character of the means of production and of the products<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" will be utilized by the producers with a perfect understanding of its nature,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and instead of being a source of disturbance and periodical collapse, will<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" become the most powerful lever of production itself.  Active social forces work exactly like natural forces: blindly,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" forcibly, destructively, so long as we do not understand, and reckon with,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" them. But, when once we understand them, when once we grasp their action,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" their direction, their effects, it depends only upon ourselves to subject<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" them more and more to our own will, and, by means of them, to reach our<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" own ends. And this holds quite especially of the mighty productive forces<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of today. As long as we obstinately refuse to understand the nature and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the character of these social means of action — and this understanding<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" goes against the grain of the capitalist mode of production, and its defenders<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" — so long these forces are at work in spite of us, in opposition to us,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" so long they master us, as we have shown above in detail.  But when once their nature is understood, they can, in the hands of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" producers<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" working together, be transformed from master demons into willing servants.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" The difference is as that between the destructive force of electricity<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in the lightning in the storm, and electricity under command in the telegraph<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and the voltaic arc; the difference between a conflagration, and fire working<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in the service of man. With this recognition, at last, of the real nature<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the productive forces of today, the social anarchy of production gives<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" place to a social regulation of production upon a definite plan, according<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to the needs of the community and of each individual.  Whilst the capitalist mode of production more and more completely<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" transforms the great majority of the population into proletarians, it creates<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the power which, under penalty of its own destruction, is forced to accomplish<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" this revolution. Whilst it forces on more and more of the transformation<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the vast means of production, already socialized, into State property,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" it shows itself the way to accomplishing this revolution. The proletariat<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" seizes political power and turns the means of production into State property.  But, in doing this, it abolishes itself as proletariat, abolishes<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" all class distinction and class antagonisms, abolishes also the State as<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" State. Society, thus far, based upon class antagonisms, had need of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" State. That is, of an organization of the particular class which was, pro<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" tempore, the exploiting class, an organization for the purpose of preventing<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" any interference from without with the existing conditions of production,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and, therefore, especially, for the purpose of forcibly keeping the exploited<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" classes in the condition of oppression corresponding with the given mode<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of production (slavery, serfdom, wage-labor). The State was the official<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" representative of society as a whole; the gathering of it together into<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" a visible embodiment. But, it was this only in so far as it was the State<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of that class which itself represented, for the time being, society as<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" a whole:  in ancient times, the State of slaveowning citizens;<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in the Middle Ages, the feudal lords;<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in our own times, the bourgeoisie.  When, at last, it becomes the real representative of the whole of society,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" it renders itself unnecessary. As soon as there is no longer any social<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" class to be held in subjection; as soon as class rule, and the individual<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" struggle for existence based upon our present anarchy in production, with<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the collisions and excesses arising from these, are removed, nothing more<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" remains to be repressed, and a special repressive force, a State, is no<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" longer necessary. The first act by virtue of which the State really constitutes<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" itself the representative of the whole of society — the taking possession<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the means of production in the name of society — this is, at the same<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" time, its last independent act as a State. State interference in social<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" relations becomes, in one domain after another, superfluous, and then dies<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" out of itself; the government of persons is replaced by the administration<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of things, and by the conduct of processes of production. The State is<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" not ""abolished"".  This gives the measure of the value<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the phrase: ""a free State"", both as to its justifiable use at times by<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" agitators, and as to its ultimate scientific insufficiency; and also of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the demands of the so-called anarchists for the abolition of the State<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" out of hand.  Since the historical appearance of the capitalist mode of production,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the appropriation by society of all the means of production has often been<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" dreamed of, more or less vaguely, by individuals, as well as by sects,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" as the ideal of the future. But it could become possible, could become<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" a historical necessity, only when the actual conditions for its realization<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" were there. Like every other social advance, it becomes practicable, not<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" by men understanding that the existence of classes is in contradiction<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to justice, equality, etc., not by the mere willingness to abolish these<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" classes, but by virtue of certain new economic conditions. The separation<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of society into an exploiting and an exploited class, a ruling and an oppressed<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" class, was the necessary consequences of the deficient and restricted development<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of production in former times.  Side by side with the great majority,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" exclusively bond slaves to labor, arises a class freed from directly productive<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" labor, which looks after the general affairs of society: the direction<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of labor, State business, law, science, art, etc. It is, therefore, the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" law of division of labor that lies at the basis of the division into classes.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" But this does not prevent this division into classes from being carried<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" out by means of violence and robbery, trickery and fraud. it does not prevent<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the ruling class, once having the upper hand, from consolidating its power<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" at the expense of the working-class, from turning its social leadership<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" into an intensified exploitation of the masses.  But if, upon this showing, division into classes has a certain<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" historical justification, it has this only for a given period, only under<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" given social conditions. It was based upon the insufficiency of production.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" It will be swept away by the complete development of modern productive<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" forces. And, in fact, the abolition of classes in society presupposes a<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" degree of historical evolution at which the existence, not simply of this<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" or that particular ruling class, but of any ruling class at all, and, therefore,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the existence of class distinction itself, has become a obsolete anachronism.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" It presupposes, therefore, the development of production carried out to<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" a degree at which appropriation of the means of production and of the products,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and, with this, of political domination, of the monopoly of culture, and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of intellectual leadership by a particular class of society, has become<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" not only superfluous but economically, politically, intellectually, a hindrance<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to development.  This point is now reached. Their political and intellectual bankruptcy<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" is scarcely any longer a secret to the bourgeoisie themselves. Their economic<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bankruptcy recurs regularly every 10 years. In every crisis, society is<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" suffocated beneath the weight of its own productive forces and products,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" which it cannot use, and stands helpless, face-to-face with the absurd<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" contradiction that the producers have nothing to consume, because consumers<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" are wanting. The expansive force of the means of production bursts the bonds<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" that the capitalist mode of production had imposed upon them. Their deliverance<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" from these bonds is the one precondition for an unbroken, constantly-accelerated<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" development of the productive forces, and therewith for a practically unlimited<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" increase of production itself. Nor is this all.  The possibility<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of securing for every member of society, by means of socialized production,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" an existence not only fully sufficient materially, and becoming day-by-day<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" more full, but an existence guaranteeing to all the free development and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" exercise of their physical and mental faculties — this possibility is<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" now, for the first time, here, but it is here.  With the seizing of the means of production by society, production<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of commodities is done away with, and, simultaneously, the mastery of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" product over the producer. Anarchy in social production is replaced by<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" systematic, definite organization. The struggle for individual existence<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" disappears. Then, for the first time, man, in a certain sense, is finally<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" marked off from the rest of the animal kingdom, and emerges from mere animal<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" conditions of existence into really human ones. The whole sphere of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" conditions of life which environ man, and which have hitherto ruled man,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" now comes under the dominion and control of man, who for the first time<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" becomes the real, conscious lord of nature, because he has now become master<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of his own social organization. The laws of his own social action, hitherto<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" standing face-to-face with man as laws of Nature foreign to, and dominating<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" him, will then be used with full understanding, and so mastered by him.  Only from that time will man himself,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" more and more consciously, make his own history — only from that time<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" will the social causes set in movement by him have, in the main and in<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" a constantly growing measure, the results intended by him. It is the ascent<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of man from the kingdom of necessity to the kingdom of freedom.  Let us briefly sum up our sketch of historical evolution.  A. Severance of the producer from the means of production. Condemnation<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the worker to wage-labor for life. Antagonism between the proletariat<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and the bourgeoisie.  B. Growing predominance and increasing effectiveness of the laws<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" governing the production of commodities. Unbridled competition. Contradiction<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" between socialized organization in the individual factory and social anarchy<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in the production as a whole.  C. On the one hand, perfecting of machinery, made by competition<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" compulsory for each individual manufacturer, and complemented by a constantly<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" growing displacement of laborers. Industrial reserve-army. On the other<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" hand, unlimited extension of production, also compulsory under competition,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" for every manufacturer. On both sides, unheard-of development of productive<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" forces, excess of supply over demand, over-production and products — excess<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" there, of laborers, without employment and without means of existence.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" But these two levers of production and of social well-being are unable<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to work together, because the capitalist form of production prevents the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" productive forces from working and the products from circulating, unless<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" they are first turned into capital — which their very superabundance prevents.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" The contradiction has grown into an absurdity. The mode of production rises<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in rebellion against the form of exchange.  D. Partial recognition of the social character of the productive<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" forces forced upon the capitalists themselves. Taking over of the great<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" institutions for production and communication, first by joint-stock companies,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" later in by trusts, then by the State. The bourgeoisie demonstrated to<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" be a superfluous class. All its social functions are now performed by salaried<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" employees.  To accomplish this act of universal emancipation is the historical<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" mission of the modern proletariat. To thoroughly comprehend the historical<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" conditions and thus the very nature of this act, to impart to the now oppressed<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" proletarian class a full knowledge of the conditions and of the meaning<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the momentous act it is called upon to accomplish, this is the task<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the theoretical expression of the proletarian movement, scientific Socialism.  1814 to £ 2,200,000,000,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to £ 6,100,000,000,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to £ 8,500,000,000.  Men make their own history, but they do not make it as they please; they do<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" not make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances existing<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" already, given and transmitted from the past. The tradition of all dead<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" generations weighs like a nightmare on the brains of the living. And just as<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" they seem to be occupied with revolutionizing themselves and things, creating<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" something that did not exist before, precisely in such epochs of revolutionary<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" crisis they anxiously conjure up the spirits of the past to their service,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" borrowing from them names, battle slogans, and costumes in order to present<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" this new scene in world history in time-honored disguise and borrowed language.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Thus Luther put on the mask of the Apostle Paul, the Revolution of 1789-1814<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" draped itself alternately in the guise of the Roman Republic and the Roman<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Empire, and the Revolution of 1848 knew nothing better to do than to parody,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" now 1789, now the revolutionary tradition of 1793-95.  When we think about this conjuring up of the dead of world history, a<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" salient difference reveals itself. Camille Desmoulins, Danton, Robespierre, St.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Just, Napoleon, the heroes as well as the parties and the masses of the old<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" French Revolution, performed the task of their time – that of unchaining<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and establishing modern bourgeois society – in Roman costumes and with<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Roman phrases. The first one destroyed the feudal foundation and cut off the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" feudal heads that had grown on it. The other created inside France the only<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" conditions under which free competition could be developed, parceled-out land<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" properly used, and the unfettered productive power of the nation employed; and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" beyond the French borders it swept away feudal institutions everywhere, to<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" provide, as far as necessary, bourgeois society in France with an appropriate<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" up-to-date environment on the European continent.  Bourgeois society in its sober<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" reality bred its own true interpreters and spokesmen in the Says, Cousins,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Royer-Collards, Benjamin Constants, and Guizots; its real military leaders sat<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" behind the office desk and the hog-headed Louis XVIII was its political chief.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Entirely absorbed in the production of wealth and in peaceful competitive<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" struggle, it no longer remembered that the ghosts of the Roman period had<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" watched over its cradle.  But unheroic though bourgeois society is, it<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" nevertheless needed heroism, sacrifice, terror, civil war, and national wars to<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bring it into being. And in the austere classical traditions of the Roman<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Republic the bourgeois gladiators found the ideals and the art forms, the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" self-deceptions, that they needed to conceal from themselves the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bourgeois-limited content of their struggles and to keep their passion on the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" high plane of great historic tragedy. Similarly, at another stage of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" development a century earlier, Cromwell and the English people had borrowed<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" from the Old Testament the speech, emotions, and illusions for their bourgeois<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" revolution. When the real goal had been achieved and the bourgeois<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" transformation of English society had been accomplished, Locke supplanted<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Habakkuk.  Thus the awakening of the dead in those revolutions served the purpose of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" glorifying the new struggles, not of parodying the old; of magnifying the given<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" task in the imagination, not recoiling from its solution in reality; of finding<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" once more the spirit of revolution, not making its ghost walk again.  From 1848 to 1851, only the ghost of the old revolution circulated - from<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Marrast, the républicain en gants jaunes , who disguised himself as<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" old Bailly, down to the adventurer who hides his trivial and repulsive features<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" behind the iron death mask of Napoleon. A whole nation, which thought it had<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" acquired an accelerated power of motion by means of a revolution, suddenly<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" finds itself set back into a defunct epoch, and to remove any doubt about the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" relapse, the old dates arise again – the old chronology, the old names,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the old edicts, which had long since become a subject of antiquarian<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" scholarship, and the old minions of the law who had seemed long dead.  “And all this,”<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" sighs the mad Englishman, “is expected of me, a freeborn Briton, in order<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to make gold for the Pharaohs.” “In order to pay the debts of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Bonaparte family,” sighs the French nation. The Englishman, so long as he<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" was not in his right mind, could not get rid of his idée fixé of mining<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" gold. The French, so long as they were engaged in revolution, could not get rid<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of the memory of Napoleon, as the election of December 10 was proved. They longed to return from the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" perils of revolution to the fleshpots of Egypt , and December 2, 1851 , was the answer.  The social revolution of the nineteenth century cannot take its poetry from<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the past but only from the future. It cannot begin with itself before it has<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" stripped away all superstition about the past. The former revolutions required<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" recollections of past world history in order to smother their own content. The<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" revolution of the nineteenth century must let the dead bury their dead in order<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to arrive at its own content. There the phrase went beyond the content –<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" here the content goes beyond the phrase.  The February Revolution was a surprise attack, a seizing of the old society<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" unaware, and the people proclaimed this unexpected stroke a deed of world<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" importance, ushering in a new epoch. On December 2 the February Revolution is<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" conjured away as a cardsharp’s trick, and what seems overthrown is no<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" longer the monarchy but the liberal concessions that had been wrung from it<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" through centuries of struggle. Instead of society having conquered a new<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" content for itself, it seems that the state has only returned to its oldest<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" form, to a shamelessly simple rule by the sword and the monk’s cowl. This<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" is the answer to the coup de main of February, 1848, given by the coup de tête of December, 1851. Easy come, easy go.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Meantime, the interval did not pass unused.  Society seems now to have retreated to behind its<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" starting point; in truth, it has first to create for itself the revolutionary<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" point of departure – the situation, the relations, the conditions under<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" which alone modern revolution becomes serious.  Bourgeois revolutions, like those of the eighteenth century, storm more<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" swiftly from success to success, their dramatic effects outdo each other, men<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" and things seem set in sparkling diamonds, ecstasy is the order of the day<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" – but they are short-lived, soon they have reached their zenith, and a<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" long Katzenjammer takes hold<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of society before it learns to assimilate the results of its storm-and-stress<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" period soberly.  Hic Rhodus, hic salta!  For the rest, every fair observer, even if he had not followed the course of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" French developments step by step, must have had a presentiment of the imminence<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of an unheard-of disgrace for the revolution. It was enough to hear the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" complacent yelps of victory with which the democrats congratulated each other<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" on the expectedly gracious consequences of the second Sunday in May, 1852.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" In their minds that second Sunday of May had become a<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" certain idea, a dogma, like the day of Christ’s reappearance and the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" beginning of the millennium in the minds of the Chiliasts. As always, weakness had taken refuge in a belief in<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" miracles, believed the enemy to be overcome when he was only conjured away in<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" imagination, and lost all understanding of the present in an inactive<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" glorification of the future that was in store for it and the deeds it had in<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" mind but did not want to carry out yet.  The constitution, the National Assembly, the dynastic parties, the blue and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" red republicans, the heroes of Africa, the thunder from the platform, the sheet<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" lightning of the daily press, the entire literature, the political names and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the intellectual reputations, the civil law and the penal code, liberté,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" egalité, fraternité, and the second Sunday in May, 1852 – all have<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" vanished like a phantasmagoria before the spell of a man whom even his enemies<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" do not make out to be a sorcerer. Universal suffrage seems to have survived<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" only for the moment, so that with its own hand it may make its last will and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" testament before the eyes of all the world and declare in the name of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" people itself: “All that exists deserves to perish.”  It is not enough to say, as the French do, that their nation was taken<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" unawares. Nations and women are not forgiven the unguarded hour in which the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" first adventurer who came along could violate them. Such turns of speech do not<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" solve the riddle but only formulate it differently. It remains to be explained<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" how a nation of thirty-six millions can be surprised and delivered without<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" resistance into captivity by three knights of industry.  Let us recapitulate in general outline the phases that the French Revolution<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" went through from February 24, 1848, to December, 1851.  Three main periods are unmistakable: the February period; the period of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" constitution of the republic or the Constituent National Assembly - May 1848 to<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" May 28 1849; and the period of the constitutional republic or the Legislative<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" National Assembly – May 28 1849 to December 2 1851.  It could not be otherwise. The February days originally intended an<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" electoral reform by which the circle of the politically privileged among the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" possessing class itself was to be widened and the exclusive domination of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" aristocracy of finance overthrown. When it came to the actual conflict, however<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" – when the people mounted the barricades, the National Guard maintained a<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" passive attitude, the army offered no serious resistance, and the monarchy ran<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" away – the republic appeared to be a matter of course. Every party<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" construed it in its own way. Having secured it arms in hand, the proletariat<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" impressed its stamp upon it and proclaimed it to be a social republic. There<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" was thus indicated the general content of the modern revolution, a content<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" which was in most singular contradiction to everything that, with the material<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" available, with the degree of education attained by the masses, under the given<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" circumstances and relations, could be immediately realized in practice.  In no period, therefore, do we find a more confused mixture<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" of high-flown phrases and actual uncertainty and clumsiness, of more<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" enthusiastic striving for innovation and more deeply rooted domination of the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" old routine, of more apparent harmony of the whole of society; and more<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" profound estrangement of its elements. While the Paris proletariat still<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" reveled in the vision of the wide prospects that had opened before it and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" indulged in seriously meant discussions of social problems, the old powers of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" society had grouped themselves, assembled, reflected, and found unexpected<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" support in the mass of the nation, the peasants and petty bourgeois, who all at<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" once stormed onto the political stage after the barriers of the July Monarchy<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" had fallen.  The second period, from May 4, 1848, to the end of May, 1849, is<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the period of the constitution, the foundation, of the bourgeois republic.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Immediately after the February days not only had the dynastic opposition been<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" surprised by the republicans and the republicans by the socialists, but all<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" France by Paris. The National Assembly, which met on May 4, 1848, had emerged<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" from the national elections and represented the nation. It was a living protest<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" against the pretensions of the February days and was to reduce the results of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the revolution to the bourgeois scale. In vain the Paris proletariat, which<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" immediately grasped the character of this National Assembly, attempted on May<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" 15, a few days after it met, to negate its existence forcibly, to dissolve it,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" to disintegrate again into its constituent parts the organic form in which the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" proletariat was threatened by the reacting spirit of the nation.  The bourgeois monarchy of Louis Philippe can be followed only by a bourgeois<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" republic; that is to say, whereas a limited section of the bourgeoisie ruled in<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the name of the king, the whole of the bourgeoisie will now rule in the name of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the people. The demands of the Paris proletariat are utopian nonsense, to which<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" an end must be put. To this declaration of the Constituent National Assembly<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the Paris proletariat replied with the June insurrection, the most colossal<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" event in the history of European civil wars. The bourgeois republic triumphed.<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" On its side stood the aristocracy of finance, the industrial bourgeoisie, the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" middle class, the petty bourgeois, the army, the lumpen proletariat organized<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" as the Mobile Guard, the intellectual lights, the clergy, and the rural<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" population. On the side of the Paris proletariat stood none but itself. More<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" than three thousand insurgents were butchered after the victory, and fifteen<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" thousand were deported without trial.  It attempts to press forward<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" again on every occasion, as soon as the movement appears to make a fresh start,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" but with ever decreased expenditure of strength and always slighter results. As<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" soon as one of the social strata above it gets into revolutionary ferment, the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" proletariat enters into an alliance with it and so shares all the defeats that<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the different parties suffer, one after another. But these subsequent blows<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" become the weaker, the greater the surface of society over which they are<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" distributed. The more important leaders of the proletariat in the Assembly and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" in the press successively fall victim to the courts, and ever more equivocal<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" figures come to head it.  It seems to<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" be unable either to rediscover revolutionary greatness in itself or to win new<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" energy from the connections newly entered into, until all classes with which it<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" contended in June themselves lie prostrate beside it. But at least it succumbs<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" with the honors of the great, world-historic struggle; not only France, but all<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Europe trembles at the June earthquake, while the ensuing defeats of the upper<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" classes are so cheaply bought that they require barefaced exaggeration by the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" victorious party to be able to pass for events at all, and become the more<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" ignominious the further the defeated party is removed from the proletarian<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" party.  The defeat of the June insurgents, to be sure, had now prepared, had leveled<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" the ground on which the bourgeois republic could be founded and built, but it<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" had shown at the same time that in Europe the questions at issue are other than<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" that of “republic or monarchy.” It had revealed that here<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" “bourgeois republic” signifies the unlimited despotism of one class<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" over other classes.  During the June days all classes and parties had united in the party of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" Order against the proletarian class as the party of anarchy, of socialism, of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" communism. They had “saved” society from “the enemies of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" society.” They had given out the watchwords of the old society,<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" “property, family, religion, order,” to their army as passwords and<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" had proclaimed to the counterrevolutionary crusaders: “In this sign thou<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" shalt conquer!” From that moment, as soon as one of the numerous parties<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" which gathered under this sign against the June insurgents seeks to hold the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" revolutionary battlefield in its own class interest, it goes down before the<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" cry: “property, family, religion, order.” Society is saved just as<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" often as the circle of its rulers contracts, as a more exclusive interest is<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" maintained against a wider one.  Bourgeois fanatics for order are shot down on their balconies<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" by mobs of drunken soldiers, their domestic sanctuaries profaned, their houses<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" bombarded for amusement – in the name of property, of the family, of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" religion, and of order. Finally, the scum of bourgeois society forms the holy<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" phalanx of order and the hero Crapulinski installs himself in the Tuileries as the “savior of<|endoftext|>""}"
"{""prompt"": """", ""completion"": "" society.  The history of the Constituent National Assembly since the June days is the history of the domination and the disintegration of the republican faction of the bourgeoisie<|endoftext|>""}"