MOST RECENT DEVELOPMENTS
BACKGROUND AND ANALYSIS
SUMMARYSince the peaceful revolutions of 1989, the countries of East Central Europe -- Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Hungary -- have continued the process of transformation from eastern bloc communism to independent, democratic and free-market-oriented states integrated into Europe. Internally, successive governments have been consolidating market economic reforms and democratic institutions. Externally, East Central European countries are seeking to integrate with Western Europe and achieve membership in the European Union (EU) and NATO.
The process of transition has led to many political changes over the years. The last general elections in Poland in 1993 brought two post-communist parties to power. Former Solidarity leader Lech Walesa lost presidential elections in November 1995 to Aleksander Kwasniewski, a former Communist party leader. In Czechoslovakia, former dissidents won free elections in 1990, but growing differences between Czech and Slovak politicians led to a polarized outcome in the June 1992 elections. Czechoslovakia split into two countries on January 1, 1993. Slovakia held early elections in September-October 1994, returning to power controversial leader Vladimir Meciar. The Czech Republic held parliamentary elections on May 31-June 1, 1996, and Senate elections in November 1996, which returned to power a weakened center-right government. Hungary's first elections in 1990 brought in a center-right coalition government headed by the Hungarian Democratic Forum. Elections held in May 1994 resulted in a sound victory for the leftist Socialist Party, which opted to enter into a coalition with the Alliance of Free Democrats. In varying degrees in each country, the process of transformation has led to economic hardship and political fragmentation. All of the central European economies have experienced varying degrees of growth after a prolonged period of recession.
The international scene has also been transformed. The Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) and the Warsaw Treaty Organization (Warsaw Pact) ceased to exist in 1991. Soviet troops were completely withdrawn from the territories of the former satellite countries. East Central European countries have been seeking closer association and eventual membership in NATO and the European Union. All are associated EU members and have applied for full membership. In January 1994, NATO launched an initiative to enhance cooperation with the east called Partnership for Peace. All of the Visegrad have participated actively in the Partnership for Peace program as a means to work more closely with NATO, but still seek NATO membership.
The United States has advanced relations with these countries since 1989 and has established and maintained economic assistance programs for them. In addition to appropriated foreign assistance, all four states receive most-favored-nation treatment and trade benefits. After the January 1994 NATO summit, President Clinton confirmed U.S. interest in central Europe's security and progress in political and economic reforms. Clinton reaffirmed U.S. commitment to the security of East Central Europe during his visit to Poland in July 1994 and in other public statements. Most recently, President Clinton asserted that NATO would expand by 1999.
MOST RECENT DEVELOPMENTSThe first round of elections for the Czech Senate was held on November 15-16. Prime Minister Vaclav Klaus' Civic Democratic Party fared well and its candidates will compete in run-off elections in 76 out of 81 constituencies. The vote was marred by low voter turnout (about 35% of the electorate) which analysts have attributed to lack of interest in the new parliamentary chamber and voter disgust with the political deadlock since the May 31-June 1 elections. In those elections, Prime Minister Klaus had returned to lead a minority center-right coalition, but opposition leader Milos Zeman of the Social Democratic Party became chairman of parliament.
On September 16, Hungarian and Romanian leaders signed a basic bilateral treaty in Timisoara, Romania. The treaty includes an explanatory footnote to limit interpretation on a controversial Council of Europe recommendation on minority rights, which is included in the basic treaty.
BACKGROUND AND ANALYSIS
Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Hungary are still in a transitional stage in their foreign relations, free from their former communist allegiances but not yet fully integrated into Western institutions. The two main communist international organizations, the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) and the Warsaw Treaty Organization (WTO, or Warsaw Pact), were dissolved in 1991. The ultimate and unambiguous goal of all of the East Central European countries has been to join the process of West European economic and political integration and share the security guarantees of the Western military alliances.
The former Warsaw Pact countries first gained institutional access to NATO in late 1991 through the North Atlantic Cooperation Council (NACC), a forum including all former Warsaw Pact members. Central European leaders pressed the alliance for security guarantees that would come with full membership. In late 1993, U.S. officials proposed that NATO form "partnerships for peace" with non-NATO European countries, including Russia, in order to develop concrete aspects of cooperation, but not yet extend NATO's security guarantee to the partner states. At the January 1994 NATO summit, the alliance invited non-NATO European states to establish Partnerships for Peace (PFP) with NATO. Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia were early signatories to the PFP framework agreement and have since participated actively in PFP programs. All of the Visegrad countries have offered troop contributions and other forms of assistance to NATO in its Implementation Force (IFOR) in Bosnia.
Beyond PFP, the issue of NATO enlargement has become a central issue within the alliance. NATO approved of a study on the implications, or the "how and why," of enlargement, on September 20, 1995. The study did not specify countries or set a timetable for enlargement. Many central European leaders have indicated that they expect NATO membership prior to membership in the European Union. In December 1995, NATO ministers called for "individual dialogues" with prospective members. In June 1996, NATO confirmed that it will determine the next steps in the enlargement process at the December 1996 ministerial meeting.
Meeting before 12 prospective alliance members in Prague on March 20, 1996, U.S. Secretary of State Christopher affirmed that NATO enlargement was "on track." Christopher stated that no nation should ever again be consigned to a buffer zone or relegated to another nation's sphere of influence. NATO is to consider the next steps in its December ministerial conference. In April, NATO Secretary-General Solana toured central European capitals. He reiterated that NATO enlargement will happen, but did not specify particular countries or a set timetable. He also spoke of the need for a "strong bond" between the alliance and Russia. In October, President Clinton affirmed that new countries should join NATO by 1999.
The other primary foreign policy goal of the four East Central European countries is closer association with and eventual membership in the European Union (EU, formerly the EC). The EC signed association agreements with Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary on December 16, 1991, which called for greater economic cooperation, expanded trade relations, and economic and political integration. The EC agreed to abolish trade barriers for industrial goods on an asymmetrical basis, but did not establish a timetable for accession. Poland's and Hungary's association agreements went into force in February 1994. The Czech Republic's and Slovakia's came into force in February 1995 (Czechoslovakia's accord had to be renegotiated after the federation's split). Bulgaria and Romania also concluded association agreements, as have, subsequently, the three Baltic states and Slovenia.
In June 1993, EU leaders formally invited the then six associated countries eventually to join the Community when conditions permitted, and pledged to make new trade concessions to improve access to EU markets, and to strengthen political ties. Trade in industrial goods, steel, and textiles was to be liberalized in timed stages (1995, 1996, and 1997, respectively). EU countries have maintained large trade surpluses with its six associated countries, and central European leaders have complained that their market access to EU countries remains limited. Hungary was the first associated member to apply formally for full EU membership on April 1, 1994; Poland followed on April 8; Slovakia in June 1995; and the Czech Republic in January 1996. In April 1995, EU foreign ministers met with their central European counterparts as part of the EU's "structured dialogue" with associated countries, and previewed the White Paper on EU membership requirements. The Commission approved of part of the White Paper on May 3, 1995. The report identifies and prioritizes measures that need to be undertaken to align the prospective member states' economies with the single market. In December 1995, EU leaders agreed to treat all aspirant members equally, indicated that negotiations could begin within six months after conclusion of the inter-governmental conference (expected in mid-1997), and called on the Commission to prepared individual evaluations of prospective members prior to full-scale negotiations. In March 1996, Hungary followed the Czech Republic in joining the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), an international club of advanced industrial nations. Poland was invited to join on July 11, 1996.
Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary soon after 1989 prioritized improving regional relations. A February 1991 summit of Polish, Czechoslovak, and Hungarian leaders in Visegrad, Hungary, began an ongoing process of policy harmonization and political consultation. The so-called Visegrad countries have consulted regularly on numerous issues of mutual concern and have been closely involved with other regional groupings, such as the Central European Initiative (CEI), among others. The Visegrad initiative has since largely shifted its focus from political ties to economic cooperation and trade liberalization. On December 21, 1992, the Visegrad countries signed the Central European Free Trade Agreement (CEFTA), outlining a scheme to lift custom duties and quotas in three stages from 1993 to 2001. CEFTA came into force on March 1, 1993. The foreseen free trade zone is intended not to interfere with the goal of joining the EU, but to increase trade among them, similar to the example of the EFTA countries. At a meeting on January 23-24, 1995, in Warsaw, CEFTA countries agreed to accelerate the removal of certain trade barriers. They agreed to cut tariffs on agricultural goods by 50% beginning in 1996, and by 100% by 1998. In a summit meeting in Brno on September 11, 1995, CEFTA prime ministers agreed to accept Slovenia as a member by January 1, 1996, and later, Bulgaria and Romania. They also agreed to consider liberalization of capital movements and services. CEFTA leaders affirmed their commitment to expand the group at their September 13-14, 1996 meeting in Slovakia.
Since the democratic revolutions of 1989, U.S. Administrations have advanced relations with the entire region. Governmental and private contacts with the new regimes in central Europe have expanded considerably. Many U.S. policymakers have expressed a continuing U.S. interest in securing central and eastern Europe's paths to democracy and market economic systems, and expanding this trend eastward.
In response to increasing calls to extend NATO's security guarantee eastward, the Clinton Administration proposed, and NATO approved in January 1994, the Partnership for Peace (PFP) program with non-NATO European countries. In July 1994 in Poland, Clinton reiterated his position that NATO's expansion was a question not of whether, but when and how, and denounced the notion that the East Central European region was consigned to any sort of buffer zone. President Clinton presented a "Warsaw Initiative" proposal of $100 million for FY1996 to advance the Partnership for Peace program and support greater military cooperation. Shortly before the 1996 U.S. elections, President Clinton asserted that "the first group of countries" should be full-fledged members of NATO by 1999. In Congress, various legislative proposals expressed the view that more explicit support in the security sphere and more promising signals on NATO enlargement should be extended to East Central European countries. In October 1994, Congress passed the NATO Participation Act, which authorized the President to provide excess defense articles to eligible countries, especially the Visegrad states. In February 1995, the House passed the NATO Revitalization and Expansion Act, which recommended early NATO membership for the Visegrad countries. Later Congress deleted any specific reference to individual countries eligible for NATO membership from this measure. P.L. 104-208 (September 28, 1996) included the "NATO Enlargement Facilitation Act of 1996." It named Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Slovenia as eligible to receive military assistance.
U.S. Aid. In 1989, Congress passed and the Administration approved the "Support for East European Democracy Act of 1989" (SEED, P.L. 101-179), which authorized a total of almost $1 billion for Poland and Hungary for FY1990-FY1992. Poland and Hungary were made eligible for Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC) and Export-Import Bank loans, and for the General System of Preferences (GSP). The SEED Act authorized the establishment of private Enterprise Funds to promote private sector activities in Poland and Hungary (and later with other East European countries). Subsequent to the SEED action and in response to other changes in the region, additional assistance has been provided by the President and Congress, and extended to other Eastern European countries. The United States also supported multilateral assistance through the World Bank, IMF, and European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD).
U.S. assistance programs to Central and Eastern Europe continue to emphasize economic growth, democracy building, and improving quality of life. For FY1996, $480 million in assistance for Eastern Europe was requested by the Administration. Congress approved $324 million for Eastern Europe, and $70 million for the EBRD in P.L. 104-107. For FY1997, Congress appropriated $275 million for Eastern Europe and an additional $200 for Bosnia reconstruction, in P.L. 104-208. P.L. 105-208 also authorized $60 million for NATO enlargement assistance.
Poland established the first non-Communist-led government in the Warsaw Pact on the basis of an historic roundtable agreement between the communist government and opposition in April 1989. In the lower house of parliament, the Sejm, 35% of the seats were open for free elections, while all of the seats in the newly created Senate were freely contested. The first elections in June 1989 brought a resounding victory for Solidarity. The new parliament elected Communist Party leader Wojciech Jaruzelski as President. Solidarity leader Lech Walesa nominated Tadeusz Mazowiecki to be Prime Minister. Poland swiftly launched a radical "shock therapy" economic reform program designed by then-Finance Minister Leszek Balcerowicz. In 1990, factional differences within Solidarity, especially between Lech Walesa and Prime Minister Tadeusz Mazowiecki, led to the formation of a number of Solidarity offshoots. Lech Walesa won direct presidential elections in December 1990.
In Poland's first fully-free parliamentary elections in October 1991, the Democratic Union (a post-Solidarity party) "won" the extremely fragmented vote with about 13% of the vote. 29 parties in total entered the Sejm, ushering in an extended period of party and parliamentary impasse, political scandal, and an increasingly divisive political environment. After a Democratic Union-led government lost a vote of confidence on May 28, 1993, President Walesa dissolved parliament and scheduled new elections for September 19, 1993. The elections brought former Communists and Communist-allied parties into power. With 52.1% voter turnout, the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) won 20.4% of the vote; the Polish Peasant Party (PSL) won 15.4%; and the Democratic Union won 10.6%. Only three other parties, including Walesa's "non-party" party (BBWR), made the electoral hurdle. The SLD and PSL signed a coalition agreement on October 13, 1993; combined they hold majorities in both the Sejm and Senate. A government under Waldemar Pawlak of the Peasant Party was sworn in on October 16, 1993. However, the Pawlak government found itself at odds with President Walesa over many issues. Utilizing brinkmanship tactics, President Walesa pressed for Pawlak's removal. On February 7, 1995, the ruling SLD-PSL coalition agreed to replace Pawlak with Sejm Speaker Jozef Oleksy of the Democratic Left Alliance. The Sejm approved Oleksy's government on March 4. Oleksy's government program prioritized budgetary reform, curbing social spending, reducing unemployment, and privatization. Finance Minister Kolodko's "strategy for Poland" remained the government's blueprint for economic policy. Poland's economy, the first in the region to experience growth in 1993 and continues to record strong GDP growth.
President elections were held in October-November 1995. Former Communist official Aleksander Kwasniewski defeated incumbent President Lech Walesa in the second round, winning 51.7% of the vote against Walesa's 48.3%. Walesa, whose popularity had been quite low for some time, surged in the final weeks before elections, as many Poles apparently saw Walesa as a counter-weight to the post-communist dominated government and parliament. Kwasniewski, who campaigned under the slogan, "let's choose the future," emphasized social-democratic values, professionalism, and cooperative rather than confrontational tactics. Kwasniewski was inaugurated on December 23. Kwasniewski's swearing-in, however, was largely overshadowed by an espionage scandal centered around alleged contacts between the Soviet KGB and Polish Prime Minister Oleksy, who is of the same party as Kwasniewski. On December 19, outgoing Interior Minister Andrzej Milczanowski submitted documents to the military prosecutor's office pointing to an ongoing collaboration between Oleksy the Soviet KGB. Oleksy refuted the charges, calling them a "dirty provocation," but resigned on January 24, 1996, after the prosecutor-general announced formal investigation into the matter. Kwasniewski accepted Oleksy's resignation on January 26; Oleksy was promptly elected to be leader of the Social Democratic Party (within the Democratic Left Alliance). On April 22, the military prosecutor announced his decision to close the investigation against Oleksy, citing lack of reliable evidence. Kwasniewski appointed deputy parliamentary speaker Wlodzimierz Cimoszewicz of the SLD to be Prime Minister on February 1. Parliament approved of the Cimoszewicz cabinet (SLD-PSL coalition) on February 15 by a vote of 273-87, with 28 abstentions.
On July 11, Finance Minister Kolodko signed a membership agreement with the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). Poland will be the 28th member of the club of developed economies after the agreement is ratified by the Sejm.
Since 1989, Poland has sought to integrate with the West, forge new relations with the Soviet successor states to the east, and promote cooperation with neighboring states. A primary foreign policy priority has been to gain closer association with and eventually full membership in EU and NATO. While former President Walesa at first criticized the alliance's partnership proposal as inadequate, Poland has since participated actively in PFP. Poland was the first country to submit its individual partnership program on July 5, 1994, and hosted PFP's first joint military exercises in September 1994. In September 1996, French President Jacques Chirac proclaimed before the Sejm that Poland should be a member of the EU by 2000. Similar to other central European countries, foreign policy issues did not appear to play an influential role in the Polish elections, and the return of former communists to power has not diminished core foreign policy priorities. President Kwasniewski has emphasized continuity in Polish foreign policy, as has the government under Prime Minister Cimoszewicz. After the November 1995 presidential elections, Dariusz Rosati became Foreign Minister and Stanislaw Dobrzanski was named Defense Minister. Polish officials have rejected Russian proposals for a security guarantee in lieu of NATO membership. Similarly, NATO Secretary-General Javier Solana, in Warsaw in April 1996, spoke against any kind of partial, non-military, membership in NATO. President Kwasniewski made his first state visit to the United States in July 1996 seeking to promote Poland's candidacy for NATO membership and overall Polish-U.S. relations, as well as Polish-Jewish relations.
During the Cold War, U.S. relations with Poland were somewhat closer than with most East European countries under communism. Following the 1989 Roundtable Accord, President Bush expanded relations with Poland and pledged economic assistance. Poland has received substantial economic assistance under the SEED Act of 1989, about $805 million through September 1995. A Polish-American Enterprise Fund was established to develop Poland's private sector. The U.S. Commerce Department has designated Poland as a significant emerging market for U.S. exports. U.S. exports to Poland approached $1 billion in 1993, much larger than any other East European country. In addition, U.S. investment in Poland is among the highest.
Poland's relationship with NATO has become a focal point in U.S.- Polish relations. In an address before the Polish Sejm on July 7, 1994, Clinton emphasized the U.S.' commitment to eventual NATO expansion, as well as U.S. support for Poland's transition. He pledged a new U.S. aid package of over $200 million. An additional $25 million was designated for Poland's participation in the Partnership for Peace program. Clinton met with Walesa again in June 1995, at the anniversary of the signing of the U.N. Charter, where he stressed the importance of fighting anti-Semitism. Meeting with former President Walesa in June 1996, Senate Majority Leaders and Republican presidential candidate Robert Dole called for greater U.S. leadership in expanding NATO to central Europe, and introduced legislation intended to facilitate Poland and others' eventual membership in the alliance. In September, U.S. officials pressed for Poland to participate with the sale of tanks in the U.S.-led train-and-equip program of military assistance to Bosnia. Trying to accommodate an existing Polish agreement with the EU to uphold a boycott of arms to the Balkans, Polish officials stated that they wished to participate in the U.S. program "at the lowest possible levels."
Prior to 1989, the hardline Communist leadership in Czechoslovakia was one of the most resistant to reform in Eastern Europe. In late 1989, the Czech and Slovak protest movement swelled to many thousands, leading eventually to the peaceful end of communist rule in Czechoslovakia. In December 1989, dissident playwright Vaclav Havel was named President, and "Prague Spring" (of 1968) communist leader Alexander Dubcek became parliament chairman. Czechoslovakia's first free elections were held on June 8, 1990. The Civic Forum and its Slovak counterpart, Public Against Violence, won an impressive victory, while the former communists gained only 13% of the vote. Vaclav Havel was reelected President by the new Federal Assembly, and the new government began a radical overhaul of the country. Continuing progress, however, became stalled by discord between the Czech and Slovak lands. Many important tasks, such as drafting a new constitution and an inter-republic accord, became subject to Czech-Slovak disagreements. Although many people in both republics favored continued unity, sharp differences over the future shape of the federation persisted, in part because of the disproportionate impact that economic reforms had on each republic; for example, unemployment soared in Slovakia, but remained low in the Czech lands.
The next federal and state elections were held on June 5-6, 1992. Vaclav Klaus' Civic Democratic Party (ODS) in the Czech republic, and Vladimir Meciar's Movement for a Democratic Slovakia (HzDS) in Slovakia, won the largest voting shares, though neither won outright majorities in either republic. Klaus, architect of the CSFR's tough economic reforms, emphasized continued economic austerity and support for the federation; Meciar campaigned for much greater Slovak sovereignty and independence if necessary, as well as a slowing down of economic reforms. After the elections, rounds of talks between Klaus and Meciar, who each became heads of government in their respective republics, quickly shifted focus to dissolving the federation. A series of agreements defining new Czech-Slovak relations after the agreed date of separation, was signed in late October. On November 25, 1992, the Federal Assembly narrowly adopted legislation dissolving the union and itself on January 1, 1993.
The Czech Republic is widely viewed as one of the most successful and politically stable emerging market economy in the region. The Czech Republic remains a primary beneficiary of foreign direct investment. After the split, the Czech Republic continued its innovative method of voucher privatization of state enterprises. Over 2.5 million persons have participated in the voucher privatization program, and about 80% of Czech assets have been privatized. The Czech currency acquired full current account convertibility in September 1995.
The Czech Republic held elections for the lower house of parliament on May 31-June 1, 1996. The election campaign opened on May 15, with twenty parties registered to participate. No return to power of former communists was anticipated. Opinion polls demonstrated strong support for Klaus' party and, overall, a likely return of Klaus' center-right coalition. However, the center-left Social Democratic party (CSSD) led by Milos Zeman, which emphasized continuing social problems in the country, appeared to narrow the gap between it and the ODS in the week priors to the vote. The ODS and its coalition partners performed as well as was expected, but ended up narrowly losing its majority. The strong performance by the Social Democrats and the reduced number of parties winning parliamentary mandates translated into less than a majority for the former ruling coalition. Within the coalition, the ODS won 29.6% of the vote (68 seats), the Christian Democratic Union (KDU-CSL) won 8% (18 seats), and the Civic Democratic Alliance (ODA) won 6.3% (13 seats), totalling 99 out of 200 seats (down from 112/200 previously). The opposition Social Democrats came in second place with 26.4% of the vote (61 seats), representing a substantial increase in their standing from the last elections. On the extremes of the political spectrum, the rightist Republican party won 8% of the vote (18 seats) and the Communists won 10.3% (22 seats).
On June 6, President Havel called on Prime Minister Klaus to form a minority government. A coalition agreement between the ODS, KDU-CSL, and ODA was reached on June 27, and Vaclav Klaus was sworn in as prime minister on July 4. In return for support for the minority government, the Social Democrats won leadership positions in parliament, and CSSD leader Zeman became Speaker of parliament. Despite the agreement, CSSD leader Zeman threatened not to support the Klaus government's bid for a confidence vote on July 25. Klaus won the vote, 98-40, after CSSD deputies walked out of parliament in an expression of "toleration," but not support.
Thus, even with the return of the Klaus government, the elections wrought significant changes to the Czech political scene. Within the coalition, Klaus' ODS party may not be able to be as dominant as before, but may rather be more dependent on its smaller, at times unpredictable, partners. Secondly, the minority government will depend on some support from the opposition in order to carry out its program. This will require that the government pursue consensus tactics, and it gives the parliament a much larger role than before. President Havel may also enjoy an enhanced role in mediating between the government and parliament. Under these circumstances, it remains for the moment doubtful whether the second Klaus government will be able to carry out a full four-year term. Nevertheless, the ODS emerged as the leader in the first round of elections for the Senate on November 15 with 36% of the vote. Turnout for the first- ever Senate vote was very low at about 35% of eligible voters.
After the split of Czechoslovakia, both successor states were smoothly admitted to the United Nations and other international organizations. Both Czech and Slovak officials emphasized continuity in foreign policy priorities. Many observers and Czech officials have viewed the Czech Republic's position vis-a-vis European institutions as more favorable than Slovakia's or other countries. The Czech Republic was the first post- communist country to join the OECD in November 1995. Prime Minister Klaus formally submitted the Czech Republic's application to the European Union in January 1996. Czech Foreign Minister Zieleniec and German counterpart Klaus Kinkel were scheduled to issue a joint statement on improved bilateral relations in January 1996, but could not agree to how to treat the issue of the expulsion of the Sudeten Germans after World War II, still a contentious issue between Germany and the Czech Republic. President Havel and German President Roman Herzog met in early September 1996, and indicated that a joint German-Czech declaration could be signed before the end of the year.
The Czech Republic signed the NATO's PFP framework document on March 10, 1994, and an individual partnership program on November 25. Czech officials have stated a willingness to take on all obligations of NATO membership, including financial costs. In November, Havel called Czech participation in a future NATO peacekeeping force in Bosnia "essential" for the Czech Republic as a prospective alliance member. The Czech Republic has contributed a 850-strong combat battalion to the NATO IFOR mission in Bosnia.
The June 1996 election results are not expected to fundamentally alter the Czech Republic's foreign policy outlook; however, the opposition Social Democrats have favored holding public referenda on joining European economic and security institutions.
After the 1989 democratic revolution, U.S.-Czechoslovak relations improved rapidly. Czechoslovakia quickly became eligible for U.S. assistance. Since April 1992, Czechoslovakia has had unconditional MFN trading status. The Czech and Slovak- American Enterprise Fund was founded in 1991. In March 1996, amidst charges of mis- management, the board of directors of the Enterprise Fund resigned, and the future of the fund remains uncertain. Through September 1995, U.S. obligations to the Czech Republic under the SEED Act totalled about $145 million. U.S.A.I.D. has announced that the Czech Republic, along with Estonia, would "graduate" from U.S. SEED Act assistance in 1997 and 1996, respectively.
Prime Minister Vaclav Klaus visited the United States in May 1995. In a meeting with President Clinton, Clinton praised the successful transformation of the Czech Republic. Klaus noted that the Czech Republic had reached a "post-transformation" stage. Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman John Shalikashvili, visiting Prague in September 1995, said that the Czech army's relationship with the United States was the "most mature" among military-to-military ties. Prague hosted a meeting of leaders from 12 central European countries and U.S. Secretary of State Christopher on March 20 to discuss European security issues and NATO enlargement. In July 1996, First Lady Hillary Clinton and U.N. envoy Madeleine Albright met with Czech leaders in Prague. Mrs. Clinton promoted the building of civil societies.
After the January 1, 1993, split of the Czechoslovak federation, the political environment in Slovakia underwent numerous changes. During 1993, Prime Minister Vladimir Meciar struggled to remain in power while his party, the Movement for a Democratic Slovakia (HzDS), underwent splits and support from his coalition partner, the Slovak National Party (SNS), fluctuated. In March 1994, after a critical speech before the parliament by President Michal Kovac, Meciar lost a vote of no confidence, leading to his government's resignation. Jozef Moravcik, who had split from the HzDS, formed a new government comprised of his Democratic Union, the Christian Democratic Movement, and the Democratic Left Party, all formerly in opposition. However, parliament also voted to hold early elections on September October 1, 1994, giving the Moravcik government only a six-month mandate.
Vladimir Meciar's Movement for a Democratic Slovakia bounced back in elections held on September 30-October 1, 1994, winning 35% of the vote, the largest share by a wide margin, but less than a majority. Common Choice, a coalition led by the Party of the Democratic Left, fared poorly, winning only 10.4%, far less than pre-election polls had predicted. In the first sessions of parliament held on November 3-4, Meciar's party, with support from its eventual coalition partners, pushed through a series of controversial measures, including the cancellation of privatization projects approved by the former government, the dismissal of broadcasting board members, and the censuring of members of the Moravcik government, among other things. Meciar formed a coalition with the Slovak Workers Party (ZRS) and Slovak National Party (SNS), giving his government a parliamentary majority of 83/150 seats. On January 20, 1995, parliament approved the government's program for 1995 and passed a vote of confidence in the Meciar-led government. Slovakia's economic performance has continued to improve, in spite of the political fluctuations. Growth in exports and improved industrial performance resulted in strong GDP growth in 1994 and 1995.
Slovakia's economic achievements have been somewhat overshadowed by ongoing domestic political tensions. Since the last elections, Meciar's governing coalition has maintained a conflictual relationship with President Michal Kovac. Meciar, HzDS, and the other coalition parties have repeatedly called on the President to resign. In May 1995, 80 deputies in parliament approved of a non-binding vote of no confidence in the president (even though by the constitution the president can only be removed on charges of treasonous activities, and by a three-fifths majority). While thus far not able to remove the president, the coalition has passed new laws restricting the president's authority to appoint certain positions. In a bizarre incident, President Kovac's son was abducted in August 1995 and taken to neighboring Austria, where he was arrested on suspicion of international fraud, but eventually released home. President Kovac and others have implicated the Slovak secret service (SIS) led by Meciar ally Ivan Lexa in the kidnapping. President Kovac publicly accused the Slovak information service (SIS) of kidnapping his son and called on SIS director and Meciar ally Ivan Lexa to resign. Lexa countered by filing a slander suit against President Kovac. In May 1996, opposition parties led demonstrations and a motion in parliament (which failed) to remove Interior Minister Ludovit Hudek. Slovak media had broadcast an alleged conversation between Hudek and Slovak Information Services director Ivan Lexa that indicated government involvement in the Kovac kidnapping. However, on May 20, the Slovak police announced that its investigation into the Kovac case would be adjourned due to lack of evidence. In October, the police closed two related investigations, one involving the possible implication in the kidnapping of the Slovak Information Service.
On March 26, 1996, parliament ratified Slovakia's bilateral treaty with Hungary (see below), which was signed a year earlier, by a vote of 119 to 1, with 19 abstentions. Parliament passed two accompanying clauses to the treaty which discounted any interpretation of collective minority rights or collective rights to autonomy. Prime Minister Meciar had repeatedly postponed putting the treaty before parliament until the Slovak National Party, a coalition partner, agreed to support ratification provided a number of conditions were met. One was passage of a controversial law on the protection of the republic, which was approved by parliament on the same day. The law forbids demonstrations with subversive intentions and the spreading of false information damaging to Slovak national interests. Opposition groups fear that the law could be used against opposition politicians or independent journalists. The European Union later denounced the anti-subversion bill. The Hungarian coalition abstained from the March ratification vote in protest of actions undertaken by the government which undermined minority rights. For example, in November, parliament approved of a controversial language law which regulates use of Slovak as the official language of the country.
In June 1996, disagreements between HzDS and its smaller partners grew and threatened to break up the governing coalition. As the nationalist Slovak National Party criticized the government's policies on supervisory controls over privatization, the secret service, and the media, Prime Minister Meciar threatened to break up the coalition and form a minority government with support from the opposition Democratic Left Alliance. However, by the end of the month, Meciar announced agreement among the coalition parties on these issues. In late August, Meciar consulted with President Kovac (their first meeting in over a year) on proposed changes in the cabinet. Kovac accepted the proposals and appointed three new ministers. Pavol Hamzik replaced Foreign Minister Juraj Schenk; Karol Cesnek replaced Economics Minister Jan Ducky; and Gustav Krajci replaced Interior Minister Ludovit Hudek. In October, three opposition signed an agreement on cooperation, but did not form a formal coalition.
In foreign affairs, succession issues were carried out smoothly and Slovakia has gained equal international standing with the Czech Republic. However, domestic political tensions appear to have tarnished its chances to join major Western institutions. After Meciar's return to power in December 1994, government officials have emphasized continuity in Slovakia's foreign policy objectives. Some observers, however, predicted that the HzDS-led government might not pursue entry into NATO and the EU enthusiastically, primarily because of its coalition partners. Slovakia submitted an application for EU membership at the Cannes summit in June 1995. The European Union has issued two demarches expressing concern about political conflicts in Slovakia. The EU warned that steps by the government to remove President Kovac could endanger democracy, and that the government's actions could have consequences for Slovakia's aspirations to join the European Union. Similarly, the United States and the European Parliament have issued critical statements on political developments in Slovakia. Slovak government leaders have rejected the international criticism. In June- July 1996, a progression of Western officials visiting Slovakia voiced concerns about Slovakia's democratic development and its potential effect on Slovakia's prospects to join Western institutions such as NATO.
Since independence, Slovakia has maintained problematic relations with neighboring Hungary. Key issues hindering full normalization of relations have centered around the sizeable ethnic Hungarian minority in Slovakia, and the dispute over the Gabcikovo-Nagymaros hydroelectric dam, a joint project stemming from the Communist era. The latter dispute has been submitted to the International Court of Justice, and will be reviewed in early 1997. Underscoring mutual efforts at reconciliation, Hungarian Premier Gyula Horn visited Slovakia on August 5, 1994, and signed three minor bilateral agreements to serve as a foundation for a broader bilateral treaty between Slovakia and Hungary. Meciar and Horn signed a final treaty on March 19, 1995, on the eve of the Paris Stability Pact conference. The treaty included reference to a Council of Europe recommendation that outlines certain collective rights of minorities, including the formation of autonomous organizations. Slovakia and Hungary exchanged ratification documents, without the interpretation appendices, in Budapest on May 6, 1996. Slovak officials strongly protested the conclusions reached at the July 1996 conference of ethnic Hungarian parties in Budapest as a "step backward" in bilateral relations with Hungary (see section on Hungary, below).
U.S. Administrations emphasized continuity of good relations with the successor states of the Czech and Slovak Federal Republic after the split. The United States has obligated over $140 million in SEED Act assistance through September 1995. Slovakia welcomed NATO's Partnership for Peace initiative, and signed the PFP framework document on February 9, 1994. After the September-October 1994 elections, a State Department spokesman expressed U.S. satisfaction with the democratic process in Slovakia as expressed in the large voter turnout in free and fair elections, and commended the expressed plans of the major parties to seek full integration with western institutions.
In March 1995, Slovak media reported on a letter to Meciar from President Clinton, in which he praised Slovakia's and Hungary's efforts to conclude a bilateral treaty that would benefit regional stability and the future of European integration. In August, President Kovac, on an unofficial U.S. visit, met with Vice President Gore and other U.S. officials. He reported to Slovak radio that the U.S. officials expressed concerns about Slovakia not keeping pace with democratic reforms. In September, Defense Secretary Perry on a visit to Slovakia emphasized the "importance of diversity of opinion in a democratic society." In October, the U.S. embassy in Bratislava followed the EU in noting concerns about political developments in Slovakia. The U.S. note reportedly stated that President Clinton was "anxious" about the conflict between the Slovak government and president. The State Department's 1995 report on human rights practices cited "disturbing trends away from democratic principles." In early April 1996, the United States and the European Union expressed concerns about limitations on freedoms contained in Slovakia's recently-passed law on the protection of the republic. In Bratislava in July 1996, First Lady Hillary Clinton and U.N. envoy Madeleine Albright emphasized that genuine democracy was a primary precondition to membership in NATO.
Hungary's transformation into a market economic democracy occurred gradually but systematically in the late 1980s. In 1989, the Hungarian National Assembly approved major constitutional changes and scheduled multi-party elections for early 1990. Reformers within the Communist Party gained ascendancy, and moved the government toward democratic and market economic reforms. Hungary's first free elections were held in March-April 1990. The center-right Hungarian Democratic Forum (MDF) won 43% of the vote, and the liberal Alliance of Free Democrats finished second with 24%. The Socialist Party was badly defeated although individual reform-communists were able to win seats. The Democratic Forum formed a coalition government with the Independent Smallholders' Party and the Christian Democratic People's Party, which won 11.4% and 5.4% of the vote, respectively. Joszef Antall, leader of the Hungarian Democratic Forum, became Prime Minister.
During the early years of transition, Hungary was widely viewed as a haven of stability compared to the political fragmentation evident in Poland and Czechoslovakia in 1990- 1992. Since 1990, Hungary has attracted the most foreign investment in the region. In the run-up year to the 1994 elections, the durability of the Antall government gradually wore down and the MDF became plagued by internal divisions, especially from its right-wing, and decreasing popularity. Antall's death from cancer in December 1993 appeared to symbolize the end of MDF leadership, although MDF leader Peter Boross smoothly succeeded Antall as Prime Minister. The opposition Hungarian Socialist Party, meanwhile, gained in opinion polls, overtaking the long-popular Young Democratic (FIDESZ) opposition party in early 1994. Hungary's second elections held on May 8 and 29, 1994, confirmed the trend in East Central Europe of leftist parties returning to power in democratic elections. The Hungarian Socialist Party won 54% of seats in parliament. The Democratic Forum came in third place with less than 10% of the vote. Though able to govern alone, the Socialists worked out a coalition agreement with the liberal Alliance of Free Democrats (who won 18%), on June 24, 1994, and also worked out an agreement on economic policy, emphasizing investment and savings. Gyula Horn of the Socialist Party became prime minister. President Arpad Goncz, unaffiliated, was reelected by the parliament for a second five-year term on June 19, 1995, by an overwhelming vote.
Serious strains in the coalition became evident in late 1994-early 1995 due to differences over economic policy and privatization. On March 12, 1995, the Horn government announced sweeping economic reforms designed to stabilize the economy and reduce the country's foreign debt and budget deficit. A sharp currency devaluation, import duties, wage controls in state-owned industries, and cuts in social welfare programs. The austerity measures have been hugely unpopular among the Hungarian population and have contributed to a slowing down in economic growth. At the same time, the stabilization measures have contributed to the restoration of international confidence in the Horn government's commitment to economic reform.
In January 1996, Finance Minister Bokros announced a new austerity plan targeting the public welfare system. On February 18, however, Bokros tendered his resignation on February 18 after his proposal to levy a tax on social insurance failed to get the approval of the cabinet. Bokros' resignation threatened to de-rail conclusion of a stand- by arrangement with the IMF and Hungary's entry into the OECD. On February 26, Peter Medgyessy was named to replace Bokros as Finance Minister and pledged to continue the stabilization program of his predecessor. After parliament passed a social security budget aimed at reducing the deficit, the IMF approved of a $387 million loan for Hungary in mid-March. Hungary was formally invited to join the OECD on March 29. In October, Prime Minister Horn fired the state privatization board and the ministers for privatization and trade/industry amidst corruption charges. Later, the welfare minister also tendered his resignation. The latest government shake-up has further fueled differences within the coalition, with the Free Democrats repeating earlier threats to leave the coalition.
In early September, 85 deputies initiated a special session of parliament to discuss the draft Hungarian-Romanian treaty. Opposition parties criticized the draft for not protecting the collective rights of ethnic Hungarians in Romania to the same extent as similar treaties with Ukraine and Slovakia. Government officials defended the protections included in the treaty as an "acceptable compromise." In addition, Foreign Minister Kovacs stated that the basic treaty with Romania was "an indispensable means of improving" relations with Romania (see below).
Since 1989, Hungary has sought to become more closely integrated with Western European institutions. Since coming to power in 1994, the Horn government has emphasized continuity in Hungary's overall foreign policy principles and objectives, especially western integration, regional cooperation, and good relations with neighboring countries. Hungary signed on to NATO's Partnership for Peace on February 8, 1994, and approved an individual partnership program on November 15. The Horn government has emphasized support for other countries' efforts to join NATO as well. In December 1995, the Hungarian parliament approved the opening of a U.S. military base in Taszar, in southern Hungary, for NATO's Implementation Force (IFOR) operation in Bosnia. In addition, a 415-strong Hungarian battalion has served in the British-led sector in Bosnia.
A major tenet in Hungary's regional relations has been the treatment of ethnic Hungarian minorities in neighboring states (some 3.5 million). The Antall government's emphasis on the rights of ethnic Hungarians abroad was viewed with suspicion by neighboring governments, who feared that demands by ethnic Hungarians for local autonomy may undermine the legitimacy of their governments and even encourage separatism. The Horn government came into office in mid-1994 emphasizing the need for "historical reconciliation" with neighboring states. Hungary and Slovakia concluded a bilateral accord just prior to the Paris Stability Pact conference on March 20, 1995. The Hungarian parliament ratified the treaty by an overwhelming majority on June 13. An exchange of ratification documents took place in Budapest on May 15, 1996. In November 1995, following a push by Romanian President Ion Iliescu, Hungarian and Romanian officials re-opened treaty talks, which had stalled over provisions on minority rights. Romania's new education law, opposed by Hungarian parties in Romania, became a sticking point in the negotiations, and progress stalled. In mid-August, Hungarian and Romanian officials announced the successful conclusions of negotiations on the bilateral treaty. The draft treaty includes a footnote that excludes the interpretation of collective rights and the promotion of ethnically based territorial autonomy from a Council of Europe recommendation on minority rights, which is included in the treaty. Hungarian opposition parties and ethnic Hungarian groups in Romania have blasted the draft treaty as detrimental to the interests of ethnic Hungarians in Romania. Prime Minister Horn, however, has defended the draft as an important indicator of Hungary's intention to improve bilateral relations and progress in integration into Euro-Atlantic structures. The treaty was signed in Timisoara, Romania, on September 16.
In July 1996, Hungary hosted a conference with ethnic Hungarian representatives from neighboring countries. The concluding communique promoted the "creation of self- government and autonomy" for the preservation of the Hungarian identity. In response to harsh criticism from Slovak officials, the Hungarian government has stood by the statement, which they say should not be interpreted as a call for ethnic-based territorial autonomy.
U.S. relations with Hungary improved consistently in the 1980s. The Bush Administration launched an extensive U.S. aid program for Hungary in July 1989 which emphasized private sector development and promotion of trade and investment. A Hungarian-American Enterprise Fund was established in 1990. Hungary has become eligible for GSP and OPIC benefits, and as of April 1992 has received unconditional MFN trade status. Hungary has received substantial economic assistance under the SEED Act, totalling over $217 million through September 1995. The United States has the highest levels of foreign investment in Hungary.
Hungary signed on to NATO's Partnership for Peace program on January 8, 1994. Prime Minister Gyula Horn visited Washington in June 1995. In September 1995, Defense Secretary Perry, on a two-day visit to Hungary, noted that Hungary's was meeting the basic criteria for future membership in NATO. In December 1995, NATO opened an air base in Taszar, in southern Hungary, for IFOR troops going to Bosnia. President Clinton met with Hungarian leaders during his visit to U.S. troops en route to Bosnia in January 1996. First Lady Hillary Clinton visited Budapest in July 1996 and lauded Hungary's leadership in "bringing democratic and economic reforms to central Europe." The State Department praised the signing of the Hungarian- Romanian treaty in September 1996 and called it a "significant achievement" and "consistent with the purposes of NATO enlargement."

TÓCLAÍ is déanaí
Cúlra agus Anailís
TÁITHEAN Ó réabhlóidí síochánta 1989 i leith, lean tíortha Oirthear na hEorpa Láir - an Pholainn, Poblacht na Seice, an tSlóvaic agus an Ungáir - ar aghaidh leis an bpróiseas athchóirithe ó choimníocht an bhloc thoir go stáit neamhspleácha, daonlathach agus dírithe ar an margadh saor in aisce atá comhtháite san Eoraip. Ar an taobh istigh, tá rialtais a tháinig i ndiaidh a chéile ag daingniú athchóirithe eacnamaíochta margaidh agus institiúidí daonlathais. Go seachtrach, tá tíortha Oirthear Mheán-Eorpach ag iarraidh a lánpháirtiú le hIarthar na hEorpa agus ballraíocht a bhaint amach san Aontas Eorpach (AE) agus sa NATO.
Tá an próiseas idirthréimhseach tar éis go leor athruithe polaitiúla a dhéanamh thar na blianta. I dtoghcháin ghinearálta na Polainne i 1993 tháinig dhá pháirtí iar-choimisinéadacha chun cumhachta. Chaill an t-iar-cheannaire Dlúthpháirtíochta Lech Walesa toghcháin uachtaránachta i mí na Samhna 1995 i gcoinne Aleksander Kwasniewski, iar-cheannaire páirtí Cumannach. Sa tSeiceaslóvaic, bhuaigh iar-easnóirí toghcháin shaorúla i 1990, ach thug difríochtaí atá ag fás idir polaiteoirí na Seice agus na Slóvaice toradh polaraithe i dtoghcháin Mheitheamh 1992. Roinneadh an tSeicislóvaic ina dhá thír ar 1 Eanáir, 1993. Bhí toghcháin luath i Slóvaic i Meán Fómhair-Deireadh Fómhair 1994, agus tháinig an ceannaire conspóideach Vladimir Meciar ar ais sa chumhacht. Bhí toghcháin pharlaiminteacha i bPoblacht na Seice ar 31 Bealtaine - 1 Meitheamh, 1996, agus toghcháin Seanad i mí na Samhna, 1996, a thug rialtas lag lár-deas ar ais chun cumhachta. Thug na chéad toghcháin san Ungáir i 1990 rialtas comhrialtasach lár-deas faoi cheannas Fóram Daonlathach na hUngáire. D'éirigh le toghcháin a tionóladh i mí na Bealtaine 1994 bua láidir a bhaint amach don Pháirtí Sóisialach ar chlé, a roghnaigh dul i gcomhrialtas le Comhghuaillíocht na nDaonlathach Saor. I gcéimeanna éagsúla i ngach tír, tá an próiseas athchóirithe tar éis dul i ngleic le deacrachtaí eacnamaíocha agus le haimsire pholaitiúil. Tá fás ag teacht ar leibhéil éagsúla i ngach ceann de gheilleagair na hEorpa Láir tar éis tréimhse fada de dhíscaoileadh.
Tá an t-ardán idirnáisiúnta tar éis athrú freisin. D'fhág an Chomhairle um Chúnamh Eacnamaíoch Comhaontaithe (CMEA) agus Eagraíocht Chonradh Varsó (Comhaontú Varsó) a bheith ann i 1991. Tarraingíodh trúpaí Sóivéadacha siar go hiomlán ó chríoch na dtíortha satailíte roimhe seo. Tá tíortha Oirthear Mheán-Eorpach ag iarraidh comhlachas níos dlúithe agus ballraíocht sa NATO agus san Aontas Eorpach a fháil. Is comhaltaí comhlachaithe de chuid an AE iad go léir agus d'iarr siad ar bhallraíocht iomlán. I mí Eanáir 1994, sheol NATO tionscnamh chun comhar leis an oirthear a fheabhsú ar a dtugtar Comhar le haghaidh Síochána. Tá gach ceann de na Visegrad tar éis páirt ghníomhach a ghlacadh sa chlár Comhpháirtíocht don Síocháin mar mhodh chun oibriú níos dlúithe le NATO, ach tá siad fós ag iarraidh ballraíocht NATO.
Tá caidreamh feabhsaithe ag na Stáit Aontaithe leis na tíortha seo ó 1989 agus tá cláir chúnaimh eacnamaíoch bunaithe agus á gcur i bhfeidhm acu dóibh. Chomh maith le cúnamh eachtrach cuí, faigheann na ceithre stát go léir cóireáil náisiún is fabhraí agus sochair trádála. Tar éis chruinniú mullaigh NATO i mí Eanáir 1994, dhearbhaigh an tUachtarán Clinton go raibh suim ag na Stáit Aontaithe i slándáil na hEorpa lárnach agus dul chun cinn i n-athchóirithe polaitiúla agus eacnamaíocha. D'athdhearbhaigh Clinton tiomantas na Stát Aontaithe do shlándáil Oirthear na hEorpa Láir le linn a chuairte ar an bPolainn i mí Iúil 1994 agus i ráitis phoiblí eile. Go gairid ó shin, dhearbhaigh an tUachtarán Clinton go mbeadh an NATO ag leathnú faoi 1999.
TÓCLAÍ is déanaíTógadh an chéad bhabhta de thoghcháin do Seanad na Seice ar an 15-16 Samhain. Bhí dea-scéal ag Páirtí Daonlathach Sibhialta an Phríomh-Aire Vaclav Klaus agus beidh a iarrthóirí ag dul i gcomórtas i dtoghcháin a reáchtáil i 76 as 81 ceantar toghcháin. Bhí vótáil mar thoradh ar fhuaim íseal vótaithe (thart ar 35% den toghchán) a thug anailísithe mar gheall ar easpa spéise sa seomra parlaiminte nua agus ar an mbraitheann vótálaithe go bhfuil an stailc polaitiúil ó toghcháin 31 Bealtaine-1 Meitheamh. Sna toghcháin sin, d'fhill an Príomh-Aire Klaus chun comhrialtas mionlaigh lár-dhíreach a threorú, ach tháinig ceannaire an fhreasúra Milos Zeman den Pháirtí Sóisialach Daonlathach ina chathaoirleach ar an bparlaimint.
Ar an 16 Meán Fómhair, shínigh ceannairí na hUngáire agus na Rómáine conradh déthaobhach bunúsach i Timisoara, an Rómáin. Áirítear le conradh an tsraith nóta thíos míniúcháin chun cur síos a dhéanamh ar mhol conspóideach Chomhairle na hEorpa maidir le cearta mionlaigh, atá san áireamh sa bhun-chonradh.
Cúlra agus Anailís
Tá an Pholainn, Poblacht na Seice, an tSlóvaic agus an Ungáir fós i gcéim idirthréimhseach ina gcaidrimh eachtracha, saor óna shean-chomhionannais ach gan a bheith lánchuimsithe go hiomlán i institiúidí an Iarthair. Díscaoileadh an dá phríomh-eagraíocht idirnáisiúnta cumannach, an Chomhairle um Chúnamh Eacnamaíoch Comhaimseartha (CMEA) agus Eagraíocht Chonradh Warsaw (WTO, nó Comhaontú Warsaw), i 1991. Is é an sprioc deiridh agus gan amhras do thíortha Oirthear na hEorpa Láir uile a bheith páirteach i bpróiseas na comhtháthaithe eacnamaíochta agus polaitiúla san Eoraip Thiar agus na ráthaíochtaí slándála a bhaineann leis na comhghuaillíochtaí míleata san Iarthar a roinnt.
Fuair na tíortha a bhí i gComhpháirtíocht Pháirtí Varsabha rochtain institiúideach ar an NATO ar dtús ag deireadh 1991 trí Chomhairle Chomhar an Atlantaigh Thuaidh (NACC), fóram ina raibh na baill a bhí i gComhpháirtíocht Pháirtí Varsabha. Chuir ceannairí na Meán-Eorpa brú ar an gcomhghuaillíocht le haghaidh ráthaíochtaí slándála a bheadh ag teacht le ballraíocht iomlán. Ag deireadh 1993, mhol oifigigh na SA go bhformódh NATO "comharsanachtaí don tsíocháin" le tíortha Eorpacha neamh-NATO, lena n-áirítear an Rúis, d'fhonn gnéithe nithiúla den chomhoibriú a fhorbairt, ach gan ráthaíocht slándála NATO a leathnú go dtí na stáit chomhpháirtíochta. Ag cruinniú mullaigh NATO i mí Eanáir 1994, d'iarr an comhghuaillíocht ar stáit Eorpacha neamh-NATO Comharsanachtaí don Síocháin (PFP) a bhunú le NATO. Ba iad an Ungáir, an Pholainn, Poblacht na Seice agus an tSlóvaic na sínitheoirí tosaigh ar an gcomhaontú réime PFP agus tá siad tar éis páirt ghníomhach a ghlacadh i gcláir PFP ó shin. Tá na tíortha Visegrad go léir tar éis ranníocaíochtaí trúpaí agus cineálacha eile de chúnamh a thairiscint do NATO ina Fhoras Cur chun feidhme (IFOR) sa Bhoisnia.
Seachas PFP, tá ceist leathnú NATO ina cheist lárnach laistigh den chomhghuaillíocht. Cheadaigh NATO staidéar ar na himpleachtaí, nó ar an "cé mar agus cén fáth", a bhaineann le leathnú, an 20 Meán Fómhair, 1995. Níor shonraigh an staidéar tíortha ná níor leag sé síos amchlár le haghaidh leathnú. Tá sé léirithe ag go leor ceannairí lár-Eorpach go bhfuil siad ag súil le ballraíocht NATO roimh bhallraíocht san Aontas Eorpach. I mí na Nollag 1995, d'iarr aire NATO "dialóg aonair" le baill ionchasacha. I mí an Mheithimh 1996, dhearbhaigh NATO go gcinnfidh sé na chéad chéimeanna eile sa phróiseas méadaithe ag cruinniú na nAirí i mí na Nollag 1996.
Ag cruinniú os comhair 12 chomhalta ionchasacha den chomhlacht i bPraig an 20 Márta 1996, dhearbhaigh Rúnaí Stáit na Stát Aontaithe Christopher go raibh leathnú NATO "ar an mbóthar". Dúirt Christopher nár cheart aon náisiún a bheith i gcrios buffer arís nó a bheith faoi thionchar náisiún eile. Tá sé beartaithe ag an NATO na chéad chéimeanna eile a mheas ag a chomhdháil aireach i mí na Nollag. I mí Aibreáin, thug Rúnaí Ginearálta NATO Solana cuairt ar phríomhchathair na hEorpa. D'athdhearbhaigh sé go dtarlóidh leathnú NATO, ach níor shonraigh sé tíortha ar leith ná tráthchlár seasta. Labhair sé freisin faoin ngá atá le "nasc láidir" idir an chomhghuaillíocht agus an Rúis. I mí Dheireadh Fómhair, dhearbhaigh an tUachtarán Clinton gur cheart do thíortha nua a bheith páirteach san NATO faoi 1999.
Is é an príomhchuspóir eile beartais eachtraí na gceithre thír Oirthear-Lár na hEorpa ná comhlachas níos dlúithe leis an Aontas Eorpach (AE, an CE roimhe sin) agus a bheith ina bhall de. Shínigh an CE comhaontuithe comhlachais leis an bPolainn, leis an Seiceaslóvaic agus leis an Ungáir an 16 Nollaig 1991, a d'iarr comhar eacnamaíoch níos mó, caidreamh trádála níos leithne, agus comhtháthú eacnamaíoch agus polaitiúil. D'aontaigh an CE bacainní trádála a bhaint d'earraí tionsclaíocha ar bhonn neamhréireach, ach níor leag sé síos amchlár le haghaidh aontachais. Tháinig comhaontuithe comhlachais na Polainne agus na hUngáire i bhfeidhm i mí Feabhra 1994. Tháinig na comhaontuithe idir an Phoblacht Theicniúil agus an tSeic Slóvaic i bhfeidhm i mí Feabhra 1995 (b'éigean comhaontú na Seiceaslóvaice a athbheartaíocht tar éis an fhéidearála). Chinn an Bhulgáir agus an Rómáin comhaontuithe comhlachais chomh maith, agus na trí stát Bailteach agus an tSlóivéin ina dhiaidh sin.
I mí an Mheithimh 1993, d'iarr ceannairí an AE go foirmiúil ar na sé thír chomhlachaithe a bhí ann ag an am sin a bheith ag teacht isteach sa Chomhphobal nuair a cheadaíonn na coinníollacha é, agus gheall siad go ndéanfaí coimhthionscnaimh trádála nua chun rochtain ar mhargaí an AE a fheabhsú, agus chun naisc pholaitiúla a neartú. Bhí sé beartaithe trádáil earraí tionsclaíocha, cruach agus teicstílí a shaoradh i gcéimeanna amaithe (1995, 1996 agus 1997, faoi seach). Tá forleathan mór trádála i gcónaí ag tíortha AE lena sé thír chomhlachaithe, agus tá gearán déanta ag ceannairí na hEorpa Láir go bhfuil a rochtain ar mhargadh i dtíortha AE teoranta. Ba é an Ungáir an chéad bhall comhlachaithe a rinne iarratas go foirmiúil ar bhallraíocht iomlán san AE an 1 Aibreán, 1994; lean an Pholainn an 8 Aibreán; an tSlóvaic i Meitheamh 1995; agus Poblacht na Seice i mí Eanáir 1996. I mí Aibreáin 1995, bhuail aireanna eachtracha an AE lena gcomhghleacaithe lár-Eorpach mar chuid de "dath struchtúrtha" an AE le tíortha comhlachaithe, agus rinne siad réamhscéal ar an Leabhar Bán maidir le ceanglais bhallraíochta an AE. Cheadaigh an Coimisiún cuid den Leabhar Bán ar an 3 Bealtaine 1995. Sa tuarascáil, sainaithnítear agus cuirtear tús áite ar na bearta is gá a dhéanamh chun geilleagair na mBallstát ionchasacha a ailíniú le margadh aonair. I mí na Nollag 1995, chomhaontaigh ceannairí an AE cóir chomhionann a thabhairt do gach ball ionchas, thug siad le fios go bhféadfaí tús a chur leis na caibidlíochtaí laistigh de shé mhí tar éis an chomhdhála idir-rialtasach a chríochnú (a bhfuiltear ag súil leis i lár 1997), agus d'iarr siad ar an gCoimisiún meastóireachtaí aonair a ullmhú ar bhaill ionchasacha roimh chaibidlíochtaí ar scála iomlán. I mí an Mhárta 1996, lean an Ungáir Poblacht na Seice agus chuaigh sí isteach in Eagraíocht um Chomhar agus Forbairt Eacnamaíoch (OECD), club idirnáisiúnta de náisiúin thionsclaíocha ardteicneolaíochta. Tugadh cuireadh do Phólnaic a bheith páirteach ann an 11 Iúil, 1996.
Go luath i ndiaidh 1989, thug an Pholainn, an tSeicislóvaic agus an Ungáir tosaíocht do chaidreamh réigiúnach a fheabhsú. Thosaigh cruinniú mullaigh na Polainne, na Seiceaslóvaice agus na hUngáire i mí Feabhra 1991 i Visegrad, an Ungáir, próiseas leanúnach comhchuibhiú beartais agus comhairliúcháin pholaitiúla. Tá comhairliúchán rialta déanta ag tíortha Visegrad mar a thugtar orthu ar a lán saincheisteanna a bhfuil imní frithpháirteach orthu agus tá siad ag obair go dlúth le grúpaí réigiúnacha eile, amhail Tionscnamh na hEorpa Láir (TI), i measc nithe eile. Ó shin i leith, tá an tionscnamh Visegrad tar éis a chuid fócas a aistriú go mór ó naisc pholaitiúla go comhar eacnamaíoch agus léirscaoileadh trádála. Ar 21 Nollaig 1992, shínigh tíortha Visegrad Comhaontú Saorthrádála na hIonad Eorpaí (CEFTA), ag cur síos ar scéim chun dleachtanna custaim agus cuótaí a bhaint amach i dtrí chéim ó 1993 go 2001. Tháinig CEFTA i bhfeidhm an 1 Márta, 1993. Ní dhéantar an limistéar saorthrádála atá beartaithe a chur i gcontúirt leis an gcuspóir a bhaineann le bheith rannpháirteach san AE, ach chun an trádáil a mhéadú eatarthu, cosúil le sampla na dtíortha EFTA. Ag cruinniú ar an 23-24 Eanáir, 1995, i bhFársa, chomhaontaigh tíortha CEFTA cur chun cinn a dhéanamh i dtreo na bacainní trádála áirithe a bhaint. D'aontaigh siad na taraifí ar earraí talmhaíochta a laghdú 50% ag tosú i 1996, agus 100% faoi 1998. Ag cruinniú mullaigh i Brno an 11 Meán Fómhair, 1995, d'aontaigh príomh-aire CEFTA glacadh leis an tSlóivéin mar bhall faoin 1 Eanáir, 1996, agus níos déanaí, an Bhulgáir agus an Rómáin. D'aontaigh siad freisin go ndéanfaí léirscaoileadh ar ghluaiseachtaí caipitil agus seirbhísí a mheas. D'athdhearbhaigh ceannairí CEFTA a dtiomantas an grúpa a leathnú ag a gcruinniú ar an 13-14 Meán Fómhair 1996 sa tSlóvaic.
Ó tháinig réabhlóid daonlathach 1989 i bhfeidhm, tá an tAontas Eorpach ag cur leis an ngéarchéim. Tá caidreamh feabhsaithe ag na riaracháin leis an réigiún ar fad. Tá an-leibhéal tagtha ar theagmhálacha rialtais agus príobháideacha leis na réimeachtaí nua i lár na hEorpa. Tá go leor de lucht déanta beartas na Stát Aontaithe tar éis a léiriú go bhfuil suim leanúnach ag na Stáit Aontaithe i cosáin lár agus thoir na hEorpa a chinntiú chun daonlathas agus córais eacnamaíocha margaidh, agus an treocht seo a leathnú go dtí an oirthear.
Mar fhreagra ar ghlaonna méadaithe chun ráthaíocht slándála NATO a leathnú siar, mhol Riarachán Clinton, agus cheadaigh NATO i mí Eanáir 1994, an clár Comhpháirtíocht don Síocháin (PFP) le tíortha Eorpacha neamh-NATO. I mí Iúil 1994 sa Pholainn, d'athdhearbhaigh Clinton a sheasamh nach ceist é an bhfuil sí ag leathnú NATO, ach cathain agus conas, agus chuir sé in iúl go raibh an réigiún Oirthear Mheán-Eorpach curtha i gceannas ar aon chineál crios buffer. Chuir an tUachtarán Clinton togra "Inisciúchán Warsaw" de $ 100 milliún ar fáil don bhliain airgeadais 1996 chun dul chun cinn a dhéanamh ar chlár an Chomhpháirtíochta don Síocháin agus tacú le comhar míleata níos mó. Go gairid roimh thoghcháin na Stát Aontaithe i 1996, dhearbhaigh an tUachtarán Clinton gur cheart go mbeadh "an chéad ghrúpa tíortha" ina mbaill chomhlíonta de NATO faoi 1999. I gComhdháil na hEorpa, léirigh tograí reachtacha éagsúla an tuairim gur cheart tacaíocht níos soiléire a thabhairt i réimse na slándála agus comharthaí níos dóchais maidir le leathnú NATO a leathnú chuig tíortha Oirthear Mheán-Eorpach. I mí Dheireadh Fómhair 1994, d'éirigh leis an gComhdháil an tAcht um Chuidigh NATO, a thug údarás don Uachtarán earraí cosanta iomarcacha a chur ar fáil do thíortha incháilithe, go háirithe na stáit Visegrad. I mí Feabhra 1995, ghlac an Teach an tAcht um Athbheochan agus Fheabhsú NATO, a mhol ballraíocht luath NATO do thíortha Visegrad. Níos déanaí scrios an Comhdháil aon tagairt shonraigh do thíortha aonair atá incháilithe le haghaidh ballraíocht NATO ón mbeart seo. P.L. 104-208 (28 Meán Fómhair, 1996) a bhí san áireamh "Acht um Éascú Leathnú NATO 1996". Ainmníodh an Pholainn, an Ungáir, Poblacht na Seice, agus an tSlóivéin mar dhaoine atá incháilithe chun cúnamh míleata a fháil.
Cabhair na Stát Aontaithe. I 1989, d'éirigh leis an gComhdháil agus d'fhormheas an Riarachán an "Acht um Thacaíocht do Dhaonlathas Oirthear na hEorpa 1989" (SEED, P.L. 101-179), a d'údaraigh beagnach $ 1 billiún ar an iomlán do Phólnaic agus don Ungáir do na Bhlianta Airgeadais 1990-1992. Tugadh cead do Pholainn agus don Ungáir iasachtaí a fháil ó Chórparáid Infheistíochta Príobháideach thar lear (OPIC) agus ó Bhainc Eihreora-Ionmhairí, agus ó Chóras Ginearálta na bPréasanna (GSP). D'údaraigh an tAcht SEED Cistí Fiontair phríobháideacha a bhunú chun gníomhaíochtaí earnála príobháideach a chur chun cinn sa Pholainn agus san Ungáir (agus níos déanaí le tíortha eile Oirthear na hEorpa). Tar éis an ghníomhaíochta SEED agus mar fhreagra ar athruithe eile sa réigiún, chuir an tUachtarán agus an Comhdháil cúnamh breise ar fáil, agus leathnaíodh é go dtí tíortha eile Oirthear na hEorpa. Thacaigh na Stáit Aontaithe freisin le cúnamh iltaobhach trí an Banc Domhanda, Ciste Airgeadaíochta Domhanda, agus an Banc Eorpach um Athchóiriú agus Forbairt (EBRD).
Tá cláir chúnamh na Stát Aontaithe do Mheán- agus Oirthear na hEorpa ag cur béime ar fhás eacnamaíoch, ar fhorbairt daonlathais, agus ar cháilíocht na beatha a fheabhsú. I gcás Bhliana Airgeadais 1996, d'iarr an Riarachán $480 milliún i gcabhair do Oirthear na hEorpa. Cheadaigh an Comhdháil $ 324 milliún do Oirthear na hEorpa, agus $ 70 milliún don EBRD i P.L. 104-107. Tá mé ag iarraidh a fháil amach. Le haghaidh Bhliana Airgeadais 1997, d'eagraigh an Comhdháil $ 275 milliún do Oirthear na hEorpa agus $ 200 breise le haghaidh atógála na Boisnia, i P.L. 104-208. Tá mé ag iarraidh a fháil amach. P.L. Údaraíodh freisin $60 milliún le haghaidh cúnamh leathnú NATO.
Bhunaigh an Pholainn an chéad rialtas neamhchoimhinéalach faoi stiúir i gComhaontú Warszawa ar bhonn comhaontaithe babhta cruinn stairiúil idir an rialtas cumannach agus an fhreasúra i mí Aibreáin 1989. Sa seomra íseal den pharlaimint, an Sejm, bhí 35% de na suíocháin ar oscailt le haghaidh toghcháin saor in aisce, agus bhí na suíocháin go léir sa Seanad nua-chruthaithe á gcathrú go saor in aisce. Thug na chéad toghcháin i Meitheamh 1989 bua mór do Chomhpháirtíocht. Roghnaigh an pharlaimint nua ceannaire an Pháirtí Cumannach Wojciech Jaruzelski mar Uachtarán. Ainmníodh ceannaire Dlúthpháirtíochta Lech Walesa Tadeusz Mazowiecki mar Phríomh-Aire. Chuir an Pholainn tús go tapa le clár athchóirithe eacnamaíoch radacach "teiripe turraing" a dhear an tAire Airgeadais Leszek Balcerowicz ansin. I 1990, ba chúis le difríochtaí fachtúrtha laistigh de Chomhpháirtíocht, go háirithe idir Lech Walesa agus an Príomh-Aire Tadeusz Mazowiecki, roinnt brainsí Comhpháirtíochta a fhoirmiú. Bhuaigh Lech Walesa toghcháin uachtaránachta díreacha i mí na Nollag 1990.
I dtoghcháin pharlaiminteacha saoil na Polainne i mí Dheireadh Fómhair 1991, "bhuaigh" an tAontas Daonlathach (páirtí iar-Dlúthpháirtíochta) an vóta an-chraobháilte le thart ar 13% den vóta. Tháinig 29 pháirtí san iomlán isteach sa Sejm, ag tabhairt tús le tréimhse fada de dhúnmharú páirtí agus parlaiminte, scandal polaitiúil, agus timpeallacht pholaitiúil atá ag éirí níos dealaithe. Tar éis do rialtas faoi stiúir an Aontais Dhaonlathach vóta muiníne a chailleadh ar 28 Bealtaine, 1993, díscaoileadh an tUachtarán Walesa an pharlaimint agus sceidealaigh sé toghcháin nua ar 19 Meán Fómhair, 1993. Thug na toghcháin iar-Chomanóirí agus páirtithe a bhí ina gcomhghuaillithe le Chomanóirí chun cumhachta. Le 52.1% de vótálaithe, bhuaigh an Comhghuaillíocht Deamocratach na nDílleachta (SLD) 20.4% den vóta; bhuaigh Páirtí na Saoránach Polainnis (PSL) 15.4%; agus bhuaigh an tAontas Daonlathach 10.6%. Ní raibh ach trí pháirtí eile, lena n-áirítear páirtí "neamhphóirtithe" Walesa (BBWR), a rinne an bac toghcháin. Shínigh an SLD agus an PSL comhaontú comhrialtasa ar an 13 Deireadh Fómhair, 1993; le chéile tá tromlach acu sa Sejm agus sa Seanad araon. Rinneadh rialtas faoi Waldemar Pawlak ón bPáirtí Talmhaíochta a mhionnú ar 16 Deireadh Fómhair, 1993. Mar sin féin, fuair rialtas Pawlak é féin i gcoinne an Uachtaráin Walesa ar go leor saincheisteanna. Ag baint úsáide as tacticí brinkmanship, chuir an tUachtarán Walesa brú ar Pawlak a bhaint. Ar 7 Feabhra, 1995, d'aontaigh an comhrialtas SLD-PSL a bhí i gceannas ar Pawlak a chur in ionad an tUachtarán Sejm Jozef Oleksy den Chomhghuaillíocht Chéimneach Daonlathach. Cheadaigh an Sejm rialtas Oleksy ar 4 Márta. Chuir clár rialtas Oleksy athchóiriú buiséadach ar thús, caiteachas sóisialta a bhac, dífhostaíocht a laghdú, agus príobháidiú. D'fhan "straitéis don Pholainn" an Aire Airgeadais Kolodko mar phleanphriont an rialtais le haghaidh beartais eacnamaíocha. Tá an tAontas Eorpach ag cur leis an ngnóthas polacach, an chéad cheann sa réigiún a d'fhás i 1993 agus a leanann de fhás láidir a bhaint amach i dtáirgeacht inmheánach.
Tionóladh toghcháin uachtaránachta i mí Dheireadh Fómhair-Samhain 1995. Bhuaigh an t-iar-oifigeach cumannach Aleksander Kwasniewski an tUachtarán reatha Lech Walesa sa dara babhta, ag buachan 51.7% den vóta i gcoinne 48.3% de Walesa. D'éirigh le Walesa, a raibh a tóir íseal go leor ar feadh tamaill, sna seachtainí deiridh roimh na toghcháin, mar is cosúil go raibh go leor Polainnigh ag féachaint ar Walesa mar choibhéis leis an rialtas agus leis an bparlaimint a bhí i gceannas ar an iar-choimisinéireacht. Chuir Kwasniewski, a rinne feachtas faoin sloinneadh, "déanaimis an todhchaí a roghnú", béim ar luachanna sóisialacha-dhaonlathach, gairmiúlacht, agus comhoibriú seachas tacticí comhraic. Rinneadh Kwasniewski a fhógairt ar an 23 Nollaig. Bhí scandal spionála i bhfad níos mó ná an mionn a bhí ar an mionn a bhí ar an seoladh isteach ag Kwasniewski, áfach, a bhí dírithe ar theagmhálacha líomhnaithe idir KGB na Sóivéide agus Príomh-Aire na Polainne Oleksy, atá sa pháirtí céanna le Kwasniewski. Ar 19 Nollaig, chuir an tAire Inmheánaí atá ag imeacht Andrzej Milczanowski doiciméid faoi bhráid oifig an ionchúisitheora míleata ag tabhairt le comhar leanúnach idir Oleksy agus KGB na Sóivéide. Dhiúltaigh Oleksy na cúisimh, ag glaoch orthu mar "spreagadh salach", ach d'éirigh sé as an oifig ar 24 Eanáir, 1996, tar éis don phríosúnchúisitheoir fiosrúchán foirmiúil a fhógairt ar an ábhar. Ghlac Kwasniewski le éirí as Oleksy ar 26 Eanáir; toghadh Oleksy go pras chun bheith ina cheannaire ar an bPáirtí Sóisialach Daonlathach (laistigh den Aonadh Ceannais Dhaonlathach). Ar an 22 Aibreán, d'fhógair an t-ionchúisitheoir míleata a chinneadh an t-imscrúdú i gcoinne Oleksy a dhúnadh, ag tagairt do easpa fianaise iontaofa. Ceap Kwasniewski leas-uachtarán parlaiminte Wlodzimierz Cimoszewicz den SLD chun a bheith ina Phríomh-Aire an 1 Feabhra. Cheadaigh an Pharlaimint an gabinet Cimoszewicz (coimhthionscnamh SLD-PSL) an 15 Feabhra le vóta 273-87, agus 28 staonadh ó vótáil.
Ar an 11 Iúil, shínigh an tAire Airgeadais Kolodko comhaontú ballraíochta le hOeagraíocht um Chomhar agus Forbairt Eacnamaíoch (OECD). Beidh an Pholainn ar an 28ú ball de chlub na ngeilleagair forbartha tar éis don chomhaontú a bheith daingnithe ag an Sejm.
Ó 1989, tá an Pholainn ag iarraidh a lánpháirtiú leis an Iarthar, caidreamh nua a chruthú leis na stáit a tháinig i ndiaidh na Sóivéide chun na hOirthe, agus comhar a chur chun cinn le stáit chomharsa. Is é príomhthosaíocht an bheartais eachtraigh ná comhlachas níos dlúithe a fháil le AE agus NATO agus ballraíocht iomlán a fháil iontu sa deireadh. Cé gur chuir iar-Uachtarán Walesa cáineadh ar thogra comhpháirtíochta an chomhghuaillíochta ar dtús mar nach raibh sé leordhóthanach, tá an Pholainn tar éis páirt ghníomhach a ghlacadh i PFP ó shin. Ba í an Pholainn an chéad tír a chuir a chlár comhpháirtíochta aonair isteach an 5 Iúil, 1994, agus d'óstáil sí an chéad chleachtadh comhpháirteach míleata PFP i Meán Fómhair 1994. I Meán Fómhair 1996, d'fhógair Uachtarán na Fraince Jacques Chirac os comhair an Seime go mbeadh an Pholainn ina ball den AE faoi 2000. Cosúil le tíortha eile i lár na hEorpa, ní cosúil go raibh ról mór ag saincheisteanna beartais eachtracha i dtoghcháin na Polainne, agus níor laghdaigh filleadh iarchomhphobail ar chumhacht príomhthosaíochtaí an bheartais eachtraigh. Chuir an tUachtarán Kwasniewski béim ar leanúnachas i mbeartas eachtrach na Polainne, mar a rinne an rialtas faoi Phriomh-Aire Cimoszewicz. Tar éis toghcháin uachtaránachta i mí na Samhna 1995, tháinig Dariusz Rosati ina Aire Gnóthaí Eachtracha agus ainmníodh Stanislaw Dobrzanski ina Aire Cosanta. Dhiúltaigh oifigigh na Polainne d'fhorálacha na Rúise maidir le ráthaíocht slándála in ionad ballraíochta NATO. Ar an gcaoi chéanna, labhair Ard-Rúnaí NATO Javier Solana, i bhFársa an Aibreáin 1996, i gcoinne aon chineál ballraíochta páirteach, neamh-mhilitarach, i NATO. Rinne an tUachtarán Kwasniewski a chéad chuairt stáit chuig na Stáit Aontaithe i mí Iúil 1996 ag iarraidh iarrthóireacht na Polainne ar bhallraíocht NATO agus caidreamh foriomlán na Polainne-SAM, chomh maith le caidreamh na Polainne-Giúdach a chur chun cinn.
Le linn an Chogaidh Fuar, bhí caidreamh na Stát Aontaithe leis an bPolainn níos dlúithe ná mar a bhí leis an gcuid is mó de thíortha Oirthear na hEorpa faoi choimhinis. Tar éis Chomhaontú an Bhronntaibéil 1989, leathnaigh an tUachtarán Bush caidreamh leis an bPolainn agus gheall sé cúnamh eacnamaíoch. Fuair an Pholainn cúnamh eacnamaíoch suntasach faoi Acht SEED 1989, thart ar $805 milliún go dtí Meán Fómhair 1995. Bunaíodh Ciste Fiontair Polainnis-Mheiriceánach chun earnáil phríobháideach na Polainne a fhorbairt. Tá an Roinn Trádála na Stát Aontaithe tar éis an Pholainn a ainmniú mar mhargadh nua-aimseartha suntasach d'onnmhairí na Stát Aontaithe. Bhí onnmhairí na Stát Aontaithe chuig an bPolainn gar do $ 1 billiún i 1993, i bhfad níos mó ná aon tír eile san Eoraip Thoir. Ina theannta sin, tá infheistíocht na Stát Aontaithe sa Pholainn ar cheann de na cinn is airde.
Tá caidreamh na Polainne le NATO ina phointe fócasach i gcaidreamh na Stát Aontaithe-Polainnis. I seoladh os comhair Sejm na Polainne an 7 Iúil 1994, leag Clinton béim ar thiomantas na Stát Aontaithe maidir le leathnú NATO sa deireadh, chomh maith le tacaíocht na Stát Aontaithe do thrasdul na Polainne. Geall sé pacáiste nua cabhrach na Stát Aontaithe de níos mó ná $ 200 milliún. Rinneadh $25 milliún breise a ainmniú le haghaidh rannpháirtíocht na Polainne sa chlár Comhpháirtíocht don Síocháin. Bhuail Clinton le Walesa arís i mí an Mheithimh 1995, ag comóradh sínithe Chairt na Náisiún Aontaithe, áit a leag sé béim ar an tábhacht a bhaineann le frith-Shéimíteachas a chomhrac. Ag cruinniú leis an iar-Uachtarán Walesa i mí an Mheithimh 1996, d'iarr ceannairí tromlaigh na Seanad agus iarrthóir uachtaránachta Poblachtach Robert Dole ar cheannaireacht níos mó na SA i leathnú NATO go lár na hEorpa, agus d'fhógair sé reachtaíocht a bhí beartaithe chun ballraíocht deiridh na Polainne agus daoine eile sa chomhghuaillíocht a éascú. I mí Mheán Fómhair, chuir oifigigh na SA brú ar an bPolainn páirt a ghlacadh le díol tancanna sa chlár oiliúna agus trealaimh a bhí faoi stiúir na SA chun cúnamh míleata a thabhairt do Bhoisnia. Ag iarraidh teacht le comhaontú atá ann cheana féin idir an Pholainn agus an AE chun boicéad arm a chur ar bun sna Balcáin, dúirt oifigigh na Polainne go raibh siad ag iarraidh páirt a ghlacadh sa chlár SAM "ar na leibhéil is ísle is féidir".
Roimh 1989, bhí ceannaireacht na gComhpháirtíochta crua-líne sa tSeiceaslóvaic ar cheann de na cinn is resistant le hathchóiriú san Oirthear na hEorpa. Ag deireadh 1989, tháinig na mílte ar an gluaiseacht agóide na Seice agus na Slóvaice, rud a d'fhág go ndeireadh go síochánta le rialú cumannach sa Seiceaslóvaic. I mí na Nollag 1989, ainmníodh an drámaí-scríbhneoir díospóideach Vaclav Havel mar Uachtarán, agus tháinig ceannaire cumannach "Prague Spring" (ó 1968) Alexander Dubcek ina chathaoirleach ar an bparlaimint. Tionóladh na chéad toghcháin saor in aisce sa tSeiceaslóvaic ar an 8 Meitheamh, 1990. Bhuaigh an Fóram Sibhialta agus a chomhghleacaí na Slóvaice, Poiblíochta i gcoinne Fhoréigean, bua iontach, agus ní fuair na sean-choimisinéirí ach 13% den vóta. Ath-roghnaíodh Vaclav Havel mar Uachtarán ag an Tionól Cónaidhme nua, agus thosaigh an rialtas nua ar athchóiriú radacach ar an tír. Bhí an dul chun cinn leanúnach, áfach, ar staonadh ag easaontas idir na tailte Seiceach agus na Slovacach. Bhí a lán tascanna tábhachtacha, mar shampla dréachtú bunreacht nua agus comhaontú idir-phoblacht, faoi réir easaontais na Seice-Slóvaic. Cé gur thaitin go leor daoine sa dá phoblacht le haontas leanúnach, lean difríochtaí géara maidir le cruth todhchaí an fhéidearála, go páirteach mar gheall ar an tionchar neamhréireach a bhí ag athchóirithe eacnamaíocha ar gach pobal; mar shampla, d'ardaigh dífhostaíocht sa tSlóvaic, ach d'fhan sé íseal sna tailte Seice.
Tionóladh na chéad toghcháin choimisiúnacha agus stáit eile ar 5-6 Meitheamh, 1992. Bhuaigh Páirtí Daonlathach Sibhialta (ODS) Vaclav Klaus sa Phoblacht na Seice, agus Gluaiseacht Vladimir Meciar ar son na Slóvaice Daonlathach (HzDS) sa tSlóvaic, na scaireanna vótála is mó, cé nach bhfuair an dá pháirtí tromlach iomlán in aon cheann de na poblachtaí. Chuir Klaus, ailtire athchóirithe eacnamaíocha crua CSFR, béim ar choigilt eacnamaíoch leanúnach agus tacaíocht don chónaidhm; rinne Meciar feachtas ar mhaithe le ceannasacht agus neamhspleáchas i bhfad níos mó na Slóvaice más gá, chomh maith le slaonadh athchóirithe eacnamaíocha. Tar éis na dtoghchán, athraíodh babhtaí cainteanna idir Klaus agus Meciar, a tháinig chun bheith ina gceannairí rialtais ina gcuid poblachtaí faoi seach, go tapa chun an cónaidhm a dhíscaoileadh. Síníodh sraith comhaontuithe a shainmhíníonn caidreamh nua na Seice-Slóvaic tar éis an dáta comhaontaithe um scaradh, ag deireadh mhí Dheireadh Fómhair. Ar 25 Samhain, 1992, ghlac an Tionól Cónaidhme reachtaíocht a díscaoileadh an aontacht agus é féin ar 1 Eanáir, 1993.
Meastar go forleathan go bhfuil an Phoblacht Sheice ar cheann de na geilleagair mhargaidh atá ag teacht chun cinn is rathúla agus is cobhsaí go polaitiúil sa réigiún. Tá an Phoblacht na Seice fós ina phríomhbhreitheoir infheistíochta dhíreach eachtrach. Tar éis an scoilte, lean an Phoblacht Seiceach lena mhodh nuálach príobháidíú duachán de fhiontair stáit. Tá os cionn 2.5 milliún duine tar éis páirt a ghlacadh sa chlár príobháidíú baúicéireachta, agus tá thart ar 80% de shócmhainní na Seice príobháidíithe. Fuair an tSeic airgeadra comhéadanas iomlán an chuntas reatha i Meán Fómhair 1995.
Bhí toghcháin i bPoblacht na Seice don seomra íochtarach den pharlaimint ar an 31 Bealtaine agus an 1 Meitheamh, 1996. Osclaíodh an feachtas toghcháin ar 15 Bealtaine, agus bhí fiche páirtí cláraithe chun páirt a ghlacadh. Ní raibh aon fhilleadh ar chumhacht na n-iar-choimisinéirí ag súil leis. Léirigh vótaíocht an phobail tacaíocht láidir do pháirtí Klaus agus, go ginearálta, go bhféadfadh comhrialtas láir-deas Klaus filleadh. Mar sin féin, is cosúil go raibh an páirtí Sóisialach Daonlathach (CSSD) lár-chlé faoi stiúir Milos Zeman, a chuir béim ar fhadhbanna sóisialta leanúnacha sa tír, ag laghdú an bhearna idir é agus an ODS sa tseachtain roimh an vótáil. D'éirigh an ODS agus a chomhpháirtithe comhrialtasacha chomh maith agus a bhíothas ag súil leis, ach chríochnaigh siad ag cailleadh a gcuid tromlach go géar. Ba é an toradh láidir a bhí ag na Sóisialaigh-Deamocratacha agus an líon laghdaithe páirtithe a bhuaigh sainordúí parlaiminteacha ná níos lú ná tromlach a bhí ag an gcomhlacht rialála roimhe sin. Laistigh den chomhrialtas, bhuaigh an ODS 29.6% den vóta (68 suíochán), bhuaigh an tAontas Daonlathach Críostaí (KDU-CSL) 8% (18 suíochán), agus bhuaigh an Comhaontas Daonlathach Sibhialta (ODA) 6.3% (13 suíochán), ag teacht le 99 as 200 suíochán (i ngeall ar 112/200 roimhe seo). Tháinig na Sóisialaigh Daonlathacha san fhreasúra sa dara háit le 26.4% de na vótaí (61 suíochán), rud a léiríonn méadú suntasach ar a seasamh ó na toghcháin dheireanacha. Ar an speictream polaitiúil, bhuaigh an páirtí Poblachtach ceart 8% den vóta (18 suíochán) agus bhuaigh na Comhphobail 10.3% (22 suíochán).
Ar an 6 Meitheamh, d'iarr an tUachtarán Havel ar an bPríomh-Aire Klaus rialtas mionlaigh a fhoirmiú. Rinneadh comhaontú comhrialtas idir an ODS, KDU-CSL, agus ODA an 27 Meitheamh, agus leag Vaclav Klaus mionn mar phríomh-aire an 4 Iúil. I gcomaoin ar thacaíocht don rialtas mionlaigh, bhuaigh na Sóisialaigh Daonlathacha poist ceannaireachta sa pharlaimint, agus tháinig ceannaire CSSD Zeman ina Cathaoirleach ar an bparlaimint. In ainneoin an chomhaontaithe, chuir ceannaire CSSD Zeman bagairt gan tacú le tairiscint rialtas Klaus le haghaidh vóta muiníne ar 25 Iúil. Bhuaigh Klaus an vóta, 98-40, tar éis do bhuill CSSD an pharlaimint a fhágáil i bhfocail "fhulaingt", ach ní tacaíocht.
Dá bhrí sin, fiú le filleadh ar rialtas Klaus, rinne na toghcháin athruithe suntasacha ar an ardán polaitiúil na Seice. Laistigh den chomhrialtas, b'fhéidir nach mbeidh páirtí ODS Klaus in ann a bheith chomh ceannasach agus a bhí roimhe, ach b'fhéidir go mbeidh sé níos mó ag brath ar a chomhpháirtithe níos lú, a d'fhéadfadh a bheith dochreidte uaireanta. Ar an dara dul síos, beidh an rialtas mionlaigh ag brath ar thacaíocht áirithe ón bhfreasúra chun a chlár a chur i gcrích. Éilíonn sé seo go leanfaidh an rialtas tacticí comhthoil, agus tugann sé ról i bhfad níos mó don pharlaimint ná mar a bhí roimhe. D'fhéadfadh ról feabhsaithe a bheith ag an Uachtarán Havel freisin i idirghabháil idir an rialtas agus an pharlaimint. Faoin am seo, tá amhras ann go mbeidh an dara rialtas Klaus in ann téarma iomlán ceithre bliana a chomhlíonadh. Mar sin féin, tháinig an ODS chun cinn mar cheannaire sa chéad bhabhta de na toghcháin don Seanad an 15 Samhain le 36% den vóta. Bhí an-íseal ag vótáil don chéad vóta den Seanad riamh ag thart ar 35% de na vótálaithe cáilithe.
Tar éis an tSeicislóvaic a scoilt, tugadh isteach go réidh ar an dá stát ina dhiaidh sin sna Náisiúin Aontaithe agus in eagraíochtaí idirnáisiúnta eile. Chuir oifigigh na Seice agus na Slóvaice béim ar leanúnachas na tosaíochtaí beartais eachtracha. Tá go leor breathnóirí agus oifigeach na Seice ag meas go bhfuil seasamh na Seice i leith institiúidí Eorpacha níos fabhraí ná seasamh na Slóvaice nó tíortha eile. Ba í Poblacht na Seice an chéad tír iar-choimníochta a chuaigh isteach san OECD i mí na Samhna 1995. Chuir an Príomh-Aire Klaus iarratas Phoblacht na Seice chuig an Aontas Eorpach go foirmiúil i mí Eanáir 1996. Bhí sé beartaithe ag Aire Gnóthaí Eachtracha na Seice Zieleniec agus a chomhghleacaí Gearmánach Klaus Kinkel ráiteas comhpháirteach a eisiúint maidir le caidreamh déthaobhach feabhsaithe i mí Eanáir 1996, ach ní raibh siad in ann aontú ar an gcaoi a gcaithfear le saincheist na nGearmáinigh Sudeten tar éis an Dara Cogadh Domhanda, atá fós ina cheist chonspóideach idir an Ghearmáin agus Phoblacht na Seice. Bhuail an tUachtarán Havel agus Uachtarán na Gearmáine Roman Herzog go luath i Meán Fómhair 1996, agus thug siad le fios go bhféadfaí dearbhú comhpháirteach Ghearmáinis-Seice a shíniú roimh dheireadh na bliana.
Shínigh Poblacht na Seice creat-dhoiciméad PFP NATO an 10 Márta, 1994, agus clár comhpháirtíochta aonair an 25 Samhain. Tá oifigeach na Seice sásta na hoibleagáidí uile a bhaineann le ballraíocht i NATO a ghlacadh orthu, lena n-áirítear costais airgeadais. I mí na Samhna, d'iarr Havel go raibh rannpháirtíocht na Seice i gcumhacht síochána NATO sa Bhosna "réasúnta" don Phoblacht Seice mar bhall ionchasach den chomhghuaillíocht. Chuir an Phoblacht Sheice bataillín comhrac 850-chumhachtach le misean IFOR NATO sa Bhoisnia.
Ní dóigh go n-athróidh torthaí toghcháin Meitheamh 1996 ionchas beartais eachtrach Phoblacht na Seice go bunúsach; áfach, tá na Sóisialaí Daonlathacha san fhreasúra i bhfabhar reifreann phoiblí a reáchtáil maidir le bheith ag gabháil d'institiúidí eacnamaíocha agus slándála na hEorpa.
Tar éis réabhlóid dhaonlathach 1989, tháinig feabhas tapa ar chaidreamh na Stát Aontaithe agus na Seiceaslóvaic. Bhí an tSeicislóvaic incháilithe go tapa le haghaidh cúnamh na Stát Aontaithe. Ó Aibreán 1992, tá stádas trádála MFN gan choinníoll ag an tSceicislóvaic. Bunaíodh an Ciste Fiontair Mheiriceá-Slóvaiceach agus na Seice i 1991. I mí an Mhárta 1996, i measc cúisimh mí-bhainistíochta, d'éirigh le bord stiúrthóirí an Chiste Fiontair, agus tá todhchaí an chiste fós éiginnte. Go dtí Meán Fómhair 1995, bhí dliteanais na Stát Aontaithe don Phoblacht Seice faoi Acht SEED thart ar $145 milliún. U.S.A.I.D. Tá sé ráite ag an gCoimisiún go bhfuil sé beartaithe ag an gCoimisiún, i gcomhréir le prionsabal na hOstaire, go gcuirfí an tAontas Eorpach i bhfeidhm go héifeachtach. Cúnamh ó Acht SEED i 1997 agus i 1996, faoi seach.
Thug an Príomh-Aire Vaclav Klaus cuairt ar na Stáit Aontaithe i mBealtaine 1995. I gcruinniú leis an Uachtarán Clinton, mhol Clinton an t-athrú rathúil a bhí déanta ar Phoblacht na Seice. Dúirt Klaus go raibh an Phoblacht Sheice tar éis céim "i ndiaidh an athraithe" a bhaint amach. Dúirt Cathaoirleach na gCinnte Staff John Shalikashvili, ag tabhairt cuairte ar Phraig i Meán Fómhair 1995, go raibh caidreamh arm na Seice leis na Stáit Aontaithe "an ceann is aibí" i measc na gcaidrimh míleata le míleata. Bhí cruinniú ag Praga le ceannairí ó 12 thír lár-Eorpach agus Rúnaí Stáit na Stát Aontaithe Christopher an 20 Márta chun saincheisteanna slándála na hEorpa agus leathnú NATO a phlé. I mí Iúil 1996, bhuail an Chéad Bhean Hillary Clinton agus an t-ionadaí de chuid na Náisiún Aontaithe Madeleine Albright le ceannairí na Seice i bPraig. Chuir an tUasal Clinton chun cinn tógáil sochaí shibhialta.
Tar éis an 1 Eanáir 1993 deighilt an chónaidhm na Seiceaslóvaic, rinneadh go leor athruithe ar an timpeallacht pholaitiúil sa tSlóvaic. Le linn 1993, throid an Príomh-Aire Vladimir Meciar chun fanacht ar an gcumhacht agus a pháirtí, an Gluaiseacht ar son na Slóvaice Daonlathach (HzDS), faoi sclábhaithe agus tacaíocht óna chomhpháirtí comhrialtasa, an Páirtí Náisiúnta na Slóvaice (SNS), ag athrú. I mí an Mhárta 1994, tar éis óráid chriticiúil a rinne an tUachtarán Michal Kovac os comhair na parlaimeinte, chaill Meciar vóta míchreidiúnais, rud a d'fhág go raibh a rialtas ag éirí as. Rinne Jozef Moravcik, a bhí scoilte as an HzDS, rialtas nua a bhunú a bhí comhdhéanta dá Aontas Daonlathach, an Gluaiseacht Daonlathach Críostaí, agus an Páirtí Ceangail Daonlathach, a bhí san fhreasúra roimhe seo. Mar sin féin, vótáil an pharlaimint freisin chun toghcháin luath a reáchtáil ar 1 Meán Fómhair, 1 Deireadh Fómhair, 1994, ag tabhairt sainordú sé mhí amháin don rialtas Moravcik.
D'éirigh le Gluaiseacht Vladimir Meciar ar son na Slóvaice Daonlathach i dtoghcháin a tionóladh ar 30 Meán Fómhair - 1 Deireadh Fómhair, 1994, ag buachan 35% den vóta, an sciar is mó le haill mhór, ach níos lú ná tromlach. Níor éirigh go maith le Common Choice, comhrialtas faoi stiúir Pháirtí na nDimocratach ar an mBan, gan ach 10.4% a bhuachan, i bhfad níos lú ná mar a bhí tuartha ag vótaíocht réamh-thoghcháin. Sna chéad seisiúin parlaiminte a tionóladh ar an 3ú agus an 4ú Samhain, chuir páirtí Meciar, le tacaíocht óna chomhpháirtithe comhrialtasacha deiridh, sraith beart conspóideach i bhfeidhm, lena n-áirítear tionscadail phríobháistithe a ceadaíodh ag an iar-rialtas a chealú, baill bhord craolacháin a dhífhostaíocht, agus baill de rialtas Moravcik a chinsireacht, i measc rudaí eile. Rinne Meciar comhrialtas le Páirtí Oibrithe na Slóvaice (ZRS) agus le Páirtí Náisiúnta na Slóvaice (SNS), rud a thug tromlach parlaiminteach 83/150 suíochán dá rialtas. Ar 20 Eanáir, 1995, cheadaigh an pharlaimint clár an rialtais do 1995 agus vótáil sé muinín i rialtas Meciar. Tá feabhas leanúnach tagtha ar fheidhmíocht eacnamaíoch na Slóvaice, in ainneoin na hathruithe polaitiúla. Mar thoradh ar fhás na n-onnmhairí agus ar fheidhmíocht fheabhsaithe tionsclaíoch tháinig fás láidir ar OTI i 1994 agus 1995.
Tá an-tóir ar an tslí a bhfuil an tSeapáin ag dul i ngleic leis an ngéarchéim eacnamaíoch. Ó na toghcháin dheireanacha, tá caidreamh frithpháirteach idir comhrialtas rialála Meciar agus an tUachtarán Michal Kovac. D'iarr Meciar, HzDS, agus na páirtithe comhrialtasacha eile arís agus arís eile ar an Uachtarán éirí as. I mí na Bealtaine 1995, d'fhormheas 80 feisire sa pharlaimint vóta neamhcheangailteach neamhchreidmheasa ar an uachtarán (cé nach féidir leis an mBunreacht an t-uachtarán a chur as oifig ach amháin ar chúiseamh ar ghníomhaíochtaí traidisiúnta, agus trí thromlach de chúig). Cé nach bhfuil sé in ann an t-uachtarán a bhaint go dtí seo, tá dlíthe nua glactha ag an gcomhghuaillíocht a chuireann srian ar údarás an uachtaráin chun poist áirithe a cheapadh. I dtimpiste aisteach, tógadh mac an Uachtaráin Kovac i mí Lúnasa 1995 agus tógadh é go hOstair chomharsa, áit ar cuireadh gabháil leis ar amhras go raibh sé ag calaois idirnáisiúnta, ach scaoileadh saor é sa deireadh. Chuir an tUachtarán Kovac agus daoine eile an tseirbhís rúnda na Slóvaice (SIS) faoi stiúir Ivan Lexa, comhghuaillíocht Meciar, i gceist leis an kidnapping. D'éiligh an tUachtarán Kovac go poiblí go raibh an tseirbhís faisnéise Slóvacach (SIS) ag gabháil lena mhac agus d'iarr sé ar Ivan Lexa, stiúrthóir SIS agus comhghuaillíocht Meciar, éirí as. D'fhreagair Lexa trí chás cáineadh a chomhdú i gcoinne an Uachtaráin Kovac. I mí na Bealtaine 1996, bhí páirtithe freasúracha i gceannas ar thaispeántais agus ar thogra sa pharlaimint (a d'fhás) chun an tAire Gnóthaí Intíre Ludovit Hudek a chur as oifig. Bhí meáin na Slóvaice tar éis comhrá líomhnaithe idir Hudek agus stiúrthóir Seirbhísí Faisnéise na Slóvaice Ivan Lexa a chraoladh a léiríonn rannpháirtíocht an rialtais i dtógáil Kovac. Mar sin féin, ar 20 Bealtaine, d'fhógair póilíní na Slóvaice go gcuirfí a fhiosrúchán ar chás Kovac ar athló mar gheall ar easpa fianaise. I mí Dheireadh Fómhair, d'fhág an póilíní dhá imscrúdú gaolmhar, ceann acu a bhaineann leis an impleacht a d'fhéadfadh a bheith ann maidir le hiarratas ar an Seirbhís Faisnéise na Slóvaice.
Ar an 26 Márta, 1996, daingnigh an Pharlaimint conradh déthaobhach na Slóvaice leis an Ungáir (féach thíos), a síníodh bliain roimhe sin, le vóta 119 go 1, agus 19 staonadh ó vótáil. Ghlac an Pharlaimint dhá chlásal a ghabhann leis an gconradh a dhiúltaigh aon léiriú ar chearta mionlaigh choillitheacha nó ar chearta coillitheacha ar fhéinriail. D'fhógair an tUachtarán Meciar go raibh sé ag cur an chonartha os comhair na parlaimeanta go dtí go n-aontaigh Páirtí Náisiúnta na Slóvaice, comhpháirtí comhrialtasa, tacú leis an daingniú ar choinníoll go gcomhlíonfaí roinnt coinníollacha. Ceann acu ná pas a fháil ar dhlí conspóideach maidir le cosaint an phobail, a cheadaigh an pharlaimint an lá céanna. Cuireann an dlí cosc ar thaispeántais a bhfuil intinn dí-fhortaingteach acu agus ar fhaisnéis bhréagach a scaipeadh a dhéanfaidh dochar do leasanna náisiúnta na Slóvaice. Tá eagla ar ghrúpaí freasúra go bhféadfaí an dlí a úsáid i gcoinne polaiteoirí freasúracha nó iriseoirí neamhspleácha. D'fhógair an tAontas Eorpach an bille frith-shubstaintíochta ina dhiaidh sin. D'éirigh leis an gcomhrialtas Ungáir vótáil i mí an Mhárta i gcoinne gníomhartha a rinne an rialtas a chuir faoi dhroch-bhuntáiste cearta mionlaigh. Mar shampla, i mí na Samhna, cheadaigh an Pharlaimint dlí teanga conspóideach a rialaíonn úsáid na Slóvaice mar theanga oifigiúil na tíre.
I mí an Mheithimh 1996, d'fhás na diúltú idir HzDS agus a chomhpháirtithe níos lú agus bhagair sé go ndéanfaí an comhrialtas rialaithe a bhriseadh. De réir mar a rinne an Páirtí Náisiúnta Slóvacach náisiúnach cáineadh ar bheartais an rialtais maidir le rialuithe maoirseachta ar phríobháistiú, ar an tseirbhís rúnda, agus ar na meáin, chuir an Príomh-Aire Meciar faoi bhagairt an comhrialtas a bhriseadh agus rialtas mionlaigh a fhoirmiú le tacaíocht ón gComhghuaillíocht Chéimneach Daonlathach san fhreasúra. Faoi dheireadh na míosa, áfach, d'fhógair Meciar go raibh na páirtithe comhrialtasacha ag teacht ar chomhaontú maidir leis na saincheisteanna seo. Ag deireadh mhí Lúnasa, chomhairliúigh Meciar leis an Uachtarán Kovac (a gcéad chruinniú i níos mó ná bliain) maidir le hathruithe beartaithe sa chaibinéid. Ghlac Kovac leis na tograí agus ceapadh triúr aire nua. Tháinig Pavol Hamzik in ionad an Aire Gnóthaí Eachtracha Juraj Schenk; tháinig Karol Cesnek in ionad an Aire Eacnamaíochta Jan Ducky; agus tháinig Gustav Krajci in ionad an Aire Inmheánacha Ludovit Hudek. I mí Dheireadh Fómhair, shínigh trí fhreasúra comhaontú maidir le comhar, ach níor bhunaigh siad comhrialtas foirmiúil.
I gcúrsaí eachtracha, rinneadh saincheisteanna a bhaineann le hsuimint go réidh agus tá seasamh idirnáisiúnta comhionann ag an tSlóvaic le Poblacht na Seice. Mar sin féin, is cosúil gur chuir teannas polaitiúil intíre tarlú ar a seansanna dul isteach i mórinstitiúidí an Iarthair. Tar éis Meciar a bheith ar ais sa chumhacht i mí na Nollag 1994, chuir oifigigh rialtais béim ar leanúnachas i gcuspóirí beartais eachtracha na Slóvaice. Bhí roinnt breathnóirí ag súil, áfach, nach bhféadfadh an rialtas faoi stiúir HzDS dul isteach i NATO agus san AE go díograiseach, go príomha mar gheall ar a chomhpháirtithe comhrialtasa. Chuir an tSlóvaic iarratas ar bhallraíocht san AE i gcruinniú mullaigh Cannes i mí an Mheithimh 1995. Tá dhá dhí-imreadh déanta ag an Aontas Eorpach ina léirítear imní faoi na coinbhleachtaí polaitiúla sa tSlóvaic. Thug an AE rabhadh go bhféadfadh céimeanna an rialtais chun an tUachtarán Kovac a bhaint de daonlathas a chur i mbaol, agus go bhféadfadh iarmhairtí a bheith ag gníomhartha an rialtais ar mhianta na Slóvaice a bheith páirteach san Aontas Eorpach. Ar an gcaoi chéanna, d'eisigh na Stáit Aontaithe agus Parlaimint na hEorpa ráitis chríocha maidir le forbairtí polaitiúla sa tSlóvaic. Tá ceannairí rialtais na Slóvaice tar éis an cáineadh idirnáisiúnta a dhiúltú. I mí an Mheithimh-Iúil 1996, d'fhógair líon mór oifigeach Thiar a thug cuairt ar an tSlóvaic imní faoina bhforbairt dhaonlathach sa tSlóvaic agus a d'fhéadfadh a bheith aige ar ionchas na Slóvaice a bheith páirteach in institiúidí Thiar amhail NATO.
Ós rud é go bhfuil neamhspleáchas, tá an tSlóvaic chaomhnaithe caidreamh fadhbanna leis an Ungáir chomharsa. Tá príomhcheisteanna a chuireann bac ar ghnáthú iomlán na gcaidrimh dírithe ar mhionlach suntasach eitneach na hUngáire sa tSlóvaic, agus an díospóid ar dhraim hidrealaíoch Gabcikovo-Nagymaros, tionscadal comhpháirteach a tháinig ó ré na gComhpháirtíochta. Tá an díospóid seo deireanach curtha faoi bhráid Chúirt Bhreithiúnais Idirnáisiúnta, agus déanfar athbhreithniú air go luath i 1997. Ag cur béime ar iarrachtaí frithpháirteacha maidir le haontú, thug Príomh-Aire na hUngáire, Gyula Horn cuairt ar an tSlóvaic ar 5 Lúnasa, 1994, agus shínigh sé trí chomhaontú déthaobhach beag chun freastal mar bhunús do chonradh déthaobhach níos leithne idir an tSlóvaic agus an Ungáir. Shínigh Meciar agus Horn conradh deiridh ar an 19 Márta, 1995, ar an oíche roimh chomhdháil Chomhaontú Cobhsaíochta Pháras. Bhí tagairt sa chonradh do mholadh ón gComhairle na hEorpa a leagann amach cearta comhchoiteanna áirithe mionlaigh, lena n-áirítear eagraíochtaí uathrialacha a bhunú. D'athraigh an tSlóvaic agus an Ungáir doiciméid daingniúcháin, gan na hIarscríbhinní léirmhínithe, i mBhuidepest an 6 Bealtaine 1996. D'éirigh le hoifigigh na Slóvaice agóid a dhéanamh go láidir i gcoinne na conclúidí a fuarthas ag comhdháil pháirtithe eitneach na hUngáire i Budapest i mí Iúil 1996 mar "chéim ar ais" i gcaidreamh déthaobhach leis an Ungáir (féach an chuid faoi an Ungáir, thíos).
Stáit Aontaithe Mheiriceá Chuir na riaracháin béim ar leanúnachas dea-chaidrimh le stáit a lean ar aghaidh Phoblacht Chónaidhme na Seice agus na Slóvaice tar éis an scoilt. Tá na Stáit Aontaithe tar éis breis agus $140 milliún a oibleagáid i gcabhair ar an Acht SEED go dtí Meán Fómhair 1995. Chuir an tSlóvaic fáilte roimh thionscnamh Comhpháirtíocht na NATO ar son na Síochána, agus shínigh sí an doiciméad réime PFP an 9 Feabhra, 1994. Tar éis toghcháin Mheán Fómhair-Deireadh Fómhair 1994, chuir urlabhraí na Roinne Stáit in iúl go raibh na Stáit Aontaithe sásta leis an bpróiseas daonlathach sa tSlóvaic mar a léiríodh sa líon mór vótálaithe i dtoghcháin shaor agus cóir, agus mhol sé pleananna na bpáirtithe móra chun lán-aontacht a lorg le hinstitiúidí an Iarthair.
I mí an Mhárta 1995, tuairiscíodh sna meáin shlóvacha ar litir ó Uachtarán Clinton chuig Meciar, ina raibh sé ag moladh iarrachtaí na Slóvache agus na hUngáire conradh déthaobhach a thabhairt i gcrích a bheadh chun tairbhe don chobhsaíocht réigiúnach agus don todhchaí na lánpháirtíochta Eorpaigh. I mí Lúnasa, bhuail an tUachtarán Kovac, ar chuairt neamhoifigiúil sna Stáit Aontaithe, le Leas-Uachtarán Gore agus le hoifigigh eile sna Stáit Aontaithe. D'aithin sé do raidió na Slóvaice go raibh imní ag oifigigh na Stát Aontaithe nach bhfuil an tSlóvaice ag coinneáil luas le hathchóirithe daonlatha. I mí Mheán Fómhair, chuir an tAire Cosanta Perry béim ar "tábhacht éagsúlacht tuairimí i sochaí dhaonlathach" le linn dó cuairt a thabhairt ar an tSlóvaic. I mí Dheireadh Fómhair, lean ambasáid na Stát Aontaithe i Bratislava an AE agus a thug faoi deara imní faoi fhorbairtí polaitiúla sa tSlóvaic. Deirtear go luaitear sa nóta de chuid na Stát Aontaithe go raibh an tUachtarán Clinton "anxious" faoin gcongháirt idir rialtas na Slóvaice agus an tUachtarán. Thug tuarascáil 1995 ón Roinn Stáit ar chleachtais chearta an duine "treochtaí suaiteacha ar shiúl ó phrionsabail dhaonlathach". Go luath i mí Aibreáin 1996, chuir na Stáit Aontaithe agus an tAontas Eorpach imní in iúl faoi theorainneacha ar shaoirsí atá i ndlí na Slóvaice a ritheadh le déanaí maidir le cosaint na poblachta. I Bratislava i mí Iúil 1996, chuir an Chéad Bhean Hillary Clinton agus an t-ionadaí de chuid na Náisiún Aontaithe Madeleine Albright béim ar an bhfírinne go raibh daonlathas fíor ina phríomhchoinníoll chun a bheith ina bhall de NATO.
Tharla athrú na hUngáire go daonlathas eacnamaíoch margaidh de réir a chéile ach go córais ag deireadh na 1980idí. I 1989, d'fhormheas Tionól Náisiúnta na hUngáire athruithe móra bunreachtúla agus sceidealaigh sé toghcháin ilpháirtíochta go luath i 1990. Fuair athchóiritheoirí laistigh den Pháirtí Cumannach ardú céime, agus bhog siad an rialtas i dtreo athchóirithe eacnamaíocha daonlathach agus margaidh. Tionóladh na chéad toghcháin shaorúla san Ungáir i mí an Mhárta-Aibreán 1990. Bhuaigh an Fóram Daonlathach Ungáir (MDF) lár-deas 43% den vóta, agus chríochnaigh an tAontas Liberalach na nDaonlathach Saor an dara háit le 24%. Bhí an Pháirtí Sóisialach go dona defeated cé go raibh comóidiúnaithe athchóirithe aonair in ann suíocháin a bhuachan. Rinne an Fóram Daonlathach rialtas comhrialtasach leis an bPáirtí Neamhspleách na dTíortha Beag agus leis an bPáirtí Daonlathach Críostaí, a bhuaigh 11.4% agus 5.4% den vóta, faoi seach. Tháinig Joszef Antall, ceannaire Fóram Daonlathach na hUngáire, ina Phríomh-Aire.
Le linn na mblianta tosaigh den aistriú, measadh go forleathan ar an Ungáir mar oileán cobhsaíochta i gcomparáid leis an drisc pholaitiúil a bhí le feiceáil sa Pholainn agus sa tSeiceaslóvaic i 1990- 1992. Ó 1990, is é an Ungáir an t-infheistíocht eachtrach is mó a mheall sa réigiún. Sa bhliain roimh thoghcháin 1994, tháinig deireadh le fadú an rialtas Antall agus bhí an MDF ag fulaingt ó dheighiltí inmheánacha, go háirithe óna sciath dheas, agus ó popularity ag titim. Bhí sé cosúil go raibh bás Antall ó ailse i mí na Nollag 1993 mar shiombail ar dheireadh ceannaireacht MDF, cé gur éirigh le ceannaire MDF Peter Boross go réidh le Antall mar Phríomh-Aire. Idir an dá linn, bhí an Páirtí Sóisialach na hUngáire san fhreasúra ag éirí níos fearr sna suirbhéanna tuairimíochta, ag dul thar an bpáirtí san fhreasúra Young Democratic (FIDESZ) a bhí tóir air le fada go luath i 1994. Deimhníodh leis an dara toghchán san Ungáir a tionóladh an 8 agus an 29 Bealtaine 1994 an treocht san Oirthear Mheán-Eorpa go raibh páirtithe chlé ag teacht ar ais chun cumhachta i dtoghcháin dhaonlatha. Bhuaigh Páirtí Sóisialach na hUngáire 54% de na suíocháin sa pharlaimint. Tháinig an Fóram Daonlathach sa tríú háit le níos lú ná 10% de na vótaí. Cé go raibh na Sóisialaithe in ann riaradh ina n-aonar, d'oibrigh siad amach comhaontú comhrialtasa leis an gComhghuaillíocht Libéarach na nDaonlathach Saor (a bhuaigh 18%), ar an 24 Meitheamh, 1994, agus d'oibrigh siad amach comhaontú freisin ar bheartas eacnamaíoch, ag cur béime ar infheistíocht agus ar shábháil. Tháinig Gyula Horn den Pháirtí Sóisialach mar phríomh-aire. An tUachtarán Arpad Goncz, neamh-chomhlánaithe, a atoghadh ag an bparlaimint le haghaidh dara téarma cúig bliana ar an 19 Meitheamh, 1995, le vóta mór.
Bhí an-sprioc sa chomhrialtas le feiceáil ag deireadh 1994-luath 1995 mar gheall ar dhifríochtaí maidir le beartas eacnamaíoch agus príobháidithe. Ar 12 Márta, 1995, d'fhógair rialtas Horn athchóirithe eacnamaíocha móra a ceapadh chun an geilleagar a chobhsú agus fiach eachtrach agus easnamh buiséadach na tíre a laghdú. Devalueáil géar airgeadra, dleachtanna ar allmhairí, rialuithe pá i dtionscail faoi úinéireacht an stáit, agus gearradh ar chláir leasa shóisialaigh. Tá an-díograis ag na bearta cothaitheachta i measc an daonra Ungáir agus tá siad tar éis cur le mallú sa fhás eacnamaíoch. Ag an am céanna, chuir na bearta cobhsaíochta le muinín idirnáisiúnta a athbhunú i dtaca le tiomantas rialtas na Horne le haghaidh athchóirithe eacnamaíochta.
I mí Eanáir 1996, d'fhógair an tAire Airgeadais Bokros plean géarshlánaithe nua a bhí dírithe ar an gcóras leasa phoiblí. Ar 18 Feabhra, áfach, chuir Bokros a éirí as oifig ar 18 Feabhra tar éis dó a thogra cánach a ghearradh ar árachas sóisialta a bheith ag teip ar cheadú an tsaincheap. D'fhág éirí as Bokros go raibh sé ina bhagairt go gcuirfí deireadh le comhaontú stand-by leis an IMF agus le hiontráil na hUngáire san OECD. Ar 26 Feabhra, ainmníodh Peter Medgyessy chun Bokros a athsholáthar mar Aire Airgeadais agus gheall sé leanúint ar aghaidh le clár cobhsaíochta a réamhtheachtaí. Tar éis do pharlaimint bhuiséad slándála sóisialta a rith a bhí dírithe ar an easnamh a laghdú, cheadaigh an Ciste Airgeadaíochta Airgeadaíochta iasacht $ 387 milliún don Ungáir i lár mhí an Mhárta. Tugadh cuireadh go foirmiúil don Ungáir a bheith ina bhall den OECD an 29 Márta. I mí Dheireadh Fómhair, d'fhág an Príomh-Aire Horn an bord príobháidí stáit agus na aireanna príobháidí agus trádála / tionscail i measc cúisí éilliú. Ina dhiaidh sin, chuir an tAire Sochair a éirí as oifig. Tá an athshruthú rialtas is déanaí ag spreagadh difríochtaí níos mó laistigh den chomhrialtas, agus na Daonlathaithe Saor ag athdhéanamh bagairtí níos luaithe chun an comhrialtas a fhágáil.
Go luath i mí Mheán Fómhair, chuir 85 feisire tús le seisiún speisialta den pharlaimint chun an dréacht-chonradh Ungáir-Rúmanach a phlé. Cháin páirtithe san fhreasúra an dréacht as nach ndéanann sé cearta comhchoiteanna na hUngáireacha eitneacha sa Rómáin a chosaint sa mhéid céanna le conarthaí den chineál céanna leis an Úcráin agus leis an tSlóvaic. Chosain oifigigh rialtais na cosaintí a bhí san áireamh sa chonradh mar "comhréitíocht inghlactha". Ina theannta sin, dúirt an tAire Gnóthaí Eachtracha Kovacs gur "mhodh riachtanach é an bun-chomhaontú leis an Rómáin chun" na caidrimh leis an Rómáin a fheabhsú (féach thíos).
Ó 1989 i leith, tá an Ungáir ag iarraidh a bheith níos dlúithe le hinstitiúidí na hEorpa Thiar. Ó tháinig sé chun cumhachta i 1994, tá an rialtas Horn ag cur béime ar leanúnachas prionsabail agus chuspóirí ginearálta bheartas eachtrach na hUngáire, go háirithe comhtháthú an iarthair, comhar réigiúnach, agus dea-chaidreamh le tíortha comharsanacha. Shínigh an Ungáir ar Chomhpháirtíocht na NATO le haghaidh Síochána an 8 Feabhra, 1994, agus cheadaigh sé clár comhpháirtíochta aonair an 15 Samhain. Chuir rialtas Horn béim ar thacaíocht do iarrachtaí tíortha eile a bheith páirteach san NATO freisin. I mí na Nollag 1995, cheadaigh parlaimint na hUngáire bonn míleata na SA a oscailt i Taszar, i ndeisceart na hUngáire, le haghaidh oibríocht Fhoras Feidhmiúcháin (IFOR) NATO sa Bhoisnia. Ina theannta sin, tá bataillín Ungáirigh 415-chumhachtach tar éis freastal ar an earnáil faoi stiúir na Breataine sa Bhoisnia.
Is prionsabal mór i gcaidreamh réigiúnach na hUngáire é cóireáil mhionlaigh eitneach na hUngáire i stáit chomharsanacha (thart ar 3.5 milliún). Bhí amhras ar rialtais chomharsanacha maidir le béim a chur ag rialtas Antall ar chearta na hUngáireacha eitneach thar lear, a bhí eagla orthu go bhféadfadh éilimh na hUngáireacha eitneach ar uathriail áitiúil dlisteanacht a rialtais a chur faoi dhroch-bhonn agus go bhféadfadh siad scaradh a spreagadh fiú. Tháinig rialtas Horn i seilbh oifige i lár 1994 ag cur béime ar an ngá le "réitigh stairiúil" le stáit chomharsanacha. Chinn an Ungáir agus an tSlóvaic comhaontú déthaobhach díreach roimh chomhdháil Chomhaontú Cobhsaíochta Pháras an 20 Márta 1995. Ráthaigh parlaimint na hUngáire an conradh le tromlach mór an 13 Meitheamh. Rinneadh malartú ar dhoiciméid daingniúcháin i mBuidpeist an 15 Bealtaine 1996. I mí na Samhna 1995, tar éis brú a chur ar an Uachtarán Rómhánach Ion Iliescu, d'oscail oifigigh Ungáir agus Rómhánacha cainteanna conartha, a bhí ar stailc thar fhorálacha maidir le cearta mionlaigh. Bhí dlí nua oideachais na Rómáine, a raibh páirtithe Ungáireacha sa Rómáin i gcoinne, ina phointe sticking sna caibidlíochtaí, agus d'éirigh leis an dul chun cinn. I lár mhí Lúnasa, d'fhógair oifigigh na hUngáire agus na Rómáine gur tháinig an caibidlíocht ar an gconradh déthaobhach chun críche go rathúil. Áirítear ar an dréacht-chonradh nóta thíos a eisiamh an léirmhíniú ar chearta comhchoiteanna agus an chur chun cinn ar uathriail chríochach atá bunaithe ar eitneachas ó mholadh Chomhairle na hEorpa maidir le cearta mionlaigh, atá san áireamh sa chonradh. Tá páirtithe freasúra na hUngáire agus grúpaí eitneacha na hUngáire sa Rómáin tar éis an dréacht-chomhaontú a shárú mar rud a dhéanfaidh dochar do leasanna na hUngáireacha eitneacha sa Rómáin. D'fhógair an tUachtarán Horn, áfach, go bhfuil an dréacht mar tháscaire tábhachtach ar intinn na hUngáire caidreamh déthaobhach a fheabhsú agus dul chun cinn a dhéanamh i gcomhtháthú le struchtúir Euro-Atlantach. Síníodh an conradh i Timisoara, an Rómáin, an 16 Meán Fómhair.
I mí Iúil 1996, d'óstáil an Ungáir comhdháil le hionadaithe eitneacha Ungáire ó thíortha comharsanacha. Chuir an cumarsáid deiridh chun cinn "cruthú féin-rialtasa agus uathrialachais" chun féiniúlacht na hUngáire a chaomhnú. Mar fhreagra ar cháineadh chrua ó oifigigh na Slóvaice, sheas rialtas na hUngáire leis an ráiteas, a deir siad nár cheart a léiriú mar ghlao ar uathriail chríochach atá bunaithe ar eitneachas.
D'fheabhsaigh caidreamh na Stát Aontaithe leis an Ungáir go comhsheasmhach sna 1980idí. Chuir Riarachán Bush clár cuidiú forleathan na Stát Aontaithe ar bun don Ungáir i mí Iúil 1989 a leag béim ar fhorbairt na hearnála príobháideach agus ar chur chun cinn trádála agus infheistíochta. Bunaíodh Ciste Fiontair na hUngáire-Mheiriceánach i 1990. Tá an Ungáir incháilithe le haghaidh sochair SPG agus OPIC, agus ó Aibreán 1992 tá stádas trádála MFN gan choinníoll faighte aige. Fuair an Ungáir cúnamh eacnamaíoch suntasach faoin Acht SEED, ar fiú os cionn $217 milliún é go dtí Meán Fómhair 1995. Tá na leibhéil is airde infheistíochta eachtraí sna Stáit Aontaithe san Ungáir.
Shínigh an Ungáir ar chlár Comhpháirtíocht don Síocháin de chuid NATO an 8 Eanáir, 1994. Thug an Príomh-Aire Gyula Horn cuairt ar Washington i Meitheamh 1995. I mí Mheán Fómhair 1995, thug an tAire Cosanta Perry, ar chuairt dhá lá go dtí an Ungáir, faoi deara go raibh an Ungáir ag comhlíonadh na gcritéar bunúsacha le haghaidh ballraíochta sa NATO sa todhchaí. I mí na Nollag 1995, d'oscail an NATO bonn aeir i Taszar, i ndeisceart na hUngáire, do thrópaí IFOR a bhí ag dul go dtí an Bhoisnia. Bhuail an tUachtarán Clinton le ceannairí na hUngáire le linn a chuairte ar thrúpaí na SA ar a mbealach go dtí an Bhoisnia i mí Eanáir 1996. Thug an Chéad-Bhinse Hillary Clinton cuairt ar Bhúdapest i mí Iúil 1996 agus thug sí moladh do cheannaireacht na hUngáire "ag athchóirithe daonlathais agus eacnamaíocha a thabhairt go lár na hEorpa". Mhol an Roinn Stáit go raibh conradh na hUngáire agus na Rómáine sínithe i Meán Fómhair 1996 agus d'iarr sé "roinn shuntasach" agus "a bhí ag teacht le cuspóirí leathnú NATO".