Taking grandchildren to playgroups and picking them up from school can help stave off loneliness, research has found.
The study, a review of previous studies involving nearly 200,000 participants in 21 countries, suggested that looking after grandchildren regularly tends to have a positive impact on mental wellbeing, including feeling less isolated and greater fulfilment.
By contrast those who looked after a spouse with an illness or disability were linked to increased feelings of loneliness, highlighting the additional burden on older unpaid carers.
Samia Akhter-Khan, a PhD student at King’s College London and first author of the study, said: “We see these quite clear consistent findings that grandparenting or caregiving to non-kin children has this positive effect whereas spousal caregiving had a negative effect on loneliness.”
The team reviewed 28 previous studies involving 191,652 over-50s in 21 countries, including the UK, and examined the link between loneliness and unpaid care. One study showed that adults aged over 60 years who spent on average 12 hours each week looking after grandchildren were 60% less likely to feel lonely than non-caregivers, and other research revealed similar trends.
“While caregiving for grandchildren may include some of the same time-intensive activities as caregiving for an older adult, such as bathing and feeding, children are integrated in a care network that usually involves parents and institutions, such as schools,” the authors write.
Volunteering across a range of activities, including social and environmental causes, was also linked to lower levels of loneliness. By contrast caring for an ill spouse or relative was consistently linked to higher levels of loneliness and isolation. The authors suggest that looking after a partner could be isolating when faced with “an absence of support from other people or organisations” and often people do not have a choice whether to become a caregiver in this scenario. It can also be “a preparation to transitioning into widowhood”.
The authors highlight “the stark contrast between different realities of care”, where in some contexts it is a costly and burdensome activity and in others rewarding and meaningful. They add that the role of older adults as caregivers needed to be given greater recognition.
“Older people are usually portrayed as the care receivers and a cost to society in terms of money for pensions and health problems,” said Akhter-Khan. “But they’re really important contributors in terms of caregiving and volunteering. They’re really valuable for our society.”
The findings are published in the journal Aging and Mental Health.
This content was originally published here.

Is féidir le dul le hionchúis le haontoil a chosc, a fuair taighde, ag tabhairt na niorchlainne chuig grúpaí súgartha agus ag cur ar scoil iad.
Tugann an staidéar, athbhreithniú ar staidéir roimhe seo a raibh beagnach 200,000 rannpháirtí i 21 tír páirteach ann, le fios go mbíonn tionchar dearfach ag tabhairt aire do na nighníochtaí go rialta ar fholláine mheabhrach, lena n-áirítear mothú níos lú aonlaigh agus níos mó sásamh.
Ar a mhalairt, bhí baint ag na daoine a thug cúram do chéile atá tinn nó faoi mhíchumas le mothúcháin mhéadaithe uaigneas, ag cur béime ar an ualach breise ar chúramóirí scothaosta gan pá.
Dúirt Samia Akhter-Khan, mac léinn PhD i gColáiste King's i Londain agus an chéad údar den staidéar: "Féachann muid na torthaí comhsheasmhacha seo go soiléir go bhfuil an éifeacht dhearfach seo ag sean-phárantú nó cúram a thabhairt do leanaí neamh-ghaolta, ach go raibh droch-éifeacht ar aonláine ag cúram pósta. "
Rinne an fhoireann athbhreithniú ar 28 staidéar roimhe seo a raibh 191,652 duine os cionn 50 bliain d'aois i 21 tír, lena n-áirítear an Ríocht Aontaithe, agus scrúdaigh siad an nasc idir uaigneas agus cúram neamhíoctha. Léirigh staidéar amháin go raibh daoine fásta os cionn 60 bliain d'aois a chaith 12 uair an chloig ar an meán gach seachtain ag tabhairt aire do na nighneacha 60% níos lú seans go mbraitheann siad uaigneach ná daoine nach bhfuil cúram orthu, agus nocht taighde eile treochtaí den chineál céanna.
Cé go bhféadfadh cuid de na gníomhaíochtaí a thógann an oiread ama céanna le cúram a thabhairt do dhuine fásta níos sine, amhail cith agus bia a thabhairt, a bheith i gceist le cúram a thabhairt do naíonáin, tá leanaí comhtháite i líonra cúraim a chuimsíonn tuismitheoirí agus institiúidí, amhail scoileanna de ghnáth, a scríobh na húdair.
Bhí baint ag saorálaíocht i réimse gníomhaíochtaí, lena n-áirítear cúiseanna sóisialta agus comhshaoil, le leibhéil níos ísle uaigneas. I gcodarsnacht leis sin, bhí baint ag cúram a thabhairt do pháirtí nó do ghaolta tinn le leibhéil níos airde uaigneas agus eisiaimh. Tugann na húdair le fios go bhféadfadh cúram a thabhairt do pháirtí a bheith ina leithris nuair a bhíonn siad ag tabhairt aghaidh ar "easpa tacaíochta ó dhaoine nó ó eagraíochtaí eile" agus go minic ní bhíonn rogha ag daoine cibé acu a bheith ina gcúramóir sa chás seo. Is féidir é a bheith ina ullmhúchán chun dul i ngleic le bás a fháil.
Tá an t-údarás cúraim ag tabhairt aire do dhaoine a bhfuil gá leo a bheith ag tabhairt aire dóibh, agus tá sé ag tabhairt aire do dhaoine a bhfuil gá leo a bheith ag tabhairt aire dóibh. Dúirt siad freisin go raibh gá le níos mó aitheantais a thabhairt do ról na ndaoine scothaosta mar chúramóirí.
'De ghnáth déantar daoine scothaosta a léiriú mar na daoine a fhaigheann cúram agus mar chostas don tsochaí i dtéarmaí airgid le haghaidh pinsin agus fadhbanna sláinte,' a dúirt Akhter-Khan. Ach tá siad ina rannchuiditheoirí tábhachtacha i dtéarmaí cúram agus deonach. Tá siad fíor-luachmhar dár sochaí.
Foilsíodh na torthaí sa iris Aging and Mental Health.
Foilsíodh an t-ábhar seo ar dtús anseo.


What is Mental Illness? #2
Underpinning the attempts to categorise and classify mental illness are 4 broad approaches…
The scores of most human characteristics and behaviours, when measured, tend to fall fairly evenly about the mean, giving the bell curve of normal distribution. Eg: there are a lot of people who are ‘averagely’ tall or aggressive whereas very few people are very small or highly aggressive. Thus, there are as many people/scores above the mean as below it in a normal distribution. The further you travel from the mean, the fewer people/scores there are in the population.
In a normal distribution – see graphic above – the majority of individuals are clustered around the mean. In a normal distribution the scores of 95.5% of the population will fall within 2 standard deviations from the mean. Scores beyond 2 standard deviations are considered statistically infrequent and, therefore, abnormal. Thus, thoughts and behaviours which occur in 4.5% or less of the population can be considered abnormal.
As a way of defining what is meant by mental illness, this approach works well for some illnesses – eg: Schizophrenia at 1% in the general population and Bipolar Disorder at 2.8%. However, for Depression it doesn’t. In 1980 J Angst estimated that 1 in 20 Americans were severely depressed. 5% is just about within 2 standard deviations in a normal distribution and, therefore, strictly speaking is not statistically abnormal. Moreover Angst estimated that 1 in 10 Americans were at risk of having a serious depressive episode at least once in their lifetime. 10% is well within 2 standard deviations. According to the World Health Organisation (2018), up to 25% of females will be diagnosed at some point in their life and up to 12% of men. At any one point in time it is estimated 9% of women are clinically depressed. Such figures are well within 2 standard deviations and thus are not statistically infrequent. Yet the WHO also says: “Depression is the leading cause of disability worldwide, and is a major contributor to the overall global burden of disease.” Clearly, most people would consider Clinical Depression a mental illness!
Gender differences, however, may not be reliable in statistical reporting on Depression. It is generally accepted that women are more likely to seek help for depressive symptoms while men are more likely to bottle up their problems or attempt to numb their feelings through alcohol and/or drugs. Thus, it is more than possible the level of male Depression in Western society is under-reported and, therefore, the statistical data is misleading.
While it is a one-time survey, Ronald Kessler found in 1994 that 48% of Americans across 48 states had suffered at least one psychological disorder at some point in their life. Such statistics seriously undermine the statistical infrequency concept.
There are also issues of desirability which confound this approach to mental illness. For example, as per the graph below, the mean for intelligence (in white Caucasians) is 100 (as measured on a Stanford-Binet IQ test). Someone 2 standard deviations below with a score of 70 is classified clinically as ‘retarded’. However, someone 2 standard deviations above the mean, with a score of 130, would be classified as ‘genius’ Many people would consider having ‘genius’ status as desirable while no one would consider ‘retard’ status as desirable.
The ‘desirability issue’ gets particularly complicated with homosexuality. There is an ‘urban myth’ that around 10% of the population are homosexuals, derived in large part from the 1948 report of Alfred Kinsey, Wardell Pomeroy & Clyde Martin, though their sample was largely drawn from male prostitutes and incarcerated prisoners. My own 2009 desktop literature review – see Just how many Homosexuals are there really? – found that most surveys showed around 3-6% declared homosexuals in Western countries. Those figures would most certainly be verging on the abnormal statistically; but the results of these surveys may not be accurate as any number of homosexuals may not have responded through fear of prejudice & discrimination. The number of homosexuals may be far higher – higher even than 10%! – but there is no way of knowing.
The statistical infrequency approach also ignores relativism. Eg: it is considered acceptable for children to be frightened of the dark; but not adults.
2.Deviation from social norms
Quite simply, this is deviating from – or not conforming to – social norms, the customs and behaviours the majority of people in a culture or sub-culture consider ‘normal’. Social norms form a major part of the value consensus – which Émile Durkheim (1893) referred to as the collective conscience. For example, wearing swimwear on the beach is considered perfectly normal but it would be considered inappropriate on the high street and totally unacceptable in an upmarket restaurant.
On the face of it – face validity – this definition appears to get around the desirability issue that the statistical infrequency approach fails to acknowledge. However, what is desirable can vary with time and culture. Eg: in World War II the Allies considered it desirable that ‘ordinary’ Germans opposed the regime. In contrast, the Nazis contended that people who opposed the regime were deviant and ‘sick’. Holocaust documenters have argued that the medicalisation of social problems and systematic euthanasia of people in German mental institutions in the 1930s provided the institutional, procedural and doctrinal origins of the mass murder of the 1940s. The Nuremberg Trials convicted a number of psychiatrists who held key positions in the Nazi authorities.
Because social norms – especially morals – vary from culture to culture and over time within a culture – temporal bias – this undermines both the reliability and the validity of this approach. For example, the acceptance or not of homosexuality has varied over time and from culture to culture, as discussed on the previous page.
With regard to this relativity, Jeanne Marecek & Rachel Hare-Mustin (2009): “Ultimately, the decision to regard any set of behaviours or experiences as a psychological disorder – rather than an eccentricity, a criminal act or a response to oppressive and intolerable circumstance – is and cannot be a scientific one…. Judgements of normality and abnormality necessarily depend on cultural standards, social norms and local customs… Human behaviour always takes its meaning from its sociocultural surround.”
3.Failure to function adequately
The underpinning principle of this approach is that behaviour is abnormal if it is maladaptive – ie: it makes people unable to lead a ‘normal’ life and do the things most people want – eg: have sustainable relationships or hold down a job.
However, not all people with a mental illness are aware of their ‘failure to function’.
David Rosenhan & Martin E P Seligman (1989) enhanced understanding of this approach by stating 7 characteristics of failing to function adequately:-
- suffering – most abnormal individuals report that they are suffering
“People do not come to clinics because they have met some abstract definition of abnormality. For the most part, they come because their feelings or behaviour cause them distress” – Edgar Miller & Stephen Morley (1986). David Sue, Derald Sue & Stanley Sue (1994) also contend that most people seeking psychiatric help are distressed
However, not all psychological disorders involve obvious suffering – eg: bipolar patients in the manic phase and psychopaths
- maladaptiveness – behaviour which prevents people from achieving major life goals such as enjoying good relationships with other people or working effectively
- vivid/unconventional behaviour – ways in which abnormal individuals tend to behave often differs substantially from most people
“Generally, people recognise as acceptable and conventional those actions that they themselves are willing to do…. If we do it, it’s conventional and normal. If we don’t, it stands out vividly as unconventional and abnormal” – Rosenhan & Seligman
- unpredictability/loss of control – the behaviour of abnormal people is often very variable and uncontrolled and inappropriate
“We expect people to be consistent from time to time, from one occasion to the next, and very much in control of themselves” – Rosenhan & Seligman
- irrationality/incomprehensibility – others cannot understand why anyone would choose to behave in this way
- observer discomfort – observers to the behaviour are made uncomfortable by it
This is, however, very subjective and may be more reflective of the observer’s mindset than the mental health of the person causing the discomfort
- violation of moral/ideal standards – behaviour may be judged ‘abnormal’ when it violates established moral standards
In other words, deviation from social norms!
Rosenhan & Seligman argued that each characteristic might not be significant on its own but, when several are present, they are indicative of abnormality. Philip Zimbardo (1995) states that the more extreme the more extreme the characteristics are, the greater the likelihood of the person having a psychological disorder.
4.Deviation from ideal mental health
The concept of ideal mental health was developed by Marie Jahoda (1958). She was heavily influenced by the leading Humanistic psychologists of the time, Abraham Maslow and Carl Rogers. ‘Normality’ and ‘abnormality’ were useless labels in Jahoda’s view. Instead, like Maslow and Rogers, she chose to focus on criteria for positive mental health.
Jahoda laid out 6 characteristics of ideal mental health:-
- self-attitudes – high self-esteem and a strong sense of identity are related to good mental health
According to Jahoda, to be mentally healthy, someone must know who they are and like what they see
- personal growth – the extent of a person’s self-development or progress towards Self-Actualisation
- integration – the ‘synthesising psychological function’ integrating self-attitudes and personal growth
Jahoda held that good integration created resistance to stress
- autonomy – the extent to which an individual is free of social influences and can rely on their own inner resources
- perception of reality – individuals don’t distort their perception of reality but instead demonstrate empathy and social sensitivity
- environmental mastery – the degree to which someone is successful and well-adapted, able to love, perform adequately in both work, play and interpersonal relations, be effective at problem-solving and adapting to meet situational requirements
Not having any of these characteristics would mean that the person didn’t have good mental health. Since most people don’t have these characteristics all the time, in the words of Dougal Mackay (1975): “…the majority of the population would have to be considered as maladjusted.”
Wade Nobles (1976) questions whether the concept is based on Western, individualistic values? In his writings about the extended concept of self amongst African peoples, Nobles claimed they have a sense of ‘we’ rather than the Western ‘me’. This means they value co-operation whereas Westerners focus on autonomy. This would mean the concept of individual personal development could be vulnerable to cultural bias.
There are also some problems with Jahoda’s use of Self-Actualisation in that she used Maslow’s (1943) conception – fulfilling one’s potential – rather than his 1956 revision which effectively redefined Self-Actualisation as a meta-level of thinking. However, even in his redefined version, Maslow saw Self-Actualisation as bringing in far more healthy thinking, with a loss of fear- as did Clare W Graves (1974) with his equivalent G-T (YELLOW) vMEME. Maslow would also agree that anything that stops an individual progressing up the Hierarchy of Needs – thereby frustrating the actualising tendency – is likely to be injurious to mental health. Working from a partial Gravesian perspective, Ken Wilber (2003) has hypothesised that the mental health of 50 million Americans would benefit radically by a move from GREEN to YELLOW thinking.
The labelling of mental illness
The application of Labelling Theory to mental illness has its origins in the work of Thomas Scheff (1966). He argued that someone who acquires the stigma of a psychiatric diagnosis will be treated as ‘mentally ill’ – and, as a result, is likely to become more mentally ill. Such a label creates expectations. These expectations can part of the labelled individual’s own selfplex. These expectations – memes – can influence others, altering their cognitive map (schemas) of the labelled individual. Thus, the individual may try to live up to the label. If they receive attention and sympathy – positive reinforcement – they are even more likely to live up to the label.
As Rosenhan’s classic 1973 study demonstrates only too clearly, people are influenced by labels of mental illness given to others. Rosenhan’s ‘schizophrenics’ pseudo-patients were ignored 88% of the time by nurses and 71% of the time by psychiatrists – a real sign of the schizophrenic’s low worth in the eyes of others. Such treatment could clearly increase the severity of the symptoms experienced by real schizophrenics.
Thomas Szasz (1974) was of the view that society uses stigmatising labels to exclude those whose behaviour doesn’t conform to its norms. Michael W Eysenck & Cara Flanagan (p602, 2001) elaborate: “Such labels include the following: criminal, prostitute, gypsy, foreigner. ‘Mental illness’ is simply a stigmatising label used to exclude non-conformists from society.”
Szasz notes the following examples of labelling used by the state to control/inhibit undesirable behaviour:-
- It used to be considered deviant for a woman to have a child outside of marriage and some were locked up in psychiatric institutions. (Audits of patient records in the 1990s found that there were still women alive in psychiatric institutions who had been locked up decades previously for having a child out of wedlock!)
- Middle-class women who were attracted to working-class men were ‘nymphomaniacs’
- Women who inherited money and wished to keep it for themselves were diagnosed with ‘moral insanity’
- Slaves who showed an ‘irrational’ desire to escape from their owners had ‘drapetomania’
- In the Soviet Union in the early-mid-20th Century political opponents to the Communist government were labelled dissidents and locked up in psychiatric institutions
Erving Goffman, in his classic 1968 study of life in a mental institution, found much the same dismissive and dehumanising treatment of patients as Rosenhan. However, he also documented ways in which the patients were controlled – eg:-
- personal possessions taken away and obliged to wear the institution uniform
- the day was tightly scheduled: when the patient got up, ate, bathed, took their medication and went to bed
Goffman notes that, if a patient resisted the label of mental illness, that was meta-stated by medical staff as another symptom of the illness. Consequently, the patient would be given further medication or subjected to another corrective measure such as electric shock treatment,
Of course, exposés such as those of Rosenhan and Goffman have contributed to reforms in the treatment of mental health patients and increasingly over the past 30 years there has been an emphasis on ‘care in the community’ for less serious/dangerous cases – eg: in ‘halfway houses’.
In spite of such progress, amongst the general public stigmas concerning the label of ‘mentally ill’ are proving difficult to shift. As late as 2000 Sue Baker & Julia MacPherson found that 60% of young people admitted to using abusive and negative language to describe mentally-ill people. Such public perceptions are not helped by the media periodically creating moral panics about mentally ill people. For example, Greg Philo & Jenny Secker (1999) found that 2/3 of media organisations disproportionately focused on violence committed by the mentally ill and 40% of tabloid headlines used derogatory language to describe mental illness.

Cad é Breoiteacht Meabhrach? # 2
Tá 4 chur chuige forleathan ag tacú leis na hiarrachtaí chun tinneas meabhrach a chatagóir agus a aicmiú...
Tá an buaicphointe ar an chuid is mó de na tréithe agus na hiompar daonna, nuair a dhéantar iad a thomhas, ag titim go cothrom faoin meán, ag tabhairt an chúrsa clog den dáileadh gnáth. Mar shampla: tá go leor daoine atá "meán" ard nó ionsaitheach, ach níl mórán daoine an-bheag nó an-ionsaitheach. Dá bhrí sin, tá an oiread daoine/scóir os cionn an mheán agus atá thíos leis i ndáil le dáileadh gnáth. An níos faide a théann tú ón meán, is lú daoine/scóranna a bhíonn sa daonra.
I dtráchtáil choitianta  féach an grafach thuas  tá formhór na ndaoine aonair clústeáilte timpeall an mheán. I gnáthdháileadh, beidh na scóir de 95.5% den daonra laistigh de 2 sheachtraíocht chaighdeánach ón meán. Meastar go bhfuil scóir níos mó ná 2 sheachtra caighdeánacha neamhchoitianta ó thaobh staidrimh de agus, dá bhrí sin, neamhghnácha. Dá bhrí sin, is féidir smaointe agus iompraíochtaí a tharlaíonn i 4.5% nó níos lú den daonra a mheas mar neamhghnácha.
Mar bhealach chun sainmhíniú a dhéanamh ar an méid a chiallaíonn tinneas meabhrach, oibríonn an cur chuige seo go maith le haghaidh roinnt galair  e.g.: Scíthiosphréine ag 1% sa daonra i gcoitinne agus neamhoird dhipolar ag 2.8%. Mar sin féin, ní bhaineann sé le Depressions. I 1980 mheas J Angst go raibh 1 as 20 Meiriceánach tromchúiseach dúlagar. Tá 5% díreach laistigh de 2 mhaolú caighdeánach i dtráthdháilíocht gnáth agus, dá bhrí sin, go díreach ag labhairt nach bhfuil neamhghnácha staidrimh. Ina theannta sin, mheas Angst go raibh 1 as gach 10 Meiriceánach i mbaol go mbeadh eipeasóid tromchúiseach dúlagar acu uair amháin ar a laghad ina saol. Tá 10% go maith laistigh de 2 mhaolú caighdeánach. De réir na hEagraíochta Domhanda Sláinte (2018), déanfar suas le 25% de mhná a dhiagnóisiú ag pointe éigin ina saol agus suas le 12% d'fhir. Ag aon bpointe amháin i am meastar go bhfuil 9% de mhná ag fulaingt ó thinneas cliniciúil. Tá na figiúirí sin laistigh de dhá sheachtraíocht chaighdeánach agus dá bhrí sin níl siad neamhchoitianta ó thaobh staidrimh de. Ach deir an WHO freisin: Is í an dúlagar an príomhchúis le míchumais ar fud an domhain, agus is cuid mhór í den ualach iomlán domhanda galar.Ar ndóigh, mheasfadh an chuid is mó daoine go bhfuil an dúlagar cliniciúil ina ghalair mheabhrach!
Ní fhéadfar difríochtaí inscne a bheith iontaofa i dtuarascáil staidrimh ar Dhúlagar, áfach. Glacfar go ginearálta leis go bhfuil mná níos dóchúla cabhair a lorg le haghaidh comharthaí dúlagar agus go bhfuil fir níos dóchúla a gcuid fadhbanna a chur i gcúl nó iarracht a dhéanamh a gcuid mothúchán a mhilleadh trí alcól agus / nó drugaí. Dá bhrí sin, is féidir go bhfuil an leibhéal dúlagar fireann sa tsochaí Thiar faoi thuairisciú agus, dá bhrí sin, tá na sonraí staidrimh míthreorach.
Cé gur suirbhé aon-uaire é, fuair Ronald Kessler i 1994 go raibh 48% de Mheiriceánaigh ar fud 48 stát ag fulaingt ó neamhoird síceolaíoch amháin ar a laghad ag pointe éigin ina saol. Tá na staitisticí sin ag cur an coincheap neamhrialtachta staidrimh i gcontúirt go mór.
Tá saincheisteanna deisiúlachta ann freisin a chuireann an cur chuige seo i leith tinneas meabhrach i bhfolach. Mar shampla, de réir an ghraf thíos, is é 100 an meán le haghaidh intleacht (i gCaucasians bán) (mar a thomhas ar thástáil IQ Stanford-Binet). Déantar duine a bhfuil 2 sheachtraíocht chaighdeánach thíos aige le scór de 70 a aicmiú go cliniciúil mar  retarded. Mar sin féin, bheadh duine 2 sheachtraíocht chaighdeánach os cionn an mheán, le scór de 130, aicmithe mar genius Measfadh go leor daoine go mbeadh stádas genius inmhianaithe agus ní mheasfadh duine ar bith stádas retard inmhianaithe.
Tá an 'cheist mianta' casta go háirithe le hinéagsúlacht. Tá  miotas uirbeach  go bhfuil thart ar 10% den daonra ina ghomhghnéasaigh, a dhíorthaítear go mór ó thuairisc Alfred Kinsey, Wardell Pomeroy & Clyde Martin i 1948, cé go raibh a gcuid sampla tarraingthe go mór ó fhéileacha fireannacha agus príosúnaigh i bpríosún. Mo athbhreithniú féin ar litríocht 2009 ar dheasc  féach Cé mhéad Homosexuals atá ann i ndáiríre?  fuair sé amach go raibh thart ar 3-6% de dhaoine a dhearbhaigh a bheith ina ghomhaltaí i dtíortha an Iarthair. Is cinnte go mbeadh na figiúirí sin ag teacht ar an neamhghnách go staidrimh; ach d'fhéadfadh go mbeadh torthaí na suirbhéanna seo míchruinn mar ní fhéadfadh aon líon de dhaoine aeracha freagairt mar gheall ar eagla ar phreasúra agus idirdhealú. D'fhéadfadh go mbeadh líon na n-aonghnéasaigh i bhfad níos airde - níos airde ná 10% fiú!  ach níl aon bhealach ann a fhios.
Ní thugann an cur chuige neamhrialtachta staidrimh aird ar chalaíocht freisin. Mar shampla: meastar go bhfuil sé inghlactha go mbeadh eagla ar leanaí as an dorchadas; ach ní daoine fásta.
2.Aithríocha ó ghnáthchaighdeáin shóisialta
Go simplí, tá sé seo ag imeacht ó nó gan a bheith ag teacht le nósanna sóisialta, na nósanna agus na hiompar a mheasann formhór na ndaoine i gcultúr nó fochultúr a bheith "nádúrtha". Is cuid mhór den chomhthoil luach é nósanna sóisialta  a thug Émile Durkheim (1893) air mar an coinsias comhchoiteann. Mar shampla, meastar go bhfuil sé go hiomlán gnáth éadaí snámha a chaitheamh ar an trá ach meastar go mbeadh sé míchuí ar an mbóthar mór agus go hiomlán neamhghlactha i mbialann ardchaighdeáin.
Ar an gcúis seo, is cosúil go bhfuil an sainmhíniú seo ag dul timpeall ar an gceist inmhianaithe nach n-aithníonn an cur chuige neamhchoitiantachta staidrimh. Mar sin féin, d'fhéadfadh an rud is inmhianaithe a bheith éagsúil de réir am agus chultúir. Mar shampla: sa Dara Cogadh Domhanda mheas na Comhghuaillithe gur mhaith go mbeadh Gearmánaigh "ordinary" i gcoinne an réimeas. I gcodarsnacht leis sin, mhaígh na Naitsithe go raibh daoine a bhí i gcoinne an réimeas dícheallach agus  tinn. Tá sé de mhaíomh ag doiciméadaithe Holocaust gur chuir leigheas ar fhadhbanna sóisialta agus eutanasia córeasach daoine in institiúidí meabhrach na Gearmáine sna 1930idí bunús institiúideach, nós imeachta agus dochtúrtha na marú mais sna 1940idí. D'fhógair na Cúirteanna Nuremberg go raibh roinnt síciatraithe a bhí i bpríomhphoist i gceannas na Náisiúnaigh ciontach.
Toisc go bhfuil nósanna sóisialta  go háirithe moráltachtaí  éagsúil ó chultúr go cultúr agus thar am laistigh de chultúr  claonadh sealadach  tá sé seo ag cur faoi deara iontaofacht agus bailíse an chur chuige seo araon. Mar shampla, tá an glacadh le coiriúlacht nó gan glacadh leis éagsúil ó am go ham agus ó chultúr go cultúr, mar a pléadh ar an leathanach roimhe seo.
Maidir leis an gcoibhneacht seo, Jeanne Marecek & Rachel Hare-Mustin (2009): Ar deireadh thiar, is cinneadh eolaíoch é agus ní féidir leis a bheith ann cinneadh a dhéanamh ar aon sraith iompar nó taithí a mheas mar neamhoird síceolaíoch  seachas eisceantras, gníomh coiriúil nó freagra ar imthosca brúdaitheacha agus do-fhulaingthe .... Braitheann breithiúnais gnáthchaighdeáin agus neamhghnácha go riachtanach ar chaighdeáin chultúrtha, ar chaighdeáin shóisialta agus ar chustaim áitiúla... Bíonn iompar an duine ina bhrí i gcónaí óna timpeallacht shocheolaíochta.
3.Níor fhóntaíonn sé go cuí
Is é prionsabal an chur chuige seo ná go bhfuil iompar neamhghnácha má tá sé mí-oiriúnaithe - ie: déanann sé daoine a bheith in ann saol "gnáth" a bheith acu agus na rudaí a theastaíonn ó na daoine is mó a dhéanamh - e.g.: caidrimh inbhuanaithe a bheith acu nó post a choinneáil.
Mar sin féin, ní bhíonn gach duine a bhfuil galar meabhrach orthu ar an eolas faoi a 'bhriseadh feidhmíochta'.
Chuir David Rosenhan & Martin E P Seligman (1989) tuiscint níos fearr ar an gcur chuige seo trí 7 saintréith a lua a mhainníonn feidhmiú go leordhóthanach:
- ag fulaingt  déanann an chuid is mó de dhaoine neamhghnácha tuairisc go bhfuil siad ag fulaingt
Ní thagann daoine chuig clinicí toisc go bhfuil sainmhíniú eisiatach ar neamhghnáchas acu. I bhformhór na gcásanna, tagann siad toisc go gcuireann a gcuid mothúchán nó iompar imní orthu. Edgar Miller & Stephen Morley (1986). Deir David Sue, Derald Sue & Stanley Sue (1994) freisin go bhfuil an chuid is mó de na daoine a bhíonn ag lorg cabhrach síceatrach i ngéarchéim
Mar sin féin, ní bhaineann gach neamhoird síceolaíoch le fulaingt soiléir  e.g.: othair dé-pholacha sa chéim manic agus síciopaí
- mí-oiriúnaitheacht  iompar a chuireann cosc ar dhaoine spriocanna móra saoil a bhaint amach amhail dea-chaidreamh a bheith acu le daoine eile nó obair a dhéanamh go héifeachtach
- iompar beoga/neamhchoinbhinsiúnach  is minic go bhfuil difríochtaí suntasacha idir an tslí a mbíonn daoine neamhghnácha ag iompar agus an tslí a mbíonn an chuid is mó daoine ag iompar
De ghnáth, aithníonn daoine mar ghníomhartha inghlactha agus coitinneacha na gníomhartha sin atá siad féin toilteanach a dhéanamh.... Má dhéanaimid é, tá sé traidisiúnta agus gnáth. Mura ndéanaimid, seasann sé amach go géar mar neamhchoitianta agus neamhghnácha   Rosenhan & Seligman
- neamh-inmheastacht/cailleadh rialaithe  is minic go mbíonn iompar daoine neamhghnácha an-athraitheach agus neamhrialta agus míchuí
Tá súil againn go mbeidh daoine comhsheasmhach ó am go ham, ó ócáid go ócáid, agus go bhfuil smacht mór acu orthu féin   Rosenhan & Seligman
- éagréas/neamh-thuigtheacht  ní féidir le daoine eile a thuiscint cén fáth go roghnaíonn duine éigin a bheith ag iompar ar an mbealach seo
- míchompord an bhreathnóir  tá an iompar míchompordach do bhreathnóirí
Tá sé seo, áfach, an-suibiachtúil agus d'fhéadfadh sé go léirítear níos mó de mheon an bhreathnóir ná sláinte mheabhrach an duine a bhfuil an míchompord ag baint leis
- sárú caighdeáin mhorálta/idealacha  d'fhéadfadh iompar a bheith measartha  neamhghnách  nuair a sháraíonn sé caighdeáin mhorálta bunaithe
I bhfocail eile, díthréigean ó ghnáthchaighdeáin shóisialta!
D'áitigh Rosenhan & Seligman nach bhféadfadh gach tréith a bheith suntasach ina n-aonar ach, nuair a bhíonn roinnt ann, léiríonn siad neamhghnáchas. Deir Philip Zimbardo (1995) go bhfuil an seans níos mó go mbeidh neamhoird shíceolaíoch ag an duine, is mó a bhíonn na tréithe níos iomarcaí.
4.Aithríocht ó shláinte mheabhrach idéalach
D'fhorbair Marie Jahoda (1958) an coincheap maidir le sláinte mheabhrach idéalach. Bhí tionchar mór ag na príomh-psciológaí Daonnacha ag an am, Abraham Maslow agus Carl Rogers. Bhí "nádúrthacht" agus "nádúrthacht" ina lipéid gan úsáid i dtuairim Jahoda. Ina áit sin, cosúil le Maslow agus Rogers, roghnaigh sí díriú ar chritéir le haghaidh sláinte meabhrach dearfach.
Chuir Jahoda 6 thréithe ar shláinte mheabhrach idéalach: -
- féin-ionsaithe  tá meas ard ar féin agus mothú láidir féiniúlachta bainteach le dea-shláinte mheabhrach
De réir Jahoda, a bheith sláintiúil go meabhrach, ní mór do dhuine a fhios cé iad agus is maith leo cad a fheiceann siad
- fás pearsanta  méid féinfhorbartha nó dul chun cinn duine i dtreo Féin-Imeachtú
- comhtháthú  an  comhtháthú feidhme síceolaíoch  comhtháthú féin-ionsaithe agus fás pearsanta
D'áitigh Jahoda gur chruthaigh comhtháthú maith friotaíocht in aghaidh strus
- neamhspleáchas  an méid a bhfuil an duine aonair saor ó thionchar sóisialta agus a bhfuil sé in ann brath ar a acmhainní inmheánacha féin
- tuiscint ar réaltacht  ní dhéanann daoine aonair a dtuiscint ar réaltacht a mhíchumas ach ina ionad sin léiríonn siad comhbhá agus íogaireacht shóisialta
- máistreacht ar an gcomhshaol  cé chomh rathúil agus chomh oiriúnaithe agus atá duine, atá in ann grá a thabhairt, a bheith ag feidhmiú go cuí sa obair, sa pháirc agus i gcaidrimh idirphearsanta, a bheith éifeachtach i réitigh fadhbanna agus in oiriúnú do riachtanais staidúla
Ní bheadh aon cheann de na tréithe seo ag an duine a bheadh i gceist nach raibh dea-shláinte mheabhrach aige. Ós rud é nach bhfuil na tréithe seo ag an gcuid is mó de dhaoine an t-am ar fad, i bhfocail Dougal Mackay (1975): ... bheadh ar an gcuid is mó den daonra a mheas mar dhaoine neamh-oiriúnaithe.
Ceisteanna Wade Nobles (1976) an bhfuil an coincheap bunaithe ar luachanna iarthuacha, indibhidiúla? Ina chuid scríbhinní faoin coincheap leathnaithe féin i measc pobal na hAfraice, d'éiligh Nobles go bhfuil tuiscint acu ar mí seachas an mé an Iarthair. Ciallaíonn sé seo go gcuireann siad luach ar chomhoibriú agus go ndíríonn an chuid is mó den Iarthar ar uathriail. Ciallaíonn sé seo go bhféadfadh coincheap na forbartha pearsanta aonair a bheith leochaileach do thréithe cultúrtha.
Tá roinnt fadhbanna ann freisin le húsáid Jahoda ar Féin-Fheidhmiú sa mhéid go ndearna sí coincheap Maslow (1943) a úsáid  ag comhlíonadh acmhainneacht duine  seachas a athbhreithniú 1956 a athshainmhínigh Féin-Fheidhmiú go héifeachtach mar mhéata-leibhéal smaointeoireachta. Mar sin féin, fiú ina leagan athshainithe, chonaic Maslow féin-Fheidhmiú mar a thugann smaointeoireacht i bhfad níos sláintiúla, le caillteanas eagla - mar a rinne Clare W Graves (1974) lena G-T (GAL) vMEME coibhéiseach. Aontaíonn Maslow freisin go bhfuil aon rud a chosnaíonn duine aonair ag dul chun cinn ar an Hierarchy of Needs  ag cur bac ar an claonadh actualising  is dócha go mbeidh sé díobhálach do shláinte mheabhrach. Ag obair ó pheirspictíocht páirteach Gravesian, tá Ken Wilber (2003) tar éis a rá go mbeadh leas mór ag sláinte mheabhrach 50 milliún Meiriceánach trí aistriú ó smaointeoireacht GREEN go YELLOW.
Lipéadú ar tinneas meabhrach
Tá bunús ag Teoiric Lipéadú a chur i bhfeidhm ar ghalair mheabhrach i saothar Thomas Scheff (1966). D'áitigh sé go gcaithfear le duine a fhaigheann stigma diagnóis síceatrach mar  tinní meabhrach  agus, mar thoradh air sin, is dócha go mbeidh sé níos tinní meabhrach. Cruthaíonn lipéad den sórt sin ionchais. Is féidir leis na hionchais seo a bheith mar chuid de féin-fhéile an duine aonair atá lipéadaithe. Is féidir leis na hionchais seo  meamaí  tionchar a imirt ar dhaoine eile, ag athrú a léarscáileanna cognaíocha (scéimeanna) den duine aonair lipéadaithe. Dá bhrí sin, d'fhéadfadh an duine aonair iarracht a dhéanamh maireachtáil de réir an lipéid. Má fhaigheann siad aird agus comhbhrón  neartú dearfach  tá sé níos dóichí go mbeifear ag maireachtáil suas leis an lipéad.
Mar a léiríonn staidéar 1973 clasaiceach Rosenhan ach go ró-soiléir, bíonn tionchar ag lipéid tinneas meabhrach ar dhaoine eile. Bhí 88% den am ag altraí agus 71% den am ag síceatraí neamhaird ar pseudo-othair "schizophrenics" Rosenhan - comhartha fíor ar luach íseal an scisphoirineach i súile daoine eile. D'fhéadfadh cóireáil den sórt sin go soiléir déine na hairíonna a bhíonn ag fíor-schizophrenics a mhéadú.
Bhí Thomas Szasz (1974) den tuairim go n-úsáideann an tsochaí lipéid stigmaithe chun iad siúd a eisiamh nach bhfuil a n-iompar ag teacht lena n-uirlisí. Déanann Michael W Eysenck & Cara Flanagan (p602, 2001) cur síos air: I measc na lipéid sin tá na cinn seo a leanas: coiriúil, prostitute, gipsy, foreigner. Is lipéad stiogmatúcháin é tinneas meabhrach  a úsáidtear chun neamhchoimhdeoirí a eisiamh ón tsochaí.
Tugann Szasz na samplaí seo a leanas de lipéadú a úsáideann an stát chun rialú/cuir cosc ar iompar neamháisiúil:-
- Bhí sé ina mheas deisce do bhean a bheith le leanbh lasmuigh den phósadh agus cuid acu a bhí faoi ghlas i n-institiúidí síceatriacha. (Fuarthas amach ó iniúchtaí ar thaifid othar sna 1990idí go raibh mná fós beo in institiúidí síceatriacha a bhí faoi ghlas blianta roimhe sin as leanbh a bheith acu lasmuigh den phósadh!)
- Bhí mná meánaicme a bhí tarraingthe ag fir den aicme oibre "nymphomaniacs"
- Bhí mná a d'fhás airgead agus a raibh sé ag iarraidh é a choinneáil dóibh féin a diagnóisíodh le "folláine morálta"
- Bhí "drapetomania" ag sclábhaithe a léirigh "éileamh neamhréasúnach" chun éalú óna húinéirí
- Sa Aontas Sóivéadach i lár an 20ú haois, bhí opponents polaitiúla an rialtas cumannach lipéadaithe dissidents agus faoi ghlas i n-institiúidí síceatriacha
Fuair Erving Goffman, ina staidéar clasaiceach 1968 ar shaol in institiúid mheabhrach, an chóireáil dhiúltach agus díghineálta céanna ar othair mar Rosenhan. Mar sin féin, d'fhoilsigh sé freisin na bealaí inar rialaíodh na hothair  e.g.:
- go dtógfar a chuid earraí pearsanta agus go gcuirfear de cheangal air éide an institiúid a chaitheamh
- bhí an lá sceidealta go dlúth: nuair a d'éirigh an t-othar, nuair a d'ith sé, nuair a rinne sé cith, nuair a ghlac sé a leigheas agus nuair a chuaigh sé a chodladh
Tugann Goffman faoi deara, má sheas an t-othar i gcoinne lipéad an tinneas meabhrach, go raibh sé seo meta-dearbhaithe ag foirne leighis mar chomhartha eile den tinneas. Dá bhrí sin, bheadh an t-othar a thabhairt leighis breise nó faoi réir beart ceartaitheach eile ar nós cóireáil shock leictreach,
Ar ndóigh, tá athchóirithe i gcóireáil othair meabhairshláinte mar a rinne Rosenhan agus Goffman mar thoradh ar nochtadh agus le 30 bliain anuas tá béim níos mó ar "chúram sa phobal" i gcásanna nach bhfuil chomh tromchúiseach/díobhálach, mar shampla: i "tithe leathbheartaíochta".
In ainneoin dul chun cinn den sórt sin, tá sé deacair an stigma a bhaineann leis an lipéad "a bhfuil tinní meabhrach" a athrú i measc an phobail i gcoitinne. Go déanach i 2000 fuair Sue Baker & Julia MacPherson gur admhaigh 60% de dhaoine óga go n-úsáid siad teanga mhí-úsáidte agus diúltach chun daoine meabhrach a chur in iúl. Ní chuirtear leis na meáin a chruthaíonn panics mhorálta faoi dhaoine tinte meabhrach go tréimhsiúil, go bhfuil an tuiscint phoiblí sin ag éirí níos fearr. Mar shampla, fuair Greg Philo & Jenny Secker (1999) go raibh 2/3 d'eagraíochtaí meán dírithe go neamhchomhréireach ar fhoréigean a rinne daoine atá tinn go meabhrach agus 40% de cheannteidil na mblagáin a d'úsáid teanga mí-ádh chun tinneas meabhrach a thuairisciú.


Found at GenealogyBank.com
from the Emancipator and Republican, Boston, Massachusetts, "Free Soil Rally in Chapman Hall", Thursday, 5 September 1850, Volume XV, Issue 19, page 3
|The highlighted name,|
Romanus Emerson, is my 4th great grandfather
If you look at the news clipping above, my 4th great grandfather's name, Romanus Emerson, is highlighted in yellow. Just to the right of his name is the name Charles Sumner. In 1856 Sumner gave an impassioned anti slavery speech in the Senate called "The Crime against Kansas". Two days after the speech the South Carolina Congresman, Preston Brooks, entered the Senate chamber and nearly beat Charles Sumner to death with a gold headed cane. This incident was a major cause of the coming of the Civil War five years later. The cane used to attack Charles Sumner is on exhibit at the Old State House in Boston. There is a statue of Sumner in the middle of Harvard Square.
My ancestor, Romanus Emerson (1782 - 1852), was a progressive, much like Charles Sumner and the other members of the Free Soil party. Romanus settled in South Boston in 1810, when the main thoroughfare in that part of the city was called the "Old Road" and it was renamed "Emerson Street" after his death. He was a noted atheist, and a member of the Boston Infidel Society. When the first abolitionists came to Boston, most of the established churches would not let them lecture in their buildings. The Boston Infidel Society gave abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison permission to use their Julian Hall three times.
Romanus Emerson was like his cousin, Ralph Waldo Emerson, a philosophical man who was considered eccentric because his views were ahead of their time. They were considered progressives, in a very conservative Boston. Other members of my family tree, Noah Martin Eaton (abt 1832 - 1909) and his wife Eliza Ruth Walton (1837 -1909), were also abolitionists and Free Soilers. They were from Reading, Massachusetts and removed to Lawrence, Kansas. Their first two children, out of six, were born in Lawrence in 1861 and 1864. Confederate guerrillas burned most of Lawrence on 21 August 1863, destroyed anti-slavery newspaper offices, and killed 150 of the 200 men they found there. Abolitionists from New England had resettled in Kansas in an attempt to keep it "Free Soil". Noah Eaton removed his family back to Reading by 1868, where his last four children were born and where he stayed for the rest of his life. He was a first cousin, one generation removed from Romanus Emerson. (Noah Eaton's story could be an entire blog post on its own!)
The newspaper where the above news clipping came, the Emancipator and Republican, from was in existence from 1848 to 1850. It was previously known as the Emancipator and Free Soil Press, and evolved into the Commonwealth & Emancipator in 1851. You can view copies online at www.GenealogyBank.com and also at the Library of Congress website chroniclingamerica.loc.org
Chapman Hall, where the Free Soil committee met, was located where the Parker House Hotel is now located on the corner of Tremont Street and School Street. The alley behind the Parker House is called Chapman Place. Chapman Hall also allowed abolitionists to speak, and also African American orators such as Dr. John Rock. According to an article in the Boston Evening Transcript, "Anti-Slavery Landmarks in Boston", 1 September 1897, page 6:
"August 17, 1855, a meeting was held in Chapman Hall on Chapman place, the little alley leading off School street, by the Parker House. As near s the writer has been able to learn, the hall or a building occupying its site was removed in order to give room for the middle portion of the Parker House on that side. At this meeting it was resolved that "the time has fully come for a united and earnest effort of the people of Massachusetts, in concert with the friends of freedom throughout the Union, whose object shall be to restrain the alarming encroachments of slavery." A memorable gathering! For out of it went a committee which, in the United States Hotel, drew up a call for the Worcester Convention , from which sprang the Republican party of Massachusetts."
The incident when Charles Sumner was caned has been written up in a new book by Stephen Puleo in The Caning: The Assault that drove America to Civil War, Westholme Publishing, 2012. He is a teacher of history at Suffolk University in Boston, and recently a guest on the blogtalk radio show "Fieldstone Common" which aired on 31 January 2013 with Marian Pierre-Louis.
To view a previous blog post about Romanus Emerson, click here:
Copyright 2013, Heather Wilkinson Rojo

Lorg ar GenealogyBank.com
ó Emancipator and Republican, Boston, Massachusetts, "Rally Soil Saor in Chapman Hall", Déardaoin, 5 Meán Fómhair 1850, Leabhar XV, Ríomh 19, leathanach 3
An t-ainm atá leagtha amach, "D'fhéadfadh"
Romanus Emerson, Is mo 4ú sean-athair
Má fhéachann tú ar an gclip nuachta thuas, tá ainm mo cheathrú sean-shean-shean, Romanus Emerson, leagtha amach i buí. Díreach ar dheis a ainm tá an t-ainm Charles Sumner. Sa bhliain 1856 thug Sumner óráid frith-sclábhaíochta ar an Seanad ar a dtugtar "An Coir i gcoinne Kansas". Dhá lá tar éis an chainte tháinig an Comhdháilteoir ó Carolina Theas, Preston Brooks, isteach sa seomra Seanad agus bhuail sé Charles Sumner go bás le canasta ceann óir. Ba chúis mhór é an eachtra seo le teacht an Chogaidh Shibhialta cúig bliana ina dhiaidh sin. Tá an canasta a úsáideadh chun Charles Sumner a ionsaí ar taispeáint ag an Sean-Tigh Stáit i mBostún. Tá dealbh de Sumner i lár Harvard Square.
Bhí mo shean-seana, Romanus Emerson (1782 - 1852), ina dhuine forásach, cosúil le Charles Sumner agus baill eile an pháirtí Free Soil. Chuaigh Romanus i mbun cónaithe i South Boston i 1810, nuair a bhí an príomhbhóthar sa chuid sin den chathair ar a dtugtar an "Old Road" agus athainmníodh é mar "Emerson Street" tar éis a bháis. Bhí sé ina ateist aitheanta, agus ina bhall de Chumann Infidel Boston. Nuair a tháinig na chéad abolitionists go Boston, ní ligfeadh an chuid is mó de na heaglaisí bunaithe dóibh léacht a thabhairt ina bhfoirgnimh. Thug Cumann Infidel Boston cead do William Lloyd Garrison, abhlóideoir, a Halla Julian a úsáid trí huaire.
Bhí Romanus Emerson cosúil lena chúnain, Ralph Waldo Emerson, fear fealsúnachta a measadh a bheith eisceantúil toisc go raibh a chuid tuairimí roimh a gcuid ama. Meastar go raibh siad forásach, i Boston an-choimeádach. Ba abhlóidithe agus Saor-Shoilers iad baill eile de mo thré teaghlaigh, Noah Martin Eaton (abt 1832 - 1909) agus a bhean Eliza Ruth Walton (1837 -1909). Bhí siad ó Léitheoireacht, Massachusetts agus aistrithe go Lawrence, Kansas. Rugadh a gcéad dá leanbh, as a sé, i Lawrence i 1861 agus 1864. D'órdaigh guerrillas an Chónaidhm an chuid is mó de Lawrence an 21 Lúnasa 1863, d'fhág oifigí nuachtáin frith-sclábhaíochta ar an talamh, agus mharaigh siad 150 de na 200 fear a fuair siad ann. Bhí abolitionists ó Nua-Eabhrac athchóirithe i Kansas i iarracht é a choinneáil "Free Soil". Ghluais Noah Eaton a theaghlach ar ais go Léitheoireacht faoi 1868, áit a rugadh a cheithre leanbh deireanach agus áit a d'fhan sé don chuid eile dá shaol. Bhí sé ina chéad-chairde, ginead amháin ó Romanus Emerson. (D'fhéadfadh scéal Noah Eaton a bheith ina phost blog ar fad ina n-aonar!)
Bhí an nuachtán ón áit a tháinig an gearrthóg nuachta thuas, an Emancipator agus Poblachtach, i bhfeidhm ó 1848 go 1850. Bhí an t-ainm ar an Emancipator agus ar an Free Soil Press roimhe seo, agus d'athraigh sé go Commonwealth & Emancipator i 1851. Is féidir leat cóipeanna a fheiceáil ar líne ag www.GenealogyBank.com agus freisin ag láithreán gréasáin Leabharlann na Comhdhála chroniclingamerica.loc.org
Bhí Halla Chapman, áit a raibh cruinniú ag coiste na Talún Saor in aisce, suite áit a bhfuil Óstán Parker House suite anois ar choirnéal Shráid Tremont agus Sráid na Scoile. An alley taobh thiar de na Tithe Parker ar a dtugtar Chapman Áit. Cheadaigh Chapman Hall freisin do lucht díothúcháin labhairt, agus do labhraí Meiriceánacha Afracacha mar an Dr. John Rock. De réir alt i Boston Evening Transcript, "Lámhleithleanna Frith-Sclafaíochta i mBostún", 1 Meán Fómhair 1897, leathanach 6:
"Ar 17 Lúnasa, 1855, bhí cruinniú ar siúl i Halla Chapman ar Chapman áit, an alley beag a théann as School sráide, ag an Teach Parker. De réir mar a bhí an scríbhneoir in ann foghlaim, baineadh an halla nó an foirgneamh a bhí ina shuí a bhaint d'fhonn spás a thabhairt do chuid lárna den Teach Parker ar an taobh sin. Ag an gcruinniú seo, chinntear go bhfuil "an t-am tagtha go hiomlán le haghaidh iarracht aontaithe agus díograiseach ó mhuintir Massachusetts, i gcomhar le cairde na saoirse ar fud an Aontais, a mbeidh sé mar aidhm acu cur isteach ar an sclábhaíocht uafásach". Cruinniú nach mór a chuimhne! Mar as é a chuaigh coiste a, i Stáit Aontaithe Óstán, a tharraingt suas glaoch ar an Conradh Worcester , as a sprang an páirtí Poblachtach Massachusetts. "
Scríobhadh an eachtra nuair a bhí Charles Sumner ag canadh i leabhar nua le Stephen Puleo in The Caning: The Assault that drove America to Civil War, Westholme Publishing, 2012. Is múinteoir staire é in Ollscoil Suffolk i mBostún, agus le déanaí bhí sé ina óstach ar an seó raidió "Fieldstone Common" a d'eisigh an 31 Eanáir 2013 le Marian Pierre-Louis.
Chun post roimhe seo a fheiceáil faoi Romanus Emerson, cliceáil anseo:
Copyright 2013, Heather Wilkinson Rojo - Tá an t-ealaíontóir ag iarraidh a bheith i do chóipcheart.


Marriage between a male and a female where the age of former is less than 21 years and/or that of latter is less than 18 years, would come under the category of child marriage. The concept of child marriage is not new in India. It was there since ancient times. This problem was called out by the Britishers also, who although criticized it for being a grave violation of human rights but did nothing to stop it.
Child marriages can be seen as both, cause and reason for the growing gender inequality. According to UNICEF data 115 million boys across the globe were married before attaining the age of 18. Child marriage is the cause of several evils like early pregnancies, parenthood, and sexual relations, deprivation of educational and employment opportunities, social isolation and an increase in maternal mortality rate.
Child marriages are seen as a grave violation of the human rights of both the bride and the groom, and is also against the philosophy of various United Nations instruments like the Universal Declaration on Human Rights and the United Nations Convention on Rights of Child. It also violates Article 39 (f) of the Constitution of India which is a Directive Principle of State Policy and directs the state to ensure that it constructs its policies to ensure that the children are given opportunities and facilities to develop in a healthy manner and in conditions of freedom and dignity.
Child marriage robs a person’s childhood and the time which was required for his physical and mental development. It also leads to a vicious circle of injustice and discrimination. It not only hampers developmental rights but also becomes a reason for various heath-issues.
In India, child marriages have been a customary practice. Family and societal-pressure, tradition, culture and poverty can be regarded as a primary-reasons for child marriages, among other reasons. The Law Commission of India in its 205th report suggested that poverty, indebtedness and dowry were the main incentives for the poor families to marry off their girl child as soon as possible. The increased age of the girl meant an increase in the demand for dowry. Despite having laws for preventing child marriages, India has not been able to get rid of it completely.
Although boys and girls both are at the suffering end in child marriage, various reports have shown that child marriag is more prevalent among girls.
HISTORY OF CHILD MARRIAGE IN INDIA
In the earliest known history of India, there is evidence of young men and women cohabiting together with the freedom to choose who they want to be with. During the Middle Age, gradual changes started occurring in society and the idea of liberty for women became more complex. Rules and behavioural codes were defined for them by the society which was to be obeyed by them. Their vaginal purity became the symbol of the honour of their family. Young women were viewed as irresponsible and irrational, especially in matters of love. So, to protect the honour of the family, the practice of marrying them early started. Initially, the early age of marriage would not go below 12 years but by the coming of Medieval Age, the age of marriage for women dropped as low as 6 years.
Over the years the notion of women being the honour as well as the burden of the family grew. The concept of society was that the woman has to be married, sooner or later, if they were married at an early age, it would not only reduce the financial burden upon the family but would also help the family grow economically by getting the bride price.
The practice became so prevalent in India that according to UNICEF report one out three child brides globally live in India. There are around 223 million child brides in India and majority of those married before 18 have given birth during their adolescence. However, the practice has gone down in recent times.
LEGALITY OF CHILD MARRIAGE IN INDIA
In colonial times, Britisher tried to prevent child marriages by bringing the Child Marriage Restraint Act, 1929. But owing to the then societal condition, child marriage was not declared void or even voidable. Once the marriage is solemnized it becomes completely valid. The Child Marriage Restraint Amendment Act was brought which raised the age of marriage for girls to 18 years and that of boys to 21 years. However, in the case of Rabindra v. Sita, it was held that even if a marriage takes against the age provided in the Act, it would still be valid. This act got repealed by the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006. The purpose of this Act is to prevent child marriage in India, protect the children involved and to prosecute the offenders.
The Act defines a male under 21 years and a female under 18 years as minors. Under section 3, child marriage has been declared as voidable at the option of the party who at the time of the marriage was a minor. The party who was minor at the time of the solemnization of the marriage can seek nullity of the marriage from the District court within 2 years of attaining majority. In Baljit Kumar Boprai v. State of Punjab, the High Court held that child marriage can be registered once both the parties attain the age of majority.
In the case of Bhagwati alias Reena v. Anil Choubey, the petitioner had contended for annulment of the marriage where he was forced to marry a minor girl. The court held that the marriage could be annulled only at the option of the girl, who at the time of marriage was a minor. The Act also says that on the annulment of the marriage, the court can also grant an order directing the male party to pay maintenance to the girl. The Act also has provisions to protect the rights and ensure the welfare of children conceived from such marriages. Section 6 of the Act says that children conceived from such marriages will be legitimate notwithstanding the status of the marriage.
In the case of G Saravanan v. The Commissioner of Police Trichy City, held that child marriages are neither void nor voidable but valid. The Supreme Court did not agree with this stance and overruled it in the case of T Sivakumar v. the Inspector of Police. The court also said that the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act being a special law will have an overriding effect over the Hindu Marriage Act.
The reason behind making it voidable and not void is because otherwise, it would have been detrimental to the party that was minor at the time of marriage. It would depend upon the minor to decide the future of the relationship.
In P Venkataramana v. State of Andhra Pradesh, the court upheld the validity of child marriage fearing that declaring it null and void would render the innocent children born out of the marriage bastard.
The Act also declares certain kinds of marriages to be void. Section 12 says, “Where a child, being a minor— (a) is taken or enticed out of the keeping of the lawful guardian; or (b) by force compelled, or by any deceitful means induced to go from any place; or (c) is sold for marriage; and made to go through a form of marriage or if the minor is married after which the minor is sold or trafficked or used for immoral purposes, such marriage shall be null and void.”
The Act also provides rigorous punishment which may extend up to 2 years or a fine which may extend up to 1 lakh or both to, (a) a male who was above 18 years and contracted a child marriage, (b) anyone who performs, conduct, directs or abets any child marriage unless he can prove that he had a valid reason to believe that it was not a child marriage and (c) to any person who had the charge of the child, be it parent or guardian or any other person, if he does any act to promote the passing or permits the child marriage or due to his negligence fails to prevent the marriage from being solemnized. The Act also provides that any offence done under this Act shall be cognizable and non-bailable.
Under the Hindu Marriage Act and Dissolution of Muslim Marriages Act also, the girl is given the right to dissolve the marriage after attaining 15 years and before attaining 18 years.
With respect to conjugal rights, Section 5(n) of the POCSO Act penalizes penetrative sexual assault on a child by anyone who is related to him through marriage. Section 375 Of IPC also penalizes sexual acts with a girl under 18 years. An exception to this was that sexual activity with a girl above 15 and below 18 years by her husband would not amount to be rape. This provision was read down in 2017 by the Supreme Court in the case of Independent Thought v. Union of India.
POSITION OF CHILD MARRIAGE IN OTHER COUNTRIES
Across the globe, there are around 650 million women who were married before they attained the age of 18. According to WHO, the number would reach one billion by the year 2030. According to Pew Research Centre, at least 117 countries across the globe happen to allow child marriages, with Niger having the greatest number of child marriage cases. Though 153 out of 198 countries allow people to get married after attaining the age of majority, some of them provide certain exceptions too. In countries like Jamaica, Iraq and Uruguay, child marriages are allowed with parental permission. While in Australia a person who is of 18 years can marry someone as young as 16. In Sudan, marriage between a 10 years old girl and a boy who has either attained puberty or 15 years, is a valid marriage. 6 countries- Equatorial Guinea, Gambia, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, South Sudan and Yemen do not specify any age for marriage.
SOME COMMONWEALTH NATIONS:
Although Bangladesh has the Child Marriage Restraint Act 2017, which prohibits marriage of girls below the age of 18 and that of boys below the age of 21, however, the Act also mentions ‘special circumstances’ under which child marriage can take place and it does not mention any minimum age to marry under this special circumstance. Bangladesh has aimed to eliminate the marriage of children below 15 and reduce under 18 marriages by a third by 2021 and complete elimination of child marriages by 2041.
Singapore has strict legislation against child marriage. Under Women’s Charter 1961, a minor is one who is under the age of 21 and cannot marry without consent unless a licence of marriage is granted by the Minister. No significant cases are there in Singapore.
In the United Kingdom, the legal age to marry is 18, however, those aged between 16-18 years can marry with parental consent.
INCREASE IN CASES OF CHILD MARRIAGE DURING LOCKDOWN
COVID-19 brought the world to a standstill. It forced countries to enter into lockdown which in turn affected the economies across the globe. Apart from causing major economic injuries it also led to a rise in cases of child marriage. It took years of spreading awareness and strict implementation of laws, to reduce child marriages. But owing to the lockdown, the government officials were unable to monitor properly and the offenders took advantage of this situation.
Earlier also, a major impetus behind child marriages was to get rid of the responsibility of the girl child and also to save the dowry amount. The lockdown impacted the economy badly. Many were forced to move back to their hometowns and leave their jobs. Under the prevalent economic stress, many decide to get their under-aged daughters married. Poverty has caused several families to rethink about child marriage.
It is estimated that owing to COVID-19, approximately 2.5 million child marriages might take place. This might reverse all that has been done to prevent and prohibit child marriages across the globe in the past years. Therefore, governments across the globe need to be prepared to deal with such a situation and take adequate measures to ensure that the evil practice of child marriage does not gain ground again.
Child marriage has been there in our country since time immemorial. This evil created by the society proved to be detrimental for the parties. It has caused mental, physical and economical toll on both sexes. Child marriages are a grave violation of basic human rights. Girls who are married as children are more likely to fall prey to domestic violence, leave education, face complications at the time of pregnancy and childbirth and not achieve according to their potential. Although international and regional laws prohibit the practice of child marriage, it is still there in our society. Over the years, cases of child marriages in India have gone down which has been possible because of the spread of awareness as well as judicial activism and legislative awakening. Still, we do have cases of child marriage coming up. Despite having Acts which prohibit the widespread practice of child marriage it is still a reality in India.
The situation becomes more complex because of the ambiguity and vagueness that is there in the judgment and rules for the child marriage. On one hand, penal provisions try to curb the menace of child marriage, on the other hand, there are various judicial decisions which make child marriages valid.
Concerted efforts from all the stakeholders, parties, parents and the community, is needed to make the present laws more effective which would ultimately prevent child marriages. Increasing awareness about the harmful effects of child marriages plus educating people about their rights would help to stop child marriages.
 ‘Child Marriage’ (2020) < https://data.unicef.org/topic/child-protection/child-marriage/> accessed on 27 October 2020.
 Universal Declaration on Human Rights (1948).
 United Nation convention on rights of child (1989).
 Constitution of India 1950, art 39(f).
 Law Commission of India, PROPOSAL TO AMEND THE PROHIBITION OF CHILD MARRIAGE ACT, 2006 AND OTHER ALLIED LAWS (Law Commission report No. 205, 2008) ch 3.
 https://data.unicef.org/topic/child-protection/child-marriage/ <accessed on 27 October 2020>.
 https://terredasie.com/english/english-articles/history-of-child-marriage-in-india/ <accessed 28 October 202>.
 ‘Ending Child Marriage; A Profile of Progress in India’ https://www.unicef.org/india/media/1176/file/Ending-Child-Marriage.pdf <accessed on 29 October 2020>.
 Child Marriage Restraint Act 1929,
 Dr. Paras Diwan, Modern Hindu Law (24th edn, Allahabad law Agency 2019) pg 109.
 AIR 1986 Pat 128.
 Prohibition of Child Marriage Act 2006, s 3.
 2008 151 PLR 326.
 2017 SC 1957.
 Prohibition of Child Marriage Act 2006, s 4.
 Prohibition of Child Marriage Act 2006, s 3.
 2017 SCC OnLine Mad 3565.
 AIR 2012 Madras 62.
 AIR 1977 AP 43.
 Prohibition of Child Marriage Act 2006, s 12.
 Prohibition of Child Marriage Act 2006, s 9.
 Prohibition of Child Marriage Act 2006, s 10.
 Prohibition of Child Marriage Act 2006, s 11.
 Prohibition of Child Marriage Act 2006, s 15.
 Hindu Marriage Act 1955, s 13(2)(iv).
 Dissolution of Muslim Marriage Act 1939, s 2(vii).
 The Protection of Children from Sexual Offenses Act 2012, s 5(n).
 (2017) 10 SCC 800.
 Aleksandra Sandstrom, Angelina E. Theodorou, “Many Countries Allow Child Marriage” https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/09/12/many-countries-allow-child-marriage/ <accessed on 27 October 2020>.
 Sophie Cousins, ‘2.5 million more child marriages due to COVID-19’ https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(20)32112-7/fulltext <accessed 27 October>
This article has been written by Madhavi Raje, 2nd-year law student of Dr Ram Manohar Lohia National Law University.
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Ba cheart go mbeadh pósadh idir fear agus bean, i gcás go bhfuil aois an chéad duine níos lú ná 21 bliain d'aois agus/nó an dara duine níos lú ná 18 bliain d'aois, faoi chatagóir pósadh leanaí. Ní smaoineamh nua é póstaí leanaí san India. Bhí sé ann ó amanna ársa. D'iarr na Breataine an fhadhb seo freisin, cé gur chuir siad cáineadh air mar shárú tromchúiseach ar chearta an duine ach níor rinne siad aon rud chun stop a chur leis.
Is féidir pósadh leanaí a fheiceáil mar chúis agus cúis don éagothroime inscne atá ag fás. De réir sonraí UNICEF, pósadh 115 milliún buachaill ar fud na cruinne sula raibh siad 18 mbliana d'aois. Is é pósadh leanaí cúis le roinnt olc mar toirchis luath, tuismitheoireacht, agus caidrimh ghnéasacha, díothú de dheiseanna oideachais agus fostaíochta, aonrú sóisialta agus méadú ar ráta báis mháithreacha.
Meastar go bhfuil pósadh leanaí ina shárú tromchúiseach ar chearta an duine an bhean chéile agus an groom araon, agus tá sé freisin i gcoinne fealsúnacht ionstraimí éagsúla na Náisiún Aontaithe cosúil leis an Dearbhú Uilechoiteann ar Chearta an Duine agus Coinbhinsiún na Náisiún Aontaithe ar Chearta an Linbh. Tá sé ag sárú Airteagal 39 (f) de Bhunreacht na hIndia freisin, arb é Prionsabal Stiúrthóireachta Beartas Stáit é agus a thugann treoir don stát a chinntiú go ndéanann sé a bheartais chun a chinntiú go dtugtar deiseanna agus saoráidí do na páistí chun forbairt a dhéanamh ar bhealach sláintiúil agus i gcoinníollacha saoirse agus dínit.
Tá pósadh leanaí ag robáil óige duine agus an t-am a bhí ag teastáil dá fhorbairt fisiciúil agus mheabhrach. Tugann sé seo freisin go bhfuil ciorcal fíochmhar éagórach agus idirdhealaithe. Ní hamháin go gcuireann sé bac ar chearta forbartha ach bíonn sé ina chúis le saincheisteanna sláinte éagsúla.
Sa India, is gnách go bhfuil pósadh leanaí. Is féidir brú teaghlaigh agus sochaí, traidisiún, cultúr agus bochtaineacht a mheas mar phríomhchúiseanna le póstaí leanaí, i measc cúiseanna eile. D'fhiafraigh Coimisiún Dlí na hIndia ina 205ú tuarascáil gurbh é an bochtaineacht, an fiachas agus an doirteal na príomh-spreagadh do na teaghlaigh bochta a gcuid cailín a phósadh a luaithe is féidir. Mar a bhí aois mhéadaithe na cailín, bhí méadú ar an éileamh ar dhóthair. In ainneoin go bhfuil dlíthe ann chun pósadh leanaí a chosc, ní raibh an India in ann é a dhíothú go hiomlán.
Cé go bhfuil buachaillí agus cailíní araon ag an deireadh a bhfuil an t-airgead ag baint leo i bpósadh leanaí, léiríonn tuarascálacha éagsúla go bhfuil pósadh leanaí níos forleithne i measc cailíní.
TÉARCHÁIL Pósadh Leanaí san India
Sa stair is luaithe ar a dtugtar na hIndia, tá fianaise ann go raibh fir agus mná óga ag maireachtáil le chéile agus an tsaoirse a roghnú cé leis a theastaíonn uathu a bheith. Le linn na Meánaoise, thosaigh athruithe de réir a chéile ag tarlú sa tsochaí agus tháinig an smaoineamh ar shaoirse do mhná níos casta. Bhí rialacha agus cóid iompair sainithe dóibh ag an tsochaí a bhí le cloí leo. Tháinig a n-íonacht vaginach mar shiombail de onóir a dteaghlaigh. Bhí meas ar mhná óga mar dhaoine neamhfhreagracha agus neamhréasúnacha, go háirithe i gcúrsaí grá. Mar sin, chun onóir an teaghlaigh a chosaint, thosaigh an cleachtas chun iad a phósadh go luath. Ar dtús, ní bheadh an aois luath pósta níos lú ná 12 bliana ach ag teacht na Meánaoise, thit aois pósta na mban chomh híseal le 6 bliana.
Le blianta anuas d'fhás an tuairim go raibh mná ina n-onóir chomh maith le muirear an teaghlaigh. Bhí an coincheap den tsochaí go gcaithfidh an bhean a bheith pósta, níos luaithe nó níos déanaí, má phósadh iad ag aois óg, ní amháin go laghdódh sé an t-ualach airgeadais ar an teaghlach ach go gcabhródh sé leis an teaghlach fás go heacnamaíoch trí phraghas na n-uachtar a fháil.
Tháinig an cleachtas chomh forleathan san India go bhfuil duine as gach triúr de na brides leanaí ar fud an domhain ina gcónaí san India de réir tuarascála UNICEF. Tá thart ar 223 milliún bean óg pósta san India agus tá an chuid is mó de na mná a phós roimh 18 tar éis breith a thabhairt le linn a n-óige. Mar sin féin, tá an cleachtas tar éis titim le déanaí.
Dlíthiúlacht Pósadh Leanaí san India
I amanna coilíneachta, rinne Breataine iarracht pósadh leanaí a chosc trí Acht um Shrianta Pósadh Leanaí, 1929 a thabhairt isteach. Ach mar gheall ar an staid shóisialta ansin, níor dhearbhaíodh pósadh leanaí neamhbhailí nó fiú neamhbhailí. Nuair a bheidh an pósadh solemnized é a bheith go hiomlán bailí. Tugadh an tAcht Leasú ar Chaidreamh Leanaí a d'ardaigh aois an phósadh do chailíní go 18 bliana d'aois agus an buachaill go 21 bliain d'aois. Mar sin féin, i gcás Rabindra v. Sita, bhí sé go fiú má ghlacann pósadh i gcoinne an aois a fhoráiltear sa Acht, bheadh sé fós bailí. Cuireadh an tAcht seo ar ceal le hAcht Cosc ar Phósadh Leanaí, 2006. Is é cuspóir an Achta seo pósadh leanaí a chosc san India, na leanaí a bhfuil baint acu leo a chosaint agus na ciontóirí a ionchúiseamh.
Sa Acht, sainmhínítear fear faoi 21 bliain d'aois agus bean faoi 18 bliain d'aois mar mhionlaí. Faoi alt 3, tá pósadh leanaí dearbhaithe mar neamhbhailí ag rogha na páirtí a bhí ina mionaoiseach tráth an phósadh. Féadfaidh an páirtí a bhí óg ar an am a solemnization an pósadh iarraidh ar neamhbhailíocht an phósadh ó na cúirte Dúiche laistigh de 2 bhliain tar éis a bhaint amach majority. I Baljit Kumar Boprai v. Stát Punjab, d'fhógair an Ard-Chúirt gur féidir pósadh leanaí a chlárú nuair a shroich an dá pháirtí aois na tromlachta.
I gcás Bhagwati a dtugtar Reena v. Anil Choubey, bhí an t-iarratasóir ag iarraidh neamhniú an phósadh nuair a bhí sé iallach air pósadh le cailín míorú. D'fhógair an chúirt nach bhféadfaí an pósadh a neamhniú ach amháin ar rogha an chailín, a bhí ina mhionaoiseach tráth an phósadh. Deir an tAcht freisin gur féidir leis an gcúirt ordú a thabhairt freisin ag ordú don pháirtí fireann cothabháil a íoc leis an gcailín nuair a dhéantar an pósadh a neamhniú. Tá forálacha sa Acht freisin chun cearta leanaí a cheaptar ó phósadh den sórt sin a chosaint agus leas a chinntiú. Deir alt 6 den Acht go mbeidh leanaí a cheapfar ó phósadh den sórt sin dlisteanach, d'ainneoin stádas an phósadh.
Sa chás de G Saravanan v. An Coimisinéir Póilíneachta Chathair Trichy, a bhí i gceist, níorbh neamhní ná neamhní ach bailí póstaí leanaí. Níor aontaigh an Chúirt Uachtarach leis an seasamh seo agus chuir sé ar ceal é i gcás T Sivakumar v. an tIonadóir Póilíneachta. Dúirt an chúirt freisin go mbeidh éifeacht thar cuimse ag an Acht um Chearta a chur ar Phósadh Leanaí mar dhlí speisialta ar an Acht um Phósadh Hindu.
Is é an chúis atá taobh thiar de a dhéanamh neamhbhailí agus ní neamhbhailí toisc go mbeadh sé ina dhroch-chosaint don pháirtí a bhí óg ag an am pósta. Bheadh sé ag brath ar an mionaoiseach chun cinneadh a dhéanamh ar thodhchaí an chaidrimh.
I P Venkataramana v. Stát Andhra Pradesh, d'fhógair an chúirt go raibh bailícht pósadh leanaí ag eagla go ndéanfadh an dearbhaithe neamhbhailí agus neamhbhailí na leanaí neamhchiontach a rugadh as an pósadh bastard.
Dearbhaíonn an tAcht freisin go bhfuil cineálacha áirithe póstaí neamhbhailí. Deir alt 12 "Má thógtar nó má mhealltar leanbh, a bheith ina mhionlach, ó choimeád an chaomhnóra dlíthiúil; nó (b) má éilítear air le fórsa, nó má spreagtar é ag aon mhodh meallta chun dul ó áit ar bith; nó (c) má dhíoltar é le haghaidh pósadh; agus má dhéantar é a chur trí chineál pósadh nó má phósadh an mhionlach agus má dhíoltar nó má dhéantar an mhionlach a thrádáil nó a úsáid chun críocha neamhmhorálta, beidh an pósadh sin neamhbhailí agus neamhbhailí".
Cuireann an tAcht pionós dian ar fáil freisin a d'fhéadfadh a bheith suas le 2 bhliain nó fíneáil a d'fhéadfadh a bheith suas le 1 lakh nó an dá rud, (a) fear a bhí os cionn 18 mbliana d'aois agus a rinne conradh pósadh leanaí, (b) duine ar bith a dhéanann, a dhéanann, a stiúrann nó a chuireann i láthair pósadh leanaí mura féidir leis a chruthú go raibh cúis bhailí aige a chreidiúint nach pósadh leanaí a bhí ann agus (c) d'aon duine a bhí i gceannas ar an leanbh, bíodh sé ina thuismitheoir nó ina chaomhnóir nó in aon duine eile, má dhéanann sé aon ghníomh chun an pósadh a chur chun cinn nó má cheadaíonn sé pósadh leanaí nó má mhainníonn sé mar gheall ar a neamhriachtanas cosc a chur ar an bpósadh a bheith solemnized. Foráiltear sa Acht freisin go mbeidh aon chion a dhéanfar faoin Acht seo ina chion cognizable agus neamh-bailable.
Faoin Acht um Phósadh Hindú agus an tAcht um Dhíscaoileadh Pósadh Moslamach freisin, tugtar an ceart don chailín an pósadh a dhíscaoileadh tar éis dó 15 bliana d'aois a bhaint amach agus sula dtiocfaidh sé 18 bliana d'aois.
Maidir le cearta pósta, pionóisíonn Alt 5 (n) den Acht POCSO ionsaí gnéasach ionsaitheach ar leanbh ag duine ar bith atá gaolmhar leis trí phósadh. Déanann alt 375 den IPC gníomhartha gnéis le cailín faoi bhun 18 mbliana d'aois a phionósú freisin. Is eisceacht é seo ná nach rabhfadh sé ina fhoréigean a bheith ag a fear céile gnéas a bheith aige le cailín os cionn 15 agus faoi bhun 18 mbliana d'aois. D'fhoilsigh an Chúirt Uachtarach an foráil seo i gcás Independent Thought v. Union of India in 2017.
SOCHTÁIL PÓSTAÍONNACHTÍ LEAN SAOR IN AON TÍORNA Eile
Ar fud an domhain, tá thart ar 650 milliún bean a bhí pósta sula raibh siad 18 mbliana d'aois. De réir WHO, rachaidh an líon sin go dtí billiún faoin mbliain 2030. De réir Ionad Taighde Pew, is ionann 117 tír ar a laghad ar fud an domhain agus a cheadaíonn pósadh leanaí, agus is é an Níger an líon is mó cásanna pósadh leanaí. Cé go gceadaíonn 153 tír as 198 tír do dhaoine pósadh tar éis dóibh a bheith baill den chomhlacht, cuireann cuid acu eisceachtaí áirithe ar fáil freisin. I dtíortha cosúil le Jamaica, Iaráic agus Uragua, ceadaítear pósadh leanaí le cead tuismitheoirí. Cé go bhfuil sé in Éirinn is féidir le duine atá 18 mbliana d'aois pósadh le duine atá chomh óg le 16. Sa tSúdáin, is pósadh bailí é pósadh idir cailín 10 mbliana d'aois agus buachaill a bhfuil puberty nó 15 bliana d'aois aige. 6 tír- Ní shonraíonn an Ghiné Ciorclach, an Gambia, an Araib Shádach, an tSomáil, an tSúdáin Theas agus an Iéimín aon aois chun pósadh.
SEÓNA SAOIRDHEANNA CÓMHÁIN:
Cé go bhfuil Acht um Chosc ar Phósadh Leanaí 2017 ag an mBanglaidéis, a chuireann cosc ar phósadh cailíní faoi bhun 18 mbliana d'aois agus ar phósadh buachaillí faoi bhun 21 bliana d'aois, áfach, luaitear sa Acht freisin "imthosca speisialta" faoina bhféadfar pósadh leanaí a dhéanamh agus ní luaitear aon aois íosta chun pósadh faoin imthosca speisialta seo. Tá sé mar aidhm ag an mBanglaidéis pósadh leanaí faoi bhun 15 a dhíothú agus pósadh faoi bhun 18 a laghdú faoi thrian faoi 2021 agus deireadh a chur go hiomlán le pósadh leanaí faoi 2041.
Tá reachtaíocht dhian ag Singeapór i gcoinne pósadh leanaí. Faoi Chairt na mBan 1961, is é atá i mionaoiseach ná duine atá faoi 21 bliain d'aois agus nach féidir leis pósadh gan toiliú mura dtabharfaidh an tAire ceadúnas pósta. Níl aon chásanna suntasacha ann i Singeapór.
Sa Ríocht Aontaithe, is é 18 an aois dlíthiúil chun pósadh, áfach, is féidir le daoine idir 16-18 bliain d'aois pósadh le toiliú tuismitheoirí.
MÉIDÍOCHT I gcásanna pósadh leanaí le linn an ghlasáil
Chuir COVID-19 an domhan i staonadh. Chuir sé iallach ar thíortha dul isteach i gclosadh a d'fhág tionchar ar gheilleagar ar fud an domhain. Seachas díobhálacha móra eacnamaíocha a chur i gcrích, bhí méadú ar chásanna pósadh leanaí mar thoradh air freisin. Thóg sé blianta chun feasacht a scaipeadh agus dlíthe a chur i bhfeidhm go docht, chun póstaí leanaí a laghdú. Ach mar gheall ar an dúnadh, ní raibh na hoifigigh rialtais in ann monatóireacht a dhéanamh go cuí agus bhain na ciontóirí leas as an staid seo.
Roimhe sin freisin, ba é an príomh-spreagadh taobh thiar de phósadh leanaí ná fáil réidh leis an bhfreagracht as an leanbh cailín agus an méid doirteal a shábháil freisin. Bhí tionchar mór ag an dúnadh ar an ngeilleagar. Bhí ar go leor dul ar ais go dtí a mbaile dúchais agus a gcuid post a fhágáil. Faoi na strus eacnamaíoch atá ann, cinntíonn go leor a gcuid iníonacha faoi bhun-aois a phósadh. Tá bochtaineacht tar éis roinnt teaghlaigh a chur ag smaoineamh arís ar phósadh leanaí.
Meastar go bhféadfadh thart ar 2.5 milliún pósadh leanaí a bheith ann mar gheall ar COVID-19. D'fhéadfadh sé seo gach rud a rinneadh le pósadh leanaí a chosc agus a thoirmeasc ar fud an domhain sna blianta anuas a aisiompú. Dá bhrí sin, ní mór do rialtais ar fud na cruinne a bheith ullamh chun déileáil le cás den sórt sin agus bearta leordhóthanacha a dhéanamh chun a chinntiú nach bhfaighidh an cleachtas olc póstaí leanaí bonn arís.
Tá pósadh leanaí ann inár dtír ó am go ham. Bhí an olc seo a chruthaigh an tsochaí ina dhroch-chosaint do na páirtithe. Tá an t-éileamh sin tar éis a bheith ina chúis le bás meabhrach, fisiciúil agus eacnamaíoch ar an dá ghnéas. Is sárú tromchúiseach de bhunchearta an duine é pósadh leanaí. Tá seans níos mó ann go mbeidh cailíní a phósadh mar leanaí mar gheall ar fhoréigean teaghlaigh, go bhfágfaidh siad an t-oideachas, go mbeidh deacrachtaí acu le linn toirchis agus breith agus nach rachaidh siad i gcrích de réir a gcumas. Cé go bhfuil dlíthe idirnáisiúnta agus réigiúnacha ag toirmeasc an chleachtas pósadh leanaí, tá sé fós ann inár sochaí. Le blianta anuas, tá cásanna pósadh leanaí san India tar éis titim, rud a d'fhéadfadh a bheith ann mar gheall ar scaipeadh feasachta chomh maith le gníomhaíocht bhreithiúnach agus dúisithe reachtaíochta. Mar sin féin, tá cásanna póstaí leanaí ag teacht suas. In ainneoin go bhfuil dlíthe ann a chuireann cosc ar an gcleachtas forleathan póstaí leanaí tá sé fós ina réaltacht san India.
Tá an cás níos casta mar gheall ar an amhuilíocht agus an neamhchomhfhiosach atá ann sa bhreithiúnas agus sna rialacha maidir le pósadh leanaí. Ar thaobh amháin, déantar forálacha pionóis chun an bhagairt a bhaineann le pósadh leanaí a chur faoi chois, agus ar an taobh eile, tá cinntí breithiúnacha éagsúla ann a dhéanann pósadh leanaí bailí.
Tá gá le hiarrachtaí comhbheartaithe ó na páirtithe leasmhara go léir, na páirtithe, na tuismitheoirí agus an phobal, chun na dlíthe reatha a dhéanamh níos éifeachtaí a chuirfeadh cosc ar phósadh leanaí sa deireadh. D'fhéadfadh feasacht níos mó a bheith ann faoi na héifeachtaí díobhálacha a bhaineann le pósadh leanaí chomh maith le daoine a oideachasú faoina gcearta a chabhródh le pósadh leanaí a stopadh.
Pósadh Leanaí (2020) < https://data.unicef.org/topic/child-protection/child-marriage/> a fuarthas ar 27 Deireadh Fómhair 2020.
Dearbhú Uilíoch um Chearta an Duine (1948).
Coinbhinsiún na Náisiún Aontaithe maidir le cearta an linbh (1989).
Bunreacht na hIndia, 1950, alt 39 (f).
An Coimisiún Dlí na hIndia, Togra chun AMHÚN A DÍOCHTÚ ACHTA IARBAÍONTA PÓCÁILÍ LE GHAIBH, 2006 AGUS LE hAchtanna Eile Comhghuaillithe (Tuairisc an Choimisiúin Dlí Uimh. 205, 2008) caibidil 3.
https://data.unicef.org/topic/child-protection/child-marriage/ <roinnt ar 27 Deireadh Fómhair 2020>.
https://terredasie.com/english/english-articles/history-of-child-marriage-in-india/ <roinnt 28 Deireadh Fómhair 202>.
 Marú Leanaí a Chríochnú; Próifíl ar Fhorbairt san India  https://www.unicef.org/india/media/1176/file/Ending-Child-Marriage.pdf <roinntear isteach é ar 29 Deireadh Fómhair 2020>.
An tAcht um Chaomhnú Pósadh Leanaí, 1929,
Dr. Paras Diwan, Dlí Hindú Nua-aimseartha (24ú edn, Gníomhaireacht Dlí Allahabad 2019) pg 109.
AIR 1986 Pat 128.
An tAcht um Chearta a Dhéanamh ar Phósadh Leanaí, 2006, alt 3.
2008 151 PLR 326.
2017 SC 1957.
An tAcht um Chearta a Dhéanamh ar Phósadh Leanaí, 2006, alt 4.
An tAcht um Chearta a Dhéanamh ar Phósadh Leanaí, 2006, alt 3.
2017 SCC OnLine Mad 3565.
AIR 2012 Madras 62.
AIR 1977 AP 43.
An tAcht um Chearta a Dhéanamh ar Phósadh Leanaí, 2006, alt 12.
An tAcht um Chearta a Dhéanamh ar Phósadh Leanaí, 2006, alt 9.
An tAcht um Chearta a Dhéanamh ar Phósadh Leanaí, 2006, alt 10.
An tAcht um Chearta a Dhéanamh ar Phósadh Leanaí, 2006, alt 11.
An tAcht um Chearta a Dhéanamh ar Phósadh Leanaí, 2006, alt 15.
An tAcht um Pósadh Hindú 1955, alt 13 (2) (iv).
An tAcht um Dhíscaoileadh Pósadh Moslamach, 1939, s 2 (vii).
An tAcht um Chosaint Leanaí ó Gnéasaigh 2012, s 5 ((n).
(2017) 10 SCC 800.
Aleksandra Sandstrom, Angelina E. Theodorou, Many Countries Allow Child Marriage https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/09/12/many-countries-allow-child-marriage/ <accessed on 27 October 2020>.
Sophie Cousins, 2.5 milliún pósadh níos mó leanaí mar gheall ar COVID-19 https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(20)32112-7/fulltext <accessed 27 October>
Scríobh Madhavi Raje, mac léinn dlí 2ú bliain Ollscoil Dlí Náisiúnta Dr Ram Manohar Lohia an t-alt seo.
An Féidir le Cailín Neamhphósúil a Maireachtáil le Fear Pósta?


Skål! Scandinavian Spirits Heritage Hall through October 8
Skål! Scandinavian Spirits shares the history and traditions of drinking culture in the Scandinavian countries, and begins to explain how those traditions were carried into the U.S, focusing on two drinks in particular: beer and aquavit, a distillate that means "the water of life."
Scandinavians have brewed beer for over 1,500 years.In pre-Christian times, the Norse god Odin was even credited with teaching humans how to brew beer, influencing the role of beer in worship and offering. Beer was also a major component of battle victory celebrations and sometimes drinking challenges. In the 1500s, distilled liquor proliferated throughout the Nordic countries, first highlighted as a tonic or medical cure-all and subsequently growing into a popular social and recreational custom. These early distillates often possessed terrible flavors, so herbs and other plants were used to improve the taste - a process that brought about aquavit.
Skål: Scandinavian Spirits is presented by Aalborg and Linie Aquavits. The exhibition was organized by the Museum of Danish America in Elk Horn, Iowa.
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Also, join us for Scandinavian Cocktails andSkål! on Tuesday, July 24, from 6:00PM to 8:00PM at the Hjemkomst Center. Museum of Danish America curator Tova Brandt will lead an exhibition tour at 6:30PM and Proof Artisan Distillers will be on hand serving both samples and cocktails, heavy on the aquavit. Click here for info & tickets.

Skål! - Tá sé! Seomra Oidhreachta Spioraid Scandinave go dtí an 8 Deireadh Fómhair
Skål! - Tá sé! Tá Scandinavian Spirits ag roinnt stair agus traidisiúin an chultúir óil sna tíortha Scandinave, agus tosaíonn sé ag míniú conas a tugadh na traidisiúin sin isteach sna Stáit Aontaithe, ag díriú ar dhá dheoch go háirithe: beoir agus aquavit, dístealaithe a chiallaíonn "uisce na beatha".
Tá beoir déanta ag na hIarmanaigh le breis agus 1,500 bliain. I amanna réamh-Chríostaí, tugadh creidiúint fiú do Odin, dia na hIarmanaigh, le daoine a mhúineadh conas beoir a dhéanamh, ag tionchar a imirt ar ról an beoir i n-íobairtí agus i n-íobairtí. Bhí beoir ina chomhpháirt mhór de cheiliúradh bua sa chath agus uaireanta dúshláin óil. Sa 1500í, d'fhás deochanna díolta ar fud na dtíortha Nordacha, ar dtús mar tonic nó leigheas leighis agus ina dhiaidh sin ag fás i gcleachtas sóisialta agus siamsaíochta tóir. Bhí blas uafásach ag na deochanna seo go minic, mar sin baineadh úsáid as luibheanna agus plandaí eile chun an blas a fheabhsú - próiseas a thug faoi uisce.
Skål: Scandinavian Spirits a chuireann Aalborg agus Linie Aquavits i láthair. D'eagraigh an Taispeántas Músaem Mheiriceá na Danmhairge i Elk Horn, Iowa.
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Chomh maith leis sin, bí linn le haghaidh Cocktails Scandinavian agus Skål! Dé Máirt, an 24 Iúil, ó 6:00PM go 8:00PM ag an Ionad Hjemkomst. Beidh músaem na Meiriceánach Danmhairge cúirteoir Tova Brandt a stiúradh turas taispeántais ag 6:30PM agus Proof Artisan Distillers beidh ar láimh ag freastal ar an dá samplaí agus cocktails, trom ar an aquavit. Cliceáil anseo le haghaidh faisnéise agus ticéid.


An old and reclusive art, glove making has been intertwined with human culture since the days of the caveman. The first gloves resembled crude mittens. As the years passed, glove making became more of a refined art. Articulated fingers were stitched in to provide more dexterity and ease of movement. While glove makers’ guilds once dominated in a society obsessed with a covered hand, today very few remain. Fewer still are the patterns available for hand-made gloves. Machine sewn and hand-finished gloves are mostly what you’ll find in the market.
Gloves are seen in ancient writings, such as Homer’s ‘The Odyssey’, in which Laertes is said to wear gloves in his garden so as to avoid the brambles. There is some debate over the translation of this text. In The History of Herodotus, written in 440 BC, Herodotus describes how Leotychides was given a bribe in the form of a gauntlet overflowing with silver, which later incriminated him.
As years passed, the complexity and versatility of gloves grew. Plated gauntlets are dated back as far as the early 14th century. Before that, chainmail gloves were worn. Some knights were cited as wearing chainmail gloves under their plated gauntlets for added strength.
Now if we look to the fashion world, we see a marvelous array of styles. Cloth and leather gauntlets displayed intricate embroideries. Ladies in the 19th century adored opera gloves. One peculiarity is that they tried to fit their hands into gloves a size too small! This forced one’s hand to rest in a half cupped position – perfect for greeting, but not for kissing. If you have ever attempted to don a glove you are too big for, you realize what a task these women undertook! Buttonhook and powdered alum provided some lubrication, but still, before an opera, determined women would sit for hours, coaxing their hands down into tight gloves.
Few tomes remain that give us real insight of early gloves. One of the more revered in existence today is Le Gant. The book, while entirely in French, reveals many patterns and divulges a brief development and history of the glove. Also included are passages telling us of the period’s social relevance and sexual significance pertaining to the glove.
Insulation from the heat or cold. Protection from scratches and cuts. The instigation of duels. Bold or minute fashion statements. Gloves have worn many hats, so to speak, throughout history. They continue to be a wholly integral part of many jobs today. Conversely, there has been a sharp decline in the use of gloves as fashion accessories over the past several decades. Fewer and fewer girls attend their proms with gloves. Fashion is a fickle thing, and only time will tell the future of the glove.

Tá ealaín sean agus aisling, déanta glove intertwined le cultúr an duine ó laethanta an caveman. Bhí na chéad lámhainní cosúil le mittens amh. De réir mar a chuaigh na blianta ar aghaidh, tháinig ealaín níos mó agus níos mó i gceist le lámhscríobh glúine. Bhí méaraí comhcheangailte ina gcuid chun níos mó deisiúlachta agus éascaíocht a chur ar fáil. Cé gur bhain ceardlanna glove makers ceannas ar an tsochaí a bhí dírithe ar lámh chlúdaithe, níl ach cúpla duine fágtha inniu. Tá níos lú fós de na samhlacha atá ar fáil do lámhleabhair a dhéantar de láimh. Is iad na lámhainní a dhéantar a chóiriú i mheaisín agus a dhéantar a chríochnú de láimh a gheobhaidh tú sa mhargadh den chuid is mó.
Tá lámhainní le feiceáil i scríbhinní ársa, mar shampla Homer's The Odyssey, ina ndeirtear go raibh lámhainní ag Laertes ina ghairdín chun na brambles a sheachaint. Tá roinnt díospóireachta ann maidir le haistriúchán an téacs seo. I The History of Herodotus, a scríobh i 440 RC, déanann Herodotus cur síos ar an gcaoi a tugadh bribe do Leotychides i bhfoirm gauntlet atá thar a bheith airgid, a chuir ina chiontú é níos déanaí.
De réir mar a chuaigh na blianta ar aghaidh, d'fhás an castacht agus an solúbthacht a bhí ag gairdíní. Tá gauntlets plátaithe dátaí siar chomh fada leis an 14ú haois luatha. Roimh sin, bhí lámhainní chainmail á n-úsáid. Luaitear go raibh lámhscríbhinní chainmail ag roinnt ríthe faoi a gcuid gauntlets plátaithe le haghaidh neart breise.
Anois, má fhéachann muid ar an domhan faisin, feicimid raon iontach stíleanna. Bhí bródúirí casta ar lámhleabhair éadaí agus leathair. Bhí grá ag mná sa 19ú haois do lámhainní óipéir. Ceann de na nithe a bhí sainiúil ná gur iarracht a ndearnadh a lámha a chur i nglaonna a bhí i bhfad ró-bheag! Chuir sé seo lámh amháin chun fanacht i riocht leath-cupped - foirfe le haghaidh beannacht, ach ní le haghaidh pógadh. Má rinne tú iarracht riamh glove a chaitheamh a bhfuil tú ró-mhór, tuigeann tú an tasc a rinne na mná seo! Buttonhook agus alum púdar soláthraithe roinnt lubrication, ach fós, roimh an opera, mná chinnte bheadh suí ar feadh uaireanta an chloig, coaxing a lámha síos i lámhacha dlúth.
Níl ach cúpla tóim fágtha a thugann léargas fíor dúinn ar na glúineanna luatha. Ceann de na daoine is mó a bhfuil meas orthu inniu ná Le Gant. Léiríonn an leabhar, cé go bhfuil sé go hiomlán i bhFraincis, go leor patrúin agus nochtann sé forbairt ghearr agus stair an láimhe. Cuimsítear freisin sliocht a insíonn dúinn faoi ábharthacht shóisialta na tréimhse agus an tábhacht ghnéasach a bhaineann leis an gúna.
Inslithe ón teas nó ón fuar. Cosaint ó scratches agus cneasaithe. An instigation na duels. Ráitis faisin a bhfuil an-fhiú orthu nó a bhfuil an-fhiú orthu. Tá go leor hataí caite ag lámhainní, dá mbeifeá in ann labhairt, i rith na staire. Tá siad fós ina gcuid dhílis de go leor post sa lá atá inniu ann. Ar a mhalairt, tá laghdú mór tagtha ar úsáid lámhainní mar chiseáin faisin le blianta beaga anuas. Níos lú agus níos lú cailíní freastal ar a n-poll le glúine. Is rud é an faisean a bheith neamhspleách, agus ní bheidh ach am a insint an todhchaí an lámhainn.


Hylton Castle was built by Sir William Hylton as his principal residence in about 1400.
The rich Hylton family had estates in Yorkshire, Durham and Northumberland and by the 13th century had assumed the title of a barony within the Bishopric of Durham.
Hylton Castle was intended to reflect the family’s status.
Whether there were earlier buildings here is not known but the impressive gatehouse tower, the only part of the castle still standing, was almost certainly intended to be the dominant element of the new building. Other buildings were situated beyond the tower to the east, possibly arranged around a courtyard.
The Hyltons maintained their rank and wealth until the Civil War.
Despite a reduction in their means, the family remained prosperous enough to refurbish the interior and add wings to the north and south side of the gatehouse in the first half of the 18th century.
The last Hylton died in 1746 and shortly afterwards the estate was sold.
A century later it was bought by a local man, William Briggs, who demolished the 18th century wings, added larger windows and rebuilt the interior. The appearance of the 18th century house is, however, known from a number of antiquarian illustrations.
Further deterioration in the 20th century led to only the exterior walls being saved.
The Gatehouse Tower
The gatehouse tower, a substantial rectangular building, originally with four storeys, provided self-contained living accommodation for the Hylton family.
The ground floor included a central gate-passage, which was flanked by vaulted chambers. Those on the north side were used as storerooms, while those on the south side functioned as the guardroom and as a private chamber.
On the next floor was the great hall, rising to roof level, with a kitchen, pantry and buttery at one end and a chamber at the other.
Similar withdrawing chambers existed on the second floor; these were reached from the hall via a stair at the northern end of the projecting central east turret.
The third private chamber on the second floor was over the kitchens and was reached via the main stair at the southern end of the central east turret. A further two private chambers existed in the central east tower, accessed via the main stair.
Description of the exterior
The principal features of the west front of the castle include four square turrets with projecting octagonal crowns. Carved figures stood on the battlements.
Beneath the curved central support of the parapet and on the central turrets is a splendid display of heraldry featuring the arms of the king, the Hyltons and related families.
On the east face are the arms of the castle’s builder and the white hart of Richard II. One of the shields bears the ‘stars and stripes’ of the Washington family.
The large Gothic windows were added in the 19th century when William Briggs refurbished the building. Three courses of ashlar sandstone blocks are the only remains of the demolished 18th-century south wing; the north wing no longer survives.
The ruined St Catherine’s Chapel, founded about 1157, stands nearby in the grounds.
Morley, B 1976. 'Hylton Castle', Archaeological Journal, 133, 118-34
Morley, B 1979. 'Hylton Castle', HMSO: London
Taylor, T 1995. 'The Time Team Reports', Channel 4 Television: London
The text and pictures on this page are derived from the 'Heritage Unlocked' series of guidebooks published in 2004. We intend to review, update and enhance the content in the near future as part of the Portico project, whose objective is to provide information on the history, significance, research background and sources for all English Heritage properties.

Thóg Sir William Hylton Caisleán Hylton mar a phríomhchónaithe thart ar 1400.
Bhí eastáit ag an teaghlach saibhir Hylton i Yorkshire, Durham agus Northumberland agus faoin 13ú haois bhí teideal baróine á glacadh acu laistigh d'Easpag Durham.
Bhí sé i gceist le Caisleán Hylton stádas an teaghlaigh a léiriú.
Níl a fhios an raibh foirgnimh níos luaithe anseo ach bhí an túr an gheatacha álainn, an t-aon chuid den chaisleán atá fós ina sheasamh, beagnach cinnte mar chuid den fhoirgneamh nua. Bhí foirgnimh eile suite taobh thiar den túr chun an ear, b'fhéidir go raibh siad socraithe timpeall cúlchríocha.
Chaith na Hyltons a n-ardán agus a saibhreas go dtí an Cogadh Cathartha.
In ainneoin laghdú ar a n-acmhainní, d'fhan an teaghlach rathúil go leor chun an taobh istigh a athchóiriú agus sciatháin a chur le taobh thuaidh agus theas an gheatachaigh sa chéad leath den 18ú haois.
Fuair an Hylton deireanach bás i 1746 agus i mbeagán ama ina dhiaidh sin díoladh an t-eastát.
Sa bhliain ina dhiaidh sin cheannaigh fear áitiúil é, William Briggs, a scrios na sciatháin ón 18ú haois, a chuir fuinneoga níos mó ann agus a d'athdháileadh an taobh istigh. Tá an chuma ar an teach ón 18ú haois ar eolas, áfach, ó roinnt léaráidí sean-ealaíne.
Ní raibh ach na ballaí seachtracha slán de bharr athruithe breise sa 20ú haois.
An Túr Taigh-Ghála
Bhí an túr geata, foirgneamh réadchonnach suntasach, ceithre urlár ar dtús, ina chónaí féin-chomhádach do theaghlach Hylton.
Bhí geata-chúrsa lárnach sa urlár talún, a bhí flanked ag ceamaraí voiléad. Baineadh úsáid as na cinn ar an taobh thuaidh mar sheomraí stórála, agus baineadh úsáid as na cinn ar an taobh theas mar sheomraí coimeádta agus mar sheomra príobháideach.
Ar an urlár eile bhí an halla mór, ag ardú go leibhéal an díon, le cistin, pantry agus buttery ar cheann amháin agus seomra ar an ceann eile.
Bhí seomraí tarraingthe siar den chineál céanna ar an dara hurlár; bhí rochtain orthu ón halla trí chéim ag deireadh thuaidh an turret lárnach thoir atá ag titim amach.
Bhí an tríú seomra príobháideach ar an dara hurlár os cionn na gcistin agus bhí sé inrochtana tríd an phríomhstair ag deireadh theas an turret lárnach thoir. Bhí dhá sheomra príobháideach eile sa túr lárnach thoir, a bhí ar fáil tríd an bpríomhstaighre.
Tuairisc ar an taobh amuigh
I measc na bpríomhghnéithe ar aghaidh an iarthair ar an caisleán tá ceithre turret cearnach le coróin ochtagonála ag titim amach. Bhí figiúirí carved ar na battlements.
Faoi thacaíocht lárnach cuartha an parapet agus ar na turretí lárnacha tá taispeáint iontach de heraldry ag taispeáint arm an rí, na Hyltons agus teaghlaigh gaolmhara.
Ar an taobh thoir tá arm na tógálaí caisleáin agus an deird bán de Richard II. Tá na 'réaltaí agus na stiallaí' de theaghlach Washington ar cheann de na sciatháin.
Cuireadh na fuinneoga móra Gotach leis sa 19ú haois nuair a rinne William Briggs an foirgneamh a athchóiriú. Is iad trí chúrsa de bhlocanna gaineamhchloch ashlar na haimsire amháin den sciath ó dheas an 18ú haois a scriosadh; níl an sciath thuaidh fós ann.
Tá Caipéal na Naomh Catherine, a bunaíodh thart ar 1157, i ndroch-chroí sa chúirt.
Morley, B 1976. 'Caisleán Hylton', Archaeological Journal, 133, 118-34
Morley, B 1979. 'Hylton Castle', HMSO: Londain
Taylor, T 1995. 'Tuairiscí an Choiste Am', Teilifís Channel 4: Londain
Tá an téacs agus na pictiúir ar an leathanach seo díorthaithe ó shraith na dtreoracha 'Oidhreacht Oscailte' a foilsíodh i 2004. Tá sé i gceist againn an t-ábhar a athbhreithniú, a nuashonrú agus a fheabhsú sa todhchaí ghearr mar chuid den tionscadal Portico, a bhfuil sé mar aidhm aige faisnéis a sholáthar maidir le stair, tábhacht, cúlra taighde agus foinsí do gach maoin Oidhreachta Shasana.