What is the first thing that comes to mind when you think of a river? If you are from the mountains, you most likely envision clear water tumbling by and maybe some trout swimming around. But if you live down along a large, flatland river like the Missouri, Ohio, or lower Colorado it is muddy water and bottom feeders that come to mind. These two types of rivers, though wildly different in appearance, have one big thing in common: day and night they are all moving sediment downstream.
As water makes is Sisyphean journey from the oceans, into the atmosphere, and down over the land, what runs off into rivers brings sediment with it: from cobbles and boulders in mountain streams to sand, silt, and clay in large rivers. Over time this continuous conveyor belt delivers, as one pioneer in sediment studies, G. K. Gilbert, calls it, the “debris” of the continental interiors to the oceans and shapes landscapes everywhere.
A river’s ability to shape landscapes is most evident during floods where orders of magnitude more sediment is moved over hours and days compared to how much is moved during low flow periods. This was evident during the wide spread floods that ravaged the Colorado Front Range in September, 2013. Just over a year ago, massive amounts of rain fell on steep mountain slopes carrying sediment from the hills into streams and eventually rivers. In steeper areas, like the narrow canyons that spill out into the Front Range, the energy in the flow was so great it moved car-sized boulders! Smaller-sized sediment lining river channels did not stand a chance and was carried downstream until the canyon rivers became prairie rivers where the slope dramatically reduces. Here, physics took over and with less energy to carry the tons and tons of sediment moving downstream most of it stopped moving and came to rest in places like Lyons (pictured below) where three to four feet deposited in some places!
Besides resulting in a major cleaning bill, what did all of this sediment do? It changed the course of the river. Instead of flowing left in some places, the river moved right, bringing flood waters to areas not originally considered part of the floodplain. Rivers change, which can be surprising to someone living near one that has not moved appreciably in a while.
River change is not as uncommon as you might think. It does not take a biblical flood (or even a 100 year flood, with a 1% chance of occurring in a given year) to move a river. A geologic study the Mississippi River drawn out in beautiful color below (active channel in white) shows a spaghetti bowl of meander scrolls denoting historic locations of the river over the years. This change is evident even over the relatively short (from a geologic standpoint) history of our country. Look anywhere at the state lines drawn along the Mississippi River and you will see meandering borders drawn down the middle of dry land formerly known as the Mississippi, which left polyps of land belonging to one state marooned on the other side of the river.
Moving downriver, we arrive at one of the great deltas of North America: the Mississippi River delta, the final resting place for so much of the sediment that bumps, rolls, and glides downstream from the peaks of the Rocky Mountains and the cornfields of the Midwest. Or at least is used to be. Locks, dams, and river engineering has essentially turned the Missouri river, a major tributary to the Mississippi and a major source of sediment from the arid west, into a string of reservoirs. Just like when the rivers left the canyon and found the prairie in Colorado, when a river flows into a reservoir, the majority of the sediment comes to rest there. Not only does this mean reservoirs have a limited life span as they fill up with sediment naturally carried by a river, it also means that the sediment never arrives to its original destination.
Two river scientists who work extensively on large rivers estimated the original, pre-dam sediment loads that reach the Gulf of Mexico from the Mississippi river and compared that to modern measurements of sediment loads (Moode and Meade, 2010), see river graphic below). They estimate that sediment loads to the Gulf from the Mississippi River have decreased by over 75% because of human influence. They attribute about half of the decrease in sediment loads to the trapping ability of the dams we have built in the Mississippi basin and the other half to river engineering practices that attempt to keep the river from moving around and make it more suitable for barge traffic. The Mississippi River of today is a far cry from the wild and unpredictable beast that Mark Twain navigated as a young man. All of this means that the Mississippi delta, America’s Wetland, receives a lot less sediment than it used to. Add that to 1,000’s of miles of canals dug for oil exploration and extraction which bring saltwater into freshwater marshes, slowly killing off the plants that hold the sediment in place, rising sea levels, and naturally subsiding land (Törnqvist et al., 2008), and you get a delta that is rapidly disappearing. As the delta subsides, so too do the highly productive wetland ecosystems, fisheries, and protection from storm surges during hurricanes. In a recent article in the New York Times Magazine, Nathanial Rich chronicles the human impacts on this vast and vanishing area and a fight to pay for its reclamation.
We’ve come a long way from clear headwater streams down to the turbid and brackish waters of the delta. I have touched on only a couple examples of the role sediment plays in rivers and why it matters to us and the environment. But there are many more issues and stories about sediment, and the rivers that move it. Please feel free to contact me with any sediment or river related questions or comments.
- For more reading about the Colorado Floods, see a series of articles by the Denver Post
- For more reading about the Mississippi Delta, and land subsidence, here are a few places to start:
Meade, R. H., & Moody, J. A. (2010). Causes for the decline of suspended‐sediment discharge in the Mississippi River system, 1940–2007. Hydrological Processes, 24(1), 35-49.
Törnqvist, T. E., Wallace, D. J., Storms, J. E., Wallinga, J., Van Dam, R. L., Blaauw, M., ... & Snijders, E. M. (2008). Mississippi Delta subsidence primarily caused by compaction of Holocene strata. Nature Geoscience, 1(3), 173-176.
Boulder cascade: Fall Creek, Colorado, © Joel Sholtes 2012
Sandy River: Yampa River at Deerlodge Park, Colorado, © Joel Sholtes 2012
Canyon Flood: Andy Cross, Denver Post © 2013
Lyons Flood: R.J. Sangosti, Denver Post © 2013
Meandering Mississippi Map: Plate 22. Fisk, H. N. (1944) Geological Investigation of the alluvial valley of the Lower Mississippi River. Army Corps of Engineers Geology and Geophysics Branch. Lower and Middle Mississippi Valley Engineering Geology Mapping Program.
River Sediment Diagram: R.H. Meade and J.A. Moody (2010). © Hydrologic Sciences
Mississippi River Delta: USGS Landsat Image, 2011: http://landsat.usgs.gov/images/gallery/239_L.jpg
My research, as part of Mongolian Rangeland and Resilience project at CSU, is aimed to assess social outcomes of Community-based Rangeland Management (CBRM) efforts to help pastoral communities to manage their resources in a more sustainable manner while maintaining their livelihoods. Any positive results in herders’ livelihood, social relationships, and conditions of natural resources they depend on are considered as social outcomes. In addition, my results may help inform policy formulation for emerging herder organizations as well as more effective support strategies for the development of social institutions for rangeland management.
The major research questions I am asking are: (1) do social outcomes of formally organized CBRM groups differ from those informal groups? and (2) if they differ, what causes such differences? I am examining 142 community groups from 36 districts in 10 provinces of Mongolia, of which 77 are formal groups and 65 are informal or traditional groups. I am also looking at their members’ grazing practices, and social norms related to grazing management at household level using data from 706 families.
Picture 1. Study sites.
The study is focused on Mongolia, the country at the heart of Northern Asia, which is famous for two facts. First, it is the homeland of Ghengis Khan, who created the largest empire in the world. Second, the country possesses one of the largest remaining rangelands on the planet. The latter poses great responsibility and policy challenges to Mongols to maintain and steward these precious resources of global importance under competing needs for economic development and improvement of social and environmental well-being.
Picture 2. Photo courtesy of Ch.Batzaya
My research is deeply embedded in social and political context of Mongolia. The country has undergone dramatic social and political changes in the last century, to a socialist centrally planned system and the more recent transition to a free market economy and democracy. Mongolian nomads, the key users and guardians of rangelands have demonstrated remarkable resilience. Nationalization of their livestock and forced membership in state cooperatives has been replaced by livestock privatization dismantling state institutions for grazing management, combined with loss of access to health, education, and market services. Together with natural hazards pastoralists frequently face, these socio-economic reforms have increased pressure on the natural resources they depend on.
At the end of 20th century, 80% of the rural poor were herders, whose traditional practices and customary norms for rangeland management have been reported to be dramatically neglected, and leading to negative impacts on rangeland condition. In response, community-based rangeland management (CBRM) has been seen by international donors as an alternative solution to increasingly ineffective state management to address rural poverty and land degradation. The CBRM approach to community development resulted in the creation of over 2000 formal groups supported by 14 different donor projects by 2007.
On the other hand, mixed CBRM outcomes globally have challenged researchers interested in sustainable management of communally used resources such as rangelands. Specifically, the effectiveness of CBRM programs and the factors influencing CBRM success in pastoralist contexts have been rarely investigated. Hence, my results of the study contribute to the efforts of rangeland management both in Mongolia and globally.
So far my results show that formal CBRMs had more information sources, stronger leadership, greater knowledge exchange, rules and cooperation, and used more sustainable practices than traditional neighborhoods but had the same levels of social capital and livelihood. Results signify positive social effect of the co-management approach but calls for consideration of how to reach livelihood outcomes, a key incentive for community-based management.
As my research progresses further, I will keep sharing my results on my blog. Everybody interested in this study are welcome to comment and share your views on my posts!
Links to hyperlinked/highlighted words:
Mongolian Rangeland and Resilience project http://warnercnr.colostate.edu/frs-research-outreach/department-research/mongolian-rangelands-and-resilience-mor2
Written by Matt Luizza, SoGES 2013-2014 Sustainability Leadership Fellow, and PhD Candidate in the Department of Political Science and the Natural Resource Ecology Laboratory Graduate Degree Program in Ecology
I was able to conduct in-depth focus groups at seven villages with pastoralists about changes they are seeing on the landscape, invasive species and water resources. Afar is by far the harshest environment I have ever witnessed. 100+ degrees Fahrenheit and seemingly limited water or other resources. The pastoralists here have been really welcoming and the participatory mapping and focus group interviews have been very enlightening. My colleague Tewodros and I had a great local guide named Seid. He speaks fluent Afar and Amharic and a little English (and is hilarious). He navigates us to these extremely remote villages and negotiates with the village chairmen to pay them respect before we conduct our work. Everything revolves around local norms and tradition. We had to reschedule one interview because a village member died merely hours before we arrived. Everyone in the village must attend the funeral.
The pictures are of the participatory mapping activities, where the villagers used a satellite image and located water resources and invasive species. Once people get wind that something is going on tons of people (and goats) gather around to watch and participate. It's really awesome. The villagers have also identified two other invasive species locally called "Wola Howla" (Parthenium hysterophorous) and "Hanlemero" (Cryptostegia grandiflora) which we are taking GPS points of so we can map their suitable habitat when we return. The main invasive species we have been cataloguing in Afar is Prosopis juliflora (known as "wayani" locally.) We also met with a representative of the international organization CARE and they are planning to integrate our findings into their program planning, as well as connect us with the regional government as they will also be very interested in what we are discovering. This will be really helpful for the next trip in the fall.
Description of the photos below from left to right:
1. Soemmering Gazelle at the Hailadegi National Wildlife Preserve; 2. Local Afar villager taking a break from collecting water to investigate the forengi (foreigner); 3. Besia Oryx in the Awash National Park; 4. Day old lion track outside of our camp site; 5. Invasive Prosopis juliflora in Afar
Diversity and Performance of U.S. Businesses
Environmental science research stresses the importance of diversity in sustaining a successful ecosystem. Yet, even outside of the natural sciences, the evidence that diversity is good for performance is mounting. Recently, a Harvard economist and his coauthor found that scientific papers written by a more diverse group of authors make greater contributions to science as measured by the quality of the journal and citations.1 Even outside of academia, diversity seems to be good for performance.2 A 2012 study, by the Credit Suisse Research Institute shows that businesses with women on their boards outperformed their peers with all male boards by 26% in share price performance. Similarly, a 2011 study by Catalyst shows that Fortune 500 companies that had a more diverse board of directors, specifically a relatively large share of women members, out-performed their peers by 16% in return on sales.3
It seems that diversity can be good for the environment, good for science, and good for business, but is it good for the economy?
There’s at least some evidence that it is. The basic argument linking diversity to economic performance is focused on how we share knowledge and how we innovate. Knowledge shared between experts from different industries, rather than among experts within the same industry, is more likely to lead to valuable information spillovers that stimulate innovation.4 That is to say that inter-industry knowledge sharing, rather than intra-industry knowledge sharing, is most conducive to new insights and advancing ideas. The classic example uses the brassiere industry, which actually came about not from the lingerie industry, but from dressmakers’ innovations in the garment industry.5 The first major empirical test linking diversity to economic performance found that local industrial diversity leads to higher employment growth in cities.6 There is also evidence that compared to a concentration of specialized activity, bringing together diverse and complementary economic activities better promotes innovation.7
To the extent that the variety in a market and niche of each business in an industry is connected to the culture, expertise, and traditions of the business owner, the U.S. economy may be lacking valuable diversity. It’s striking that female and minority entrepreneurs are severely outnumbered most everywhere in the country. Economically speaking, the low rates of business ownership among women and minorities suggest that the U.S. economy may be underutilizing a valuable resource. Non-traditional entrepreneurs are likely to perceive otherwise unrecognized opportunities and bring unique products and services to market, in addition to generating jobs and income.
Nationally, 51% of businesses are owned exclusively by males, whereas only 29% are women-owned, which is disproportionately low given that men and women comprise nearly equal shares of the labor force.8 The gender disparity in sales is even more dramatic with male-owned businesses earning $7.10 in sales for every $1 earned by female-owned business. Minorities own just 21% of businesses and again there is a dramatic disparity in sales.9 Nonminority-owned businesses earn $9.60 in sales for every $1 earned by minority-owned businesses.10
These numbers demonstrate that women and minorities have only a limited presence in the market. However, national averages don’t capture the important variation across regions within the U.S. The maps show the density of female-owned firms and male-owned firms by county.11 It seems that the success of female entrepreneurs may be linked to specific factors associated with particular locations such as the West Coast and the front range of the Rocky Mountains. Male entrepreneurship too, it seems, is associated with specific factors but not necessarily the same factors as women. Unfortunately, we know fairly little about the gender- and minority-specific drivers of entrepreneurship across the U.S and there is an opportunity for research in this field.
If it is the case that talented women and minorities who are considering entrepreneurship face barriers that discourage them from starting their business, then there may be significant costs to the economy in terms of jobs and income. With a better understanding of why non-traditional entrepreneurs do better in some regions than in others, it may be possible to consider policy alternatives that would minimize barriers to entry or adjust incentives in such a way that would lead to greater rates of entrepreneurship nationally.
A sustainable economy will enable its most talented innovators, and in doing so, facilitate diversity and growth. With better knowledge of the barriers and opportunities for entrepreneurs of all backgrounds, there is greater potential for a new and more diverse class of entrepreneurs in the future. As the class of entrepreneurs evolves, businesses may well also evolve. In addition to new products and services, the practices and operations could also change. New businesses have the advantage of implementing socially responsible and environmentally conscience methods from the beginning. By enhancing environmental awareness and increasing green business practices, there is an opportunity for a generation of businesses that start-up with a focus on sustainability that is good for both business owners and their customers.
1 Freeman , Richard, and Huang Wei. "Collaborating With People Like Me: Ethnic co-authorship within the US." NBER Working Paper No. 19905. (2014).
2Gender Diversity and Corporate Performance. Rep. Zurich: Credit Suisse Research Institute. (2012).
3The Bottom Line: Corporate Performance and Women's Representation on Boards (2004-2008). Rep. New York: Catalyst. (2011)
4 Jacobs, Jane. The Economy of Cities. New York: Random House, 1969. Print.
5 Glaeser, Edward L. "Growth in Cities." Journal of Political Economy 100.6, Centennial Issue (1992): 1126-152. JSTOR. Web. 12 Apr. 2014.
7 Feldman, Maryann P., and David B. Audretch. "Innovation in Cities: Science-based Diversity, Specialization and Localized Competition." European Economic Review 43 (1999): 409-29. Web.
8 Percentages discussed above do not sum to 100% as there are four ownership categories as classified by the 2007 Survey of Business Owners including “Male-owned,” Female-Owned,” “Equally male-/female-owned”, and “Publicly Held.”
9 "USA QuickFacts from the US Census Bureau." USA QuickFacts from the US Census Bureau. Web. 10 Apr. 2014.
10 Nonminority-owned refers to firms where Non-Hispanic Whites own 51 percent or more of the interest or stock of the business. Minority-owned refers to firms where Blacks or African Americans, American Indians and Alaska Natives, Asians, Native Hawaiians and Other Pacific Islanders, and/or Hispanics own 51 percent or more of the interest or stock of the business.
11 The density of male- and female-owned firms is calculated as the ratio of the number of male-owned (female-owned) firms to the male (female) labor force. Estimates of the number of firms come from the 2007 Survey of Business Owners. Labor force estimates come from the 2005-2009 American Community Survey.
For those of us who live in the 21st century, modernization, civilization, globalization, and concomitant legislation for human rights and equity make the world look simpler, easier, and more democratic for the various domestic and international groups. Still, it is not a perfect world for all groups. Within this context, despite all the progress of professional women in gaining access to leadership positions, there is more to be done in acquiring equal access to that which men enjoy.
For example, in higher education in the United States, the typical college president is a 60-year-old white male that moved up the ladder from one position to the other until he reached the presidency. The proportion of women who have served as presidents of American colleges and universities has increased from 23% in 2006 to 26% 2011. In addition, other countries reflect similar small numbers of female leaders, such as in the United Kingdom and Australia, where 9% of college presidents were female, and 27% of vice-chancellors were female, respectively.
These numbers reflect the barrier of glass ceiling that helps us understanding the gender gap between men and women in accessing leadership positions. The term glass ceiling refers to “artificial barriers in the workplace which have served to block the advancement of qualified women.” Glass ceilings exist as a result of societal barriers, organizational barriers, and governmental barriers. The extent to which glass ceilings bar access for women to leadership positions frequently depends on the gender distribution among industries. Women are more likely to access top management and leadership positions in predominately female disciplines than in predominately male ones. Many professional women believe that the root of the glass ceiling is that most institutions and organizations were created by and for men, and are based on males’ experiences.
So, let me ask you a question: What would you do if you were deprived equal access to leadership positions just because of your gender, being a woman, even when you are qualified and skilled enough to play that role? So, as a woman, I am so passionate about studying the barriers and support professional women encounter when accessing leadership positions, especially in higher education. I believe at this modern age, there should be equal access to top leading positions since women’s participation has termendously increased in the workplace. I also believe that it is our responsibiltiy to promote for social change through the application of affirmative actions, and more importantly, through educating the new generation. I totally understand that the road is still long, but I believe that we as a global community can make it a reality in creating more inclusive and just workplace for women and other various groups where we can sustain a better, brighter future for coming generations.
American Council on Education. (2012). Leading demographic portrait of college presidents reveals ongoing challenges in diversity, aging Retrieved from: http://www.acenet.edu/news-room/Pages/ACPS-Release-2012.aspx
Jolls, C. (2002). Is there a glass ceiling? Harvard Journal of Law & Gender, 25(1), 1‒18.
Kloot, L. (2004). Women and leadership in universities: A case study of women academic managers. The International Journal of Public Sector Management, 17(6), 470‒485.
Munoz, M. (2010). In their own words and by the numbers: A mixed-methods study of Latina community college presidents. Community College Journal of Research and Practice, 34, 153‒174.
Pompper, D. (2011). Fifty years later: Mid-career women of color against the glass ceiling in communications organizations. Journal of Organizational Change Management, 24(4), 464‒486.
Ryan, M. K., & Haslam, S. A. (2007). The glass cliff: Exploring the dynamics surrounding the appointment of women to precarious leadership positions. Academy of Management Review, 32(2), 549‒572.
Still, L. V. (2006). Where are the women in leadership in Australia? Women in Management Review, 21(3), 180‒194.
U. S. Department of Labor. (1995). Good for business: Making full use of the nation’s human capital. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office.
Droughts are one of the most expensive extreme weather events, second only to hurricanes. In 2012, the US experienced its most extensive drought since the 1930’s Dust Bowl. Over half the country experienced moderate to extreme drought, costing an estimated $30 billion. The central plains were hit the hardest, causing widespread failure of crops and leading to the lowest cattle heard size since 1951, which has recently driven beef costs to the highest level since 1987.
The newest IPCC report on climate change predicts that extreme events, such as drought, will be more frequent and intense in the future as result of manmade climate change.
This leads to the question: Was the 2012 US drought caused by climate change?
Well, most climate scientists would argue that currently we cannot attribute individual weather events to climate change. However, it is very likely that today’s droughts are influenced by climate change. For example, warmer air temperatures can increase the evaporative demand of the atmosphere and thus intensify the effects of drought. Warmer temperatures can also alter hydrologic cycles, changing rainfall patterns and amounts. Combined, these two factors – greater evaporation and altered precipitation – can affect drought severity.
But as bad as the 2012 US drought was, natural climate variability over the past millennia have spawned droughts worse than anything we have witnessed or are prepared to deal with as a society.
We can categorize drought severity on three different time scales – yearlong (think 2012 US drought), multiyear (think 1930’s Dust Bowl) and multidecade (think “megadrought”). A recent study by Cook et al. (2014), examined tree ring data in North America for the past 1000 years, to investigate drought variability over time scales longer than our instrumental record. It turns out that the 2012 US drought was not an uncommon event – short-term pancontinental droughts occurred about 12% of the time or about once every decade. On the other hand, there were only four megadroughts during this period, all occurring during the Medieval Warming Period (between 1900-1400 AD), and each lasting for decades.
So perhaps a better question is: What if the 2012 drought had developed into a megadrought?
The truth is we have no idea what the consequences of such an event would be. We can look back at the 1930’s Dust Bowl, but that was just under a decade long (not a megadrought) and the ecological and agricultural impacts were exacerbated by poor agricultural practices. Basically the Dust Bowl looks pretty tame when we zoom our timescale out to the millennial level.
Our current thinking about drought is small, or more accurately, short. Our agricultural systems struggle with single year droughts and few ecological studies examine drought effects beyond a single grant funding cycle (about four years). Although environmentally and economically disruptive, most ecosystems and our highly industrialized agricultural system have the resilience to bounce back from such short-term droughts. However the impacts of megadroughts are uncertain at best and apocalyptic at worst (ask the Mayans). Therefore it is important that we begin to consider how to improve societal resilience and investigate the potential ecological consequences of megadroughts.
I never thought I would be doing research on soil - though I was wildly curious in high school and college it did not even cross my mind to read about it, soil science sounded like the dullest discipline imaginable. But after learning about biotic soil crusts during a spring in the Mojave desert I realized soils are not just inert matter we walk around on but are alive, and I started to get curious. I wanted to work on solutions to major environmental problems and the more I read the more I saw that soils and the living organisms within them have immense impacts on the world around us. One of these impacts is the role soils play in carbon cycling – carbon resides in soils in a vast array of forms and is slowly eaten and turned into CO2 by microorganisms and bugs. Because of how slowly soil carbon can decompose, soils are an excellent place to store carbon to reduce the severity of climate change. We often think of planting a tree to reduce CO2 concentrations, but, surprisingly, the amount of carbon currently in soils is four times greater than the carbon in all the trees and plants put together and three times greater than all the CO2 in the atmosphere (Ontl & Schulte, 2012).
(Caption for the above photo: Slow decomposition in soil: Plant material in the center of this soil core still looked like fresh wheat straw even though the surrounding material has decomposed and darkened in the 14 week study.)
Soils each have a different capacity for the amount of carbon they can hold and most cropland soils can store much more. These soils are also very accessible to us – already farmers make massive alterations to cropland soils every year through specific plowing, cultivation, and harvest techniques. In the United States alone this affects over 430 million tons of soil (or 300 million acres). There is enormous opportunity for changes in farming techniques to cause rapid, large increases in carbon stored in these agricultural soils. Ending the plowing of a field, that is moving to no-tillage techniques, is the most common approach used to store more carbon. When a field is no longer plowed dead roots and other pieces of the plant are left in the soil, slowly decomposing and storing that year’s plant carbon in the meantime.
Caption for this image: 100-year global warming potential of the three primary greenhouse gases, bars not to scale (IPCC 2013).
However, even though the dead plant material helps prevent that carbon from becoming CO2 quickly it also allows stronger greenhouse gases, methane (CH4) and nitrous oxide (N2O), to be produced (Johnson et al., 2007). This paradoxical effect, that avoiding CO2 emissions can lead to greater emission of other greenhouse gases, could mean that farmers and governments won’t try to increase soil carbon if there is not a good understanding of how or why this can happen. Over the past two years I have found that buried plant material can create significant quantities of CH4 and N2O, but that the amount of those strong greenhouse gases produced depends on soil moisture, available nutrients, and the size of plant pieces. This means that when farmers stop plowing and plant material is left in the ground production of the strong greenhouse gases could be avoided by choosing a particular timing of fertilizer application and irrigation. The specific situations that create greenhouse gases vary by soil and crop type, so continued studies will give us the knowledge necessary to minimize climate change by nudging cropping practices one way or another. This topic is a good example of how more abstract ecological research can be combined with applied agricultural work to help solve a global problem.
Ontl, T. A. & Schulte, L. A. 2012. Soil Carbon Storage. Nature Education Knowledge 3(10):35
Johnson, J. M.-F., A. J. Franzluebbers, S. L. Weyers, and D. C. Reicosky. 2007. Agricultural opportunities to mitigate greenhouse gas emissions. Environmental Pollution 150:107–124
Particulates in the atmosphere (aerosol) are everywhere, although they are too small to be seen with the naked eye (from nano-meter to micron scale). If you take one mL of air from outside, the chances are that there are thousands of liquid or solid suspended particles. Some are emitted from sources as is (e.g., soil dust); some are produced in the atmosphere through chemical reactions; some are alive or once alive (bioaerosol).
Do aerosol help us or harm us? – It’s complicated. They are air pollutant (e.g., PM2.5); however, without aerosol, there will be no clouds (water needs something to condense onto). They act as a sunshade by reflecting some sunlight back into space, as well as seeding clouds. The "cooling effect" by aerosol is estimated to mask approximately half of the warming effect by green house gases (with a large uncertainty) (IPCC 2007, 2014). The important role of the scientific community is to improve the understanding of the link between emissions and their impacts (air quality and climate change). My research focus has been on the fundamental interaction between gas, particle, and cloud.
One of the research topics I am interested in is the role of water in the atmosphere. Importance of cloud chemistry has been recognized for decades (e.g., sulfate formation); some gaseous compounds dissolve into water and react within water, leaving behind aerosols after evaporation of clouds. Similar processes may also occur in wet aerosols. Recently, another potentially important process emerged. To explain this, let me ask you a simple question - What happens if you dilute peanut butter with water? It gets soft. Something like this may be occurring in the atmosphere. Historically, aerosol particles are treated either as liquid or solid. However, recent studies suggest something in between may be important (Virtanen et al., Nature, 2010). Water may be helping softening the peanut-butter-like material in the atmosphere, impacting their physics (e.g., diffusion within gooey particles) and chemistry.
Next time you see clouds, I hope you can imagine tiny particles that formed each cloud droplet. Are they really like peanut butter? We will figure it out.
- Atop the Amazon rainforest / Harvard scientist, others study how pristine air becomes polluted, and how that may change climate http://news.harvard.edu/gazette/story/2013/08/atop-the-amazon-rainforest/
- Cumulus, Cirrus, Stratus: What Clouds Say about Climate Change / Prof. Dan Cziczo, MIT http://techtv.mit.edu/videos/e51a577104618761922f775b0eb2f65f08cc792c/private
- Polluting the internet / A blog hosted by the European Geosciences Union http://blogs.egu.eu/hazeblog/
- A Better Answer to Climate Change Is Hidden in the Clouds / Scientific American http://blogs.scientificamerican.com/observations/2013/12/13/a-better-answer-to-climate-change-is-hidden-in-the-clouds/
Link to my website:
Written by William Timpson, SoGES 2013-2014 Global Challenges Research Team member for Biodiversity Case Studies, and Fullbright Senior Specialist, Peace and Reconciliation Studies, School of Education, CSU
Just 31 miles north of Seoul is the site for high stakes dramas that periodically crescendo. This week had one such moment. As reported in The Korea Herald (Tue. Mar. 4, 2014): “North Korea on Monday (March 3) fired two short-range ballistic missiles into the East Sea in its latest saber-rattling apparently to protest the South Korean-U.S. military drills, Seoul’s Military Defense Minister said. Seoul called the move a ‘provocative action’ that further raised military tensions on the peninsula and violated a series of U.N. Security Council resolutions prohibiting any launch using ballistic missile technologies. The North fired four ballistic missiles last Thursday and four ‘KN-09” rockets into the East Sea about a week earlier (1).”
High drama indeed. I am serving this semester as a Fulbright Scholar at Kyung Hee University’s Graduate Institute of Peace Studies (GIP) and teaching a class on peacemaking. GIP has its own campus in north Seoul with a dormitory, cafeteria, gym, library, and administration building with a separate mediation hall, all on meticulously manicured grounds. Every morning we gather for a brief student-lead talk, meditation, walk and/or exercises.
Despite this “saber rattling” from the north, most here do not seem that worried. They do not believe the North Koreans have the capacity to defeat the South and their American allies although they admit that, if it came to war, Seoul would be vulnerable. These threats from North Korea have been repeated so often that they have lost much of their ability to frighten anyone here.
One of my students is new to GIP. He has been in the army for ten years and has achieved the rank of captain. Like others, he is not that worried about the North but is very appreciative of American sacrifices in fighting the Korean War and then providing troops—now at nearly 30,000—ever since to help secure the peace.
A question I have is this: To what extent do North Korean “hawks” use the presence of these U.S. troops in South Korea to reinforce the iron grip they maintain on their politics, budgets and people? This is the kind of issue they explore at GIP.
Another of my students has completed his required military service and sees a real “weirdness” here. He remembers visiting China and being at the Beijing airport, waiting in line to board a flight to another city in China, when he noticed another line nearby for North Koreans on that same flight. Here in China they could stand next to each other but never back home.
Given that, another question I have is this: What will normalization, reconciliation or reunification require, especially in the absence of ongoing communication at every level? Again, this is the kind of issue they study at GIP.
I feel very fortunate to have landed at GIP. Because my students here come from so many different countries and discussions are very rich. For its contributions, the GIP was honored with the 1993 UNESCO Prize for Peace Education. Provost Gi Bung Kwon says that he welcomes any student who has the ambition to make the world a better place and he can offer a full scholarship for the two years of required study.
Final question: How do we get this kind of investment in peace studies in the U.S.?
Bill Timpson is a professor at Colorado State University.
Written by Matt Luizza, SoGES 2013-2014 Sustainability Leadership Fellow, and PhD Candidate in the Department of Political Science and the Natural Resource Ecology Laboratory Graduate Degree Program in Ecology
Since my early childhood I have been fascinated with rural indigenous cultures from across the globe. The romantic notion of seemingly forgotten places, inhabited by people existing in primal harmony with the natural world was the most exciting thing I could imagine. My mind ran wild as I envisioned living with each and every group I learned about, from the feared Comanche horse culture of the historical U.S. Great Plains, to newly discovered tribes hidden in the depths of the Brazilian Amazon Rainforest. Out of all of my childhood friends, I was the only kid, that if the culturally insensitive game of “Cowboys and Indians” were to arise, would gladly and emphatically choose to be in the latter group of wild west combatants. Now, well into my mid-to-late childhood, my naïve understanding of local indigenous communities has advanced beyond a narrow view of simple cultures frozen in time, but this formative curiosity and reverence has stuck with me and turned into the underlying passion fueling my doctoral research.
My PhD work is driven by a conviction which I, and a number of other scholars and practitioners share. It is a belief that indigenous communities, whose livelihoods are predominately tied to their local landscapes, harbor a vast wealth of important intergenerational knowledge, including empirical observations, cultural values and spiritual practices; and this knowledge is critical to conservation planning. I believe that acknowledgement and inclusion of such knowledge, values and perceptions, and meaningful consultation and collaboration throughout all stages of research and planning with indigenous communities, is necessary for local empowerment and effective conservation.
At a recent lunch meeting with renowned ecosystem ecologist and social-ecological systems scholar F. Stuart Chapin III (see Chapin III et al. 2000 and 2010), Dr. Chapin poignantly voiced a supporting sentiment when discussing the idea of “ecological integrity”. Ecological integrity can be defined broadly as a given ecosystem's structure and function, operating in a manner that fits a natural/historic range of variation. Noting first that most systems are so heavily influenced by humans that pristine places with intact ecological integrity are rare, he went on to point out the importance of knowing a system very well, as this “sense of place” affords a better intuition about the processes related to ecosystem structure and function, facilitating the ability to pick up on even the most subtle changes. This observation nicely encapsulates one of the many important contributions of indigenous knowledge, which is comprised of the same in-depth understanding of place, and further affords a better view of the intimately linked nature of social and ecological systems. An understanding that is needed to ensure the longevity of both through conservation practices which protect ecological integrity but also human livelihoods.
Indigenous knowledge is an increasingly popular topic in both the scientific and philanthropic worlds, with two key terms, “traditional ecological knowledge” and “local ecological knowledge” alone producing over 17,000 results in Google Scholar and 657 peer-reviewed manuscripts in Web of Science. Despite this, in the rapidly growing fields of risk assessment studies (see Buckley 2008 and Lindgren 2012) and ecological modeling (see Elith et al. 2010 and Evangelista et al. 2012), indigenous knowledge has yet to be adequately acknowledged. This is troubling as such powerful risk management and vulnerability assessment approaches are often the driving force behind conservation planning and resource management decision making. Many land managers and local communities have limited resources (especially geospatial) for assessing the risk posed by linked disturbance drivers like invasive species and climate change. Working in Alaska and Ethiopia provides an opportunity to employ novel approaches and engage very distinct ecologies and cultures, facing similar acute environmental changes.
My research specifically seeks collaboration with rural indigenous communities in Alaska and Ethiopia, to integrate their knowledge with geospatial applications, and better understand the vulnerability of ecosystem services (i.e. the benefits that humans receive from the environment) (see MA 2005), which they rely on for their livelihoods, to problematic invasive species and changing climate at the local and landscape scale. This spatial understanding can then hopefully promote dialogue about conservation strategies linked with local community needs and values. Alaska is one the fastest warming places on the planet (Rupp & Springsteen, 2009). Disruption of environmental processes are known to negatively affect biodiversity and overall ecosystem resilience, in addition to impacting local Alaskan communities whose livelihoods are dependent on the landscape (McNeeley & Shulski 2011). Located in eastern interior Alaska is one of my research sites, the Yukon Flats National Wildlife Refuge, which is the third largest conservation area in the national wildlife refuge system. It is comprised of a mosaic of critical subarctic habitat and one of the greatest waterfowl breeding areas in North America. Additionally, seven Gwich'in Athabascan indigenous communities live within or adjacent to the Refuge and are heavily reliant on the local landscape. The ecological, cultural and economic importance of this site cannot be overstated, and currently a number of highly aggressive invasive species are noted to be present, and of growing concern for U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (USFWS) and the villages, including aquatic species like western waterweed (Elodea nuttallii and Elodea canadensis), and terrestrial species including Canada thistle (Cirsium arvense), White sweet clover (Melilotus albus), and Bird vetch (Vicia cracca). Both the tribes and USFWS have an especially vested interest in understanding and managing aquatic invasive Elodea, as it negatively impacts Pacific salmon (Oncorhynchus spp.) spawning habitat, becoming an impenetrable mass of tangled plant matter that clogs lakes and slow-moving creek and stream tributaries, thus holding major implications for a region that houses the longest Pacific salmon run in the world. As noted by a Native Alaskan Chief at a recent inter-tribal summit in the Yukon Territory, “water is our life. It sustains us...We define ourselves as being part of the land [and] King salmon was and is the life line on the Yukon”.
Over 7,000 miles away, across the Pacific Ocean, is my other research site, Ethiopia. Like Alaska, the wonders of Ethiopia cannot be overstated. As the headwaters of the Blue Nile, Ethiopia provides the majority of water for both tributaries of the longest and most recognizable river in the world. The lush, forested southern reaches of the country are captivating and home to some of the most spectacular biodiversity in the world. The Bale Mountains National Park, located adjacent to one of my project sites, is noted to be among the world's most irreplaceable Protected Areas for conservation of amphibian, bird and mammal species (LeSaout et al. 2013). The flora is equally impressive with the United Nations Environmental Programme (UNEP) noting that “...the conditions and the isolation of these areas have led to the evolution of unique plant communities that are found nowhere else” (UNEP 2008). Preliminary results of my current work in Ethiopia reveal important gender distinctions of plant knowledge and valuation of plant-derived ecosystem services (Luizza et al. 2013). For more on this project, please visit my blog post on NREL's EcoPress site, and see what other projects are occurring in Ethiopia through the recently announced strategic alliance between the Warner College of Natural Resources and Ethiopia.
In both Alaska and Ethiopia there is a need to include indigenous communities in conservation planning, through novel, interdisciplinary approaches, which are above all community-driven. Indigenous communities in both places (and around the globe) are facing an array of challenges fueled by a number of environmental and anthropogenic disturbances. As I prepare for the next round of field work in Ethiopia in April 2014 and Alaska in August 2014, I am aware of the vast amount of work that lies ahead, but excited to see the growing number of scholars, land managers and local practitioners seeking collectively to bring indigenous knowledge to the forefront of conservation planning.
Buckley, Y.M. 2008. The role of research for integrated management of invasive species, invaded landscapes and communities. Journal of Applied Ecology 45: 397-402.
Chapin III., F.S., Zavaleta, E.S., Eviner, V.T., Naylor, R.L., Vitousek, P.M., Reynolds, H.L., Hooper, D.U., Lavorel, S., Sala, O.E., Hobbie, S.E., Mack, M.C., and Díaz, S. 2000. Consequences of changing biodiversity. Nature 405: 234-242.
Chapin III., F.S., Carpenter, S.R., Kofinas, G.P., Folke, C., Abel, N., Clark, W.C., Olsson, P., Stafford Smith, D.M., Walker, B., Young, O.R., Berkes, F., Biggs, R., Grove, J.M., Naylor, R.L., Pinkerton, E., Steffen, W., and Swanson, F.J. 2010. Ecosystem stewardship: Sustainability strategies for a rapidly changing planet. Trends in Ecology and Evolution 25(4): 241-249.
Elith, J., Kearney, M., and Phillips, S. 2010. The art of modelling range-shifting species. Methods in Ecology and Evolution 1: 330-342.
Evangelista, P., Norman III, J., Swartzinki, P., and Young, N. 2012. Assessing habitat quality of the mountain nyala Tragelaphus buxtoni in the Bale Mountains, Ethiopia. Current Zoology 58(4): 525-535.
Le Saout, S., Hoffman, M., Shi, Y., Hughes, A., Bernard, C., Brooks, T.M., Bertzky, B., Butchart, S.H.M., Stuart, S.N., Badman, T., & Rodrigues, A.S.L. 2013. Protected areas and effective biodiversity conservation. Science, 342(15): 803-805.
Lindgren, C.J. 2012. Biosecurity policy and the use of geospatial predictive tools to address invasive plants: Updating the risk analysis toolbox. Risk Analysis 32(1): 9-15.
Luizza, M.W., Young, H., Kuroiwa, C., Evangelista, P., Worede, A., Bussmann, R.W., and Weimer, A. 2013. Local knowledge of plants and their uses among women in the Bale Mountains, Ethiopia. Ethnobotany Research and Applications 11: 315-339.
McNeeley, S.M., and Shulski, M.D. 2011. Anatomy of a closing window: Vulnerability to changing seasonality in Interior Alaska. Global Environmental Change 21: 464-473.
Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (MA). 2005. Ecosystems and human well-being: a framework for assessment. Washington, DC: Island Press.
Rupp, T.S., and Springsteen, A. 2009. Projected Climate Change Scenarios for the Bureau of Land Management Eastern Interior Management Area, Alaska, 2001-2099. University of Alaska Fairbanks Report. Prepared for U.S. Department of the Interior Bureau of Land Management. 10pp.
United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP). 2008. Africa: Atlas of Our Changing Environment. Division of Early Warning and Assessment (DEWA). Nairobi: Kenya.
It is sometimes startling for me to think how many fish interiors I have seen. Summing over three tours on the annual Gulf of Alaska/Aleutian Islands survey run by NOAA's Alaska Fisheries Science Center (AFSC), the number is surely in the thousands. For someone with no fewer than three blood-induced fainting incidents on his resume, there has to be a pretty compelling reason to willfully look at the insides of that many fish. Fortunately, there is – to find out what they eat. Though I was only a small cog in a much larger data-collecting machine, I was out there because I am fascinated by food webs – networks that map who eats whom in an ecosystem. Assembling these food webs means identifying what all the species are eating, and in the case of marine fish, this means identifying what's in their stomachs. Collecting these data requires a great deal of effort – AFSC scientists have peered into hundreds of thousands of stomachs over the last thirty years – but offers powerful insights in return.
Despite the visual tangle of an assembled food web (network diagrams like the one shown here are sometimes unaffectionately referred to as hairballs), there are patterns – nonrandom structures – that can be extracted. For instance, many food webs, like the Chesapeake Bay marine food web, can be broken into a few tightly knit groups that only loosely interact with one-another (Krause et al. 2003). In the case of the Chesapeake Bay, this means that the food web separates into two groups: a benthic group (bottom-dwelling species), and a pelagic group (water-column species), with a few key species connecting the two.
Identifying such structures in the tangle of a food web can tell us a great deal about how energy moves through an ecosystem (flowing from plants on up) and how it might respond if one or more species are lost. When a species is removed, or its abundance substantially reduced, the effects can cascade through the food web, affecting many other species. Knowing the structure of the food web allows us to predict what other species will be affected and how severely. In the case of the Chesapeake Bay food web, the effects of the loss of a benthic species are more likely to be contained within the benthic group, without affecting the pelagic species. Knowing how species break into groups allows us to identify the major avenues through which energy flows and how the loss of different species will disrupt that flow.
Such tools are especially useful in fisheries management (hence the interest from AFSC) as they allow us to explore how the harvest of a particular species of fish will affect all of the others in a community. For instance, the collapse of the Atlantic cod population on the Scotian Shelf in the early 1990's created a cascade that affected the whole community (Frank et al., 2011). Without the cod there to eat them, the fish that had previously been the cod's prey – herring, capelin, and sandlance – exploded in population. Because of this boom, they in turn drove down the populations of their prey, and so on through the food chain. Understanding such chains of events, and how they are governed by the layout of the food web, can help us to better manage how we harvest fish so that we can keep the whole community stable.
Acknowledging and studying such interconnections highlights the fact that we participate in, and exert a large influence over, these marine food webs. Before it made it to your plate, that fish was part of a community, part of a food web, where it acquired its own dinners and might have provided dinner for something else had it not made it to you first. The energy that reaches our plate must first pass through the complex interactions between myriad organisms, and understanding how and where exactly that energy flows is of critical importance if we are to continue to safely and sustainably enjoy the products of the sea.
Frank, K. T., Petrie, B., Fisher, J. a D., & Leggett, W. C. (2011). Transient dynamics of an altered large marine ecosystem. Nature, 477(7362), 86–9.
Krause, A. E., Frank, K. a, Mason, D. M., Ulanowicz, R. E., & Taylor, W. W. (2003). Compartments revealed in food-web structure. Nature, 426(6964), 282–5.
By Philip Cafaro, PhD and Professor of Philosophy and affiliated faculty member with the School of Global Environmental Sustainability, Colorado State University, Fort Collins, United States, and Richard B. Primack, PhD and Professor of Biology, Boston University, United States
Posted on 12 February 2014
Nearly three decades ago, Michael Soulé published an article titled ‘‘What is Conservation Biology?’’ (1985). Its strong and enduring influence stemmed partly from Soulé’s success in articulating an appealing ethical vision for this rapidly developing field. At its heart was the belief that the anthropogenic extinction of species is a great moral wrong. ‘‘The diversity of organisms is good,’’ Soulé wrote, and ‘‘the untimely extinction of populations and species is bad.’’ Other species have ‘‘value in themselves,’’ he asserted: an ‘‘intrinsic value,’’ which should motivate appreciation, respect, and restraint in our dealings with them.
In ‘‘What is Conservation Science?’’ (2012), a recent attempt to update Soulé, Peter Kareiva and Michelle Marvier lose sight of this moral commitment. Specifying the practical principles that they believe should guide conservationists, they give prominent place to increasing human wealth (‘‘economic development’’) and ‘‘working with corporations,’’ while recognition of the right of other species to continue to flourish is nowhere to be found. Indeed, the article’s rhetoric serves to normalize anthropogenic extinctions and make readers more comfortable with them. For example, it describes concern for the extirpation of wolves and grizzly bears in the United States as ‘‘nostalgia’’ for ‘‘the world as it once was,’’ and states that ‘‘some realism is in order’’ regarding whether or not people should be required to keep other species on the landscape when their continued presence is incompatible with our economic goals.
Unfortunately this position does not appear to be an aberration of this one article, but an essential part of Karieva and Marvier’s brief for conservationists to accommodate ourselves to the new realities of the Anthropocene Epoch. An earlier piece that they published with Robert Lalasz, ‘‘Conservation in the Anthropocene’’ (2011), also contemplates mass extinction with equanimity, in part, apparently, because such extinctions will not necessarily inconvenience human beings.
‘‘Ecologists and conservationists have grossly overstated the fragility of nature,’’ they argue there. ‘‘In many circumstances, the demise of formerly abundant species can be inconsequential to ecosystem function. The American chestnut, once a dominant tree in eastern North America, has been extinguished by a foreign disease, yet the forest ecosystem is surprisingly unaffected. The passenger pigeon, once so abundant that its flocks darkened the sky, went extinct, along with countless other species from the Steller’s sea cow to the dodo, with no catastrophic or even measurable effects.’’
Presumably these extinction events were indeed catastrophic for the species in question, and perhaps too for other species that preyed on or parasitized them, or depended on them in other ways. But such catastrophes do not appear to count morally for the authors—they are not real catastrophes—as long as the ‘‘ecosystem functions’’ that benefit people remain intact. (Regarding the near-extinction of the American chestnut and the demise of the passenger pigeon, among the most abundant tree and bird species in temperate eastern North American forests five hundred years ago, if they had no ‘‘measurable effects,’’ we may assume that was because no one bothered to measure them at the time.)
According to recent studies, humanity could extinguish one out of every three species on Earth during the next several centuries, if we continue on our current habitat-destroying, resource-monopolizing path (Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity, 2010). In one sign of the times, in 2008 the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service listed the polar bear as threatened with extinction due to current and potential future effects of global climate change. Those of us who love wild nature receive such news with lumps in our throats. Yet about the polar bear Kareiva et al. (2011) have this to say:
‘‘Even that classic symbol of fragility—the polar bear, seemingly stranded on a melting ice block—may have a good chance of surviving global warming if the changing environment continues to increase the populations and northern ranges of harbor seals and harp seals. Polar bears evolved from brown bears 200,000 years ago during a cooling period in Earth’s history, developing a highly specialized carnivorous diet focused on seals. Thus, the fate of polar bears depends on two opposing trends—the decline of sea ice and the potential increase of energy-rich prey. The history of life on Earth is of species evolving to take advantage of new environments only to be at risk when the environment changes again.’’
Note the way this account equates past extinctions due to natural causes with the possible extinction of the polar bear due to human-caused climate change. That’s just ‘‘the history of life,’’ adapting or failing to adapt to changing conditions. Note the disappearance of any sense of human agency for the threat to the polar bear: Ursus maritimus’ fate depends on ‘‘two opposing trends’’ as ‘‘the environment changes’’—not on whether or not humanity ratchets back greenhouse gas emissions. Finally, note the glibness with which the authors talk about the extinction of this magnificent beast (‘‘seemingly stranded on a melting ice block’’).
Extinguishing species through the continued expansion of human economic activities appears to be morally acceptable to Kareiva, Marvier and some other Anthropocene proponents (e.g. Bradbury, 2012), as long as this destruction does not rebound and harm people themselves. But this view is selfish and unjust. Human beings already control more than our fair share of Earth’s resources. If increased human numbers and economic demands threaten to extinguish the polar bear and many other species, then we need to limit our numbers and economic demands (Cincotta and Gorenflo, 2011; Noss et al., 2013). Exactly how to curb human demands or reform dysfunctional economic institutions that endanger wild nature may be open questions, but they are not optional questions for conservationists, nor can we ignore moral issues in answering them (Rolston, 1994).
Conservation biologists, with our knowledge and appreciation of other species, are the last people who should be making excuses for their displacement, or making light of their extinction. It is particularly inappropriate for Peter Kareiva to do so, given his position as chief scientist at the Nature Conservancy, an organization dedicated to preserving biodiversity. TNC’s fundraising rests in part on appeals to a strong and widely shared moral sense that other species have a right to continued existence. Much of the conservation value of TNC’s easements and land purchases depends on societywide moral and legal commitments to preserve threatened and endangered species. Kareiva and Marvier (2012) state that they ‘‘do not wish to undermine the ethical motivations for conservation action,’’ or presumably, conservation law. Yet their articles do precisely that, with potentially disastrous implications for practical conservation efforts, particularly in the long-term.
To be clear: we do not think there is anything wrong with people looking after our own legitimate needs. This is an important component of conservation, as conservation biologists have long recognized (Greenwald et al., 2013). Kareiva and Marvier are right to remind us that protecting ecosystem services for human beings is important. They are right, too, that concern for our own wellbeing can sometimes motivate significant biodiversity preservation. We believe that people should preserve other species both for their sakes and for ours (see Primack, 2010, chapter 6, for a fuller treatment of these ethical claims).
However, it is a mistake to reduce conservation solely to a selfconcerned prudence, or to anthropocentrically assume that it is acceptable to extinguish those species that do not provide us with important ecosystem services. As with marriage, education, or any other important human institution or activity, an overly economistic approach to conservation leads us astray morally. It makes us selfish, and that is the last thing we want when the very existence of so many other life forms is at stake. Fairly sharing the lands and waters of Earth with other species is most importantly a matter of justice, not economic convenience (Staples and Cafaro, 2012).
Natural species are the primary expressions and repositories of organic nature’s order, creativity, and diversity. They represent thousands of millions of years of evolution and achievement. They show incredible functional, organizational, and behavioral complexity. Every species, like every person, is unique, with its own history and destiny. When people take so many resources or degrade so much habitat that another species is driven extinct, we have taken or damaged too much, and brought a valuable and meaningful story to an untimely end.
‘‘The prime motive of science is not to control the Universe but to appreciate it more fully. It is a huge privilege to live on Earth and to share it with so many goodly and fantastical creatures.’’
From this perspective, even one anthropogenic extinction is one too many. From this perspective, the goodness of the human career on Earth depends as much on how well we appreciate and get along with other species, as on how well we do so with other people.
Michael Soulé (1985, 2013) is right: other species have value in themselves and a right to continued existence free from anthropogenic extinction, whether or not we find them beautiful, useful, profitable, or interesting, and whether or not preserving them is convenient or economically beneficial for people.
Bradbury, R., 2012. A World Without Corals. New York Times, op-ed pages, July 13, 2012.
Cincotta, R.P., Gorenflo, L.J., 2011. Human Population: Its Influences on Biological Diversity. Springer.
Greenwald, N., Dellasala, D., Terborgh, J., 2013. Nothing new in Kareiva and Marvier. BioScience 63, 241.
Kareiva, P., Marvier, M., 2012. What is conservation science? BioScience 62, 962– 969.
Kareiva, P., Lalasz, R., Marvier, M., 2011. Conservation in the Anthropocene: beyond solitude and fragility. Breakthrough J., 29–37 (Fall).
Noss, R., Nash, R., Paquet, P., Soulé, M., 2013. Humanity’s domination of nature is part of the problem: a response to Kareiva and Marvier. BioScience 63, 241–242.
Primack, R., 2010. Essentials of Conservation Biology, fifth ed. Sinauer Associates.
Rolston, H., 1994. Conserving Natural Value. Columbia University Press.
Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity, 2010. Global Biodiversity Outlook 3. Montréal.
Soulé, M.E., 1985. What is conservation biology? BioScience 35, 727–734.
Soulé, M.E., 2013. The ‘‘New Conservation’’. Conservation Biol. 27, 897–899.
Staples, W., Cafaro, P., 2012. For a species right to exist. In: Cafaro, P., Crist, E. (Eds.), Life on the Brink: Environmentalists Confront Overpopulation. University of Georgia Press, pp. 283–300.
Tudge, C., 2000. The Variety of Life: A Survey and a Celebration of all the Creatures that Have Ever Lived. Oxford University Press.
To comment on this blog post, visit the ElsevierConnect website with the original article HERE.
One of the most incredible aspects of life in the tropics is the shear force with which raindrops seem to fall. As if shot out of a cannon with the specific aim of teaching a painful lesson that won’t soon be forgotten to silly humans attempting to feebly take shelter under a palm tree, raindrops from tropical thunderstorms are quite impressive already. But what will happen to these raindrops, or more precisely their number, with a warming climate?
This question is one that has been on the minds of atmospheric scientists in the last decade. I am just now sitting down to write this blog entry after attending a colloquium during which the idea that tropical rainfall might be responsible for events occurring in the Arctic was discussed, and, as so often occurs, the subsequent discussion became one on trends in tropical rainfall. And the reason this question is so common a refrain is that understanding how and why precipitation might change under climate change scenarios is crucial to the lives and livelihoods of populations living in the tropics. Local populations in the tropics have developed a dependence on frequent, but not too frequent, heavy, but not too heavy, rainfall. There are two ways in which this balance could be broken. Either the frequency or intensity of rainfall could change. And, unfortunately, climate change is expected to change both.
As the climate warms, a myriad of changes will probably occur to the tropical atmosphere. The warmer atmosphere will be able to “hold” higher amounts of water vapor than it can today. So, the same storm in a warmer climate would rain more than it would in a cooler one. Also where it rains is expected to change. Today, much of the rain in the tropics is confined to narrow bands around the equator. Due to a variety of influences, these bands are expected to shrink in a warmer climate. Since the atmosphere has to rain a certain amount each day to maintain a constant water cycle, and because this rain will be confined to a smaller area, that effect too will create stronger rain rates. Combined, these predicted changes portend bad news for many vulnerable populations in the tropics. “Extreme” rainfall will get heavier and “normal” rainfall will become less frequent. The situation is often referred to as the “Rich-get-Richer” response. This name reflects the nature of regions receiving an abundance of precipitation being predicted to get more.
Traditional global circulation models (GCMs) that climate scientists use to make predictions about climate change have been predicting a “Rich-get-Richer” response to global climate change for some time. However, these models lack the ability to simulate individual thunderstorms. Recently, work with special, high-resolution models has been conducted to understand how individual thunderstorms will respond to climate change. These simulations have revealed an even grimmer picture of changes to rainfall. What they have shown is that groups of thunderstorm conspire to exacerbate the problem. It seems that clouds will group together in new ways to pour down rain on rainy areas at the expense of the drier ones. The strongest thunderstorms appear to get even stronger. Together with the results of the large-scale weather well simulated by the GCMs, there is reason for concern.
The “Rich-get-Richer” and thunderstorm difference mechanisms only account for the daily variations in rainfall. Tropical rainfall is also influenced by longer time scale phenomena. Both monthly and yearly time scales see broad changes in rainfall. On monthly scales the so-called Madden-Julian Oscillation (the MJO), a broad region of storminess that slowly moves eastward along the equator, can enhance or deter rainfall. Very recent work has suggested that MJOs may become harder to predict with greater time between rain events. The events that do occur might result in heavier rainfall. On yearly timescales, hurricanes come and go. But with climate warming, the hurricanes that come will likely be less frequent and more intense than those we see today.
Anecdotally, some of these changes have already been seen. Regions like Australia and the Indian subcontinent have seen changes in the frequency and intensity of their rainfall. The Indian monsoon, a seasonal rain pattern, used to be amazingly consistent year-to-year, and therefore, predictable. Now monsoon onset occurs at a more variable time and monsoon rains are often heavy enough to flood. Australia too has seen drought and flooding with unfamiliar regularity.
Climate warming will likely require adaptation to new weather. While those in the tropics are generally spared the worst effects, they will have to adapt to rising sea levels and, unfortunately, it seems, changes in the rainfall that is so vital to their everyday life.
Of molecules and mosquitoes: molecular biology techniques underlie our efforts to sustainably eradicate mosquito-borne viruses
Written by Stephanie Moon, SoGES 2013-2014 Sustainability Leadership Fellow, and PhD Candidate in the Department of Microbiology, Immunology, and Pathology
Not so very long ago, the prevailing belief was that mosquitoes were not capable of transmitting such devastating agents of disease as malaria, Yellow fever virus (YFV) and West Nile virus (WNV). It was believed that YFV was transmitted through mysterious fogs or general filth, and it wasn’t until early in the twentieth century that scientific investigation by the U.S. Army in Cuba uncovered the role of mosquitoes in virus transmission (1). Despite the prevailing public sentiment that it was ridiculous to consider that mosquitoes carried human pathogens, experiments by the U.S. Army led by Dr. Walter Reed in Cuba in the early 1900’s revealed that humans can transmit YFV to mosquitoes and mosquitoes can in turn consistently pass the virus back to humans. Shockingly, these experiments would not have been possible without the help of human volunteers willing to be infected with YFV, and some died as a result of their participation (1). However, the eventual eradication of YFV from Central and North America during the twentieth century would not have taken place without these key experiments defining the transmission cycle and a rigorous multi-pronged approach that aimed to destroy mosquito populations, discover a vaccine, and prevent mosquito-human contact through quarantine efforts, screens and mosquito nets (1).
Laboratory-based research efforts were successful in eradicating YFV from the U.S., but surveillance efforts to detect YFV or research into finding a cure for the disease are still important goals. Aside from contributing to sickness and death in sub-Saharan Africa and Central and South America, there is still a risk of YFV and other mosquito-borne viruses once again gaining a foothold in the U.S. It was also recently reported that the main vector for YFV and the related Dengue virus, Aedes aegypti, has been found in California, and 22 patients have been identified so far as having acquired Dengue virus in Key West, Florida (2).
Today in the U.S., West Nile virus is rapidly becoming a major concern as human and animal cases have burgeoned since the virus was introduced in New York in 1999. Yellow fever virus and its mosquito vector Aedes aegypti were also imported to the New World (thought to derive from West Africa and spread to the Americas as a consequence of the African slave trade) and we know now that the way we changed the landscape during the European expansion into the Americas contributed to the expanding region in which YFV was found (1). For example, razing the forest to create sugar cane plantations in the islands of the Caribbean in the early seventeenth century promoted the formation of new favorable habitats for Aedes aegypti, facilitating the spread of YFV (1). Similarly, the incidence of WNV in the northeastern U.S. has been shown to be higher in urban areas, and our agricultural practices have also contributed to WNV disease incidence in the western U.S. (3, 4).
Because West Nile virus normally exists in a transmission cycle between birds and mosquitoes (with humans and horses acquiring WNV incidentally), the ecology of this virus-host-vector system is in some ways more complex than that of YFV, which is maintained in humans and tree-dwelling monkeys (in the Americas). Eradicating WNV therefore presents a particularly complex challenge, especially as WNV, unlike YFV, has no vaccine. It follows that mitigation efforts will focus on mosquito control rather than disease prevention, which can negatively affect ecosystems by harming other insects and the animals that depend on insects as a food source (5). Coming up with new ways to treat patients infected with WNV and other mosquito-borne pathogens or prevent infection in the first place through vaccinations will permit a more sustainable approach to eradicating these diseases. Therefore, molecular biology research into the underlying molecular mechanisms of virus infection and transmission will be essential for our future efforts if we want a more environmentally friendly, sustainable solution to the problem of mosquito-transmitted viruses.
How do we manage the risk of WNV transmission locally? The city of Fort Collins provides a wealth of information to the public about this process. Data you can access online includes how many patients have been diagnosed with WNV, the severity of their disease symptoms, and fatalities in Larimer County. You can also easily find how many mosquitoes were trapped in certain areas in Larimer County and whether or not they tested positive for WNV online (6). These data are used to determine what actions the city should take to prevent a WNV outbreak. Part of the city’s response to a predicted outbreak is the use of insecticides that kill larval or adult mosquitoes, but they are applied in small areas and only used when the risk of WNV transmission is high. Despite the efforts of the city of Fort Collins to make data and information available to the public about WNV transmission risk and insecticide application, there is controversy surrounding the use of insecticides. A fairly recent article in the Coloradoan (http://noconow.co/1hqQcti) discusses some the pitfalls of the current system the city uses to decide when and where to spray insecticides (7). One major problem with our current system is the way that we decide when to spray (7). Because the city won’t spray insecticides until several human cases are reported, there is a delay of almost a month between when people are getting infected with WNV and when they come down with symptoms and therefore when the city may take action (7). We could potentially stop this delay by relying more on mosquito surveillance efforts (7) and by developing improved diagnostics that will detect infection in people who are at risk of infection before the onset of symptoms.
The way that we currently evaluate and abrogate the risk of WNV transmission locally is rooted in molecular biology techniques, as both surveillance and (some) diagnostic tests rely on a method called the polymerase chain reaction (PCR) to detect viral genetic material. Unfortunately, our current repertoire of diagnostic tests are not useful until the patient has symptoms of the disease, so there is a need for more rapid, reliable diagnostic tests to detect WNV before the onset of illness. Surprisingly, there are no specific treatments or human vaccines for many important mosquito-borne viral diseases, including WNV. Research aimed at developing new vaccines, diagnostic tests and exposing new viral (or host) drug targets to mitigate the onset of disease symptoms will be a crucial component of a sustainable strategy for disease control. Laboratory-based research efforts can potentially also pinpoint why certain viruses cause disease or spread across the globe.
My research is focused on how a large group of arthropod-borne viruses including Dengue virus and WNV cause disease at the cellular and molecular level. If we can determine what factors are required for viruses to replicate in human cells, then we can potentially develop novel treatments to reduce the symptoms of the disease. Furthermore, by studying the common mechanisms that many different viruses use to cause disease, we could ultimately derive a common treatment. Many viruses that aren’t transmitted by mosquitoes (including Hepatitis C virus and Bovine viral diarrhea virus- a common ailment of cattle) are close relatives of YFV, Dengue virus, and WNV. Our work has uncovered some exciting mechanisms that these related viruses share to potentially cause disease in humans and animals that you can read about here: http://bit.ly/1lF4M0x (8). Ultimately, research efforts should contribute to the production of treatments, vaccines, and sustainable methods of implementing both to supplement or replace our current approaches that rely heavily on mosquito control to mitigate disease risk in humans and animals.
Works cited and suggested reading:
(1) McNeill, JR. Mosquito Empires: Ecology and War in the greater Caribbean, 1620-1914. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010. Press.
(2) Centers for Disease Control and Prevention- Dengue Homepage. http://www.cdc.gov/dengue/epidemiology/local_dengue.html. 27 Sept. 2012. Accessed 8 Jan 2014.
(3) Brown HE, Childs JE, Diuk-Wasser MA, Fish D. Ecologic factors associated with West Nile virus transmission, northeastern USA. Emerg Infect Dis [serial on the Internet]. 2008 Oct [8 Jan. 2014]. Available from http://wwwnc.cdc.gov/eid/article/14/10/07-1396.htm
(4) Kilpatrick AM. “Globalization, land use, and the invasion of West Nile virus” Science. 2011 Oct 21; 334(6054):323-7. doi: 10.1126/science.1201010.
(5) U.S. Fish & Wildlife Services, Appendix K4, Environmental Effects of Mosquito Control www.fws.gov/cno/refuges/DonEdwards/CCP-PDFs/Appendix-K4_EffectsofMosquitoControl.pdf 2004. Accessed 1 Jan. 2014.
(6) Colorado Mosquito Control, Inc. http://www.comosquitocontrol.com/larimer.html 2010. Accessed 8 Jan. 2014.
(7) Duggan, Kevin. “Fort Collins’ West Nile spraying could fly in new directions” Coloradoan.com. The Coloradoan, 12 Nov. 2013. http://www.coloradoan.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=2013311090084 Web. 6 Jan. 2013.
(8) Moon, SL and Wilusz, J. Rage against the (cellular RNA decay) machine. PloS Pathog. 2013 Dec 9 (12):e1003762. doi: 10.1371/journal.ppat.1003762.
Plenty of scientists, economists and think tankers are talking about the 9 billion people question, or the ‘9BPQ’. Our population is predicted to plateau in 2050 with 9 billion humans. That is a lot of bodies to provide water, food, shelter and clean air for. Is it possible? I’m not sure.
Dr. H.C.J. Godfray, University of Oxford professor, and his coauthors (2010) say it is possible, with a multifaceted and linked global strategy that can ensure sustainable and equitable food security. My favorite component of their optimism is reducing waste. Dr. John Foley, Director of the Institute on the Environment at the University of Minnesota, another prolific writer on food security, agrees. In this blog post, he talks not only of changing diets to increase our food supply by 28%, but also about reducing food wasted. Think about it, if you collected all the mashed potatoes people didn’t finish on Thanksgiving, you could feed several villages in Africa the mountains of nutritious mash. After working in agriculture and studying plant pathology for many years, I’ve become fascinated by the disparity we humans have about understanding the sources of what sustain us and the dire threats to these sources we face and will leave for our children to tackle in the years to come.
Dr. Foley spoke about sustainability at an event hosted by the School of Global and Environmental Sustainability here at Colorado State University last month. While sitting in the audience too shy to ask my question, I began to consider local versus global food movements and how that relates to food security. It’s an intricate balance. What can we do today? How? If I don’t order a steak at this restaurant am I really making a difference? If I choose to buy this locally grown lettuce over that shipped from Mexico, am I contributing to global sustainability and securing our food supply? It feels like the answer is no, but really it is yes. If we consider all the small decisions made worldwide, the collective impact is ultimately a comprehensive change.
My research group works with Oryza sativa, known commonly as rice. This is a power house staple crop that feeds half of our world and an ancient, global food religion. Rice is intensively grown with several cropping cycles per year and it produces a significant amount of agricultural waste. A giant focus in our research is sustainably managing the pests and pathogens that threaten this simple, yet life sustaining plant. Tapping into the inherent tolerance to disease available in diverse wild varieties for introduction into those that are grown year after year is a sustainable approach to combating evolving microbes, and it will lessen the need for chemical applications for management, but more importantly, yield losses. Essentially, breeders can take advantage of what these plants already have to offer.
Growers are and will continually be faced with decisions to change their cropping systems, their seeds, their management strategies and their resource allocations. Our research involves molecular diagnostics, microbiology, molecular biology, plant physiology, genetics, genomics and transcriptomics to help understand from the smallest to the largest level how these different kingdoms interact in a rice system. Opportunities for sustainable production also exist in making use of crop residue that is otherwise wasted in a very pollutant-heavy way, most commonly by burning directly in the field. A viable option to dealing with this waste is to use gasification. Gasification is a closed system that would bring a value added commodity in the form of energy to fuel downstream processes, like milling. The question is, will growers be willing to transport their leftover stems and leaves down the road to support this operation? Would it be cost effective for them? This scenario could be applied to many annual cropping systems, especially those where several crops are consecutively produced in one year. Another beauty in working with rice is that it is a simple grass. It is heavily studied so many research tools are available, such as a complete genome sequence and a multitude of invested researchers worldwide. Due to the nature of evolution, many of the traits people are interested in for bioenergy, such as cell wall structure, are highly conserved among plants. By taking advantage of rice as a model, research can quickly advance to optimize systems for not only sustainable food production, but reducing wasted crop residue and using it for bioenergy. So much like reducing that amount of consumed food wasted, creative approaches to reducing waste in all steps of agricultural productions should be explored.
It’s easy to feel far removed from the people and environments we’re working to help, since no one grows rice for hundreds of miles from my lab bench or our tropics-simulating greenhouses. However, much like the lettuce dilemma, we know our work locally does affect the global movement towards sustainable crop production and that our results can be readily translated to other food crops. This solution sounds straight forward when simply written in a blog. But what is perhaps most frightening in the sustainable food security challenge is climate change. Weather extremes and natural resource abuse trigger complications in microbial and agricultural ecology. The phytobiome (a new ‘ome’, meaning the microbes that hang out, for better or for worse, on plants above ground) is a diverse and complex environment that is sensitive to even single degree changes in temperature. Rice isn’t going anywhere; it has been around as a staple crop for centuries. So when I ponder my career and my own decisions around food security, I think there is a balance. We can make choices locally to support our growers up the street and tend our own little plots of land, but research and decisions we make around our food supply can influence our neighbors across the world.
Dr. Foley so accurately describes the absolute power agriculture has over our environment, our society, our diet, our governance and our day to day lives. Agriculture is like the economic ‘Sauron’ of plants and animals followed by reliant humans. It has to be a priority for sustainability studies. If our population is set to reach 9 billion by 2050 AND people are going to live longer, food security is not an option, it is a necessity otherwise, our planet may shift from looking like the Shire to Mordor.
Godfray, H.C.J., Beddington, J.R., Crute, I.R., Haddad, L., Lawrence, D., Muir, J.F., Pretty, J., Robinson, S., Thomas, S.M. and Toulmin, C. 2010. Food Security: The challenge of feeding 9 billion people. Science. 327:812-818.
From the Pacific Coast, to the forests of Northwest, and over the snow-capped Rocky Mountains, the western United States contains a checkerboard of geographic, ecological, and social diversity. These westernmost 11 states (including Arizona, California, Colorado, Idaho, Montana, Nevada, New Mexico, Oregon, Utah, Washington, and Wyoming) are home to over 73.5 million people (which is 23% of US population), and contain the highest concentration of federal land ownership in the US. This region is also home to historic water rights (western water law principle of ‘use it or lose it’), suffers from arid and unpredictable precipitation, and drought-induced risks such as wildfire, and a contains critically important headwaters of major river systems (the Colorado Rockies alone contain headwaters for seven major US river systems).
Over the past couple decades the western US region has grown faster than the entire country. This growth has been accompanied by complex, expensive, and often poorly defined conflicts, which are fueled by rapid land use pattern changes, such as exurban development, and public land use transitions, and changes in climate, demographics, socio-economic conditions, and decreased funding for land stewards. Particularly on public (federally-managed) lands, significant funding limitations and gaps in forest and watershed maintenance have increased, as budgets are reprioritized to address immediate environmental and social concerns such as wildfire. States and their respective watersheds are not uniformly exposed to all these factors, nor are they only factors pertinent to this region, yet these factors are all cited as playing a role in driving the development of new approaches to addressing watershed stewardship challenges.
There is a clear need for new and creative ways to address these increasing concerns, especially since the majority of drinking water in the region comes from surface water supplies primarily protected by forests on public lands (Barnes, et al, 2009). So what occurs in the forested watersheds upstream is indeed linked to the water most of us in the region receive at our faucet. These new approaches to watershed stewardship have developed hand-in-hand with a shift from historically federally-managed conservation actions to decentralized collaborative efforts aimed at the local and regional scale (Nie, 2008).
One such approach, broadly called “Payments for Watershed Services” (PWS) has increased in the region. We can think of PWS as a set of mechanisms that attempt to address these complex conflicts facing the region, designed in different ways to fit a variety of preexisting institutional and ecological conditions. This kind of expansion in PWS approaches is not specific to just the western US, in fact, PWS expansion is occurring across the globe. Ecosystem Marketplace (a Forests Trends Initiative) has tracked the development of PWS globally, culminating in the State of Watershed Payments 2012 report, and an interactive map.
Zooming back in to the western US, our recent research included collaboration with Ecosystem Marketplace to inventory existing PWS programs in the region (data used in our work is part of the State of Watershed Payments data set). Our program inventory found 55 programs in operation or in design in the region in 2012; a number that more than doubled from the 20 programs in the region in 2003. These programs and their status (active, in design) are listed on the map to the right. Point map of Payments for Watershed Services in the Western United States (Huber-Stearns et al., 2013-unpublished). Our research resulted in information about the programmatic components of all 55 programs, which is more comprehensively covered in our full manuscript (email me for more information). In keeping with the theme of this blog, we will focus in on one specific subgroup of programs that emerged in our data analysis: Watershed Restoration and Protection programs.
We identified nine Watershed Restoration and protection programs in our 2012 inventory, and this number has increased since, with more programs under design and beginning full operation. Watershed Restoration and Protection programs focus primarily on targeting water quality ecosystem services, including general water quality, as well as some specific concerns, primarily, temperature, sediment and nitrogen. The programs focus on these ecological concerns through management actions, mainly: land restoration (forest thinning, prescribed burning, riparian restoration, and other actions to improve watershed health); and protection actions (outreach and increased patrols to educate public about appropriate activities in key watersheds, purchasing of conservation easements). These management actions are aimed at the protection and restoration of upper watershed lands that directly affect water municipalities’ source water, and in some cases, lands affecting wastewater and storm water discharge.
In all cases, water municipalities and utilities fund these programs. These programs include cities such as Denver, San Francisco, Santa Fe, Salt Lake City, Seattle, and Tualatin. Due to the inherent checkerboard of land ownership in the region, those conducting stewardship practices on the land for these programs are varied. In the Pacific Northwest, these programs contain mainly private landowners who conduct a variety of restoration and protection practices on their land to enhance and improve water quality. In more arid states, the key land steward in the US Forest Service, who partners with utilities to cost-share restoration and protection actions on public lands.
It may seem unusual that water providers and federal agencies are teaming up to address water quality concerns. However, the Forest Service is increasingly focused on strategies to improve upstream water health, with a specific focus on engaging large water users who are willing to pay for protection, risk aversion and/or restoration practices. Both utilities and public agencies see these partnerships as opportunities to leverage their limited staff and funding towards improved watershed management. The utilities are motivated by source water protection, and other water quality and quantity concerns, while the public agencies and private individuals are motivated by the opportunity to improve overall health of both public and private lands. PWS can serve as a mechanism to work across land ownership boundaries in order to address larger social and ecological concerns.
These watershed restoration actions are often seen as investments in natural infrastructure: as a complement, or in lieu of municipalities increasing technology and treatment within drinking water and wastewater treatment facilities. (Click here to read a recent report: Natural Infrastructure: Investing in Forested Landscapes for Source Water Protection in the United States) As the old adage goes, an ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure. As one example, investment in natural infrastructure can be worth avoidance of severe wildfire costs (loss of lives and property, forest health effects, costs of fire suppression) and subsequent damage (increased nutrients and sediment in water, increased water treatment costs, negative impact on water security, biodiversity). This approach can address such watershed health issues at their root cause, conducting restoration work along waterways and in headwaters.
Programs such as these PWS show that major urban water users are focusing on proactive thinking beyond their own intake and discharge pipes; investments in such programs are starting to solidify the economic value of upstream forests to downstream water users. PWS provides a mechanism that can facilitate: new partnerships and work across boundaries, leveraging of resources (making a dollar go further), and co-benefits such as habitat restoration, and landscape beauty. The relative newness and increasing popularity of PWS means that the next few years will be key for studying new programs coming online, and existing programs reporting outcomes and program effectives. In conclusion, the answer is yes; the clean, cold drinking water gushing forth from your open faucet can indeed be connected to falling trees in your watershed.
Heidi’s research is supported by the Agricultural Experiment Station. Heidi is also the Coordinator for the Colorado Conservation Exchange, a program of the Center for Collaborative Conservation.
Maps were produced by the Geospatial Centroid at Colorado State University.
Barnes, M., Todd, A., Lilja, R, and Barten, P. (2009). Forests, Water and people: Drinking water supply and forest lands in the Northeast and Midwest United States. United States Department of Agriculture Forest Service report.
Bennett, G., Nathaniel .C and Hamilton, K. (2012). Charting New Waters: State of Watershed Payments 2012. Washington, DC: Forest Trends. Available online at http://www.ecosystemmarketplace.com/reports/sowp2012.
Carpe Diem West. (2011). Watershed investment programs in the American West: An updated look: Linking upstream watershed health and downstream security. A Carpe Diem West Report. California. www.carpediemwest.org.
Folke, C. (2006). Resilience: The emergence of a perspective for social-ecological systems analyses. Global Environmental Change-Human and Policy Dimensions, 16(3): 253-267.
Gorte, R., Hardy Vincent, C., Hanson, L., Rosenblum, M. (2012). Federal land ownership: Overvew and data. Congressional research Service 7-5700, R42346.
Majanen, T., Friedman, R., Milder, J. (2011). Innovations in market-based watershed conservation in the United States: Payments for watershed services for agricultural and forest landowners. Ecoagriculture partners. June 2011.
Nie, M. (2008). The governance of Western public lands: Mapping its present and future. University Press of Kansas: Lawrence, Kansas.
Robbins, Meehann, Gosnell, & Gilbertz. (2009). Writing the new west: A critical review. Rural Sociology 74(3); 356.
Theobald, D. M., Travis,W. R., Drummond, M. A., and Gordon, E. S. (2013). “The Changing Southwest.” In Assessment of Climate Change in the Southwest United States: A Report Prepared for the National Climate Assessment, edited by Garfin,G., Jardine, A., Merideth,R., Black, M., and LeRoy, S. 37–55. A report by the Southwest Climate Alliance. Washington, DC: Island Press.
Travis, W., Theobald, D., Mixon, G., and Dickinson, T. (2005). Western Futures: A look into the patterns of land use and future development in the American West. Report from The Center #6, Center of the American West, University of Colorado at Boulder.
Weidner, E. and A. Todd. 2011. From the forest to the faucet: Drinking water and forests in the US, Methods Paper. Ecosystem Services and Markets Program Area, State and Private Forestry, United States Forest Service.
Habits make life easier in a hectic, fast-paced world. It’s hard to fight routine and convenience. There are actions taken everyday that we probably would acknowledge as something we could, to our own benefit, do differently (candy dish, anyone?). We unfortunately aren’t the perfectly rational or consistent decision-makers suggested by traditional economic theory.
However, behavioral economics, a field gaining popularity and credibility, seeks to apply the evidence from behavioral psychology to improve economic models of decision-making. There’s been a recent burst of popular non-fiction titles surrounding behavior and psychology like Predictably Irrational, Nudge, and Thinking, Fast and Slow, (all great reads!) and the President officially established a Social and Behavioral Sciences Team (a.k.a. “The Nudge Squad”), modeled after the success of the UK government.
This line of research is being applied to the design of public policy related to health, diet, finance, savings, retirement plans and the environment. Environmental behavioral economics sets out to find what influences decisions that have an impact on the environment. For example, which method might get the most people to bike to work: pro-environmental messaging, pro-health messaging, improving/expanding the bike lanes and routes of a community, offering an individual a tax rebate on the purchase of a bike, or telling people how many of their coworkers bike to work?
Behavioral economics focuses on two channels of change, in addition to the tried-and-true price incentives. First, we can change behaviors and habits directly: “changing minds”. Or, we can change the architecture of the decision-making environment: “changing context”. We all have the ability to process information, critically weigh the options and change our behavior (for example when I learned that butter was the second largest ingredient of my favorite granola). However, it’s often our subconscious, automatic reflexes that dictate many of our choices. These choices may be based on emotions and associations rather than objective, rational processes. If this is how people make the majority of their choices, how can we encourage people to make better decisions when it comes to their impact on the environment?
Richard Thaler, one of the behavioral economists who authored Nudge, argues that “the solution is to apply the single most useful bit of psychology one can ever learn: If you want to encourage people to do something, make it easy -- or even better, automatic.”
The following are a few examples that highlight how behavioral economic research and concepts influences (via “nudges”) how we impact the environment. Nudges are ways of changing the context in which we make decisions to potentially reach different outcomes, while not limiting consumer choice.
Let’s start small with plastic bags at the grocery store. Here we invoke a concept called loss aversion (sometimes called framing). Loss aversion is the notion that people will react differently if a decision is framed as a loss than as a gain. Furthermore, people tend to be swayed more by a loss than by a gain of the same amount. In some U.S. grocery stores you can earn a 10-cent rebate for each reusable bag you bring. You get rewarded for doing something ‘good’. However, in Europe (and perhaps soon in more U.S. cities), you get charged for any plastic bag you need to tote your groceries home. You get punished for something ‘bad’. These are seemingly the same incentive schemes, but result in very different outcomes. Framing the situation as paying for the bag results in far more people bringing their own bags (or not using a bag at all), whereas ‘getting’ money to not use a bag doesn’t actually encourage many to consistently use reusable bags.
One example from the White House is the website fueleconomy.gov, which lets consumers compare the total fuel costs of a car over five years, rather than only by the traditional metric of miles per gallon (MPG). MPG doesn’t easily or quickly convey the true fuel costs of a vehicle. This is an example of the behavioral economics concept called salience. The fuel costs over the lifetime of a vehicle are often not salient to a consumer the way the price tag on the car window is. By doing the math for consumers and make the information easy to find, the overall fuel costs have a better chance of playing a role in a car purchasing decision.
Salience is a concept that similarly applies to household water and energy use. When someone purchases a home, they’re more likely to think about the price of the home rather than the additional monthly cost of living in the home (e.g. energy and water bills) and thus are less likely to consider the efficiency of the home (e.g. insulation, appliances). These additional costs of being a homeowner are less salient than the sticker price of the house.
Defaults, which relates to the physics concept of inertia, are another concept that’s getting a lot of attention in behavioral economics. People tend to go with the flow and often stick to the default option. Policies can be designed to offer the same options to consumers, but changing the default option to the one that is expected to maximize benefits is an easy way to improve well being without restricting choice. For example, having to request a change of sheets or towels at a hotel vs. these automatically getting changed for you each day you stay. This is one example of changing the decision-making environment from “opt-in” to “opt-out” (i.e. organ donation, retirement plans). Another example: some utilities offer the voluntary option for consumers to pay a bit more for their electricity but then amp up the use of renewable energy sources. If you make this an “opt-in” program, few would participate, but setting it up as an “opt-out” program results in more households who stay enrolled.
Continuing with home efficiency, research finds that informational campaigns (think utility bill inserts) improve knowledge, but don’t actually change energy use behavior. However, social norms reports, like what the company OPower provides, show how much energy a household is using compared to similar neighbors. This nudge does have a significant impact on changing household energy use. As a result of this social norms driven program, households reduce energy use in the short run (e.g. changing light blubs or actually program the programmable thermostat), and in the long term (e.g. improving insulation or HVAC systems). Telling people what other people do has a strong impact on what we do. The concept of norms also ties in with the concept commitment where we seek to be consistent with public promises and try to reciprocate other’s actions, as well as the concept of ego where we tend to act in ways that make us feel better about ourselves. The Opower report includes a smiley face if you’re doing better than your average neighbor. This simple positive reinforcement is typically enough to keep the most efficient households from increasing their energy use when they learn they’re using less than most of their neighbors. Check out Allcott (2011) to learn more.Behavioral economics seeks to find ways to nudge people in the right direction without limiting choice. Small reminders and small changes to the context of the decision-making environment are often easier, more cost-effective means to improve individual well-being and the environment. The following are some visual examples of behavioral economics in action. E-mail me with examples of nudges you see!
A few visual examples of behavioral economics at work:
Invoking social norms to reduce littering in public spaces
Household reminder of the bigger picture when it comes to flipping a switch
Whole Foods' trash options
Challenges to Biodiversity Conservation: What can we learn from the Yasuní-ITT Initiative in Ecuador?
Yasuní National Park
The Yasuní National Park, located in Ecuador on the Northwestern edge of the Amazon basin, is one of the most biodiverse places on Earth. It occupies a unique location that intersects the Andes (located less than 100 km from the Andean foothills), the Amazon, and the Equator. Created in 1979, the Park encompasses an area of 9,820 km2 and was declared a UNESCO Biosphere Reserve in 1989. It has more than 1,300 species of vertebrates, more than 100,000 species of insects, and more than 2,500 species of plants. In just one hectare of forest in Yasuní, 664 species of plants can be found, which is more than all the plant species in North America. Yasuní also encompasses part of the ancestral territory of the Waorani (Huaorani) people.
My first encounter with the Yasuní National Park was more than 10 years ago during a class on biological field techniques in which we were taken to the university’s Yasuní Research Station. I did not have to spend very long in the Park to witness the detrimental footprints of human extraction activities. Although, the access to the Park is designed to be limited, the Yasuní Research Station uses a road built by the multinational oil and gas company REPSOL-YPF. Oil extraction in the Park started in the 1950s, before it was declared a National Park. Currently, oil exploitation is listed as the largest threat to the Yasuní National Park: a substantial part of northwestern Yasuní has either been exploited or is targeted for future exploitation. Besides the impact of the oil extraction process itself, oil access roads have led to deforestation, colonization, and overhunting. One of the most striking impacts of oil companies has occurred on the Waorani people. Since oil extraction started in their territory in the 1950s, it has placed them on a conflictive edge between traditional and modern influences. Convergence of these two worlds has led to several issues, including but not limited to illness, division between clans, and conflict. In fact, while some Waorani communities participate in activities like trade, research and tourism with the outside world, some have shown aggressive behavior toward the oil companies that have tried to drill in their lands.
The Yasuní-ITT Initiative
Perhaps the greatest threat that the park faces lies in its easternmost region, the ITT block (Ishpingo-Tambococha-Tiputini). Approximately 20% of Ecuador’s oil reserves lie in this block (846 millions of barrels of oil, currently estimated to be worth $18 billion) along with the presumed territories of the two voluntarily isolated indigenous groups, the Tagaeri and Taromenane. In 2007, Ecuador proposed to maintain the oil under the ITT field for perpetuity in an attempt to conserve Yasuní’s biodiversity, protect the Tagaeri and Taromenane, and to avoid emission of a significant amount of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere. By leaving the oil underground, Ecuador would have avoided the emission of 407 million metric tons of carbon dioxide, which, at the time the Initiative was proposed, represented $7.2 billion on the carbon market. The Yasuní-ITT Initiative proposed an alternative to address global climate change, in which countries collaborate to avoid gas emissions to the atmosphere while protecting biodiverse regions. Ecuador, in a co-responsibility approach, was willing to forego the income obtained by extracting the oil at the ITT field, which was estimated to be $7 billion when the Initiative was first proposed. Ecuador would contribute (forego) half that total income ($3.6 billion) if the world community contributed the other half by 2023, regardless of price changes in the oil market.
But how would a country, with a history of political instability, guarantee that oil would be left underground for perpetuity? And what would happen to the contributions? On August 2010, the Yasuní-ITT Trust Fund, administered by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) was officially launched. The funds supporting the Yasuní-ITT Initiative would be collected by the Yasuní- ITT Trust Fund and were going be allocated to development strategies for handling the proposed income solution. One part of the funds would go towards investment in strategic renewable energy projects to change Ecuador’s energy matrix from fossil fuel to renewable energy sources, including hydro, geothermal, solar, wind, biomass, and tidal energy projects. The other part would fund a shift from an extractive economy based on oil extraction to a more sustainable model of development. First, these funds would be used for the conservation of protected areas in Ecuador. Ecuador has one of the highest percentages (20%) of protected areas in the world. Secondly, funds would contribute to reforestation, natural regeneration, and management of watersheds and forests. Additional funds would go towards strengthening social development in the Initiative’s zone of influence by investing in health, education, and training programs along with the encouragement of sustainable activities like ecotourism. Lastly, remaining funds would go towards supporting research, science, technology, and innovation projects in Ecuadorian institutions that enhance sustainability. The government would issue Yasuní Guarantee Certificates to donors of more than $50,000. The Certificates would not expire as long as the ITT field remained unexploited.
The optimistic times
After the Yasuní-ITT Trust Fund was officially launched in 2010, Ecuadorian citizens, organizations, and the government were all proudly bragging about Ecuador’s historical decision to leave oil reserves underground. According to the United Nations Development Group, 78% of Ecuadorians citizens supported the Initiative. Ecuador was already proud of being the first country to concede rights to nature in its constitution in democratic election in 2008, and the Yasuní-ITT Initiative was a clear gesture in respect of those natural rights and a forward-looking step towards environmental protection. The proposal was also in line with the new development paradigm of Ecuador, known as Sumak Kawsay (from Kichwa, meaning Living Well or Fulfilled Life in English), which strives for improving the population’s quality of life while promoting equality and harmonic coexistence among different ethnic groups and with nature.
During those years, the Yasuní-ITT Initiative was well covered in documentaries, books, and scientific publications in Ecuador and abroad. Ecuadorian scientists, including myself, named newly described species after Yasuní, and even mention the Initiative in the etymology section of those scientific publications. National and international organizations were created, like “Viva Yasuní” created by a group of people in France to support the Initiative and convince governments of western countries to contribute. The National Geographic Magazine, in its special 125-year anniversary issue dedicated to the age of exploration, included an article about Yasuní, the threat of oil exploitation, and the Initiative. The Yasuní National Park and Yasuní-ITT Initiative were continuously mentioned in social, local, and international media. The campaign “Yasunízate” (Yasunize yourself) was launched in Ecuador, and more and more people became “Yasunized”. Ecuador wanted the world to Yasunize.
The end of the Yasuní-ITT Initiative?
On August 15th, 2013, President Rafael Correa announced that after six years of its existence, only $336 million had been pledged and only $13.3 million had been delivered to the Initiative. Due to the indifferent international response, he cancelled the Trust Fund, thus ending the Yasuní-ITT Initiative.
After this announcement, the supporters of the Initiative protested around the globe. Ecuadorian citizens and the international community actively manifested their disagreement. One very significant manifestation of the unrest occurred in Ecuador just a few weeks ago. Women leaders from Amazonian groups walked for days to Quito to debate with government officials about the oil extraction in their territories. In the meantime, the Ecuadorian government initiated a persuasive campaign stating that only 0.001% of the Park will be affected, that the best technology will be used, and that Ecuadorians will greatly benefit from the revenues obtained by the extraction. Unfortunately, even with the public outrage and protests, oil drilling in the ITT block was approved a few weeks ago. Currently, Ecuadorian people against the exploitation of the ITT block are putting pressure on the government, asking for a referendum on the subject.
What can we learn from the Yasuní-ITT Initiative?
The Yasuní-ITT Initiative is a very complex subject with ecological, social, economical, and political implications. However, as an Ecuadorian conservation and evolutionary biologist, I want to address issues that the Initiative brings up from my perspective. I will first focus on the value of biodiversity. Then, since almost all conservation strategies must incorporate the human dimension, I will add some thoughts on this subject from my perspective as a citizen of this megadiverse, and multicultural country.
The value of diversity
First of all, as a biologist, especially one interested in conservation, the intrinsic value of biodiversity is a given. However, for most people, the value of biodiversity is not so obvious. Biodiversity seems to lose value as urbanization increases, and people connect less and less with nature. The disconnection from the natural world happens not only on emotional and intellectual levels, but also in the losing the realization that natural resources sustain our life and that our actions truly impact nature. Urbanization prevents us from witnessing and experiencing our interactions with nature, and this disconnection has an influence on our daily choices. When decision-makers adopt that attitude, they might overlook the importance of conserving nature simply because they do not have the opportunity to experience it. For example, it is not uncommon to hear the false dilemma of development versus conservation. Certainly, a central component of conservation is public education, particularly in urban areas. Conservation education programs, especially when coupled with outdoor activities and field trips, would be one way to enhance experiencing nature.
Biodiversity also has a utilitarian value, providing humans with goods, services, and information. Estimating the utilitarian value of biodiversity has increased in interest as a less controversial and more pragmatic approach than focusing on the intrinsic value of biodiversity. Following this justification, ecology and economics have been brought together to help make conservation decisions. There are several techniques that can be used to estimate both the intrinsic and the utilitarian value of diversity in monetary terms, for example, a cost-benefit analysis. This approach has proven to be useful in many instances, though there is debate over a strict focus on the utilitarian and economic value of diversity.
A major flaw of this utilitarian approach is that economic appraisals will always underestimate the real monetary value of biodiversity. For example, most analyses on the economic value of an extractive activity such as oil drilling ignore the costs of the social impact (e.g. health issues related to activity, displacement of people where the activity will be carried out) or the environmental impact (e.g. remediation costs, loss of biodiversity). In most places, including Latin America, the cost-benefit analysis is far from complete. Eduardo Gudynas, an expert on development, economics, and ecology from Uruguay, maintains that if the assessment of the environmental impacts of extractive activities were more extensive and considered all of the repercussions of drilling, most projects would not be approved. Moreover, by monetizing the value of biodiversity, we are ignoring indigenous groups, particularly the ones who rely on the land, not money, to sustain their lives.
In addition, recognizing the intrinsic value of biodiversity “has a dramatic effect upon the framework of environmental debate and decision-making” (Fox, 1993). If biodiversity is considered to have an intrinsic value, then sufficient justification has to be provided to put biodiverse areas at risk. Whereas, if biodiversity is only considered to have utilitarian value, then sufficient justification has to be provided to conserve it. If we focus only on the utilitarian value, biodiversity will always lose. Therefore, it is essential that we bring not only the economic but also the cultural, traditional, anthropological, and ecological values of biodiversity to the environmental debate and decision-making. Increasing focus on the utilitarian value and economic assessment of biodiversity could potentially be shifting the attention of conservation biologists away from other strategies that focus on the intrinsic value of nature. As cautioned by Soulé (2013), known as the father of conservation biology, conservationism based only on utilitarian values is drifting away from true conservationism.
An important step in the task of conserving biodiversity is recognizing that, in order to implement adequate conservation strategies, we need to add a human dimension. It is one of the biggest challenges and requires substantial collaboration between ecological and social disciplines. We desperately need to consider indigenous groups, to develop strategies together that are actually applicable and in line with their culture. In these cases, it is even more pressing to expand our utilitarian logic as mentioned earlier and incorporate the cultural, social and ecological values of these people. Ignoring this in the past, has led to conflicts within indigenous groups and with extractive activities in every South American country (except Uruguay, which is the only country in the region that does not have indigenous groups).
Furthermore, the importance of local and indigenous knowledge in conservation decisions has been overlooked in the past. If we want to find sustainable alternatives for the use of our natural resources, indigenous knowledge is an invaluable resource that has to be taken into account. Examples of indigenous agricultural systems in Bolivia, Mexico, and New Guinea, among other places, show that they are highly sophisticated and productive; however, these systems have been at risk of disappearing in the face of modern management. Recently, the Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) has been trying to come up with methodology that puts indigenous knowledge at the same level of importance as scientific knowledge when making land management decisions.
In countries like Ecuador, the economy has mainly based on the extraction of minerals, oil and gas that are destined for international markets, which is commonly referred as extractivism. The pressure to develop threatens natural resources and biodiversity, but new paradigms of development could alleviate that pressure. The National Plan based on the Sumak Kawsay, which acknowledges the importance of a harmonic coexistence between different ethnic groups and nature, is a first step. However, that acknowledgement has to be translated into actions. The Yasuní-ITT might have been a first attempt, and even if the Initiative fails and the ITT is exploited, the debate is open now. It is the perfect time to collaborate and propose new initiatives that would translate into a truly progressive, post-extractivism economy.
Recognizing the value of biodiversity, expanding the human dimension in conservation by incorporating indigenous knowledge, and proposing alternative paradigms of development are some actions that would enable biodiversity conservation while allowing people to attain what they consider fulfillment. That fulfillment could mean the Sumak Kawsay for the Ecuadorian people, or remaining in isolation to the Tagaeri and Taromenane in the heart of perhaps the most biodiverse place on Earth.
Written by Chubashini Suntharalingam, SoGES 2013-2014 Sustainability Leadership Fellow, and PhD Candidate in the Department of Agricultural and Resource Economics and Graduate Degree Program in Ecology
Malaysia is moving from a manufacturing-based economy to one that is service-oriented, with a vision of becoming a developed knowledge economy by 2020. In doing so, biotechnology has been positioned as a new key engine of growth by policymakers (MOSTI, 2005). There are a couple of strategic reasons for this. Malaysia is rich in biodiversity and has been identified as one of the twelve mega-diversity countries in the world, which together comprise 70% of the world’s species diversity, (Polski, 2005; Krishnapillay et al., 2003) a source of natural capital which can be utilized in developing many biotechnology products of the future.
Second, the Malaysian agriculture sector is important both for contribution to GDP and for food production. In terms of GDP, the agriculture sector contributed approximately USD 17 billion, which is 7.6% of total GDP in 2011 (EPU, 2011).
Yet, in terms of food production, Malaysia does not have self-sufficiency for major food commodities such as rice (72%), vegetables (44%), fruits (66%), beef (29%), mutton (11%) and milk (5%) (MOA, 2012). There are concerns that in recent years, growth in agricultural productivity has been slowing in several key commodities globally (Hossain, 2007). In coming years, climate change, limited fertile lands and, emerging pests and diseases are expected to pose additional challenges to Malaysian agriculture (Jaganath and Bakar, 2012). While Malaysia is not currently facing any food security crisis, researchers from the Malaysian Agricultural Research and Development Institute (MARDI) have identified transgenic crops to play a significant role in helping to solve some of these problems, increase food output by using fewer resources as well as to enhance nutritional and therapeutic content, taste and quality of some of these crops in Malaysia (Jaganath and Bakar, 2012; The Sun Daily, 2012).
Endowed with such a wealth of natural biodiversity and an agricultural sector with much unrealized potential, the development of agricultural applications of biotechnology, in particular have been proposed as a way to transform and enhance value creation of the agricultural sector.
However, while biotechnology is anticipated to drive innovation, and thus economic development, in Malaysia, the policy framework is not in place to achieve this agenda. One of the biggest impediments being voiced to the development of transgenic varieties in Malaysia are environmental concerns over the potential impact of transgenic crops on Malaysia’s wealth of natural biodiversity. These concerns, and the resulting policy stalemate, have resulted in no commercial release of transgenic crops in Malaysia to date. The national policy regime, it seems, is not fully in line with stated economic development goals.
Hence, I am planning on identifying potential environmental effects that transgenic crops might have on natural biodiversity, in order to assist policy makers make science based decisions on regulations concerning the interaction between transgenic crops and Malaysia’s biodiversity.
EPU (Economic Planning Unit, Malaysia). 2012. The Malaysian Economy in Figures 2012. Prime Minister’s Department, Putrajaya.
Hossain, M. 2007. “Technological Progress for Sustaining Food-Population Balance: Achievement and Challenges.” Agricultural Economics 37: 161-172
Jaganath, I. B., and U. K. A. Bakar. 2012. “GM Technology to Address Food Security and Climate Change.” Paper presented at Workshop by the Malaysian Agricultural Research and Development Institute and Malaysian Biotechnology Information Centre on GM Technology for Ensuring Food Security, Health and
Environmental Sustainability, Serdang, Malaysia, 24 September.
Krishnapillay, B., M. I. Adenan, A.R. M. Ali, and S. Nimura. 2003.”Tropical Rainforest: A Cradle for Biological Resources and the Malaysian Policies on CBD.” Actinomycetologica 17(2): 50-53.
MOA (Ministry of Agriculture and Agro-Based Industry, Malaysia). 2012. Agrofood Statistics 2011. Strategic Planning and International Division. Putrajaya, Malaysia.
MOSTI (Ministry of Science, Technology and Innovation, Malaysia). 2005. National Biotechnology Policy. Putrajaya, Malaysia.
Polski, M. 2005. “The Institutional Economics of Biodiversity, Biological Materials, and Bioprospecting.” Ecological Economics 53: 543-557.
Rafflesia flower. The flower may be over 100 centimetres
(39 in) in diameter, and weigh up to 10 kilograms (22 lb).
Orangutan – Native species to Malaysia
Written by Katie Renwick, SoGES 2013-2014 Sustainability Leadership Fellow, and PhD Candidate in the Department of Ecosystem Science and Sustainability and Graduate Degree Program in Ecology
Throughout the past decade, an unusually severe outbreak of the mountain pine beetle has affected millions of acres of forest across western North America. The mountain pine beetle is a native insect that affects several species of pine. Beetles burrow into trees to lay their eggs just beneath the bark, and trees are ultimately killed by a fungus that the beetles carry.
To a forester, the mountain pine beetle may be seen as a pest that destroys valuable timber resources. To tourist visiting Rocky Mountain National Park, the millions of dead trees may be seen as an eye sore. As a scientist, I view the mountain pine beetle outbreak as an opportunity to learn more about the impacts of forest disturbances.
Disturbances can create a sort of natural experiment when different parts of the landscape are affected to different degrees, and can help us answer questions that cannot be addressed experimentally. My research focuses on understanding how beetle outbreaks may interact with climate change to alter the composition and structure of forests. Drought stress can make trees more susceptible to insect attacks, and rising temperatures allow more beetles to survive the winter. As a result, mountain pine beetle outbreaks are expected to become more frequent and severe as the climate warms. Understanding the implications of this interaction between climate change and forest disturbances will become increasingly important for land managers tasked with maintaining diverse and productive forest ecosystems in the future.
By studying how forests located at different elevations respond to this current outbreak, I can learn how the impact of insect outbreaks may differ in relation to temperature. One question that I am particularly interested in is whether or not the beetle outbreak will facilitate tree migrations. Many species are expected to migrate towards higher (cooler) elevations as a result of climate change. Trees are immobile, and so in forests this process occurs through the death of old trees at lower elevations and an increase in the number of seedlings at higher elevations. As a result, tree “migrations” are slow and can lag behind the rate of climate change. Insect outbreaks can accelerate the migration process by killing old trees that might have persisted for many decades and reducing competition so that new seedlings can become established. The mountain pine beetle outbreak may consequently allow trees to “migrate” faster than would otherwise be expected.
Visitors at Rocky Mountain National Park are confronted by vast hillsides of gray, needless trees killed by the mountain pine beetle.
Mountains create sharp climatic gradients that allow us to study how temperature may affect forest recovery following the mountain pine beetle outbreak.
New seedlings at the upper elevation limit of lodgepole pine indicate that the species is already starting to migrate in response to climate change.

Cad é an chéad rud a thagann chun cuimhne nuair a cheapann tú ar abhainn? Má tá tú ó na sléibhte, is dócha go mbreathnaíonn tú ar uisce glan ag titim thart agus b'fhéidir go bhfuil roinnt truthanna ag snámh timpeall. Ach má tá tú ag maireachtáil síos feadh abhainn mór, flatland cosúil leis an Missouri, Ohio, nó Colorado níos ísle tá sé uisce muddy agus feeders bun a thagann chun cuimhne. Cé go bhfuil cuma an-difriúil ar an dá chineál abhainn seo, tá rud amháin mór i gcoitinne acu: lá agus oíche, tá siad go léir ag bogadh taiscéala síos an sruth.
De réir mar a dhéanann uisce turas Sisyphean ó na farraigí, isteach san atmaisféar, agus síos ar an talamh, tugann an méid a ritheann isteach i n-aibhneacha leataobh leis: ó charraigí agus carraigeacha i sruthanna sléibhe go dtí gaineamh, silt, agus cré i n-aibhneacha móra. Le himeacht ama, tugann an crios iompair leanúnach seo, mar a thugann G. K. Gilbert, ceannródaí amháin i staidéir ar shéideamh, "an debhris de na hinmheánacha mór-roinne chuig na farraigí agus déanann sé cruthanna tírdhreacha a mhúnlú i ngach áit.
Tá cumas abhainn chun cruthanna tírdhreacha a mhúnlú is léir le linn tuilte nuair a dhéantar ordú de mhéid níos mó díleá a bhogadh thar uaireanta agus laethanta i gcomparáid le cé mhéad a bhogtar le linn tréimhsí sruth íseal. Bhí sé seo le feiceáil le linn na tuilte forleathan a rinne scrios ar Chontae Chéad Colorado i Meán Fómhair, 2013. Níos mó ná bliain ó shin, thit méideanna ollmhóra báistí ar shléibhte cnoic bheaga ag iompar díleá ó na cnoic go sruthanna agus, sa deireadh, i n-aibhneacha. I limistéir níos géire, cosúil leis na canyons caol a shroicheann amach go dtí an Front Range, bhí an fuinneamh sa sreabhadh chomh mór sin gur bhog sé boulders carranna-mhéide! Ní raibh seans ag sediment níos lú le cainéil abhainní agus tugadh síos an sruth go dtí gur tháinig na haibhneacha canyon ina haibhneacha prairie áit a laghdaíonn an claonadh go suntasach. Anseo, ghlac an fhisice leis agus le níos lú fuinnimh chun na tonna agus na tonna de shliocht a iompar ag gluaiseacht síos an sruth, stop an chuid is mó de agus tháinig sé chun sos in áiteanna cosúil le Lyons (sa phictiúr thíos) áit a d'fhág trí go ceithre troigh i roinnt áiteanna!
Chomh maith le bille mór glantacháin a bheith mar thoradh air, cad a rinne an sediment seo go léir? D'athraigh sé cúrsa na habhann. In ionad a bheith ag srutháil ar chlé i roinnt áiteanna, bhog an abhainn ar dheis, ag tabhairt uisce tuile chuig ceantair nach raibh meastar ar dtús mar chuid den phláinéid tuile. Athraíonn na haibhneacha, rud a d'fhéadfadh a bheith iontas ar dhuine a chónaíonn in aice le haibhneacha nach ndeachaigh go mór ar shiúl le tamall.
Ní bhíonn athrú abhainn chomh neamhchoitianta agus a cheapfá. Ní thógann sé tuile bíobla (nó fiú tuile 100 bliain, le seans 1% a tharlaíonn i mbliain ar leith) abhainn a bhogadh. Léiríonn staidéar géolaíoch ar Abhainn Mississippi a tharraingíodh amach i dhath álainn thíos (cainéal gníomhach i bán) bowl spaghetti de scrollaí meander a léiríonn áiteanna stairiúla an abhainn thar na blianta. Tá an t-athrú seo le feiceáil fiú thar stair réasúnta gearr (ó thaobh na tíreolaíochta) ár dtíre. Féach áit ar bith ar na teorainneacha stáit a tharraingtear ar feadh Abhainn Mississippi agus feicfidh tú teorainneacha meandering a tharraingtear síos i lár na talún tirim a bhí ar a dtugtar an Mississippi roimhe seo, a d'fhág póilíopaí talún a bhaineann le stát amháin ar an taobh eile den abhainn.
Ag dul síos ar an abhainn, tagann muid ar cheann de na deltaí móra i Meiriceá Thuaidh: an delta Abhainn Mississippi, an áit deiridh sosanna do an oiread sin de na síodaí a bhuaileann, a rollaíonn, agus a shleamhnaíonn síos an abhainn ó bharr na Sléibhte Carraig agus ó chornchríocha an Mheán-iarthair. Nó ar a laghad a úsáidtear chun a bheith. Tá slóic, damha, agus innealtóireacht abhainn tar éis abhainn Missouri, a chuid mhór de abhainn Mississippi agus foinse móra de shéide ó an iarthar tirim, a thiontú go sraith cisternaí. Díreach mar a d'fhág na haibhneacha an canyon agus fuair an prairie i Colorado, nuair a shruthaíonn abhainn isteach i gcosán, tagann formhór na síodaí chun sos ann. Ní amháin go bhfuil saolré teoranta ag na cisternaí mar a líonadh siad le síoda a iompraíonn abhainn go nádúrtha, ciallaíonn sé freisin nach dtagann an síoda riamh chuig a cheann scríbe bunaidh.
Rinne beirt eolaithe abhainn a oibríonn go forleathan ar abhainní móra meastachán ar na hualaí díoma réamh-díoma a shroicheann Cúl na Meicsice ó abhainn Mississippi agus chuir siad i gcomparáid é sin le tomhais nua-aimseartha ar na hualaí díoma (Moode agus Meade, 2010), féach grafach abhainn thíos). Measann siad go bhfuil an t-ualach díleá a thagann go dtí an Ghleann ó Abhainn Mississippi laghdaithe le breis agus 75% mar gheall ar thionchar an duine. Tugann siad thart ar leath an laghdú i n-ualach sediment do chumas gabháil na ndámanna a thógamar i mbonn Mississippi agus an leath eile do chleachtais innealtóireachta abhainn a dhéanann iarracht an abhainn a choinneáil ó ghluaiseacht timpeall agus é a dhéanamh níos oiriúnaí do thrácht barge. Tá an Abhainn Mississippi inniu i bhfad ó na beithid fiáin agus dochreidte a sheol Mark Twain mar fhear óg. Ciallaíonn sé seo go léir go bhfaigheann dlúthchroí an Mhisisipí, an t-Uisceachrainn Mheiriceá, i bhfad níos lú díleá ná mar a bhíodh. Cuir sin le 1,000 míle de chanálacha a chuirtear chun taiscéalaithe agus eastóscadh ola a thugann uisce salainn isteach i mbásanna uisce milis, ag maraíodh go mall na plandaí a choinníonn an t-uisce i bhfeidhm, ag ardú leibhéil na farraige, agus ag titim talún go nádúrtha (Törnqvist et al., 2008), agus faigheann tú delta atá ag imeacht go tapa. De réir mar a théann an dlúthchríoch síos, téann na héiceachórais úllchríochta atá an-táirgiúil, an t-iasc, agus an cosaint ó thimpistí le linn hurricane freisin. In alt le déanaí in New York Times Magazine, déanann Nathanial Rich taifead ar na tionchair dhaonna ar an limistéar ollmhór seo atá ag imeacht agus ar an streachailt chun íoc as a athshlánú.
Tá bealach fada déanta againn ó sruthanna glan fo-uisce go dtí uiscí torbtha agus salacha an dulta. Ní raibh mé ach ar chúpla sampla den ról a imríonn an t-iontae i n-aibhneacha agus cén fáth go bhfuil sé tábhachtach dúinn agus don chomhshaol. Ach tá go leor ceisteanna agus scéalta eile ann faoi shéideamh, agus na haibhneacha a ghluaiseann é. Bíodh spraoi agat teagmháil a dhéanamh liom le haon cheisteanna nó tuairimí a bhaineann le taiscéala nó le haibhne.
- Le haghaidh léitheoireachta níos mó faoi na Colorado Floods, féach sraith de ailt ag an Denver Post
- Chun tuilleadh léitheoireachta a dhéanamh faoi Dilt na Mississippi, agus titim talún, seo cúpla áit le tosú:
Meade, R. H., & Moody, J. A. Is é sin. (2010). Cúiseanna le laghdú ar an dtuiteam díleá ar fionraí i gcóras Abhainn Mississippi, 19402007. Próisis Hidrolaíochta, 24 (1), 35-49.
Törnqvist, T. E., Wallace, D. J., Storms, J. E., Wallinga, J., Van Dam, R. L., Blaauw, M., ... & Snijders, E. M. (2008). Tá an t-iontaobhas i Delta Mississippi de bharr dlúthú strataí Holocene. Geo-eolaíochtaí na Nádúr, 1 ((3), 173-176.
Cascade Boulder: Fall Creek, Colorado, © Joel Sholtes 2012
Abhainn Sandy: Abhainn Yampa ag Páirc Deerlodge, Colorado, © Joel Sholtes 2012
Tuilte Canyon: Andy Cross, Denver Post © 2013
Tuilte Lyons: R.J. Sangosti, Denver Post © 2013
Léarscáil Meandering Mississippi: Pláta 22. Fisk, H. N. (1944) Imscrúdú Geolaíoch ar ghleann alluvial Abhainn Lower Mississippi. Corps Arm na nInnealtóirí Geology agus Geophysics Branch. Clár Mapeála Gineolaíochta Innealtóireachta Ghleann Lower agus Meán Mississippi.
Diagram Séadán Abhainn: R.H. Meade agus J.A. Moody (2010). © Eolaíochtaí Hidrolaíocha
Delta Abhainn Mississippi: Íomhá Landsat USGS, 2011: http://landsat.usgs.gov/images/gallery/239_L.jpg
Tá sé mar aidhm ag mo thaighde, mar chuid de thionscadal Rangeland agus Athshlánú Mhongóil ag CSU, torthaí sóisialta iarrachtaí Bainistíochta Rangeland bunaithe ar an gComhphobal (CBRM) a mheas chun cabhrú le pobail chaithríochta a n-acmhainní a bhainistiú ar bhealach níos inbhuanaithe agus a mbeatha a choimeád. Meastar gur torthaí sóisialta iad aon torthaí dearfacha ar mhaireachtáil na bhfeirmeoirí, ar na caidrimh shóisialta agus ar na coinníollacha a bhaineann leis na hacmhainní nádúrtha ar a bhfuil siad ag brath. Ina theannta sin, d'fhéadfadh mo thorthaí cabhrú le beartas a fhoirmiú d'eagraíochtaí caomhnóirí atá ag teacht chun cinn chomh maith le straitéisí tacaíochta níos éifeachtaí d'fhorbairt institiúidí sóisialta le haghaidh bainistíocht feirmeoireachta.
Is iad na príomhcheisteanna taighde atá á dtabhairt agam ná: (1) an bhfuil torthaí sóisialta grúpaí CBRM eagraithe go foirmiúil difriúil ó na grúpaí neamhfhoirmiúla sin? agus (2) má tá siad difriúil, cad a dhéanann na difríochtaí sin? Táim ag scrúdú 142 grúpa pobail ó 36 cheantar i 10 chúige de Mhongóil, agus is grúpaí foirmiúla iad 77 acu agus is grúpaí neamhfhoirmiúla nó traidisiúnta iad 65. Táim ag féachaint freisin ar chleachtais féaraigh a mbaill, agus ar nósanna sóisialta a bhaineann le bainistiú féaraigh ar leibhéal an teaghlaigh ag baint úsáide as sonraí ó 706 teaghlach.
Íomhá 1. Áiteanna staidéir.
Tá an staidéar dírithe ar Mhongóil, an tír i gcroílár Thuaisceart na hÁise, atá clú ar dhá fhíric. Ar dtús, is í an tír dhúchais é de Ghengis Khan, a chruthaigh an impireacht is mó ar domhan. Ar an dara dul síos, tá ceann de na páirceanna is mó atá fágtha ar an bpláinéad sa tír. Tá freagracht mhór agus dúshláin bheartais ag an dara ceann seo do Mhongóil na hacmhainní luachmhara seo a bhfuil tábhacht dhomhanda acu a chothabháil agus a bhainistiú faoi riachtanais iomaíocha d'fhorbairt eacnamaíoch agus d'fheabhsú folláine shóisialta agus comhshaoil.
Íomhá 2. Grianghraf de chúirtéis Ch.Batzaya
Tá mo thaighde cuimsithe go domhain i gcomhthéacs sóisialta agus polaitiúil na Mongóile. Tá athrú suntasach sóisialta agus polaitiúil tagtha ar an tír sa chéad bliain anuas, go córas sóisialach pleanáilte go lárnach agus an t-aistriú níos déanaí go geilleagar margaidh saor in aisce agus daonlathas. Tá athléimneacht suntasach léirithe ag nótaí Mhongóil, príomhúsáideoirí agus caomhnóirí na bhfeirmeoireachta. Tá príobháidiú na beostoic tar éis teacht in ionad náisiúnaithe a gcuid beostoic agus a mballraíocht éigeantach i gcomharsanachtaí stáit ag cur institiúidí stáit a scriosadh le haghaidh bainistíocht féaraigh, i dteannta le rochtain ar sheirbhísí sláinte, oideachais agus margaidh a chailleadh. Chomh maith le contúirtí nádúrtha a bhíonn ag caomhnóirí go minic, tá na hathchóirithe socheacnamaíocha seo tar éis brú a mhéadú ar na hacmhainní nádúrtha ar a bhfuil siad ag brath.
Ag deireadh an 20ú haois, ba chaomhnóirí 80% de na bochta tuaithe, a ndearnadh a gcuid cleachtais thraidisiúnta agus a gcuid nósanna coiteann maidir le bainistiú feirmeoireachta a thuar go raibh siad faoi neamhaird go suntasach, agus a raibh tionchar diúltach acu ar riocht na feirmeoireachta. Mar fhreagra air sin, tá bainistiú feirmeoireachta bunaithe ar phobal (CBRM) á fheiceáil ag deontóirí idirnáisiúnta mar réiteach malartach ar bhainistiú stáit atá ag éirí níos neamhéifeachtach chun dul i ngleic le bochtaineacht tuaithe agus le díghrádú talún. Mar thoradh ar chur chuige CBRM maidir le forbairt pobail, cruthaíodh os cionn 2000 grúpa foirmiúil a raibh tacaíocht ó 14 tionscadal deontóra éagsúla acu faoi 2007.
Ar an láimh eile, tá torthaí measctha CBRM ar fud an domhain tar éis dúshlán a thabhairt d'fhor-imeoirí a bhfuil suim acu i mbainistiú inbhuanaithe acmhainní a úsáidtear go comhchoiteann mar fheirmeacha. Go sonrach, is annamh a rinneadh imscrúdú ar éifeachtacht chláir CBRM agus ar na fachtóirí a mbíonn tionchar acu ar rath CBRM i gcomhthéacsanna peastóireachta. Dá bhrí sin, cuireann torthaí mo staidéir leis na hiarrachtaí a dhéantar maidir le bainistiú na bhfeirmeoireachta sa Mhongóil agus ar fud an domhain.
Go dtí seo léiríonn mo thorthaí go raibh níos mó foinsí faisnéise ag CBRMs foirmiúla, ceannaireacht níos láidre, malartú eolais níos mó, rialacha agus comhar, agus cleachtais níos inbhuanaithe a úsáideadh ná comharsanachtaí traidisiúnta ach go raibh na leibhéil céanna caipitil shóisialta agus maireachtála acu. Léiríonn na torthaí éifeacht shochaíoch dearfach an chur chuige comhbhainistíochta ach éilíonn sé go ndéanfaí machnamh ar conas torthaí maireachtála a bhaint amach, príomh-spreagadh le haghaidh bainistíochta bunaithe ar an bpobal.
De réir mar a théann mo thaighde chun cinn, leanfaidh mé ag roinnt mo thorthaí ar mo bhlag. Tá fáilte roimh gach duine a bhfuil suim acu sa staidéar seo chun trácht a dhéanamh agus do thuairimí a roinnt ar mo phoist!
Nasc do fhocail atá i hipearnasc/i bhfiosrú:
Tionscadal Rangelands agus Athléimneachta Mhongóil http://warnercnr.colostate.edu/frs-research-outreach/department-research/mongolian-rangelands-and-resilience-mor2
Scríobh Matt Luizza, SoGES 2013-2014 Comhalta ceannaireachta inbhuanaitheachta, agus iarrthóir PhD i Roinn na Polaiteolaíochta agus an Graduate Degree Clár Graduate Scoláireacht Eiceolaíochta Saotharlann Aclaíochta Acmhainní Nádúrtha in Eiceolaíocht
Bhí mé in ann grúpaí fócais domhain a reáchtáil i seacht sráidbhaile le peastóirí faoi athruithe a bhí á bhfeicthe acu ar an tírdhreach, speicis ionracha agus acmhainní uisce. Tá Afar ar fad an timpeallacht is crua a chonaic mé riamh. 100+ céim Fahrenheit agus uisce teoranta cosúil nó acmhainní eile. Tá fáilte mhór roimh na pearsanra anseo agus tá an mapsáil rannpháirtíochta agus na hidirghabhálacha grúpa fócas an-soiléir. Bhí treoir iontach áitiúla againn le mo chomhghleacaí Tewodros, Seid. Labhraíonn sé Afar agus Amharic go rialta agus beagán Béarla (agus tá sé hilarious). Déanann sé muid a threorú chuig na sráidbhailte iargúlta seo agus déanann sé idirbheartaíocht leis na cathaoirleach sráidbhaile chun meas a thabhairt dóibh sula ndéanaimid ár gcuid oibre. Tá gach rud ag dul timpeall ar nósanna agus ar thraidisiúin áitiúla. Bhí orainn agallamh amháin a athsheiceáil toisc go bhfuair ball den sráidbhaile bás gan ach uaireanta an chloig sula bhfuair muid. Caithfidh gach duine sa sráidbhaile freastal ar an adhlacadh.
Is iad na pictiúir de na gníomhaíochtaí léarscáileála rannpháirtíochta, áit a d'úsáid na sráidbhailte íomhá satailíte agus a shuigh acmhainní uisce agus speicis ionracha. Nuair a fhaigheann daoine a fhios go bhfuil rud éigin ag tarlú, tiocfaidh tonna daoine (agus gabhair) le chéile chun féachaint agus páirt a ghlacadh. Tá sé go hiontach. Tá dhá speiceas ionrach eile aitheanta ag na sráidbhailte freisin ar a dtugtar "Wola Howla" (Parthenium hysterophorous) agus "Hanlemero" (Cryptostegia grandiflora) a bhfuil pointe GPS á nglacadh againn ionas gur féidir linn a gnáthóg oiriúnach a mhapeáil nuair a fhillfimid. Is é an phríomhchineál ionrach a bhí á catalógáil againn in Afar Prosopis juliflora (ar a dtugtar "wayani" go háitiúil). Bhuail muid le hionadaithe ó eagraíocht idirnáisiúnta CARE freisin agus tá siad ag pleanáil ár bhfillteán a chomhtháthú ina bpleanáil clár, chomh maith le nascadh a chur orainn leis an rialtas réigiúnach mar go mbeidh suim mhór acu freisin sa méid atá á fháil againn. Beidh sé seo an-chabhrach don chéad turas eile san fhómhar.
Tuairisc ar na grianghraif thíos ó chlé go deas:
1. an t-am a bhí ann. Gáisle ag snámh ag Coimeádtas Náisiúnta Fiadhúlra Hailadegi; 2. Saoránach áitiúil Afar ag déanamh sos ó uisce a bhailiú chun imscrúdú a dhéanamh ar an forengi (eachtrannach); 3. Beisia Oryx i bPáirc Náisiúnta Awash; 4. Sliocht laethúil na leoine taobh amuigh dár suíomh campa; 5. Prosopis juliflora ionrach in Afar
Éagsúlacht agus Feidhmíocht na Stát Aontaithe Gnólachtaí
Cuireann taighde eolaíochta comhshaoil béim ar thábhacht an éagsúlachta chun éiceachóras rathúil a chothabháil. Ach, fiú lasmuigh de na heolaíochtaí nádúrtha, tá fianaise ag méadú go bhfuil éagsúlacht maith le haghaidh feidhmíochta. Le déanaí, fuair eacnamaí ó Harvard agus a chomh-údar amach go ndéanann páipéir eolaíocha a scríobhann grúpa údair níos éagsúlaithe ranníocaíochtaí níos mó leis an eolaíocht mar a dhéantar iad a thomhas trí cháilíocht an iris agus na luachana.1 Fiú lasmuigh den acadamh, is cosúil go bhfuil éagsúlacht go maith le haghaidh feidhmíochta.2 Léiríonn staidéar 2012, ag Institiúid Taighde Credit Suisse go raibh gnólachtaí a raibh mná ina mbordanna níos fearr ná a gcomhghleacaithe le bordanna fireannacha go léir le 26% i bhfeidhmíocht praghas scaire. Ar an gcaoi chéanna, léiríonn staidéar 2011 ó Catalyst go raibh cuideachtaí Fortune 500 a raibh bord stiúrthóirí níos éagsúla acu, go sonrach sciar réasúnta mór de chomhaltaí baineann, níos fearr ná a gcomhghleacaithe faoi 16% mar thráth ar díolacháin.3
Is cosúil go bhféadfadh éagsúlacht a bheith maith don chomhshaol, maith don eolaíocht, agus maith do ghnó, ach an bhfuil sé maith don gheilleagar?
Tá roinnt fianaise ann ar a laghad go bhfuil. Tá an argóint bhunúsach a bhaineann éagsúlacht le feidhmíocht eacnamaíoch dírithe ar an gcaoi a roinneann muid eolas agus ar an gcaoi a nuálaímid. Is dóichí go dtiocfaidh scileanna a roinntear idir saineolaithe ó thionscail éagsúla, seachas idir saineolaithe laistigh den tionscal céanna, le scaipeadh faisnéise luachmhar a spreagann nuálaíocht.4 Is é sin le rá go bhfuil scileanna a roinntear idir tionscail, seachas scileanna a roinntear laistigh den tionscal, is mó a chuideoidh le léargas nua agus smaointe a chur chun cinn. Baineann an sampla clasaiceach le tionscal na bhróga, a tháinig i ndáiríre, ní ó thionscal na lóistín, ach ó nuálaíochtaí na n-ealaíontóirí éadaí sa tionscal éadaí.5Fuarthas sa chéad thástáil mhór empiriúil a bhaineann éagsúlacht le feidhmíocht eacnamaíoch go dtagann éagsúlacht thionsclaíoch áitiúil le fás níos airde fostaíochta i gcathracha.6Tá fianaise ann freisin go gcuireann comhchruinniú gníomhaíochtaí speisialaithe, gníomhaíochtaí eacnamaíocha éagsúla agus comhlántacha le chéile, nuálaíocht chun cinn níos fearr.7
Sa mhéid go bhfuil an éagsúlacht i margadh agus i nideoige gach gnó i dtionscal ceangailte le cultúr, saineolas agus traidisiúin úinéir an ghnó, d'fhéadfadh go mbeadh easpa éagsúlachta luachmhar ar gheilleagar na Stát Aontaithe. Tá sé suntasach go bhfuil líon na n-imreoirí mná agus mionlaigh i bhfad níos lú ná an chuid is mó i ngach áit sa tír. Go heacnamaíoch, léiríonn na rátaí íseal úinéireachta gnó i measc na mban agus na mionlaigh go bhféadfadh go bhfuil acmhainn luachmhar á úsáid go dona ag geilleagar na Stát Aontaithe. Is dócha go bhfeicfidh fiontraithe neamhthraidisiúnta deiseanna nach raibh aitheanta ar shlí eile agus go dtabharfaidh siad táirgí agus seirbhísí uathúla ar an margadh, chomh maith le poist agus ioncam a ghiniúint.
Ar an leibhéal náisiúnta, tá 51% de ghnólachtaí faoi úinéireacht fir go heisiach, ach níl ach 29% faoi úinéireacht mhná, rud atá neamhchomhréireach íseal ós rud é go bhfuil sciar beagnach comhionann de na fórsa saothair ag fir agus mná.8 Tá an difríocht inscne i ndíolacháin níos suntasaí fós le gnólachtaí faoi úinéireacht fir a thuilleann $ 7.10 i ndíolacháin in aghaidh gach $ 1 a thuilleann gnó faoi úinéireacht mná. Ní bhíonn ach 21% de ghnólachtaí faoi úinéireacht mhionlaigh agus arís eile tá difríocht mhór ann i ndíolacháin.9 Faigheann gnólachtaí nach bhfuil faoi úinéireacht mhionlaigh $9.60 i ndíolacháin do gach $1 a thuilleann gnólachtaí faoi úinéireacht mhionlaigh.10
Léiríonn na figiúirí seo nach bhfuil ach láithreacht theoranta ag mná agus mionlaigh sa mhargadh. Mar sin féin, ní léiríonn meánmhéideanna náisiúnta an difríocht thábhachtach idir réigiúin sna Stáit Aontaithe. Léiríonn na léarscáileanna dlús na ngnólachtaí atá faoi úinéireacht na mban agus na ngnólachtaí atá faoi úinéireacht na bhfear de réir contae.11 Is cosúil go bhféadfadh rath na mban fiontraithe a bheith nasctha le tosca sonracha a bhaineann le háiteanna áirithe amhail an Chósta Thiar agus an raon tosaigh de na Sléibhte Carraige. Is cosúil go bhfuil baint ag fiontraíocht fireann freisin le fachtóirí ar leith ach ní gá go mbeadh na fachtóirí céanna ag baint leis na mná. Ar an drochuair, níl mórán eolais againn faoi na tiománaithe speisialacha inscne agus mionlaigh fiontraíochta ar fud na Stát Aontaithe agus tá deis ann taighde a dhéanamh sa réimse seo.
Má tá sé fíor go bhfuil bacainní ag mná cumasacha agus mionlaigh atá ag smaoineamh ar fhiontraíocht a chuireann bac orthu a ngnó a thosú, d'fhéadfadh costais shuntasacha a bheith ann don gheilleagar i dtéarmaí poist agus ioncaim. Má thuigeann tú níos fearr cén fáth go bhfuil feabhas ag na fiontraithe neamhthraidisiúnta i roinnt réigiúin ná i réigiúin eile, d'fhéadfadh sé a bheith indéanta roghanna beartais a mheas a d'fhéadfadh bacainní ar iontráil a íoslaghdú nó dreasachtaí a choigeartú ar bhealach a d'fhéadfadh rátaí níos mó fiontraíochta a bheith ann go náisiúnta.
Cuirfidh geilleagar inbhuanaithe ar chumas na nuálaithe is cumasaí, agus trína dhéanamh amhlaidh, éascú a chur ar éagsúlacht agus ar fhás. Le níos mó eolais ar na bacainní agus na deiseanna do fhiontraithe de gach cúlra, tá acmhainn níos mó ann do chatagóir nua agus níos éagsúla fiontraithe sa todhchaí. De réir mar a éiríonn an rang fiontraithe, d'fhéadfadh gnóthais a bheith ag teacht chun cinn freisin. Chomh maith le táirgí agus seirbhísí nua, d'fhéadfadh na cleachtais agus na hoibríochtaí athrú freisin. Tá buntáiste ag gnólachtaí nua modhanna atá freagrach go sóisialta agus atá comhshaoil-chomhairleach a chur i bhfeidhm ón tús. Trí fheasacht chomhshaoil a fheabhsú agus cleachtais ghnó glasa a mhéadú, tá deis ann do ghlúin gnólachtaí a thosaíonn le fócas ar inbhuanaitheacht atá maith do úinéirí gnó agus dá gcustaiméirí araon.
1 Freeman , Richard , agus Huang Wei . "Comhghníomhaíocht le Daoine Cosúil liomsa: Comh-údarú eitneach laistigh de na Stáit Aontaithe". Doiciméid oibre NBER Uimh. 19905. (2014).
2Iolraíocht inscne agus Feidhmíocht Chorparáideach. Rep. Zurich: Institiúid Taighde Credit Suisse. (2012).
3An Bottom Line: Feidhmíocht Chorparáideach agus Ionadaíocht na mBan ar Bhordanna (2004-2008). Rep. Nua Eabhrac: Catalyst. (2011)
4 Jacobs, Jane. Geilleagar na gCathracha. Nua Eabhrac: Random House, 1969. Cló.
5 Glaeser, Edward L. "Fás i gCathracha". Journal of Political Economy 100.6, Centennial Issue (1992): 1126-152. JSTOR. Líon. 12 Aibreán 2014.
7 Feldman, Maryann P. agus David B. Audretch. "Nuálaíocht i gCathracha: Éagsúlacht, Speisialtóireacht agus Iomaíocht Áitiúil atá bunaithe ar an Eolaíocht". Athbhreithniú Eacnamaíoch na hEorpa 43 (1999): 409-29. Líon.
8 Ní thagann 100% de na céatadáin a pléadh thuas mar go bhfuil ceithre chatagóir úinéireachta ann de réir mar a aicmíodh iad ag Suirbhé ar Úinéirí Gnó 2007, lena n-áirítear  úinéireacht fireann,  úinéireacht mná,  úinéireacht chomh maith fireann/baineann, agus  úinéireacht phoiblí.
9 "USA QuickFacts ó Bhureau Daonáireamh na Stát Aontaithe". USA QuickFacts ó Bhureau Daonáireamh na Stát Aontaithe. Líon. 10 Aibreán 2014.
10 Tagraíonn úinéireacht neamh-mionlaigh do ghnólachtaí ina bhfuil 51 faoin gcéad nó níos mó de leas nó stoc na gnó ag daoine Bán neamh-Hispanic. Tagraíonn úinéireacht mhionlaigh do ghnólachtaí ina bhfuil 51 faoin gcéad nó níos mó de leas nó stoc an ghnó ag Duibheanna nó Meiriceánaigh Afracacha, Indiaigh Mheiriceá agus Dúchasaigh Alasca, Asians, Dúchasaigh Hawaii agus Oileáin eile an Aigéin Chiúin, agus / nó Hispanics.
11 Rinneadh an dlús gnólachtaí faoi úinéireacht fireann agus mná a ríomh mar an cóimheas idir líon na ngnólachtaí faoi úinéireacht fireann (ar úinéireacht mná) agus an lucht saothair fireann (ar úinéireacht mná). Tagann meastacháin ar líon na ngnólachtaí ó Fhiosrúchán 2007 ar Úinéirí Gnó. Tagann meastacháin ar fhórsa saothair ó Fhionraí Pobail Mheiriceá 2005-2009.
I gcás na ndaoine againn atá ag maireachtáil sa 21ú haois, déanann nuachóiriú, sibhialtacht, domhandacht, agus reachtaíocht chomhthreomhar do chearta an duine agus do chothromaíocht an domhan a bheith níos simplí, níos éasca, agus níos daonlathais do na grúpaí éagsúla intíre agus idirnáisiúnta. Ach, níl sé ina domhan foirfe do gach grúpa. Sa chomhthéacs sin, in ainneoin na dul chun cinn go léir a rinne mná gairmiúla maidir le rochtain a fháil ar phoist cheannaireachta, tá níos mó le déanamh chun rochtain chomhionann a fháil ar an méid a bhfuil fir ag baint taitneamh as.
Mar shampla, i dtascáil ardoideachais sna Stáit Aontaithe, is fear bán 60 bliain d'aois an t-uachtarán coláiste tipiciúil a chuaigh suas ar an staighre ó phost amháin go ceann eile go dtí go raibh sé ina uachtarán. Tá an cion de mhná a d'fhóin mar uachtaráin coláistí agus ollscoileanna Mheiriceá tar éis méadú ó 23% in 2006 go 26% in 2011. Ina theannta sin, léiríonn tíortha eile líon beag comhchosúil ceannairí baineann, mar shampla sa Ríocht Aontaithe agus san Astráil, áit a raibh 9% de uachtaráin coláiste baineann, agus 27% de leas-chansalairí baineann, faoi seach.
Léiríonn na huimhreacha seo an bacainn de shrón gloine a chabhraíonn linn an bhearna inscne idir fir agus mná a thuiscint maidir le rochtain a fháil ar phoist cheannaireachta. Tagraíonn an téarma "tairseach gloine" do  bacainní saorga san ionad oibre a d'fhóin chun cur isteach ar chur chun cinn na mban cáilithe. Tá tairseacha gloine ann mar thoradh ar bhacainní sochaíocha, bacainní eagraíochta agus bacainní rialtais. Is minic a bhíonn an méid a chuireann uasteorainn ghloine bac ar rochtain na mban ar phoist cheannaireachta ag brath ar an dáileadh inscne i measc na n-earnálacha. Tá seans níos mó ann go rachaidh mná chuig poist bainistíochta agus ceannaireachta in ábhair a bhfuil mná den chuid is mó ann ná i réimsí a bhfuil fir den chuid is mó ann. Creideann go leor mná gairmiúla go bhfuil bunús na huasteorainne gloine ann go ndearnadh an chuid is mó d'institiúidí agus d'eagraíochtaí a chruthú ag fir agus do na fir, agus go bhfuil siad bunaithe ar thaithí fir.
Mar sin, lig dom ceist a chur ort: Cad a dhéanfá dá mba rud é go ndearnadh rochtain chomhionann ar phoist cheannaireachta a chealú ort toisc go bhfuil tú ina ghnéas, toisc go bhfuil tú ina bhean, fiú má tá tú cáilithe agus sásúil go leor chun an ról sin a imirt? Mar sin, mar mhná, táim chomh paiseanta faoi staidéar a dhéanamh ar na bacainní agus tacaíocht a fhaigheann mná gairmiúla nuair a bhíonn postanna ceannaireachta á gcur ar fáil, go háirithe san ardoideachas. Creidim go gcaithfí rochtain chomhionann a bheith ann ar na poist ceannaireachta is airde san aois nua-aimseartha seo ós rud é go bhfuil rannpháirtíocht na mban méadaithe go mór san ionad oibre. Creidim freisin go bhfuil sé de dhualgas orainn a bheith ag cur le hathrú sóisialta trí ghníomhaíochtaí dearfacha a chur i bhfeidhm, agus níos tábhachtaí fós, trí oideachas a thabhairt don ghlúin nua. Tuigim go hiomlán go bhfuil an bóthar fada fós, ach creidim gur féidir linn mar phobal domhanda é a dhéanamh ina réaltacht trí áit oibre níos cuimsithí agus níos cirtí a chruthú do mhná agus do ghrúpaí éagsúla eile inar féidir linn todhchaí níos fearr agus níos geal a chothú do na glúine atá le teacht.
Comhairle Mheiriceá ar Oideachas. (2012). Léiríonn léargas déimeagrafach ar cheannas uachtaráin coláiste dúshláin leanúnacha i ndíospóireacht, ag dul in aois.
Jolls, C. (2002). An bhfuil uasteorainn ghloine ann? Harvard Journal of Law & Gender, 25), 1‒18.
Kloot, L. (2004). Mná agus ceannaireacht in ollscoileanna: Staidéar cás ar mhná bainisteoirí acadúla. An Iris Idirnáisiúnta um Bainistíocht na Seicteora Poiblí, 17 ((6), 470‒485.
Munoz, M. (2010). Ina bhfocail féin agus trí na huimhreacha: Staidéar measctha ar uachtaráin coláiste pobail Latina. Journal of Research and Practice, 34, 153‒174.
Pompper, D. (2011). 50 bliain ina dhiaidh sin: Mná dath-chraolta i lár a ghairm bheatha i gcoinne an uasteorainn ghloine i eagraíochtaí cumarsáide. Journal of Organizational Change Management, 24(4), 464‒486.
Ryan, M. K., & Haslam, S. A. (2007). An cliff gloine: Ag iniúchadh na dinimic a bhaineann le ceapachán mná chuig poist ceannaireachta éagórach. Academy of Management Review, 322), 549‒572.
Fós, L. V. (2006). Cá bhfuil na mná i gceannas san Astráil? Mná i gCaitheamh na Bainistíochta, 213 (3), 180-194.
Roinn Oibre na Stát Aontaithe. (1995) agus Maith le haghaidh gnó: Caipiteal daonna na tíre a úsáid go hiomlán. Washington, DC: Oifig Chlócháin an Rialtais.
Tá triomaigh ar cheann de na himeachtaí aimsire iomarcacha is costasaí, an dara ceann ach amháin do hurricaneanna. I 2012, bhí an triomaíocht is mó i SAM ó bhí an Dust Bowl sna 1930í. Bhí triomaíocht mheánmhéide go mór ag níos mó ná leath na tíre, agus tá costas measta $ 30 billiún ann. Bhí an bua is measa ar na pláiníní lárnacha, rud a d'fhág go raibh droch-chosaint forleathan ar thorthaí agus a d'fhág go raibh an méid bailiúcháin sin an méid is ísle ó 1951 i leith, rud a threoraigh costais na mairteola go dtí an leibhéal is airde ó 1987 le déanaí.
Tá an tuarascáil is déanaí ó IPCC maidir le hathrú aeráide ag tuar go mbeidh imeachtaí iomarcacha, mar shampla triomaigh, níos minice agus níos déine sa todhchaí mar thoradh ar athrú aeráide de bharr an duine.
Mar thoradh air sin, tá an cheist: An raibh an triomach i 2012 sna Stáit Aontaithe mar gheall ar athrú aeráide?
Bhuel, déarfadh formhór na n-eolaithe aeráide nach féidir linn imeachtaí aeráide aonair a chur i leith athrú aeráide faoi láthair. Mar sin féin, is dócha go bhfuil tionchar ag athrú aeráide ar thriomachanna atá ann inniu. Mar shampla, d'fhéadfadh teocht aer níos teo cur le éileamh díghalraitheach an atmaisféir agus dá bhrí sin éifeachtaí triomaigh a mhéadú. Is féidir le teochtaí níos teo athrú a dhéanamh ar timthriallta hidreolaíocha, ag athrú patrúin agus méideanna báistí. I gcomhcheangal, is féidir leis an dá fhachtóir seo - an t-éapadh níos mó agus an t-ionsaí a athrú - tionchar a imirt ar déine an triomaigh.
Ach chomh dona agus a bhí an triomaíocht 2012 sna Stáit Aontaithe, tá athraitheacht nádúrtha aeráide thar na mílte bliain anuas tar éis triomachtaí a chruthú níos measa ná aon rud a chonaic muid nó atá ullmhaithe againn déileáil leis mar shochaí.
Is féidir linn déine an triomach a chatagóirithe ar thrí scála ama éagsúla  bliain fada (smaoinigh ar thriomach 2012 SAM), ilbhliantúil (smaoinigh ar 1930s Dust Bowl) agus ilbhliantúil (smaoinigh ar megadrought). Staidéar le déanaí le Cook et al. (2014), rinne sé scrúdú ar shonraí fáinne crainn i Meiriceá Thuaidh le 1000 bliain anuas, chun éagsúlacht triomaigh a imscrúdú thar scála ama níos faide ná ár taifead ionstraim. Tá sé ar an eolas go raibh an triomaíocht i 2012 sna Stáit Aontaithe ar ócáid neamhchoitianta  tharla triomachtaí gearrthéarmach ar fud na mór-roinne thart ar 12% den am nó thart ar uair amháin gach deich mbliana. Ar an láimh eile, ní raibh ach ceithre megadrought le linn na tréimhse seo, a tharla go léir le linn na Tréimhse Teasa Meánaoise (idir 1900-1400 AD), agus gach ceann acu a mhair blianta fada.
Mar sin b'fhéidir go bhfuil ceist níos fearr: Cad a tharlaíonn má d'fhorbair an triomaíocht 2012 ina megatriomaíocht?
Is é an fhírinne nach bhfuil aon smaoineamh againn cad a bheadh na hiarmhairtí de nós na himeachta. Is féidir linn breathnú siar ar an Dust Bowl sna 1930idí, ach bhí sé sin díreach faoi dheich mbliana fada (ní megadráth) agus bhí na tionchair éiceolaíocha agus talmhaíochta ag méadú de bharr drochchleachtais talmhaíochta. Go bunúsach, tá an Dust Bowl ag breathnú go leor tame nuair a dhéanaimid ár scála ama amach go dtí an leibhéal míle bliain.
Tá ár smaointeoireacht faoi thráth faoi láthair beag, nó níos cruinne, gearr. Tá ár gcórais talmhaíochta ag streachailt le triomachtaí aonbhliana agus ní dhéanann mórán staidéir éiceolaíocha staidéar ar éifeachtaí triomachta thar timthriall amháin maoinithe deontais (thart ar cheithre bliana). Cé go bhfuil sé contúirteach ó thaobh an chomhshaoil agus an gheilleagair de, tá an-chomhfholúntas ag formhór na n-éiceachórais agus ár gcóras talmhaíochta ard-industaraiúil chun teacht ar ais ó thriomchúis ghearrthéarmacha den sórt sin. Mar sin féin, tá tionchair megadroughts neamhchinnte sa chás is fearr agus apocalyptic sa chás is measa (féach ar na Mayaigh). Dá bhrí sin, tá sé tábhachtach go dtosóimid ag smaoineamh ar conas athléimneacht sochaí a fheabhsú agus na hiarmhairtí éiceolaíocha a d'fhéadfadh a bheith ag megadroughts a fhiosrú.
Níor shíl mé riamh go mbeadh taighde á dhéanamh agam ar ithir - cé go raibh mé an-aisteach sa scoil ard agus sa choláiste níor shroich sé fiú mo intinn léamh faoi, d'fhéach eolaíocht ithir mar an disciplín is dorcha is féidir a shamhlú. Ach tar éis dom foghlaim faoi chróis ithreach bithéadach le linn earrach i bhfásach Mojave thuig mé nach ábhar neamhghníomhach iad ithir a shiúilimid timpeall orthu ach go bhfuil siad beo, agus thosaigh mé ag cur fiosrúchta orm. Bhí mé ag iarraidh oibriú ar réitigh do fhadhbanna mór comhshaoil agus an níos mó a léigh mé an níos mó a chonaic mé go bhfuil tionchair mhór ag ithir agus na heintitis bheo atá iontu ar an domhan timpeall orainn. Tá an carbóin i gcruth i réimse leathan foirmeacha agus itheann micreorganismí agus bugs é go mall agus déanann siad é a thiontú ina CO2. Toisc go bhfuil an carbóin talún in ann a dhíscaoileadh go mall, is áit iontach iad ithir chun carbóin a stóráil chun déine an athraithe aeráide a laghdú. Is minic a smaoinímid ar chrann a phlandaíocht chun tiúchan CO2 a laghdú, ach, go hiontach, tá an méid carbóin atá i dtalamh faoi láthair ceithre huaire níos mó ná an carbóin i ngach crann agus plandaí le chéile agus trí huaire níos mó ná an CO2 go léir san atmaisféar (Ontl & Schulte, 2012).
(Cáipéis don ghrianghraf thuas: Dí-chruthú mall sa ithir: Bhí an t-ábhar plandaí i lár an chroí ithir seo fós cosúil le straw fíon úr cé go bhfuil an t-ábhar timpeall air dí-chruthú agus dorcha sa staidéar 14 seachtaine.)
Tá cumas difriúil ag gach ithir maidir leis an méid carbóin is féidir leo a choinneáil agus is féidir le formhór na ithir talún a stóráil i bhfad níos mó. Tá na ithir seo an-rochtana dúinn freisin - déanann feirmeoirí athruithe ollmhóra ar ithir na talún gach bliain trí theicnící sonracha plódaithe, saothair agus fómhar. Sna Stáit Aontaithe amháin, bíonn tionchar ag an ngéarchéim seo ar níos mó ná 430 milliún tonna talún (nó 300 milliún acra). Tá deis ollmhór ann go dtiocfadh athruithe i dteicneolaíochtaí feirmeoireachta le méaduithe tapa, móra ar charbóin a stóráiltear sna ithir feirmeoireachta seo. Is é deireadh a chur le plócadh réimse, is é sin, bogadh go teicnící gan díriú, an cur chuige is coitianta a úsáidtear chun níos mó carbóin a stóráil. Nuair nach bhfuil réimse plódaithe níos mó, fágtar fréamhacha marbh agus codanna eile den phlanda sa ithir, ag dul in olcas go mall agus ag stóráil charbóin phlanda na bliana sin san am céanna.
Teideal don íomhá seo: Cumas téimh domhanda 100 bliain de na trí phríomhghás ceaptha teasa, barraí nach bhfuil ar scála (IPCC 2013).
Mar sin féin, cé go gcuireann an t-ábhar plandaí marbh cosc ar an gcarbón sin ó bheith ina CO2 go tapa, tugann sé deis freisin do gháis cheaptha teasa níos láidre, meitéin (CH4) agus ocsaíd nítreach (N2O), a tháirgeadh (Johnson et al., 2007). D'fhéadfadh an éifeacht paraidósach seo, go bhféadfadh astaíochtaí níos mó gáis cheaptha teasa eile a bheith mar thoradh ar astaíochtaí CO2 a sheachaint, go mbeadh feirmeoirí agus rialtais ag iarraidh carbóin ithreach a mhéadú mura bhfuil tuiscint mhaith ann ar conas nó cén fáth a d'fhéadfadh sé seo tarlú. Le dhá bhliain anuas, fuair mé amach gur féidir le matáin phlandaí curtha faoi thalamh cainníochtaí suntasacha de CH4 agus N2O a chruthú, ach go mbraitheann méid na ngáisí cumhachtach cheaptha teasa sin a tháirgtear ar fhliuch na talún, ar chothaithigh atá ar fáil, agus ar mhéid na gcodanna plandaí. Ciallaíonn sé seo go bhféadfaí táirgeadh na ngáis cheaptha teasa láidir a sheachaint nuair a stopann feirmeoirí ag plódaíocht agus go bhfágtar ábhar plandaí sa talamh trí am áirithe a roghnú le haghaidh taiscéala agus uisciú. Tá na cásanna sonracha a chruthaíonn gáis cheaptha teasa éagsúil de réir ithreach agus cineál na ngealltanas, mar sin tabharfaidh staidéir leanúnacha an t-eolas riachtanach dúinn chun athrú aeráide a íoslaghdú trí chleachtais chothúcháin a chur i bhfeidhm ar bhealach amháin nó ar bhealach eile. Is sampla maith é an t-ábhar seo de conas is féidir taighde éiceolaíoch níos abstracha a chomhcheangal le hobair fheirmeoireachta a chur i bhfeidhm chun cuidiú le fadhb dhomhanda a réiteach.
An t-aon, T. A. & Schulte, L. A. 2012. Tá sé seo go maith. Stóráil Charbóin ithreach. Eolas um Oideachas Nádúr 3
Johnson, J. M.-F., A. J. Franzluebbers, S. L. Weyers, agus D. C. Reicosky. 2007. Deiseanna talmhaíochta chun astaíochtaí gás ceaptha teasa a mhaolú. An truailliú comhshaoil 150:107124
Tá cáithníní san atmaisféar (aeróisól) i ngach áit, cé go bhfuil siad ró-bheag le feiceáil leis an tsúil ghlan (ó scála nanoméadar go micream). Má thógann tú 1 mL d'aer ón taobh amuigh, tá na seansanna go bhfuil na mílte de phéintéirí leachtacha nó soladacha ar fionraí. Tá cuid acu a astaítear ó fhoinsí mar atá (m.sh. deannaigh ithreach); tá cuid acu a tháirgtear san atmaisféar trí imoibrithe ceimiceacha; tá cuid acu beo nó a bhí beo (bith-aeróisól).
An cuireann aeróisín cabhair nó dochar orainn?  Tá sé  casta. Is truailleoir aeir iad (m.sh., PM2.5); áfach, gan aeróis, ní bheidh aon scamaill ann (teastaíonn rud éigin ó uisce chun tiontú air). Feidhmíonn siad mar scáth gréine trí roinnt solas na gréine a léiriú ar ais sa spás, chomh maith le scamaill a chur ar bun. Meastar go maslaíonn "éifeacht fuaraithe" aerosóil thart ar leath den éifeacht téimh a bhaineann le gáis cheaptha teasa (le neamhchinnteacht mhór) (IPCC 2007, 2014). Is é ról tábhachtach an phobail eolaíochta tuiscint a fheabhsú ar an nasc idir astaíochtaí agus a dtionchar (cáilíocht an aeir agus athrú aeráide). Tá mo chuid taighde dírithe ar an idirghníomhaíocht bhunúsach idir gáis, coirp, agus scamall.
Ceann de na hábhair taighde a bhfuil suim agam iontu ná ról an uisce san atmaisféar. Tá tábhacht na ceimice scamall aitheanta le blianta fada (m.sh., foirmiú sulfate); scaiptear roinnt comhdhúile gásacha isteach san uisce agus imoibríonn siad laistigh den uisce, ag fágáil aeróisíní ina dhiaidh sin tar éis na scamaill a bheith ag dul as. D'fhéadfadh próisis chomhchosúla tarlú freisin i aeróisíní fliuch. Le déanaí, tháinig próiseas eile a d'fhéadfadh a bheith tábhachtach chun cinn. Chun é seo a mhíniú, lig dom ceist shimplí a chur ort - Cad a tharlaíonn má dhéantar an bata peanut a dhíscaoileadh le huisce? Faigheann sé bog. D'fhéadfadh rud éigin mar seo a bheith ag tarlú san atmaisféar. Go stairiúil, déantar déileáil le cáithníní aeróisól mar leacht nó mar sholadach. Mar sin féin, léiríonn staidéir le déanaí go bhféadfadh rud éigin idir an dá rud a bheith tábhachtach (Virtanen et al., Nature, 2010). D'fhéadfadh go mbeadh uisce ag cabhrú leis an ábhar cosúil le bata peanut san atmaisféar a mhaolú, ag dul i bhfeidhm ar a n-fhíseolaíocht (e.g., scaipeadh laistigh de pharaillí greamaithe) agus ar a gceimic.
An chéad uair eile a fheiceann tú scamaill, tá súil agam gur féidir leat pictiúir bheaga a shamhlú a chruthaigh gach titim scamaill. An bhfuil siad i ndáiríre cosúil le bata peanut? Déanfaidh muid é a fháil amach.
- Ar bharr foraois thirim Amazon / Eolaí Harvard, staidéar a dhéanamh ar dhaoine eile conas a éiríonn aer pristine truaillithe, agus conas a d'fhéadfadh sé sin athrú aeráide http://news.harvard.edu/gazette/story/2013/08/atop-the-amazon-rainforest/
- Cumulus, Cirrus, Stratus: What Clouds Say about Climate Change / Prof. Dan Cziczo, MIT http://techtv.mit.edu/videos/e51a577104618761922f775b0eb2f65f08cc792c/private
- An t-idirlíon a thruailliú / Blag a óstáil an tAontas Eorpach um Ghnéitheolaíocht http://blogs.egu.eu/hazeblog/
- Tá freagra níos fearr ar athrú aeráide i bhfolach sna scamaill / Scientific American http://blogs.scientificamerican.com/observations/2013/12/13/a-better-answer-to-climate-change-is-hidden-in-the-clouds/
Nasc chuig mo shuíomh Gréasáin:
Scríobh William Timpson, SoGES 2013-2014 Comhalta den fhoireann taighde maidir le dúshláin dhomhanda do chás-staidéir bithéagsúlachta, agus Speisialtóir Sinsearach Fullbright, Staidéir Síochána agus Athmhuintearais, Scoil Oideachais, CSU
Níl ach 31 míle ó thuaidh de Seoul Is é an suíomh do drámaí stakes ard go tréimhsiúil crescendo. Bhí nóiméad den sórt sin againn an tseachtain seo. Mar a thuairiscíodh in The Korea Herald (Tue. Mar. 4, 2014): D'fhógair an Chóiré Thuaidh Dé Luain (3 Márta) dhá mhiseal ballaisteach gearr-raon isteach sa Mhuir Thuaidh ina chuid is déanaí de na seabha-ratling go dealraitheach chun agóid a dhéanamh i gcoinne na n-oiliúintí míleata Chóiré Theas-SA, a dúirt Aire Cosanta Míleata Seoul. D'iarr Seól ar an gcion "gníomh spreagtha" a d'ardaigh teannas míleata ar an leithinis agus a sháraigh sraith rún de chuid Chomhairle Slándála na Náisiún Aontaithe a chuir cosc ar aon seoladh ag baint úsáide as teicneolaíochtaí mísleataí ballaíocha. Thóg an Tuaisceart ceithre mhiseál bailísteach an Déardaoin seo caite agus ceithre roicéad KN-09 isteach sa Mhuir Thoir thart ar sheachtain roimhe sin (1).
Dramatóir ard go deimhin. Táim ag freastal an seimeastar seo mar Eolaí Fulbright in Institiúid Staidéar Síochána Ollscoil Kyung Hee (GIP) agus ag múineadh rang ar shíochána. Tá a champais féin ag GIP i dtuaisceart Seoul le dorms, caiféire, seomra aclaíochta, leabharlann, agus foirgneamh riaracháin le halla idirghabhála ar leithligh, ar thalamh a ndearnadh cúram mionsonraithe air. Gach maidin, bainimid le chéile le haghaidh cainte ghearr faoi stiúir na mac léinn, meabhrú, siúlóid agus/nó cleachtaí.
In ainneoin an "sabhra rattling" ó thuaidh, is cosúil nach bhfuil an chuid is mó anseo chomh buartha. Ní chreideann siad go bhfuil an cumas ag na hIoruaigh an Deisceart agus a gcomhghuaillithe Mheiriceá a bhuachan cé go n-admhaíonn siad, dá dtiocfadh cogadh, go mbeadh Seól leochaileach. Tá na bagairtí seo ó Chóiré Thuaidh a athrá chomh minic sin go bhfuil siad caillte go mór a gcumas chun eagla ar dhuine ar bith anseo.
Tá ceann de mo mhic léinn nua le GIP. Tá sé sa arm ar feadh deich mbliana agus tá rang captaen aige. Cosúil le daoine eile, níl sé chomh buartha faoin Tuaisceart ach tá meas mór aige ar íobairtí Mheiriceá i ngleic le Cogadh na Cóiré agus ansin trúpaí a sholáthar - anois ag beagnach 30,000 - ó shin i leith chun cabhrú leis an tsíocháin a chinntiú.
Is é seo an cheist atá agam: Cé chomh fada a úsáideann "hawkes" na Cóiré Thuaidh láithreacht na n-arm sna Stáit Aontaithe sa Chóiré Theas chun a nglacadh cruach a chothabháil ar a bpolaitíocht, a mbuiséid agus a ndaoine a threisiú? Is é seo an cineál saincheist a dhéanann siad iniúchadh air ag GIP.
Tá mo mhic léinn eile tar éis a shaoráil mhíleata a chomhlánú agus feiceann sé fíor- "eagla" anseo. Cuimhníonn sé ar chuairte ar an tSín agus ar a bheith ag aerfort Phéagain, ag fanacht i líne chun eitilt a fháil chuig cathair eile sa tSín, nuair a thug sé faoi deara líne eile in aice láimhe do Chóiréigh Thuaidh ar an eitilt chéanna. Anseo sa tSín d'fhéadfadh siad seasamh in aice le chéile ach riamh ar ais sa bhaile.
Agus é sin á chur san áireamh, is é seo an cheist eile atá agam: Cad a éilíonn normalú, athmhuintearas nó athaontú, go háirithe i ndeireadh na cainte leanúnach ar gach leibhéal? Arís, is é seo an cineál saincheist a dhéanann siad staidéar air ag GIP.
Táim an-sásta gur tháinig mé ar GIP. Toisc go dtagann mo mhic léinn anseo ó go leor tíortha éagsúla agus tá na pléanna an-saibhir. Mar gheall ar a chuid ranníocaíochtaí, tugadh Duais UNESCO don Oideachas Síochána do GIP i 1993. Deir an t-easpag Gi Bung Kwon go dtugann sé fáilte roimh aon mhic léinn a bhfuil uaillmhiantacht acu an domhan a dhéanamh ina áit níos fearr agus go bhféadfaidh sé scoláireacht iomlán a thairiscint don dá bhliain de staidéar riachtanach.
Ceist dheireanach: Conas a fhaighimid an cineál infheistíochta seo i staidéir síochána sna Stáit Aontaithe?
Is ollamh é Bill Timpson in Ollscoil Stáit Colorado.
Scríobh Matt Luizza, SoGES 2013-2014 Comhalta ceannaireachta inbhuanaitheachta, agus iarrthóir PhD i Roinn na Polaiteolaíochta agus an Graduate Degree Clár Graduate Scoláireacht Eiceolaíochta Saotharlann Aclaíochta Acmhainní Nádúrtha in Eiceolaíocht
Ó mo luath-óige bhí spéis agam i gcultúir dúchasacha tuaithe ó gach cearn den domhan. Ba é an smaoineamh rómánsúil ar áiteanna a bhí dearmadta orthu, ina raibh daoine a bhí i gcomhchuibhiú primordial leis an saol nádúrtha an rud is spreagúla a d'fhéadfainn a shamhlú. Bhí mo intinn ag dul ar shiúl agus mé ag samhlú go raibh cónaí orm le gach grúpa a d'fhoghlaim mé faoi, ó chultúr capall Comanche a bhí eagla air i gCill Mhór na Stát Aontaithe, go treibheanna a fuarthas le déanaí atá i bhfolach i bhfolach i bhForaois Rain Amazon na Brasaíle. As mo chairde óige go léir, bhí mé ar an leanbh amháin, go má bhí an cluiche cultúrtha neamhfhaithneach de "Cowboys agus Indiaigh" a bheith ag teacht chun cinn, go sásta agus go láidir a roghnú a bheith sa ghrúpa deireanach de na comhraic thiar fiáin. Anois, go maith isteach i lár go déanach mo óige, tá mo thuiscint naíon ar phobail dúchasacha áitiúla tar éis dul thar amharc caol ar chultúir shimplí reoite in am, ach tá an fiosracht agus an urraim fhoirmithe seo cloí liom agus d'athraigh sé go dtí an paisean bunúsach a d'fhógair mo thaighde dochtúireachta.
Tá mo chuid oibre PhD tiomanta ag fírinne a bhfuil mé féin agus roinnt scoláirí agus cleachtóirí eile ag roinnt. Creidtear go bhfuil saibhreas ollmhór eolais idirghinearálta tábhachtach ag pobail dúchasacha, a bhfuil a mbeatha ag baint go príomha lena dtimpeallachtaí áitiúla, lena n-áirítear breathnuithe empiriciúla, luachanna cultúrtha agus cleachtais spioradálta; agus tá an t-eolas seo ríthábhachtach le haghaidh pleanála caomhnaithe. Creidim go bhfuil sé riachtanach aitheantas a thabhairt do na heolas, na luachanna agus na dtuiscintí sin agus iad a chur san áireamh, agus comhairliúchán agus comhoibriú bríomhar a dhéanamh le pobail dúchasacha i ngach céim den taighde agus den phleanáil, chun cumhachtú áitiúil agus caomhnú éifeachtach a bhaint amach.
Ag cruinniú lóin le déanaí leis an éiceolaí agus an scoláirí ar chórais shóisialta-éiceolaíochta F. Stuart Chapin III (féach Chapin III et al. 2000 agus 2010), chuir an Dr. Chapin mothúchán tacaíochta in iúl go géar nuair a phléann sé smaoineamh "iontaofacht éiceolaíoch". Is féidir sláine éiceolaíoch a shainiú go forleathan mar struchtúr agus mar fheidhm éiceachórais ar leith, ag feidhmiú ar bhealach a oireann do raon éagsúlachta nádúrtha/stairiúil. Ag tabhairt faoi deara ar dtús go bhfuil tionchar an-mhór ag daoine ar an gcuid is mó de na córais go bhfuil áiteanna neamhchlaonta le sláine éiceolaíoch neamhchlaonta ann, chuaigh sé ar aghaidh ag tabhairt faoi deara an tábhacht a bhaineann le córas a fhios go han-mhaith, toisc go dtugann an "sint áit" seo intuition níos fearr faoi na próisis a bhaineann le struchtúr agus feidhm éiceachórais, ag éascú an cumas fiú na hathruithe is subtle a phiocadh. Cuireann an breathnóireacht seo go hálainn le ceann de na ranníocaíochtaí tábhachtacha go leor de eolas dúchasach, atá comhdhéanta den tuiscint dhomhain chéanna ar an áit, agus tugann sé léargas níos fearr ar nádúr dlúthcheangailte na gcóras sóisialta agus éiceolaíoch. Tuiscint atá riachtanach chun fad saoil an dá cheann a chinntiú trí chleachtais chaomhnaithe a chosnaíonn sláine éiceolaíoch ach freisin maireachtáil an duine.
Tá eolas dúchasach ina ábhar atá ag éirí níos coitianta sa saol eolaíoch agus sa saol daonlathach araon, agus tá dhá phríomhthéarma, eolas éiceolaíoch traidisiúnta agus eolas éiceolaíoch áitiúil ina n-aonar ag táirgeadh os cionn 17,000 toradh i Google Scholar agus 657 lámhscríbhinn a ndearnadh athbhreithniú piaraí air i Web of Science. In ainneoin seo, i réimsí atá ag fás go tapa de staidéir mheasúnaithe riosca (féach Buckley 2008 agus Lindgren 2012) agus samhlaíocht éiceolaíoch (féach Elith et al. 2010 agus Evangelista et al. 2012), ní aithnítear go leor an t-eolas dúchasach go fóill. Tá sé seo imníoch mar is minic gurb iad cur chuige cumhachtach den sórt sin maidir le bainistíocht riosca agus measúnú leochaileachta an fórsa tiomána atá taobh thiar de phleanáil chaomhnaithe agus cinnteoireacht bainistíochta acmhainní. Tá acmhainní teoranta ag go leor bainisteoirí talún agus pobail áitiúla (go háirithe geo-spáis) chun an riosca a bhaineann le tiománaithe suaitheadh nasctha mar speicis ionracha agus athrú aeráide a mheas. Is deis é oibriú in Alasca agus san Aetóip cur chuige nua a úsáid agus dul i ngleic le heicilíochtaí agus cultúir an-difriúla, agus iad ag tabhairt aghaidh ar athruithe comhshaoil géarúil den chineál céanna.
Tá mo thaighde ag iarraidh go sonrach comhoibriú le pobail dúchasacha tuaithe in Alaska agus san Aetóip, chun a gcuid eolais a chomhtháthú le feidhmchláir gheo-spáis, agus tuiscint níos fearr a fháil ar leochaileacht seirbhísí éiceachórais (i.e. Tá an t-ábhar seo ag cur le forbairtí agus le forbairtí eile a bhaineann le speicis ionracha atá ina gcúis le fadhbanna agus le hathrú aeráide ar an scála áitiúil agus ar an scála tírdhreacha. Tá súil againn go gcuirfidh an tuiscint spásúil seo le díospóireacht faoi straitéisí caomhnaithe a bhaineann le riachtanais agus luachanna an phobail áitiúil. Tá Alasca ar cheann de na háiteanna is tapa a téann an domhan (Rupp & Springsteen, 2009). Tá a fhios go mbíonn tionchar diúltach ag cur isteach ar phróisis chomhshaoil ar bithéagsúlacht agus ar éadránacht iomlán na héiceachórais, chomh maith le tionchar a bheith aige ar phobail áitiúla Alascacha a bhfuil a mbeo ag brath ar an tírdhreach (McNeeley & Shulski 2011). Lonnaithe in oirthear intíre Alasca tá ceann de mo láithreáin taighde, an Tearmann Náisiúnta Fiadhúlra Yukon Flats, atá ar an tríú limistéar caomhnaithe is mó sa chóras náisiúnta tearmann fiadhúlra. Tá sé comhdhéanta de mhósaic de ghnáthóg subhartach ríthábhachtach agus ceann de na limistéir breithe uisce is mó i Meiriceá Thuaidh. Ina theannta sin, tá seacht bpobal dúchasach Gwich'in Athabascan ina gcónaí laistigh den Tearmann nó in aice leis agus tá siad ag brath go mór ar an tírdhreach áitiúil. Ní féidir an tábhacht éiceolaíoch, cultúrtha agus eacnamaíoch a bhaineann leis an suíomh seo a rá go leor, agus faoi láthair tá roinnt speiceas ionrach an-ionsaitheach i láthair, agus tá imní méadaitheach ag na Stáit Aontaithe. Seirbhís Iascaigh agus Fiadhúlra (USFWS) agus na sráidbhailte, lena n-áirítear speicis uisceacha cosúil le uisceach an iarthar (Elodea nuttallii agus Elodea canadensis), agus speicis talún lena n-áirítear thistle Cheanada (Cirsium arvense), clover milis bán (Melilotus albus), agus vetch éan (Vicia cracca). Tá leas speisialta ag an treibh agus ag an USFWS araon i dtuiscint agus i mbainistiú Elodea ionrach uisceach, toisc go mbíonn tionchar diúltach aige ar shalmon an Aigéin Chiúin (Oncorhynchus spp.) Tá an t-ábhar plandaí mearbhall ag cur isteach ar lochanna agus ar shliocht agus ar shliocht-shliocht a théann go mall, rud a bhfuil impleachtaí móra aige do réigiún ina bhfuil an sceideal salmón an Aigéin Chiúin is faide ar domhan. Mar a dúirt ceannasaí Alascach Dúchasach ag cruinniú mullaigh idirthríochta i gcríoch Yukon le déanaí, is é uisce ár saol. Cuireann sé ar ár gcumas...Dearbhaímid muid féin mar chuid den talamh [agus] ba é agus is é an salmón rí líne saoil ar an Yukon.
Níos mó ná 7,000 míle ar shiúl, thar an Aigéan Ciúin, is é mo shuíomh taighde eile, an Aetóip. Cosúil le Alasca, ní féidir míniú a dhéanamh ar iontais na hIodáile. Mar cheann uisce na Níle Gorm, soláthraíonn an Eitióp an chuid is mó den uisce do dhá fho-aibhneacha an abhainn is faide agus is aitheanta ar domhan. Tá na foraoisí fiáin, foraoiseacha ag teacht go deisceart na tíre tarraingteach agus tá cuid de na bithéagsúlachtaí is suntasaí ar domhan ina gcónaí iontu. Tá sé luaite go bhfuil Páirc Náisiúnta na mBóithre Bale, atá suite in aice le ceann de na suíomhanna tionscadail agam, i measc na Limistéir Chosaithe is neamh-athsholáthraithe ar domhan chun speicis amfibia, éanlaith agus mamaigh a chaomhnú (LeSaout et al. 2013). Tá an flóra chomh mór sin le Clár Comhshaoil na Náisiún Aontaithe (UNEP) ag tabhairt faoi deara go bhfuil ... na coinníollacha agus an t-aonar na gceantair seo tar éis teacht chun cinn i bpobail phlandaí uathúla nach bhfaightear in áit ar bith eile (UNEP 2008). Léiríonn réamhthorthaí mo chuid oibre reatha san Aetóip difríochtaí tábhachtacha inscne ar eolas plandaí agus luacháil seirbhísí éiceachórais a dhíorthaítear ó phlandaí (Luizza et al. 2013). Chun tuilleadh a fháil faoin tionscadal seo, tabhair cuairt ar mo phost bhlag ar shuíomh EcoPress NREL, agus féach cad iad na tionscadail eile atá ag tarlú san Aetóip trí chomhghuaillíocht straitéiseach a fógraíodh le déanaí idir Coláiste na nEacmhainní Nádúrtha Warner agus an Aetóip.
Tá gá le pobail dúchasacha a chur san áireamh i bpleanáil chaomhnaithe, trí chur chuige nua, idirdhisciplíneach, atá ina stiúir den phobal go háirithe, in Alasca agus san Aetóip araon. Tá dúshláin éagsúla ag teacht os comhair phobail dúchasacha sa dá áit (agus ar fud an domhain) a spreagann roinnt suaitheadh comhshaoil agus antropoigineach. Agus mé ag ullmhú don chéad bhabhta eile de obair ar an réimse san Aetóip i mí Aibreáin 2014 agus san Alasca i mí Lúnasa 2014, táim ar an eolas faoin méid ollmhór oibre atá romham, ach táim thar a bheith sásta an líon méadaitheach scoláirí, bainisteoirí talún agus cleachtóirí áitiúla a fheiceáil ag iarraidh go comhchoiteann eolas dúchasach a thabhairt chun tosaigh i bpleanáil chaomhnaithe.
Buckley, Y.M. Tá sé i gceist agam. 2008. Ról na taighde chun speicis ionrach, tírdhreacha ionracha agus pobail a bhainistiú go comhtháite. Journal of Applied Ecology 45: 397-402.
Chapin III., F.S., Zavaleta, E.S., Eviner, V.T., Naylor, R.L., Vitousek, P.M., Reynolds, H.L., Hooper, D.U., Lavorel, S., Sala, O.E., Hobbie, S.E., Mack, M.C., agus Díaz, S. 2000. Iarsmaí a bhaineann le bithéagsúlacht a athrú. Nádúr 405: 234-242.
Chapin III., F.S., Carpenter, S.R., Kofinas, G.P., Folke, C., Abel, N., Clark, W.C., Olsson, P., Stafford Smith, D.M., Walker, B., Young, O.R., Berkes, F., Biggs, R., Grove, J.M., Naylor, R.L., Pinkerton, E., Steffen, W., agus Swanson, F.J. 2010. Stiúrthóireacht éiceachórais: Straitéisí inbhuanaitheachta do phláinéid atá ag athrú go tapa. Treochtaí in Éiceolaíocht agus Eabhlóid 25 ((4): 241-249.
Elith, J., Kearney, M., agus Phillips, S. 2010. An ealaín chun speicis a mhodhlaíonn a bhfuil a raon ag athrú. Modhanna in Éiceolaíocht agus Eabhlóid 1: 330-342.
Evangelista, P., Norman III, J., Swartzinki, P., agus Young, N. 2012. Measúnú ar cháilíocht gnáthóg an nyala tragelaphus buxtoni sléibhe i Sléibhte Bale, an Aetóip. Saolíocht reatha 58 ((4): 525-535.
Le Saout, S., Hoffman, M., Shi, Y., Hughes, A., Bernard, C., Brooks, T.M., Bertzky, B., Butchart, S.H.M., Stuart, S.N., Badman, T., & Rodrigues, A.S.L. 2013. Ceoltóirí Limistéir chosanta agus caomhnú éifeachtach na bithéagsúlachta. Eolaíocht, 342 (§15): 803-805.
Lindgren, C.J. 2012. Tá sé seo go maith. Beartas bithshlándála agus úsáid uirlisí réamhaisnéisíochta geo-spáis chun aghaidh a thabhairt ar phlandaí ionrach: an pacáiste uirlisí anailíse riosca a nuashonrú. Anailís Riosca 32 (a) (1): 9-15.
Luizza, M.W., Young, H., Kuroiwa, C., Evangelista, P., Worede, A., Bussmann, R.W., agus Weimer, A. 2013. Ceoltóirí Eolas áitiúil ar phlandaí agus ar a n-úsáidí i measc na mban i Sléibhte Bale, an Aetóip. Taighde agus Iarratas Eitneobotán 11: 315-339.
McNeeley, S.M., agus Shulski, M.D. 2011. Anatomy of a closing window: Vulnerability to changing seasonality in Interior Alaska. Anatomy of a closing window: Vulnerability to changing seasonality in Interior Alaska. Athrú Comhshaoil Domhanda 21: 464-473.
Measúnú Éiceachórais na Mílaoise (MA). 2005. Ceoltóirí Éiceachórais agus folláine an duine: creat um mheasúnú. Washington, DC: Island Press.
Rupp, T.S., agus Springsteen, A. 2009. an bhliain. Scéimeanna Athraithe Aeráide Tuartha don Bhureau um Bainistíocht Talún Limistéar Bainistíochta Intíre an Oirthir, Alasca, 2001-2099. Tuarascáil Ollscoil Alaska Fairbanks. Ullmhaithe do Roinn Intíre na Stát Aontaithe, Biúró um Bainistíocht Talún. 10pp.
Clár Comhshaoil na Náisiún Aontaithe (UNEP). 2008. An Afraic: Atlas ar ár dTimpeallacht Athraitheach. An Roinn Réamhrabhaidh agus Meastóireachta (DEWA). Nairobi: An Cheanada.
Uaireanta tá sé iontas dom a smaoineamh ar cé mhéad intíreanna éisc a chonaic mé. Ag cur síos ar thrí thuras ar an suirbhé bliantúil ar Ghleann Alasca/Oileáin Aleutian a reáchtálann Ionad Eolaíochta Iascaigh Alasca (AFSC) de chuid NOAA, is cinnte go bhfuil na mílte ann. Do dhuine nach bhfuil níos lú ná trí teagmhas faillí a spreagadh le fuil ar a CV, ní mór go mbeadh cúis álainn láidir ann chun breathnú go ciallmhar ar an taobh istigh de go leor iasc. Ar an dea-uair, tá  chun a fháil amach cad a itheann siad. Cé nach raibh mé ach cog beag i meaisín bailiúcháin sonraí i bhfad níos mó, bhí mé amuigh ansin mar go bhfuil mé fascinated ag gréasáin bia  líonraí a léarscáileanna a itheann cé a i éiceachóras. Is éard a chiallaíonn na gréasán bia seo a chur le chéile ná a aithint cad atá ag na speicis go léir ag ithe, agus i gcás iasc mara, ciallaíonn sé seo a aithint cad atá ina gcuid boilg. Éilíonn an bailiú sonraí seo go leor iarrachta  Tá eolaithe AFSC tar éis breathnú isteach i na céadta mílte stamag le tríocha bliain anuas  ach cuireann sé léargas cumhachtach ar ais.
In ainneoin an tangle amhairc de ghréasán bia a chuir le chéile (tá léaráidí líonra cosúil leis an gceann atá léirithe anseo dá ngairtear hairballs uaireanta), tá patrún ann  struchtúir neamh-imthriallta  is féidir a bhaint amach. Mar shampla, is féidir go leor líonraí bia, cosúil leis an líonra bia mara Bhaile Chesapeake, a bhriseadh ina roinnt grúpaí dlúth-threasaithe nach n-idirghníomhaíonn ach go scaoilte lena chéile (Krause et al. 2003). I gcás Bhá Chesapeake, ciallaíonn sé seo go bhfuil an gréasán bia scartha ina dhá ghrúpa: grúpa benthic (ghrúpaí a chónaíonn ar bhonn), agus grúpa pelagic (ghrúpaí colún uisce), le cúpla speiceas príomhúil ag nascadh an dá cheann.
Is féidir le struchtúir den sórt sin a aithint i dtráchtán an ghréasáin bhia a insint dúinn go leor faoi conas a ghluaiseann fuinneamh trí éiceachóras (ag srutháil ó phlandaí ar aghaidh) agus conas a d'fhéadfadh sé freagairt má chailltear speiceas amháin nó níos mó. Nuair a bhaintear speiceas as, nó má laghdaítear a iomarcacht go suntasach, is féidir leis na héifeachtaí a bheith ag tarlú tríd an ngréasán bia, ag dul i bhfeidhm ar go leor speiceas eile. Ag eolas ar struchtúr an ghréasáin bhia, is féidir linn a thuar cad iad na speicis eile a mbeidh tionchar acu agus cé chomh tromchúiseach. I gcás líonra bia Bhaile Chesapeake, is dóichí go mbeidh éifeachtaí caillteanas speiceas benthic laistigh den ghrúpa benthic, gan difear a dhéanamh do speiceas pelagach. Ag a fhios conas speiceas briseadh isteach i ngrúpaí ligeann dúinn a aithint ar na príomhbhealaí trína sreabhann fuinneamh agus conas a chailliúint speiceas éagsúla a bhriseadh an sreabhadh.
Tá uirlisí den sórt sin úsáideach go háirithe i mbainistíocht iascaigh (is as sin an spéis atá ag AFSC) toisc go gceadaíonn siad dúinn iniúchadh a dhéanamh ar an gcaoi a mbeidh tionchar ag fiontar speiceas áirithe éisc ar gach ceann eile i bpobal. Mar shampla, ba chúis le titim na daonra cod san Atlantach ar Shelf na hAlban go luath sna 1990idí le cascade a raibh tionchar aige ar an bpobal ar fad (Frank et al., 2011). Gan an t-eisc ann chun iad a ithe, thit na hiasc a bhí ina n-íobairt don t-eisc roimhe sin - an t-eisc, an capelin, agus an t-eisc - i líon. Mar gheall ar an bhrú seo, chuir siad síos ar líon na n-íobairtí, agus mar sin de tríd an slabhra bia. Agus an t-easnamh seo a thuiscint, agus an chaoi a rialaíonn an t-easnamh an ghréasáin bia, is féidir linn cabhrú linn a bhainistiú níos fearr conas a bhailímid éisc ionas gur féidir linn a choinneáil ar an bpobal iomlán cobhsaí.
Tá sé tábhachtach a thuiscint go bhfuil an t-idirnascadh seo ag cur i bhfios go mór go bhfuil tionchar mór againn ar na gréasanna bia mara seo agus go bhfuil muid rannpháirteach iontu. Sula raibh sé ar do phláta, bhí an t-iasc sin mar chuid de phobal, mar chuid de ghréasán bia, áit a raibh a dinnéar féin aige agus d'fhéadfadh sé dinnéar a sholáthar do rud éigin eile mura raibh sé ar do shon ar dtús. Ní mór don fhuinneamh a shroicheann ár bplata dul trí na hidirghníomhaíochtaí casta idir ainmhithe iomadúla, agus tá sé ríthábhachtach a thuiscint conas agus cá bhfuil an fuinneamh sin ag sreabhadh go díreach más mian linn leanúint ar aghaidh ag baint taitneamh as táirgí na farraige go sábháilte agus go hinbhuanaithe.
Frank, K. T., Petrie, B., Fisher, J. a D., & Leggett, W. C. (2011). Dinimiceacha tréimhsiúla éiceachóras mór mara a athraíodh. Nature, 477{7362}, 869.
Krause, AE, Frank, K. a, Mason, DM, Ulanowicz, R. E., & Taylor, WW (2003). Cuidithe a nochtadh i struchtúr líonra bia. Nature, 426 6964), 282 5.
Le Philip Cafaro, PhD agus Ollamh Fealsúnaíochta agus comhalta dáimhe cleamhnaithe leis an Scoil um Inbhuanaitheacht Comhshaoil Domhanda, Ollscoil Stáit Colorado, Fort Collins, Stáit Aontaithe Mheiriceá, agus Richard B. Primack, PhD agus Ollamh Bithéolaíochta, Ollscoil Boston, Stáit Aontaithe Mheiriceá
Postáilte ar 12 Feabhra 2014
Beagnach trí scór bliain ó shin, d'fhoilsigh Michael Soulé alt dar teideal What is Conservation Biology? (1985). Bhí tionchar láidir agus buan ag an leabhar seo go páirteach mar gheall ar an rath a bhí ar Soulé i bhfís éiticiúil tarraingteach a chur in iúl don réimse seo atá ag forbairt go tapa. I gcroílár an chreideamh go bhfuil an extinction anthropogenic speiceas mór mícheart morálta. "Tá éagsúlacht na n-orgánaigh go maith", a scríobh Soulé, "agus tá an díothú neamhleor de phobail agus speiceas go dona". "Tá luach ag speiceas eile ina n-aonar", a dhearbhaigh sé: "luach inmheánach", ar cheart dó meas, meas agus srian a chur orainn i gcaidreamh leo.
I "What is Conservation Science?" (2012), iarracht le déanaí Soulé a nuashonrú, cailleann Peter Kareiva agus Michelle Marvier an tiomantas morálta seo. Agus na prionsabail phraiticiúla a shonrú a chreideann siad gur chóir do na caomhnóirí a threorú, tugann siad áit shuntasach do shaibhreas daonna a mhéadú (fhorbairt eacnamaíoch) agus a bheith ag obair le corparáidí, cé nach bhfuil aitheantas ar cheart speicis eile chun leanúint ar aghaidh ag fás le fáil in áit ar bith. Go deimhin, is é an retorica an ailt a dhéanann na scriosadh anthrópaigineach a normalú agus a dhéanamh ar léitheoirí níos compordaí leo. Mar shampla, déanann sé cur síos ar imní maidir le díothú na n-uaimhreacha agus na mbéar grizzly sna Stáit Aontaithe mar  nostalgia don  domhan mar a bhí sé uair amháin, agus deir sé go bhfuil  roinnt réalachais in ord maidir le cibé an chóir go mbeadh daoine ag teastáil ó dhaoine speicis eile a choinneáil ar an tírdhreach nuair nach bhfuil a láithreacht leanúnach comhoiriúnach lenár gcuspóirí eacnamaíocha.
Ar an drochuair, ní cosúil gur eisceacht den alt seo é an seasamh seo, ach cuid riachtanach de threoir Karieva agus Marvier do chaomhnóirí chun freastal orainn féin ar réaltachtaí nua Epoch Anthropocene. I bpíosa níos luaithe a d'fhoilsigh siad le Robert Lalasz, "Conservation in the Anthropocene" (2011), déantar machnamh ar an éagothroime ollmhór le cothromaíocht, go páirteach, is cosúil, toisc nach gá go gcuirfeadh éagothroime den sórt sin míchompord ar dhaoine.
"Tá an-mhéadú déanta ag éiceolaithe agus coimirceoirí ar an éagmais atá ag an dúlra", a deir siad ansin. I go leor cúinsí, d'fhéadfadh go mbeadh deireadh le speicis a bhí go leor roimhe seo gan aon éifeacht ar fheidhm na héiceachórais. Tá galar coigríche tar éis an chastain Mheiriceá, a bhí ina chrann is mó san oirthear Mheiriceá Thuaidh, a dhíothú, ach tá an éiceachóras foraoise gan tionchar go hiontach. An colm taistealaithe, uair amháin chomh abundant go raibh a chuid drámaí dorchla an spéir, chuaigh amach, chomh maith le speicis eile gan áireamh ó na Stellers mara-bhó go dtí an dodo, gan aon éifeachtaí tubaisteach nó fiú measartha.
Is dócha gur tharla na himeachtaí díothaithe seo go mór don speiceas atá i gceist, agus b'fhéidir freisin do speiceas eile a bhí ag caitheamh nó ag parasitizeadh orthu, nó a bhí ag brath orthu ar bhealaí eile. Ach is cosúil nach bhfuil cúiseanna morálta ag na tubaistí sin do na húdair - ní fíor-chastais iad - fad is a fhanann na "fheidhmeanna éiceachórais" a bhaineann tairbhe as daoine slán. (Maidir le beagnach-éagothú an chastain Mheiriceá agus bás an t-uabain taistealaithe, i measc na speicis crann agus éan is iomadaí i bhforaoisí meathta oirthear Mheiriceá Thuaidh cúig chéad bliain ó shin, mura raibh aon "éifeachtaí in-mheasta" acu, is féidir linn a mheas gur mar gheall ar nár chuir aon duine an trioblóid orthu iad a thomhas ag an am.)
De réir staidéir le déanaí, d'fhéadfadh an chine daonna ceann de gach trí speiceas ar an Domhan a dhíothú le linn na gcéadta bliain amach romhainn, má leanann muid ar ár mbealach reatha chun gnáthóg a scriosadh, acmhainní a mhónóiplithe (Rúnaíocht an Choinbhinsiúin ar Éagsúlacht Bitheolaíoch, 2010). I gceann de chomharthaí na huaire, i 2008 na Stáit Aontaithe Liostáil Seirbhís Iascaigh agus Fiadhúlra an bhéar polach mar a bhagairt le díothú mar gheall ar éifeachtaí reatha agus féideartha sa todhchaí an athraithe aeráide domhanda. I measc na ndaoine againn a bhfuil grá acu don dúlra, bíonn an-díomá orainn nuair a fhaighimid na nuachtanna sin. Ach faoin ursaí polaracha Kareiva et al. (2011) a rá:
Féadfaidh fiú an siombail clasaiceach seo na leochaileachta an bhéar polach, a bhfuil an chuma air go bhfuil sé ar thromlach oighear atá ag titim  seans maith a bheith aige maireachtáil le téamh domhanda má leanann an timpeallacht atá ag athrú ag méadú daonra agus raon tuaisceart na seilge calafoirt agus na seilge harp. D'eabhlóigh béar polach ó béar donn 200,000 bliain ó shin le linn tréimhse fuaraithe i stair na Talún, ag forbairt aiste bia carnáivéir an-speisialaithe dírithe ar shéalta. Dá bhrí sin, braitheann an t-ádh ar bhéar polach ar dhá threocht os coinne - titim na oighear farraige agus méadú féideartha na n-íobair saibhir fuinnimh. Is é stair na beatha ar an Domhan speiceas a éabhlóíonn chun leas a bhaint as timpeallachtaí nua ach a bheith i mbaol nuair a athraíonn an timpeallacht arís.
Tabhair faoi deara an chaoi a ndéanann an cuntas seo comhionannas idir na haontais a bhí ann roimhe seo de bharr cúiseanna nádúrtha agus an fhéidearthacht go dtarlódh easpa an bhéar polaigh de bharr athrú aeráide de bharr an duine. Is é sin ach "stair na beatha", ag oiriúnú nó ag teip ar oiriúnú do dhálaí athraitheacha. Tabhair faoi deara go bhfuil aon bhraistint de ghníomhaíocht an duine maidir leis an mbagairt don bhéar polach imithe: Braitheann an t-ádh ar Ursus maritimus ar dhá threocht os coinne, de réir mar a athraíonn an timpeallacht, ní ar an méid a chuireann an duine astaíochtaí gás ceaptha teasa ar ais. Ar deireadh, tabhair faoi deara an glibness leis a bhfuil na húdair ag caint faoi dhíothú an ainmhí iontach seo ( cosúil go raibh sé ar thrá ar bhloc oighear leá).
Is cosúil go bhfuil sé inghlactha go morálta speicis a dhíothú trí leathnú leanúnach gníomhaíochtaí eacnamaíocha an duine do Kareiva, Marvier agus roinnt tacadóirí eile an Anthropocene (m.sh. Bradbury, 2012), chomh fada agus nach ndéanann an scrios seo athshlánú agus dochar do dhaoine féin. Ach tá an dearcadh seo féinbhreithiúnach agus éagórach. Tá níos mó ná an sciar cothrom atá againn de acmhainní an Domhain á rialú ag daoine cheana féin. Má tá méadú ar líon na ndaoine agus éilimh eacnamaíocha ag bagairt an bhéar polach agus go leor speiceas eile a dhíothú, ansin ní mór dúinn ár líon agus éilimh eacnamaíocha a theorannú (Cincotta agus Gorenflo, 2011; Noss et al., 2013). D'fhéadfadh go mbeadh ceisteanna oscailte maidir le conas éilimh an duine a chur faoi chois nó institiúidí eacnamaíocha neamhoibrithe a athchóiriú a chuireann an dúlra i mbaol, ach ní ceisteanna roghnacha iad do chaomhnóirí, ná ní féidir linn neamhaird a dhéanamh ar cheisteanna morálta agus iad á fhreagairt againn (Rolston, 1994).
Is iad bitheolaithe caomhnaithe, lenár n-eolas agus ár meas ar speicis eile, na daoine deireanach ba chóir a bheith ag déanamh leithscéal as a n-aistrithe, nó ag déanamh lightning ar a n-éagothú. Tá sé míchuí go háirithe do Peter Kareiva é sin a dhéanamh, mar gheall ar a phost mar phríomheolaí ag an gConservacht Dúlra, eagraíocht atá tiomanta do chaomhnú bithéagsúlachta. Tá maoiniú a bhailiú ag TNCanna bunaithe go páirteach ar achomhairc do mhothú morálta láidir agus forleathan a roinnt go bhfuil ceart ag speicis eile chun leanúint ar aghaidh le bheith ann. Braitheann cuid mhór de luach caomhnaithe easnálacha agus ceannaigh talún TNCanna ar thiomantas morálta agus dlíthiúil na sochaí ar fad chun speicis atá faoi bhagairt agus i mbaol a chaomhnú. Deir Kareiva agus Marvier (2012) nach bhfuil siad ag iarraidh na spreagadh eitice a bhaineann le gníomh caomhnaithe a chur faoi dhúnadh, nó, is dócha, an dlí caomhnaithe. Ach is é sin go díreach a dhéanann a n-ailt, agus d'fhéadfadh sé go mbeadh impleachtaí tubaisteacha acu ar iarrachtaí caomhnaithe praiticiúla, go háirithe san fhadtéarma.
Chun a bheith soiléir: ní dóigh linn go bhfuil aon rud cearr le daoine ag tabhairt aire do riachtanais dlisteanacha féin. Is comhpháirt tábhachtach é seo den chaomhnú, mar a d'aithin bitheolaithe caomhnaithe le fada (Greenwald et al., 2013). Tá an ceart ag Kareiva agus Marvier a chur i gcuimhne dúinn go bhfuil sé tábhachtach seirbhísí éiceachórais a chosaint do dhaoine. Tá an ceart acu freisin, go bhféadfadh cúram as ár bhfolláine féin a bheith ina spreagadh uaireanta chun an bithéagsúlacht a chaomhnú go suntasach. Creidimid gur chóir do dhaoine speicis eile a chaomhnú ar mhaithe leo féin agus ar mhaithe linn féin (féach Primack, 2010, caibidil 6, le haghaidh cóireáil níos iomláine ar na héilimh eiticiúla seo).
Mar sin féin, is botún é caomhnú a laghdú go heisiach go cúramach féin-imní, nó a mheas go antropocentrically go bhfuil sé inghlactha na speicis sin a dhíothú nach soláthraíonn seirbhísí éiceachórais tábhachtacha dúinn. Cosúil le pósadh, le hoideachas, nó le haon institiúid nó gníomhaíocht thábhachtach eile ó dhaoine, tugann cur chuige ró-eacnamaíoch maidir le caomhnú dúinn ar strae go morálta. Déanann sé féinfhiúchas orainn, agus is é sin an rud deireanach a theastaíonn uainn nuair a bhíonn an oiread sin foirmeacha maireachtála eile i mbaol. Is ábhar ceartais é an t-airgead a roinnt go cothrom le speicis eile ar thalamh agus ar uisce na Talún, ní ábhar áisiúlachta eacnamaíoch (Staples agus Cafaro, 2012).
Is iad speicis nádúrtha príomhfhocail agus stórálacha ord, cruthaitheacht agus éagsúlacht an nádúr orgánach. Léiríonn siad na mílte milliún bliain d'eabhlóid agus de bhaint amach. Léiríonn siad castacht fheidhmiúil, eagraíochtúil agus iompraíochta dochreidte. Tá gach speiceas, cosúil le gach duine, uathúil, lena stair agus a chinniúint féin. Nuair a thógann daoine an oiread sin acmhainní nó a laghdaíonn an oiread sin gnáthóg go bhfuil speiceas eile díothaithe, tá an iomarca tógtha againn nó damáiste déanta againn, agus tar éis deireadh a chur le scéal luachmhar agus bríomhar go luath.
Ní é príomh-mhionscnamh na heolaíochta an Cruinne a rialú ach í a mheas níos iomláine. Is mór an phribhléid é maireachtáil ar an Domhan agus é a roinnt le go leor créatúir maithe agus iontach.
Ón dearcadh seo, fiú amháin anthropogenic extinction is é ceann ró-mhór. Ón dearcadh seo, braitheann dea-chúrsa an duine ar an Domhan chomh mór sin ar cé chomh maith agus a thugaimid meas agus a fháil le speicis eile, agus ar cé chomh maith agus a dhéanaimid é sin le daoine eile.
Tá an ceart ag Michael Soulé (1985, 2013): tá luach ag speicis eile iontu féin agus tá ceart acu chun leanúint ar aghaidh le bheith ann saor ó dhíothú anthrópaigineach, cibé acu a fhaighimid iad nó nach bhfaighimid iad álainn, úsáideach, brabúsach, nó suimiúil, agus cibé acu a bhfuil a gcosnamh nó nach bhfuil sé áisiúil nó tairbheach ó thaobh eacnamaíochta de do dhaoine.
Bradbury, R., 2012. Domhan Gan Coral. New York Times, leathanaigh eagarthóireachta, 13 Iúil, 2012.
Cincotta, R.P., Gorenflo, L.J., 2011. Daonra an Duine: A n-Ionchair ar Éagsúlacht Bitheolaíoch. Springer.
Greenwald, N., Dellasala, D., Terborgh, J., 2013. Níl aon rud nua i Kareiva agus Marvier. Eolaíocht Bithdhíola 63, 241.
Kareiva, P., Marvier, M., 2012. Cad é an eolaíocht chaomhnaithe? Beola Eolaíochta 62, 962 969.
Kareiva, P., Lalasz, R., Marvier, M., 2011. Coimirce san Anthropocene: thar aonlathas agus frásaíocht. Breathnú J., 2937 (Titim).
Noss, R., Nash, R., Paquet, P., Soulé, M., 2013. Tá an chumhacht atá ag an duine ar an dúlra mar chuid den fhadhb: freagra ar Kareiva agus Marvier. Beolaíocht 63, 241242.
Primack, R., 2010. Essentials of Conservation Biology, an cúigiú heagrán. Sinauer Comhlach.
Rolston, H., 1994. Luach nádúrtha a chaomhnú. Foilseachán Ollscoil Columbia.
Rúnaíocht an Choinbhinsiúin ar Éagsúlacht Bitheolaíoch, 2010. An tSean-Aithris ar an mBithéagsúlacht Domhanda 3. Montreal.
Soulé, M.E., 1985. Cad é bithéolaíocht chaomhnaithe? Beola Eolaíochta 35, 727734.
Soulé, M.E., 2013. An Conservacion Nua. Biol Coimirce. 27, 897  899.
Staples, W., Cafaro, P., 2012. Chun ceart speiceas a bheith ann. I: Cafaro, P., Crist, E. (Eds. ), Life on the Brink: Environmentalists Confront Overpopulation. University of Georgia Press, pp. 283  300.
Tudge, C., 2000. An éagsúlacht na beatha: Suirbhé agus Ceiliúradh ar na Creatúir go léir a bhí riamh. Foilseachán Ollscoil Oxford.
Chun trácht a dhéanamh ar an bpost blag seo, tabhair cuairt ar shuíomh ElsevierConnect leis an alt bunaidh anseo.
Ceann de na gnéithe is dochreidte den saol sna trópaiceanna is ea an fórsa sciála a bhfuil an chuma air go dtagann na cnapanna báistí. Cosúil le lámhaigh as canóin a bhfuil sé mar aidhm sonrach le ceacht pianmhar a mhúineadh nach ndéantar dearmad go luath ar dhaoine amaideach a dhéanann iarracht tearmann a fháil faoi chrann pailme, tá titim báistí ó thimpistí trópaiceacha go leor suntasach cheana féin. Ach cad a tharlóidh leis na dropaí báistí seo, nó a líon níos cruinne, le haeráid atá ag téamh?
Is ceist í seo a bhí ag meabhair eolaithe an atmaisféir le deich mbliana anuas. Táim díreach ag suí síos anois chun an post seo a scríobh tar éis dom páirt a ghlacadh i gcolóim a pléadh an smaoineamh go bhféadfadh sé go mbeadh báistí trópaiceacha freagrach as imeachtaí a tharlaíonn san Ard-Mhír Thuaidh, agus, mar a tharlaíonn go minic, tháinig an plé ina dhiaidh sin ar threochtaí i báistí trópaiceacha. Agus is é an chúis go bhfuil an cheist seo chomh coitianta ná go bhfuil sé ríthábhachtach tuiscint a fháil ar conas agus cén fáth a bhféadfadh titim na báistí athrú faoi chásanna athraithe aeráide do shaol agus do mhaireachtáil na ndaoine a chónaíonn sna trópaiceacha. Tá an pobal áitiúil sna trópaiceanna tar éis spleáchas a fhorbairt ar thrá go minic, ach ní ró-thrá, trom, ach ní ró-dhorcha. Tá dhá bhealach ann ar féidir an cothromaíocht seo a bhriseadh. D'fhéadfadh go n-athródh minicíocht nó déine na báistí. Agus, ar an drochuair, táthar ag súil go n-athróidh athrú aeráide an dá rud.
De réir mar a théiteann an aeráid, is dócha go dtarlóidh athruithe iomadúla ar an atmaisféar trópaiceach. Beidh an t-atmaisféar níos teo in ann méideanna níos mó gaile uisce a "choimeád" ná mar is féidir leo inniu. Mar sin, bheadh an stoirm chéanna i gclás níos teo rachadh sé níos mó ná mar a bheadh sé i ceann níos fionnuar. Chomh maith leis sin, táthar ag súil go n-athróidh sé áit a n-uisceann sé. Sa lá atá inniu ann, tá cuid mhór den bháisteach sna trópaiceanna teoranta do bhainc bheaga timpeall an echtair. Mar gheall ar éagsúlacht tionchair, táthar ag súil go n-iompóidh na bannaí seo i gcluaiseacht níos teo. Ós rud é go gcaithfidh an t-atmaisféar méid áirithe báistí a thuilleamh gach lá chun timthriall uisce buan a chothabháil, agus toisc go mbeidh an báisteach seo teoranta do limistéar níos lú, cruthaíonn an éifeacht sin rátaí báistí níos láidre freisin. Le chéile, is drochscéal iad na hathruithe a thuar seo do go leor daonra leochaileacha sna trópaiceacha. Beidh báistí 'an-mhór' níos déine agus beidh báistí 'nádúrtha' níos lú minic. Is minic a thugtar freagra Rich-get-Richer ar an staid. Léiríonn an t-ainm seo nádúr na réigiún a fhaigheann go leor báistí agus a bhfuiltear ag tuar go bhfaighidh siad níos mó.
Tá samhlacha traidisiúnta scaipeadh domhanda (GCManna) a úsáideann eolaithe aeráide chun tuar a dhéanamh faoi athrú aeráide ag tuar freagra Rich-get-Richer ar athrú aeráide domhanda le tamall anuas. Mar sin féin, níl an cumas ag na samhlacha seo stoirmeacha trócaire aonair a shamhlú. Le déanaí, rinneadh obair le samhlacha speisialta ard-réitigh chun tuiscint a fháil ar an gcaoi a bhfreagróidh stoirmeacha trócaire aonair ar athrú aeráide. Tá pictiúr níos grámhara fós le feiceáil sna samhlacha seo maidir le hathruithe ar thitim na báistí. Is é an méid a léiríodh ná go ndéanann grúpaí stoirme thunderclap conspiracy chun an fhadhb a mhéadú. Is cosúil go ngrúpaíonn na scamaill le chéile ar bhealaí nua chun báisteach a thuilleamh ar cheantair thirim ag costais na gceantair níos tirim. Is cosúil go bhfuil na stoirmeacha torann is láidre ag éirí níos láidre fós. Mar aon le torthaí na aimsire ar scála mór a rinne na GCManna samhail go maith, tá cúis imní ann.
Ní chuireann na meicníochtaí difríochta "Rich-get-Richer" agus thunderstorm ach na hathruithe laethúla ar thráth. Bíonn tionchar ag feiniméin scála ama níos faide ar thrácht na n-uisceacha trópaiceacha freisin. Tá athruithe móra i dtuiteam báistí ag scála ama míosúil agus bliantúil araon. Ar scála míosúil is féidir leis an Madden-Julian Oscillation (MJO) mar a thugtar air, réigiún leathan stoirmeach a ghluaiseann go mall siar ar feadh an echtair, báistí a mhéadú nó a chosc. Tá sé de mhian le hoibre an-dhéanach go bhféadfadh sé a bheith níos deacra MJOs a thuar le níos mó ama idir imeachtaí báistí. D'fhéadfadh na himeachtaí a tharlaíonn a bheith ina thoradh ar thréimhse níos mó báistí. Ar scála ama bliantúil, tagann agus imíonn hurricanes. Ach le téamh aeráide, is dócha go mbeidh na hurricaneanna a thiocfaidh níos lú go minic agus níos déine ná iad siúd a fheicimid inniu.
Go neamh-chomhthátha, tá cuid de na hathruithe seo le feiceáil cheana féin. Tá athruithe tagtha ar réigiúin cosúil le hOstaire agus an fho-chríoch Indiach i minicíocht agus déine na báistí. Bhí an monsoon Indiach, patrún báistí séasúracha, chomh comhsheasmhach go hiontach ó bhliain go bliain, agus dá bhrí sin, intuartha. Anois, bíonn tús na monsoon ag am níos athromaí agus is minic a bhíonn báistí monsoon trom go leor chun tuile. Tá an tSín chomh maith le na hOstaire ag fulaingt ó thriomú agus ó shéideadh le rialtacht neamhchoitianta.
Is dócha go mbeidh gá le hoiriúnú do thréimhse nua de bharr téamh aeráide. Cé go bhfuil na daoine sna trópaiceanna ar an gcoitinne a shábháil ar na héifeachtaí is measa, beidh orthu dul i ngleic le leibhéil na farraige ag ardú agus, ar an drochuair, is cosúil, athruithe ar an bháisteach atá chomh ríthábhachtach dá saol laethúil.
Moiléiceáin agus moscaí: tá teicnící bitheolaíochta móilíneacha mar bhunús dár n-iarrachtaí víris a dtarraingíonn moscaí a dhíothú go hinbhuanaithe
Scríobh Stephanie Moon, SoGES 2013-2014 Comhalta ceannaireachta inbhuanaitheachta, agus iarrthóir PhD i Roinn na Miocrialaise, Imdhíonlaise, agus Paiteolaíochta
Ní fada ó shin, ba é an creideamh is mó ná nach raibh mosquitoes in ann gníomhairí ghalair chomh tubaisteach sin a tharchur mar an malária, víreas an fiabhras buí (YFV) agus víreas an Nile Thiar (WNV). Creidtear go dtarchuirfí YFV trí bhlaosc mistéireach nó trí dhroch-earraí ginearálta, agus ní raibh sé go dtí go luath sa ficheú haois gur nocht taighde eolaíoch ag Arm na Stát Aontaithe sa Chúba ról na mosquitoes i dtarchur víris (1). In ainneoin an mhothúcháin phoiblí a bhí ann go raibh sé greannmhar a mheas go raibh paiteogainí daonna i gcúrsaí mosquitoes, nochtadh turgnaimh ó Arm na Stát Aontaithe faoi stiúir an Dr. Walter Reed i gCúba go luath sna 1900í gur féidir le daoine YFV a tharchur chuig mosquitoes agus is féidir le mosquitoes an víreas a tharchur ar ais go comhsheasmhach chuig daoine. Is iontas é nach mbeadh na turgnaimh seo indéanta gan cabhair ó dhaoine deonacha a bhí sásta a bheith ionfhabhtaithe le YFV, agus fuair cuid acu bás mar thoradh ar a rannpháirtíocht (1). Mar sin féin, ní tharlafeadh deireadh a chur le YFV ó Mheiriceá Láir agus Thuaidh le linn an fhichiú haois gan na príomhthrialacha seo a shainmhínigh an timthriall tarchuir agus cur chuige dian il-chomhartha a bhí mar aidhm aige daonra na moscaí a scriosadh, vacsaín a fháil, agus teagmháil moscaí-daonna a chosc trí iarrachtaí carthain, scáileáin agus líonta moscaí (1).
Bhí rath ar iarrachtaí taighde atá bunaithe ar an saotharlann YFV a dhíothú ó na Stáit Aontaithe, ach tá iarrachtaí faireachais chun YFV a bhrath nó taighde a dhéanamh ar leigheas a fháil ar an ghalair fós mar spriocanna tábhachtacha. Seachas a bheith ag cur le galar agus bás san Afraic faoi-Shahárach agus i Meiriceá Láir agus Theas, tá baol ann go mbeidh YFV agus vírisí eile a iompróidh mosquitoes ag teacht isteach sna Stáit Aontaithe arís. Tá sé le fios go bhfuil an príomh-fheicteoir do YFV agus an víreas Dengue gaolmhar, Aedes aegypti, le fáil i California, agus go bhfuil 22 othar aitheanta go dtí seo mar a bhfuil víreas Dengue faighte acu i Key West, Florida (2).
Sa lá atá inniu ann sna Stáit Aontaithe, tá víreas an Nile Thiar ag éirí ina mhórchúis imní go tapa mar go bhfuil cásanna daonna agus ainmhithe ag fás ó tugadh an víreas isteach i Nua-Eabhrac i 1999. Tugadh víreas an fhabhar buí agus a veictóir mosquito Aedes aegypti isteach sa Domhan Nua freisin (meastar gur tháinig sé ó Iarthar na hAfraice agus gur scaipeadh go Meiriceá mar thoradh ar thrádáil sclábhaithe na hAfraice) agus tá a fhios againn anois gur chuir an bealach a d'athraigh muid an tírdhreach le linn leathnú na hEorpa go Meiriceá leis an réigiún atá ag leathnú ina bhfuarthas YFV (1). Mar shampla, chuir an foraoise a scriosadh chun plandálacha canna siúcra a chruthú in oileáin na Cairibe san 17ú haois go luath leis an gcruthú gnáthóga fabhracha nua do Aedes aegypti, rud a chuir chun cinn scaipeadh YFV (1). Ar an gcaoi chéanna, léiríodh go bhfuil an t-ionfhabhtú WNV san oirthear-thuaidh de na Stáit Aontaithe níos airde i gceantair uirbeacha, agus tá ár gcleachtais talmhaíochta tar éis cur le hionfhabhtú galar WNV san iarthar na Stát Aontaithe freisin (3, 4).
Toisc go mbíonn víreas an Nile Thiar ann de ghnáth i dtimthriall tarchuir idir éin agus moscaí (le daoine agus capaill ag fáil WNV ar an láimh eile), tá éiceolaíocht an chórais víreas-óstach-veicteora seo i roinnt bealaí níos casta ná sin de YFV, a choinnítear i ndaoine agus i mbeacáin crainn-chónaithe (sa Mheiriceá). Tá dúshlán an-chasta ag baint le WNV a dhíothú, go háirithe toisc nach bhfuil vacsaín ag WNV, murab ionann agus YFV. Dá bhrí sin, díreoidh iarrachtaí maolúcháin ar rialú moscaí seachas ar chosc ar ghalair, rud a d'fhéadfadh tionchar diúltach a bheith aige ar éiceachórais trí na hidirbheathaigh eile agus na hainmhithe a bhíonn ag brath ar inseictí mar fhoinse bia a ghortú (5). Beidh cur chuige níos inbhuanaithe a cheadú chun na galair seo a dhíothú, má thagann bealaí nua chun cóireáil a dhéanamh ar othair atá ionfhabhtaithe le WNV agus le paiteogain eile a iompróidh mosquito nó chun ionfhabhtú a chosc sa chéad áit trí vacsaínithe. Dá bhrí sin, beidh taighde bitheolaíochta móilíneach ar na meicníochtaí móilíneacha atá faoi bhun ionfhabhtaithe víris agus tarchuir riachtanach dár n-iarrachtaí sa todhchaí más mian linn réiteach níos cairdiúla don chomhshaol, inbhuanaithe a fháil ar fhadhb na víris a tharchur ag mosquito.
Conas a bhainistímid an baol go dtarchuirfear WNV go háitiúil? Soláthraíonn cathair Fort Collins saibhreas faisnéise don phobal faoin bpróiseas seo. I measc na sonraí is féidir leat rochtain a fháil orthu ar líne tá cé mhéad othar a ndearnadh diagnóis WNV orthu, déine na hairíonna galar, agus báis i gContae Larimer. Is féidir leat a fháil amach go héasca ar líne cé mhéad mosquito a bhí gafa i gceantair áirithe i gContae Larimer agus an ndearna siad tástáil dearfach nó nach ndearna siad ar WNV (6). Úsáidtear na sonraí seo chun a chinneadh cad iad na gníomhaíochtaí ba cheart don chathair a dhéanamh chun ráig WNV a chosc. Cuid de fhreagra na cathrach ar ráig fhéadfaí a thuar is ea úsáid inseictídí a mharú mosquitoes larva nó fásta, ach tá siad a chur i bhfeidhm i limistéir bheaga agus a úsáidtear ach amháin nuair a bhíonn an riosca tarchur WNV ard. In ainneoin iarrachtaí cathair Fort Collins sonraí agus faisnéis a chur ar fáil don phobal faoi riosca tarchuir WNV agus iarratas ar inseticíd, tá conspóide ann maidir le húsáid inseticíd. Scrúdaíonn alt réasúnta le déanaí sa Coloradoan (http://noconow.co/1hqQcti) cuid de na cúlra den chóras reatha a úsáideann an chathair chun cinneadh a dhéanamh cathain agus cá háit a spraeálfar inseticidí (7). Is é an bealach a roghnaímid cathain a spraeáil (7). Ós rud é nach ndéanfaidh an chathair inseticídí a spraeáil go dtí go dtabharfar tuairisc ar roinnt cásanna daonna, tá moill beagnach mí idir nuair a bhíonn daoine ag fáil ionfhabhtaithe le WNV agus nuair a thagann siad síos le hairíonna agus dá bhrí sin nuair a d'fhéadfadh an chathair gníomhú (7). D'fhéadfadh go gcuirfí deireadh leis an moill seo trí bheith ag brath níos mó ar iarrachtaí faireachais mosquito (7) agus trí dhiagnóisis fheabhsaithe a fhorbairt a bhrathfaidh ionfhabhtú i ndaoine atá i mbaol ionfhabhtú sula dtosaíonn na hairíonna.
Tá an bealach a ndéanaimid measúnú faoi láthair agus a scriosann an baol tarchuir WNV go háitiúil bunaithe ar theicnící bitheolaíochta móilíneacha, toisc go mbraitheann an dá fhaireachas agus (cuid) de na tástálacha diagnóiseacha ar mhodh ar a dtugtar imoibriú slabhra polymerase (PCR) chun ábhar géiniteach víreasach a bhrath. Ar an drochuair, níl ár gcartlann reatha tástálacha diagnóiseacha úsáideach go dtí go bhfuil comharthaí an ghalair ag an othar, mar sin tá gá le tástálacha diagnóiseacha níos gasta, níos iontaofa chun WNV a bhrath sula dtosaíonn an galar. Is ionadh nach bhfuil cóireálacha sonracha ná vacsaíní daonna ann do go leor galair thábhachtacha víreasacha a iompróidh mosquitoes, lena n-áirítear WNV. Beidh taighde a bhfuil sé mar aidhm aige vacsaíní nua, tástálacha diagnóiseacha a fhorbairt agus spriocdhrugaí víreasacha (nó óstach) nua a nochtadh chun tús na hairíonna galar a mhaolú ina chomhpháirt ríthábhachtach de straitéis inbhuanaithe chun galar a rialú. Is féidir le hiarrachtaí taighde atá bunaithe ar an saotharlann a bheith in ann a fháil amach cén fáth a mbíonn víris áirithe ina chúis le galar nó ina scaipeadh ar fud an domhain.
Tá mo thaighde dírithe ar an gcaoi a gcuireann grúpa mór víris a dtarraingítear ag arthrópaidí, lena n-áirítear víreas Dengue agus WNV, galair ar an leibhéal ceallach agus móilíneach. Má tá sé ar chumas againn a chinneadh cad iad na fachtóirí a theastaíonn le haghaidh víris a athdhéanamh i gcealla daonna, ansin is féidir linn cóireálacha nua a fhorbairt chun comharthaí na galair a laghdú. Ina theannta sin, trí staidéar a dhéanamh ar na meicníochtaí coiteann a úsáideann go leor víris éagsúla chun galar a chur faoi deara, d'fhéadfaimis cóireáil choiteann a bhaint amach sa deireadh. Tá go leor víris nach ndéantar a tharchur trí mosquitoes (lena n-áirítear víreas Heipitíteas C agus víreas diarrhea víreasach Bovine - galar coitianta de bhaoil) gar do YFV, víreas Dengue, agus WNV. Tá roinnt meicníochtaí spreagúla le fáil amach ag ár gcuid oibre a bhfuil na víris gaolmhara seo ag roinnt le galar a chur faoi deara i ndaoine agus ainmhithe a d'fhéadfadh a bheith ann a léamh agat anseo: http://bit.ly/1lF4M0x (8). Sa deireadh, ba cheart go gcuirfeadh iarrachtaí taighde le cóireálacha, vacsaíní agus modhanna inbhuanaithe cur chun feidhme a tháirgeadh chun ár gcur chuige reatha a fhorlíonadh nó a chur in ionad a bhfuil muinín mhór acu as rialú mosquito chun riosca galair i ndaoine agus ainmhithe a mhaolú.
Oibreacha a luaitear agus a moltar a léamh:
(1) McNeill, JR. Mosquito Empires: Ecology and War in the greater Caribbean, 1620-1914. Nua Eabhrac: Cambridge University Press, 2010. Brúigh.
(2) Lárionad um Rialú agus Cosc ar Ghalair- Dengue Homepage. http://www.cdc.gov/dengue/epidemiology/local_dengue.html. 27 Meán Fómhair 2012. Rinneadh rochtain air an 8 Eanáir 2014.
(3) Brown HE, Childs JE, Diuk-Wasser MA, Fish D. Fachtóirí éiceolaíocha a bhaineann le tarchur víreas an Nile Thiar, oirdheisceart na SA. Emerg Infect Dis [sreang ar an Idirlíon]. 2008 Oct [8 Eanáir 2014]. Tá sé ar fáil ó http://www.cdc.gov/eid/article/14/10/07-1396.htm
(4) Kilpatrick AM. Globalization, land use, and the invasion of West Nile virus Eolaíocht. 2011 Oct 21; 334(6054):323-7. doi: 10.1126/science.1201010.
(5) Stáit Aontaithe Mheiriceá Seirbhísí Eitilte agus Fiadhúlra, Leas-Airteagal K4, Torthaí Comhshaoil an Chórais um Chóras Moscó www.fws.gov/cno/refuges/DonEdwards/CCP-PDFs/Appendix-K4_EffectssofMosquitoControl.pdf 2004. Rinneadh rochtain air an 1 Eanáir 2014.
Tá an t-eitleán seo ar fáil i ngach ceann de na háiteanna seo a leanas: Rinneadh rochtain air an 8 Eanáir 2014.
(7) Duggan, Kevin. Fort Collins D'fhéadfadh sé go rachadh spraeáil West Nile i dtreo nua Coloradoan.com. An Coloradoan, 12 Samhain 2013. http://www.coloradoan.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=2013311090084 Web. 6 Eanáir 2013.
(8) Moon, SL agus Wilusz, J. Fury i gcoinne an meaisín (deagrú RNA ceallach). PloS Pathog. 2013 Dec 9 (12):e1003762. doi: 10.1371/journal.ppat.1003762.
Tá go leor eolaithe, eacnamaithe agus smaointeoirí ag caint faoin gceist 9 billiún duine, nó an 9BPQ. Táthar ag súil go mbeidh ár ndaonra ag plátaí i 2050 le 9 billiún duine. Is é sin go leor comhlachtaí a sholáthar uisce, bia, tearmann agus aer glan. An féidir é sin a dhéanamh? Níl mé cinnte.
Dr. H.C.J. Deir Godfray, ollamh in Ollscoil Oxford, agus a chomh-údair (2010) go bhfuil sé indéanta, le straitéis dhomhanda ilghnéitheach agus nasctha a d'fhéadfadh slándáil bhia inbhuanaithe agus chothrom a chinntiú. Is é an chuid is fearr liom dá n-iomaíocht ná dramhaíl a laghdú. Aontaíonn an Dr. John Foley, Stiúrthóir an Institiúid um an Ghnóthaí Comhshaoil in Ollscoil Minnesota, scríbhneoir proiliciúil eile ar shlándáil bia. Sa phost seo, ní amháin go bhfuil sé ag caint faoi athrú ar aiste bia chun ár soláthar bia a mhéadú 28%, ach freisin faoi laghdú ar bhia a chaitear. Smaoinigh air, má bhailíonn tú na prátaí puré nach ndearna daoine a chríochnú ar Lá Buíochais, d'fhéadfá a chur ar fáil do roinnt sráidbhailte san Afraic na sléibhte de phréas cothaitheach. Tar éis dom a bheith ag obair san talmhaíocht agus ag staidéar ar phaiteolaíocht plandaí ar feadh blianta fada, táim ar bís leis an difríocht atá againn mar dhaoine maidir le tuiscint a fháil ar fhoinsí na n-ábhar a chothaíonn muid agus na bagairtí uafásacha ar na foinsí seo a bhíonn os ár gcomhair agus a fhágfaidh muid do ár leanaí chun dul i ngleic leo sna blianta amach romhainn.
Labhair an Dr. Foley faoi inbhuanaitheacht ag ócáid a d'óstáil Scoil Inbhuanaitheachta Domhanda agus Comhshaoil anseo in Ollscoil Stáit Colorado an mhí seo caite. Cé go raibh mé ina shuí sa lucht féachana ró-chúthach mo cheist a chur, thosaigh mé ag smaoineamh ar ghluaiseachtaí bia áitiúla i gcoinne global agus conas a bhaineann sé sin le slándáil bia. Tá sé ina chothromaíocht intricate. Cad is féidir linn a dhéanamh inniu? Conas? Má ordóidh mé steak sa bhosca seo, an ndéanfaidh mé difríocht i ndáiríre? Má roghnaím an saladach seo a fhásann go háitiúil a cheannach seachas an saladach a seoltar ó Mheicsiceo, an bhfuil mé ag cur le hinbhuanaitheacht domhanda agus ag slándáil ár soláthar bia? Is cosúil go bhfuil an freagra ar aon, ach i ndáiríre tá sé sea. Má mheasann muid na cinntí beaga go léir a dhéantar ar fud an domhain, is é an tionchar comhchoiteann, sa deireadh, athrú cuimsitheach.
Oibríonn mo ghrúpa taighde le Oryza sativa, ar a dtugtar rís go coitianta. Is é seo an príomh-chruthú a chothaíonn leath ár n-saoghail agus reiligiún bia domhanda ársa. Tá an rís á dtógáil go dian le roinnt timthriallta barraíochta in aghaidh na bliana agus tá méid suntasach dramhaíola talmhaíochta á tháirgeadh aici. Is é an fócas ollmhór inár dtaighde ná na plágaidí agus na paiteogain a bhagairt an phlanda simplí seo, ach a choinníonn an saol, a bhainistiú go hinbhuanaithe. Is cur chuige inbhuanaithe é an fhulang a bhaineann le fhulaingt nádúrtha a bhaineann le galar atá ar fáil i gcineálacha éagsúla fiáine chun a thabhairt isteach i gcineálacha a fhásann bliain i ndiaidh bliana chun dul i ngleic le micribí atá ag teacht chun cinn, agus laghdóidh sé an gá le hiarratais cheimiceacha le haghaidh bainistíochta, ach níos tábhachtaí fós, caillteanais toraidh. Go bunúsach, is féidir le breeders leas a bhaint as na plandaí seo a bhfuil a thairiscint acu cheana féin.
Tá agus beidh cinneadh i gcónaí ag feirmeoirí a gcórais chothúcháin, a gcuid síolta, a gcuid straitéisí bainistíochta agus a leithdháileadh acmhainní a athrú. I measc ár dtaighde tá diagnóisíocht mhóilíneach, micreabhiolaíocht, bitheolaíocht mhóilíneach, fiseolaíocht plandaí, géineolaíocht, géinimice agus trascriptomice chun cabhrú le tuiscint a fháil ón leibhéal is lú go dtí an leibhéal is mó conas a idirghníomhaíonn na ríochtaí éagsúla seo i gcóras ríse. Tá deiseanna ann freisin le haghaidh táirgeachta inbhuanaithe trí chúlchistí barra a úsáid a chaitear ar bhealach atá an-dlúth i ndroch-thruailliú, go coitianta trí dhó go díreach sa réimse. Is rogha inmharthana é chun déileáil leis an dramhaíl seo ná gáisíocht a úsáid. Is córas dúnta é gású a thabharfadh earraí breisluacha i bhfoirm fuinnimh chun próisis shuntasacha a bhreoslaí, cosúil le muileann. Is é an cheist, an mbeidh táirgeoirí sásta a gcuid stiallacha agus a gcuid duilleoga fágtha a iompar síos an bóthar chun tacú leis an oibríocht seo? An mbeadh sé costéifeachtach dóibh? D'fhéadfaí an cás seo a chur i bhfeidhm ar go leor córais chothabhála bliantúla, go háirithe iad siúd ina dtáirgeadh roinnt barra i ndiaidh a chéile i mbliana. Is é an rud is áille le bheith ag obair le rís ná gur féar simplí é. Tá staidéar mór déanta air agus tá go leor uirlisí taighde ar fáil, mar shampla seicheamh géinóim iomlán agus iliomad taighdeoirí infheistithe ar fud an domhain. Mar gheall ar nádúr an éabhlóide, tá go leor de na tréithe a bhfuil suim ag daoine i mbia-fhuinneamh, mar struchtúr balla cealla, coimeádta go mór i measc plandaí. Trí leas a bhaint as rís mar mhúnla, is féidir le taighde dul chun cinn go tapa chun córais a bharrfheabhsú ní amháin le haghaidh táirgeadh bia inbhuanaithe, ach le haghaidh laghdú ar fhillteán barra a chaitear agus é a úsáid le haghaidh bithfhuinnimh. Chomh maith le laghdú a dhéanamh ar an méid bia a ídítear a chaitear, ba cheart cur chuige cruthaitheach a iniúchadh chun dramhaíl a laghdú i ngach céim de tháirgeadh talmhaíochta.
Tá sé éasca a bheith i bhfad ó na daoine agus ó na timpeallachtaí a bhfuil muid ag obair chun cabhrú leo, ós rud é nach bhfuil aon duine ag fás rís ar feadh na céadta míle ó mo bhinse saotharlainne nó óna teas-teasacha trópaiceacha. Mar sin féin, cosúil leis an dúshlán saille, tá a fhios againn go mbíonn tionchar ag ár gcuid oibre go háitiúil ar an gluaiseacht domhanda i dtreo táirgeadh feirmeoireachta inbhuanaithe agus gur féidir ár dtorthaí a aistriú go héasca go barra bia eile. Tá an réiteach seo cosúil go díreach nuair a scríobhtar é i mblag. Ach is é an rud is mó a chuireann eagla orainn i ndáil leis an dúshlán a bhaineann le slándáil bhia inbhuanaithe ná athrú aeráide. Tosaíonn deacrachtaí i n-éiceolaíocht mhicrobiúil agus talmhaíochta le hiomaíocht aimsire agus le mí-úsáid acmhainní nádúrtha. Is timpeallacht éagsúil agus casta é an phytobiome (a ome nua, rud a chiallaíonn na miocróbacha a bhíonn ag crochadh amach, ar mhaithe le níos fearr nó níos measa, ar phlandaí os cionn na talún) atá íogair d'athruithe teochta céatadáin amháin. Níl rís ag dul in áit ar bith; tá sí thart mar chultúr bunleibhéal le céadta bliain. Mar sin nuair a smaoiním ar mo shlí bheatha agus mo chinntí féin maidir le slándáil bia, sílim go bhfuil cothromaíocht ann. Is féidir linn roghanna a dhéanamh go háitiúil chun tacú lenár dtuismitheoirí suas an tsráid agus ár gcuid plotaí talún beaga féin a chothabháil, ach is féidir leis an taighde agus na cinntí a dhéanaimid maidir lenár soláthar bia tionchar a imirt ar ár gcomharsana ar fud an domhain.
Déanann an Dr. Foley cur síos chomh cruinn ar an gcumhacht iomlán atá ag an talmhaíocht ar ár gcomhshaol, ar ár sochaí, ar ár n-aiste bia, ar ár rialachas agus ar ár saol laethúil. Is cosúil le talmhaíocht an Sauron eacnamaíoch plandaí agus ainmhithe ina dhiaidh sin ag daoine atá ag brath. Ní mór é a bheith ina thosaíocht do staidéir inbhuanaitheachta. Má tá ár daonra leagtha amach chun 9 billiún faoi 2050 agus daoine ag dul a bheith ina gcónaí níos faide, ní hé slándáil bia rogha, tá sé riachtanach ar shlí eile, d'fhéadfadh ár bpláinéad athrú ó breathnú cosúil leis an Shire go Mordor.
Godfray, H.C.J., Beddington, J.R., Crute, I.R., Haddad, L., Lawrence, D., Muir, J.F., Pretty, J., Robinson, S., Thomas, S.M. agus Toulmin, C. 2010. Slándáil Bia: Is dúshlán é bia a thabhairt do 9 billiún duine. Eolaíocht. 327: 812-818. Tá sé seo go maith.
Ó Chósta an Aigéin Chiúin, go foraoisí an Iarthuaiscirt, agus thar na Sléibhte Carraigí snoga, tá scátálaithe de éagsúlacht gheografach, éiceolaíochta agus shóisialta i ndeisceart na Stát Aontaithe. Tá níos mó ná 73.5 milliún duine (is é sin 23% de dhaonra na Stát Aontaithe) ina gcónaí sna 11 stát is faide siar (lena n-áirítear Arizona, California, Colorado, Idaho, Montana, Nevada, New Mexico, Oregon, Utah, Washington, agus Wyoming), agus tá an tiúchan is airde úinéireachta talún cónaidhme sna Stáit Aontaithe iontu. Tá cearta uisce stairiúla sa réigiún seo freisin (prionsabal dlí uisce an Iarthair de  é a úsáid nó a chailleadh), tá sé ag fulaingt ó thorthaí tirim agus dochreidte, agus rioscaí a spreagann triomach mar tinte fiáine, agus tá bunuisceanna ríthábhachtach ag córais mhór abhainn ann (tá bunuisceanna ag Colorado Rockies amháin do sheacht gcóras mór abhainn sna Stáit Aontaithe).
Le cúpla bliain anuas tá réigiún an iarthar Mheiriceá tar éis fás níos tapúla ná an tír ar fad. Tá coinbhleachtaí casta, costasacha, agus go minic neamhshainithe ag gabháil leis an bhfás seo, a spreagtar le hathruithe tapa ar phairtín úsáide talún, mar shampla forbairt exurban, agus aistriúcháin úsáide talún poiblí, agus athruithe ar an aeráid, ar an daonlathais, ar na dálaí socheacnamaíocha, agus ar mhaoiniú laghdaithe do bhainisteoirí talún. Go háirithe ar thalamh phoiblí (a bhainistítear go cónaidhme), tá teorainneacha maoinithe suntasacha agus bearnaí i gcothabháil foraoise agus uisceacháin méadaithe, de réir mar a ath-thosaítear buiséid chun aghaidh a thabhairt ar imní comhshaoil agus sóisialta láithreach mar thine foraoise. Ní bhíonn na Stáit agus a gcuid comhchlaonta uisce faoi lé na fachtóirí seo go léir go cothrom, ná ní fachtóirí a bhaineann leis an réigiún seo amháin iad, ach luaitear go léir na fachtóirí seo mar a bhfuil ról acu i dtreo cur chuige nua a fhorbairt chun dul i ngleic le dúshláin bhainistíochta comhchlaonta uisce.
Tá gá soiléir le bealaí nua agus cruthaitheacha chun aghaidh a thabhairt ar na hábhair imní atá ag méadú, go háirithe ós rud é go dtagann formhór an uisce óil sa réigiún ó sholátharí uisce dromchla atá cosanta go príomha ag foraoisí ar thailte poiblí (Barnes, et al, 2009). Mar sin, tá an méid a tharlaíonn sna cuanáin foraoiseacha thuas an sruth ceangailte go deimhin leis an uisce a fhaigheann formhór againn sa réigiún ag ár bpráta. Tá na cur chuige nua seo maidir le bainistiú an chúlchiste forbartha lámh ar láimh le haistriú ó ghníomhaíochtaí caomhnaithe a bhainistiú go stairiúil ag an gcoiste go hiarrachtaí comhoibritheacha díláraithe atá dírithe ar an scála áitiúil agus réigiúnach (Nie, 2008).
Tá cur chuige den sórt sin, ar a dtugtar go forleathan "Píocaíochtaí le haghaidh Seirbhísí an Tigh-Uisce" (PWS), tar éis méadú a dhéanamh sa réigiún. Is féidir linn smaoineamh ar PWS mar shraith meicníochtaí a dhéanann iarracht aghaidh a thabhairt ar na coinbhleachtaí casta seo a bhíonn os comhair na réigiúin, a ceapadh ar bhealaí éagsúla chun freastal ar éagsúlacht na gcoinníollacha institiúideacha agus éiceolaíocha a bhí ann cheana. Ní bhaineann an cineál seo leathnú i gcur chuige PWS go sonrach le hAontas na Stát Aontaithe an iarthar, i ndáiríre, tá leathnú PWS ag tarlú ar fud an domhain. Tá Margadh Éiceachórais (Tosaíocht Threochtaí Foraoise) tar éis forbairt PWS a rianú ar fud an domhain, rud a tháinig chun cinn i dtuarascáil Staid Íocaíochtaí an tUisceacháin 2012, agus léarscáil idirghníomhach.
Ag dul ar ais go dtí an iarthar na SA, chuimsigh ár dtaighde le déanaí comhoibriú le Margadh Éiceachórais chun clár PWS atá ann cheana a fhiach sa réigiún (tá sonraí a úsáidtear inár gcuid oibre mar chuid de shraith sonraí Íocaíochtaí Stáit an tUisce). Fuair ár n-earraí clár 55 clár atá ag feidhmiú nó i ndearadh sa réigiún in 2012; líon a bhfuil níos mó ná dúbailte ó na 20 clár sa réigiún in 2003. Tá na cláir seo agus a stádas (gníomhach, i ndearadh) liostaithe ar an léarscáil ar dheis. Cárta pointe de Íocaíochtaí le haghaidh Seirbhísí Cois Fhearainn san Iarthar na Stát Aontaithe (Huber-Stearns et al., 2013-unpublished). Mar thoradh ar ár dtaighde, fuair muid faisnéis faoi chomhpháirteanna cláir na 55 clár go léir, a chuimsítear go cuimsitheach inár lámhscríbhinn iomlán (cuir ríomhphost chugam le haghaidh tuilleadh faisnéise). Ag coinneáil le téama an bhlag seo, díreoimid ar fhoghrúpa sonrach amháin de chláir a tháinig chun cinn inár anailís sonraí: cláir Athchóiriú agus Cosaint an Chill Uisce.
Aithníomar naoi gclár Athchóirithe agus Cosanta an Chill Uisce i ár suímh 2012 agus tá an líon sin méadaithe ó shin, le níos mó cláir faoi dhearadh agus ag tosú ar oibriú go hiomlán. Tá cláir um Athchóiriú agus Cosaint an Chéim Uisce dírithe go príomha ar sheirbhísí éiceachórais cáilíochta uisce, lena n-áirítear cáilíocht uisce i gcoitinne, chomh maith le roinnt imní sonracha, go príomha, teocht, síoda agus nítrigin. Díríonn na cláir ar na hábhair imní éiceolaíocha seo trí ghníomhaíochtaí bainistíochta, go príomha: athchóiriú talún (foraois a dhíleá, dóiteáin fhorordaithe, athchóiriú ribí, agus gníomhaíochtaí eile chun sláinte an uisceáin a fheabhsú); agus gníomhaíochtaí cosanta (scaoileadh agus méadú ar phaitriliúin chun an pobal a oideachasú faoi ghníomhaíochtaí cuí i gcearnóga uisceáin, ceannach easláin chaomhnaithe). Tá na gníomhaíochtaí bainistíochta seo dírithe ar chosaint agus athchóiriú talún leachtanna uisce uachtaracha a mbíonn tionchar díreach acu ar bhorstáit uisce, agus i gcásanna áirithe, ar thalamh a mbíonn tionchar aige ar dhiúscairt uisce sguamha agus uisce stoirme.
I ngach cás, maoiníonn na bardais uisce agus na húsáidí na cláir seo. I measc na gclár seo tá cathracha mar Denver, San Francisco, Santa Fe, Salt Lake City, Seattle, agus Tualatin. Mar gheall ar an bhfreagra atá ann maidir le úinéireacht talún sa réigiún, tá éagsúlacht ann i measc na ndaoine a dhéanann cleachtais stiúideo ar an talamh le haghaidh na gclár seo. Sa Tuaisceart an Aigéin Chiúin, tá na cláir seo go príomha ag úinéirí talún príobháideacha a dhéanann cleachtais athchóirithe agus cosanta éagsúla ar a gcuid talún chun cáilíocht uisce a fheabhsú agus a fheabhsú. I stáit níos tirim, is é an príomh-stiúideo talún i Seirbhís Foraoise na Stát Aontaithe, a chomhpháirtíonn le húsáidí chun athchóiriú agus gníomhaíochtaí cosanta a roinnt ar thailte poiblí.
D'fhéadfadh sé a bheith neamhghnách go bhfuil soláthraithe uisce agus gníomhaireachtaí cónaidhme ag comhoibriú le dul i ngleic le hábhair imní maidir le cáilíocht uisce. Tá an t-ionad seo ar fáil do dhaoine a bhfuil taithí acu ar an gcóras um chosaint uisce, agus tá sé ar fáil do dhaoine a bhfuil taithí acu ar chóras um chosaint uisce. Feictear sna comhpháirtíochtaí seo ag na seirbhísí fóntais agus ag na gníomhaireachtaí poiblí araon gur deis iad a gcuid foireann agus maoiniú teoranta a ghiaráil chun bainistíocht uisceacháin a fheabhsú. Tá cosaint uisce foinse, agus cúiseanna eile maidir le cáilíocht agus cainníocht uisce mar chúis le húsáid na n-úsáideanna, agus na gníomhaireachtaí poiblí agus na daoine aonair príobháideacha mar chúis leis an deis sláinte foriomlán talún poiblí agus príobháideach a fheabhsú. Is féidir le PWS a bheith mar mheicníocht chun oibriú thar theorainneacha úinéireachta talún chun aghaidh a thabhairt ar imní sóisialta agus éiceolaíocha níos mó.
Is minic a fheictear na gníomhaíochtaí athchóirithe loinge mar infheistíochtaí i mbonneagar nádúrtha: mar chomhlánú, nó in ionad na mbardas ag cur teicneolaíocht agus cóireáil i saoráidí cóireála uisce óil agus fuíolluisce. (Cliceáil anseo chun tuarascáil le déanaí a léamh: Natural Infrastructure: Investing in Forested Landscapes for Source Water Protection in the United States.) De réir mar a deir an seanfhocal, is fiú aon bhuille de chosc a leigheas. Mar shampla, d'fhéadfadh sé go mbeadh sé fiú infheistíocht a dhéanamh i mbonneagar nádúrtha chun costais thromchúiseacha na tine foraoise (caillteanas beatha agus maoine, éifeachtaí sláinte foraoise, costais an tine a chosc) agus damáiste ina dhiaidh sin (mhéaduithe cothaithigh agus taiscéala san uisce, costais mhéaduithe cóireála uisce, tionchar diúltach ar shlándáil uisce, bithéagsúlacht) a sheachaint. Is féidir leis an gcur chuige seo dul i ngleic le saincheisteanna sláinte an uiscechuaird sin óna gcúis bhunúsach, ag déanamh oibre athchóirithe ar feadh na n-uiscebhealaí agus i gceannuisceanna.
Taispeánann cláir mar na PWSanna seo go bhfuil na húsáideoirí móra uisce uirbeacha ag díriú ar smaointeoireacht réamhghníomhach thar a bpíopaí iontógála agus díolacháin féin; tá infheistíochtaí i gcláir den sórt sin ag tosú ag daingniú luach eacnamaíoch na bhforaoisí thuasshrutha d'úsáideoirí uisce thíosshrutha. Soláthraíonn PWS meicníocht a fhéadfaidh a éascú: comhpháirtíochtaí nua agus obair thar theorainneacha, leasú acmhainní (dollar a dhéanamh níos faide), agus comhbhuntáistí mar athchóiriú gnáthóg, agus áilleacht tírdhreacha. Ciallaíonn nuacht choibhneasta agus tóir mhéadaithe PWS go mbeidh na blianta beaga amach romhainn ríthábhachtach chun staidéar a dhéanamh ar chláir nua atá ag teacht ar líne, agus cláir atá ann cheana a thuairisciú torthaí agus éifeachtaí cláir. I ndeireadh na dála, is é an freagra, tá; is féidir an t-uisce óil glan, fuar a shruthann amach ó do phraon oscailte a bheith ceangailte go fírinneach le crainn a thiteann i do roinn uisce.
Tacaíonn an Stáisiún Taighde Talmhaíochta le taighde Heidi. Tá Heidi ina Coordóir freisin do Chomaoin Chosaint Colorado, clár den Ionad um Chaomhnú Comhoibritheach.
Táirgeadh léarscáileanna ag an Geospatial Centroid in Ollscoil Stáit Colorado.
Barnes, M., Todd, A., Lilja, R, agus Barten, P. (2009). Foraoisí, Uisce agus Daoine: Soláthar uisce óil agus talamh foraoise sna Stáit Aontaithe Thuaisceart agus Meán-Iarthar. Tuarascáil ó Sheirbhís Foraoise na Stát Aontaithe.
Bennett, G., Nathaniel .C agus Hamilton, K. (2012). Cártaí Uisceacha Nua: Staid na nÍocanna Cuarda Uisce 2012. Washington, DC: Treochtaí Foraoise. Tá an tuarascáil ar fáil ar líne ag http://www.ecosystemmarketplace.com/reports/sowp2012.
Carpe Diem an Iarthair. (2011). Clár infheistíochta i leith na mbarr uisce i dTír an Iarthair Mheiriceá: Breathnú nuashonraithe: Sláinte na mbarr uisce ar an taobh thuas agus slándáil na mbarr uisce ar an taobh thíos. Tuarascáil Carpe Diem West. California. www.carpediemwest.org.
Folke, C. (2006). Athshlánú: Tá dearcadh ag teacht chun cinn maidir le hanailíseacha ar chórais shóisialta-eaclaíocha. Athrú Domhanda Comhshaoil - Gnéithe Daonna agus Beartais, 16 ((3): 253-267.
Gorte, R., Hardy Vincent, C., Hanson, L., Rosenblum, M. (2012). Úinéireacht talún cónaidhme: Overvew agus sonraí. Seirbhís Taighde na Comhdhála 7-5700, R42346.
Majanen, T., Friedman, R., Milder, J. (2011). Nuálaíochtaí i gcosanta uiscebheatha bunaithe ar an margadh sna Stáit Aontaithe: Íocaíochtaí le haghaidh seirbhísí uiscebheatha do úinéirí talmhaíochta agus foraoise. Comhpháirtithe in Eaco-Thír talmhaíochta. Meitheamh 2011.
Nie, M. (2008). Rialachas na dtailte poiblí san Iarthar: Mapping its present and future. Foilseachán Ollscoil Kansas: Lawrence, Kansas.
Robbins, Meehann, Gosnell, agus Gilbertz. (2009). Ag scríobh an iarthar nua: Athbhreithniú criticiúil. Socheolaíocht Tuaithe 74 (3); 356.
Theobald, D. M., Travis, W. R., Drummond, M. A., agus Gordon, E. S. (2013). The Changing Southwest. In Assessment of Climate Change in the Southwest United States: A Report Prepared for the National Climate Assessment, arna eisiúint ag Garfin, G., Jardine, A., Merideth, R., Black, M., agus LeRoy, S. 3755. Tuarascáil ó Chomhghuaillíocht Aeráide an Iarthair Theas. Washington, DC: Island Press.
Travis, W., Theobald, D., Mixon, G., agus Dickinson, T. (2005). Todhchaí an Iarthair: Breathnú ar na patrúin úsáide talún agus forbairt sa todhchaí i dTír an Iarthair Mheiriceá. Tuairisc ó The Center # 6, Ionad an Iarthar Mheiriceá, Ollscoil Colorado ag Boulder.
Weidner, E. agus A. Todd. 2011. Ón fhoraois go dtí an faucet: Uisce óil agus foraoisí sna Stáit Aontaithe, Páipéar modhanna. Áras Clár Seirbhísí agus Margaí Éiceachórais, Foraoiseacht Stáit agus Príobháideach, Seirbhís Foraoise na Stát Aontaithe.
Déanann nósanna an saol níos éasca i saol luasghéar, tapa. Tá sé deacair troid a dhéanamh le gnáthamh agus le háisiúlacht. Tá gníomhartha a dhéantar gach lá a d'aithneoimis go dócha mar rud a d'fhéadfaimis, ar ár leas féin, a dhéanamh ar bhealach difriúil (dís candy, duine ar bith?). Ar an drochuair, ní dhéanaimid na cinntí atá réasúnach go hiomlán nó atá comhsheasmhach a mhol an teoiric eacnamaíoch thraidisiúnta.
Mar sin féin, tá geilleagar iompraíochta, réimse atá ag fáil tóir agus creidiúnacht, ag iarraidh na fianaise ó shíceolaíocht iompraíochta a chur i bhfeidhm chun samhlacha eacnamaíocha cinnteoireachta a fheabhsú. Tá rástáil le déanaí de theidil neamh-fhicsean tóir a bhaineann le hiompar agus síceolaíocht cosúil le Predictably Irrational, Nudge, agus Thinking, Fast and Slow, (léinte iontacha go léir!) agus bhunaigh an tUachtarán Foireann Eolaíochtaí Sóisialta agus Iompraíochta go hoifigiúil (a.k.a. The Nudge Squad), arna múnlú tar éis rath an rialtais na Ríochta Aontaithe.
Tá an líne taighde seo á chur i bhfeidhm ar dhearadh beartas poiblí a bhaineann le sláinte, aiste bia, airgeadas, coigiltis, pleananna scor agus an comhshaol. Tá sé mar aidhm ag eacnamaíocht iompraíochta comhshaoil a fháil amach cad a dhéanann tionchar ar chinntí a bhfuil tionchar acu ar an gcomhshaol. Mar shampla, cén modh a d'fhéadfadh a bheith ag an líon is mó daoine a chur ar an mbia-rothar chun obair: teachtaireachtaí a chur ar fáil ar son an chomhshaoil, teachtaireachtaí a chur ar fáil ar son na sláinte, feabhas a chur ar/an leathnú a chur ar na bealaí rothar agus bealaí pobail, aisíocaíocht cánach a thairiscint do dhuine aonair ar cheannach rothar, nó a insint do dhaoine cé mhéad dá gcomhghleacaithe rothar a úsáid chun obair?
Díríonn eacnamaíocht iompraíochta ar dhá chainéal athraithe, chomh maith leis na dreasachtaí praghsanna triail-agus-fíor. Ar dtús, is féidir linn iompar agus nósanna a athrú go díreach: "aintí a athrú". Nó, is féidir linn ailtireacht an chomhshaoil chinnteoireachta a athrú: 'context a athrú'. Tá an cumas againn go léir faisnéis a phróiseáil, na roghanna a mheá go criticiúil agus ár n-iompar a athrú (mar shampla nuair a d'fhoghlaim mé gurb é an bata an dara comhábhar is mó de mo ghranola is fearr liom). Mar sin féin, is minic go mbíonn ár n-iarmhéid neamhfhiosach, uathoibríoch ag smachtú go leor dár roghanna. D'fhéadfadh na roghanna seo a bheith bunaithe ar mhothúcháin agus comhlachais seachas próisis oibiachtúla réasúnacha. Má tá an chuid is mó de na roghanna a dhéanann daoine mar seo, conas is féidir linn daoine a spreagadh chun cinntí níos fearr a dhéanamh maidir lena dtionchar ar an gcomhshaol?
Richard Thaler, ceann de na heacnamaithe iompraíochta a scríobh Nudge, a mhaíomh go bhfuil an réiteach a chur i bhfeidhm an chuid is mó úsáideach amháin de shíceolaíocht is féidir duine a fhoghlaim riamh: más mian leat a spreagadh daoine a dhéanamh rud éigin, é a dhéanamh éasca - nó níos fearr fós, uathoibríoch.
Seo thíos cúpla sampla a léiríonn conas a dhéanann taighde agus coincheapa eacnamaíocha iompraíochta tionchar (trí nudges) ar an tionchar a bhíonn againn ar an gcomhshaol. Is bealaí iad na nudges chun an comhthéacs ina ndéanaimid cinntí a athrú chun torthaí éagsúla a bhaint amach, agus rogha an tomhaltóra gan a theorannú.
Tosaímid go beag le málaí plaisteacha ag an siopa grósaera. Anseo glacaimid le coincheap ar a dtugtar aversion caillteanas (ar a dtugtar frámaíocht uaireanta). Is é an t-athrú caillteanais an tuairim go ngníomhóidh daoine ar bhealach difriúil má chuirtear cinneadh i gcreat mar chaillteanas seachas mar ghnótha. Ina theannta sin, bíonn claonadh ag daoine a bheith níos mó ag caillteanas ná ag gnóthachan den mhéid céanna. I roinnt siopaí grósaera sna Stáit Aontaithe is féidir leat a fháil ar aisíocaíocht 10 cent do gach mála in-athúsáidte a thugann tú leat. Gheobhaidh tú luach saothair as rud éigin "mhaith" a dhéanamh. Mar sin féin, san Eoraip (agus b'fhéidir go luath i níos mó cathracha sna Stáit Aontaithe), ghearrtar táille ort as aon málaí plaisteach a theastaíonn uait chun do bhia a thabhairt abhaile. Faigheann tú pionós as rud éigin  olc. Is cosúil gur scéimeanna dreasachta mar an gcéanna iad seo, ach tá torthaí an-difriúla mar thoradh orthu. Má chuirtear an cás i gcreat mar íoc as an mála, bíonn i bhfad níos mó daoine ag tabhairt a gcuid málaí féin (nó gan mála a úsáid ar chor ar bith), ach ní spreagann "a fháil" airgid gan mála a úsáid go leor daoine a úsáid go comhsheasmhach málaí in-athúsáidte.
Sampla amháin ón Teach Bán is ea an suíomh Gréasáin fueleconomy.gov, a ligeann do thomhaltóirí costais iomlán breosla carr a chur i gcomparáid thar chúig bliana, seachas an mheatríocht thraidisiúnta míle in aghaidh an gallún (MPG) a úsáid. Ní chuireann MPG fíorchostais breosla feithicle in iúl go héasca ná go tapa. Is sampla é seo den choincheap eacnamaíochta iompair ar a dtugtar salience. Is minic nach mbíonn an costas breosla ar feadh shaolré feithicle soiléir do thomhaltóir ar an mbealach a bhíonn an lipéad praghais ar fhuinneog an charr. Trí na matamaitic a dhéanamh do thomhaltóirí agus an fhaisnéis a dhéanamh éasca le teacht, tá seans níos fearr ag na costais ghinearálta breosla ról a imirt i gcinneadh ceannach gluaisteáin.
Is coincheap é salience a bhaineann go han-chosúil le húsáid uisce agus fuinnimh tí. Nuair a cheannaíonn duine teach, is dóichí go smaoiníonn sé ar phraghas an tí seachas ar chostas breise míosúil maireachtála sa bhaile (m.sh. Tá an t-ábhar is mó a bhaineann le húsáid an tí (mar shampla, billí fuinnimh agus uisce) agus dá bhrí sin is lú seans go gcuirfidh siad éifeachtúlacht an tí san áireamh (m.sh. inslithe, fearais). Tá na costais bhreise seo a bhaineann le bheith i do úinéir tí níos lú ná praghas sticker an tí.
Is coincheap eile é réamhshocraithe, a bhaineann le coincheap na fisice de inréit, atá ag fáil go leor aird in eacnamaíocht iompraíochta. Is gnách go dtéann daoine leis an sruth agus go minic go gcoinníonn siad an rogha réamhshocraithe. Is féidir beartais a dhearadh chun na roghanna céanna a thairiscint do thomhaltóirí, ach is bealach éasca é an rogha réamhshocraithe a athrú go ceann a bhfuiltear ag súil go mbainfidh buntáistí is mó leis chun folláine a fheabhsú gan rogha a shrianadh. Mar shampla, a bheith ag iarraidh athrú ar lianna nó ar thealamh san óstán i gcoinne iad seo a athrú go huathoibríoch duit gach lá a fhanann tú. Is sampla é seo de athrú ar an timpeallacht cinnteoireachta ó opt-in go opt-out (i.e. Tá an t-ábhar seo le fáil i mBéarla. Sampla eile: cuireann roinnt fóntais an rogha deonach ar fáil do thomhaltóirí beagán níos mó a íoc as a gcuid leictreachais ach ansin úsáid foinsí fuinnimh in-athnuaite a mhéadú. Má dhéanann tú clár "ag roghnú" de, ní ghlacfadh ach cúpla duine páirt, ach má chuirtear clár "ag roghnú" de ar bun, bíonn níos mó teaghlaigh ag fanacht cláraithe.
Ag leanúint leis an éifeachtúlacht tí, faigheann taighde amach go bhfeabhsaíonn feachtais faisnéise (smaoinigh ar ionchur bille fóntais) eolas, ach ní athraíonn siad i ndáiríre iompar úsáide fuinnimh. Mar sin féin, léiríonn tuarascálacha ar ghnáthálacha sóisialta, cosúil leis an méid a sholáthraíonn an chuideachta OPower, cé mhéad fuinnimh a úsáideann teaghlaigh i gcomparáid le comharsana den chineál céanna. Tá tionchar suntasach ag an gcúlú seo ar athrú ar úsáid fuinnimh na dteaghlaigh. Mar thoradh ar an gclár seo a spreagann nósanna sóisialta, laghdaíonn teaghlaigh úsáid fuinnimh sa ghearrthéarma (m.sh. Is féidir leis an gcineál seo de chóras a bheith ag feidhmiú go hiomlán, agus is féidir leis an gcineál seo de chóras a bheith ag feidhmiú go hiomlán, agus is féidir leis an gcineál seo de chóras a bheith ag feidhmiú go hiomlán. feabhas a chur ar an insliú nó ar chórais HVAC). Tá tionchar láidir ag insint do dhaoine cad a dhéanann daoine eile ar an méid a dhéanaimid. Tá nasc ag coincheap na n-uirlisí leis an ngealltanas coincheap ina ndéanaimid iarracht a bheith comhsheasmhach le gealltanais phoiblí agus iarracht a dhéanamh gníomhartha eile a athdhíol, chomh maith le coincheap an ego ina mbíonn claonadh againn gníomhú ar bhealaí a fhágann go mbraitheann muid níos fearr fúinn féin. Áirítear ar an tuarascáil Opower smíleán má tá tú ag déanamh níos fearr ná do chomharsa meán. Is gnách go mbíonn an t-athneart dearfach simplí seo go leor chun na teaghlaigh is éifeachtúla a choinneáil ó a n-úsáid fuinnimh a mhéadú nuair a fhoghlaimíonn siad go bhfuil siad ag úsáid níos lú ná an chuid is mó dá gcomharsana. Féach Allcott (2011) chun níos mó a fhoghlaim. Is minic go bhfuil sé níos éasca agus níos costéifeachtaí meáin bheaga a mheabhrú agus a athrú ar chomhthéacs na timpeallachta cinnteoireachta chun dea-fhorbairt an duine aonair agus an chomhshaoil a fheabhsú. Seo a leanas roinnt samplaí amhairc de gheilleagar iompraíochta i ngníomh. Seol ríomhphost chugam le samplaí de na nudges a fheiceann tú!
Cúpla sampla amhairc de gheilleagar iompraíochta ag obair:
Caithfear a bheith ag brath ar nósanna sóisialta chun dramhaíl a laghdú in áiteanna poiblí
Cuimhneachán teaghlaigh ar an bpictiúr níos mó nuair a thagann sé chun casadh a chasadh
Roghanna dramhaíola Whole Foods
D'fhéadfadh sé go mbeadh sé deacair ar an duine a bheith ag iarraidh a chuid eolais a fháil ar an ábhar a bhaineann leis an ngníomhaíocht.
Páirc Náisiúnta Yasuní
Tá Páirc Náisiúnta Yasuní, atá lonnaithe san Eacuaire ar imeall an Iarthair Thuaidh de bhus Amazon, ar cheann de na háiteanna is bithéagsúla ar domhan. Tá sé suite in áit uathúil a thrasnaíonn na hÁndas (lonnaithe níos lú ná 100 km ó chnoic na nÁndas), an Amazon, agus an t-Eacuaire. Cruthaíodh an Páirc i 1979, cuimsíonn sé limistéar de 9,820 km2 agus dearbhaíodh é mar Chúlchiste Bithsféir UNESCO i 1989. Tá níos mó ná 1,300 speiceas de na vertebrates, níos mó ná 100,000 speiceas de na feithidí, agus níos mó ná 2,500 speiceas plandaí ann. I díreach heicteár amháin de fhoraois i Yasuní, is féidir 664 speiceas plandaí a fháil, rud atá níos mó ná speiceas plandaí i Meiriceá Thuaidh go léir. Áirítear Yasuní freisin ar chuid de chríoch sinsearach na ndaoine Waorani (Huaorani).
Bhí mo chéad bhualadh le Páirc Náisiúnta Yasuní níos mó ná 10 bliain ó shin le linn ranga ar theicnící réime bitheolaíocha inar tugadh muid go Stáisiún Taighde Yasuní na hollscoile. Ní raibh orm a chaitheamh i bhfad i bhfad sa Pháirc chun a fheiceáil na cosa díobhálach de ghníomhaíochtaí eastósctha daonna. Cé go bhfuil rochtain ar an bPáirc deartha go teoranta, úsáideann Stáisiún Taighde Yasuní bóthar a thóg an chuideachta ilnáisiúnta ola agus gáis REPSOL-YPF. Thosaigh bailiú ola sa Pháirc sna 1950idí, sular dearbhaíodh é mar Pháirc Náisiúnta. Faoi láthair, tá baint úsáide as ola liostaithe mar an bagairt is mó ar Pháirc Náisiúnta Yasuní: tá cuid shuntasach de thuaidh thiar Yasuní bainte amach nó tá sé dírithe ar shaothrú sa todhchaí. Chomh maith leis an tionchar a bhíonn ag an bpróiseas eastósctha ola féin, tá bóithre rochtana ola mar thoradh ar dhífhoraoisiú, ar choilíneacht, agus ar iomarca fiach. Tá ceann de na tionchair is suntasaí a bhí ag cuideachtaí ola ar mhuintir na Waorani. Ó thosaigh an t-eachtáil ola ina gcríoch sna 1950idí, chuir sé iad ar imeall coimhlint idir tionchair thraidisiúnta agus nua-aimseartha. Tá comhtháthú na dá shaol seo tar éis roinnt saincheisteanna a chruthú, lena n-áirítear ach gan a bheith teoranta do ghalair, do dheighilt idir clans, agus do choimhlint. Go deimhin, cé go bhfuil roinnt pobail Waorani rannpháirteach i ngníomhaíochtaí cosúil le trádáil, taighde agus turasóireacht leis an domhan lasmuigh, tá roinnt acu tar éis iompar ionsaitheach a thaispeáint i leith na gcuideachtaí ola a rinne iarracht tochailt a dhéanamh ina dtailte.
Tionscnamh Yasuní-ITT
B'fhéidir gurb é an bagairt is mó atá os comhair an pháirc ná a réigiún is thoir, bloc ITT (Ishpingo-Tambococha-Tiputini). Tá thart ar 20% de chúlchistí ola na hEicéadar sa bhloc seo (846 milliún bairille ola, a mheastar a bheith luachmhar $ 18 billiún faoi láthair) mar aon le críoch a mheastar a bheith ag an dá ghrúpa dúchasacha atá scoite go deonach, na Tagaeri agus Taromenane. I 2007, mhol Eicéadar an ola a choinneáil faoi réimse ITT go deo i iarracht bithéagsúlacht Yasuní a chaomhnú, Tagaeri agus Taromenane a chosaint, agus astaíocht méid suntasach dé-ocsaíd charbóin isteach san atmaisféar a sheachaint. Trí na ola a fhágáil faoi thalamh, d'éagfadh an tEicéadar astaíocht 407 milliún tonna méadrach dé-ocsaíd charbóin, a léiríodh, ag an am a mhol an Tionscnamh, $ 7.2 billiún ar an margadh carbóin. Mhol Tionscnamh Yasuní-ITT rogha eile chun dul i ngleic le hathrú aeráide domhanda, ina gcomhoibríonn tíortha chun astaíochtaí gáis san atmaisféar a sheachaint agus réigiúin bithéagsúlachta á gcosnú. Bhí an t-Eacuaire, i gcur chuige comhfhreagrachta, sásta a thabhairt suas ar an ioncam a fuarthas as an ola a bhaint as réimse ITT, a meastar a bheith $ 7 billiún nuair a mhol an Tionscnamh den chéad uair. Cuideoidh an Eacuaire (go dtí seo) leath den ioncam iomlán ($ 3.6 billiún) má rannchuidíonn an pobal domhanda an leath eile faoi 2023, is cuma cén athruithe a bheidh ar phraghas an mhargaidh ola.
Ach conas a bheadh tír, le stair neamhsheasmhachta polaitiúil, a ráthú go mbeadh ola a fhágáil faoi thalamh go deo? Agus cad a tharlódh leis na ranníocaíochtaí? I mí Lúnasa 2010, seoladh Ciste Iontaobhais Yasuní-ITT, arna riaradh ag Clár Forbartha na Náisiún Aontaithe (UNDP), go hoifigiúil. Ba cheart an t-airgead a bhailítear le tionscnamh Yasuní-ITT a bhailiú ag Ciste Trusta Yasuní-ITT agus ba cheart é a leithdháileadh ar straitéisí forbartha chun an réiteach ioncaim atá beartaithe a láimhseáil. Ba cheart go mbeadh an t-airgead seo ar fáil do na Ballstáit agus do na Ballstáit eile lena mbaineann, agus ba cheart go mbeadh sé ar fáil do na Ballstáit agus do na Ballstáit eile lena mbaineann. Ba cheart don chuid eile an t-aistriú ó gheilleagar eastóscaireachta bunaithe ar eastóscaireacht ola go samhail forbartha níos inbhuanaithe a mhaoiniú. Ar an gcéad dul síos, ba cheart na cistí seo a úsáid chun limistéir chosanta san Eacuaire a chaomhnú. Tá an céatadán is airde (20%) de limistéir chosanta ar domhan ag an Eacuair. Ar an dara dul síos, bheadh cistí ag rannchuidiú le hathfhoraoisiú, le hathghiniúint nádúrtha, agus le bainistiú na mbarr-uisce agus na bhforaoisí. Ba cheart go mbeadh maoiniú breise ag dul i dtreo forbairt shóisialta a neartú i gcrios tionchair an Tionscnaimh trí infheistíocht a dhéanamh i gclár sláinte, oideachais agus oiliúna chomh maith le gníomhaíochtaí inbhuanaithe a spreagadh amhail éicea-ealaíne. Ba cheart don Choimisiún an fhaisnéis a sholáthar maidir le na bearta a bheidh le cur chun feidhme agus na bearta a bheidh le cur chun feidhme. Eiseoidh an rialtas Deimhnithe Ráthaíochta Yasuní do dheontóirí os cionn $ 50,000. Ní rachadh na Deimhnithe in éag chomh fada agus a bheadh an réimse ITT gan úsáid.
Na hamanna dóchúlacha
Tar éis don Chiste Iontaobhais Yasuní-ITT a sheoladh go hoifigiúil i 2010, bhí saoránaigh, eagraíochtaí agus rialtas na hEacadaire go léir ag bródúil as cinneadh stairiúil na hEacadaire chun cúlchistí ola a fhágáil faoi thalamh. De réir Grúpa Forbartha na Náisiún Aontaithe, thacaigh 78% de shaoránaigh na hEacadaire leis an Tionscnamh. Bhí an t-Eacuaire bródúil cheana féin as a bheith ar an gcéad tír a thug cearta don nádúr ina bhunreacht i dtoghchán daonlathach i 2008, agus ba ghné soiléir i leith na gceart nádúrtha sin agus céim atá ag féachaint amach i dtreo cosaint an chomhshaoil a bhí i dTreoir Yasuní-ITT. Bhí an togra i gcomhréir freisin le paradigm nua forbartha na hEicéadaire, ar a dtugtar Sumak Kawsay (ó Kichwa, rud a chiallaíonn Living Well nó Life Fulfilled i mBéarla), a dhéanann iarracht cáilíocht na beatha a fheabhsú agus comhionannas agus comh-fhuil chomhchuí a chur chun cinn idir grúpaí eitneacha éagsúla agus leis an dúlra.
Le linn na mblianta sin, bhí clúdach maith ar thionscnamh Yasuní-ITT i dtuarascálacha, i leabhair agus i bhfoilseacháin eolaíochta san Eacuaire agus thar lear. D'ainmnigh eolaithe Éicéadair, mé féin san áireamh, speicis a thuairiscíodh le déanaí i ndiaidh Yasuní, agus luaigh siad an Tionscnamh fiú sa chuid eitimeolaíochta de na foilseacháin eolaíocha sin. Cruthaíodh eagraíochtaí náisiúnta agus idirnáisiúnta, cosúil le Viva Yasuní a chruthaigh grúpa daoine sa Fhrainc chun tacú leis an Tionscnamh agus rialtais thíortha an Iarthair a chur ina luí. I dtionóil speisialta comóradh 125 bliain na National Geographic Magazine, a bhí tiomanta do aois na taiscéalaíochta, bhí alt faoi Yasuní, bagairt na n-úsáide ola, agus an Tionscnamh. Cuireadh Páirc Náisiúnta Yasuní agus Tionscnamh Yasuní-ITT i láthair go leanúnach sna meáin shóisialta, áitiúla agus idirnáisiúnta. Seoladh an feachtas Yasunízate (Yasunize tú féin) san Eacuaire, agus tháinig níos mó agus níos mó daoine Yasunized. Bhí an t-Eacuaire ag iarraidh an domhan Yasunize.
An deireadh le Tionscnamh Yasuní-ITT?
Ar an 15 Lúnasa, 2013, d'fhógair an tUachtarán Rafael Correa nach raibh ach $336 milliún geallta agus nach raibh ach $13.3 milliún seachadta don Tionscnamh tar éis sé bliana de bheith ann. Mar gheall ar an bhfreagra neamhspleách idirnáisiúnta, d'éirigh sé leis an gCiste Trusta, agus dá bhrí sin chuir sé deireadh le Tionscnamh Yasuní-ITT.
Tar éis an fhógra seo, rinne lucht tacaíochta an Tionscnaimh agóid ar fud an domhain. Chuir saoránaigh na hEicéadair agus an pobal idirnáisiúnta a n-easpa aontais in iúl go gníomhach. Tharla léiriú an-tábhachtach ar an neamhord san Eacuaire cúpla seachtain ó shin. Chuaigh ceannairí mná ó ghrúpaí Amaisíneacha ar feadh laethanta go Quito chun díospóireacht a dhéanamh le hoifigigh rialtais faoi dhíghníomhaíocht ola ina gcríocha. Idir an dá linn, chuir rialtas na hEacadaire feachtas mealltach ar bun ag rá nach ndéanfar ach 0.001% den Pháirc a chur i bhfeidhm, go n-úsáidfear an teicneolaíocht is fearr, agus go mbainfidh Éiceadóirí tairbhe go mór as na hiníon a gheobhaidh an eastóscadh. Ar an drochuair, fiú le scarthacht agus agóidí an phobail, ceadaíodh tochailt ola sa bhloc ITT cúpla seachtain ó shin. Faoi láthair, tá daoine Éicéadair i gcoinne saothrú na mbloc ITT ag cur brú ar an rialtas, ag iarraidh reifreann ar an ábhar.
Cad is féidir linn a fhoghlaim ó thionscnamh Yasuní-ITT?
Is ábhar an-chasta é Tionscnamh Yasuní-ITT le himpleachtaí éiceolaíocha, sóisialta, eacnamaíocha agus polaitiúla. Mar sin féin, mar bhailiste coimeádach agus éabhlóideach Éicéadach, ba mhaith liom dul i ngleic le saincheisteanna a thugann an Tionscnamh suas ó mo pheirspictíocht. Díreoidh mé ar dtús ar luach na bithéagsúlachta. Ansin, ós rud é go gcaithfidh beagnach gach straitéis caomhnaithe an ghné dhaonna a ionchorprú, cuirfidh mé roinnt smaointe ar an ábhar seo ó mo pheirspictíocht mar shaoránach den tír mhóra-éagsúil, ilchultúrtha seo.
An luach atá ag an éagsúlacht
Ar dtús, mar bithéiste, go háirithe duine a bhfuil suim aige i gcosc, is luach intreach na bithéagsúlachta. Mar sin féin, do chuid is mó daoine, ní bhíonn luach na bithéagsúlachta chomh soiléir sin. Is cosúil go bhfuil luach ag dul i léig ar bithéagsúlacht de réir mar a mhéadaíonn uirbhiníocht, agus go bhfuil daoine níos lú agus níos lú nasctha leis an dúlra. Ní hamháin go dtarlaíonn an dícheangal ón saol nádúrtha ar leibhéil mhothúchánach agus intleachtúla, ach freisin sa réadú a chailleann go gcothaíonn acmhainní nádúrtha ár saol agus go mbíonn tionchar ag ár ngníomhartha ar an dúlra. Cuireann uirbhinithe cosc orainn a bheith i láthair agus taithí a fháil ar ár n-idirghníomhaíochtaí leis an dúlra, agus bíonn tionchar ag an dícheangal seo ar ár roghanna laethúla. Nuair a ghlacann lucht déanta cinntí an dearcadh sin, d'fhéadfadh siad neamhaird a dhéanamh ar an tábhacht a bhaineann le caomhnú na dúlra ach amháin toisc nach bhfuil an deis acu taithí a fháil air. Mar shampla, ní haon rud neamhchoitianta an dilema bréagach a bhaineann le forbairt i gcoinne caomhnaithe a chloisteáil. Is cinnte gur cuid lárnach den chaomhnú an t-oideachas poiblí, go háirithe i gceantair uirbeacha. Bheadh cláir oideachais caomhnaithe, go háirithe nuair a chuirtear gníomhaíochtaí lasmuigh agus turais réimse leis, ar bhealach amháin chun taithí a fháil ar an dúlra a fheabhsú.
Tá luach úsáideach ag bithéagsúlacht freisin, ag soláthar earraí, seirbhísí agus faisnéise do dhaoine. Tá suim níos mó ag meastóireacht luach úsáideach na bithéagsúlachta mar chur chuige níos conspóideacha agus níos praiticiúla ná díriú ar luach inmheánach na bithéagsúlachta. Tar éis an údarúcháin seo, tugadh éiceolaíocht agus eacnamaíocht le chéile chun cabhrú le cinntí caomhnaithe a dhéanamh. Tá roinnt teicnící ann ar féidir iad a úsáid chun luach inmheánach agus luach úsáideach na héagsúlachta a mheas i dtéarmaí airgeadaíochta, mar shampla, anailís costas-sochair. Tá an cur chuige seo cruthaithe a bheith úsáideach i go leor cásanna, cé go bhfuil díospóireacht thar fócas docht ar an luach úsáideach agus eacnamaíoch éagsúlacht.
Is é an locht is mó atá ag an gcur chuige úsáideach seo ná go ndéanfaidh meastóireachtaí eacnamaíocha fíorluach airgid na bithéagsúlachta a mhí-mheas i gcónaí. Mar shampla, ní dhéantar aird ar chostais an tionchair shóisialta (e.g. Is féidir leis an ngníomhaíocht a bheith ina chuid de na gníomhaíochtaí a dhéantar ar bhonn an Aontais, lena n-áirítear gníomhaíochtaí a bhaineann le sláinte, le díláithriú daoine sa áit a ndéantar an ghníomhaíocht) nó le tionchar an chomhshaoil (m.sh. costais athshlánúcháin, caillteanas bithéagsúlachta). I bhformhór na n-áiteanna, lena n-áirítear Meiriceá Laidineach, níl an anailís costas-sochair in iomlán. Eduardo Gudynas, saineolaí ar fhorbairt, ar gheilleagar agus ar éiceolaíocht ó Uragua, a mhaireann go mbeadh an measúnú ar thionchar comhshaoil na ngníomhaíochtaí eastósctha níos fairsinge agus go ndéanfaí measúnú ar gach ceann de na hathruithe a bhaineann le tochailt, ní cheadaítear an chuid is mó de na tionscadail. Ina theannta sin, trí luach na bithéagsúlachta a mhaoiniú, tá neamhaird á dhéanamh againn ar ghrúpaí dúchasacha, go háirithe iad siúd a bhfuil muinín acu as an talamh, ní as airgead, chun a saol a chothú.
Ina theannta sin, tá tionchar mór ag aitheantas luach inmheánach na bithéagsúlachta ar chreat na díospóireachta agus na cinnteoireachta comhshaoil (Fox, 1993). Má mheastar go bhfuil luach intreach ag bithéagsúlacht, ní mór údarú leordhóthanach a sholáthar chun limistéir bithéagsúlachta a chur i mbaol. De bhrí nach bhfuil aon luach ach úsáideach ag bithéagsúlacht, ní mór údarú leordhóthanach a chur ar fáil chun í a chaomhnú. Má dhíríonn muid ar an luach úsáideach amháin, caillfear an bithéagsúlacht i gcónaí. Dá bhrí sin, tá sé ríthábhachtach go dtabharfaimid luachanna eacnamaíocha, cultúrtha, traidisiúnta, antropo- D'fhéadfadh díriú méadaithe ar luach úsáideach agus ar mheasúnú eacnamaíoch na bithéagsúlachta aird na mbitheolaithe caomhnaithe a aistriú ó straitéisí eile a dhíríonn ar luach inmheánach na dúlra. Mar a thug Soulé (2013), ar a dtugtar athair na bitheolaíochta caomhnaithe, rabhadh, tá caomhnúchas bunaithe ar luachanna úsáideacha amháin ag dul ar shiúl ó fhíor-chaomhnúchas.
Céim thábhachtach i gcúram na bithéagsúlachta is ea a aithint, d'fhonn straitéisí caomhnaithe leordhóthanacha a chur chun feidhme, go gcaithfimid gné dhaonna a chur leis. Tá sé ar cheann de na dúshláin is mó agus éilíonn sé comhoibriú suntasach idir disciplíní éiceolaíochta agus sóisialta. Tá sé riachtanach go mór go gcuirfí aird ar ghrúpaí dúchasacha, go bhforbrófaí straitéisí le chéile atá infheidhme i ndáiríre agus atá i gcomhréir lena gcultúr. Sna cásanna seo, tá sé níos práinne fós ár loighic úsáideach a leathnú mar a luadh roimhe seo agus luachanna cultúrtha, sóisialta agus éiceolaíocha na ndaoine seo a ionchorprú. D'fhág neamhaird a dhéanamh air seo san am atá caite go raibh coinbhleachtaí laistigh de ghrúpaí dúchasacha agus le gníomhaíochtaí eastóscaireachta i ngach tír Mheiriceá Theas (seachas Úraráid, an t-aon tír sa réigiún nach bhfuil grúpaí dúchasacha ann).
Ina theannta sin, ní raibh aird ar thábhacht an eolais áitiúil agus dúchasaigh i gcinntí caomhnaithe san am atá caite. Más mian linn roghanna inbhuanaithe a aimsiú maidir le húsáid ár n-acmhainní nádúrtha, is acmhainn luachmhar é eolas dúchasach agus ní mór dó a chur san áireamh. Léiríonn samplaí de chórais talmhaíochta dúchasacha i mBoliivia, i Meicsiceo, agus i nGiné Nua, i measc áiteanna eile, go bhfuil siad an-sóifisticithe agus táirgiúil; áfach, bhí na córais seo i mbaol a bheith ag imeacht i bhfianaise na bainistíochta nua-aimseartha. Le déanaí, tá an tIonad Idir-Rialtasach ar Bithéagsúlacht agus Seirbhísí Éiceachórais (IPBES) ag iarraidh modheolaíocht a chur ar fáil a chuireann eolas dúchasach ar an leibhéal céanna tábhachta agus eolas eolaíoch agus cinntí bainistíochta talún á ndéanamh.
I dtíortha cosúil le hEacuaire, tá an geilleagar bunaithe go príomha ar earraí mianraí, ola agus gáis a bhaint amach atá ceaptha do mhargaí idirnáisiúnta, rud a thugtar go coitianta mar eicniseacht. Tá an brú a bhaineann le forbairt ag bagairt ar acmhainní nádúrtha agus ar bithéagsúlacht, ach d'fhéadfadh paradigms nua forbartha an brú sin a mhaolú. Is é an Phlean Náisiúnta atá bunaithe ar Sumak Kawsay, a aithníonn an tábhacht a bhaineann le comh-éireachtáil chomhchuibhithe idir grúpaí eitneacha éagsúla agus an nádúr, an chéad chéim. Mar sin féin, ní mór an t-aitheantas sin a aistriú go gníomhartha. D'fhéadfadh gur iarracht ar dtús a bhí i Yasuní-ITT, agus fiú má theipeann ar an Tionscnamh agus má dhéantar ITT a shaothrú, tá an díospóireacht oscailte anois. Is é an t-am foirfe é chun comhoibriú agus tionscnaimh nua a mholadh a d'fhéadfadh aistriú go geilleagar iar-scaite, iar-scaite.
Is iad na gníomhaíochtaí a d'fhéadfadh a chumasú caomhnú bithéagsúlachta agus a cheadaíonn do dhaoine a bhaint amach a mheasann siad a bheith comhlíonta, luach na bithéagsúlachta a aithint, an ghné daonna a leathnú i gcoimeádta trí eolas dúchasach a ionchorprú, agus paradaigmí malartacha forbartha a mholadh. D'fhéadfadh go gciallódh an comhlíonadh sin an Sumak Kawsay do mhuintir na hEicéadaire, nó fanacht ar leithligh leis na Tagaeri agus Taromenane i gcroílár an áit is mó bithéagsúla ar domhan b'fhéidir.
Scríobh Chubashini Suntharalingam, SoGES 2013-2014 Comhalta ceannaireachta inbhuanaitheachta, agus iarrthóir PhD i Roinn na ngeilleagar talmhaíochta agus acmhainní agus clár céim iarchéime in éiceolaíocht
Tá an Mhalaeisia ag bogadh ó gheilleagar atá bunaithe ar mhonarú go geilleagar atá dírithe ar sheirbhísí, agus fís aige gur geilleagar eolais forbartha é faoi 2020. Agus é sin á dhéanamh, tá an bithteicneolaíocht curtha i láthair mar phríomh-inneall nua fáis ag lucht déanta beartais (MOSTI, 2005). Tá cúpla cúis straitéiseach ann. Tá an Mhalaeisia saibhir i bithéagsúlacht agus sainaithníodh í mar cheann de na dhá thír déag atá i gceannas ar an méada-éagsúlacht ar domhan, a chuimsíonn 70% de éagsúlacht speiceas an domhain, (Polski, 2005; Krishnapillay et al., 2003) foinse caipitil nádúrtha ar féidir é a úsáid chun go leor táirgí bithteicneolaíochta a fhorbairt sa todhchaí.
Ar an dara dul síos, tá earnáil talmhaíochta na Malaeisia tábhachtach maidir leis an ranníocaíocht leis an OTI agus maidir le táirgeadh bia. Maidir le OTI, chuir earnáil na talmhaíochta thart ar USD 17 billiún leis, rud a chiallaíonn 7.6% den OTI iomlán in 2011 (EPU, 2011).
Mar sin féin, maidir le táirgeadh bia, níl féin-dháileacht ag an Mhalaeisia i dtaca le príomh-earraí bia mar rís (72%), glasraí (44%), torthaí (66%), feoil bhaoil (29%), muiceoil (11%) agus bainne (5%) (MOA, 2012). Tá imní ann go bhfuil fás táirgiúlacht talmhaíochta ag mallú le blianta beaga anuas i roinnt príomh-earraí ar fud an domhain (Hossain, 2007). I mbliana atá le teacht, táthar ag súil go gcuirfidh athrú aeráide, talún torthúil teoranta agus, lotnaidí agus galair atá ag teacht chun cinn dúshláin bhreise ar fheirmeoireacht na Malaeisia (Jaganath agus Bakar, 2012). Cé nach bhfuil aon ghéarchéim slándála bia ag an Mhalaeisia faoi láthair, d'aithin taighdeoirí ó Institiúid Taighde agus Forbartha Talmhaíochta na Malaeisia (MARDI) go bhfuil ról suntasach ag na barraí trasghineacha chun cabhrú le cuid de na fadhbanna seo a réiteach, táirgeadh bia a mhéadú trí níos lú acmhainní a úsáid chomh maith le ábhar cothaithe agus teiripeach, blas agus cáilíocht cuid de na barraí seo a fheabhsú sa Mhalaeisia (Jaganath agus Bakar, 2012; The Sun Daily, 2012).
Tá an-saibhreas bithéagsúlachta nádúrtha agus earnáil talmhaíochta le go leor féidearthachtaí neamhréitithe aige, agus tá forbairt iarratais talmhaíochta na biththeicneolaíochta, go háirithe, beartaithe mar bhealach chun luach a chruthú sa earnáil talmhaíochta a athrú agus a fheabhsú.
Mar sin féin, cé go bhfuilthar ag súil go dtiocfaidh nuálaíocht agus, dá bhrí sin, forbairt eacnamaíoch, i mBaile Átha Cliath ar bithteicneolaíocht, níl an creat beartais i bhfeidhm chun an clár oibre seo a bhaint amach. Ceann de na constaicí is mó a bhfuil á rá maidir le forbairt cineálacha trasghineacha sa Mhalaeisia ná imní comhshaoil maidir le tionchar féideartha na dtorthaí trasghineacha ar shaibhreas bithéagsúlachta nádúrtha na Malaeisia. Níor cuireadh na barraí trasgineacha ar fáil go tráchtála sa Mhalaeisia go dtí seo mar gheall ar na hábhair imní seo, agus an stailc beartais a tháinig as sin. Is cosúil nach bhfuil an córas polasaí náisiúnta i gcomhréir go hiomlán le cuspóirí forbartha eacnamaíochta a luaitear.
Dá bhrí sin, tá sé beartaithe agam éifeachtaí comhshaoil a d'fhéadfadh a bheith ag barraí trasgineacha ar bithéagsúlacht nádúrtha a aithint, d'fhonn cabhrú le lucht déanta beartas cinntí eolaíochta a dhéanamh maidir le rialacháin a bhaineann le hidirghníomhaíocht idir barraí trasgineacha agus bithéagsúlacht na Malaeisia.
EPU (Aonad Pleanála Eacnamaíoch, an Mhalaeisia). 2012. Tá sé seo go maith. Geilleagar na Malaeisia i bhfigiúirí 2012. Roinn an Phríomh-Aire, Putrajaya.
Hossain, M. 2007. Comaoiníocht Talmhaíochta 37: 161-172
Jaganath, I. B., agus U. K. A. Bakar. 2012. Tá sé seo go maith. Teicneolaíocht GM chun aghaidh a thabhairt ar Slándáil Bia agus Athrú Aeráide. Páipéar a cuireadh i láthair ag Seimineár ag Institiúid Taighde agus Forbartha Talmhaíochta na Malaeisia agus Ionad Faisnéise Bitheicneolaíochta na Malaeisia ar Theicneolaíocht GM chun Slándáil Bia, Sláinte agus Folláine a Slándáil
Inbhuanaitheacht Comhshaoil, Serdang, an Mhalaeisia, 24 Meán Fómhair.
Krishnapillay, B., M. I. Adenan, A. R. M. Ali, agus S. Nimura. 2003.Foraois Trópaiceach: Cradle for Biological Resources and the Malaysian Policies on CBD. Actinomycetologica 17(2): 50-53.
MOA (Aireacht Talmhaíochta agus Tionscail Agro-Base, an Mhalaeisia). 2012. Tá sé seo go maith. Staitisticí Aigrídhealaithe 2011. Rannóg um Pleanáil Straitéiseach agus Idirnáisiúnta. Putrajaya, an Mhalaeisia.
MOSTI (Aireacht Eolaíochta, Teicneolaíochta agus Nuálaíochta, Mhalaeisia). 2005. Ceoltóirí Beartas Náisiúnta Bithteicneolaíochta. Putrajaya, an Mhalaeisia.
Polski, M. 2005. Eacnamaíocht Institiúideach na Bithéagsúlachta, na n-ábhar bitheolaíoch, agus an Bith-Thlathanachta.Eacnamaíocht Eacnamaíochta 53: 543-557.
Bláth Rafflesia. D'fhéadfadh an bláth a bheith níos mó ná 100 ceintiméadar
(39 in) ar trastomhas, agus meáchan suas le 10 kg (22 lb).
Orangutan  Speiceas dúchasach sa Mhalaeisia
Scríobh Katie Renwick, SoGES 2013-2014 Comhalta ceannaireachta inbhuanaitheachta, agus iarrthóir PhD i Roinn Eiceachórais Eolaíochta agus Inbhuanaitheachta agus Clár Céadchéime Iarchéime in Éiceolaíocht
Le deich mbliana anuas, tá ráig neamhghnách an-tromchúiseach de bhéagán píosaí sléibhe tar éis tionchar a imirt ar na milliúin acra foraoise ar fud iarthar Mheiriceá Thuaidh. Is é an beithle pinne sléibhe instealladh dúchasach a théann i bhfeidhm ar roinnt speiceas pinne. Bíonn na beetles ag dul isteach i gcrann chun a gcuid uibheacha a leagan díreach faoi bhróga, agus mar thoradh air sin bíonn fungas ag na beetles a mharaíonn na crainn.
D'fhéadfadh foraoiseoir a bheith ag smaoineamh ar an mbéagán pinne na sléibhte mar phléasc a scriosann acmhainní luachmhara adhmaid. D'fhéadfadh sé go mbeadh na milliúin crann marbh mar chraiceann súl do thurasóirí a thugann cuairt ar Pháirc Náisiúnta na Sléibhe Ródha. Mar eolaí, feicim an ráig seo de bhéagán píosaí sléibhe mar dheis chun níos mó a fhoghlaim faoi thionchar na suaitheadh foraoise.
Is féidir le cur isteach cineál turgnamh nádúrtha a chruthú nuair a bhíonn tionchar ag codanna éagsúla den tírdhreach go céimeanna éagsúla, agus is féidir leo cabhrú linn ceisteanna nach féidir a fhreagairt go turgnamhach a fhreagairt. Díríonn mo thaighde ar an tuiscint a fháil ar an gcaoi a bhféadfadh ráigí beetle idirghníomhú le hathrú aeráide chun comhdhéanamh agus struchtúr na bhforaoisí a athrú. Is féidir le strus triomachta crainn a dhéanamh níos so-ghabhálacha d'ionsaithe insctí, agus tugann ardú teochta deis do níos mó beetles maireachtáil an gheimhridh. Mar thoradh air sin, táthar ag súil go mbeidh ráigeanna beetle pinne sléibhe níos minice agus níos déine de réir mar a théiteann an aeráid. Beidh sé níos tábhachtaí do bhainisteoirí talún a bhfuil sé de chúram orthu éiceachórais foraoise éagsúla agus táirgiúla a chothabháil sa todhchaí, impleachtaí an idirghníomhaíochta seo idir athrú aeráide agus suaitheadh foraoise a thuiscint.
Trí staidéar a dhéanamh ar an gcaoi a bhfreagraíonn foraoisí atá suite ag airde éagsúla don ráig reatha seo, is féidir liom a fhoghlaim conas a d'fhéadfadh tionchar ráigí feithidí a bheith difriúil i ndáil leis an teocht. Ceist amháin go bhfuil suim ar leith agam i ná an mbeidh an ráig beetle nó nach mbeidh éascú ar imirce crainn. Táthar ag súil go n-aistreofar go leor speiceas i dtreo airde níos airde (níos fuaraí) mar thoradh ar athrú aeráide. Tá crainn neamhshóisialta, agus mar sin i bhforaoisí tarlaíonn an próiseas seo trí bhás na crainn d'aois ag airde níos ísle agus méadú ar líon na mbanna ar airde níos airde. Mar thoradh air sin, tá 'imirceanna' crann mall agus d'fhéadfadh siad a bheith ar chúl an ráta athraithe aeráide. Is féidir le ráigí feithidí an próiseas imirce a luathachadh trí sheanfhíon a mharú a d'fhéadfadh a bheith ag maireachtáil ar feadh na mblianta agus ag laghdú iomaíochta ionas gur féidir le síolta nua a bhunú. D'fhéadfadh sé go ligfeadh an ráig beetle pinne sléibhe do chrainn aistriú níos gasta ná mar a bheadh súil leis.
Tá cnoic ollmhóra de chnoic liath, crainn gan úsáid a maraíodh ag an mbéacán pinne sléibhe ag tabhairt cuairte ar Pháirc Náisiúnta na Sléibhe Ródha.
Cruthaíonn sléibhte gradients géar aeráide a ligeann dúinn staidéar a dhéanamh ar an gcaoi a bhféadfadh teocht tionchar a bheith aige ar athshlánú foraoise tar éis ráig an bhealaigh pháinín sléibhte.
Léiríonn síolta nua ag an teorainn uachtarach de pháinín lodgepole go bhfuil an speiceas ag tosú ag imirce mar fhreagra ar athrú aeráide.