Patriotism at the War’s Start↑
The spirit of patriotism as it was expressed on city streets was vividly recalled in postwar memoirs. Stefan Zweig (1881-1942), a prominent Austrian literary figure, described the excitement that manifested itself in early August of 1914 in Vienna as news of the war’s outbreak quickly spread and soldiers reported for duty.
Zweig thus described a mood of excitement and exhilaration among countless individuals who envisioned opportunities for achievement and recognition as members of a collectivity that was to receive their unswerving loyalty.
Also in memoirs, the British philosopher Bertrand Russell (1872-1970) wrote scathingly about the bloodthirstiness that in his view was evident in demonstrations by cheering crowds in London that gathered in Trafalgar Square. Like Zweig, Russell told a story of the war’s origins in which military action was strongly supported by ordinary people. These people, it was asserted, were swept up in waves of patriotism that pervaded large sectors of the societies in which they lived.
The extent of popular bellicosity should not be exaggerated. Antiwar protests as the war was starting were much less likely to take place in the countryside and in small cities than in large ones. In the big cities, members of the working classes were much less likely than members of the middle and upper classes to express eagerness for going to war, and many urban workers staged antiwar demonstrations of their own. Nonetheless, once the war had begun, support for fighting it became a leitmotif of public life in urban centers, particularly in national capitals, and memories of militant solidarity during the initial days and weeks of the conflict were widely invoked later for the purpose of encouraging citizens to stand together.
Striving to Maintain Morale↑
For several years, men and women who were active on the various home fronts strove with a good deal of success to maintain civilian morale by working to convince other city dwellers that winning the war was both necessary and likely. The pro-war spontaneity that had manifested itself in early August in urban demonstrations needed to be followed by measures that would help to institutionalize the solidarity that had seemingly been omnipresent when the war started. To put it another way, the mobilization of labor power required the concomitant and ongoing mobilization of men’s (and women’s) minds and hearts. Urban density and the availability of public spaces made cities ideal locations for the pursuit of this objective. Capital cities in particular, with their national monuments as well as their governmental buildings and organizations, served as centers and symbols of national integration, but many other cities also functioned as places in which militant patriotism flourished.
Propaganda in which public authorities worked both to exalt the virtues of men who wore their nations’ uniforms and to denigrate their opponents’ supposed savagery became all the more necessary insofar as civilians were being asked—albeit only partially—to share in the privations experienced by soldiers, sailors, and airmen. Efforts to manipulate public opinion often took shape in colorful posters that were widely displayed on kiosks in cities’ central areas. Here, passersby were continually reminded of their obligation to support their countries’ efforts to vanquish the dangerous forces of evil. In Britain, until the introduction of conscription in 1916, heavy emphasis fell on the moral obligation of young men to enlist in the nation’s armed forces. Everywhere, great weight was placed on the need for citizens to support their countries financially, through the purchase of war bonds.
Schoolteachers sought to enhance support for the war effort specifically among children and youths. Teachers at schools in Berlin and Paris and—albeit to a lesser extent—London moved away from traditional modes of instruction. They emphasized themes that were related to the war, using classroom lessons (particularly in the areas of history and geography) as tools for the strengthening of patriotism. In Paris, the minister of public instruction, Albert Sarraut (1872-1962), sent a circular to teachers early in the war in which he expressed his “wish that on the opening day of the school term, in every class, the teacher’s very first words should raise up all hearts to the nation, and that the very first lesson should honour the sacred struggle in which our forces are engaged.” Schools also strengthened patriotism via extracurricular activities. Commemorations of former pupils who had fallen in battle as well as of fallen teachers reminded students of the sacrifices that had been made for their countries’ benefit.
Entertainments also served as vehicles for strengthening pro-war sentiments. Numerous playwrights and producers of plays made it a point to use the stage as a platform for theatrical works that were clearly intended to serve political purposes. In Berlin, between September and December of 1914, of the seventy-two plays that were performed there, forty-five re-enacted in one way or another the spirit of national solidarity that had appeared to be so widespread earlier that year. A particularly popular example of this genre was titled “Special Editions.” Depicting events in the lives of members of a middle-class family, eight of whom are young men who go to the battlefront but eventually return to their parents’ homes unscathed, this play was performed almost 300 times by the autumn of 1915. Filmmakers also produced works that combined amusement with efforts to influence viewers politically. Movies with titles such as For the Fatherland, On the War Path and In Enemy Territory helped to maintain support for the war. Comparable films were also shown to large audiences in Paris and London. In the British capital, The Times asserted in 1915, that “the realities of this war” were “being more brought home to the British public through the agency of the picture than by any other means.” Most of these films were not at all “realistic.” They depicted a war that was highly sanitized. The viewer got no sense of the messiness and the horrors of life (and death) in the trenches.
In Berlin, London, and Paris, huge exhibitions depicted various features of the battlefronts, with a view to tightening the bonds between civilians and the men who were ostensibly fighting to defend them. The Berlin Kriegsausstellung, (War Exhibit) which opened in January of 1916, took civilians on imaginary tours of battlefields that included visits to a trench as well as to areas that were marked by barbed wire. The following year, a “tank bank” was established in London in Trafalgar Square. Serving as a place where Londoners could purchase war savings certificates at a real tank, the tank became part of a larger complex that included a model battlefield, replete with artillery, trenches, and debris. Later, in October of 1918, a group of private citizens funded the erection in Paris of the Panthéon de la Guerre, a giant panorama that depicted various aspects of the conflict that was about to end.
Hostility Toward Aliens↑
Patriotism could entail not only a heightened emphasis on solidarity with fellow citizens in opposition to citizens of foreign countries but also hostility toward aliens within the body politic. In central and eastern Europe, Jews were frequently singled out as supposedly insidious outsiders, whose nefarious activities included profiteering at the expense of fellow city dwellers as well as (it was asserted) reluctance to fight for their fatherland. Antisemitism ran rampant not only in Berlin and Vienna but also elsewhere. Both to the east and to the west, ethnic Germans—many of whom could trace their ancestry in the countries in which they lived over many generations—were targeted by members of the national majorities. Riots occurred in Moscow in May of 1915, when crowds of workers attacked the premises of German businessmen. Policemen and soldiers had to be brought in to suppress the violence. Hostility toward ethnic Germans was equally evident in London, where anti-German riots broke out repeatedly. Already on 6 August 1914, a mob that comprised about 5,000 Londoners demonstrated outside a German-owned butcher’s shop, shouting. “Down with Germany.” Riots occurred on a large scale in the aftermath of the sinking of the Lusitania and after particularly big German air raids. Hostility toward Germany was also made manifest in changes of names. The most famous example of such renaming occurred in Britain, where the royal family changed its name from Saxe-Coburg-Gotha to Windsor. At the level of quotidian practice, the Sainsbury grocery chain changed the name of its popular “German Sausage” to “luncheon sausage.” Politically motivated name changing occurred also in the United States. In 1917 in Cincinnati, where there was a large German-American community, local officials changed “Berlin” and “Bremen” streets to “Woodrow” and “Republic” streets.
The war years also witnessed hostility toward members of racial minorities who had migrated into the places where they lived relatively recently. Tensions arose in London and Paris as a result of the importation of inhabitants of colonial territories and others who lived overseas to serve as laborers in metropoles where male workers were in short supply. In French cities, conflicts became particularly acute. Native workers feared irrationally that foreigners would compete for women as well as for jobs. Hostility toward North Africans was most pronounced. But it was accompanied by resentment of Chinese and Indochinese. All of these people were subjected to outbreaks of rioting as well as to assaults on individuals by gangs of French hoodlums.
Tensions also arose as a result of the growing presence of refugees, several million of whom fled the carnage that was afflicting their native lands. For example, hundreds of thousands of Belgians moved not only to areas under French control but also to the Netherlands and to England, where they tended to congregate in urban areas. Although there were manifold efforts to ease the refugees’ plight, newcomers who differed ethnically and culturally from citizens of the areas to which they migrated elicited growing resentment among members of host populations. Ethnically based hostility toward refugees—many of whom were Jewish—was still more pronounced in East European cities. (The refugee problem here, it must be emphasized, became still more acute after the outbreak of the Russian Civil War in 1918.)
Race-based anger came to a boil more violently in the United States. Here, the need for increased industrial production set in motion a massive northward migration by tens of thousands of African Americans, who sought employment in factories as a means of escaping from low-paid jobs in the American South. Racially based animosity led to a race riot in 1916 in East St. Louis, where nine white people and a larger number of black people lost their lives. Shortly after the war ended, in 1919, much more serious clashes broke out in Chicago. A reign of terror that lasted for thirteen days resulted in the deaths of fifteen white people and twenty-nine black people.
The worst case of wartime persecution of an ethnic minority took place in the Ottoman Empire. In April of 1915, the government began to deport and to murder numerous leaders of the Armenian community. Fearing that what it saw as a fifth column might seek to undermine efforts to beat back the Allied attack on the Dardanelles, Ottoman officials undertook an assault on its Armenian citizens that would ultimately lead to millions of Armenian deaths.
Ethnic and racial conflicts—while significant and troubling to men and women who sought to maintain domestic unity—were by no means the most serious problems with which national and local leaders had to cope. In the first place, there was the physical devastation that resulted from military attacks. Although combat took place for the most part in nonurban areas, cities as well as trenches were assaulted. During their march through Belgium at the outset of the war, the Germans caused widespread destruction in a number of cities—not only Brussels, where they leveled at least 10,000 buildings, but also Louvain, where they set fire to the magnificent old library of the university. Belgrade, the capital of Serbia, also suffered severely as a result of shelling by Austro-Hungarian forces during the war’s early days. In all of these areas, urban destruction was accompanied by rapidly growing numbers of refugees, whose search for safety led to abandonment of homes.
Larger cities suffered from aerial assaults. German light aircraft struck Paris for the first time within a few weeks after the war began. Later, starting in 1915, zeppelins, Gotha bombers, and long-distance artillery joined the fray. The night of the first attack by zeppelins (20-21 March), seven bombs fell on the city itself and fifty-eight fell on surrounding suburbs. The intensity of the air attacks grew in early 1918. The introduction of new long-range cannons made it possible to hit targets 120 kilometers away, providing a means of attacking Paris at no risk to German life. Between March and August, German cannons killed 256 Parisians and wounded 628. By the time the war ended, military aircraft and artillery had caused almost 500 deaths and more than 1,000 additional casualties among Frenchmen, primarily in Paris.
Attacks from the skies also beset residents of London. Here too zeppelins started to drop bombs in 1915. The initial assault was carried out at the end of May. A single zeppelin dropped eighty-nine incendiary bombs and thirty “man-killing grenades,” taking the lives of eleven persons. The first attack by an airplane occurred in November of 1916, but it was not until the following spring that London experienced serious loss of life. Altogether during the conflict, at least 1,000 inhabitants of the British capital lost their lives, and hundreds of other Britons either lost their lives or were seriously wounded, Glasgow being a city that experienced particularly heavy losses.
Berlin being too far to the east to be reached by enemy planes until the war was almost over, attacks on Germany were primarily carried out against areas to the west. The first German civilian was killed in an air raid in September of 1914, during which a British airplane bombed a zeppelin hangar in Düsseldorf. Between 1914 and 1918, some 15,700 bombs fell on German territory, causing about 740 deaths and injuring almost 1,900 persons. Southwest Germany was one of the chief targets of British and French pilots. Here, some 1,400 bombs caused more than 670 casualties. Bombs were dropped not only on military targets but also on centers of industrial production, among them Mannheim, Frankfurt am Main, Cologne, and various cities in the Ruhr Valley. In addition to attacks that were motivated by military and industrial considerations, other attacks were launched as reprisals for bombings of Allied cities by Germans. Two such raids were carried out in 1915 and 1916 against Karlsruhe. The second of these raids was the most serious air attack in Germany during the entire war, resulting in more than 260 casualties.
Constantinople was the other major capital that experienced bombardment, albeit on much smaller scale than what was suffered by Londoners, Parisians, and Germans. British seaplanes dropped bombs on the city in 1915 and 1917. Russian aircraft also entered into the fray. In October of 1917, fifty-four Ottoman civilians died in a raid aimed at a military target that hit a mosque instead.
Measured against the damage done to Louvain and Belgrade and the harm caused by later attacks during the Second World War, the violence experienced by most city dwellers as a result of bombing and long-distance urban during the First World War was relatively limited. It was highly significant nonetheless, forcing urban residents to recognize that a new age of total war, in which armed conflict was going to affect civilians as well as soldiers, had arrived—nowhere more so than in urban areas that were densely settled.
Numerous cities were occupied by foreigners, many for several years. By November of 1914, Germany controlled most of Belgium and much of northeastern France. These territories contained about ten million inhabitants. A majority lived in cities or towns, the largest of which was Brussels, with a population of 700,000. (The second largest city, also located in Belgium, was Antwerp. The largest French cities were Lille and Roubaix.) Although civilians living in Belgium and northern France—after the shooting of hundreds of Belgians during the war’s early weeks—did not suffer to any great extent from persecution at the hands of German invaders, tens of millions of easterners were treated much more harshly by their new rulers. Invasion of Lodz by Germans was followed by seizure of raw materials, finished goods, and machinery. By October of 1916, 75,000 residents were also sent to Germany, for forced labor. After Russian forces evacuated Warsaw in 1915, Poles suffered from an economic crisis that grew steadily worse during the German presence. Requisition and strict control of supplies entering the city resulted in increasing scarcity amidst growing corruption and rapidly declining living standards. Local authorities sought to ease hardships caused by the occupation but lacked the revenues that would have enabled them to support social welfare agencies and to combat major public health emergencies. Occupied briefly in 1914 by Habsburg forces, Belgrade was occupied again between 1915 and the war’s end. Widespread internment of Serbs who were suspected of orchestrating opposition to Habsburg rule, together with the physical damage that had preceded the Habsburg takeover, had demographic consequences that were also highly destructive. Urban destruction induced thousands of Belgraders to seek safety through flight and thus to become refugees. The city’s population shrank by at least 90 percent, from about 80,000 in 1914 to at most 8,000 when the war ended. In this situation, cultural and social as well as political institutions ceased to function.
Whereas shelling and bombing directly affected only a few cities on a large scale and whereas only a small percentage of cities were occupied by foreign invaders, large sectors of urban populations nonetheless experienced ongoing hardships on a daily basis. The waging of “total” war entailed more and more sacrifices, not only by soldiers, sailors, and airmen but also by civilians—and not only by those civilians who suffered from military attacks and the presence of enemy forces.
Sacrifices were imposed on civilians most notably as a result of shortages of food. Such deficits were endemic in urban areas, occurring in all of the capitals of the major combatant countries in Europe and in many other cities as well. Supplying urban centers with sufficient food was hampered by several factors. The general disruption of international trade; shortages of agricultural laborers; the lack of adequate means of transportation as a result of the need to use trains for military purposes; the need to feed people who had migrated to cities in search of employment; and British naval blockades all contributed to food shortages.
The problem of such shortages was most severe in Russia, Germany, and Austria. St. Petersburg was the first major city whose inhabitants experienced serious food shortages. Beset by large numbers of refugees who were fleeing the invading Germans, Russian leaders were unable to move food to areas where it was most needed. Consequently, food became harder and harder to obtain. By the end of 1915, tea, sugar, salt, and fats were in short supply and only intermittently available in the city’s markets and stores. By the end of 1916, meat, eggs, and fish had vanished from local markets, and early in the following year potatoes started to run out as well. In the German capital, the interdiction of shipments from abroad by British ships, the unavailability of the grain that had formerly been imported from Russia, and the drafting of agricultural workers to serve in the armed forces all contributed to acute difficulties, which reached their peak in the winter of 1916-1917. During these months, many Berliners had little or nothing to eat except for turnips. To be sure, few if any Berliners died of starvation. Nonetheless, malnutrition became increasingly widespread, giving rise both to sharp upticks in rates of mortal illnesses such as tuberculosis and to heightened demoralization and discontent.
Similar conditions prevailed in Vienna. Galicia, a major source of food, was occupied at several points by Russian soldiers, which substantially reduced the amount of grain that could be sent to the Austrian capital. Inhabitants of Vienna were also hurt by the reluctance of Hungarians to continue to send produce to the west, preferring to look after their own interests instead of those of the Habsburg Empire as a whole. Already by the autumn of 1914, bread was running short, and by the spring of 1915 milk and potatoes were also in short supply. Declining supplies of additional foodstuffs led to hundreds of queues of would-be shoppers, who stood for hours outside shop windows. The situation was so dire that many inhabitants of the city were dying of starvation.
Not only Constantinople, but also other cities in the Ottoman Empire suffered as a result of food shortages. The Allied blockade in the eastern Mediterranean and also along the coast of Yemen was perhaps the chief cause of these shortages. But disruption of trade among countries that bordered the Black Sea also had harmful consequences. By early 1918, the cost of potatoes in the Ottoman capital was thirty times higher than it had been in the summer of 1914. A visitor to the city in 1916 observed that the “lines in front of the baker shops were of people obviously undernourished, their faces thin, pale and drawn.” The price of bread spiked while its quality tumbled. Other necessities, such as fat for cooking and sugar also became increasingly rare and expensive. One outcome of these developments was growing conflict between those who could afford to pay for what they wanted and those who could not. To the capital’s south, in Beirut, conditions were even worse. By April of 1915, war-induced shortages of grain and flour were causing a full-fledged famine, which resulted in the deaths of huge numbers of the city’s inhabitants. Between 1914 and 1918, the population of the city fell from about 180,000 to 75,000. Migration, forced exile, and conscription certainly played important parts in this development, but starvation and diseases that resulted from it also contributed to what was an urban catastrophe.
Shortages of food—albeit less severe—were also evident elsewhere. Parisians, with their large agricultural hinterland, fared relatively well, never coming close to mass starvation. Indeed, as late as the spring of 1917, one could still buy patisserie. Nonetheless, German occupation of grain growing areas led to tensions between rural and urban populations over allocations, to rising prices, and to general discontent. Londoners were the least nutritionally deprived among the inhabitants of major European capitals. Despite the threats posed by submarines to ships that were bringing food to Britain from overseas, enough ships were able to get through enemy lines so that—like Parisians—Londoners were never in danger of starving. Still, short supplies and rising prices caused plenty of discontent. By 1916, New Zealand lamb was available only in butcher shops that catered to upper-class customers. Later that year, mutton was replaced by rabbit. Over the course of the entire year, food prices rose 26 percent. In March of 2017, the first food queues were formed, as would-be purchasers lined up and stood for hours in the hope of being able to buy limited amounts of things to eat. By the end of the war, queues for meat as well as for tea and margarine had become more and more widespread.
Residents of cities that were located thousands of miles away from the main theaters of military action—for example, in Australia and New Zealand—also suffered from food scarcity. Men who had worked the land left it in order to don their countries’ uniforms. Meanwhile, exports of foodstuffs to Britain were increased.
Governmental Interventions and Services↑
Governmental authorities became increasingly involved in the areas of economic and social affairs in order, they hoped, to assuage popular disgruntlement and maintain social order. At the municipal as well as the state level, public officials continued to move away from earlier reliance on the principle of laissez-faire. As Jean-Louis Robert and Jay Winter have written, “In all three cities [Berlin, London, and Paris] there was in wartime a significant expansion of social policy and public intervention in urban life, through state, provincial, and municipal authorities…”
Observers of and participants in municipal activities in Germany were quite effusive in their celebrations of municipal government in their country. The mayor of the city of Posen asserted in 1917 that “German cities [could] look back proudly on everything their citizens [had] accomplished in war as well as in peace for the common good not only of their local areas but also of the larger totalities, the state and the Empire, the Volk and the fatherland.” A few years after the war ended, Berlin’s chief archivist narrated a multitude of activities designed to help meet urgent needs in the nation’s capital that had taken place in his city during the war, many under the auspices of public officials. Such praise was less audible in other cities. It did, however, find expression in France in postwar surveys of recent developments in Paris, Lyon, and Marseille, all of which depicted urban contributions to the recent victory over Germany in a highly favorable light. By fostering production of munitions as well as meeting the needs of their citizens, public officials and the people they governed at the local level had been indispensable for the war effort.
Many initiatives were undertaken with a view to ameliorating conditions that afflicted city dwellers during the war. All of these forms of social action and many others arose out of the desire to maintain national solidarity as well as social order. Assisted by numerous philanthropic organizations, such as the Charity Organisation Society in London, public officials established new practices and institutions that were designed to promote social welfare by providing food, fuel, medical care, and social services to families in need. Much of this assistance was directed at households headed by soldiers’ wives. In view of the widespread shortages of food, it comes as no surprise that combatant countries introduced food rationing. Implemented in part via cooperation with women’s groups, whose members sought to ensure that scarce supplies were distributed as fairly as possible, rationing was put in place in Berlin and Vienna in early 1915, in Paris toward the middle of the war, and in London in early 1918. Efforts to promote child welfare in ways that went beyond provision of food also enjoyed wide support. Increasingly aware of the urgent need to combat threats to their nations’ long-term demographic health, local authorities took many steps to promote it. Consider, for example, the case of London. In addition to establishing infant welfare centers, where pregnant women could obtain expert advice, borough councils employed more and more health visitors. By 1919, ninety-three of them provided pre- and postnatal assistance to mothers at home. A plethora of other cities offered similar assistance.
Such efforts succeeded only to a limited extent, and as a result cities served increasingly as stages for the expression of popular unhappiness. Whereas urban milieus had at first fostered pro-war patriotism and continued to do so for a while, what city dwellers as well as soldiers had to endure militated more and more against the maintenance of national unity and support for the war effort.
Continuing shortages of food, despite rationing, led to angry demonstrations outside grocery stores, to scuffles among women who were standing in line, and in some cases to riots. Demonstrators protested against governmental failures to manage scarcity in such a way as to ensure rough equality of access to food among their countries’ social classes. What bred resentment among members of the lower and middle classes was not so much food scarcity per se as the growing realization that despite the shortages experienced by ordinary people the wealthy continued to eat well. As a 1918 police report in Vienna warned, “The public bitterness is directed … primarily against the rich…. The population harbors deep resentment of the supposed unjust distribution of available (food) supplies.”
Growing discontent as a result of food shortages was particularly strong in Eastern and Central Europe. Disgruntlement was more pronounced there than in western countries both because of greater scarcity and because of declining support there by citizens for the men in charge of governmental institutions. In Russia, in the summer of 1915, large groups of women descended on a market in Moscow and refused to leave until merchants agreed to lower the prices of potatoes. Riots began in the fall of 1915, and they escalated during the next several years. They came to a climax in March 1917, when demonstrations by Russian women set in motion a process that resulted in the end of the Imperial regime. Despite efforts by Berlin police to suppress anti-government demonstrations, protesters made themselves heard, also starting in 1915, when riots broke out as a result of sharp increases in the cost of butter. During the winter of 1916/1917—the so-called “turnip” winter—protests picked up in intensity, and they continued to do so over the next year. During the summer, for instance, 300 women gathered at the stall of a greengrocer in Lichtenberg, demonstrating against him on account of his prices and forcing him to flee in order to escape the women’s wrath. After a series of food riots in early 1917 and again in early 1918, police reports indicated that “an enormous portion of the population [did] not care about the war at all anymore.” Shortages of food were clearly tending to undermine national solidarity.
On the Allied side, albeit to a lesser extent, food protests also worked to undermine support for the war effort. In Turin in August of 1917, unrest that had to do with supplies and prices of things to eat went on for three days. Finally, the Italian government suppressed the uprising militarily. As a result, forty-one people were killed and 200 were wounded. Also in 1917, demonstrations against the cost of food took place in Melbourne, underlining the fact that the war was indeed a “world” war, in which sacrifices were being imposed on civilians who lived far away from any of the sites of armed combat.
Urban protests, mainly by women, that were related to the lack of food were accompanied by strikes, in which the leading roles were played by working-class men. Having declined sharply during the war’s early years, when the withholding of labor was widely viewed as being inimical to national unity and strength, work stoppages were on the rise in much of Europe and in other countries too. Significant strikes resumed in Britain starting in early 1915. The rising cost of food and other necessities, together with long hours under high pressure in many industries, led to demands for higher wages. Employers’ responses to these claims were generally stingy, strengthening the belief that capitalists were benefiting from the war at their employees’ expense. One of the most serious strikes to occur in Britain in 1915 took place in London, starting on 14 May. Transport workers went out on strike for over two weeks, causing considerable disruption at munitions factories in Woolwich. Men and women who were employed there depended heavily on trams for their journeys to and from work. Most of the strikers’ demands were met, encouraging other workers to follow the strikers’ example. Although most strikers were male, women also became involved in work stoppages, as in the case of Parisian dressmakers, who struck in May of 1917.
Over all — in Germany, Britain, France, Italy, and Russia as well as in Great Britain — trends with regard to strike activity were clear and similar. Marked increases took place both in the numbers of strikes and in the numbers of men and women who participated in them. In the work stoppages that took place during these years, strikers voiced not only job-related grievances but also growing opposition to continuation of the war itself.
Strikes and strikers became especially numerous, and their objectives became more far-reaching than ever before in January 1918. On 14 January, a strike broke out at a motor works in Vienna. Within a few days, nearly a million workers throughout the Empire had walked off the job. Workers protested not only against food shortages but also in favor of “immediate general peace,” “the most speedy end of the war,” and national self-determination. This work stoppage helped to foster a second one that occurred in Berlin later in the month.
On 28 January, at least 200,000 (and perhaps as many as 400,000) workers in the German capital put down their tools in the factories where they had been employed, and they were soon joined by workers in other cities too. The agendas of the men and women who worked to bring it about emphasized opposition to continuing to fight a war that was becoming steadily less popular among ordinary members of the German population. Indeed, a list of seven demands drafted by an elected council of strike delegates made no mention of wages or working conditions, focusing in the first place on the need for “conclusion of a general peace without annexations or reparations.” Other demands called for democratization and liberalization, both in the Kingdom of Prussia and in the Empire as a whole as well as for “more and better food.” The strike lasted only a few days. Partly because so many of the strikers were munitions workers, police and soldiers were sent in on 3 February to suppress it. The strike may be regarded as a dress rehearsal for the revolution that was to occur less than a year later.
Increased strike activity in connection with war-related grievances took place outside as well as inside Europe. Numerous strikes in the United States testified to mounting discontent among workers during a war that American socialists as well as other labor leaders had opposed as a conflict among capitalists from the outset of the debate about possible American participation. Strikes were also increasingly widespread in Australia and New Zealand, where labor leaders aligned themselves politically with antiwar Britons, particularly with regard to conscription, which was highly unpopular. In Australia, the year 1916 saw a great upsurge in the numbers of industrial disputes and of lost working days, and the following year saw a tripling of the latter figure. Also in 1917, coal miners in New Zealand repeatedly stopped working. Gas workers in the capital, Canberra, went on strike for a month. Women workers, moreover, did battle with the Colonial Ammunition Company.
Revolutions in Russia, Germany, and Austria-Hungary↑
In Europe, military defeats, in conjunction with civilian hardships, gave rise to political revolutions, the focal points of which were national capitals. The year 1917 witnessed the collapse of the Romanov dynasty and then the overthrow, by the Bolsheviks, of the liberal regime that had succeeded the Tsarist regime. During a bloody civil war, which began in 1919, millions of inhabitants of what came to be known as the Soviet Union lost their lives as a result of the Bolsheviks’ determination to hold onto power.
In early November of 1918, Wilhelm II, German Emperor (1859-1941) was forced to abdicate and the German Empire gave way to a republic. The November revolution, while forceful, was not violent. Nor were subsequent uprisings, by Communists in Berlin in January of 1919 and by left-wingers in Munich during the spring. Both cities nonetheless experienced considerable loss of life, inasmuch as moderate socialists in positions of power did not hesitate to call on groups of recently demobilized soldiers for the purpose of suppressing left-wing revolts.
On 11 November, following the formation of the newly independent states of Czechoslovakia, Poland, and Yugoslavia, Charles I, Emperor of Austria (1887-1922) gave up his throne in Vienna. The following day witnessed the establishment of an Austrian-German republic. On 16 November, a Hungarian republic was established in Budapest. On 21 March 1919, a coup led by the Hungarian Communist Béla Kun (1886-1938) ushered in a Hungarian Soviet Republic. The Communist regime came to an end on 1 August, largely as a result of military defeats by Czechoslovaks and Romanians, with French support. Before, however, being driven from power, Kun and his followers executed hundreds of Hungarian opponents. In so doing, they as well as others contributed to the bloody chaos that was such a prominent feature of life in large parts of Europe even after the First World War had officially ended on 11 November 1918.
Andrew Lees, Rutgers University
Section Editor: Michael Geyer
- Zweig, Stefan: The World of Yesterday, New York 1943, p. 123.
- Russell, Bertrand: The Autobiography of Bertrand Russell, volume 2, London 1951, p. 4. International comparisons appear in Lawrence, John: Public Space, Political Space, in: Winter, Jay / Robert, Jean-Louis (eds.): Capital Cities at War. Paris, London, Berlin, 1914-1919, volume 2, A Cultural History, Cambridge et al. 2007, pp. 282-288. See also, Lenger, Friedrich: Metropolen der Moderne. Eine europäische Stadtgeschichte seit 1850, Munich 2013, pp. 275-276.
- Strachan, Hew: The First World War, volume 1. To Arms, Oxford 2001, pp. 103-110. See also, Verhey, Jeffrey: The Spirit of 1914. Militarism, Myth, and Mobilization in Germany, Cambridge et al. 2000.
- Overall, see Goebel, Stefan: Cities, in: Winter, Jay (ed.): The Cambridge History of the First World War, volume 2, The State, Cambridge et al. 2014, pp. 368-369. On Germany, see Welch, David: Germany, Propaganda, and Total War, 1914-1918, New Brunswick 2000. On Britain, see Gregory, Adrian: The Last Great War. British Society and the First World War, Cambridge et al. 2008, pp. 40-70. On the United States, see Kennedy, David: Over Here. The First World War and American Society, Oxford et al. 1980, pp. 45-92.
- Goebel, Stefan: Schools, in: Winter / Robert (eds.), Capital Cities at War 2007, pp. 200-202.
- Audoin-Rouzeau, Stéphane: Children and the Primary Schools of France, 1914-1918, in: Horne, John (ed.): State, Society, and Mobilization in Europe during the First World War, Cambridge et al. 1997, pp. 40-42.
- Goebel: Schools 2014, pp. 226-232. For developments in Italy, see Fava, Andrea: War, National Education, and the Italian Primary School, 1915-1918, in: Horne (ed.): State, Society, and Mobilization 1997, pp. 53-69.
- Rüger, Jan: Entertainments, in: Winter / Robert (eds.), Capital Cities at War 2007, pp. 127-129. See also, Baumeister, Martin: War Enacted. Popular Theater and Collective Identities in Berlin, 1914-1918, in: Funck, Marcus / Chickering, Roger (eds.): Endangered Cities. Military Power and Urban Societies in the Era of the World Wars, Boston et al. 2004, pp. 111-126.
- Goebel: Cities 2014, p. 370. See also, Goebel, Stefan: Exhibitions, in: Winter / Robert (eds.), Capital Cities at War 2007, pp. 145-187.
- Cronier, Emmanuelle: The Street, in: Winter / Robert (eds.), Capital Cities at War 2007, p. 95; and Leonhard, Jörn: Die Büchse der Pandora. Geschichte des Ersten Weltkrieges, Munich 2014, p. 751.
- Lohr, Eric: Patriotic Violence and the State. The Moscow Riots of May 1915, in: Kritika. Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 4 (2003), pp. 607-626; Panikos, Panayi: Anti-German Riots in London during the First World War, in: German History 7 (1989), pp. 184-203; White, Jerry: Zeppelin Nights. London in the First World War, London 2014, p. 72; Proctor, Tammy: Civilians in a World at War, 1914-1918, New York 2010, p. 80.
- Ibid., pp. 44-50. See also, Stovall, Tyler: The Color Line behind the Lines. Racial Violence in France during the Great War, in: American Historical Review 303 (1998), pp. 737-769.
- Gatrell, Peter / Nivet, Philippe: Refugees and Exiles, in: Winter, The Cambridge History 2014, pp. 186-215. See also, on Eastern Europe, Marrus, Michael R.: The Unwanted. European Refugees in the Twentieth Century, New York et al. 1985, pp. 54, 62.
- Kennedy: Over Here 1980, pp. 279-284. See also, Gustaitis, Gus: The End of Kultur. The Plight of Chicago’s Germans, in: Chicago Transformed. World War I and the Windy City, Carbondale 2016, pp. 256-274.
- Gregory, Adrian: Imperial Capitals at War: A Comparative Perspective, in: London Journal 41 (2016), p. 229; Fawaz, Leila Tarazi: A Land of Aching Hearts. The Middle East in the Great War, Cambridge, Massachusetts 2014, pp. 87, 100.
- The best overall treatment of this subject is Goebel, Stefan / Keene, Derek: Toward a Metropolitan History of Total War. An Introduction, in: Goebel / Keene (eds.): Cities into Battlefields. Metropolitan Scenarios, Experiences, and Commemorations of Total War, Surrey 2011, pp. 1-46. Other useful overviews are Goebel: Cities 2014, pp. 374-377; Cronier, The Street, 2007, pp. 96-97; and Proctor, Civilians 2010, pp. 104-108.
- Grayzel, Susan: The Souls of Soldiers. Civilians under Fire in First World War France, in: Journal of Modern History 78 (2006), pp. 588-622. See also, Bastié, Jean / Pillorget, René: Histoire de Paris de 1914 à 1940, Paris 1997, pp. 75, 99-102.
- White, Zeppelin Nights 2014, pp. 115-136, 211-219. See also, Osborne, Brian / Armstrong, Ronald: Glasgow. A City at War, Edinburgh 2000, pp. 55-72.
- Geinitz, Christian: The First War Against Non-Combatants. Strategic Bombing of German Cities in World War I, in: Chickering, Roger / Foerster, Stig (eds.): Great War, Total War. Combat and Mobilization on the Western Front, 1914-1918, Cambridge et al. 2000, pp. 207-225. See also, Chickering, Roger: The Great War and Urban Life in Germany. Freiburg, 1914-1918, Cambridge et al. 2007, pp. 98-111.
- Gregory, Imperial Capitals 2016, p. 224.
- For overviews, see Schaepdrijver, Sophie de: Populations under Occupation, in: Winter, Jay (ed.): The Cambridge History of the First World War, Volume 3, Civil Society, Cambridge et al. 2014, pp. 242-256; and Lenger, Metropolen 2013, pp. 280-282. For case studies, see Majerus, Benoît: Controlling Urban Society during World War I. Cooperation between Belgian Authorities and the Forces of Military Occupation, in: Funck / Chickering (eds.), Endangered Cities 2004, pp. 65-79; Blobaum, Robert: Minor Apocalypse. Warsaw during the First World War, Ithaca 2017; and Knezevic, Jovana: Reclaiming Their City. Belgraders and the Combat against Habsburg Propaganda Through Rumors, 1915-1918, in: Goebel / Keene, Cities into Battlefields 2011, pp. 101-118.
- For overviews, see Gregory, Imperial Capitals 2016, pp. 224-229; Proctor, Civilians 2010, pp. 90-95; and Lenger, Metropolen 2013, pp. 229-284. See also, Bonzon, Thierry / Davis, Belinda J: Feeding the Cities, in: Winter / Robert (eds.), Capital Cities at War 2007, pp. 335-373.
- Engel, Barbara Alpern: Not by Bread Alone. Subsistence Riots in Russia during World War I, in: Journal of Modern History 69 (1997), pp. 696-721.
- The most thorough and sophisticated treatment of food and the politics of hunger in any country is Davis, Belinda J.: Home Fires Burning. Food, Politics and Everyday Life in World War I Berlin, Chapel Hill 2000. See also, Chickering, The Great War 2007, passim.
- Gregory, Imperial Capitals 2016, pp. 225-227. For in-depth treatment of the Viennese case, see Healy, Maureen: Vienna and the Fall of the Habsburg Empire. Total War and Everyday Life in World War I, Cambridge et al. 2004, pp. 31-86. The quotation is from Healy, p. 61.
- Fawaz, Leila Tarazi: A Land of Aching Hearts. The Middle East in the Great War, Cambridge, Massachusetts 201l, pp. 88-93, 96-110, 121-123, 127, 277.
- Tanielian, Melanie S.: Feeding the City. The Beirut Municipality and the Politics of Food during World War I, in: International Journal of Middle East Studies 46 (2014), pp. 737-758.
- Gregory, Imperial Capitals 2016, pp. 228-229; Bonzon, Thierry: La société, l'état et le pouvoir locale: l'approvisionement à Paris, 1914-1918, in Guerres mondialese et conflits contemporaines 46 (1996), pp.11-28.
- White, Zeppelin Nights 2014, pp. 173-175, 203-206, 222-223, 247-249.
- Eldred-Grigg, Stevan: Great Wrong War. New Zealand Society in World War I, Auckland 2010, pp. 135-136, 200, 257, 286, 387, 409-415; Smart, Judith: Feminists, Food, and the Fair Price. The Cost of Living Demonstrations in Melbourne, August-September 1917, in: Demousi, Joy / Lake, Marilyn (eds.): Gender and War. Australians at War in the Twentieth Century, Cambridge et al. 1995, pp. 274-301.
- Robert, Jean-Louis / Winter, Jay: Conclusions. Towards a Social History of Capital Cities at War, in: Winter / Robert, Capital Cities at War 2014, p. 547.
- Quoted in Lees, Andrew: Cities Perceived. Urban Society in European and American Thought, 1820-1940, Manchester et al. 1985, p. 245.
- Kaeber, Ernst: Berlin im Weltkriege. Fünf Jahre städtischer Kommunalarbeit, Berlin 1921.
- Sellier, Henri / Bruggeman, A. / Poëte, Marcel: Paris pendant la guerre, Paris et al. 1926; Herriot, Édouard: Lyon pendant la guerre, Paris et al. 1925; and Masson, Paul: Marseille pendant la guerre, Paris et al. 1925. For a critical view of municipal shortcomings in Freiburg, see Chickering, The Great War 2007, pp. 210-216.
- Grant, Peter: Philanthropy and Voluntary Action in the First World War, New York 2014.
- Goebel, Cities 2014, p. 365. See also, Davis, Home Fires Burning 2000, passim; Proctor, Civilians 2010, pp. 84-97; and White, Zeppelin Nights 2014, pp. 248-249.
- Ibid., p. 234. See also, on Britain, Winter, Jay: The Great War and the British People, Cambridge, Massachusetts 1986, pp. 189-204; and Dwork, Deborah: War Is Good for Babies and Other Young Children. A History of the Infant and Child Welfare Movement in England, 1898-1918, London et al. 1987. On developments in Paris and Berlin as well as London, see Rollet, Catherine: The Other World War I. Protecting Public Health, in: Winter / Robert (eds.), Capital Cities at War 2007, pp. 438-443. See also, Kaeber, Berlin 1921, pp. 482-498; and Herriot, Lyon 1925, pp. 60-61.
- For comparative discussions of this subject, see Proctor, Civilians 2010, pp. 90-97; and Lenger, Metropolen 2013, pp. 297-299.
- Quoted in Healy, Vienna 2004, p. 61.
- Engel, Not by Bread Alone 2004, pp, 696-721.
- Davis, Home Fires Burning 2000, pp. 52, 80, 190, 211. For the citation, see p. 193.
- Lenger, Metropolen 2013, pp. 298-299.
- Smart. Feminists 1995, pp. 27-30.
- For the fullest treatment, which deals with France, Great Britain, Italy, Germany, and Russia, see Haimson, Leopold / Sapelli, Giulio (eds.): Strikes, Social Conflict, and the First World War. An International Perspective, Milan 1992. See also, Horne, John N.: Labour at War. France and Britain, 1914-1918, Oxford et al. 1991.
- White, Zeppelin Nights 2014, p. 120. For later strikes in London, see pp. 206, 259-261.
- Prost, Antoine: Workers, in: Winter, Jay (ed.): The Cambridge History of the First World War, volume 2, The State, Cambridge et al. 2014, p. 350.
- Bessel Richard: Revolution, in Winter, Jay (ed.): The Cambridge History of the First World War 2014. p. 133.
- Bailey, Stephen: The Berlin Strike of January 1918, in: Central European History 13 (1980), pp. 158-174.
- Kennedy, Over Here 1980, p. 7 and passim. See also, Dubofsky, Melvin: Organized Labor in New York City and the First World War, in: New York History 42 (1961), pp. 380-400.
- Connor, John / Stanley, Peter / Yule, Peter: The War at Home, South Melbourne 2015, pp. 66-72; Eldred-Grigg, Stevan: Great Wrong War. New Zealand Society in World War I, Auckland 2010, pp. 320-322.
- On the March and November revolutions, see Figes, Orlando: A People’s Tragedy. The Russian Revolution, 1891-1924, New York 1996, pp. 307-500. On the civil war, see pp. 555-720.
- On events in Germany, see Ryder, A. J.: The German Revolution of 1918. A Study of German Socialism in War and Revolt, Cambridge et al. 1967.
- On the end of the Habsburg Empire, see Leonhard, Die Büchse 2014, pp. 895-909. See also, Tokés, Rudolf: Béla Kun and the Hungarian Soviet Republic. The Origins and Role of the Communist Party of Hungary in the Revolutions of 1918-1919, New York 1967. On the spillover of wartime “militarization” into postwar years, see Proctor, Civilians 2010, pp. 267-275.
- Becker, Jean-Jacques: The Great War and the French people, New York 1986: St. Martin's Press.
- Chickering, Roger: The Great War and urban life in Germany. Freiburg, 1914-1918, Cambridge; New York 2007: Cambridge University Press.
- Davis, Belinda J.: Home fires burning. Food, politics, and everyday life in World War I Berlin, Chapel Hill 2000: University of North Carolina Press.
- Gatrell, Peter: Russia's First World War. A social and economic history, Harlow 2005: Pearson/Longman.
- Goebel, Stefan: Cities, in: Winter, Jay (ed.): The Cambridge history of the First World War. The state, volume 2, Cambridge; New York 2014: Cambridge University Press, pp. 358-381.
- Goebel, Stefan / Keene, Derek (eds.): Cities into battlefields. Metropolitan scenarios, experiences and commemorations of total war, Farnham; Burlington 2011: Routledge.
- Grayzel, Susan R.: 'The souls of soldiers'. Civilians under fire in First World War France, in: The Journal of Modern History 78/3, 2006, pp. 588-622.
- Gregory, Adrian: The last Great War. British society and the First World War, Cambridge; New York 2008: Cambridge University Press.
- Gregory, Adrian: Imperial capitals at war. A comparative perspective, in: The London Journal 41/3, 2016, pp. 219-232.
- Haimson, Leopold H. / Sapelli, Giulio (eds.): Strikes, social conflict, and the First World War. An international perspective, Milan 1992: Fondazione Giangiacomo Feltrinelli.
- Healy, Maureen: Vienna and the fall of the Habsburg Empire. Total war and everyday life in World War I, Cambridge; New York 2004: Cambridge University Press.
- Horne, John: Labour at war. France and Britain, 1914-1918, Oxford; New York 1991: Clarendon Press; Oxford University Press.
- Horne, John (ed.): State, society, and mobilization in Europe during the First World War, Cambridge; New York 1997: Cambridge University Press.
- Hudemann, Rainer / Walter, François (eds.): Villes et guerres mondiales en Europe au XXe siècle, Paris 1997: Editions l'Harmattan.
- Kennedy, David M.: Over here. The First World War and American society, New York 1980: Oxford University Press.
- Lenger, Friedrich: Metropolen der Moderne. Eine europäische Stadtgeschichte seit 1850, Munich 2013: Beck.
- Proctor, Tammy M.: Civilians in a world at war, 1914-1918, New York 2010: New York University Press.
- Wall, Richard / Winter, Jay (eds.): The upheaval of war. Family, work, and welfare in Europe, 1914-1918, Cambridge; New York 1988: Cambridge University Press.
- White, Jerry: Zeppelin nights. London in the First World War, London 2014: The Bodley Head.
- Winter, Jay / Robert, Jean-Louis (eds.): Capital cities at war. Paris, London, Berlin, 1914-1919, 2 volumes, Cambridge; New York 1997: Cambridge University Press.

Pátróiceas ag tús an Chogaidh↑
Bhí cuimhneacháin an chogaidh iar-chogaidh go géar ar an spiorad tírghrá mar a léiríodh é ar shráideanna na cathrach. Chuir Stefan Zweig (1881-1942), duine cáiliúil litríochta na hOstaire, cur síos ar an spreagadh a léirigh sé féin go luath i mí Lúnasa 1914 i Vín mar a scaipeadh nuacht faoi thús na cogaidh go tapa agus na saighdiúirí ag tabhairt tuairisc don dualgas.
Mar sin, mhínigh Zweig stádas spreagúil agus áthas i measc daoine gan áireamh a shamhlaigh deiseanna chun éachtaí a bhaint amach agus aitheantas a fháil mar bhaill de choilíneacht a bhí le fáil ar a ndílseacht gan stró.
Ina chuimhní cinn freisin, scríobh fealsamh na Breataine Bertrand Russell (1872-1970) go géar faoin dílseacht a bhí le feiceáil ina thuairim aige i dtimpeallachtaí ag sluaite cheerful i Londain a chruinnigh i gCathair Trafalgar. Cosúil le Zweig, d'inis Russell scéal faoi thionscnaimh an chogaidh ina raibh tacaíocht láidir ag daoine coitianta do ghníomhaíocht mhíleata. Bhí na daoine seo, a deirtear, i ngleann na patriotism a bhí ag dul i bhfeidhm ar mhórchuid de na sochaithe ina raibh siad ina gcónaí.
Níor cheart an méid belicóis a bhíonn ag an bpobal a bheith ró-mhór. Bhí agóidí frith-chogaidh nuair a bhí an cogadh ag tosú i bhfad níos lú seans go dtarlódh siad sa tuaithe agus i gcathracha beaga ná i gcathracha móra. Sna cathracha móra, bhí baill den aicme oibrí i bhfad níos lú seans ann ná baill den mheán-aicme agus den aicme uachtarach a léiriú go raibh siad ag iarraidh dul go cogadh, agus rinne go leor oibrithe uirbeacha taispeántais frith-chogaidh dá gcuid féin. Mar sin féin, nuair a thosaigh an cogadh, tháinig tacaíocht don troid ina leitmotif den saol poiblí i lárionaid uirbeacha, go háirithe i gcaipitil náisiúnta, agus tugadh cuimhne ar chomhpháirtíocht na n-aigne le linn laethanta agus seachtainí tosaigh an choimhlint go forleathan ina dhiaidh sin chun saoránaigh a spreagadh chun seasamh le chéile.
Ag Iarracht ar Móral a Chothabháil↑
Le roinnt blianta, rinne fir agus mná a bhí gníomhach ar na frontaí baile éagsúla iarracht go leor rath a bhaint amach chun morál na sibhialta a chothabháil trí bheith ag obair chun áitritheoirí eile na cathrach a chur ina luí go raibh an cogadh riachtanach agus dóchúil. Ba cheart na bearta a bhí le leanúint leis an spontáineacht pro-chogaidh a léirigh í féin go luath i mí Lúnasa i rásanna uirbeacha a chabhródh le comhpháirtíocht a bhí go léir-láithreach nuair a thosaigh an cogadh a institiúidiú. Chun é a chur ar bhealach eile, d'éiligh soghluaisteacht na cumhachta saothair soghluaisteacht chomhthráthúil agus leanúnach intinn agus croí na bhfear (agus na mban). Mar gheall ar an dlús uirbeach agus ar na spásanna poiblí a bhí ar fáil, ba iad na cathracha na háiteanna idéalacha chun an cuspóir seo a bhaint amach. Bhí cathracha príomhchathracha go háirithe, lena n-amharclann náisiúnta chomh maith lena bhfoirgnimh agus a n-eagraíochtaí rialtais, mar lárionaid agus mar shiombailí den chomhtháthú náisiúnta, ach d'oibrigh go leor cathracha eile mar áiteanna ina ndeachaigh patriotism miondíolach chun cinn.
Bhí sé níos gá an t-eagrán a rinne údaráis phoiblí ag obair chun feabhas a chur ar na deiseanna a bhí ag fir a bhí ag caitheamh aonad a náisiún agus chun a n-ionsaitheoirí a dhíbheadh - an fholáine a bhí i gceist - sa mhéid is go raibh na sibhialtaigh á iarraidh orthu - cé nach raibh ach go páirteach - páirt a ghlacadh sna díothachtaí a bhí ag saighdiúirí, muirí agus eitiltithe. Is minic a bhí focail le feiceáil ar phostaí datha a bhí ar fáil go forleathan ar chrioscaí i gceantair lárnacha na cathracha chun tuairim an phobail a ionramháil. Sa chás seo, chuirtear i gcuimhne do dhaoine a bhí ag dul tríd go leanúnach ar a ndualgas tacú le hiarrachtaí a dtíortha chun na fórsaí contúirteacha olc a shárú. Sa Bhreatain, go dtí go ndearnadh an conscription a thabhairt isteach i 1916, bhí béim mhór ar an oibleagáid mhorálta ar fhir óga dul i ngleic le fórsaí armtha na tíre. I ngach áit, cuireadh an-mheáchan ar an ngá le saoránaigh tacú lena dtíortha go airgeadais, trí bannaí cogaidh a cheannach.
D'iarr múinteoirí scoile tacaíocht a fheabhsú don iarracht chogaidh go sonrach i measc leanaí agus óige. Bhí múinteoirí i scoileanna i mBeirlín agus i bPáras agus - cé go raibh siad níos lú - i Londain ag bogadh ar shiúl ó mhodhanna teagaisc thraidisiúnta. Chuir siad béim ar théamaí a bhí bainteach leis an gcogadh, ag baint úsáide as ceachtanna sa seomra ranga (go háirithe i réimsí na staire agus na tíreolaíochta) mar uirlisí chun an patriotism a neartú. I bPáras, chuir Albert Sarraut (1872-1962), an tAire Oideachais Phoiblí, ciorclach chuig múinteoirí go luath sa chogadh ina raibh a mhiann aige go mbeadh na chéad fhocail a labhraíonn an múinteoir ar an gcéad lá den téarma scoile, i ngach rang, ag ardú gach croí don náisiún, agus go mbeadh an chéad ceacht ag onóir an streachailt naofa ina bhfuil ár fórsaí. Cuireadh cuimhneacháin ar iar-oileáin a thit i gcath chomh maith le múinteoirí a thit i gcath i gcuimhne na mac léinn ar na híobairtí a rinneadh ar mhaithe lena dtíortha.
Bhí siamsaíocht mar fheithicil freisin chun mothúcháin pro-chogaidh a neartú. Rinne go leor drámaí agus léiritheoirí drámaí a úsáid mar ardán do shaothar ceoil a bhí ceaptha go soiléir chun críocha polaitiúla a bhaint amach. I mBeirlín, idir Meán Fómhair agus Nollaig 1914, de na seacht déag drámaí a bhí á léiriú ann, d'athchraoladh ceathrú déag ar bhealach amháin nó ar bhealach eile an spiorad dlúthpháirtíochta náisiúnta a bhí chomh forleathan níos luaithe an bhliain sin. Bhí sampla an-tóir ar an seánra seo dar teideal Eagrán Speisialta. Ag léiriú imeachtaí i saol baill teaghlaigh meánaicme, ochtar acu fear óg a théann chuig an ngleic ach a thagann ar ais go dtí tí a dtuismitheoirí gan dochar, bhí an dráma seo á léiriú beagnach 300 uair faoi thimpiste 1915. Rinne cineálacha freisin saothair a d'aontaigh spraoi le hiarrachtaí tionchar polaitiúil a imirt ar lucht féachana. Chuidigh scannáin le teidil mar For the Fatherland, On the War Path agus In Enemy Territory le tacaíocht a choinneáil don chogadh. Taispeánadh scannáin chomparáideacha do lucht féachana mór i bPáras agus i Londain freisin. Sa phríomhchathair na Breataine, dhearbhaigh The Times i 1915, go raibh "réaltachtaí na cogaidh seo" á "chuir ar an bpobal na Breataine trí ghníomhaireacht na pictiúr ná trí aon mhodh eile. "Ní raibh an chuid is mó de na scannáin seo ar chor ar bith" réalaíoch. "Igrionn siad cogadh a bhí an-ghlan. Ní raibh aon tuiscint ag an lucht féachana ar an mbrú agus ar uafásach na beatha (agus na báis) sna tránna.
I mBeirlín, i Londain, agus i bPáras, léiríodh taispeántais mhóra gnéithe éagsúla de na frontaí cath, d'fhonn na bannaí idir sibhialtaigh agus na fir a bhí ag troid go cneasta chun iad a chosaint a neartú. Thug an Berlin Kriegsausstellung, (Taispeántas Cogadh) a d'oscail i mí Eanáir 1916, sibhialtaigh ar thuras samhlacha ar chathacha cathra a chuimsigh cuairteanna ar thrácht chomh maith le limistéir a bhí marcáilte le sreang barbed. An bhliain ina dhiaidh sin, bunaíodh "bhanc tanca" i Londain i gCruth Trafalgar. Ag fónamh mar áit inar féidir le Londainigh deimhnithe coigilteas cogaidh a cheannach ag tanc fíor, tháinig an tanc mar chuid de chastacht níos mó a raibh réimse cath samhail ann, lán le artillery, troscáin, agus scriosanna. Níos déanaí, i mí Dheireadh Fómhair 1918, d'fhormheas grúpa saoránach príobháideacha a thógáil i bPáras ar an Panthéon de la Guerre, panorama ollmhór a léiríonn gnéithe éagsúla den choimhlint a bhí ar tí críochnú.
Fianndóchas i leith Eachtrannaigh↑
D'fhéadfadh go mbeadh an pholaitíocht mar thoradh ní amháin ar an bhéim mhéadaithe ar chomhpháirtíocht le comhshaoránaigh i gcoinne shaoránaigh tíortha eachtracha ach freisin ar naimhdeacht i leith eachtrannaigh laistigh den chomhlacht polaitiúil. I lár agus in oirthear na hEorpa, is minic a bhí na Giúdaigh á n-eisiúint mar dhaoine seachtracha insidious, a raibh a gcuid gníomhaíochtaí nefarious san áireamh brabúsaíocht ar chostas co-shaoránaigh na cathrach chomh maith le (a dhearbhaíodh) diúltú chun troid ar son a dtír dhúchais. Bhí frith-Shéimíteachas ag dul i méid ní amháin i mBeirlín agus i Vín ach in áiteanna eile freisin. Sa taobh thoir agus san iarthar, bhí na Gearmánaigh eitneach - a raibh a gcuid sinsearacha ag go leor acu sna tíortha ina raibh cónaí orthu thar na glúine go leor - mar sprioc ag baill na mórchuid náisiúnta. Tharla rúnna i Moscó i mí na Bealtaine 1915, nuair a rinne sluaite oibrithe ionsaí ar áitreabh lucht gnó na Gearmáine. Bhí ar póilíní agus ar na saighdiúirí teacht isteach chun an foréigean a chur faoi chois. Bhí naimhdeas i leith Gearmánaigh eitneacha chomh soiléir sin i Londain, áit a d'eag an-tarraingte i gcoinne na Gearmáine arís agus arís eile. Déanta na fírinne, ní raibh aon rud le déanamh ag an bPríomh-Aire, ach bhí sé ag iarraidh an t-airgead a fháil ó na daoine a bhí ag an bPríomh-Aire. Down with Germany. Tharla rónta ar scála mór i ndiaidh titim an Lusitania agus tar éis ionsaithe aeir mhóra na Gearmáine. Bhí an naimhdeas i leith na Gearmáine le feiceáil freisin i n-athruithe ainmneacha. Tharla an sampla is cáiliúla de athcheapadh den sórt sin sa Bhreatain, áit a d'athraigh an teaghlach ríoga a ainm ó Saxe-Coburg-Gotha go Windsor. Ar leibhéal an chleachtais laethúil, d'athraigh slabhra grósaera Sainsbury ainm a  Saosage Gearmánach  tóir go  Saosage Luncheon. Tharla athrú ainm spreagtha go polaitiúil sna Stáit Aontaithe freisin. I 1917 i Cincinnati, áit a raibh pobal mór Gearmánach-Mheiriceánach ann, d'athraigh oifigigh áitiúla sráideanna Berlin agus Bremen go sráideanna Woodrow agus Republic.
Bhí na blianta cogaidh ina n-aithne freisin ar naimhdeas i leith baill de mhionlaigh rás a bhí imithe isteach sna háiteanna ina raibh cónaí orthu le déanaí. Thosaigh teannas i Londain agus i bPáras mar thoradh ar mhuintir ó chríoch choilíneach a allmhairíodh agus daoine eile a bhí ina gcónaí thar lear chun freastal mar oibrithe i mhitrioplachtaí inar raibh ganntanas oibrithe fireann. I gcathracha na Fraince, tháinig na coinbhleachtaí go háirithe géar. Bhí eagla neamhréasúnach ar oibrithe dúchasacha go mbeadh eachtrannaigh ag dul san iomaíocht le haghaidh mná chomh maith le poist. Bhí an-ghnéas ag na daoine i gcoinne na hAfraice Thuaidh. Ach bhí sé in éineacht le géarghá na Síne agus na hIndochine. Bhí na daoine seo go léir faoi réir ráflaí corraitheacha chomh maith le hionsaithe ar dhaoine aonair ag ghrúpaí hoodlums na Fraince.
Thosaigh teannas freisin mar thoradh ar an líon méadaitheach dídeanaithe, a theith roinnt milliún acu ón gcarnadh a bhí ag fulaingt ina dtír dhúchais. Mar shampla, ní hamháin go ndeachaigh na céadta mílte Beilgeach chuig ceantair faoi smacht na Fraince ach freisin go dtí an Ísiltír agus go Sasana, áit a raibh claonadh acu tiontú i gceantair uirbeacha. Cé go ndearnadh iarrachtaí éagsúla chun an t-aimsir a mhaolú, d'eascair na daoine nua a bhí difriúil ó thaobh eitne agus cultúrtha de ó shaoránaigh na gceantair inar imirceadar a bhí ag éirí níos géarghá le baill na ndaoine óstála. Bhí naimhdeacht a bhí bunaithe ar eitneachas i leith dídeanaithe - a raibh Giúdaigh go leor acu - níos suntasaí fós i gcathracha Oirthear na hEorpa. (Ní mór a chur i bhfios go raibh an fhadhb dídeanaithe anseo níos géire fós tar éis thús Chogadh Cathartha na Rúise i 1918.)
Tháinig fearg a bhí bunaithe ar chineas chun cinn go foréigneach sna Stáit Aontaithe. Anseo, chuir an gá le táirgeadh tionsclaíoch méadaithe ar siúl imirce ollmhór ó thuaidh ag na mílte Meiriceánach Afracach, a d'iarr fostaíocht i monarchana mar bhealach chun éalú ó phoist ísealíoctha i Meiriceá Theas. Mar thoradh ar naimhdeas a bhí bunaithe ar chineálacha cineacha, bhí treabhadh ciníoch i 1916 in Oirthear St. Louis, áit ar chaill naoi ndaoine bán agus líon níos mó daoine dubha a saol. Go gairid tar éis an chogaidh a chríochnú, i 1919, thit buaicphointí i bhfad níos tromchúisí i Chicago. Bhí réim sceimhlitheoireachta a mhair trí lá déag agus mar thoradh air sin fuair cúig déag duine bán agus naoi gcinn déag duine dubh bás.
Bhí an cás is measa de dhíth ar éagóir a bhí ar mhionlaigh eitneacha le linn an chogaidh i Impireacht na hOttomane. I mí Aibreáin 1915, thosaigh an rialtas ag díbirt agus ag marú go leor ceannairí den phobal Airménach. Ag eagla go bhféadfadh an cúigiú colún a bhí le feiceáil ag na hOttomannaigh iarracht a dhéanamh na hiarrachtaí a dhéanamh chun ionsaí na gComhghuaillithe ar na Dardanelles a bhuachan ar ais, rinne oifigigh Ottoman ionsaí ar a saoránaigh Airméineacha a d'fhág go raibh na milliúin básanna Airméineach ann sa deireadh.
Cé go raibh coinbhleachtaí eitneacha agus ciníocha - cé go raibh siad suntasach agus imníoch do na fir agus na mná a bhí ag iarraidh aontas baile a choimeád - ní raibh siad ar chor ar bith ar na fadhbanna is tromchúisí a raibh ar cheannairí náisiúnta agus áitiúla déileáil leo. Ar an gcéad dul síos, bhí an scrios fisiciúil a bhí mar thoradh ar ionsaithe míleata. Cé gur tharla an troid den chuid is mó i gceantair neamh-thorpach, ionsaíodh cathracha chomh maith le troscáin. Le linn a n-imeacht tríd an mBeilg ag tús an chogaidh, rinne na Gearmánaigh scrios forleathan i roinnt cathracha - ní hamháin sa Bhruiséil, áit ar leag siad ar a laghad 10,000 foirgneamh, ach freisin i Louvain, áit ar chuir siad tine ar shean-leabharlann iontach na hollscoile. Bhí an-díoghaltas ar Bhéalgrád, príomhchathair na Seirbe, mar thoradh ar shéanadh ag fórsaí Austro-Ungáire le linn laethanta tosaigh na cogaidh. I ngach ceann de na ceantair seo, bhí líon na n-eitiltithe ag méadú go tapa in éineacht le scrios uirbeach, a raibh a n-iarracht sábháilteachta mar thoradh ar thréigean ó thithe.
Bhí cathracha móra ag fulaingt ó ionsaithe aeir. Bhuail eitleán éadrom na Gearmáine Páirtí na bPáirce den chéad uair laistigh de chúpla seachtain tar éis don chogadh tosú. Níos déanaí, ag tosú i 1915, chuaigh zeppelins, buamairí Gotha, agus artillery fad-achair isteach sa fhrith. An oíche a rinne na zeppelins an chéad ionsaí (20-21 Márta), thit seacht mbomba ar an gcathair féin agus thit cúig fiche ocht mbomba ar na bruachbhailte timpeall uirthi. D'fhás déine na n-ionsaithe aeir go luath i 1918. Thug tabhairt isteach gunnaí fada-raonta nua deis spriocanna a bhualadh 120 ciliméadar ar shiúl, ag soláthar modhanna chun ionsaí a dhéanamh ar Pháras gan aon bhaol a bheith ar shaol na Gearmáine. Idir Márta agus Lúnasa, mharaigh canúin na Gearmáine 256 Páirceach agus gortaigh 628. Faoin am a chríochnaigh an cogadh, bhí aerárthaí míleata agus artillery tar éis beagnach 500 bás a chur ar fáil agus níos mó ná 1,000 díobháil breise i measc na Fraince, go príomha i bPáras.
Bhí ionsaithe ó na spéartha ag cónaitheoirí Londain freisin. Anseo freisin thosaigh zeppelins ag titim buamaí i 1915. Rinneadh an chéad ionsaí ag deireadh mhí na Bealtaine. Thit ceipiléin amháin ochtó agus naoi mbomba dóite agus tríocha "granáid mharfach", ag cur chun báis aon duine déag. Tharla an chéad ionsaí le haerárthach i mí na Samhna 1916, ach ní raibh caillteanas tromchúiseach beatha ag Londain go dtí an earrach ina dhiaidh sin. Le linn an choimhlint, chaill 1,000 duine ar a laghad de mhuintir phríomhchathair na Breataine a saol, agus chaill na céadta Breataine eile a saol nó gortaíodh go tromchúiseach iad, Glasgow ina chathair a d'fhulaing caillteanais throm go háirithe.
Ós rud é go raibh an Bheirlín ró-fhada san oirthear le teacht ar eitleáin naimhde go dtí go raibh an cogadh beagnach críochnaithe, rinneadh ionsaithe ar an nGearmáin go príomha i gcoinne limistéir san iarthar. Maraíodh an chéad shibhialtach Gearmánach i ráid aeir i Meán Fómhair 1914, le linn a raibh aerárthach na Breataine ag buamaíocht hangár zeppelin i Düsseldorf. Idir 1914 agus 1918, thit thart ar 15,700 buama ar chríoch na Gearmáine, rud a d'fhág thart ar 740 bás agus beagnach 1,900 duine gortaithe. Bhí an Ghearmáin Thiarthar Thiar ar cheann de na príomhchuspóirí do phíolótaí na Breataine agus na Fraince. Anseo, rinne thart ar 1,400 buamaí níos mó ná 670 díobháil. Níor thit buamaí ar spriocanna míleata amháin ach ar ionaid táirgthe tionsclaíocha freisin, ina measc Mannheim, Frankfurt am Main, Cologne, agus cathracha éagsúla i Ghleann Ruhr. Chomh maith le hionsaithe a bhí spreagtha ag cúinsí míleata agus tionsclaíocha, seoladh ionsaithe eile mar dhíoltóireacht ar bhuamaí cathracha na gComhghuaillithe ag na Gearmánaigh. Rinneadh dhá ráid den sórt sin i 1915 agus 1916 i gcoinne Karlsruhe. Ba é an dara ceann de na hionsaithe seo an t-ionsaí aeir is tromchúisí sa Ghearmáin le linn an chogaidh ar fad, agus ba chúis le níos mó ná 260 caillteanas.
Ba é Constantinople an príomhchathair eile a raibh bombardment aige, cé go raibh sé i bhfad níos lú ná mar a bhí ag Lucht na Londaine, ag Parisians, agus ag na Gearmánaigh. Thit seapláin na Breataine buamaí ar an gcathair i 1915 agus i 1917. Tháinig aerárthaí na Rúise isteach sa fhrith. I mí Dheireadh Fómhair 1917, fuair caoga ceathrar sibhialtaigh Ottoman bás i rabhadh a bhí dírithe ar sprioc míleata a bhuail mosque ina ionad.
Má dhéantar é a thomhas i gcoinne na damáiste a rinneadh do Louvain agus do Bheilg agus an damáiste a d'fhág ionsaithe ina dhiaidh sin le linn an Dara Cogadh Domhanda, bhí an foréigean a d'fhulaing an chuid is mó de mhuintir na cathrach mar thoradh ar bhuamaíocht agus ar mhaireachtáil i gcathracha fadtéarmach le linn an Chéad Chogaidh Domhanda réasúnta teoranta. Bhí sé an-tábhachtach, áfach, ag éigean do chónaitheoirí uirbeacha a aithint go raibh aois nua cogaidh iomlán tagtha, ina raibh coinbhleacht armtha ag dul i bhfeidhm ar shibhialtaigh chomh maith le saighdiúirí, ní áit ar bith níos mó ná i gceantair uirbeacha a bhí lonnaithe go dlúth.
Bhí eachtrannaigh i gceannas ar go leor cathracha, cuid acu ar feadh roinnt blianta. Faoi mhí na Samhna 1914, bhí an Ghearmáin i gceannas ar an chuid is mó de Bheilg agus ar mhórchuid den oirdheisceart na Fraince. Bhí thart ar deich milliún duine ina gcónaí sna ceantair seo. Bhí an chuid is mó acu ina gcónaí i gcathracha nó i mbailte, agus is é an ceann is mó de na cathracha sin an Bhruiséil, a raibh 700,000 duine ina gcónaí ann. (Ba é Antwerp an dara cathair is mó, atá suite sa Bheilg freisin. Ba iad Lille agus Roubaix na cathracha is mó sa Fhrainc.) Cé nach raibh na sibhialtaigh a bhí ina gcónaí sa Bheilg agus i dtuaisceart na Fraince - tar éis na céadta Beilgeach a lámhach le linn na seachtaine tosaigh den chogadh - ag fulaingt go mór ó éagóir ó láimh ionsaitheoirí na Gearmáine, bhí déag milliún oirdheisceart i bhfad níos crua ag a rialtóirí nua. Tar éis ionradh na Gearmáine ar Lodz, tógadh amhábhair, earraí críochnaithe agus innealra. Faoi mhí Dheireadh Fómhair 1916, cuireadh 75,000 cónaitheoir chuig an nGearmáin freisin, chun saothair éigeantais a dhéanamh. Tar éis do fórsaí na Rúise Varsava a eisiamh i 1915, d'fhulaing na Polaigh géarchéim eacnamaíoch a tháinig níos measa go seasta le linn láithreacht na Gearmáine. Mar thoradh ar an éileamh agus ar rialú dian soláthairtí a tháinig isteach sa chathair, tháinig ganntanas níos mó i measc an éilliú atá ag fás agus caighdeáin mhaireachtála ag titim go tapa. D'iarr údaráis áitiúla na deacrachtaí a d'fhág an áitreabh a mhaolú ach níorbh ioncam iad a d'fhéadfadh tacú le gníomhaireachtaí leasa shóisialaigh agus chun dul i ngleic le héigeandálaí móra sláinte poiblí. Bhí Beograd faoi úinéireacht go gairid ag fórsaí Habsburg i 1914 agus bhí sé faoi úinéireacht arís idir 1915 agus deireadh na cogaidh. Bhí iarmhairtí déimeagrafacha a bhí an-díobhálach freisin ar an iontráil forleathan de na Seirbia a raibh amhras orthu go raibh siad ag cur i gcoinne an rialtais Habsburg, mar aon leis an damáiste fisiceach a bhí roimh uachtú Habsburg. Chuir scrios na cathrach iallach ar na mílte Beilghrádóir slándáil a lorg trí theacht agus dá bhrí sin a bheith ina n-iascairí. Thit daonra na cathrach faoi 90 faoin gcéad ar a laghad, ó thart ar 80,000 i 1914 go 8,000 ar a mhéad nuair a chríochnaigh an cogadh. Sa chás seo, scoir institiúidí cultúrtha agus sóisialta chomh maith le institiúidí polaitiúla ó fheidhmiú.
Cé nach raibh ach cúpla cathair i bhfeidhm go díreach ag na buamáil agus na buamáil ar scála mór agus cé nach raibh ach céatadán beag de na cathracha á n-íoc ag ionsaitheoirí eachtracha, bhí deacrachtaí leanúnacha ag ceantair mhóra de dhaonra uirbeach ar bhonn laethúil. Bhí níos mó agus níos mó íobairt ag baint le "chogadh iomlán", ní hamháin ó shaighdiúirí, maraí agus eitiltí ach ó shibhialtaigh freisin, agus ní hamháin ó na sibhialtaigh sin a d'fhulaing ionsaithe míleata agus láithreacht fórsaí namhaid.
Cuireadh íobairtí ar shibhialtaigh go háirithe mar thoradh ar easpa bia. Bhí easnamh den sórt sin endemic i gceantair uirbeacha, a tharla i ngach ceann de na príomhchathracha na dtíortha móra i gcathracha san Eoraip agus i go leor cathracha eile freisin. Bhí roinnt fachtóirí ina gcontúirt go leor bia a sholáthar do lárionaid uirbeacha. Chuir an cur isteach ginearálta ar thrádáil idirnáisiúnta; easpa oibrithe talmhaíochta; easpa modhanna iompair leordhóthanacha mar thoradh ar an ngá le traenacha a úsáid chun críocha míleata; an gá le bia a thabhairt do dhaoine a imirceadh go cathracha chun fostaíocht a lorg; agus bhacáil na mbanlaigh na Breataine go léir le heasnaimh bia.
Bhí an fhadhb seo an-mhór sa Rúis, sa Ghearmáin, agus san Ostair. Ba é St. Petersburg an chéad chathair mhór a raibh easpa bia tromchúiseach ag a áitritheoirí. Ar an taobh eile de na hAlbanaigh, bhí an-chuid dídeanaithe ag teitheadh ó na Gearmánaigh ionrach, agus ní raibh ceannairí na Rúise in ann bia a aistriú chuig na háiteanna is mó a raibh gá leis. Dá bhrí sin, bhí sé níos deacra bia a fháil. Faoi dheireadh 1915, bhí ganntanas tae, siúcra, salann agus saill agus ní raibh siad ar fáil ach go tréimhsiúil i margaí agus i siopaí na cathrach. Faoi dheireadh 1916, bhí feoil, uibheacha agus iasc imithe ó mhargaí áitiúla, agus go luath sa bhliain ina dhiaidh sin thosaigh prátaí ag imeacht chomh maith. Sa phríomhchathair na Gearmáine, chuir toirmeasc ar sheachadadh ó thar lear ag longa na Breataine, neamhábaltacht na gráin a allmhairíodh roimhe sin ón Rúis, agus obair na n-oibrithe talmhaíochta a tharraingt chun freastal ar na fórsaí armtha go léir le deacrachtaí géara, a shroich a buaic sa gheimhreadh 1916-1917. Le linn na míonna seo, ní raibh mórán bia ag go leor Beirlínigh ach na turnaipí. Chun a bheith cinnte, ní raibh ach cúpla duine sa Bheirlín a fuair bás de bharr ocrais. Mar sin féin, tháinig míchothú ar fud an domhain, rud a d'fhág go raibh méadú mór ar rátaí galair mar thús na teasa agus go raibh an t-ádh agus an míshástacht ag méadú.
Bhí coinníollacha den chineál céanna i Vín. Bhí saighdiúirí na Rúise ag glacadh i roinnt áiteanna le Galicia, príomhfhoinse bia, rud a laghdaigh go suntasach an méid gráin a d'fhéadfaí a sheoladh chuig príomhchathair na hOstaire. Bhí mearbhall ar áitritheoirí na Víne freisin ag diúltú na hUngáireanna leanúint ar aghaidh ag seoladh táirge don iarthar, ag cur níos fearr lena leasanna féin in ionad leasanna Impireacht na Habsburg ina iomláine. Faoi thimpiste 1914, bhí an t-arán ag dul in olcas, agus faoi earrach 1915 bhí an bainne agus na prátaí in olcas freisin. Mar gheall ar an laghdú ar sholáthar na mbia breise, bhí na céadta ceannaitheoirí ionchasacha i gceantair, a sheas ar feadh uaireanta fada taobh amuigh de na fuinneoga siopaí. Bhí an staid chomh dona sin go raibh go leor de mhuintir na cathrach ag fáil bháis as an ocras.
Ní amháin go raibh Constantinople, ach baineadh mearbhall ar chostais bia i gcathracha eile san Impireacht Ottoman freisin. B'fhéidir gurb é an bhac na gComhghuaillithe san oirthear na Meánmhara agus chomh maith le cósta na Iéimeáine an príomhchúis leis na heasnaimh seo. Ach bhí iarmhairtí díobhálacha ag cur isteach ar thrádáil idir tíortha a raibh teorainn acu leis an Mhuir Dhubh. Go luath i 1918, bhí costas na prátaí sa phríomhchathair Ottoman tríocha huaire níos airde ná mar a bhí sé i samhradh 1914. Thug cuairteoir go dtí an chathair i 1916 faoi deara go raibh na líneanna os comhair na siopaí bácála ag daoine a raibh gann-chothaithe go soiléir orthu, a n-aghaidh tanaí, páille agus tarraingthe. D'ardaigh praghas an bhróin agus thit a cháilíocht. Bhí riachtanais eile, mar shampla saill le cócaireacht agus siúcra, ag éirí níos gann agus níos daor freisin. Bhí frithpháirteachas ag fás idir na daoine a raibh acmhainn acu íoc as an méid a theastaigh uathu agus na daoine nach raibh. I ndeisceart na príomhchathrach, i Beirut, bhí na coinníollacha níos measa fós. Faoi Aibreán 1915, bhí easpa gráin agus plúr a bhí mar thoradh ar chogadh ag cruthú ocrais iomlán, rud a d'fhág go bhfuair líon mór de mhuintir na cathrach bás. Idir 1914 agus 1918, thit daonra na cathrach ó thart ar 180,000 go 75,000. Is cinnte gur bhí ról tábhachtach ag imirce, díbirt éigeantach agus coiriúnú sa fhorbairt seo, ach chuir ocras agus galair a tháinig as an bhforbairt sin le tubaiste uirbeach freisin.
Bhí easpa bia, cé nach raibh sé chomh mór sin, le feiceáil in áiteanna eile freisin. Bhí Parisians, lena gcuid cúlra talmhaíochta mór, ag imeacht go réasúnta go maith, gan teacht ar an mbia ollmhór. Go deimhin, chomh déanach le earrach 1917, d'fhéadfaí patisserie a cheannach fós. Mar sin féin, mar gheall ar áitíocht na Gearmáine ar cheantair atá ag fás gráin, bhí teannas idir daonra tuaithe agus daonra uirbeach maidir le leithdháiltí, praghsanna ag ardú, agus míshástacht ghinearálta. Ba iad Lucht na Londaine an chuid is lú a bhí díothaithe ó thaobh cothaithe de i measc áitritheoirí na bpríomhchathair Eorpacha. In ainneoin na bagairtí a bhí ag luí faoi bhroinn ar longa a bhí ag tabhairt bia go Breataine ó thar lear, bhí go leor long in ann dul trí línte namhaid ionas nach raibh daoine cosúil le Parisians i mbaol go raibh siad ag fulaingt ó ghorta. Mar sin féin, bhí go leor míshástachta mar gheall ar shortacht soláthairtí agus praghsanna ag ardú. Faoi 1916, ní raibh uan na Seilge Nua ar fáil ach i siopaí masla a bhí ag freastal ar chustaiméirí den scoth. Níos déanaí sa bhliain sin, cuireadh coinín in ionad muiceoil. I rith na bliana ar fad, d'ardaigh praghsanna bia 26 faoin gcéad. I mí an Mhárta 2017, cruthaíodh na chéad chéimeanna bia, mar a bhí ceannaitheoirí ionchasacha ag seasamh ar líne agus ag seasamh ar feadh uaireanta an chloig i dóchas go mbeadh siad in ann méid teoranta rudaí a ithe a cheannach. Faoi dheireadh an chogaidh, bhí na línte le haghaidh feola chomh maith le tae agus margarine níos forleithne.
Bhí daonra cathracha a bhí suite na mílte míle ar shiúl ó phríomh-theatraí na ngníomhaíochta míleata - mar shampla, san Astráil agus sa Nua-Shéalainn - ag fulaingt ó easpa bia freisin. D'fhág fir a d'oibrigh an talamh é chun éide a d'aontaigh a dtíortha a chaitheamh. Idir an dá linn, mhéadaigh onnmhairí bia go dtí an Bhreatain.
Idirghabhálacha agus Seirbhísí Rialtais↑
Bhí údaráis rialtais ag dul i mbun níos mó i réimsí na gcúrsaí eacnamaíochta agus sóisialta d'fhonn, a bhí súil acu, míshástacht an phobail a mhaolú agus ord sóisialta a chothabháil. Ag leibhéal na cathrach chomh maith le leibhéal na stáit, lean oifigigh phoiblí ag bogadh ar shiúl ó bhunachar roimhe seo ar phrionsabal an laissez-faire. Mar a scríobh Jean-Louis Robert agus Jay Winter, "I na trí chathair [Beirlín, Londain, agus Páras] bhí leathnú suntasach ar bheartas sóisialta agus ar idirghabháil phoiblí i saol na cathrach i rith an chogaidh, trí údaráis stáit, réigiúnacha agus cathrach...
Bhí breathnóirí agus rannpháirtithe i ngníomhaíochtaí cathracha sa Ghearmáin an-sásta lena ceiliúradh ar rialtas cathrach ina dtír féin. Dúirt méara chathair Posen i 1917 go bhféadfadh cathracha na Gearmáine breathnú siar go bródúil ar gach rud a rinne a saoránaigh i gcogadh chomh maith le síocháin chun leas an phobail, ní hamháin a gceantair áitiúla ach freisin na totality níos mó, an stát agus an Impireacht, an Volk agus an tír. Cúpla bliain tar éis dheireadh na cogaidh, d'inis príomh-archiví Berlín go leor gníomhaíochtaí a bhí deartha chun cabhrú le freastal ar riachtanais phráinneacha i bpríomhchathair na tíre a tharla ina chathair le linn na cogaidh, go leor faoi mhaoirseacht oifigigh phoiblí. Ní raibh moladh den sórt sin le cloisteáil i gcathracha eile. Fuair sé léiriú sa Fhrainc, áfach, i suirbhéanna iar-chogaidh ar fhorbairtí le déanaí i bPáras, Lyon, agus Marseille, a léirigh go léir ranníocaíochtaí uirbeacha leis an mbua le déanaí ar an nGearmáin i solas an-fabhrach. Trí tháirgeadh armlainne a chothú chomh maith le freastal ar riachtanais a gcuid saoránach, bhí oifigigh phoiblí agus na daoine a rialaigh siad ar an leibhéal áitiúil riachtanach don iarracht cogaidh.
Ghlac an tAire le go leor tionscnaimh chun feabhas a chur ar na coinníollacha a bhí ag muintir na cathrach le linn na cogaidh. Tháinig na cineálacha gníomhaíochta sóisialta seo go léir agus go leor eile amach as an miann dlúthpháirtíocht náisiúnta a choimeád chomh maith le heagrú sóisialta. Le cabhair ó go leor eagraíochtaí carthanachta, mar shampla an Cumann Eagraíochta Carthanachta i Londain, bhunaigh oifigigh phoiblí cleachtais agus institiúidí nua a ceapadh chun leas sóisialta a chur chun cinn trí bhia, breosla, cúram leighis agus seirbhísí sóisialta a sholáthar do theaghlaigh atá i ngátar. Bhí cuid mhór den chabhair sin dírithe ar theaghlaigh a bhí faoi cheannas mná céile na saighdiúirí. I bhfianaise an easpa bia atá forleathan, ní haon ionadh gur chuir tíortha a bhí ag troid racionáil bia i bhfeidhm. Cuireadh an racionáil i bhfeidhm i mBeirlín agus i Vín go luath i 1915, i bPáras i dtreo lár na cogaidh, agus i Londain go luath i 1918. Bhí tacaíocht mhór ag daoine freisin d'iarrachtaí chun leas leanaí a chur chun cinn ar bhealaí a chuaigh thar soláthar bia. Agus iad ag éirí níos mothaithe ar an ngá práinneach le bagairtí a chomhrac ar shláinte daonlathach fadtéarmach a náisiún, rinne údaráis áitiúla go leor céimeanna chun é a chur chun cinn. Smaoinigh ar chás Londain, mar shampla. Chomh maith le lárionaid leasa naíonáin a bhunú, áit ar féidir le mná torracha comhairle saineolaithe a fháil, d'fhostaigh comhairlí bairré níos mó agus níos mó cuairteoirí sláinte. Faoi 1919, bhí cúram roimh agus tar éis breithe á tabhairt ag naoi déag díobh do mháithreacha sa bhaile. Thug slua cathracha eile cúnamh den chineál céanna.
Ní raibh rath ar na hiarrachtaí sin ach go pointe áirithe, agus mar thoradh air sin bhí cathracha ag feidhmiú níos mó agus níos mó mar stáisiúin chun an míshástacht daonra a chur in iúl. Cé gur chothaigh timpeallachtaí uirbeacha an tírghrá pro-chogaidh ar dtús agus lean siad ag déanamh amhlaidh ar feadh tamaill, bhí an méid a bhí le maireachtáil ag muintir na cathrach chomh maith le saighdiúirí ag streachailt níos mó agus níos mó i gcoinne an aontacht náisiúnta a chothabháil agus tacaíocht a thabhairt don iarracht chogaidh.
Mar gheall ar easpa bia a bhí ann i gcónaí, in ainneoin an racionála, bhí agóidí feargach os comhair siopaí grósaera, agus bhí mná ag seasamh i rang ag troid lena chéile, agus i gcásanna áirithe bhí rúndaí ann. Bhí agóidí ag na taispeántóirí i gcoinne na bhféileanna rialtais chun an ganntanas a bhainistiú ar bhealach a chinntíonn cothromáil garbh ar rochtain ar bhia i measc a gcuid tíortha  aicmí sóisialta. Ní raibh an easpa bia i ndáiríre an rud a d'fhás an-chontúirt i measc na gclasaí íseal agus lárnach ach an tuiscint atá ag fás go lean na saibhreacha ag ithe go maith in ainneoin na heasnaimh a bhí ag daoine coitianta. Mar a thug tuarascáil póilíní i Vín faoi deara i 1918, Tá an amar an phobail dírithe ... go príomha i gcoinne na saibhre.... Tá géarghá mór ag an bpobal leis an dáileadh mícheart a cheaptar a bheith déanta ar na soláthairtí (bhia) atá ar fáil.
Bhí míshástacht atá ag fás mar thoradh ar easpa bia go háirithe láidir in Oirthear na hEorpa agus i Meán na hEorpa. Bhí an míshástacht níos suntasaí ann ná i dtíortha an iarthair mar gheall ar easpa níos mó agus mar gheall ar thacaíocht ag laghdú ann ó shaoránaigh do na fir atá i gceannas ar institiúidí rialtais. Sa Rúis, i samhradh 1915, tháinig grúpaí móra mná isteach i margadh i Moscó agus dhiúltaigh siad imeacht go dtí go ndeachaigh ceannaitheoirí i ngleic le praghsanna na bpátaí a ísliú. Thosaigh treabhadh i bhfómhar 1915, agus tháinig méadú orthu le linn na mblianta ina dhiaidh sin. Tháinig siad go dtí an t-uasmhéid i Márta 1917, nuair a chuir taispeántais ó mhná na Rúise próiseas i ngníomh a d'fhág deireadh leis an gcóras Impiriúil. In ainneoin iarrachtaí póilíní Bhaile Átha Cliath chun taispeántais frith-rialtasacha a chur i bhfeidhm, rinne na híomhánna a gcuid cainte, ag tosú i 1915, nuair a thit an t-eagla mar thoradh ar ardú géar ar chostas na bóthar. Le linn gheimhridh 1916/1917, tháinig an rud ar a dtugtar turnip winterprotests i bhfeidhm, agus lean siad ar aghaidh leis an mbliain ina dhiaidh sin. I rith an tsamhraidh, mar shampla, tháinig 300 bean le chéile ag stáil greengrocer i Lichtenberg, ag taispeáint in aghaidh a phraghsanna agus ag éirí as a theach chun teitheadh ó ghnúis na mban. Tar éis sraith reibiliúnaí bia go luath i 1917 agus arís go luath i 1918, léirigh tuairiscí póilíní go raibh chuid ollmhór den daonra [ní raibh] cúram ar bith acu faoin cogadh a thuilleadh. Bhí ganntanas bia ag dul go soiléir chun dlúthpháirtíocht náisiúnta a mhilleadh.
Ar thaobh na gComhghuaillithe, cé go raibh méid níos lú ann, d'oibrigh agóidí bia freisin chun tacú leis an iarracht chogaidh a chur faoi dhroch-bhonn. I dTurin i mí Lúnasa 1917, d'fhan treochtaí a bhí i gceist le soláthairtí agus praghsanna na n-earraí bia ar feadh trí lá. Sa deireadh, chuir rialtas na hIodáile an t-easnamh i bhfeidhm go míleata. Mar thoradh air sin, maraíodh ceathrú déag duine agus gortaíodh 200. Chomh maith leis sin i 1917, bhí taispeántais i gcoinne costas bia i Melbourne, ag cur béime ar an bhfíric gur cogadh world í an cogadh, inar cuireadh íobairtí ar shibhialtaigh a bhí ina gcónaí i bhfad ó aon cheann de na suíomhanna cogaidh armtha.
Bhí streachailtí ag gabháil le agóidí uirbeacha, go príomha ag mná, a bhí bainteach le easpa bia, agus bhí fir den aicme oibre i gceannas orthu. Tar éis titim go géar le linn na mblianta tosaigh den chogadh, nuair a bhí an t-ainneoin saothair a bheith ina fhreasúra ar aontacht agus ar neart náisiúnta, bhí stopadh oibre ag méadú i gcuid mhór den Eoraip agus i dtíortha eile freisin. Athghníomhaíodh stailceanna suntasacha sa Bhreatain ag tosú go luath i 1915. Mar thoradh ar chostas ardú bia agus riachtanas eile, mar aon le uaireanta fada oibre faoi bhrú ard i go leor tionscail, bhí éilimh ar thuarastal pá níos airde. Bhí freagraí na bhfostóirí ar na héilimh seo go ginearálta, ag neartú an chreideamh go raibh caipitilithe ag baint tairbhe as an gcogadh ar chostas a gcuid fostaithe. Bhí ceann de na stailceanna is tromchúisí a tharla sa Bhreatain i 1915 i Londain, ag tosú ar 14 Bealtaine. D'éirigh le hoibrithe iompair stailce a dhéanamh ar feadh níos mó ná dhá sheachtain, rud a d'fhág go raibh cur isteach mór ar mhonarcha armlainne i Woolwich. Bhí fir agus mná a bhí fostaithe ann ag brath go mór ar thrámaí chun taisteal go dtí an obair agus ar ais. Tugadh aird ar chuid is mó de na héilimh na n-ionsaitheoirí, rud a spreag oibrithe eile chun na hionsaitheoirí a leanúint. Cé gur fir a bhí i bhformhór na n-airdreabóirí, bhí mná páirteach freisin i stailceanna oibre, mar atá i gcás na n-airdreabóirí Parisianach, a rinne stailce i mí na Bealtaine 1917.
Ar an iomlán  sa Ghearmáin, sa Bhreatain, sa Fhrainc, san Iodáil agus sa Rúis chomh maith sa Bhreatain Mhór  bhí treochtaí maidir le gníomhaíocht stailce soiléir agus cosúil. Bhí méadú suntasach tagtha ar líon na stailceanna agus ar líon na bhfear agus na mban a ghlac páirt iontu. Sna stailceanna oibre a tharla le linn na mblianta seo, níor chuir stailceoirí in iúl ach gearán a bhaineann le hobair ach freisin ag cur i gcoinne leanúnachas an chogaidh féin.
Tháinig stailceanna agus stailceoirí go háirithe i líon, agus tháinig a gcuspóirí níos faide ná riamh roimhe i mí Eanáir 1918. Ar an 14 Eanáir, thit stailc i monarcha mótair i Vín. Laistigh de chúpla lá, bhí beagnach milliún oibrí ar fud an Impireacht tar éis stailc a dhéanamh ar an obair. Ní hamháin go raibh oibrithe ag déanamh agóide i gcoinne easpa bia ach freisin i bhfabhar  síocháin ghinearálta láithreach,  an deireadh is tapúla den chogadh,  agus féinchinnteoireacht náisiúnta. Chuidigh an stad oibre seo le dara ceann a spreag a tharla i mBeirlín níos déanaí sa mhí.
Ar 28 Eanáir, chuir 200,000 oibrí ar a laghad (agus b'fhéidir chomh mór le 400,000) sa phríomhchathair na Gearmáine a gcuid uirlisí síos sna monarchana ina raibh siad fostaithe, agus bhí oibrithe i gcathracha eile ag teacht isteach go luath freisin. Chuir clár oibre na bhfear agus na mban a d'oibrigh chun é a chur i gcrích béim ar an gcontrachas le leanúint ar aghaidh ag troid i gcogadh a bhí ag éirí níos lú tóir air i measc baill ghnáth na Gearmáine. Go deimhin, ní raibh aon luachán ar phá nó ar choinníollacha oibre ar liosta de sheacht éileamh a dhréachtaigh comhairle tofa de thoscairí stailce, ag díriú ar an gcéad dul síos ar an ngá le "conclúid síochána ginearálta gan aoncheantais nó athdhóileadh". Éileamh eile a bhí ar fáil ná daonlathachú agus léirscaoileadh, sa Ríocht na Prúise agus sa Impireacht ina iomláine chomh maith le "bothán níos mó agus níos fearr bia". Go páirteach toisc go raibh an oiread sin de na streachailtithe ina mbaothair munitions, cuireadh póilíní agus saighdiúirí isteach ar 3 Feabhra chun é a chur faoi chois. Is féidir an stailc a mheas mar chleachtadh cóirithe don réabhlóid a bhí le tarlú níos lú ná bliain ina dhiaidh sin.
Bhí gníomhaíocht stailce méadaithe i ndáil le gearáin a bhaineann leis an gcogadh taobh amuigh den Eoraip chomh maith le taobh istigh den Eoraip. Léirigh na stailceanna iomadúla sna Stáit Aontaithe go raibh míshástacht ag méadú i measc oibrithe le linn cogaidh a chuir sóisialaithe Mheiriceá chomh maith le ceannairí saothair eile in aghaidh mar choimhlint i measc chaipitilithe ó thús an díospóireachta faoi rannpháirtíocht fhéideartha Mheiriceá. Bhí stailceanna ag méadú go forleathan san Astráil agus sa Nua-Shéalainn freisin, áit a raibh ceannairí saothair ag teacht le Breataineacha frith-chogaidh go polaitiúil, go háirithe maidir leis an gcóir, a bhí an-dílis. Sa Astráil, bhí méadú mór ar líon na díospóidí tionsclaíocha agus na laethanta oibre caillte sa bhliain 1916, agus sa bhliain ina dhiaidh sin bhí méadú trí huaire ar an bhfigiúr deireanach. Chomh maith leis sin i 1917, stopadh mianadóirí guail i Nua-Shéalainn ag obair arís agus arís eile. Chuaigh oibrithe gáis sa phríomhchathair, Canberra, i stailc ar feadh míosa. Thairis sin, rinne oibrithe mná cath leis an gCuideachta Almóin Coilíneach.
Réabhlóid sa Rúis, sa Ghearmáin, agus san Ostair-Ungáir↑
I hEorpa, d'eascair ó na buaiteacha míleata, i gcomhar le deacrachtaí sibhialta, réabhlóidí polaitiúla, a raibh príomhchathracha náisiúnta ina phointí fócais. Sa bhliain 1917 bhí titim na ríthe Romanov agus ansin titim na Bolsheviks ar an gcóras liobrálaigh a bhí tar éis an chóras Tsarist. Le linn chogaidh shibhialta fuilteach, a thosaigh i 1919, chaill na milliúin áitritheoir den Aontas Sóivéadach a bhí ar a dtugtar ina dhiaidh sin a saol mar thoradh ar chinntí na Bolsheivíceacha a bheith i seilbh cumhachta.
Go luath i mí na Samhna 1918, cuireadh iallach ar Wilhelm II, Impire na Gearmáine (1859-1941) a bheith ag éirí as oifig agus thug Impireacht na Gearmáine bealach do phoblacht. Cé go raibh an réabhlóid i mí na Samhna láidir, ní raibh sé foréigneach. Ní raibh na treoracha ina dhiaidh sin, ag Comhphobail i mBeirlín i mí Eanáir 1919 agus ag na craobh clé i München i rith an earraigh. Bhí caillteanas mór beatha ag an dá chathair, áfach, toisc nár chuir sóisialaithe measartha i bpostanna cumhachta leis an gcumas grúpaí saighdiúirí a d'éirigh le déanaí a ghlaoch chun réabhlóidí na láimhe clé a chur i gcontúirt.
Ar an 11 Samhain, tar éis na stáit neamhspleácha nua de na Seiceaslóvaicí, na Polainne agus Iúgslaiv a fhoirmiú, thréig Charles I, Impire na hOstaire (1887-1922) a ríchathaoir i Vín. An lá dar gcionn bhí an t-údarás ag bunú poblacht na hOstaire-Ghaeilge. Ar 16 Samhain, bunaíodh poblacht na hUngáire i mBúdapest. Ar 21 Márta 1919, thug cúit faoi cheannas an Choimisinéara Ungáire Béla Kun (1886-1938) tús le Poblacht Sóivéadach Ungáire. Tháinig deireadh leis an gcóras cumannach an 1 Lúnasa, go príomha mar thoradh ar mhí-bhuanna míleata ag na Seiceaslóvaice agus na Rómhánaigh, le tacaíocht na Fraince. Sula raibh siad ar ais ó chumhacht, áfach, chuir Kun agus a lucht leanúna na céadta freasúra Ungáirigh chun báis. Agus iad ag déanamh amhlaidh, chuir siad féin agus daoine eile leis an ngéarchéim fhuilteach a bhí ina ghné chomh suntasach den saol i gcodanna móra den Eoraip fiú tar éis don Chéad Chogadh Domhanda a bheith críochnaithe go hoifigiúil ar 11 Samhain 1918.
Andrew Lees, Ollscoil Rutgers
Eagarthóir Rannóg: Michael Geyer
- Zweig, Stefan: The World of Yesterday, Nua-Eabhrac 1943, lch 123.
- Russell, Bertrand: The Autobiography of Bertrand Russell, tom 2, Londain 1951, p. 4. Tá comparáidí idirnáisiúnta le feiceáil i Lawrence, John: Spás Poiblí, Spás Polaitiúil, in: Winter, Jay / Robert, Jean-Louis (ed. ): Caipitil Bhailte ag Cogadh. Paris, London, Berlin, 1914-1919, tom 2, A Cultural History, Cambridge et al. 2007, pp. 282-288. Féach freisin, Lenger, Friedrich: Metropolen der Moderne. Ealaín Eorpach Stadtgeschichte ó 1850, München 2013, pp. 275-276. Tá sé seo go maith.
- Strachan, Hew: An Chéad Chogadh Domhanda, tom 1. To Arms, Oxford 2001, pp. 103-110. Féach freisin, Verhey, Jeffrey: The Spirit of 1914. Míleatachas, Miotaseacht, agus Gníomhachú sa Ghearmáin, Cambridge et al. 2000. Tá sé seo go maith.
- Go ginearálta, féach Goebel, Stefan: Cities, in: Winter, Jay (ed. ): The Cambridge History of the First World War, tom 2, The State, Cambridge et al. 2014, pp. 368-369. Tá sé seo go maith. Maidir leis an nGearmáin, féach Welch, David: Germany, Propaganda, and Total War, 1914-1918, New Brunswick 2000. Maidir leis an mBreatain, féach Gregory, Adrian: The Last Great War. Cumann na Breataine agus an Chéad Chogadh Domhanda, Cambridge et al. 2008, pp. 40-70. Maidir leis na Stáit Aontaithe, féach Kennedy, David: Anseo. An Chéad Chogadh Domhanda agus Cumann Mheiriceá, Oxford et al. 1980, pp. 45-92.
- Goebel, Stefan: Scoileanna, in: Winter / Robert (ed. ), Caipitil Bhailte ag Cogadh 2007, pp. 200-202. Tá sé seo go maith.
- Audoin-Rouzeau, Stéphane: Children and the Primary Schools of France, 1914-1918, in: Horne, John (ed. ): State, Society, and Mobilization in Europe during the First World War, Cambridge et al. (An Stát, an tSochaí, agus an Ghluaiseacht san Eoraip le linn an Chéad Chogaidh Domhanda, Cambridge et al. 1997, pp. 40-42.
- Goebel: Scoileanna 2014, pp. 226-232. Maidir le forbairtí san Iodáil, féach Fava, Andrea: War, National Education, and the Italian Primary School, 1915-1918, in: Horne (ed. ): State, Society, and Mobilization 1997, pp. 53-69. Tá sé seo go maith.
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- Goebel: Cities 2014, p. 370. Féach freisin, Goebel, Stefan: Taispeántais, in: Winter / Robert (ed. ), Caipitil Bhailte ag Cogadh 2007, pp. 145-187. Tá sé seo go maith.
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- An áit chéanna, pp. 44-50. Tá mé ag iarraidh. Féach freisin, Stovall, Tyler: The Color Line behind the Lines. Fhoréigean ciníoch sa Fhrainc le linn an Chogaidh Mhór, in: American Historical Review 303 (1998), pp. 737-769.
- Gatrell, Peter / Nivet, Philippe: Refugee and Exiles, in: Winter, The Cambridge History 2014, pp. 186-215. Tá sé seo go maith. Féach freisin, ar Oirthear na hEorpa, Marrus, Michael R.: The Unwanted. Dídeanaithe Eorpacha sa Chúigiú haois, Nua-Eabhrac et al. 1985, pp. 54, 62.
- Kennedy: Anseo 1980, pp. 279-284. Féach freisin, Gustaitis, Gus: Deireadh Kultur. An Plíocht na nGearmáinis Chicago, i: Chicago Transformed. An Chéad Chogadh Domhanda agus an Chathair Gaoithe, Carbondale 2016, pp. 256-274.
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- Is é an cóireáil is fearr ar an ábhar seo Goebel, Stefan / Keene, Derek: Toward a Metropolitan History of Total War. An Introduction, in: Goebel / Keene (eds. ): Cathracha i gCathacha Cathartha. Scéimeanna Metropolitan, Taithí, agus Comóradh Cogadh Iomlán, Surrey 2011, pp. 1-46. Tá forbhreathnú úsáideach eile ar Goebel: Cathracha 2014, pp. 374-377; Cronier, The Street, 2007, pp. 96-97; agus Proctor, Civilians 2010, pp. 104-108. Tá mé ag iarraidh a fháil amach.
- Grayzel, Susan: Na Souls na Saighdiúirí. Saoránaigh faoi Dhún sa Chéad Chogadh Domhanda An Fhrainc, in: Journal of Modern History 78 (2006), pp. 588-622. Tá sé seo go maith. Féach freisin, Bastié, Jean / Pillorget, René: Histoire de Paris de 1914 à 1940, Paris 1997, pp. 75, 99-102. Tá mé ag iarraidh a bheith ag obair.
- White, Zeppelin Nights 2014, pp. 115-136, 211-219. Tá an t-am ag teacht. Féach freisin, Osborne, Brian / Armstrong, Ronald: Glasgow. A City at War, Edinburgh 2000, pp. 55-72.
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- Gregory, Caipitil Impiriúla 2016, lch. 224.
- Le haghaidh forbhreathnú, féach Schaepdrijver, Sophie de: Populations under Occupation, in: Winter, Jay (ed. ): The Cambridge History of the First World War, Volume 3, Civil Society, Cambridge et al. 2014, pp. 242-256; agus Lenger, Metropolen 2013, pp. 280-282. Chun cás-staidéir a fháil, féach Majerus, Benoît: Controlling Urban Society during World War I. Comhar idir Údaráis na Beilge agus na Fórsaí um Ghníomhaíocht Mhíleata, i: Funck / Chickering (ed. ), Cathracha i mbaol 2004, pp. 65-79; Blobaum, Robert: Apocalypse Beag. Warsaw le linn an Chéad Chogaidh Domhanda, Ithaca 2017; agus Knezevic, Jovana: Reclaiming Their City. Beilgrádaigh agus an Troid i gcoinne Propaganda Habsburg Tríd Rumors, 1915-1918, in: Goebel / Keene, Cathracha isteach i gCathacha Cathartha 2011, pp. 101-118. Tá sé seo go maith.
- Le haghaidh forbhreathnú, féach Gregory, Imperial Capitals 2016, pp. 224-229; Proctor, Civilians 2010, pp. 90-95; agus Lenger, Metropolen 2013, pp. 229-284. Féach freisin, Bonzon, Thierry / Davis, Belinda J: Feeding the Cities, in: Winter / Robert (eds. ), Caipitil Bhailte ag Cogadh 2007, pp. 335-373.
- Engel, Barbara Alpern: Ní le aran amháin. Riots Subsistence in Russia during World War I, in: Journal of Modern History 69 (1997), pp. 696-721.
- An chóireáil is críochnúil agus sofaisticiúla ar bia agus ar pholaitíocht an ocrais in aon tír is ea Davis, Belinda J.: Home Fires Burning. Bia, Polaitíocht agus Saol Laethúil sa Chéad Chogadh Domhanda Berlin, Chapel Hill 2000. Féach freisin, Chickering, The Great War 2007, pasim.
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- Fawaz, Leila Tarazi: Tír na gCroí Painful. An Meánoirthear sa Chogadh Mór, Cambridge, Massachusetts 201l, pp. 88-93, 96-110, 121-123, 127, 277. Tá an t-am ag teacht.
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- Deirtear i Lees, Andrew: Cities Perceived. Sochaí Bhaile i Smaointe na hEorpa agus na Meiriceánach, 1820-1940, Manchester et al. 1985, lch. 245.
- Kaeber, Ernst: Berlin im Weltkriege. - Tá sé i gceist agam. Fünf Jahre städtischer Kommunalarbeit, Beirlín 1921.
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- Grant, Peter: Daonlathas agus Gníomhaíocht Dheonach sa Chéad Chogadh Domhanda, Nua-Eabhrac 2014.
- Goebel, Cities 2014, lch. 365. Féach freisin, Davis, Home Fires Burning 2000, passim; Proctor, Civilians 2010, pp. 84-97; agus White, Zeppelin Nights 2014, pp. 248-249. Tá sé seo go maith.
- An áit chéanna, lch. 234. Féach freisin, ar Bhreatain, Geimhreadh, Jay: An Cogadh Mór agus an t-Old British, Cambridge, Massachusetts 1986, pp. 189-204; agus Dwork, Deborah: War Is Good for Babies and Other Young Children. A History of the Infant and Child Welfare Movement in England, 1898-1918, London et al. 1987. - Tá sé ann. Maidir le forbairtí i bPáras agus i mBeirlín chomh maith le Londain, féach Rollet, Catherine: The Other World War I. Ag cosaint Sláinte Phoiblí, in: Winter / Robert (eds. ), Caipitil Bhailte ag Cogadh 2007, pp. 438-443. Tá sé seo go maith. Féach freisin, Kaeber, Berlin 1921, pp. 482-498; agus Herriot, Lyon 1925, pp. 60-61. Tá sé seo go maith.
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- Cuitear i Healy, Vienna 2004, lch. 61.
- Engel, Not by Bread Alone 2004, pp, 696-721.
- Davis, Home Fires Burning 2000, pp. 52, 80, 190, 211. Tá an t-am ag teacht. Maidir leis an luaiteoir, féach ar leathanach 193.
- Lenger, Metropolen 2013, pp. 298-299. Tá sé seo go maith.
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- Maidir leis an gcúrsa is iomláine, a bhaineann leis an bhFrainc, leis an mBreatain Mhór, leis an Iodáil, leis an nGearmáin agus leis an Rúis, féach Haimson, Leopold / Sapelli, Giulio (eds. ): Stailceanna, Conradh Sóisialta, agus an Chéad Chogadh Domhanda. An International Perspective, Milan 1992. Féach freisin, Horne, John N.: Labour at War. An Fhrainc agus an Bhreatain, 1914-1918, Oxford et al. 1991. an tSeapáin.
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- Kennedy, Thar anseo 1980, p. 7 agus pasim. Féach freisin, Dubofsky, Melvin: Oibriú Eagraithe i gCathair Nua Eabhrac agus an Chéad Chogadh Domhanda, in: New York History 42 (1961), pp. 380-400. Tá sé seo go maith.
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- Maidir leis na réabhlóidí Márta agus Samhain, féach Figes, Orlando: A People's Tragedy. The Russian Revolution, 1891-1924, Nua Eabhrac 1996, pp. 307-500. Tá sé seo go maith. Maidir leis an gcogadh cathartha, féach pp. 555-720.
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