In a study led by UCSF team an existence of relationship between asthma and composition of bacterial species, which are present in bronchial airways was revealed.
This finding could suggest new treatment or even potential cures for the common inflammatory disease.
Using new detection methods, researchers learned that the diversity of microbes inside the respiratory tract is far vaster than previously suspected - creating a complex and inter-connected microbial neighborhood that appears to be associated with asthma, and akin to what has also been found in inflammatory bowel disease, vaginitis, periodontitis, and possibly even obesity.
"People thought that asthma was caused by inhalation of allergens but this study shows that it may be more complicated than that - asthma may involve colonization of the airways by multiple bacteria," said study co-author Homer Boushey, MD, a UCSF professor of medicine in the division of Pulmonary and Critical Care Medicine.
In their three-year pilot project, the scientists collected samples from the airway linings of 65 adults with mild to moderate asthma and 10 healthy subjects. Then, using a tool that can identify approximately 8,500 distinct groups of bacteria in a single assay, the scientists profiled the organisms present in each sample to look for relationships between bacterial community composition and clinical characteristics of the patients' asthma.The researchers found that bronchial airway samples from asthmatic patients contained far more bacteria than samples from healthy patients. The scientists also found greater bacterial diversity in the asthmatic patients who had the most hyper-responsive or sensitive airways (a feature of asthma).
The study has been published online in the Journal of Allergy and Clinical Immunology.

I staidéar faoi stiúir foireann UCSF nochtadh go raibh gaol idir asthma agus comhdhéanamh speiceas baictéarach, atá i láthair i bhroncaí aerbhealaí.
D'fhéadfadh an teacht seo cóireáil nua nó fiú leigheasanna féideartha a mholadh don ghalair athlastaithe coitianta.
Ag baint úsáide as modhanna nua braite, d'fhoghlaim taighdeoirí go bhfuil éagsúlacht na miocróib laistigh den chonair anála i bhfad níos mó ná mar a bhí meastar roimhe seo - ag cruthú comharsanacht microbiúil casta agus idirnasctha a bhfuil an chuma air go bhfuil baint aige le haisteama, agus a bhfuil baint aige le rud a fuarthas freisin i ghalair athlastacha boilg, vaginitis, periodontitis, agus b'fhéidir fiú murtall.
"Shíl daoine go raibh asthma mar thoradh ar ailléirgíní a inhaláil ach léiríonn an staidéar seo go bhféadfadh sé a bheith níos casta ná sin - d'fhéadfadh go mbeadh baictéir éagsúla ag baictéir aistrithe na n-airí a bheith i gceist le asthma", a dúirt an com-údar staidéir Homer Boushey, MD, ollamh míochaine UCSF i rannán na Leigheas Pulmonary and Critical Care.
Ina thionscadal píolótach trí bliana, bhailíodh na heolaithe samplaí ó shlíneáin na n-aerbhealaí de 65 duine fásta a raibh asthma éadrom go meánach acu agus 10 ábhar sláintiúil. Ansin, ag baint úsáide as uirlis a d'fhéadfadh thart ar 8,500 grúpaí baictéir ar leith a shainaithint i dtrialach amháin, rinne na heolaithe próifíl ar na heolandacha atá i láthair i ngach sampla chun caidreamh a lorg idir comhdhéanamh pobal baictéir agus tréithe cliniciúla asthma na n-othair. Fuair na taighdeoirí go raibh i bhfad níos mó baictéir i samplaí bronchial na n-airdbhealach ó othair asthma ná samplaí ó othair sláintiúla. Fuair na heolaithe éagsúlacht baictéarach níos mó freisin sna hothair a raibh na haerbhealaí is mó hipir-fhreagracha nó íogaire (tréith de asthma) acu.
Foilsíodh an staidéar ar líne in Journal of Allergy and Clinical Immunology.


Today is the 28th day of the mass protests that have gripped Chile; it is also the one-year anniversary of the killing of Camilo Catrillanca, a young Mapuche leader, by Chilean police. A year ago, popular mobilisation of the scale witnessed today in Chile seemed almost unimaginable, especially after I spent months in the Araucanía region in Southern Chile (or the Wallmapu to the Mapuche), where anything but the most innocuous collective organising has been heavily repressed. While simmering discontent was mixed with fear in the South, in the capital it seemed the frustrations of the student movement (see for example Donoso, 2013) and the return of the right-wing Sebastián Piñera to the presidency in 2018 made an eruption of mass mobilisation rather unlikely. What is happening right now in Chile challenges, then, the prominent argument within the social movement literature that protest only matters when political opportunities are already favourable (Amenta, 2014; Giugni, 2007; Meyer, 2004).
Sparked by student protests against a fare rise of Santiago’s metro system on October 18th, mass mobilisation in Chile quickly became about socio-economic inequality (according to latest World Bank data, Chile is the 26th most unequal country in the world) and the lack of institutional reforms since the end of the dictatorship (substantial parts of the Constitution date back to Pinochet’s reforms). In fact, the unrelenting call for a new Constitution hasbecome an overarching and unifying goal of student, popular and indigenous activists. On November 11th, the government announced plans for a constitutional congress. Yet, this does not meet the demand for a bottom-up popular constitutional assembly, a demand which activists seem set to insist on.
These cross-sectional popular protests, which turned into a national strike, have been heavily repressed; at least 20 people have been killed, and Amnesty International has denounced Chile to the Inter-American Commission for human rights violations. Mass mobilisation shows little signs of abating, but it remains to be seen whether a truly bottom-up constitutional reform can be achieved. What is clear though is that the protests have already been able to force the Piñera government to make some concessions, such as the suspension of the fare increase and a full cabinet reshuffle.
Moreover, the reaction to the protests have shown ordinary Chileans just how repressive their state can be, something which previously had been mostly reserved for the Mapuche. An indigenous minority concentrated in the South, the Mapuche have long struggled and mobilised for greater autonomy, land redistribution, reserved seats in parliament, bilingual provision, and against plans of the Piñera administration to allow the individual sale of collectivelyheld land titles. Escalating confrontations with the Chilean state have almost completely decimated a historically fragmented Mapuche movement. While some groups have cooperated with the state, other have long resisted its encroachment and fought for greater recognition of their rights (Carruthers & Rodriguez, 2009; Pairican, 2015; Richards, 2010).
The indigenous Mapuche were never officially conquered by the Spanish, and were only forcibly incorporated into the Chilean state in 1881 in what is euphemistically known in Chile as the “pacification” of the Araucanía region. Relegated to at the beginning of the 20th century. In his seminal work Malon, Mapuche historian Fernando Pairicán recounts the aftermath of the late 19th century occupation and establishment of indigenous reserves (reducciones) in previously autonomous Mapuche territory. He cites a local professor that had described the plight of the Mapuche at that time.
“The new landowners are slowly appropriating themselves of indigenous lands, now legalised as reservations. The military, tasked with public order, flog the Mapuche for simply being suspected of theft, they trample them on horseback and indiscriminately injure women and children during their festivals and customary reunions”(Pairican, 2015: 37)
This quote struck a sad chord with me, because when I visited Araucanía —or the Wallmapu—in both 2016 and 2018 for fieldwork. It seemed that even though more than 150 years had passed some things remained the same. On November 14th, 2018, Camilo Catrillanca was killed by a militarized police squad ‘Comando Jungla’ in the community (lof) of Temucuicui, after the police had claimed that a car robbery had been reported and that they suspected the culprits to come from Mapuche communities near Ercilla.
Two days before Catrillanca’s killing, I had spoken to the first Mapuche council women of Ercilla. This town was one of the epicentres of the so-called conflict where forestry company trucks were set on fire in the late 1990s, mainly by the left-wing Mapuche activists of the Coordinadora Arauco Malleco (CAM) (Gaitán-Barrera & Azeez, 2018). She recounted how using suspected theft as a justification to harass communities was a daily occurrence. She also told me that the use of disruptive tactics by organisations such as the CAM, had resulted in increasingly heavy state repression, militarisation of the zone, and arrests of Mapuche leaders in the infamous HurricaneOperation. Indeed, I witnessed large numbers of militarised armoured vehicles driving around small countryside villages.
Two days later, Catrillanca’s death and the protests that followed—despite the usual heavy repression—the Mapuche struggle would finally reach international news as a struggle of indigenous people with internationally protected rights (see ILO1690), rather than ‘terrorists’. For years, the Chilean state has been applying Pinochet-era anti-terrorism legislation to Mapuche protest. It was this episode that shed a light on the plight of the Mapuche and the repressive state reaction. However, as long as state repression had been restricted to Mapuche mobilization, Chilean public opinion been supportive of heavy-handed responses and the security forces in general (Bonner, 2014).
Things appear to have changed though, now that repression of the country-wide protests has shown that you do not have to be Mapuche to suffer at the hands of Pinochet-inherited laws and security forces. This has created new levels of popular solidarity, with the Mapuche flag flying prominently at demonstrations. It has given the Mapuche movement an opportunity to engage in more disruptive tactics again; most spectacular has been tearing down statues of conquistadors in the Wallmapu. The photo below shows the head from a previously toppled conqueror’s statue in the hands of a Mapuche warrior, with the message: “New Constitution or Nothing.”
The multi-sectorial protests that have gripped the country in recent weeks were not instigated by the Mapuche movement (although many Mapuche students participated from the outset), but they have opened up space for Mapuche activists to organise, protest and disrupt more freely, after decades of repression and fragmentation. The newfound solidarity between the Mapuche and disaffected Chileans might be what is needed to finally reform Chilean politics from below.
My doctoral research on indigenous movements in Latin America finds that even under unfavourable political conditions, protest can have desired consequences when it can impose a high enough combination of material and symbolic costs (Krausova, 2018). The large-scale disruptive nature of the protests has certainly made the material costs high, and disruptive protest can have a direct impact in certain contexts (Biggs & Andrews, 2015; Kolb & Tarrow, 2007). However, my work shows that without the accompanying delegitimisation of targets, disruptive protest alone is unlikely to succeed. This has certainly been the case for the Mapuche, as they have struggled for decades without the repression they have suffered being widely considered illegitimate. Finally, it seems that protest in Chile is able to also impose high enough symbolic costs on the state to make a difference.
Amenta, E. (2014). How to Analyze the Influence of Movements. Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews, 43(1), 16-29.
Biggs, M., & Andrews, K. (2015). Protest Campaigns and Movement Success: Desegregating the South, 1960-61. American Sociological Review, 80(2), 416-443.
Bonner, M. D. (2014). Policing protest in Argentina and Chile. Boulder, Colorado: First Forum Press.
Carruthers, D., & Rodriguez, P. (2009). Mapuche Protest, Environmental Conflict and Social Movement Linkage in Chile. Third World Quarterly, 30(4), 743-760.
Gaitán-Barrera, A., & Azeez, G. K. (2018). Beyond recognition: autonomy, the state, and the Mapuche Coordinadora Arauco Malleco. Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies, 13(2), 113-134. doi:10.1080/17442222.2018.1440488
Giugni, M. (2007). Useless Protest? A Time-Series Analysis of the Policy Outcomes of Ecology, Antinuclear, and Peace Movements in the United States, 1977-1995. Mobilization, 12(1), 53-77.
Kolb, F., & Tarrow, S. G. (2007). Protest and opportunities : the political outcomes of social movements. Frankfurt: Campus.
Krausova, A. (2018). What social movements ask for, and how they ask for it: Strategic claiming and framing, and the successes and failures of indigenous movements in Latin America. (DPhil Sociology), University of Oxford. (Bodleain Library Deposit)
Meyer, D. (2004). Protest and Political Opportunities. Annual Review of Sociology, 30, 125-145.
Pairican, F. (2015). Malon: La Rebelion del Movimiento Mapuche 1990-2013.
Richards, P. (2010). Of Indians and Terrorists : How the State and Local Elites Construct the Mapuche in Neoliberal Multicultural Chile. Journal of Latin American Studies, 42(1), 59-90.
 This is based on the World Bank’s GINI index. Please note that data is only available for selected countries. For comparison, the most equal country in the world according to this measure is South Africa (63) while the lowest Ukraine (25). In 2017 Chile had a GINI of 46.6, the US 41.5 (2016), and the UK 33.2 (2015)

Is é an 28ú lá inniu den agóidí ollmhóra a ghlac Chile; is comóradh bliain é freisin de mharú Camilo Catrillanca, ceannaire óg Mapuche, ag póilíní na Sile. B'fhéidir go mbeadh sé dodhéanta a shamhlú go raibh an-chuid daoine ag teacht chun cinn sa tSile inniu, go háirithe tar éis dom roinnt míonna a chaitheamh i réigiún Araucanía i ndeisceart na Sile (nó Wallmapu do Mapuche), áit a raibh an-chosc ar gach rud ach an eagraíocht choiteann is neamhdhíobhálach. Cé go raibh míshástacht ag boiling le eagla sa Deisceart, sa phríomhchathair bhí an chuma ar frustrachas an ghluaiseachta mac léinn (féach Donoso, 2013 mar shampla) agus an filleadh ar an sciath ceart Sebastián Piñera ar an uachtaránacht i 2018 go raibh sé dóchúil go mbeadh sé deacair a bheith ag cur i láthair na mórshó. Mar sin féin, is é an rud atá ag tarlú i Sile anois ná dúshlán don argóint a bhfuil tábhacht leis laistigh de litríocht na gluaiseachta sóisialta nach bhfuil agóid ach amháin nuair a bhíonn deiseanna polaitiúla fabhracha cheana féin (Amenta, 2014; Giugni, 2007; Meyer, 2004).
Arna spreagadh ag agóidí mac léinn i gcoinne ardú táille ar chóras meitreo Santiago an 18 Deireadh Fómhair, d'éirigh le soghluaisteacht ollmhór sa tSile go tapa faoi éagothroime socheacnamaíoch (de réir na sonraí is déanaí ón mBanc Domhanda, is é an tSile an 26ú tír is éagothroime ar domhan) agus an easpa athchóirithe institiúideacha ó dheireadh an ordaithe (tosaíonn codanna suntasacha den Bhunreacht le hathchóirithe Pinochet). Go deimhin, is é an t-iarratas gan staonadh ar Bhunreacht nua a bheith ina sprioc forleathan agus aontaitheach ag gníomhaithe mac léinn, poblacha agus dúchasacha. Ar an 11 Samhain, d'fhógair an rialtas pleananna le haghaidh comhdháil bhunreachtúil. Ach, ní fhreastalaíonn sé seo ar an éileamh ar chomhthionól bunreachtúil ó bhun suas, éileamh a bhfuil gníomhaithe ag iarraidh a éileamh.
Tá an t-iomaíocht phoiblí tras-roinnte seo, a d'éirigh le stailc náisiúnta, curtha faoi chois go mór; maraíodh 20 duine ar a laghad, agus tá Amnesty International tar éis Chile a dhúnadh chuig an gCoimisiún Idir-Mheiriceánach as sáruithe ar chearta an duine. Ní léir go bhfuil mórán comharthaí ag teacht ó ghluaiseacht na mór-ghníomhaíochta, ach tá sé fós le feiceáil an féidir athchóiriú bunreachtúil ó bhun suas a bhaint amach i ndáiríre. Is é an rud atá soiléir, áfach, gur éirigh leis na hagóidí rialtas Piñera a chur i bhfeidhm cheana féin chun roinnt tairisceana a dhéanamh, mar shampla an méadú ar an táille a chur ar fionraí agus athshuí iomlán sa chaibinéad.
Thairis sin, léirigh an imoibriú ar na hagóidí do ghnáth-Chileannaigh cé chomh brúiseach is féidir a stát a bheith, rud a bhí á stóráil roimhe seo den chuid is mó do na Mapuche. Is mionlach dúchasach iad a d'ionchruinnigh sa Deisceart, agus tá na Mapuche tar éis streachailt agus soghluaisteacht a dhéanamh le fada le haghaidh níos mó neamhspleáchais, athdháileadh talún, suíocháin choimeádta sa pharlaimint, soláthar dhá theanga, agus i gcoinne phleananna riaracháin Piñera chun ligean do dhíol aonair teidil talún a bhí i seilbh choiteann. Tá agóidí ag éirí níos mó le stát na Sile tar éis gluaiseacht Mapuche atá sracfhillte go stairiúil a dhíothú go hiomlán. Cé go bhfuil roinnt grúpaí ag comhoibriú leis an stát, tá daoine eile ag cur in aghaidh a iontrála le fada agus ag troid le haghaidh aitheantas níos mó dá gcearta (Carruthers & Rodriguez, 2009; Pairican, 2015; Richards, 2010).
Níor bhuaigh na Spáinnigh na Mapuche dúchasacha go hoifigiúil riamh, agus níor ionchorpraíodh iad go foréigneach isteach sa stát Shileach ach i 1881 sa rud a bhfuil aithne euphemistically air i Shile mar pacification de réigiún Araucanía. Ar ais go dtí tús an 20ú haois. Ina chuid oibre seimineála Malon, insíonn an staire Mapuche Fernando Pairicán iarmhairtí na hoibríochta déanach sa 19ú haois agus bunaíodh cúlchistí dúchasacha (reducciones) i gcríoch uathrialach Mapuche roimhe seo. Thug sé tagairt do ollamh áitiúil a thuairiscigh an staid a bhí ag na Mapuche ag an am sin.
Tá na húinéirí talún nua ag cur isteach go mall ar thailte dúchasacha, atá dlíthiúil anois mar choimeádáin. An míleata, tasked le ord poiblí, flog an Mapuche le haghaidh ach a bheith faoi amhras ar ghoid, trample siad ar chúl na bhfear agus indiscriminately gortaíonn mná agus leanaí le linn a gcuid féilte agus reáchtálacha traidisiúnta ((Pairican, 2015: 37)
Bhuail an luachan seo le conair brónach liom, mar nuair a thug mé cuairt ar Araucanía or Wallmapu in 2016 agus 2018 le haghaidh obair allamuigh. Bhí an chuma air go raibh rudaí áirithe mar an gcéanna, cé go raibh breis is 150 bliain caite. Ar an 14 Samhain, 2018, maraíodh Camilo Catrillanca ag scáileán póilíní míleataithe Comando Jungla i bpobal (lof) Temucuicui, tar éis don póilíní a mhaíomh go raibh rábas carr tuairiscíodh agus go raibh amhras orthu go raibh na ciontóirí ó phobail Mapuche in aice le Ercilla.
Dhá lá roimh mharú Catrillanca, labhair mé leis na chéad mhná comhairle Mapuche de Ercilla. Bhí an baile seo ar cheann de na hionaid den choimhlint mar a thugtar air, áit ar cuireadh trucailí cuideachta foraoiseachta ar an tine ag deireadh na 1990idí, go príomha ag gníomhaithe Mapuche na láimhe clé den Coordinadora Arauco Malleco (CAM) (Gaitán-Barrera & Azeez, 2018). Dúirt sí go raibh sé de ghnáth go raibh sé de ghnáth go raibh amhras go raibh goidte á úsáid mar fhíréantacht chun pobail a bhac. Dúirt sí liom freisin go raibh úsáid tacticí suaiteacha ag eagraíochtaí mar an CAM, mar thoradh ar fhoréigean níos déine stáit, militarization an chrios, agus gabhálacha ceannairí Mapuche sa HurricaneOperation infamous. Go deimhin, chonaic mé líon mór feithiclí armáilte míleata ag tiomáint timpeall sráidbhailte beaga tuaithe.
Dhá lá ina dhiaidh sin, bás Catrillanca agus na hagóidí a lean - in ainneoin an fhoréigean tromchúiseach is gnách - shroich an streachailt Mapuche na nuachtáin idirnáisiúnta sa deireadh mar streachailt de chuid daoine dúchasacha a bhfuil cearta cosanta acu go hidirnáisiúnta (féach OIT1690), seachas mar "teiripeoirí". Le blianta fada, tá an stát Sile ag cur reachtaíocht frith-sceimhlitheoireachta ré Pinochet i bhfeidhm ar agóidí Mapuche. Ba é an t-eagrán seo a leag solas ar dhúshlán na Mapuche agus ar an bhfreagairt fhoréigneach stáit. Mar sin féin, chomh fada agus a bhí an smachtbhanna stáit teoranta do ghluaiseacht Mapuche, bhí tuairim phoiblí na Sile ag tacú le freagraí tromchúiseacha agus na fórsaí slándála i gcoitinne (Bonner, 2014).
Is cosúil go bhfuil rudaí athraithe anois, áfach, nuair a léiríodh go bhfuil an brú ar na hagóidí ar fud na tíre nach gá duit a bheith i do Mapuche chun fulaingt ó lámha na ndlíthe agus na fórsaí slándála a d'fhás Pinochet. Tá leibhéal nua dlúthpháirtíochta daonra cruthaithe ag seo, agus an bhratach Mapuche ag feadadh go suntasach ag taispeántais. Thug sé deis don ghluaiseacht Mapuche dul i mbun beart níos suaite arís; is iontach an rud é go bhfuil sé ag cur síos ar mhúnlaí na gcóncairí sa Wallmapu. Taispeánann an grianghraf thíos ceann de mhúnla conqueror a bhí curtha síos roimhe sin i lámha cogaidh Mapuche, leis an teachtaireacht:  Bunreacht Nua nó Níl.
Ní raibh an gluaiseacht Mapuche (cé go raibh go leor mac léinn Mapuche rannpháirteach ón tús) ag spreagadh na n-agóidí il-earnálacha a ghlac an tír le seachtainí anuas, ach d'oscail siad spás do ghníomhaithe Mapuche a eagrú, agóid a dhéanamh agus cur isteach níos saor in aisce, tar éis blianta de dhíth ar an bhrú agus ar an drisc. D'fhéadfadh go mbeadh an dlúthpháirtíocht nua-aimsigh idir na Mapuche agus na Sileannaigh neamhshásta an rud a theastaíonn chun polaitíocht na Sile a athchóiriú ón mbun.
Faigheann mo thaighde dochtúireachta ar ghluaiseachtaí dúchasacha i Meiriceá Laidineach amach go bhféadfadh iarmhairtí inmhianaithe a bheith ag agóid fiú faoi choinníollacha polaitiúla neamhfhabhracha nuair is féidir leis meascán ard go leor costais ábhartha agus siombalach a fhorchur (Krausova, 2018). Is cinnte gur chuir nádúr suaiteach na n-iomaitheoirí ar scála mór na costais ábhair ard, agus d'fhéadfadh tionchar díreach a bheith ag agóid suaiteach i gcomhthéacsanna áirithe (Biggs & Andrews, 2015; Kolb & Tarrow, 2007). Ach, léiríonn mo chuid oibre nach dócha go n-éireoidh le protest suaiteach amháin gan an dícheadú a ghabhann le spriocanna. Is cinnte gur amhlaidh a bhí i gcás na Mapuche, mar go bhfuil siad ag streachailt ar feadh na mblianta gan an brú a d'fhulaing siad a bheith go forleathan neamhdhleathach. Ar deireadh, is cosúil go bhfuil agóid sa tSile in ann costais chomharthacha ard go leor a fhorchur ar an stát chun difríocht a dhéanamh.
Amenta, E. (2014). Conas tionchar na gluaiseachtaí a anailísiú. Socheolaíocht Chomh-aimseartha: Iris Athbhreithnithe, 43), 16-29.
Biggs, M., & Andrews, K. (2015). Feachtais agóide agus rath gluaiseachta: Desegregating the South, 1960-61. Athbhreithniú Socheolaíoch Mheiriceá, 80 (2), 416-443.
Bonner, M. D. (2014). Agóid póilíneachta san Airgintín agus sa tSile. Boulder, Colorado: First Forum Press.
Carruthers, D., & Rodriguez, P. (2009). Agóid Mapuche, Conradh Comhshaoil agus Ceangal Gluaiseacht Shóisialta sa tSile. Tríú Domhan Ceathrú, 30), 743-760.
Gaitán-Barrera, A., & Azeez, G. K. (2018). Níos faide ná aitheantas: uathriail, an stát, agus Coordinadora Arauco Malleco Mapuche. Staidéar eitneach Mheiriceá Laidineach agus na Caráib, 13(2), 113-134. doi:10.1080/17442222.2018.1440488
Giugni, M. (2007). Agóid gan Fhaide? Anailís ar Threoracha Am ar Thorthaí Beartais na Ghluaiseachtaí Éiceolaíochta, Antineucléach, agus Síochána sna Stáit Aontaithe, 1977-1995. Mobilization, 12{} (1), 53-77.
Kolb, F., & Tarrow, S. G. (2007). Agóid agus deiseanna: torthaí polaitiúla na ngluaiseachtaí sóisialta. Frankfurt: Campas.
Krausova, A. (2018) a chur i bhfeidhm. Cad a éilíonn gluaiseachtaí sóisialta, agus conas a éilíonn siad é: Éileamh agus frámaíocht straitéiseach, agus rath agus teip gluaiseachtaí dúchasacha i Meiriceá Laidineach. (D.Phil Sociology), Ollscoil Oxford. (Ionad Leabharlainne Bodleain)
Meyer, D. (2004). Agóidí agus Deiseanna Polaitiúla. Athbhreithniú Bhliantúil na Sóiseolaíochta, 30, 125-145.
Pairican, F. (2015). Malon: La Rebelion del Movimiento Mapuche 1990-2013.
Richards, P. (2010). Na hIndiaigh agus na sceimhlitheoirí: Conas a thógann an Stát agus na hEileachtaí Áitiúla na Mapuche sa tSile Ilchultúrtha Neoliberal. Journal of Latin American Studies, 42 (1), 59-90.
Tá sé seo bunaithe ar innéacs GINI an Bhainc Domhanda. Tabhair faoi deara le do thoil nach bhfuil sonraí ar fáil ach do thíortha roghnaithe. I gcomparáid, is í an Afraic Theas an tír is comhionannaí ar domhan de réir an mheáin seo (63) agus is í an Úcráin an ceann is ísle (25). In 2017 bhí GINI ag an tSile 46.6, na Stáit Aontaithe 41.5 (2016), agus an Ríocht Aontaithe 33.2 (2015)


Forty percent of the food Americans have available to them goes uneaten, according to a report released this week by the Natural Resources Defense Council. Most of this nutrient-rich uneaten food ends up rotting in landfills.
“This issue has received very little attention in the U.S.,” said Dana Gunders, a project scientist at the N.R.D.C. who specializes in food and agriculture. Yet a significant amount of land, energy and fresh water go into producing food for American consumers.
The report, which was mostly based on a compilation of existing research, states that edible food is wasted — or “lost” — in the country at many different levels of food production, distribution and consumption.
A study published by the Department of Agriculture about food loss in 2008 — the most recent year for which a full analysis has been done — states that $165.6 billion in food was wasted that year by food retailers and consumers. The study goes on to say that $390 worth of food per person was wasted in the United States in 2008.
While there is much speculation over the predominant reasons for the food loss — from unregulated expiration dating to a cultural distaste for aesthetically displeasing fruits and vegetables — one of the most telling aspects of the report is that there is not enough data to make a firm determination.
Ms. Gunders said the N.R.D.C. would like to see the government prioritize the issue of food loss and set goals for reducing the waste. Twenty-five percent of the fresh water used in the country “goes into getting food to our tables,” the report says, and Ms. Gunders said that because of the severe drought afflicting the country, “it’s a really opportune time to take a closer look at this issue.”

Ní itheann ceathair faoin gcéad den bhia atá ar fáil do Mheiriceánaigh, de réir tuarascála a d'eisigh an Chomhairle um Chosaint Acmhainní Nádúrtha an tseachtain seo. Caitheann an chuid is mó den bhia seo atá saibhir i gcothaithigh gan a bheith ithe i dtírdhúnadh.
"Níor thugtar mórán aird ar an gceist seo sna Stáit Aontaithe", a dúirt Dana Gunders, eolaí tionscadail ag an N.R.D.C. a speisialtóireacht i bia agus talmhaíocht. Ach tá méid suntasach talún, fuinnimh agus uisce úr ag dul i dtáirgeadh bia do thomhaltóirí Mheiriceá.
Deir an tuarascáil, a bhí bunaithe den chuid is mó ar chomhlánú taighde atá ann cheana, go ndéantar bia in-ithe a chaitheamh  nó  a chailleadh  sa tír ag go leor leibhéil éagsúla táirgeachta, dáileadh agus tomhaltais bia.
Deir staidéar a d'fhoilsigh an Roinn Talmhaíochta faoi chailliúint bia in 2008 - an bhliain is déanaí a ndearnadh anailís iomlán air - go ndearna miondíoltóirí agus tomhaltóirí bia $ 165.6 billiún i mbia a chaitheamh an bhliain sin. Deir an staidéar go leanann sé ar aghaidh go ndearnadh $390 de bhia in aghaidh an duine a chaitheamh sna Stáit Aontaithe in 2008.
Cé go bhfuil go leor tuairimíochta ann maidir leis na cúiseanna is mó a bhaineann le caillteanas bia - ó éagú neamhrialta a thagann ó dhifríocht chultúrtha i leith torthaí agus glasraí nach bhfuil taitneamhach ó thaobh na haisteolaíochta de - is é ceann de na gnéithe is mó a léiríonn an tuarascáil ná nach bhfuil go leor sonraí ann chun cinneadh daingean a dhéanamh.
Dúirt Ms. Gunders an N.R.D.C. Ba mhaith leis an rialtas a fheiceáil go gcuirfidh sé ceist caillteanais bia ar thús agus go leagfaidh sé spriocanna chun an dramhaíl a laghdú. "Tá 25% den uisce úr a úsáidtear sa tír ag dul chun bia a chur ar ár mbord", a deir an tuarascáil, agus dúirt an tUasal Gunders gur thráth tromchúiseach atá ag fulaingt an tír, "is é an t-am ceart é chun breathnú níos dlúithe ar an gceist seo".


Adults of Mermis nigrescens live buried in the soil, while larva live as parasites inside grasshoppers. The species is more frequently found in grasslands, meadows, clearings, and other well-vegetated but not tree-covered habitats. (Christie, 1937)
This is a large species of nematode. Adult males range from 40 to 50 mm long, while the females range from 80 to 200 mm long. The body of the worm tapers in the front, with the head slightly offset and rounded in the front. Larvae and adult males are generally cream colored, as are females if their uterus is empty. If the uterus contains eggs, the female will appear brownish or black because of the coloration of the eggs she contains. Males have two spicules, one of which is used in reproduction. Both sexes possess two laterally-placed anterior chemoreceptors called amphids, but they lack posterior phasmids. Both sexes also possess a terminal mouth with two lateral papillae close to it and four head papillae further back.
In adult females, there is an orange/red area behind the head, which is associated with a unique light sensitive organ. Mohammed et al (2007) give details of the structure and function of this organ. It serves to allow the female to know where to go when laying eggs. (Christie, 1937; Mohammed, et al., 2007; Webster and Thong, 1984)
Embryos begin to develop in the eggs while still in the female. By the time the eggs are laid (in late spring or early summer) the offspring are already stage 2 larvae. If an egg is ingested by a grasshopper or other orthopteran, the outer layer of the egg rubs off and within minutes the larva begins to move out of the inner shell.
Once hatched, the larva pierces the gut wall of the host and enters the body cavity. Larval worms feed on host body fluids and tissues and grow. They emerge from the host in approximately 3-6 weeks. The worms develop faster in warmer temperatures. Size and species of hosts affects developmental time, and larval worms stay longer and grow larger in mature adult hosts than in nymph or young adult hosts. Female worms tend to remain in the host longer than males, and are larger at emergence than males. Worms puncture the host body wall and emerge as 4th stage larvae (the host and any remaining worms die). They crawl 15-20 cm into the soil where they molt, become mature adults and mate. Males die after mating. Females spend the winter in diapause in the soil and emerge on rainy or dew mornings in the following spring/summer to climb up on to plants and lay their eggs. (Christie, 1937; Webster and Thong, 1984)
Males mate with many females, while the female will only mate with one male. Males have a flexible tail including one of the spicules which they use to wrap around the female and hold the female in place during copulation. (Christie, 1937)
After spending the winter in the soil, emerge in the late spring or early summer on damp or rainy mornings, and climb on the leaves of plants, usually 30-60 cm above soil level and lay thousands of dark brown eggs on the leaves. The eggs are attached with threads of adhesive.
No parental care is provided after eggs are laid. Females provision the eggs with a coating that protects them from sunlight damage, and glue to hold them onto leaves. (Christie, 1937; Webster and Thong, 1984)
Most Mermis nigrescens complete their lifecycle in one year, but in the absence of rains or other moisture to trigger egg-laying, females can persist in the soil for 2-3 years. Females die shortly after climbing out of the soil to lay eggs. (Chapman, et al., 1990; Christie, 1937; Webster and Thong, 1984)
The larvae of M. nigrescens are endoparasitic. During their larva stages they infect the body cavity of grasshoppers. They may be located anywhere within the host's hemocoel. Once juveniles burrow out of a host, they will dig into the soil where they molt into adults. They are dormant in the winter.
The action of females crawling on plants in order to deposit their eggs on vegetation above ground is considered an important behavior modification for insect parasitism, and is an unusual behavior in nematodes. Most nematodes will move away from light, but adult females of this species are positively phototaxic when laying eggs. (Atkins, 2004; Belovsky, et al., 2000; Mohammed, et al., 2007)
This species does not have a home range.
Little is known about communication in this species. It is likely to be based on touch and chemo-sensing. These worms can sense chemicals, touch, and moisture, and adult females have an unusual (for nematodes) light-sensing structure. (Christie, 1937; Mohammed, et al., 2007; Webster and Thong, 1984)
These worms could potentially be used as control agents for pest grasshoppers. However, nematode ecology is poorly understood, especially in nature. (Belovsky, et al., 2000; Chapman, et al., 1990; Webster and Thong, 1984)
Normally these worms have no known adverse effects on humans. There are a very small number of cases of M. nigrescens finding its way into humans, but this is extremely rare. Poinar and Hoberg (1988) describe a case where a female was found in an infant's mouth, and give references to the few similar cases. (Poinar, Jr. and Hoberg, 1988)
The status of populations of this species are unknown, but it is not believed to require special conservation. The species has not been rated by the IUCN, or other agencies.
George Hammond (author, editor), Animal Diversity Web.
living in the Nearctic biogeographic province, the northern part of the New World. This includes Greenland, the Canadian Arctic islands, and all of the North American as far south as the highlands of central Mexico.
living in the northern part of the Old World. In otherwords, Europe and Asia and northern Africa.
living in landscapes dominated by human agriculture.
having body symmetry such that the animal can be divided in one plane into two mirror-image halves. Animals with bilateral symmetry have dorsal and ventral sides, as well as anterior and posterior ends. Synapomorphy of the Bilateria.
an animal that mainly eats meat
Found in coastal areas between 30 and 40 degrees latitude, in areas with a Mediterranean climate. Vegetation is dominated by stands of dense, spiny shrubs with tough (hard or waxy) evergreen leaves. May be maintained by periodic fire. In South America it includes the scrub ecotone between forest and paramo.
uses smells or other chemicals to communicate
active at dawn and dusk
a period of time when growth or development is suspended in insects and other invertebrates, it can usually only be ended the appropriate environmental stimulus.
animals which must use heat acquired from the environment and behavioral adaptations to regulate body temperature
union of egg and spermatozoan
forest biomes are dominated by trees, otherwise forest biomes can vary widely in amount of precipitation and seasonality.
having a body temperature that fluctuates with that of the immediate environment; having no mechanism or a poorly developed mechanism for regulating internal body temperature.
the state that some animals enter during winter in which normal physiological processes are significantly reduced, thus lowering the animal's energy requirements. The act or condition of passing winter in a torpid or resting state, typically involving the abandonment of homoiothermy in mammals.
fertilization takes place within the female's body
having the capacity to move from one place to another.
the area in which the animal is naturally found, the region in which it is endemic.
reproduction in which eggs are released by the female; development of offspring occurs outside the mother's body.
an organism that obtains nutrients from other organisms in a harmful way that doesn't cause immediate death
development takes place in an unfertilized egg
chemicals released into air or water that are detected by and responded to by other animals of the same species
having more than one female as a mate at one time
"many forms." A species is polymorphic if its individuals can be divided into two or more easily recognized groups, based on structure, color, or other similar characteristics. The term only applies when the distinct groups can be found in the same area; graded or clinal variation throughout the range of a species (e.g. a north-to-south decrease in size) is not polymorphism. Polymorphic characteristics may be inherited because the differences have a genetic basis, or they may be the result of environmental influences. We do not consider sexual differences (i.e. sexual dimorphism), seasonal changes (e.g. change in fur color), or age-related changes to be polymorphic. Polymorphism in a local population can be an adaptation to prevent density-dependent predation, where predators preferentially prey on the most common morph.
breeding is confined to a particular season
remains in the same area
offspring are all produced in a single group (litter, clutch, etc.), after which the parent usually dies. Semelparous organisms often only live through a single season/year (or other periodic change in conditions) but may live for many seasons. In both cases reproduction occurs as a single investment of energy in offspring, with no future chance for investment in reproduction.
reproduction that includes combining the genetic contribution of two individuals, a male and a female
living in residential areas on the outskirts of large cities or towns.
uses touch to communicate
that region of the Earth between 23.5 degrees North and 60 degrees North (between the Tropic of Cancer and the Arctic Circle) and between 23.5 degrees South and 60 degrees South (between the Tropic of Capricorn and the Antarctic Circle).
Living on the ground.
A terrestrial biome. Savannas are grasslands with scattered individual trees that do not form a closed canopy. Extensive savannas are found in parts of subtropical and tropical Africa and South America, and in Australia.
A grassland with scattered trees or scattered clumps of trees, a type of community intermediate between grassland and forest. See also Tropical savanna and grassland biome.
A terrestrial biome found in temperate latitudes (>23.5° N or S latitude). Vegetation is made up mostly of grasses, the height and species diversity of which depend largely on the amount of moisture available. Fire and grazing are important in the long-term maintenance of grasslands.
uses sight to communicate
Atkins, W. 2004. Adenophorea (Roundworms). Pp. 283-291 in M Hutchins, D Thoney, M McDade, eds. Grzimek's Animal Life Encyclopedia, Vol. Vol. 1: Lower Metazoans and Lesser Deuterostomes, 2nd Edition. Detroit, Michigan, USA: Gale. Accessed January 29, 2009 at http://www.gale.com/eBooks.
Belovsky, G., D. Branson, J. Chase, J. Barker, G. Hammond. 2000. "Mite and Nematode Parasites of Grasshoppers" (On-line). Accessed November 25, 2007 at http://www.sidney.ars.usda.gov/grasshopper/Handbook/I/i_9.htm.
Chapman, R., A. Joern, D. Streett, M. McGuire. 1990. The Biology of Grasshoppers. New York: Wiley-Interscience.
Christie, J. 1937. Mermis nigrescens, a Nematode Parasite of Grasshoppers. The Journal of Agricultural Research, Volume 55 Issue 5: 353-364.
Mohammed, A., C. Burr, A. Burr. 2007. "Unique Two Photoreceptor Scanning Eye of the nematode Mermis nigrescens" (On-line). Accessed November 25, 2007 at http://www.biolbull.org/cgi/content/abstract/212/3/206.
Poinar, Jr., G., E. Hoberg. 1988. "Mermis Nigrescens (Mermithidae: Nematoda) Recovered from the Mouth of a Child" (On-line). Accessed November 25, 2007 at http://www.ajtmh.org/cgi/content/abstract/39/5/478.
Webster, J., C. Thong. 1984. Nematode Parasites of Orthopterans. Pp. 697-721 in W Nickle, ed. Plant and Insect Nematodes. New York City, New York, USA: Marcel Dekker Inc..

Tá daoine fásta de Mermis nigrescens ina gcónaí curtha sa ithir, agus maireann larbha mar pharaisítí taobh istigh de scaird. Tá an speiceas le fáil níos minice i bhfásach, i meadows, i gclárú, agus i gnáthóga eile a bhfuil plandaí go maith orthu ach nach bhfuil crann orthu. (Christie, 1937)
Is speiceas mór néamaitóide é seo. Tá na fireannaigh fásta idir 40 agus 50 mm ar fhad, agus tá na mná idir 80 agus 200 mm ar fhad. Tá an corp an féar ag dul i ngleic sa tosaigh, agus an ceann beagán as a chéile agus cruinn sa tosaigh. De ghnáth bíonn dath uachtar ar na larbhaí agus ar na fireannaigh fásta, mar atá ar na mban má tá a n-údar folamh. Má tá uibheacha sa uterus, beidh an baineann ag breathnú donn nó dubh mar gheall ar dath na n-uibheacha atá ina bhfuil. Tá dhá spicules ag fir, a úsáidtear ceann acu i gclárú. Tá dhá cheimireachtaire tosaigh ar an taobh ar a dtugtar amphids ag an dá ghnéas, ach níl phasmids iarmhara acu. Tá béal críochnaithe ag an dá ghnéas freisin le dhá papillae taobh thiar de agus ceithre papillae ceann níos faide ar ais.
I mbean fásta, tá limistéar oráiste/dearg taobh thiar den cheann, a bhaineann le orgán uathúil atá íogair don solas. Tugann Mohammed et al (2007) sonraí faoi struchtúr agus feidhm an chomhlachta seo. Tá sé ag feidhmiú chun a cheadú don mhná a fhios a bheith acu cá háit le dul nuair a bhíonn uibheacha á gcur. (Christie, 1937; Mohammed, et al., 2007; Webster and Thong, 1984)
Tosaíonn na fógráin ag forbairt sna huibheacha agus iad fós sa mhná. Faoi dheireadh an tsamhraidh nó go luath sa samhradh, nuair a bhíonn na huibheacha á gcur, tá na h-uibheacha ag dul i mbun a gcuid oibre. Má inghlaíonn grasshopper nó orthopteran eile ubh, scuabann ciseal seachtrach an ubh agus laistigh de chúpla nóiméad tosaíonn an larbha ag bogadh amach as an gcraiceann istigh.
Nuair a bhíonn an liathróid ar an gcraiceann, téann sí isteach i gcroí an óstach agus téann sí isteach sa choirnéal. Tá na féaróg larbha ag ithe leachta agus fíocháin chorp an óstach agus ag fás. Tagann siad amach ón óstach i thart ar 3-6 seachtaine. Fásann na féar níos tapúla i teochtaí níos teo. Bíonn tionchar ag méid agus speiceas na hóstach ar an am forbartha, agus fanann féaráin larbha níos faide agus fásann siad níos mó i hóstach fásta aibí ná i hóstach nimfe nó óstach fásta óg. Is gnách go bhfanann féarmasí baineann sa óstach níos faide ná na fir, agus tá siad níos mó ag teacht chun cinn ná na fir. Tá an t-ábhar a úsáidtear chun an t-ábhar a chur ar fáil ar an mbord, agus tá an t-ábhar a úsáidtear chun an t-ábhar a chur ar fáil ar an mbord, agus tá an t-ábhar a úsáidtear chun an t-ábhar a chur ar an mbord, agus tá an t-ábhar a úsáidtear chun an t-ábhar a chur ar an mbord. Clúdaíonn siad 15-20 cm isteach sa ithir áit a ndéanann siad muilt, a thagann chun bheith ina ndaoine fásta aibí agus a lánúineacht. Faigheann fir bás tar éis páirte. Caitheann mná an gheimhreadh i diapause sa ithir agus tagann siad amach ar mhaidin báistí nó féir sa earrach / samhradh ina dhiaidh sin chun dul suas ar phlandaí agus a gcuid uibheacha a leagan. (Christie, 1937; Webster agus Thong, 1984)
Ní bhíonn na fir ag caidreamh le go leor mná, agus ní bhíonn an bhean ach le fear amháin. Tá eireaball solúbtha ag na fir lena n-áirítear ceann de na spicules a úsáideann siad chun an baineann a fhilleadh agus an baineann a choinneáil in áit le linn cóipeála. (Christie, 1937)
Tar éis dóibh an gheimhreadh a chaitheamh sa ithir, tagann siad amach i ndeireadh an earraigh nó go luath sa samhradh ar mhaidin tais nó báisteach, agus téann siad ar dhuilleoga plandaí, de ghnáth 30-60 cm os cionn leibhéal na talún agus cuireann siad na mílte uibheacha donn dorcha ar na duilleoga. Tá na huibheacha ceangailte le snáitheanna greamaithe.
Ní sholáthraítear cúram tuismitheora tar éis uibheacha a leagan. Cuireann mná cóta ar na huibheacha a chosnaíonn iad ó mhilleadh na gréine, agus greama chun iad a choinneáil ar duilleoga. (Christie, 1937; Webster agus Thong, 1984)
Críochnaíonn an chuid is mó de na Mermis nigrescens a saolré i gceann bliana, ach i bhfianaise na báistí nó taise eile chun uibheacha a chur, is féidir le mná fanacht sa ithir ar feadh 2-3 bliana. Faigheann na mná bás go gairid tar éis dóibh dul amach as an ithir chun uibheacha a leagan. (Chapman, et al., 1990; Christie, 1937; Webster and Thong, 1984)
Tá larbhaí M. nigrescens endoparasitic. Le linn a gcéimeanna larbha, ionfhabhtaíonn siad cavity an choirp de grasshoppers. D'fhéadfadh siad a bheith suite in áit ar bith laistigh de hemocoel an óstach. Nuair a bhíonn na páistí óga ag dul amach as an óstach, scaoilfidh siad isteach sa ithir áit a ndéanann siad moltaí ina ndaoine fásta. Tá siad ina gcodladh sa gheimhreadh.
Meastar go bhfuil modhnú tábhachtach iompraíochta ag an ngnéas a bhíonn ag mná ag crawling ar phlandaí d'fhonn a gcuid uibheacha a thaisceadh ar fhéithíocht os cionn na talún le haghaidh parasitism feithidí, agus is iompar neamhghnách é i nemátóidí. Beidh an chuid is mó de na nemátóidigh ag bogadh ar shiúl ón solas, ach tá mná fásta den speiceas seo go deimhin fóta-tocsaineach nuair a bhíonn uibheacha á gcur. (Atkins, 2004; Belovsky, et al., 2000; Mohammed, et al., 2007)
Níl raon baile ag an speiceas seo.
Níl mórán ar eolas faoi chumarsáid sa speiceas seo. Is dócha go mbeidh sé bunaithe ar ghuth agus ar chemo-sensing. Is féidir leis na féaróg seo ceimiceáin, teagmháil agus taise a bhraitheann, agus tá struchtúr neamhghnách (do nemátóidí) solais-bhraitheach ag mná fásta. (Christie, 1937; Mohammed, et al., 2007; Webster and Thong, 1984)
D'fhéadfaí na féar seo a úsáid mar ghníomhairí rialaithe le haghaidh gránna féar. Mar sin féin, níl tuiscint mhaith ar éiceolaíocht na nemátóide, go háirithe sa nádúr. (Belovsky, et al., 2000; Chapman, et al., 1990; Webster and Thong, 1984)
De ghnáth ní bhíonn aon éifeachtaí díobhálacha ar dhaoine ag na féaráin seo. Tá líon an-bheag cásanna de M. nigrescens ag teacht isteach ar dhaoine, ach tá sé seo an-annamh. Déanann Poinar agus Hoberg (1988) cur síos ar chás ina bhfuarthas bean i mbéal naíonáin, agus tugann siad tagairtí do na cúpla cás den chineál céanna. (Poinar, Jr. agus Hoberg, 1988)
Níl a fhios ag an stát ar phobail na speiceas seo, ach ní chreidtear go dteastaíonn caomhnú speisialta uaidh. Níor rátáil an speiceas ag an IUCN, ná ag gníomhaireachtaí eile.
George Hammond (údar, eagarthóir), Animal Diversity Web.
a bhí ina gcónaí sa chúige bith-thírdhreach Nearctic, an chuid thuaidh den Domhan Nua. Áirítear leis seo an Ghráinlainn, oileáin Artaigh Cheanada, agus Meiriceá Thuaidh go léir chomh fada ó dheas le háiteanna ard Meicsiceo lárnach.
ag maireachtáil sa chuid thuaidh den Sean Domhan. I bhfocail eile, an Eoraip agus an Áise agus an Afraic Thuaidh.
ag maireachtáil i dtimpeallachtaí a bhfuil feirmeoireacht daonna i gceannas orthu.
a bhfuil sioméadracht coirp acu ionas gur féidir an t-ainmhí a roinnt i gceann de na pláinéid ina dhá leath samhail scátháin. Tá taobhanna dorsacha agus ventracha ag ainmhithe a bhfuil siméadracht déthaobhach acu, chomh maith le foircinn tosaigh agus iarmhara. Synapomorphy na Bilateria.
ainmhí a itheann feoil den chuid is mó
Tá sé le fáil i gceantair chósta idir 30 agus 40 céim leitheid, i gceantair a bhfuil aeráid Mheánmhuirí acu. Tá an plandaíocht faoi stiúir ag stoic de chrainn thiubh, spiniach le duilleoga crua (dona nó uachtar) síoraí. Féadfar é a chothabháil le tine tréimhsiúil. I Meiriceá Theas áirítear leis an éicotón scrub idir foraoise agus paramo.
úsáid a bhaint as boladh nó ceimiceáin eile chun cumarsáid a dhéanamh
gníomhach ag an am a thagann sé chun cinn agus ag an am a thagann sé chun cinn
tréimhse ama nuair a bhíonn fás nó forbairt ar fionraí in inseictí agus in neamhthriomacháin eile, ní féidir é a chríochnú de ghnáth ach amháin le spreagadh iomchuí ó thaobh an chomhshaoil de.
ainmhithe a chaithfidh teas a fuarthas ón timpeallacht agus oiriúnaithe iompraíochta a úsáid chun teocht an choirp a rialáil
comhpháirtí uibhe agus spermatozoa
Tá biomaí foraoise faoi cheannas crainn, ar shlí eile is féidir le biomaí foraoise athrú go mór i méid na dtuite agus saineolachta.
Teochta coirp a bhíonn ag athrú de réir teochta an chomhshaoil dhíreach; nach bhfuil aon mheicníocht acu nó nach bhfuil meicníocht ísealfhorbartha acu chun teocht choirp inmheánach a rialáil.
an staid a théann roinnt ainmhithe isteach i rith an gheimhridh ina laghdaítear próisis fhisiúlacha gnáth go suntasach, rud a laghdaíonn riachtanais fuinnimh an ainmhí dá bhrí sin. An gníomh nó an riocht a bhaineann le hiománaíocht a dhéanamh i staid torpid nó scíthe, a chuimsíonn de ghnáth tréigthe homoiothermy i mamaigh.
tarlaíonn an fhéithithriú laistigh de chorp an mhná
a bhfuil an cumas acu bogadh ó áit amháin go háit eile.
an limistéar ina bhfuil an t-ainmhí le fáil go nádúrtha, an réigiún ina bhfuil sé endéamach.
atáirgeadh ina scaoileann an baineann uibheacha; tarlaíonn forbairt na sliocht lasmuigh de chorp na máthar.
ainmhí a fhaigheann cothaithigh ó ainmhithe eile ar bhealach díobhálach nach gcuireann bás láithreach ar fáil
tarlaíonn forbairt i ubh neamhfhéilte
Tá an t-ábhar a úsáidtear le haghaidh na n-ábhar seo a leanas:
a bhfuil níos mó ná baineann amháin mar pháirtí ag an am céanna
"i bhfoirmeacha éagsúla". Is é speiceas polimorfach má is féidir a chuid indibhidiúcha a roinnt ina dhá ghrúpa nó níos mó a aithnítear go héasca, bunaithe ar struchtúr, dath, nó tréithe eile den chineál céanna. Ní bhaineann an téarma ach nuair is féidir na grúpaí ar leith a fháil sa limistéar céanna; athruithe céimnithe nó clinal ar fud raon speiceas (m.sh. Ní hionann an t-athrú (a laghdú ó thuaidh go deisceart) agus polimorphism. D'fhéadfadh go mbeadh tréithe ilmhórtha oidhreachta toisc go bhfuil bunús géiniteach ag na difríochtaí, nó d'fhéadfadh go mbeadh tionchar ag an gcomhshaol orthu. Ní mheasann muid difríochtaí inscne (i.e. athruithe séasúracha (m. e. athruithe i dath an fhéile), nó athruithe a bhaineann le haois a bheith polimorfach. Is féidir le polimorphism i daonra áitiúil a bheith ina oiriúnú chun cailliúint atá ag brath ar dlús a chosc, áit a bhfuil na creachadóirí ag cailliúint go tosaitheach ar an morph is coitianta.
tá an t-aistriú teoranta do shéasúr áirithe
fanann sé sa limistéar céanna
Tá an t-easnamh seo a leanas ag an mbunachar sonraí: ), agus de ghnáth maireann an tuismitheoir ina dhiaidh sin. Is minic nach maireann orgánaigh semelparous ach trí shéasúr/bliadhna amháin (nó athrú tréimhsiúil eile ar choinníollacha) ach d'fhéadfadh siad maireachtáil ar feadh go leor shéasúr. Sa dá chás, tarlaíonn atáirgeadh mar infheistíocht amháin fuinnimh i gcinn, gan aon seans sa todhchaí le haghaidh infheistíochta i atáirgeadh.
atáirgeadh a chuimsíonn ranníocaíocht ghéiniteach dhá dhuine aonair, fear agus bean a chur le chéile
i gceantair chónaithe ar imeall cathracha móra nó bailte.
úsáideann sé teagmháil chun cumarsáid a dhéanamh
an réigiún den Domhan idir 23.5 céim Thuaidh agus 60 céim Thuaidh (idir Trópach na hAilgéire agus Ciorcal na hArtaice) agus idir 23.5 céim Theas agus 60 céim Theas (idir Trópach na Capricorne agus Ciorcal na hAntartach).
Ag maireachtáil ar an talamh.
Bithbhéim talún. Is éard atá i savannas ná féaráin le crainn aonair scaipthe nach bhfuil ina gcúinne dúnta. Tá savannas fairsing le fáil i gcodanna den Afraic fho-thrópaiceach agus thrópaiceach agus i Meiriceá Theas, agus san Astráil.
Fásach le crainn scaipthe nó le clúba crainn scaipthe, cineál pobail idirmheánach idir féarach agus foraoise. Féach freisin Savanna Trópaiceach agus bioma féar.
Tá an t-athrú seo ag cur isteach ar an gcineál is mó de na táirgí a úsáidtear chun na táirgí a tháirgeadh. Is arbhar is mó atá sa fhás, agus braitheann a airde agus a éagsúlacht speiceas go mór ar an méid taise atá ar fáil. Tá an tine agus an féaraíocht tábhachtach chun féaraí a chothabháil go fadtéarmach.
úsáideann sé an radharc chun cumarsáid a dhéanamh
Atkins, W. 2004. Adenophorea (Rúnna babhta). Pp. 283-291 in M Hutchins, D Thoney, M McDade, eds. Grzimek's Animal Life Encyclopedia, Vol. Vol. 1: Metazoans Íseal agus Deuterostomes Íseal, 2ú Eisiúint. Detroit, Michigan, SAM: Gale. Rochtain ar 29 Eanáir 2009 ag http://www.gale.com/eBooks.
Belovsky, G., D. Branson, J. Chase, J. Barker, G. Hammond. 2000. Tá sé seo go maith. "Mite and Nematode Parasites of Grasshoppers" (Ar Líne). Rinneadh rochtain ar an 25 Samhain, 2007 ag http://www.sidney.ars.usda.gov/grasshopper/Handbook/I/i_9.htm.
Chapman, R., A. Joern, D. Streett, M. McGuire. 1990. an t-am. Bithíocht na Ghrasán. Nua-Eabhrac: Wiley-Interscience.
Christie, J. 1937. - Tá sé ann. Mermis nigrescens, Parasite Nematode de Grasshoppers. An Journal of Agricultural Research, Leabhar 55 Eisiúint 5: 353-364.
Mohammed, A., C. Burr, A. Burr. 2007. "Scanáil Aonghúil Aonair Dhá-Fótar-ghlacadóir an nematóide Mermis nigrescens" (Ar Líne). Rochtain ar 25 Samhain, 2007 ag http://www.biolbull.org/cgi/content/abstract/212/3/206.
Poinar, Jr., G., E. Hoberg. 1988. "Mermis Nigrescens (Mermithidae: Nematoda) a aisghabháil ó bhéal leanbh" (Ar Líne). Rochtain ar 25 Samhain, 2007 ag http://www.ajtmh.org/cgi/content/abstract/39/5/478.
Webster, J., C. Thong. 1984. Parasítí Nematode de Orthopterans. Pp. 697-721 i W Nickle, ed. Nematodes plandaí agus insteictí. Cathair Nua Eabhrac, Nua Eabhrac, SAM: Marcel Dekker Inc..


Reduced Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation, plus the role of conservation, sustainable management of forests, and the enhancement of forest carbon stocks
About 11% of human-caused greenhouse gases come from the destruction of tropical forests. REDD+ is a system being designed by the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) to reduce these emissions.
Under REDD+, countries and landholders that protect and restore forests are rewarded by developed countries. (For example, a community could receive REDD+ funding, or training to improve yields from existing farmland, in return for avoiding the clearing of standing forests.)
Conservation International develops REDD+ projects that are proving that REDD+ can work. We use the lessons we learn from these projects to help design policies that will expand the use of REDD+ around the world.
We demonstrate that REDD+ works
Stopping deforestation must be a part of society’s solution to climate change, and REDD+ can be a part of the solution to deforestation. Conservation International works on the ground with local communities, governments, scientists and other partners to implement REDD+ activities that effectively achieve emissions reductions — while benefiting people and protecting the forests that people, plants and animals all depend on.
We make REDD+ work for people
REDD+ will only be successful if it provides benefits to local people and local environments. Conservation International engages with policymakers at all levels to help ensure that REDD+ is designed with strong local participation — and that it delivers multiple benefits to people. In fact, Conservation International was a major contributor in the development of standards designed to help REDD+ projects deliver benefits not just to the climate, but also to communities.
We build the capacity to implement REDD+
For REDD+ to be successful, a wide range of people, from local communities to government leaders, must understand how it works. Conservation International is a world leader in providing REDD+ training. We help design approaches to REDD+ that engage the people the mechanism will affect, that are scientifically sound and that are consistent with globally-recognized best practices.
By the numbers
373,832 hectares of at-risk tropical forest protected
Conservation International’s REDD+ projects have protected 373,832 hectares of some of the most important forests on Earth in places like Madagascar and Peru.
Forest-dependent communities, government staff, scientists and other partners all need comprehensive information to effectively engage in the design and implementation of REDD+ activities. Recognizing this, members of the Alliance for Global REDD+ Capacity — led by Conservation International — created The Knowledge and Skills Needed to Engage in REDD+: A Competencies Framework, a single reference that helps readers quickly understand key concepts, policy benchmarks, skills, tools and resources for 10 specific REDD+ topics. Now in a user-friendly app format with simple navigation, the content can be frequently updated to keep pace with evolving REDD+ policy and financing.
Despite being part of the Peruvian national system of protected areas, the Alto Mayo Protected Forest is highly threatened by ongoing deforestation. While the area is rich in biodiversity and critical for water supply for local communities, illegal settlers have been clearing land for agriculture, reducing wildlife habitat and destroying forests. Conservation International is working with small farmers to change from slash and burn practices to more sustainable activities — like growing coffee under the shade of healthy forests. Under this project, designed and validated using best practice REDD+ standards, we are working with more than 700 families who understand the importance of the forest for water. These families are committed to stopping deforestation and reducing the impact of their agricultural activities.
Implementing forest conservation in Peru's Alto Mayo region

Eisiúintí laghdaithe ó dhífhoraoisiú agus díghrádú foraoise, chomh maith le ról caomhnaithe, bainistíocht inbhuanaithe foraoise, agus an méadú ar stoic charbóin foraoise
Tagann thart ar 11% de na gáis cheaptha teasa de bharr an duine ó fhoraois thrópaiceacha a scriosadh. Is córas é REDD+ atá á dhearadh ag Coinbhinsiún Réime na Náisiún Aontaithe ar Athrú Aeráide (UNFCCC) chun na astaíochtaí seo a laghdú.
Faoin REDD +, is iad na tíortha forbartha a thugann luach saothair do thíortha agus d'úinéirí talún a chosnaíonn agus a athshlánú foraoisí. (Mar shampla, d'fhéadfadh pobal maoiniú REDD + a fháil, nó oiliúint chun toradh a fheabhsú ó thalamh feirme atá ann cheana féin, mar mhalairt ar ghortú foraoisí seasta a sheachaint.)
Forbraíonn Conservation International tionscadail REDD+ atá ag cruthúnas gur féidir le REDD+ oibriú. Bainimid úsáid as na ceachtanna a fhoghlaimimid ó na tionscadail seo chun cabhrú le beartais a dhearadh a leathnóidh úsáid REDD+ ar fud an domhain.
Taispeánann muid go n-oibríonn REDD+
Ní mór go mbeadh stop a chur le dífhoraoisiú mar chuid de réiteach an tsochaí ar athrú aeráide, agus is féidir le REDD+ a bheith mar chuid den réiteach ar dífhoraoisiú. Oibríonn Coimirce Idirnáisiúnta ar an talamh le pobail áitiúla, rialtais, eolaithe agus comhpháirtithe eile chun gníomhaíochtaí REDD+ a chur i bhfeidhm a bhaint amach go héifeachtach laghdú ar astaíochtaí  agus iad ag baint tairbhe as daoine agus ag cosaint na bhforaoisí ar a bhfuil daoine, plandaí agus ainmhithe ag brath.
Déanaimid REDD+ a bheith ag obair do dhaoine
Ní bheidh rath ar REDD+ ach má thugann sé tairbhí do dhaoine áitiúla agus d'iompar áitiúla. Déantar an t-iarracht ar REDD+ a chur i bhfeidhm go héifeachtach ar an leibhéal áitiúil agus go gcuirfear na buntáistí a bhaineann leis ar fáil do dhaoine. Go deimhin, bhí rannchuidiú mór ag Conservation International le forbairt na gcaighdeáin atá deartha chun cabhrú le tionscadail REDD+ tairbhí a sholáthar ní amháin don aeráid, ach do phobail freisin.
Déanaimid an cumas a thógáil chun REDD+ a chur i bhfeidhm
Chun go mbeidh REDD+ rathúil, ní mór do raon leathan daoine, ó phobail áitiúla go ceannairí rialtais, a thuiscint conas a oibríonn sé. Is é Conservation International ceannródaí domhanda i soláthar oiliúna REDD+. Cabhraímid le cur chuige a dhearadh maidir le REDD+ a chuireann na daoine a mbeidh tionchar ag an meicníocht i gceist, atá fónta go heolaíoch agus atá ag teacht le dea-chleachtais aitheanta go domhanda.
De réir na n-uimhreacha
373,832 heicteár de fhoraois thromach a bhfuil riosca acu a chosaint
Tá tionscadail REDD+ Conservation International tar éis 373,832 heicteár de chuid de na foraoisí is tábhachtaí ar domhan a chosaint in áiteanna cosúil le Madagascar agus Peiriú.
Tá gá le faisnéis chuimsitheach ag pobail atá ag brath ar fhoraois, ag foireann rialtais, ag eolaithe agus ag comhpháirtithe eile chun páirt éifeachtach a ghlacadh i ndearadh agus i gcur chun feidhme gníomhaíochtaí REDD+. Ag aithint seo, chruthaigh baill den Alliance for Global REDD+ Capacity  faoi stiúir Conservation International  The Knowledge and Skills Needed to Engage in REDD+: A Competencies Framework, tagairt aonair a chabhraíonn le léitheoirí tuiscint a fháil go tapa ar phríomhcheapanna, tagarmharc beartais, scileanna, uirlisí agus acmhainní do 10 ábhar REDD+ ar leith. Anois i bhformáid aip atá éasca le húsáid agus le nascleanúint shimplí, is féidir an t-ábhar a nuashonrú go minic chun dul i gcéim le beartas agus maoiniú REDD + atá ag teacht chun cinn.
In ainneoin go bhfuil sé mar chuid de chóras náisiúnta na limistéar cosanta Peirú, tá Foraois Chosainte Alto Mayo i mbaol go mór de bharr dífhoraoisiú leanúnach. Cé go bhfuil an limistéar saibhir i bithéagsúlacht agus ríthábhachtach maidir le soláthar uisce do phobail áitiúla, tá lonnaitheoirí neamhdhleathacha ag glanadh talún le haghaidh talmhaíochta, ag laghdú gnáthóg fiadhúlra agus ag scriosadh foraoisí. Tá Coimirce Idirnáisiúnta ag obair le feirmeoirí beaga chun athrú ó chleachtais a ghearradh agus a dhó go gníomhaíochtaí níos inbhuanaithe  cosúil le caife a fhás faoi scáth foraoisí sláintiúla. Faoi thionscadal seo, a ceapadh agus a bhailíodh ag baint úsáide as caighdeáin REDD+ is fearr, táimid ag obair le níos mó ná 700 teaghlach a thuigeann tábhacht na foraoise don uisce. Tá na teaghlaigh seo tiomanta do stop a chur le dífhoraoisiú agus do thionchar a ngníomhaíochtaí talmhaíochta a laghdú.
Coimirce foraoise a chur chun feidhme i réigiún Alto Mayo na Peirù


Definition - What does Rich Media mean?
The term rich media refers to a specific type of installations on the Web that are more functional and interactive. The core definition of rich media is that it is a Web page ad that contains video or interactive features.
Techopedia explains Rich Media
One of the more common types of rich media is a video or graphic advertisement that changes according to mouseover events or mouse clicks. As the user navigates the ad, it moves, expands or presents different display options. For example, a small banner ad that enlarges on mouseover would be an example of rich media. So would a video that responds to mouse controls. Rich media resources use specific Web technologies like Flash or Java applets, along with advanced HTML 5. Another example of rich media would be an interactive graphic that also captures information about the user. For example, a graphic advertisement may include a Web form submission, where the user can type in data to be collected and used by the business later.
The general concept of rich media is that websites can be an interactive experience rather than a flat text and image display. There are many ways to accommodate this, all based on a particular set of languages and coding conventions that merge Web technology with computer programming.

Sainmhíniú - Cad a chiallaíonn Meán Saibhir?
Tagraíonn an téarma meáin shaibhir do chineál sonrach suiteálacha ar an nGréasán atá níos feidhmiúla agus idirghníomhacha. Is é an bunmhíniú ar mheáin shaibhir ná go bhfuil sé ina fhógra leathanach gréasáin ina bhfuil físeán nó gnéithe idirghníomhacha.
Míníonn Techopedia Meán Saibhir
Ceann de na cineálacha is coitianta de mheán saibhir is ea fógraíocht físe nó grafach a athraíonn de réir imeachtaí mouseover nó cliceanna luch. De réir mar a shiúlann an t-úsáideoir tríd an bhfógra, bogann sé, leathnaíonn sé nó cuireann sé roghanna taispeána éagsúla i láthair. Mar shampla, bheadh fógra banner beag a mhéadaíonn ar an luch mar shampla de mheán saibhir. Mar an gcéanna le físeán a fhreagraíonn do rialaithe luch. Úsáideann acmhainní meáin saibhir teicneolaíochtaí gréasáin ar leith cosúil le Flash nó Java applets, mar aon le HTML 5 chun cinn. Sampla eile de mheán saibhir bheadh grafach idirghníomhach a ghabháil freisin faisnéis faoin úsáideoir. Mar shampla, d'fhéadfadh fógraíocht ghrafaíoch a bheith i gceist le foirm gréasáin a chur isteach, áit ar féidir leis an úsáideoir sonraí a chur isteach a bhailítear agus a úsáideann an gnó ina dhiaidh sin.
Is é an coincheap ginearálta a bhaineann le meáin shaibhir ná gur féidir le suíomhanna Gréasáin a bheith ina thaithí idirghníomhach seachas taispeáint téacs agus íomhá cothrom. Tá go leor bealaí ann chun freastal ar seo, go léir bunaithe ar shraith áirithe teangacha agus coinbhinsiúin códaithe a chomhcheanglaíonn teicneolaíocht an ghréasáin le cláir ríomhaireachta.


The project is in partnership with Alabama Power. The turbine was designed and built to work in low-wind areas such as Alabama.
Engineering student Kevin Nord explained that the blade sweep is about 4 feet in diameter with interchangeable blades to allow for testing. Students will continue to monitor the turbine, collecting data and analyzing the feasibility of using wind energy from on top of buildings.
A wind of 10 to 12 mph is the minimum wind speed for the turbine to start working.

Tá an tionscadal i gcomhpháirtíocht le Cumhacht Alabama. Dearadh agus tógadh an turbín chun oibriú i gceantair a bhfuil gaoth íseal iontu mar Alabama.
Mhínigh an mac léinn innealtóireachta Kevin Nord go bhfuil an scuab liath thart ar 4 troigh ar trastomhas le liathra in-athshóite chun tástáil a cheadú. Leanfaidh na mic léinn ag faire ar an turbín, ag bailiú sonraí agus ag anailísiú indéantacht fuinnimh gaoithe a úsáid ó bharr na bhfoirgneamh.
Is é 10 go 12 mph gaoth an luas gaoithe íosta chun an turbín a thosú ag obair.


|Part of Maharashtra|
|Pune District, Maharashtra|
|Owner||Government of India|
Rajgad (Marathi: राजगड) (literal meaning Ruling Fort) is a hill fort situated in the Pune district of Maharashtra, India. Formerly known as Murumdev, the fort was the capital of the Maratha Empire under the rule of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj for almost 26 years, after which the capital was moved to the Raigad Fort. Treasures discovered from an adjacent fort called Torna were used to completely build and fortify the Rajgad Fort.
The Rajgad Fort is located around 60 km (37 mi) to the south-west of Pune and about 15 km (9.3 mi) west of Nasrapur in the Sahyadris range. The fort lies 1,376 m (4,514 ft) above the sea level. The diameter of the base of the fort was about 40 km (25 mi) which made it difficult to lay siege on it, which added to its strategic value. The fort's ruins consist of palaces, water cisterns, and caves. This fort was built on a hill called Murumbadevi Dongar (Mountain of the Goddess Murumba). Rajgad boasts of the highest number of days stayed by Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj on any fort.
The fort has stood witness to many significant historic events including the birth of Chhatrapati Shivaji's son "Rajaram Chhatrapati", the death of Shivaji's Queen Saibai, the return of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj from Agra, the burial of Afzal Khan's head in the Mahadarwaja walls of Balle Killa, the strict words of Sonopant Dabir to Shivaji Maharaj.
The Rajgad Fort was also one of the 17 forts that Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj kept when he signed the Treaty of Purandar in 1665, with the Mughal general Jai Singh I, leader of the Mughal forces. Under this treaty, 23 forts were handed over to the Mughals.
List of Chronological events
|1490||Ahmed Bahiri Nizamshah captured the fort.|
|1626||During the Nizam's last struggle, Adilshah captured the fort.|
|1630||The fort was recaptured by Nizamshah with the help of Shahaji.|
|1642||The fort was in the jagir of Shahaji Raje.|
|1647||Chatrapati Shivaji Maharaj captured the fort.|
|1649||Repairs on the fort began and Shamrao Neelkanth Ranzekar was appointed as the Peshwa.|
|1654||The fort was renamed as "Rajgad". Construction on new fortifications and buildings commenced.|
|1658||14 January||Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj returned to Rajgad after conquering North Konkan.|
|1659||11 July||Chatrapati Shivaji Maharaj shifted to Pratapgad in order to battle with Afzal Khan.|
|1659||5 September||Maharani Saibai's (Chatrapati Shivaji Maharaj wife) died in the Rajgad Fort.|
|1660||July||Chatrapati Shivaji Maharaj escaped from Siddi Jouhar's siege of Panhala and came to Rajgad.|
|1661||July||The idol of Bhavanimata, which was to be established in Pratapgad, was first brought to Rajgad to be inspected by Jijabai.|
|1662||January||The construction of the Rajgad fort was completed and Chatrapati Shivaji Maharaj returned to the fort after capturing Pen and Kalyan.|
|1664||February||The booty of Surat was brought to Rajgad.|
|1665||30 April||The Mughals were unsuccessful on their attack of the fort.|
|1665||June||Chatrapati Shivaji Maharaj's letter of accepting defeat was sent to Jaisingh.|
|1670||24 February||Rajaram was born on the Fort.|
|1671||The repairing of the fort began at an expected cost of 10,000 hons.|
|1689||June||The fort was captured by the Mughals after Chatrapati Sambahji Maharaj was murdered.|
|1692||Shankarji Narayan captured the fort from the Mughals.|
|1697||Chatrapati Rajaram Maharaj returned to Maharashtra and made Rajgad his new capital|
|1701||4 August||Shahaji Mohite was made the havaldar of Padmavati Machi|
|1704||18 February||The fort was handed over to Aurangzeb as part of a treaty. The fort was renamed to Nabishahagad.
SarSenapti Sidojirao Thopte and Santaji Shilimkar were killed here by Aurangzeb.
|1707||29 May||Gunaji Sawant captured the fort and The Maratha War of Independence ended.|
|1709||Chhattrapati Shahu made provisions for the repairs of the fort.|
|1818||The Rajgad Fort passed into the hands of the British.|
The fort is a significant tourist destination and is most sought after especially during monsoon. Visitors prefer to stay overnight on the fort considering the fort itself is huge and cannot be explored in a single day. The Padmavati temple on the fort can accommodate around 50 people. Water tanks provide fresh water all throughout the year. Villagers from the foothills of Rajgad sell local antiques and items to these tourists.
|Wikimedia Commons has media related to Rajgad Fort.|

Cuid de Maharashtra
Áras Pune, Maharashtra
Is é an t-úinéir atá ag Rialtas na hIndia.
Is forc cnoc é Rajgad (Marathi) (a chiallaíonn go litriúil Ruling Fort) atá suite i gceantar Pune de Maharashtra, an India. Bhí an daingne ar a dtugtar Murumdev roimhe seo, bhí an daingne ina phríomhchathair ar Impireacht Maratha faoi riail Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj ar feadh beagnach 26 bliain, agus ina dhiaidh sin aistríodh an phríomhchathair go dtí an Raigad Fort. Úsáidtear na haiscí a fuarthas ó fhórsa in aice láimhe ar a dtugtar Torna chun Fort Rajgad a thógáil agus a dhaingniú go hiomlán.
Tá an Fort Rajgad suite timpeall 60 km (37 míle) ó dheas-thuaisceart Pune agus thart ar 15 km (9.3 míle) ó thuaidh de Nasrapur i raon Sahyadris. Tá an daingne 1,376 m (4,514 ft) os cionn leibhéal na farraige. Bhí trastomhas bun an chalafort thart ar 40 km (25 míle) rud a rinne sé deacair léigear a leagan air, rud a chuir leis an luach straitéiseach. Is éard atá i scriosanna an chalafort palaces, cisterns uisce, agus uaimh. Tógadh an daingne seo ar chnoc ar a dtugtar Murumbadevi Dongar (Sléibhe na Banríona Murumba). Tá Rajgad ag bródú ar an líon is airde laethanta a d'fhan Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj ar aon daingne.
Tá an daingne ina fhiúntas ar go leor imeachtaí suntasacha stairiúla lena n-áirítear breith mhac Chhatrapati Shivaji "Rajaram Chhatrapati", bás banríon Saibai Shivaji, filleadh Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj ó Agra, adhlacadh ceann Afzal Khan i mballaí Mahadarwaja Balle Killa, focail dhian Sonopant Dabir do Shivaji Maharaj.
Bhí an Fort Rajgad ar cheann de na 17 fort a choinnigh Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj nuair a shínigh sé Conradh Purandar i 1665, leis an gcathaoirleach Mughal Jai Singh I, ceannaire na fórsaí Mughal. Faoi an conradh seo, tugadh 23 daingne ar na Mughals.
Liosta de na himeachtaí Crua-eolaíoch
 1490  Ahmed Bahiri  Nizamshah  glacadh leis an daingne
♬ 1626 ♬ Sa troid dheireanach Nizam, Adilshah glacadh leis an daingne ♬
♬ 1630 ♬ Sasuke ♬ An daingne a bhí athghabháil ag Nizamshah le cabhair ó Shahaji ♬
 1642
 1647  Chatrapati Shivaji Maharaj a ghabh an daingne
 1649
 1654                                                                                Cuireadh tús le tógáil ar dhaingneachtaí agus ar fhoirgnimh nua.
 1658   14 Eanáir   Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj ar ais go Rajgad tar éis a conquer Thuaisceart Konkan.
1659
 1659
 1660
1661
 1662
1664
1665
1665
1670   24 Feabhra
1671
 1689
1692 Shankarji Narayan ghlac an daingne ó na Mughals.
1697 Chatrapati Rajaram Maharaj ar ais go Maharashtra agus rinne Rajgad a phríomhchathair
♬1701 ♬adhair ♬4 Lúnasa ♬Shahaji Mohite a rinneadh an havaldar Padmavati Machi ♬
1704 Cad a tharla 18 Feabhra Cad a tharla tugadh an daingne ar Aurangzeb mar chuid de chonradh. Athrúadh an daingne go Nabishahagad.
Maraíodh SarSenapti Sidojirao Thopte agus Santaji Shilimkar anseo ag Aurangzeb.
1707
♬1709 Padhe Chhattrapati Shahu rinne forálacha le haghaidh an daingne a dheisiú.
1818 Bhuaigh an Rajgad Fort i lámha na Breataine.
Is ceann scríbe turasóireachta suntasach é an daingne agus tá an-éileamh air go háirithe le linn na monsoon. Is fearr le cuairteoirí fanacht thar oíche ar an gcinntí ag smaoineamh go bhfuil an cinntí féin ollmhór agus nach féidir é a iniúchadh in aon lá amháin. Is féidir leis an teampall Padmavati ar an daingne freastal ar thart ar 50 duine. Soláthraíonn tobac uisce uisce úr ar feadh na bliana. Díolann sráidbhaileoirí ó chnoic Rajgad sean-earraí agus earraí áitiúla leis na turasóirí seo.
Tá meáin ag Wikimedia Commons a bhaineann le Rajgad Fort.


As any speech pathologist knows, reaching for items is a huge milestone. Little babies are trying to tell you they really want something and this is how they can communicate. It is the beginnings of requesting via “Mine”, “Gimme”, or “I want”. Soon your child will start reaching toward desired objects with an open hand and as their fine motor skills become more sophisticated they will start pointing to specific items with their index finger. Here are some tips on getting your child to reach:
1) Start off with something simple – your face! If you hold them in front of your face they are beyond motivated to see how their family members eyes, nose, ears, etc. feel. As they touch your face, make sure you label the body parts. It’s also never too early to discuss “nice touch”.
2) At this point your little one probably has some “favorite” toys. For example, one of Roman’s most favorite toys right now is his Oball. You can withhold an item in front of your child so that you can create the opportunity for them to reach. If they are not yet reaching by themselves, you can physically prompt their arm to reach out for the item.
3) You can also give options. Hold out two choices for your child to get them used to picking between items. Put one in each hand and see what they go for – it’s also a great way to take an inventory of what their favorite toys are. And once again physically prompt their arm to reach, encourages this very important communication skill!
4) Placing them on their backs in their activity gym or changing table with motivating items hanging above them is also a great way to encourage reaching. Roman especially loves when you hang the links from up above. You can make items go side to side or up and down to encourage you kids. And if you want to go to the next level, feel free to hold items in front of them during tummy time to see if they can begin to shift their weight and reach for items in front of them.

Mar a fhios ag aon phaiteolaí cainte, is mór an t-iarracht é teacht ar rudaí. Tá leanaí beaga ag iarraidh a insint duit go bhfuil siad ag iarraidh rud éigin i ndáiríre agus is é seo an bealach is féidir leo cumarsáid a dhéanamh. Is é an tús a iarraidh trí Mine, Gimme, nó I want. Go luath, beidh do leanbh ag tosú ag teacht i dtreo rudaí atá ag teastáil le lámh oscailte agus de réir mar a thiocfaidh a scileanna mótair bheaga chun cinn beidh sé ag tosú ag pointeáil ar earraí ar leith lena mhéar táscaire. Seo roinnt leideanna maidir le do leanbh a chur i dteagmháil:
1) Tosaigh le rud simplí - do ghné! Má choinníonn tú iad os comhair do aghaidh tá siad thar spreagadh a fheiceáil conas a gcuid baill teaghlaigh súile, srón, cluasa, etc. mothú. Agus iad ag teagmháil le do aghaidh, déan cinnte go lipéadóidh tú na codanna comhlacht. Ní bhíonn sé ró-luath riamh freisin " nice touch " a phlé.
2) Is dócha go bhfuil roinnt bréagán 'is fearr leat' ag do pháiste ag an bpointe seo. Mar shampla, tá ceann de na bréagáin is fearr le Roman anois ina Oball. Is féidir leat rud a cheilt os comhair do pháiste ionas gur féidir leat an deis a chruthú dóibh teacht air. Mura bhfuil siad ag teacht amach go fóill, is féidir leat a lámh a spreagadh go fisiciúil chun an rud a bhaint amach.
3) Is féidir leat roghanna a thabhairt freisin. Cuir dhá rogha ar fáil do do pháiste chun iad a chur in oiriúint do roghnú idir earraí. Cuir ceann i ngach lámh agus féach cad a théann siad le haghaidh  is bealach iontach é freisin chun fardal a dhéanamh ar a gcuid bréagáin is fearr leo. Agus arís eile a spreagadh go fisiciúil a lámh a bhaint amach, spreagann an scileanna cumarsáide an-tábhachtach!
4) Is bealach iontach é iad a chur ar a gcúl ina seomra aclaíochta nó ag an tábla athraithe le rudaí spreagúla ag crochadh os a gcionn chun a bhaint amach. Is breá le Roman go háirithe nuair a bhíonn na naisc ag crochadh óna bharr. Is féidir leat rudaí a chur ar aghaidh ó thaobh go taobh nó suas agus síos chun tú a spreagadh. Agus más mian leat dul go dtí an chéad leibhéal eile, bíodh spraoi agat rudaí a choinneáil os a chomhair le linn ama bolg chun a fheiceáil an féidir leo tosú ag athrú a meáchan agus teacht ar rudaí os a chomhair.


Hold a Science Fair for YOUR Scouts
Compete OR Volunteer for Community Service for Badges
As a former GSA troop committee member and an Eagle mother, the importance of Scouting to our region�s youth is profoundly clear to me. As director of the Tri Region Science and Engineering Fair, I hope we can use it to celebrate the achievements of your Scouts.
Please please visit our website and see how your young people can use the TRSEF to expand upon the learning they�ve done! If your Scouts have done a BSA amateur radio badge. they may have what they need to create a poster presentation for the upcoming TRSEF March 20-21, 2010. As a poster presenter, students in grades 5-12 are interviewed by at least four individual judges � and learn about science fair research opportunities in science, technology, engineering and mathematics.
Note: Other Scouts may come as volunteers that day for community service requirements. We provide documentation for all of our volunteers, if requested. BTW, the chaperones are invited to serve as judges, so they can be part of the fun as well.
Please feel free to email me with any questions.
Mary Eileen Wood, Director
Tri Region Science and Engineering Fair
604 Walberta Road, Syracuse NY 13219
Note: The TRSEF serves 27 counties... there are other regionals in our state. All of them are listed by the International Science and Engineering Fair at http://www.societyforscience.org/isef/students/aff_fairsearch.asp
STEM � The TRSEF uses the Federal acronym for science, technology, engineering and mathematics.

Seol Taispeántas Eolaíochta do do Scouts
Iomaíocht nó Deonach do Sheirbhís Pobail le haghaidh Íomhánna
Mar iar-chomhalta coiste tropa GSA agus máthair Éagla, tá tábhacht na Scouting do óige ár réigiúin soiléir go domhain domsa. Mar stiúrthóir ar an gComhdháil Eolaíochta agus Innealtóireachta Tri Réigiún, tá súil agam gur féidir linn é a úsáid chun éachtaí do Scouts a cheiliúradh.
Tabhair cuairt ar ár suíomh gréasáin agus féach conas is féidir le do dhaoine óga an TRSEF a úsáid chun an t-eolas atá déanta acu a leathnú! Má tá do Scouts déanta BSA léarscáil raidió amaitéarach. d'fhéadfadh go mbeadh an méid is gá acu chun cur i láthair póstaer a chruthú don TRSEF atá le teacht an 20-21 Márta, 2010. Mar thairiscintí póstair, déanann ceithre bhreithimh aonair agallamh le mic léinn i ngrádaí 5-12 agus foghlaimíonn siad faoi dheiseanna taighde fionnachtana eolaíochta i eolaíocht, teicneolaíocht, innealtóireacht agus matamaitice.
Nóta: D'fhéadfadh Scouts eile teacht mar dheonach an lá sin le haghaidh riachtanais seirbhíse pobail. Soláthraímid doiciméadú do gach saoránach, má iarrtar air. BTW, tá na chaperones cuireadh a sheirbheáil mar bhreithiúna, ionas gur féidir leo a bheith mar chuid den spraoi chomh maith.
Bíodh spraoi agat ríomhphost a chur chugam le haon cheist.
Mary Eileen Wood, Stiúrthóir
Taispeántas Eolaíochta agus Innealtóireachta Réigiún na Tríonóide
604 Sráid Walberta, Syracuse NY 13219
Tabhair faoi deara: Tá 27 chontae ag freastal ar an TRSEF... tá réigiúnacha eile inár stát. Tá siad go léir liostaithe ag an gComhfharsaíocht Idirnáisiúnta Eolaíochta agus Innealtóireachta ag http://www.societyforscience.org/isef/students/aff_fairsearch.asp
STEM Úsáideann an TRSEF an t-acrainm Chónaidhme do eolaíocht, teicneolaíocht, innealtóireacht agus matamaitic.


Introduction to Interior Angles: What Are They?
Interior angles are those angles found between two sides of a polygon when two adjacent lines or line segments within the polygon form one large angle. The sum of all interior angles within a polygon adds up to 360 degrees for a triangle and 540 for a pentagon.
In general, interior angles are used in geometry problems to figure out the number of sides a particular shape may have or its measure in terms of length. It is typical for any closed figure with straight line segments as its sides to contain at least one set of internal angles. When you add the exterior angle (the single angle outside) together with the interior ones, it always adds up to 360° – they are complementary to each other since they “complete” our full rotation around the shape back to the starting point.
Using interior angles can help us determine properties of shapes such as size and structure, allowing us to explore geometry in much greater depth and detail than ever before. For example, if we know that an interior angle measures 150° then we can calculate that this shape has three sides since 150 x 3 = 450 which is equal to 360° (we also know it is not a triangle because an internal angle cannot be larger than 180°). Since these principles are essential for math and physics related studies, understanding what an interior angle is and how it should be measured can benefit any student at some point in their study curriculum.
How to Calculate the Measure of a Single Angle
Calculating the measure of a single angle is an important skill to have when working in geometry and trigonometry. To calculate the measure of a single angle, you will need to first identify the type of triangle it is contained within, then use the appropriate formula to find its measure.
To begin, identify if the angle is contained within one of three types of triangles: an acute triangle, an obtuse triangle, or a right triangle. An acute triangle has all three angles that are less than 90 degrees; an obtuse triangle has one angle greater than 90 degrees; and a right triangle has one angle that equals exactly 90 degrees. This step is very important as using the wrong formula could provide inaccurate results.
Once you know what type of triangle your angle occupies, use the following formulas to find its measure:
Acute Triangle – Add all 3 angles together (A+ B+ C) and subtract this total from 180°. The answer you receive will be your desired angle (X).
e.g A +B +C = 180° – X
Obtuse Triangle – If two angles are known you can add their totals together (A+B) subtract from 180° and subtract this total from 360° providing your desired angle (X).
e.g A +B =180 – 360 = X
Right Triangle – When dealing with a right angled-triangle measuring an angle is easy since all other angles must equal 90° so simply take away 450 which will give you your X.
e.g A +B =90 – 450 = X
Using either method should enable you to easily calculate the measures for any single angle when given other relevant information about its containing triangle!
Steps for Finding the Measure of Each Interior Angle
Finding the measure of each interior angle of a regular polygon (a 2D shape with sides of equal length and angles of equal measure) is quite simple once you understand the equation involved. The equation to calculate the measure of each interior angle in a regular polygon is:
Angle = (n-2)(180/n)
Where n represents the number of sides in your shape. Below are a few steps for finding the measure of each interior angle by using this equation:
Step 1: Count and record the number of sides your shape has, referring to it as ‘n’. For example, if your shape is a pentagon, ‘n’ would be 5.
Step 2: Multiply ‘n’ by 180. For example, if your shape is still a pentagon, you would multiply 5 x 180 = 900.
Step 3: Subtract two from ‘n’ and then divide it into the answer from Step 2. You should now have an answer that looks like this: (n-2)(180/n). Using our original example with an n value of 5, this would look like (5-2)(180/5). Solving this gives us an answer of 108 degrees – which is indeed the measure for each interior angle in a pentagon!
This same process can be repeated for any regular polygon – follow these steps to find out how many degrees are in each internal angle for equilateral triangles, squares and octagons too!
FAQs About Finding the Measure of Each Interior Angle
What is the measure of an interior angle?
The measure of an interior angle is the sum of the measures of its complementary exterior angles. To find this, you’ll have to know either the number of sides in the polygon or the degree measure of one exterior angle.
How do I find the measure of an interior angle if I don’t know any other angle measurements?
If you don’t know any other angle measurements, you will need to count each side in order to calculate all angles within that polygon. The formula for calculating an interior angle in a regular polygon is (n − 2)180/n , where n represents the number of sides. For example, in a pentagon there are five sides, so me would use (5-2)180/5 = 108° as our formula for finding each internal angles’ degree measure.
How can I find out how many sides a shape has when I’m given just the interior angles?
If you are only given the interior angles and not any other information about a shape then it can be difficult to determine exactly how many sides it has – since each individual set will form different kinds of polygons. Generally speaking though, if you have three consecutive angles measuring 60° degrees each then you likely have a triangle; four consecutive angles measuring 90° means you most likely have a square; five consecutive angles measuring 72° likely mean you have a pentagon; six consectutive angles measuring 120° likely mean that your shape is actually hexagonal and so forth. It’s important to note though that not all shapes follow this pattern – some triangles may not add up to 180 degrees while some 3 sided figures may be arranged with unevenly sized intervals between their individual corners. If this happens then it may indicate that each corner forms its own unique shape and isn’t apart from one another – therefore making it impossible to determine directly how many sides are present just by looking at its internal measurements alone.
Top 5 Facts About Interior Angles
1. Interior angles are the angles inside a polygon that meet at one vertex.
2. An interior angle is usually equal in measure to its corresponding exterior angle. For example, if an exterior angle measures 30º, then the interior opposite to it will be also 30º, creating a straight line with 60º between them.
3.If all sides of a polygon have equal length, then all of its interior angles are also equal in measure. This makes regular polygons particularly easy to identify due to their even shape and angles.
4.In any triangle (a three-sided polygon), the sum of the three angles must always add up to 180° degrees; therefore, each triangle has three different types of angles: one acute angle (less than 90° degrees), one obtuse angle (more than 90° degrees) and one right angle (exactly 90° degrees). The other two internal angles in a triangle both measure less than 90° as acute angles so their sum equals 180° degrees total for the entire triangle’s interior angles’ measures..
5. In more complex shapes with more than four sides like pentagons, hexagons and nonagons -all of which have five, six or nine sides respectively- figuring out exactly what type of angles those making up its interior contain requires solving equations based on facts such as number of sides and total sum of measurements.. From here we can then determine which type(s) of shapes make up each individual interior angle like scalene versus isosceles triangles depending on the situation at hand!
In conclusion, a blog is a powerful tool that has the potential to reach a large audience. It can be used to communicate ideas, stories and advice or showcase content such as photographs and videos. It offers a platform for discussion, debate and publicity in all areas of life.
Blogging is an effective way to stand out from the competition. It allows businesses, individuals and organisations to share their experiences and knowledge with others on the internet and create unique content that resonates with readers across the globe. Building relationships with readers will also help build customer loyalty and attract new customers.
By taking advantage of blogging’s powerful capabilities, you can make your voice heard, develop powerful relationships with your readers, and increase your brand awareness as well as drive sales. All these features mean blogging is definitely worth considering for aspiring entrepreneurs looking to disseminate ideas or promote their business objectives.

Tús le hÁngall Inmheánach: Cad iad?
Is iad na bealaí inmheánacha na bealaí sin a fhaightear idir dhá thaobh de ilchloch nuair a bhíonn dhá líne nó dhá chuid líne in aice leis an ilchloch ina gceantar mór. Is é suim na n-uillinneacha inmheánacha go léir laistigh de ilchloch 360 céim i gcás triantán agus 540 i gcás cúigchloch.
Go ginearálta, úsáidtear uillinneacha inmheánacha i bhfreagraí geoimeatraíochta chun líon na mball a d'fhéadfadh a bheith ag cruth áirithe nó a thomhas i dtéarmaí fad a fháil amach. Tá sé tipiciúil do aon fhigiúr dúnta le codanna líne dhíreach mar a thaobh sraitheanna a bheith ina sraith amháin ar a laghad de uillinneacha inmheánacha. Nuair a chuirtear an uillinn sheachtrach (an uillinn aonair lasmuigh) le chéile leis na cinn istigh, cuirtear suas 360° i gcónaí  tá siad comhlántacha lena chéile ós rud é go chuimsíonn siad ár rothlú iomlán timpeall an fhoirm ar ais go dtí an pointe tosaigh.
Ag baint úsáide as uillinneacha inmheánacha is féidir linn a chinneadh airíonna na gcruthanna mar mhéid agus struchtúr, ag ligean dúinn chun iniúchadh a dhéanamh ar gheoiméide i bhfad níos doimhne agus mionsonraithe ná riamh roimhe. Mar shampla, má tá a fhios againn go bhfuil uillinn inmheánach 150° ansin is féidir linn a ríomh go bhfuil trí thaobh ag an gcruth seo ó tá 150 x 3 = 450 atá comhionann le 360° (tá a fhios againn freisin nach triantán é toisc nach féidir le uillinn inmheánach a bheith níos mó ná 180°). Ós rud é go bhfuil na prionsabail seo riachtanach do staidéir a bhaineann le matamaitic agus fisice, is féidir le tuiscint a fháil ar cad é an uillinn inmheánach agus conas ba chóir é a thomhas tairbhe a bhaint as aon mhac léinn ag pointe éigin ina gcuraclam staidéir.
Conas a ríomh ar an tomhas de uillinn amháin
Is scileanna tábhachtacha iad tomhas uillinn amháin a ríomh nuair a bhíonn siad ag obair i geometry agus trigonometry. Chun tomhas uillinn amháin a ríomh, ní mór duit an cineál triantán atá sa triantán a aithint ar dtús, agus ansin an fhoirmle cuí a úsáid chun a thomhas a fháil.
Chun tús a chur leis, aithníonn tú an bhfuil an t-uillinn laistigh de cheann de thrí chineál triantán: triantán géar, triantán obtuse, nó triantán ceart. Tá na trí uillinn géar ag gach ceann de na trí uillinn atá níos lú ná 90 céim; tá uillinn obtuse uillinn amháin níos mó ná 90 céim; agus tá uillinn ceart uillinn amháin atá cothrom go díreach 90 céim. Tá an chéim seo an-tábhachtach mar d'fhéadfadh torthaí míchruinn a bheith mar thoradh ar fhoirmle mícheart a úsáid.
Nuair a bheidh a fhios agat cén cineál triantán a bhfuil an t-uillinn agat, bain úsáid as na foirmlí seo a leanas chun a mhéid a fháil:
Tréarchúil Éasca  Cuir na 3 uillinn go léir le chéile (A + B + C) agus aistarraing an t-iomlán seo ó 180°. Is é an t-fhreagra a gheobhaidh tú an uillinn atá uait (X).
e.g. A + B + C = 180°  X
Tríonagla Obtuse  Má tá dhá uillinn ar eolas agat is féidir leat a n-iomláin a chur le chéile (A + B) a bhaint ó 180 ° agus an t-iomláin seo a bhaint ó 360 ° ag soláthar do uillinn inmhianaithe (X).
e.g. A + B = 180  360 = X
Tríonagall Ceart  Nuair a bhíonn tú ag déileáil le triantán ceart-uillinn tá sé éasca uillinn a thomhas ós rud é go gcaithfidh gach uillinn eile a bheith cothrom le 90 ° mar sin déan 450 a bhaint as a thugann duit do X.
e.g. A + B =90  450 = X
Ba cheart go gcuirfeadh úsáid an dá mhodh ar chumas tú na bearta d'aon uillinn amháin a ríomh go héasca nuair a thugtar faisnéis ábhartha eile faoi thriantán ina bhfuil sé!
Céimeanna chun Méid gach Uillinn Inmheánach a Fháil
Tá sé simplí go leor tomhas gach uillinn inmheánach de ilchloch rialta (tóir 2D le taobhanna ar fad comhionann agus uillinneacha ar tomhas comhionann) a fháil nuair a thuigeann tú an chothromán a bhaineann leis. Is é an chothromóid chun tomhas gach uillinn inmheánach i bpolygon rialta a ríomh ná:
Ceannaigh an t-uisce a bheidh ar an bpáirc.
An áit a léiríonn n líon na taobhanna i do chruth. Seo thíos cúpla céim chun tomhas gach uillinn inmheánach a fháil trí úsáid a bhaint as an chothromóid seo:
Céim 1: Líon agus taifead an líon taobhanna atá ag do chruth, ag tagairt dó mar n. Mar shampla, má tá do chruth ina phéintágón, bheadh n 5.
Céim 2: Déan n a iolrú le 180. Mar shampla, má tá do chruth fós ina phéintágón, bheadh tú a iolrú 5 x 180 = 900.
Céim 3: Bail dhá as n agus ansin roinn é ar an freagra ó chéim 2. Ba chóir go mbeadh freagra agat anois a bhfuil cuma mar seo air: (n-2) ((180/n). Ag úsáid ár sampla bunaidh le luach n de 5, bheadh sé seo cosúil le (5-2) ((180/5). Ag réiteach seo tugann sé freagra 108 céim  atá i ndáiríre an tomhas do gach uillinn inmheánach i bpéintóg!
Is féidir an próiseas céanna a athdhéanamh le haghaidh aon ilchloch rialta  lean na céimeanna seo chun a fháil amach cé mhéad céim atá i ngach uillinn inmheánach do thriantáin chomhlánta, cearnóga agus octagons freisin!
Ceisteanna Coitianta maidir le Méid gach Uillinn Inmheánach a Fháil
Cad é an tomhas de uillinn inmheánach?
Is é tomhas uillinn inmheánach suim na tomhais dá uillinn sheachtracha comhlántacha. Chun é seo a fháil, beidh ort a fhios a bheith agat an líon taobhanna sa ilchloch nó an tomhas céim de cheann de na uillinneacha seachtracha.
Conas a aimsiú mé an méid de uillinn inmheánach má tá mé nach bhfuil a fhios aon méideanna uillinn eile?
Mura bhfuil aon tomhais uillinne eile ar eolas agat, beidh ort gach taobh a chomhaireamh chun na uillinneacha go léir laistigh den ilchloch sin a ríomh. Is é an fhoirmle chun uillinn inmheánach a ríomh i bpolygón rialta ná (n - 2) 180/n , áit a léiríonn n líon na mball. Mar shampla, i pentagon tá cúig thaobh, mar sin ba mhaith liom a úsáid (5-2) 180/5 = 108 ° mar ár bhfoirmle chun teacht ar gach cearnóg inmheánach céim a thomhas.
Conas is féidir liom a fháil amach cé mhéad taobhanna tá cruth nuair a tá mé a thabhairt ach na uillinneacha taobh istigh?
Má thugtar na bealaí inmheánacha duit agus gan aon fhaisnéis eile faoi chruth ansin is féidir go mbeadh sé deacair a chinneadh go díreach cé mhéad taobh a bhfuil aige  ós rud é go gcruthóidh gach tacar aonair cineálacha éagsúla ilchróin. Go ginearálta, áfach, má tá trí uillinn as a chéile ag tomhas 60° gach ceann acu, is dócha go bhfuil triantán agat; is dócha go bhfuil cearnóg agat má tá ceithre uillinn as a chéile ag tomhas 90°; is dócha go bhfuil péintear agat má tá cúig uillinn as a chéile ag tomhas 72°; is dócha go bhfuil sé uillinn as a chéile ag tomhas 120° agus go bhfuil sé i gceist go bhfuil do chruth heicseagónach i ndáiríre agus mar sin de. Tá sé tábhachtach a thabhairt faoi deara, áfach, nach leanann gach cruth an patrún seo - ní fhéadfaidh roinnt triantáin suas le 180 céim a chur le chéile agus d'fhéadfadh roinnt figiúirí 3 thaobh a bheith socraithe le hidirthréimhsí neamhionann idir a gcúigí aonair. Má tharlaíonn sé seo, d'fhéadfadh sé a léiriú go bhfuil a chruth uathúil féin ag gach cearn agus nach bhfuil siad ar leithligh óna chéile, agus dá bhrí sin ní féidir a chinneadh go díreach cé mhéad taobh atá i láthair ach ag féachaint ar a thomhas inmheánach amháin.
Na 5 Fíricí is Fearr faoi Uillinn Inmheánach
1. an t-am a bhí ann. Is iad na ceangail inmheánacha na ceangail laistigh de ilchillinn a bhuaileann ag ceann de na vertices.
2. Seachadadh. De ghnáth bíonn uillinn inmheánach comhionann i méid lena uillinn seachtrach comhfhreagrach. Mar shampla, má dhéantar uillinn sheachtrach 30o a thomhas, ansin beidh an taobh istigh os coinne 30o freisin, ag cruthú líne dhíreach le 60o eatarthu.
3.Má tá fad comhionann ag gach taobh de ilchomhartha, ansin tá a uillinneacha inmheánacha go léir comhionann i méid freisin. Déanann sé seo go bhfuil an-éasca poiligíní rialta a aithint mar gheall ar a gcruth comhionann agus a n-uillinneacha.
4.I aon thriantán (poligún trí thaobh), ní mór suim na dtrí uillinn a bheith 180° i gcónaí; dá bhrí sin, tá trí chineál éagsúla uillinn ag gach triantán: uillinn géar (ag lú ná 90°), uillinn shuntasach (ag níos mó ná 90°) agus uillinn dhíreach (ag 90° go díreach). Déantar an dá uillinn inmheánach eile i dtríthiomán a thomhas níos lú ná 90 ° mar uillinn géar, mar sin tá a n-iomláine comhionann le 180 ° iomlán do thriantán iomlán.
5. Tá an t-am ann. I gcruth níos casta le níos mó ná ceithre thaobh mar phéintágóin, heicseagóin agus nonagóin - a bhfuil cúig, sé nó naoi thaobh acu go léir faoi seach - ag teacht amach go díreach cén cineál uillinneacha a bhfuil na cinn a dhéanann suas a taobh istigh a cheangal ar réitigh chothromanna bunaithe ar fhíorais mar líon na n-uaireanta agus suim iomlán na tomhais .. Ón áit seo is féidir linn a chinneadh cén cineál (í) de chruth a dhéanann suas gach uillinn inmheánach aonair cosúil le triantáin scalene i gcoinne triantáin isosceal ag brath ar an staid atá ar láimh!
Mar fhocal scoir, is uirlis chumhachtach é blag a bhfuil an cumas aige lucht féachana mór a bhaint amach. Is féidir é a úsáid chun smaointe, scéalta agus comhairle a chur in iúl nó chun ábhar mar grianghraif agus físeáin a thaispeáint. Cuireann sé ardán ar fáil le haghaidh plé, díospóireachta agus poiblíochta i ngach réimse den saol.
Is bealach éifeachtach é blogáil chun seasamh amach ón iomaíocht. Ligeann sé do ghnólachtaí, do dhaoine aonair agus d'eagraíochtaí a dtaithí agus a gcuid eolais a roinnt le daoine eile ar an idirlíon agus ábhar uathúil a chruthú a théann i ngleic le léitheoirí ar fud an domhain. Cuideoidh caidreamh a thógáil le léitheoirí freisin le dílseacht chustaiméirí a thógáil agus custaiméirí nua a mhealladh.
Trí leas a bhaint as cumais chumhachtacha an bhlagála, is féidir leat do ghuth a dhéanamh le cloisteáil, caidrimh chumhachtacha a fhorbairt le do léitheoirí, agus feasacht do bhranda a mhéadú chomh maith le díolacháin a thiomáint. Ciallaíonn na gnéithe seo go léir go bhfuil sé fiú smaoineamh ar bhlagáil do fhiontraithe ionchas atá ag iarraidh smaointe a scaipeadh nó a gcuspóirí gnó a chur chun cinn.