The payment plan dispute concerned a borrowed tire.

(meta data) TITLE: Nevada AG candidate Aaron Ford arrested 4 times in 1990s | Las Vegas Review-Journal

# Nevada AG candidate Aaron Ford arrested 4 times in 1990s

Nevada Senate Majority Leader Aaron Ford, the Democratic candidate for attorney general, was arrested four times in Texas in the 1990s for public intoxication, stealing tires and twice for failing to appear in court — once for a speeding ticket and once for a theft charge.

By Ramona Giwargis Las Vegas Review-Journal

Nevada Senate Majority Leader Aaron Ford, the Democratic candidate for attorney general, was arrested four times in Texas in the 1990s for public intoxication, stealing tires and twice for failing to appear in court.

POLICE INCIDENT REPORT; CLICK TO ENLARGE

The longtime senator also was investigated for trespassing into his now ex-girlfriend's home, documents show.

The documents, first obtained by the Las Vegas Review-Journal on Tuesday, detail several years of legal troubles for Ford in his early 20s.

The revelations come a week after the Review-Journal reported that Ford owed more than $185,000 in unpaid taxes, interest and penalties.

Ford on Friday acknowledged making bad decisions in his youth and said he has learned from his mistakes.

"I obviously made some bad decisions, but college kids make bad decisions," he said.

It's part of what makes me so passionate for what I fight for.

I don't want the first 20 years of my life to be the judge of what's happened the last 25 years of my life."

According to records, Texas authorities issued an arrest warrant for Ford in October 1994 after he skipped arraignment on a misdemeanor theft charge.

Ford was arrested in June that year and accused of stealing $20 to $200 worth of tires in Brazos County.

His bail was set for $10,000, documents show.

Ford, 46, was arrested on the warrant in December 1994 and arraigned in February 1995.

The records show Ford eventually made restitution and the case was dismissed.

In 1993, the senator was investigated by the City of College Station Police Department for criminal trespassing after he allegedly entered a Texas woman's home "without her permission."

Ford was not arrested and no criminal charges were filed.

The woman, Stephanie Ybarra, is the mother of Ford's son and reportedly told officers she did not allow him to enter her home, according to an incident report.

The City of College Station denied a public records request for the full report, providing just the first page.

Officials said they withheld the records because the police investigation did not result in a conviction.

Ford also was arrested by Texas A&M University police in 1991 and charged with public intoxication.

He was arrested again the following year when police responded to a "disturbance" at his apartment in Bryan, Texas.

Ford said his college friends were partying before officers responded to the home.

A routine check showed a warrant stemming from Ford's failure to appear for a speeding ticket.

Though Ford's arrests are more than two decades old when he was in his early 20s, political opponents say the information is relevant because Ford is running for attorney general — the state's top law enforcement official.

"Four criminal arrests are a pretty serious revelation for someone running to be Nevada's top law enforcement officer," said John Vick, campaign manager for Ford's Republican opponent Wes Duncan.

Contact Ramona Giwargis at rgiwargis@reviewjournal.com or 702-380-4538.

Aaron Ford theft by Mark Davis on Scribd

Aaron Ford Speeding by Mark Davis on Scribd

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Ford was born and raised in Dallas, Texas. He is the oldest of three sons from a working-class family where money was tight. Ford earned a scholarship and received his undergraduate degree from Texas A&M University in 1994. He was the first in his family to graduate from college. He earned a master's degree from George Washington University. He studied international education at George Washington University while teaching at a local high school. He also has a master's, juris doctor, and doctorate degree from Ohio State University.
 In January 1991 Ford was arrested and charged with public intoxication on his college campus. He was arrested a second time. The arrest was as a result of a payment plan dispute.


(meta data) TITLE: John Tyler: Domestic Affairs | Miller Center

John Tyler's very first presidential decision was his wisest and most far-reaching.

He waved off all talk of his being a "temporary" President, claimed that the Constitution gave him the full and unqualified powers of the office, and had himself sworn in immediately.

Though he drew wide criticism for this, it was by far his greatest contribution to the nation.

His assertion set a critical precedent and paved the way for future orderly transfers of power after the deaths of Presidents Taylor, Lincoln, McKinley, Franklin Roosevelt, and Kennedy.

Enemies might sneer at Tyler as "His Accidency," supposed Whig allies might snarl at his usurpation, letters might flood the White House addressed to "Acting President Tyler"—all were returned unopened—but his famous stubborn streak held firm.

His second decision was as ill-advised as his first had been inspired.

Fearful of appearing disrespectful to Harrison, Tyler retained the dead man's entire cabinet, including several jealous Whigs who openly seethed at Tyler's takeover.

The party's real leader, Henry Clay, had been the power behind the Harrison throne, and Clay assumed Tyler would allow the same.

When he told Tyler that Harrison had let major policy decisions be resolved by cabinet vote, Tyler would have none of it and offered to accept the resignations of any secretaries who couldn't accept his leadership.

"I, as president, shall be responsible for my administration," he told the cabinet.

When you think otherwise, your resignation will be accepted."

Clay, who had unsuccessfully sought the presidency on several occasions, was furious.

The new President had no allies in the cabinet.

Within weeks, relations between Congress and the President had descended to mutual loathing.

Tyler called a special session of Congress.

A bill resurrecting the Bank of the United States—the same national bank that had been dismantled by Jackson—was sent to Tyler's desk.

While the President had little love for Jackson or his beliefs, Tyler considered the bill unconstitutional.

Clinging to his cherished states' rights doctrine, he questioned the right of a federal government to operate such an institution in a state that might not want it there.

The cabinet urged him to sign it, but Tyler used his power of veto.

Congress passed another bill with language they hoped would appease the President, but Tyler vetoed it as well.

Except for Secretary of State Daniel Webster, the entire cabinet resigned in protest.

Enraged Whig leaders denounced the President as a traitor and expelled him from the party two days later in a declaration published in newspapers throughout the nation.

The Whigs demanded that he resign, to be succeeded by the Whig President Pro Tem of the Senate under existing succession law.

#### Exercising His Constitutional Powers

Conservative Democrats were pressed into service to take over the cabinet, but they came and went with distressing frequency.

The second year of Tyler's presidency was as rocky as the first.

Congress passed two bills calling for higher tariffs; he vetoed them both.

His old party, the Whigs, began impeachment proceedings even after Tyler signed a tariff bill worded to his liking.

Vindictive and purely political, the impeachment proposal was bottled up in Congress, though Tyler was censured by a select committee dominated by Whigs.

Ironically, Tyler demonstrated that a President without popular or party support could exercise Jacksonian types of exclusive powers and privileges.

The Whigs could not get their national bank, their high tariff, or their distribution bill to give the proceeds of the sale of public lands to the states for internal improvements.

Henry Clay proposed a constitutional amendment so that Congress could override the President's vetoes by a majority vote.

Neither this amendment nor proposals to impeach Tyler could pass Congress.

Tyler could not set domestic policy, but he demonstrated that a President willing to exercise his constitutional powers could block a congressional majority from doing so as well.

Amidst these troubles in his administration, Tyler had to deal with personal tragedies as well.

His wife, Letitia, had been ill for some time, and in September of 1842, she died from a stroke.

After just five months, he began courting the most beautiful and sought-after socialite in Washington, D.C., Julia Gardiner.

Julia was twenty-two, thirty years the President's junior and younger than some of his seven children; the match distressed several of them.

The difference between their ages and the unusual circumstances in which they met (see First Lady section for details), fueled the capital press for some time.

Texas had declared its independence from Mexico five years before Tyler came to power.

The President hoped to draw support for a new political party that he was attempting to form by leading a drive to annex Texas and make it a state.

Mexico, however, still considered Texas its own and threatened war if the United States interfered.

Also troubling to many Americans was the prospect of yet another slave state upsetting the sectional balance in Congress.

But Tyler—slave owner, states' rights champion, and man without a party—saw Texas as his ticket back to political respectability.

His new party, the Democratic Republicans, used "Tyler and Texas!" as their slogan.

The President, however, made a serious tactical error that ruined the scheme.

In 1844, for his new secretary of state, he appointed John C. Calhoun, the South Carolina firebrand who had led his state's secession movement over the tariff question during the Jackson years.

Since Texas was still another nation, negotiations to secure its statehood fell to Calhoun, and his blatant proslavery views made abolitionists uneasy.

His message to Congress contained a long, eloquent defense of slavery.

Martin Van Buren, eager to avenge his loss to "Tippecanoe and Tyler Too," deployed his patented skills at backstage political maneuvering to doom the annexation treaty.

The proposal for statehood failed to pass in the Senate, even with Andrew Jackson's vocal support.

Tyler was determined to make the Texas question the focus of his reelection bid and submitted a joint resolution that needed only a majority vote in the House and Senate, which it got.

Tyler signed the Texas statehood bill into law on the first day of March 1845, just three days before leaving office.

Congress relished directing a final insult at the President.

On Tyler's last day in office, it overrode his veto of a minor bill to fund some small ships for the government.

It was the first override of a presidential veto in American history.

Secretary of State.:Appointment and the Annexation of Texas.

When Harrison died in 1841 after a month in office, Vice President John Tyler succeeded him.


(meta data) TITLE: John Tyler: Domestic Affairs | Miller Center

John Tyler's very first presidential decision was his wisest and most far-reaching.

He waved off all talk of his being a "temporary" President, claimed that the Constitution gave him the full and unqualified powers of the office, and had himself sworn in immediately.

Though he drew wide criticism for this, it was by far his greatest contribution to the nation.

His assertion set a critical precedent and paved the way for future orderly transfers of power after the deaths of Presidents Taylor, Lincoln, McKinley, Franklin Roosevelt, and Kennedy.

Enemies might sneer at Tyler as "His Accidency," supposed Whig allies might snarl at his usurpation, letters might flood the White House addressed to "Acting President Tyler"—all were returned unopened—but his famous stubborn streak held firm.

His second decision was as ill-advised as his first had been inspired.

Fearful of appearing disrespectful to Harrison, Tyler retained the dead man's entire cabinet, including several jealous Whigs who openly seethed at Tyler's takeover.

The party's real leader, Henry Clay, had been the power behind the Harrison throne, and Clay assumed Tyler would allow the same.

When he told Tyler that Harrison had let major policy decisions be resolved by cabinet vote, Tyler would have none of it and offered to accept the resignations of any secretaries who couldn't accept his leadership.

"I, as president, shall be responsible for my administration," he told the cabinet.

When you think otherwise, your resignation will be accepted."

Clay, who had unsuccessfully sought the presidency on several occasions, was furious.

The new President had no allies in the cabinet.

Within weeks, relations between Congress and the President had descended to mutual loathing.

Tyler called a special session of Congress.

A bill resurrecting the Bank of the United States—the same national bank that had been dismantled by Jackson—was sent to Tyler's desk.

While the President had little love for Jackson or his beliefs, Tyler considered the bill unconstitutional.

Clinging to his cherished states' rights doctrine, he questioned the right of a federal government to operate such an institution in a state that might not want it there.

The cabinet urged him to sign it, but Tyler used his power of veto.

Congress passed another bill with language they hoped would appease the President, but Tyler vetoed it as well.

Except for Secretary of State Daniel Webster, the entire cabinet resigned in protest.

Enraged Whig leaders denounced the President as a traitor and expelled him from the party two days later in a declaration published in newspapers throughout the nation.

The Whigs demanded that he resign, to be succeeded by the Whig President Pro Tem of the Senate under existing succession law.

#### Exercising His Constitutional Powers

Conservative Democrats were pressed into service to take over the cabinet, but they came and went with distressing frequency.

The second year of Tyler's presidency was as rocky as the first.

Congress passed two bills calling for higher tariffs; he vetoed them both.

His old party, the Whigs, began impeachment proceedings even after Tyler signed a tariff bill worded to his liking.

Vindictive and purely political, the impeachment proposal was bottled up in Congress, though Tyler was censured by a select committee dominated by Whigs.

Ironically, Tyler demonstrated that a President without popular or party support could exercise Jacksonian types of exclusive powers and privileges.

The Whigs could not get their national bank, their high tariff, or their distribution bill to give the proceeds of the sale of public lands to the states for internal improvements.

Henry Clay proposed a constitutional amendment so that Congress could override the President's vetoes by a majority vote.

Neither this amendment nor proposals to impeach Tyler could pass Congress.

Tyler could not set domestic policy, but he demonstrated that a President willing to exercise his constitutional powers could block a congressional majority from doing so as well.

Amidst these troubles in his administration, Tyler had to deal with personal tragedies as well.

His wife, Letitia, had been ill for some time, and in September of 1842, she died from a stroke.

After just five months, he began courting the most beautiful and sought-after socialite in Washington, D.C., Julia Gardiner.

Julia was twenty-two, thirty years the President's junior and younger than some of his seven children; the match distressed several of them.

The difference between their ages and the unusual circumstances in which they met (see First Lady section for details), fueled the capital press for some time.

Texas had declared its independence from Mexico five years before Tyler came to power.

The President hoped to draw support for a new political party that he was attempting to form by leading a drive to annex Texas and make it a state.

Mexico, however, still considered Texas its own and threatened war if the United States interfered.

Also troubling to many Americans was the prospect of yet another slave state upsetting the sectional balance in Congress.

But Tyler—slave owner, states' rights champion, and man without a party—saw Texas as his ticket back to political respectability.

His new party, the Democratic Republicans, used "Tyler and Texas!" as their slogan.

The President, however, made a serious tactical error that ruined the scheme.

In 1844, for his new secretary of state, he appointed John C. Calhoun, the South Carolina firebrand who had led his state's secession movement over the tariff question during the Jackson years.

Since Texas was still another nation, negotiations to secure its statehood fell to Calhoun, and his blatant proslavery views made abolitionists uneasy.

His message to Congress contained a long, eloquent defense of slavery.

Martin Van Buren, eager to avenge his loss to "Tippecanoe and Tyler Too," deployed his patented skills at backstage political maneuvering to doom the annexation treaty.

The proposal for statehood failed to pass in the Senate, even with Andrew Jackson's vocal support.

Tyler was determined to make the Texas question the focus of his reelection bid and submitted a joint resolution that needed only a majority vote in the House and Senate, which it got.

Tyler signed the Texas statehood bill into law on the first day of March 1845, just three days before leaving office.

Congress relished directing a final insult at the President.

On Tyler's last day in office, it overrode his veto of a minor bill to fund some small ships for the government.

It was the first override of a presidential veto in American history.

When Harrison died in 1841 after a month in office, Vice President John Tyler succeeded him. Tyler was a former Democrat.


Tyler vetoed bills passed by the Whig congressional majority.

(meta data) TITLE: John Tyler: Domestic Affairs | Miller Center

John Tyler's very first presidential decision was his wisest and most far-reaching.

He waved off all talk of his being a "temporary" President, claimed that the Constitution gave him the full and unqualified powers of the office, and had himself sworn in immediately.

Though he drew wide criticism for this, it was by far his greatest contribution to the nation.

His assertion set a critical precedent and paved the way for future orderly transfers of power after the deaths of Presidents Taylor, Lincoln, McKinley, Franklin Roosevelt, and Kennedy.

Enemies might sneer at Tyler as "His Accidency," supposed Whig allies might snarl at his usurpation, letters might flood the White House addressed to "Acting President Tyler"—all were returned unopened—but his famous stubborn streak held firm.

His second decision was as ill-advised as his first had been inspired.

Fearful of appearing disrespectful to Harrison, Tyler retained the dead man's entire cabinet, including several jealous Whigs who openly seethed at Tyler's takeover.

The party's real leader, Henry Clay, had been the power behind the Harrison throne, and Clay assumed Tyler would allow the same.

When he told Tyler that Harrison had let major policy decisions be resolved by cabinet vote, Tyler would have none of it and offered to accept the resignations of any secretaries who couldn't accept his leadership.

"I, as president, shall be responsible for my administration," he told the cabinet.

When you think otherwise, your resignation will be accepted."

Clay, who had unsuccessfully sought the presidency on several occasions, was furious.

The new President had no allies in the cabinet.

Within weeks, relations between Congress and the President had descended to mutual loathing.

Tyler called a special session of Congress.

A bill resurrecting the Bank of the United States—the same national bank that had been dismantled by Jackson—was sent to Tyler's desk.

While the President had little love for Jackson or his beliefs, Tyler considered the bill unconstitutional.

Clinging to his cherished states' rights doctrine, he questioned the right of a federal government to operate such an institution in a state that might not want it there.

The cabinet urged him to sign it, but Tyler used his power of veto.

Congress passed another bill with language they hoped would appease the President, but Tyler vetoed it as well.

Except for Secretary of State Daniel Webster, the entire cabinet resigned in protest.

Enraged Whig leaders denounced the President as a traitor and expelled him from the party two days later in a declaration published in newspapers throughout the nation.

The Whigs demanded that he resign, to be succeeded by the Whig President Pro Tem of the Senate under existing succession law.

#### Exercising His Constitutional Powers

Conservative Democrats were pressed into service to take over the cabinet, but they came and went with distressing frequency.

The second year of Tyler's presidency was as rocky as the first.

Congress passed two bills calling for higher tariffs; he vetoed them both.

His old party, the Whigs, began impeachment proceedings even after Tyler signed a tariff bill worded to his liking.

Vindictive and purely political, the impeachment proposal was bottled up in Congress, though Tyler was censured by a select committee dominated by Whigs.

Ironically, Tyler demonstrated that a President without popular or party support could exercise Jacksonian types of exclusive powers and privileges.

The Whigs could not get their national bank, their high tariff, or their distribution bill to give the proceeds of the sale of public lands to the states for internal improvements.

Henry Clay proposed a constitutional amendment so that Congress could override the President's vetoes by a majority vote.

Neither this amendment nor proposals to impeach Tyler could pass Congress.

Tyler could not set domestic policy, but he demonstrated that a President willing to exercise his constitutional powers could block a congressional majority from doing so as well.

Amidst these troubles in his administration, Tyler had to deal with personal tragedies as well.

His wife, Letitia, had been ill for some time, and in September of 1842, she died from a stroke.

After just five months, he began courting the most beautiful and sought-after socialite in Washington, D.C., Julia Gardiner.

Julia was twenty-two, thirty years the President's junior and younger than some of his seven children; the match distressed several of them.

The difference between their ages and the unusual circumstances in which they met (see First Lady section for details), fueled the capital press for some time.

Texas had declared its independence from Mexico five years before Tyler came to power.

The President hoped to draw support for a new political party that he was attempting to form by leading a drive to annex Texas and make it a state.

Mexico, however, still considered Texas its own and threatened war if the United States interfered.

Also troubling to many Americans was the prospect of yet another slave state upsetting the sectional balance in Congress.

But Tyler—slave owner, states' rights champion, and man without a party—saw Texas as his ticket back to political respectability.

His new party, the Democratic Republicans, used "Tyler and Texas!" as their slogan.

The President, however, made a serious tactical error that ruined the scheme.

In 1844, for his new secretary of state, he appointed John C. Calhoun, the South Carolina firebrand who had led his state's secession movement over the tariff question during the Jackson years.

Since Texas was still another nation, negotiations to secure its statehood fell to Calhoun, and his blatant proslavery views made abolitionists uneasy.

His message to Congress contained a long, eloquent defense of slavery.

Martin Van Buren, eager to avenge his loss to "Tippecanoe and Tyler Too," deployed his patented skills at backstage political maneuvering to doom the annexation treaty.

The proposal for statehood failed to pass in the Senate, even with Andrew Jackson's vocal support.

Tyler was determined to make the Texas question the focus of his reelection bid and submitted a joint resolution that needed only a majority vote in the House and Senate, which it got.

Tyler signed the Texas statehood bill into law on the first day of March 1845, just three days before leaving office.

Congress relished directing a final insult at the President.

On Tyler's last day in office, it overrode his veto of a minor bill to fund some small ships for the government.

It was the first override of a presidential veto in American history.

When Harrison died in 1841 after a month in office, Vice President John Tyler succeeded him. Tyler was a former Democrat. Tyler was expelled from the Whig Party.


The bills were to reestablish a national bank and raise tariffs.

(meta data) TITLE: John Tyler: Domestic Affairs | Miller Center

John Tyler's very first presidential decision was his wisest and most far-reaching.

He waved off all talk of his being a "temporary" President, claimed that the Constitution gave him the full and unqualified powers of the office, and had himself sworn in immediately.

Though he drew wide criticism for this, it was by far his greatest contribution to the nation.

His assertion set a critical precedent and paved the way for future orderly transfers of power after the deaths of Presidents Taylor, Lincoln, McKinley, Franklin Roosevelt, and Kennedy.

Enemies might sneer at Tyler as "His Accidency," supposed Whig allies might snarl at his usurpation, letters might flood the White House addressed to "Acting President Tyler"—all were returned unopened—but his famous stubborn streak held firm.

His second decision was as ill-advised as his first had been inspired.

Fearful of appearing disrespectful to Harrison, Tyler retained the dead man's entire cabinet, including several jealous Whigs who openly seethed at Tyler's takeover.

The party's real leader, Henry Clay, had been the power behind the Harrison throne, and Clay assumed Tyler would allow the same.

When he told Tyler that Harrison had let major policy decisions be resolved by cabinet vote, Tyler would have none of it and offered to accept the resignations of any secretaries who couldn't accept his leadership.

"I, as president, shall be responsible for my administration," he told the cabinet.

When you think otherwise, your resignation will be accepted."

Clay, who had unsuccessfully sought the presidency on several occasions, was furious.

The new President had no allies in the cabinet.

Within weeks, relations between Congress and the President had descended to mutual loathing.

Tyler called a special session of Congress.

A bill resurrecting the Bank of the United States—the same national bank that had been dismantled by Jackson—was sent to Tyler's desk.

While the President had little love for Jackson or his beliefs, Tyler considered the bill unconstitutional.

Clinging to his cherished states' rights doctrine, he questioned the right of a federal government to operate such an institution in a state that might not want it there.

The cabinet urged him to sign it, but Tyler used his power of veto.

Congress passed another bill with language they hoped would appease the President, but Tyler vetoed it as well.

Except for Secretary of State Daniel Webster, the entire cabinet resigned in protest.

Enraged Whig leaders denounced the President as a traitor and expelled him from the party two days later in a declaration published in newspapers throughout the nation.

The Whigs demanded that he resign, to be succeeded by the Whig President Pro Tem of the Senate under existing succession law.

#### Exercising His Constitutional Powers

Conservative Democrats were pressed into service to take over the cabinet, but they came and went with distressing frequency.

The second year of Tyler's presidency was as rocky as the first.

Congress passed two bills calling for higher tariffs; he vetoed them both.

His old party, the Whigs, began impeachment proceedings even after Tyler signed a tariff bill worded to his liking.

Vindictive and purely political, the impeachment proposal was bottled up in Congress, though Tyler was censured by a select committee dominated by Whigs.

Ironically, Tyler demonstrated that a President without popular or party support could exercise Jacksonian types of exclusive powers and privileges.

The Whigs could not get their national bank, their high tariff, or their distribution bill to give the proceeds of the sale of public lands to the states for internal improvements.

Henry Clay proposed a constitutional amendment so that Congress could override the President's vetoes by a majority vote.

Neither this amendment nor proposals to impeach Tyler could pass Congress.

Tyler could not set domestic policy, but he demonstrated that a President willing to exercise his constitutional powers could block a congressional majority from doing so as well.

Amidst these troubles in his administration, Tyler had to deal with personal tragedies as well.

His wife, Letitia, had been ill for some time, and in September of 1842, she died from a stroke.

After just five months, he began courting the most beautiful and sought-after socialite in Washington, D.C., Julia Gardiner.

Julia was twenty-two, thirty years the President's junior and younger than some of his seven children; the match distressed several of them.

The difference between their ages and the unusual circumstances in which they met (see First Lady section for details), fueled the capital press for some time.

Texas had declared its independence from Mexico five years before Tyler came to power.

The President hoped to draw support for a new political party that he was attempting to form by leading a drive to annex Texas and make it a state.

Mexico, however, still considered Texas its own and threatened war if the United States interfered.

Also troubling to many Americans was the prospect of yet another slave state upsetting the sectional balance in Congress.

But Tyler—slave owner, states' rights champion, and man without a party—saw Texas as his ticket back to political respectability.

His new party, the Democratic Republicans, used "Tyler and Texas!" as their slogan.

The President, however, made a serious tactical error that ruined the scheme.

In 1844, for his new secretary of state, he appointed John C. Calhoun, the South Carolina firebrand who had led his state's secession movement over the tariff question during the Jackson years.

Since Texas was still another nation, negotiations to secure its statehood fell to Calhoun, and his blatant proslavery views made abolitionists uneasy.

His message to Congress contained a long, eloquent defense of slavery.

Martin Van Buren, eager to avenge his loss to "Tippecanoe and Tyler Too," deployed his patented skills at backstage political maneuvering to doom the annexation treaty.

The proposal for statehood failed to pass in the Senate, even with Andrew Jackson's vocal support.

Tyler was determined to make the Texas question the focus of his reelection bid and submitted a joint resolution that needed only a majority vote in the House and Senate, which it got.

Tyler signed the Texas statehood bill into law on the first day of March 1845, just three days before leaving office.

Congress relished directing a final insult at the President.

On Tyler's last day in office, it overrode his veto of a minor bill to fund some small ships for the government.

It was the first override of a presidential veto in American history.

When Harrison died in 1841 after a month in office, Vice President John Tyler succeeded him. Tyler was a former Democrat. Tyler was expelled from the Whig Party. Tyler vetoed bills passed by the Whig congressional majority.


Setting out shortly after Christmas, he met with abbot Hugh of Cluny at Besançon.

(meta data) TITLE: Leo IX (Bruno von Egisheim und Dagsburg), Pope | Saints Resource

HomeSaints IndexSaints MapsSaints of the MonthShop RCL BenzigerTerminology

##### Leo IX (Bruno von Egisheim und Dagsburg), Pope

Pope Leo IX was the first pope who worked for reform in the Church.

He was born in 1002 and given the name Bruno at Baptism.

He was educated at a school for the children of Germany's royal families and taught by the bishop of his diocese.

As a priest, Father Bruno served at the cathedral before being named bishop of Toul.

Twenty years later, Bruno was appointed pope, but he would not accept leadership over the Church until being approved by the priests, bishops, and people of Rome.

After the long journey, Bishop Bruno arrived in the holy city barefoot and dressed as a simple traveler.

He was greeted by cheers at his humble manner and was immediately accepted by everyone as the new Holy Father.

Leo quickly called attention to two issues badly in need of reform: simony, the buying and selling of sacred offices and things; and the practice of priestly celibacy.

Some men had actually paid money to be appointed bishops.

Leo quickly removed these false successors to the Apostles and appointed men who truly had the gifts necessary to lead a diocese.

Other men simply ignored the Church's tradition of priestly celibacy.

Their family responsibilities made it difficult for them to serve their parish or diocese with all their hearts.

Pope Leo did not just write letters or give sermons to announce his reforms.

He traveled to major dioceses to conduct meetings and discuss why the reforms were necessary.

He traveled so much that he was nicknamed the "Apostolic Pilgrim."

Leo also appointed men who believed in the reforms to important Church positions.

Leo knew that the changes he wanted would not be accomplished in his lifetime.

He trusted the men he appointed to carry out the needed reforms and they did.

He died in 1054, and Pope Leo's mission to reform the Church reminds us that we sometimes stray away from living as Jesus wants us to live.

We need help to begin again to live as followers of Christ.

We can receive that help through prayer, through the Sacraments, through the presence of the Holy Spirit, and through the guidance of the leaders of our Church.

Anything in here will be replaced on browsers that support the canvas element

PAUL VI (Giovanni Battista Montini), PopeNazaria Ignacia de Santa Teresa de Jesús, ReligiousNunzio SulprizioFrancesco Spinelli, priestMaria Kasper, ReligiousVincenzo Romano, PriestMarian FeastsRegional Saints

On the death of Pope Damasus II in 1048, Bruno was selected as his successor by an assembly at Worms in December. Both the Emperor and the Roman delegates concurred. However, Bruno apparently favored a canonical election and stipulated as a condition of his acceptance that he should first proceed to Rome and be freely elected by the voice of the clergy and people of Rome.


(meta data) TITLE: Leo IX (Bruno von Egisheim und Dagsburg), Pope | Saints Resource

HomeSaints IndexSaints MapsSaints of the MonthShop RCL BenzigerTerminology

##### Leo IX (Bruno von Egisheim und Dagsburg), Pope

Pope Leo IX was the first pope who worked for reform in the Church.

He was born in 1002 and given the name Bruno at Baptism.

He was educated at a school for the children of Germany's royal families and taught by the bishop of his diocese.

As a priest, Father Bruno served at the cathedral before being named bishop of Toul.

Twenty years later, Bruno was appointed pope, but he would not accept leadership over the Church until being approved by the priests, bishops, and people of Rome.

After the long journey, Bishop Bruno arrived in the holy city barefoot and dressed as a simple traveler.

He was greeted by cheers at his humble manner and was immediately accepted by everyone as the new Holy Father.

Leo quickly called attention to two issues badly in need of reform: simony, the buying and selling of sacred offices and things; and the practice of priestly celibacy.

Some men had actually paid money to be appointed bishops.

Leo quickly removed these false successors to the Apostles and appointed men who truly had the gifts necessary to lead a diocese.

Other men simply ignored the Church's tradition of priestly celibacy.

Their family responsibilities made it difficult for them to serve their parish or diocese with all their hearts.

Pope Leo did not just write letters or give sermons to announce his reforms.

He traveled to major dioceses to conduct meetings and discuss why the reforms were necessary.

He traveled so much that he was nicknamed the "Apostolic Pilgrim."

Leo also appointed men who believed in the reforms to important Church positions.

Leo knew that the changes he wanted would not be accomplished in his lifetime.

He trusted the men he appointed to carry out the needed reforms and they did.

He died in 1054, and Pope Leo's mission to reform the Church reminds us that we sometimes stray away from living as Jesus wants us to live.

We need help to begin again to live as followers of Christ.

We can receive that help through prayer, through the Sacraments, through the presence of the Holy Spirit, and through the guidance of the leaders of our Church.

Anything in here will be replaced on browsers that support the canvas element

PAUL VI (Giovanni Battista Montini), PopeNazaria Ignacia de Santa Teresa de Jesús, ReligiousNunzio SulprizioFrancesco Spinelli, priestMaria Kasper, ReligiousVincenzo Romano, PriestMarian FeastsRegional Saints

On the death of Pope Damasus II in 1048, Bruno was selected as his successor by an assembly at Worms in December. Both the Emperor and the Roman delegates concurred. However, Bruno apparently favored a canonical election and stipulated as a condition of his acceptance that he should first proceed to Rome and be freely elected by the voice of the clergy and people of Rome. Setting out shortly after Christmas, he met with abbot Hugh of Cluny at Besançon.


Hildebrand afterwards became Pope Gregory VII.

(meta data) TITLE: Leo IX (Bruno von Egisheim und Dagsburg), Pope | Saints Resource

HomeSaints IndexSaints MapsSaints of the MonthShop RCL BenzigerTerminology

##### Leo IX (Bruno von Egisheim und Dagsburg), Pope

Pope Leo IX was the first pope who worked for reform in the Church.

He was born in 1002 and given the name Bruno at Baptism.

He was educated at a school for the children of Germany's royal families and taught by the bishop of his diocese.

As a priest, Father Bruno served at the cathedral before being named bishop of Toul.

Twenty years later, Bruno was appointed pope, but he would not accept leadership over the Church until being approved by the priests, bishops, and people of Rome.

After the long journey, Bishop Bruno arrived in the holy city barefoot and dressed as a simple traveler.

He was greeted by cheers at his humble manner and was immediately accepted by everyone as the new Holy Father.

Leo quickly called attention to two issues badly in need of reform: simony, the buying and selling of sacred offices and things; and the practice of priestly celibacy.

Some men had actually paid money to be appointed bishops.

Leo quickly removed these false successors to the Apostles and appointed men who truly had the gifts necessary to lead a diocese.

Other men simply ignored the Church's tradition of priestly celibacy.

Their family responsibilities made it difficult for them to serve their parish or diocese with all their hearts.

Pope Leo did not just write letters or give sermons to announce his reforms.

He traveled to major dioceses to conduct meetings and discuss why the reforms were necessary.

He traveled so much that he was nicknamed the "Apostolic Pilgrim."

Leo also appointed men who believed in the reforms to important Church positions.

Leo knew that the changes he wanted would not be accomplished in his lifetime.

He trusted the men he appointed to carry out the needed reforms and they did.

He died in 1054, and Pope Leo's mission to reform the Church reminds us that we sometimes stray away from living as Jesus wants us to live.

We need help to begin again to live as followers of Christ.

We can receive that help through prayer, through the Sacraments, through the presence of the Holy Spirit, and through the guidance of the leaders of our Church.

Anything in here will be replaced on browsers that support the canvas element

PAUL VI (Giovanni Battista Montini), PopeNazaria Ignacia de Santa Teresa de Jesús, ReligiousNunzio SulprizioFrancesco Spinelli, priestMaria Kasper, ReligiousVincenzo Romano, PriestMarian FeastsRegional Saints

On the death of Pope Damasus II in 1048, Bruno was selected as his successor by an assembly at Worms in December. Both the Emperor and the Roman delegates concurred. However, Bruno apparently favored a canonical election and stipulated as a condition of his acceptance that he should first proceed to Rome and be freely elected by the voice of the clergy and people of Rome. Setting out shortly after Christmas, he met with abbot Hugh of Cluny at Besançon. The young monk Hildebrand joined him.


Arriving in pilgrim garb at Rome in the following February, he was received with much cordiality.

(meta data) TITLE: Leo IX (Bruno von Egisheim und Dagsburg), Pope | Saints Resource

HomeSaints IndexSaints MapsSaints of the MonthShop RCL BenzigerTerminology

##### Leo IX (Bruno von Egisheim und Dagsburg), Pope

Pope Leo IX was the first pope who worked for reform in the Church.

He was born in 1002 and given the name Bruno at Baptism.

He was educated at a school for the children of Germany's royal families and taught by the bishop of his diocese.

As a priest, Father Bruno served at the cathedral before being named bishop of Toul.

Twenty years later, Bruno was appointed pope, but he would not accept leadership over the Church until being approved by the priests, bishops, and people of Rome.

After the long journey, Bishop Bruno arrived in the holy city barefoot and dressed as a simple traveler.

He was greeted by cheers at his humble manner and was immediately accepted by everyone as the new Holy Father.

Leo quickly called attention to two issues badly in need of reform: simony, the buying and selling of sacred offices and things; and the practice of priestly celibacy.

Some men had actually paid money to be appointed bishops.

Leo quickly removed these false successors to the Apostles and appointed men who truly had the gifts necessary to lead a diocese.

Other men simply ignored the Church's tradition of priestly celibacy.

Their family responsibilities made it difficult for them to serve their parish or diocese with all their hearts.

Pope Leo did not just write letters or give sermons to announce his reforms.

He traveled to major dioceses to conduct meetings and discuss why the reforms were necessary.

He traveled so much that he was nicknamed the "Apostolic Pilgrim."

Leo also appointed men who believed in the reforms to important Church positions.

Leo knew that the changes he wanted would not be accomplished in his lifetime.

He trusted the men he appointed to carry out the needed reforms and they did.

He died in 1054, and Pope Leo's mission to reform the Church reminds us that we sometimes stray away from living as Jesus wants us to live.

We need help to begin again to live as followers of Christ.

We can receive that help through prayer, through the Sacraments, through the presence of the Holy Spirit, and through the guidance of the leaders of our Church.

Anything in here will be replaced on browsers that support the canvas element

PAUL VI (Giovanni Battista Montini), PopeNazaria Ignacia de Santa Teresa de Jesús, ReligiousNunzio SulprizioFrancesco Spinelli, priestMaria Kasper, ReligiousVincenzo Romano, PriestMarian FeastsRegional Saints

On the death of Pope Damasus II in 1048, Bruno was selected as his successor by an assembly at Worms in December. Both the Emperor and the Roman delegates concurred. However, Bruno apparently favored a canonical election and stipulated as a condition of his acceptance that he should first proceed to Rome and be freely elected by the voice of the clergy and people of Rome. Setting out shortly after Christmas, he met with abbot Hugh of Cluny at Besançon. The young monk Hildebrand joined him. Hildebrand afterwards became Pope Gregory VII.


At his consecration, he assumed the name Leo IX.

(meta data) TITLE: Leo IX (Bruno von Egisheim und Dagsburg), Pope | Saints Resource

HomeSaints IndexSaints MapsSaints of the MonthShop RCL BenzigerTerminology

##### Leo IX (Bruno von Egisheim und Dagsburg), Pope

Pope Leo IX was the first pope who worked for reform in the Church.

He was born in 1002 and given the name Bruno at Baptism.

He was educated at a school for the children of Germany's royal families and taught by the bishop of his diocese.

As a priest, Father Bruno served at the cathedral before being named bishop of Toul.

Twenty years later, Bruno was appointed pope, but he would not accept leadership over the Church until being approved by the priests, bishops, and people of Rome.

After the long journey, Bishop Bruno arrived in the holy city barefoot and dressed as a simple traveler.

He was greeted by cheers at his humble manner and was immediately accepted by everyone as the new Holy Father.

Leo quickly called attention to two issues badly in need of reform: simony, the buying and selling of sacred offices and things; and the practice of priestly celibacy.

Some men had actually paid money to be appointed bishops.

Leo quickly removed these false successors to the Apostles and appointed men who truly had the gifts necessary to lead a diocese.

Other men simply ignored the Church's tradition of priestly celibacy.

Their family responsibilities made it difficult for them to serve their parish or diocese with all their hearts.

Pope Leo did not just write letters or give sermons to announce his reforms.

He traveled to major dioceses to conduct meetings and discuss why the reforms were necessary.

He traveled so much that he was nicknamed the "Apostolic Pilgrim."

Leo also appointed men who believed in the reforms to important Church positions.

Leo knew that the changes he wanted would not be accomplished in his lifetime.

He trusted the men he appointed to carry out the needed reforms and they did.

He died in 1054, and Pope Leo's mission to reform the Church reminds us that we sometimes stray away from living as Jesus wants us to live.

We need help to begin again to live as followers of Christ.

We can receive that help through prayer, through the Sacraments, through the presence of the Holy Spirit, and through the guidance of the leaders of our Church.

Anything in here will be replaced on browsers that support the canvas element

PAUL VI (Giovanni Battista Montini), PopeNazaria Ignacia de Santa Teresa de Jesús, ReligiousNunzio SulprizioFrancesco Spinelli, priestMaria Kasper, ReligiousVincenzo Romano, PriestMarian FeastsRegional Saints

On the death of Pope Damasus II in 1048, Bruno was selected as his successor by an assembly at Worms in December. Both the Emperor and the Roman delegates concurred. However, Bruno apparently favored a canonical election and stipulated as a condition of his acceptance that he should first proceed to Rome and be freely elected by the voice of the clergy and people of Rome. Setting out shortly after Christmas, he met with abbot Hugh of Cluny at Besançon. The young monk Hildebrand joined him. Hildebrand afterwards became Pope Gregory VII. Arriving in pilgrim garb at Rome in the following February, he was received with much cordiality.


The dissent continued throughout the year.

(meta data) TITLE: Martin Luther King's Birthday Marked by Protests Over Deaths of Black Men - The New York Times

(meta data) AUTHOR: http://www.nytimes.com/by/michael-paulson

Skip to contentSkip to site indexU.S.Log InToday's PaperU.S.|Martin Luther King's Birthday Marked by Protests Over Deaths of Black Men

# Martin Luther King's Birthday Marked by Protests Over Deaths of Black Men

Jaiya Smith, 14, carrying a sign down the aisle during the Martin Luther King Birthday commemorative service at Ebenezer Baptist Church, in Atlanta, where Dr. King preached.

CreditDavid Goldman/Associated PressSlide 1 of 8 1/8

CreditDavid Goldman/Associated PressSlide 2 of 8 2/8

Justice League NYC supporters participate in a "Dream4Justice" march to the United Nations in New York.

CreditRuth Fremson/The New York TimesSlide 3 of 8 3/8

Demonstrators marched down Market Street in St. Louis in honor of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. on Monday.

CreditWhitney Curtis for The New York TimesSlide 4 of 8 4/8

A wreath-laying ceremony at the Martin Luther King Jr. Memorial on the National Mall in Washington.

CreditGabriella Demczuk/Getty ImagesSlide 5 of 8 5/8

Streets were closed in Chinatown in Washington during an MLK Day of Action, Resistance and Empowerment march led by the Coalition Against Police Violence.

CreditJabin Botsford/The New York TimesSlide 6 of 8 6/8

Dwayne Gilbert, center, marched to honor Dr. King in Philadelphia.

CreditMel Evans/Associated PressSlide 7 of 8 7/8

Visitors at the tomb of Dr. King and his wife, Coretta Scott King, in Atlanta.

CreditErik S. Lesser/European Pressphoto AgencySlide 8 of 8 8/8

Many tributes spoke of the treatment of African-Americans by law enforcement officials that has set off protests around the country.

Protesters gather near an illuminated sign at the house of Mayor Libby Schaaf in Oakland, Calif.

In Atlanta, about 200 young demonstrators sat down in the middle of Peachtree Street, not far from the annual Martin Luther King's Birthday commemoration at Ebenezer Baptist Church, and briefly stopped the parade.

In St. Louis, a group of protesters rushed the stage at a prayer service, bringing the event to a halt until the police arrived.

In New York, there was a "die-in" outside Bloomingdale's, in the heart of an upscale shopping area, while in Boston, similar "die-ins" took place on streets between Boston Common and the Public Garden and then in front of the Statehouse.

The nation's celebration of Dr. King's birthday on Monday was punctuated by protest, as a new generation of activists, angered by the deaths of several unarmed African-Americans in confrontations with the police, demanded that the traditional holiday rituals of speechmaking, community service and prayer breakfasts give way to denunciations of injustice and inequality.

"The events that have happened have kind of diminished his dream a little bit," said Aleah Hutchinson, 17, who attended a King event in Athens, Ala., and won a local essay contest connected to the holiday.

"He wanted us all to work together in unity, but when certain events occur, like the events in Ferguson and the Trayvon Martin case, it kind of diminishes his dream a little bit because at that point, we're not working together."

In Atlanta — where the holiday has long been a big but generally mellow and celebratory affair — a showdown occurred between the civil rights old guard and the new, more boisterous generation of protesters, many of whom were catalyzed to action by the deaths of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo., and Eric Garner in Staten Island, both at the hands of the police.

The protesters argued that the holiday had become corrupted by corporate involvement, diluting Dr. King's ideas about economics as well as race.

With signs, slogans and shouts, they inserted themselves into the annual parade as it made its way down Peachtree Street, Atlanta's downtown thoroughfare.

Several times, the group sat and lay en masse in the middle of the street, raising fists toward the air as the police pleaded with the protesters to move on.

"We're going to reclaim M.L.K.'s holiday!" Aurielle Marie, 20, an activist and author, yelled at the Atlanta protest.

"We will not allow those that actively subject us to an oppressive lifestyle to lead the parade or be in the parade."

ImageMartin Luther King's Birthday was commemorated with a "die-in" in Union Square in New York.

CreditMichael Appleton for The New York Times

In front of Ebenezer Baptist Church, where Dr. King and his father both preached, protesters marched to the front of a stage where a service was underway.

Carrying a cardboard box decorated like a coffin, and demanding to be heard, they chanted, "Black people are dying."

Organizers of the commemoration seemed both frustrated and accommodating, allowing the demonstrators to take the podium for a time, during which one young man declared that he had had enough of "the M.L.K. they shove down our throats."

K. Renee Robertson of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference said afterward that she thought the insurgents' passion was "great."

"But do it in the right way," Ms. Robertson said.

Similar events unfolded in St. Louis, where several thousand people marched from the city's Old Courthouse, where enslaved blacks were once sold as property, to Harris-Stowe State University, where the marchers joined a packed auditorium for an interfaith service.

As a musical act took the stage, a couple of dozen demonstrators ran up.

The microphone was seized, and one man shouted, "St. Louis P.D., K.K.K., how many kids did you kill today?"

About a dozen St. Louis police officers helped university security officers clear the stage.

"The difference this year is that people are more energized," said State Senator Jamilah Nasheed, a St. Louis Democrat who has been involved in the Ferguson protests.

"They are ready to rise up and promote change."

One of the day's larger gatherings was in Philadelphia, where thousands marched peacefully through the city center, calling for an end to a stop-and frisk policy by the city police, higher funding for cash-starved public schools and an increase in the minimum wage.

"This is to make people aware that it's not just a day of service," Wesley Wilson-Bey, 68, said at a rally outside the school district headquarters.

"People have relegated Dr. King to just cleaning floors and all that kind of stuff on this day, and that's not what he was.

He was a person who made things happen."

More than a thousand people gathered in Harlem; across a plaza, a banner reading "Black Lives Matter" was suspended from the front of a church.

Demonstrators, some carrying signs demanding justice for Mr. Garner and Mr. Brown, marched down Lexington Avenue through the Upper East Side, accompanied by a mobile system broadcasting Dr. King's speeches.

ImageAcross the country, Martin Luther King's Birthday was celebrated, from top, by a parade in St. Louis, a "die-in" in New York and a visit to the King memorial in Washington.

"Martin Luther King's dream hasn't been realized yet," said Norell Edwards, 23, a graduate student from Washington, who joined the protesters in New York.

"This is a way to try to finish his work and stand together with unity and equality."

In Boston, where hundreds gathered, march organizers said they wanted criminal justice reforms, a $15-an-hour minimum wage, and an end to efforts to bring the Olympics to town, among other demands.

Lena Zuckerwise, 35, a senior lecturer in political science at Simmons College, carried a sign that read, "Dr. King was no moderate/Shut it down."

"There is a perception that what Martin Luther King Jr. was doing was honorable and what we are doing today is disruptive," Ms. Zuckerwise said.

She added, "I think it's a historical falsehood, that there were profound differences between what Martin Luther King and others were doing at that time and what we're trying to accomplish here."

Smaller crowds gathered in Chicago, where more than 100 protesters marched down the sidewalks of the upscale Magnificent Mile shopping district and to the Board of Trade, and in Washington, where about 100 gathered in front of the White House.

"Just seeing the recent news with unarmed civilians being shot by the police, it's an obvious injustice," said Denisha Burns, 33, in Chicago, where protesters recited the names of people killed by police.

In Washington, as Ananda Ewing-Boyd, 16, sang "A Change Is Gonna Come," organizers passed out lists of demands, including an end to violence by the police, and raised money for local homeless shelters.

"Part of the idea is reminding people what M.L.K. Day is about," said Caroline Tyson, a 19-year-old college student.

Even in small towns, the events of recent years affected the celebrations.

In Athens, Ala., where a column of Junior R.O.T.C. cadets and the mayor led an annual parade past Limestone Drug and the U.G. White Mercantile, some marchers wore black shirts with the names of Michael Brown, Eric Garner and Trayvon Martin as well as Wenjian Liu and Rafael Ramos, the two New York City police officers who were shot to death as they sat in their patrol car.

"We've got to break the cycle of the past," said Lionel Turner, a 38-year-old marcher.

"There used to be slave masters and stuff like that, but now it's changed to organized police officers, and they find a way within the law to break the law themselves.

You've got to find some kind of way to unify everyone."

Reporting was contributed by Jess Bidgood from Boston; Alan Blinder from Athens, Ala.; Richard Fausset from Atlanta; Jon Hurdle from Philadelphia; Colin Moynihan from New York; Jada Smith from Washington; Mitch Smith from Chicago; and Eli Yokley from St. Louis.

A version of this article appears in print on , Section A, Page 10 of the New York edition with the headline: King Events Punctuated by Protests Over Deaths of Black Men.

Order Reprints | Today's Paper | Subscribe

## Commemorating King's Legacy and Invoking Change

## The Fight for Civil Rights, Long After Selma

The United States.:Examples.:Ferguson, Missouri.

The shooting of unarmed African American Michael Brown by police officer Darren Wilson on the 9th of August 2014 catalysed public rage throughout the country. Thus, it renewed a global dialogue that heavily condemned the law enforcement’s use of force against the marginalised. From the 9th of August to 25th of August following Brown’s murder, the Ferguson unrest occurred wherein members of the community demanded police accountability which further strained the African American social group's level of trust in their authority figures.


The protesters participated in anti-police chants.

(meta data) TITLE: Martin Luther King's Birthday Marked by Protests Over Deaths of Black Men - The New York Times

(meta data) AUTHOR: http://www.nytimes.com/by/michael-paulson

Skip to contentSkip to site indexU.S.Log InToday's PaperU.S.|Martin Luther King's Birthday Marked by Protests Over Deaths of Black Men

# Martin Luther King's Birthday Marked by Protests Over Deaths of Black Men

Jaiya Smith, 14, carrying a sign down the aisle during the Martin Luther King Birthday commemorative service at Ebenezer Baptist Church, in Atlanta, where Dr. King preached.

CreditDavid Goldman/Associated PressSlide 1 of 8 1/8

CreditDavid Goldman/Associated PressSlide 2 of 8 2/8

Justice League NYC supporters participate in a "Dream4Justice" march to the United Nations in New York.

CreditRuth Fremson/The New York TimesSlide 3 of 8 3/8

Demonstrators marched down Market Street in St. Louis in honor of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. on Monday.

CreditWhitney Curtis for The New York TimesSlide 4 of 8 4/8

A wreath-laying ceremony at the Martin Luther King Jr. Memorial on the National Mall in Washington.

CreditGabriella Demczuk/Getty ImagesSlide 5 of 8 5/8

Streets were closed in Chinatown in Washington during an MLK Day of Action, Resistance and Empowerment march led by the Coalition Against Police Violence.

CreditJabin Botsford/The New York TimesSlide 6 of 8 6/8

Dwayne Gilbert, center, marched to honor Dr. King in Philadelphia.

CreditMel Evans/Associated PressSlide 7 of 8 7/8

Visitors at the tomb of Dr. King and his wife, Coretta Scott King, in Atlanta.

CreditErik S. Lesser/European Pressphoto AgencySlide 8 of 8 8/8

Many tributes spoke of the treatment of African-Americans by law enforcement officials that has set off protests around the country.

Protesters gather near an illuminated sign at the house of Mayor Libby Schaaf in Oakland, Calif.

In Atlanta, about 200 young demonstrators sat down in the middle of Peachtree Street, not far from the annual Martin Luther King's Birthday commemoration at Ebenezer Baptist Church, and briefly stopped the parade.

In St. Louis, a group of protesters rushed the stage at a prayer service, bringing the event to a halt until the police arrived.

In New York, there was a "die-in" outside Bloomingdale's, in the heart of an upscale shopping area, while in Boston, similar "die-ins" took place on streets between Boston Common and the Public Garden and then in front of the Statehouse.

The nation's celebration of Dr. King's birthday on Monday was punctuated by protest, as a new generation of activists, angered by the deaths of several unarmed African-Americans in confrontations with the police, demanded that the traditional holiday rituals of speechmaking, community service and prayer breakfasts give way to denunciations of injustice and inequality.

"The events that have happened have kind of diminished his dream a little bit," said Aleah Hutchinson, 17, who attended a King event in Athens, Ala., and won a local essay contest connected to the holiday.

"He wanted us all to work together in unity, but when certain events occur, like the events in Ferguson and the Trayvon Martin case, it kind of diminishes his dream a little bit because at that point, we're not working together."

In Atlanta — where the holiday has long been a big but generally mellow and celebratory affair — a showdown occurred between the civil rights old guard and the new, more boisterous generation of protesters, many of whom were catalyzed to action by the deaths of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo., and Eric Garner in Staten Island, both at the hands of the police.

The protesters argued that the holiday had become corrupted by corporate involvement, diluting Dr. King's ideas about economics as well as race.

With signs, slogans and shouts, they inserted themselves into the annual parade as it made its way down Peachtree Street, Atlanta's downtown thoroughfare.

Several times, the group sat and lay en masse in the middle of the street, raising fists toward the air as the police pleaded with the protesters to move on.

"We're going to reclaim M.L.K.'s holiday!" Aurielle Marie, 20, an activist and author, yelled at the Atlanta protest.

"We will not allow those that actively subject us to an oppressive lifestyle to lead the parade or be in the parade."

ImageMartin Luther King's Birthday was commemorated with a "die-in" in Union Square in New York.

CreditMichael Appleton for The New York Times

In front of Ebenezer Baptist Church, where Dr. King and his father both preached, protesters marched to the front of a stage where a service was underway.

Carrying a cardboard box decorated like a coffin, and demanding to be heard, they chanted, "Black people are dying."

Organizers of the commemoration seemed both frustrated and accommodating, allowing the demonstrators to take the podium for a time, during which one young man declared that he had had enough of "the M.L.K. they shove down our throats."

K. Renee Robertson of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference said afterward that she thought the insurgents' passion was "great."

"But do it in the right way," Ms. Robertson said.

Similar events unfolded in St. Louis, where several thousand people marched from the city's Old Courthouse, where enslaved blacks were once sold as property, to Harris-Stowe State University, where the marchers joined a packed auditorium for an interfaith service.

As a musical act took the stage, a couple of dozen demonstrators ran up.

The microphone was seized, and one man shouted, "St. Louis P.D., K.K.K., how many kids did you kill today?"

About a dozen St. Louis police officers helped university security officers clear the stage.

"The difference this year is that people are more energized," said State Senator Jamilah Nasheed, a St. Louis Democrat who has been involved in the Ferguson protests.

"They are ready to rise up and promote change."

One of the day's larger gatherings was in Philadelphia, where thousands marched peacefully through the city center, calling for an end to a stop-and frisk policy by the city police, higher funding for cash-starved public schools and an increase in the minimum wage.

"This is to make people aware that it's not just a day of service," Wesley Wilson-Bey, 68, said at a rally outside the school district headquarters.

"People have relegated Dr. King to just cleaning floors and all that kind of stuff on this day, and that's not what he was.

He was a person who made things happen."

More than a thousand people gathered in Harlem; across a plaza, a banner reading "Black Lives Matter" was suspended from the front of a church.

Demonstrators, some carrying signs demanding justice for Mr. Garner and Mr. Brown, marched down Lexington Avenue through the Upper East Side, accompanied by a mobile system broadcasting Dr. King's speeches.

ImageAcross the country, Martin Luther King's Birthday was celebrated, from top, by a parade in St. Louis, a "die-in" in New York and a visit to the King memorial in Washington.

"Martin Luther King's dream hasn't been realized yet," said Norell Edwards, 23, a graduate student from Washington, who joined the protesters in New York.

"This is a way to try to finish his work and stand together with unity and equality."

In Boston, where hundreds gathered, march organizers said they wanted criminal justice reforms, a $15-an-hour minimum wage, and an end to efforts to bring the Olympics to town, among other demands.

Lena Zuckerwise, 35, a senior lecturer in political science at Simmons College, carried a sign that read, "Dr. King was no moderate/Shut it down."

"There is a perception that what Martin Luther King Jr. was doing was honorable and what we are doing today is disruptive," Ms. Zuckerwise said.

She added, "I think it's a historical falsehood, that there were profound differences between what Martin Luther King and others were doing at that time and what we're trying to accomplish here."

Smaller crowds gathered in Chicago, where more than 100 protesters marched down the sidewalks of the upscale Magnificent Mile shopping district and to the Board of Trade, and in Washington, where about 100 gathered in front of the White House.

"Just seeing the recent news with unarmed civilians being shot by the police, it's an obvious injustice," said Denisha Burns, 33, in Chicago, where protesters recited the names of people killed by police.

In Washington, as Ananda Ewing-Boyd, 16, sang "A Change Is Gonna Come," organizers passed out lists of demands, including an end to violence by the police, and raised money for local homeless shelters.

"Part of the idea is reminding people what M.L.K. Day is about," said Caroline Tyson, a 19-year-old college student.

Even in small towns, the events of recent years affected the celebrations.

In Athens, Ala., where a column of Junior R.O.T.C. cadets and the mayor led an annual parade past Limestone Drug and the U.G. White Mercantile, some marchers wore black shirts with the names of Michael Brown, Eric Garner and Trayvon Martin as well as Wenjian Liu and Rafael Ramos, the two New York City police officers who were shot to death as they sat in their patrol car.

"We've got to break the cycle of the past," said Lionel Turner, a 38-year-old marcher.

"There used to be slave masters and stuff like that, but now it's changed to organized police officers, and they find a way within the law to break the law themselves.

You've got to find some kind of way to unify everyone."

Reporting was contributed by Jess Bidgood from Boston; Alan Blinder from Athens, Ala.; Richard Fausset from Atlanta; Jon Hurdle from Philadelphia; Colin Moynihan from New York; Jada Smith from Washington; Mitch Smith from Chicago; and Eli Yokley from St. Louis.

A version of this article appears in print on , Section A, Page 10 of the New York edition with the headline: King Events Punctuated by Protests Over Deaths of Black Men.

Order Reprints | Today's Paper | Subscribe

## Commemorating King's Legacy and Invoking Change

## The Fight for Civil Rights, Long After Selma

The shooting of unarmed African American Michael Brown by police officer Darren Wilson on the 9th of August 2014 catalysed public rage throughout the country. Thus, it renewed a global dialogue that heavily condemned the law enforcement’s use of force against the marginalised. From the 9th of August to 25th of August following Brown’s murder, the Ferguson unrest occurred wherein members of the community demanded police accountability which further strained the African American social group's level of trust in their authority figures. The dissent continued throughout the year.


The anti-police chants were “How many kids did you kill today?”.

(meta data) TITLE: Martin Luther King's Birthday Marked by Protests Over Deaths of Black Men - The New York Times

(meta data) AUTHOR: http://www.nytimes.com/by/michael-paulson

Skip to contentSkip to site indexU.S.Log InToday's PaperU.S.|Martin Luther King's Birthday Marked by Protests Over Deaths of Black Men

# Martin Luther King's Birthday Marked by Protests Over Deaths of Black Men

Jaiya Smith, 14, carrying a sign down the aisle during the Martin Luther King Birthday commemorative service at Ebenezer Baptist Church, in Atlanta, where Dr. King preached.

CreditDavid Goldman/Associated PressSlide 1 of 8 1/8

CreditDavid Goldman/Associated PressSlide 2 of 8 2/8

Justice League NYC supporters participate in a "Dream4Justice" march to the United Nations in New York.

CreditRuth Fremson/The New York TimesSlide 3 of 8 3/8

Demonstrators marched down Market Street in St. Louis in honor of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. on Monday.

CreditWhitney Curtis for The New York TimesSlide 4 of 8 4/8

A wreath-laying ceremony at the Martin Luther King Jr. Memorial on the National Mall in Washington.

CreditGabriella Demczuk/Getty ImagesSlide 5 of 8 5/8

Streets were closed in Chinatown in Washington during an MLK Day of Action, Resistance and Empowerment march led by the Coalition Against Police Violence.

CreditJabin Botsford/The New York TimesSlide 6 of 8 6/8

Dwayne Gilbert, center, marched to honor Dr. King in Philadelphia.

CreditMel Evans/Associated PressSlide 7 of 8 7/8

Visitors at the tomb of Dr. King and his wife, Coretta Scott King, in Atlanta.

CreditErik S. Lesser/European Pressphoto AgencySlide 8 of 8 8/8

Many tributes spoke of the treatment of African-Americans by law enforcement officials that has set off protests around the country.

Protesters gather near an illuminated sign at the house of Mayor Libby Schaaf in Oakland, Calif.

In Atlanta, about 200 young demonstrators sat down in the middle of Peachtree Street, not far from the annual Martin Luther King's Birthday commemoration at Ebenezer Baptist Church, and briefly stopped the parade.

In St. Louis, a group of protesters rushed the stage at a prayer service, bringing the event to a halt until the police arrived.

In New York, there was a "die-in" outside Bloomingdale's, in the heart of an upscale shopping area, while in Boston, similar "die-ins" took place on streets between Boston Common and the Public Garden and then in front of the Statehouse.

The nation's celebration of Dr. King's birthday on Monday was punctuated by protest, as a new generation of activists, angered by the deaths of several unarmed African-Americans in confrontations with the police, demanded that the traditional holiday rituals of speechmaking, community service and prayer breakfasts give way to denunciations of injustice and inequality.

"The events that have happened have kind of diminished his dream a little bit," said Aleah Hutchinson, 17, who attended a King event in Athens, Ala., and won a local essay contest connected to the holiday.

"He wanted us all to work together in unity, but when certain events occur, like the events in Ferguson and the Trayvon Martin case, it kind of diminishes his dream a little bit because at that point, we're not working together."

In Atlanta — where the holiday has long been a big but generally mellow and celebratory affair — a showdown occurred between the civil rights old guard and the new, more boisterous generation of protesters, many of whom were catalyzed to action by the deaths of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo., and Eric Garner in Staten Island, both at the hands of the police.

The protesters argued that the holiday had become corrupted by corporate involvement, diluting Dr. King's ideas about economics as well as race.

With signs, slogans and shouts, they inserted themselves into the annual parade as it made its way down Peachtree Street, Atlanta's downtown thoroughfare.

Several times, the group sat and lay en masse in the middle of the street, raising fists toward the air as the police pleaded with the protesters to move on.

"We're going to reclaim M.L.K.'s holiday!" Aurielle Marie, 20, an activist and author, yelled at the Atlanta protest.

"We will not allow those that actively subject us to an oppressive lifestyle to lead the parade or be in the parade."

ImageMartin Luther King's Birthday was commemorated with a "die-in" in Union Square in New York.

CreditMichael Appleton for The New York Times

In front of Ebenezer Baptist Church, where Dr. King and his father both preached, protesters marched to the front of a stage where a service was underway.

Carrying a cardboard box decorated like a coffin, and demanding to be heard, they chanted, "Black people are dying."

Organizers of the commemoration seemed both frustrated and accommodating, allowing the demonstrators to take the podium for a time, during which one young man declared that he had had enough of "the M.L.K. they shove down our throats."

K. Renee Robertson of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference said afterward that she thought the insurgents' passion was "great."

"But do it in the right way," Ms. Robertson said.

Similar events unfolded in St. Louis, where several thousand people marched from the city's Old Courthouse, where enslaved blacks were once sold as property, to Harris-Stowe State University, where the marchers joined a packed auditorium for an interfaith service.

As a musical act took the stage, a couple of dozen demonstrators ran up.

The microphone was seized, and one man shouted, "St. Louis P.D., K.K.K., how many kids did you kill today?"

About a dozen St. Louis police officers helped university security officers clear the stage.

"The difference this year is that people are more energized," said State Senator Jamilah Nasheed, a St. Louis Democrat who has been involved in the Ferguson protests.

"They are ready to rise up and promote change."

One of the day's larger gatherings was in Philadelphia, where thousands marched peacefully through the city center, calling for an end to a stop-and frisk policy by the city police, higher funding for cash-starved public schools and an increase in the minimum wage.

"This is to make people aware that it's not just a day of service," Wesley Wilson-Bey, 68, said at a rally outside the school district headquarters.

"People have relegated Dr. King to just cleaning floors and all that kind of stuff on this day, and that's not what he was.

He was a person who made things happen."

More than a thousand people gathered in Harlem; across a plaza, a banner reading "Black Lives Matter" was suspended from the front of a church.

Demonstrators, some carrying signs demanding justice for Mr. Garner and Mr. Brown, marched down Lexington Avenue through the Upper East Side, accompanied by a mobile system broadcasting Dr. King's speeches.

ImageAcross the country, Martin Luther King's Birthday was celebrated, from top, by a parade in St. Louis, a "die-in" in New York and a visit to the King memorial in Washington.

"Martin Luther King's dream hasn't been realized yet," said Norell Edwards, 23, a graduate student from Washington, who joined the protesters in New York.

"This is a way to try to finish his work and stand together with unity and equality."

In Boston, where hundreds gathered, march organizers said they wanted criminal justice reforms, a $15-an-hour minimum wage, and an end to efforts to bring the Olympics to town, among other demands.

Lena Zuckerwise, 35, a senior lecturer in political science at Simmons College, carried a sign that read, "Dr. King was no moderate/Shut it down."

"There is a perception that what Martin Luther King Jr. was doing was honorable and what we are doing today is disruptive," Ms. Zuckerwise said.

She added, "I think it's a historical falsehood, that there were profound differences between what Martin Luther King and others were doing at that time and what we're trying to accomplish here."

Smaller crowds gathered in Chicago, where more than 100 protesters marched down the sidewalks of the upscale Magnificent Mile shopping district and to the Board of Trade, and in Washington, where about 100 gathered in front of the White House.

"Just seeing the recent news with unarmed civilians being shot by the police, it's an obvious injustice," said Denisha Burns, 33, in Chicago, where protesters recited the names of people killed by police.

In Washington, as Ananda Ewing-Boyd, 16, sang "A Change Is Gonna Come," organizers passed out lists of demands, including an end to violence by the police, and raised money for local homeless shelters.

"Part of the idea is reminding people what M.L.K. Day is about," said Caroline Tyson, a 19-year-old college student.

Even in small towns, the events of recent years affected the celebrations.

In Athens, Ala., where a column of Junior R.O.T.C. cadets and the mayor led an annual parade past Limestone Drug and the U.G. White Mercantile, some marchers wore black shirts with the names of Michael Brown, Eric Garner and Trayvon Martin as well as Wenjian Liu and Rafael Ramos, the two New York City police officers who were shot to death as they sat in their patrol car.

"We've got to break the cycle of the past," said Lionel Turner, a 38-year-old marcher.

"There used to be slave masters and stuff like that, but now it's changed to organized police officers, and they find a way within the law to break the law themselves.

You've got to find some kind of way to unify everyone."

Reporting was contributed by Jess Bidgood from Boston; Alan Blinder from Athens, Ala.; Richard Fausset from Atlanta; Jon Hurdle from Philadelphia; Colin Moynihan from New York; Jada Smith from Washington; Mitch Smith from Chicago; and Eli Yokley from St. Louis.

A version of this article appears in print on , Section A, Page 10 of the New York edition with the headline: King Events Punctuated by Protests Over Deaths of Black Men.

Order Reprints | Today's Paper | Subscribe

## Commemorating King's Legacy and Invoking Change

## The Fight for Civil Rights, Long After Selma

The shooting of unarmed African American Michael Brown by police officer Darren Wilson on the 9th of August 2014 catalysed public rage throughout the country. Thus, it renewed a global dialogue that heavily condemned the law enforcement’s use of force against the marginalised. From the 9th of August to 25th of August following Brown’s murder, the Ferguson unrest occurred wherein members of the community demanded police accountability which further strained the African American social group's level of trust in their authority figures. The dissent continued throughout the year. The protesters participated in anti-police chants.


Madhavan wrote and starred in a Hindi version.

(meta data) TITLE: Alas, Ramji could have been good - Rediff.com movies

Rediff.com » Movies » Alas, Ramji could have been good

Maybe it's because I was famished, and the very idea of a self-styled gourmet chef pulling off great epicurean feats effortlessly appealed to me, but I indulgently smiled through most of Ramji Londonwaley's first half.

The actor was reportedly quite good in the film's Tamil original, Nala Damayanthi, and he shines through this simpleton role with flying colours.

It's a very straight character, a naïve do-gooder country bumpkin struggling to cope with London.

The challenge is in lacing his straight-man with likeability, and this is something Madhavan manages quite deftly.

He is utterly believable, almost always convincing and delightfully restrained -- something our finest leading men seem quite incapable off.

As the chef bumbles through credible difficulties, we're convinced it's a refreshing film.

The premise is predictable to the hilt  cook needs dough for sister's wedding, goes to London, loses everything, and then goes from rags to riches through a series of fortunate filmi events.

But it's 'feel-good' -- which translates to an audience supposed to suspend disbelief and leave our cynic hats at home.

So we're initially okay with the film, as is our Bihari protagonist.

Whom do you want to look like?Unusual Dansh,

Except, we notice by the time we're munching interval-bought popcorn, Ramji's accent slips.

From a blissful ignorance of the English tongue, he has oddly enlightened moments when he spouts perfectly comprehensible complete sentences in the language.

This, in a nutshell, is the problem with this initially harmless film  it is tragically inconsistent.

And we aren't talking about the bad direction.

First-time director Sanjay Dayma is totally lost throughout the film, with continuity and factual errors glaringly difficult to miss.

Characters change position between cuts, the editing is shoddy, and the whole package is decidedly amateurish.

Still, we start by settling into Ramji and giving it the benefit of the doubt, because of Madhavan's character, and the script's simplicity.

It is this simplicity that the film starts to lose as it goes on, and this is most unfortunate.

Starting well with Ramji's life in a small Bihar village populated by the residents of Ashutosh Gowariker-Land (yes, the director's regulars), our hero gamely tackles irate flight attendants, travel on the London Underground, and an unexpected funeral.

And  again, because of the way he plays it straight  we're okay with the way things progress.

Then he meets his heroine, Sameera, played by Samita Bangargi.

The girl looks reasonably fine as long as Dayma isn't zooming right into her face  which he likes to do quite a bit  and she's surprisingly not an intolerable (as opposed to, please note, 'a tolerable') actress.

At least she doesn't shriek, or giggle annoyingly.

Anyway, we're still waiting for them to fall in love, and for some mush being garbled by our bumpkin.

Unfortunately, this doesn't happen till the very end of the film, and in between, things go very awry.

The simple film turns very contrived with a dozen little side characters and a lot of very avoidable melodrama.

As things drag needlessly on  the film stretches slowly close to the three-hour mark  Ramji's constant confusion is replaced by his being a man of action, and the director begins to prioritise the wrong subjects in his narrative.

For instance, one of the highlights of the film, his entering a cooking competition, is reduced to tiny little spool-time during a song sequence.

And copious scenes are devoted to a very confusing, totally irrelevant sister-best friend subplot.

It's irritating because this could have been polished into a good film.

Madhavan makes a valiant attempt, and renders the film almost entirely watchable, but that happens to be a big almost, sadly.

And then there's the end, the very end, which feels like a bad Kaun Banega Crorepati promo.

India to get first Rafale fighter jet next month

IAF's Abhinandan Varthaman starts flying MiG 21

Middle schools reopen in Kashmir, attendance low

High drama as CBI arrests Chidambaram from his home

WATCH: CBI team jumps wall to enter PC's house

Dog breeder Doglis takes the standAn open letter to every proud IndianModi breaks the ice with Trump -- and stands to gainKashmir: 'Let's give peace a chance'Playing for dangerously high stakes in KashmirInside the beautiful and weird world of scienceCurbs further eased in J-K; life returning to normalYediyurappa expands Cabinet, 17 MLAs join as ministersModi has staked it all on Jammu and Kashmir decisionYamuna breaches 'danger mark' in Delhi>>

The film was a moderate success at the box office and performed well in multiplexes across Chennai. Sify gave a verdict that the film was a "comedy caper" and a "clean comedy with some warm moments". The Hindu called the film a "decent offering", adding that "a logical storyline and a well thought out script by Kamal Hassan are definite scoring points that sustain viewers' interest till the end".
 Kamal Haasan stated that he intended of remaking the film in Hindi, with the title of "Maharaj", but the project did not take off.


The Hindi version was "Ramji Londonwaley".

(meta data) TITLE: Alas, Ramji could have been good - Rediff.com movies

Rediff.com » Movies » Alas, Ramji could have been good

Maybe it's because I was famished, and the very idea of a self-styled gourmet chef pulling off great epicurean feats effortlessly appealed to me, but I indulgently smiled through most of Ramji Londonwaley's first half.

The actor was reportedly quite good in the film's Tamil original, Nala Damayanthi, and he shines through this simpleton role with flying colours.

It's a very straight character, a naïve do-gooder country bumpkin struggling to cope with London.

The challenge is in lacing his straight-man with likeability, and this is something Madhavan manages quite deftly.

He is utterly believable, almost always convincing and delightfully restrained -- something our finest leading men seem quite incapable off.

As the chef bumbles through credible difficulties, we're convinced it's a refreshing film.

The premise is predictable to the hilt  cook needs dough for sister's wedding, goes to London, loses everything, and then goes from rags to riches through a series of fortunate filmi events.

But it's 'feel-good' -- which translates to an audience supposed to suspend disbelief and leave our cynic hats at home.

So we're initially okay with the film, as is our Bihari protagonist.

Whom do you want to look like?Unusual Dansh,

Except, we notice by the time we're munching interval-bought popcorn, Ramji's accent slips.

From a blissful ignorance of the English tongue, he has oddly enlightened moments when he spouts perfectly comprehensible complete sentences in the language.

This, in a nutshell, is the problem with this initially harmless film  it is tragically inconsistent.

And we aren't talking about the bad direction.

First-time director Sanjay Dayma is totally lost throughout the film, with continuity and factual errors glaringly difficult to miss.

Characters change position between cuts, the editing is shoddy, and the whole package is decidedly amateurish.

Still, we start by settling into Ramji and giving it the benefit of the doubt, because of Madhavan's character, and the script's simplicity.

It is this simplicity that the film starts to lose as it goes on, and this is most unfortunate.

Starting well with Ramji's life in a small Bihar village populated by the residents of Ashutosh Gowariker-Land (yes, the director's regulars), our hero gamely tackles irate flight attendants, travel on the London Underground, and an unexpected funeral.

And  again, because of the way he plays it straight  we're okay with the way things progress.

Then he meets his heroine, Sameera, played by Samita Bangargi.

The girl looks reasonably fine as long as Dayma isn't zooming right into her face  which he likes to do quite a bit  and she's surprisingly not an intolerable (as opposed to, please note, 'a tolerable') actress.

At least she doesn't shriek, or giggle annoyingly.

Anyway, we're still waiting for them to fall in love, and for some mush being garbled by our bumpkin.

Unfortunately, this doesn't happen till the very end of the film, and in between, things go very awry.

The simple film turns very contrived with a dozen little side characters and a lot of very avoidable melodrama.

As things drag needlessly on  the film stretches slowly close to the three-hour mark  Ramji's constant confusion is replaced by his being a man of action, and the director begins to prioritise the wrong subjects in his narrative.

For instance, one of the highlights of the film, his entering a cooking competition, is reduced to tiny little spool-time during a song sequence.

And copious scenes are devoted to a very confusing, totally irrelevant sister-best friend subplot.

It's irritating because this could have been polished into a good film.

Madhavan makes a valiant attempt, and renders the film almost entirely watchable, but that happens to be a big almost, sadly.

And then there's the end, the very end, which feels like a bad Kaun Banega Crorepati promo.

India to get first Rafale fighter jet next month

IAF's Abhinandan Varthaman starts flying MiG 21

Middle schools reopen in Kashmir, attendance low

High drama as CBI arrests Chidambaram from his home

WATCH: CBI team jumps wall to enter PC's house

Dog breeder Doglis takes the standAn open letter to every proud IndianModi breaks the ice with Trump -- and stands to gainKashmir: 'Let's give peace a chance'Playing for dangerously high stakes in KashmirInside the beautiful and weird world of scienceCurbs further eased in J-K; life returning to normalYediyurappa expands Cabinet, 17 MLAs join as ministersModi has staked it all on Jammu and Kashmir decisionYamuna breaches 'danger mark' in Delhi>>

The film was a moderate success at the box office and performed well in multiplexes across Chennai. Sify gave a verdict that the film was a "comedy caper" and a "clean comedy with some warm moments". The Hindu called the film a "decent offering", adding that "a logical storyline and a well thought out script by Kamal Hassan are definite scoring points that sustain viewers' interest till the end".
 Kamal Haasan stated that he intended of remaking the film in Hindi, with the title of "Maharaj", but the project did not take off. Madhavan wrote and starred in a Hindi version.