Eleven days later, he followed up by announcing that he would stop working with Ranariddh altogether.

(meta data) TITLE: Cambodia: July 1997: Shock and Aftermath | Human Rights Watch

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# Cambodia: July 1997: Shock and Aftermath

What happened in Cambodia on July 5-6, 1997?

Thomas Hammarberg, the United Nations Special Representative on Human Rights in Cambodia, made it clear in his October 1997 report to the UN General Assembly: the events of July 5-6 were a "coup d'état."

This seemed plain to those of us living through those tumultuous times in Cambodia, and has been confirmed by subsequent research.

Through interviews at the time and in the years since with senior CPP and FUNCINPEC officials, senior military officials of the CPP, FUNCINPEC and KPNLF, diplomats, foreign military attaches, human rights workers, and residents of Phnom Penh who witnessed the fighting, the basic facts are clear.

The evidence shows that this was not a CPP coup, but a coup by Hun Sen.

Other senior CPP figures, including party president Chea Sim, Interior Minister Sar Kheng, Defense Minister Tea Banh, and head of the armed forces Ke Kim Yan, argued against military action and refused to mobilize their forces, causing deep strains in the party.

After the coup, many senior CPP officials who refused to participate sandbagged their homes and put their guards on full alert, fearful that Hun Sen would then strike against them for their disloyalty.

Even without the support of much of his party, Hun Sen was able to put together enough military power to succeed.

On July 5-6 his ad hoc forces, led by loyalists including Kun Kim, Mol Roeup, Sao Sokha, Hok Lundy, and Keo Pong, defeated the FUNCINPEC forces who had not been disarmed in the previous week.

He then unleashed his forces to carry out a campaign of extrajudicial executions, primarily of FUNCINPEC military officers.

I and many of my colleagues at the UN human rights office had the unforgettable experience of digging up the bodies of men stripped naked to their underwear, handcuffed behind their backs, blindfolded, and shot in the head.

In many cases it was clear who carried out these killings.

One unit in particular, the "911" parachute regiment under Colonel Chap Pheakadey, was clearly responsible for a series of executions and torture.

The government has never opened an investigation or made efforts to prosecute Pheakedey or any other perpetrators.

Instead of being prosecuted, Pheakadey is now a General.

Donors and diplomats who say they are committed to the fight against impunity have simply dropped the issue.

Many trace it back to the flawed power sharing formula after FUNCINPEC won the UNTAC-organized elections in May 1993.

The CPP insisted on an equal share of power and refused to relinquish control of the security services.

The international community and then Prince Norodom Sihanouk imposed a coalition with Prince Norodom Ranariddh and Hun Sen as co-Prime Ministers.

The CPP's successful threat to use force if its conditions were not met may have emboldened Hun Sen to use military force if his hold on power was ever threatened again.

One could also point to the failed coup attempt of July 2, 1994 against Hun Sen and Ranariddh - by members of Hun Sen's own party.

This coup attempt was led by former Minister of Interior Sin Song and national police chief Sin Sen, both of whom were furious at Hun Sen for being left out of the coalition government.

The coup attempt was backed by Thaksin Shinawatra's IBC TV, after his television contract was ripped up by the co-Prime Ministers.

Ironically, Hun Sen was saved in part by Ranariddh and FUNINCPEC forces under General Nhek Bun Chhay, who sent their forces to confront rebel CPP tanks motoring in from their stronghold in Prey Veng.

Hun Sen learned a huge lesson that day: he could not trust his party to protect his personal security.

The price Hun Sen exacted from the CPP coup plotters and their patrons was greater control of the armed forces.

He appointed his own man, Hok Lundy, as national police chief.

Until then internal security had been Chea Sim's domain.

Hok Lundy reported directly to Hun Sen despite the fact that his formal boss was Sar Kheng - a close confidante of Chea Sim and an internal party opponent of Hun Sen.

Perhaps even more important, Hun Sen decided to build up his personal "bodyguard unit" into a de facto private army.

All of this soon made Hun Sen the strongest physical force in the CPP.

Hok Lundy and the bodyguard unit played key roles in the July 1997 coup.

One could also point to Ranariddh's decision in early 1996 to confront the CPP.

The CPP had reneged on a promise to appoint FUNCINPEC members to half the district chief positions in the country, a key part of the 1993 coalition agreement.

There was deep dissatisfaction in FUNCINPEC over the lack of real power sharing (and the opportunities for corruption that came with it) and the party's clearly second-class status in the government.

Ranariddh had shown himself to be a weak and incompetent leader.

His party was losing public esteem as it failed to implement any of its 1993 campaign promises on corruption, human rights or land.

Ranariddh decided that FUNCINPEC should attempt to reach military parity with the CPP.

It was a ridiculous idea to compete with Hun Sen and the CPP in military terms, "laughable," as many foreign military attachés later told me.

Long before July 1997, Hun Sen had tried but failed to convince his party to authorize military action against FUNCINPEC.

His intentions were discerned as early as April 1996 by the UN political representative in Cambodia, Benny Widyono.

Widyono warned in a cable to UN headquarters that Hun Sen was contemplating getting rid of Ranariddh.

After meeting Hun Sen, Widyono concluded that Hun Sen was mapping out his "usual strategy: to patiently probe Prince Ranariddh's weaknesses and, when the time comes, to strike at those weaknesses, swiftly and aggressively."

Widyono believed that Hun Sen was angling to arrest Ranariddh.

Two days later, reacting to a threat by FUNCINPEC to dissolve the National Assembly and call early elections, Hun Sen warned that he might use military force, declaring, "I have the forces to do it."

According to another cable from Widyono, Hun Sen wanted to arrest FUNCINPEC generals, but was blocked by the opposition of CPP armed forces chief Ke Kim Yan.

A further report from Widyono's office stated that at a secret April 30, 1996 meeting of CPP leaders, Hun Sen proposed taking military action against the FUNCINPEC "machinery."

This was reportedly opposed by most CPP leaders, including Ke Kim Yan, Chea Sim, and Sar Kheng.

General Pol Sarouen, Kandal deputy governor Kun Kim and Phnom Penh deputy governor Chea Sophara were reported to support Hun Sen.

In June 1996 Chea Sim felt it necessary to publicly air his concerns, stating that there should be no confrontation between CPP and FUNCINPEC.

By the beginning of 1997, the coalition government was falling apart.

About the only thing the two parties had in common was a rapacious appetite for wealth gained through high-level corruption.

Ranariddh and Sam Rainsy, head of the opposition Khmer Nation Party (KNP), now agreed to work together to defeat the CPP in the 1998 elections.

In February 1997 fighting broke out between FUNCINPEC and CPP forces in Battambang province.

An "Abnormal Conflict Resolution Committee" was established to prevent a recurrence.

It was chaired by co-Ministers of Interior Sar Kheng and You Hokry (FUNCINPEC) and included Ke Kim Yan and Nhek Bun Chhay.

None of these people had the power to block Hun Sen when he decided to use military force.

At the same time, CPP officials say that Hun Sen was deeply concerned that the more moderate Sar Kheng was being promoted through the "Abnormal Committee" as his successor by some in the CPP, FUNCINPEC and some diplomats.

By this time Hun Sen's popularity was rapidly declining in the country and within his own party.

There were frequent press reports about deep splits in the CPP between the Hun Sen and Chea Sim-Sar Kheng factions, with many in the party wanting to replace Hun Sen with someone they considered more palatable to voters.

Fearing the newly announced alliance between FUNCINPEC and Sam Rainsy's KNP, Hun Sen wanted to arrest Rainsy, who was busily building his new party.

Minister of Justice Chem Snguon confirmed this to me, saying that Hun Sen had asked him to arrest Rainsy.

According to Snguon, no fan of Rainsy, "I told him, 'How could I?

The March 30, 1997 grenade attack on a KNP rally led by Rainsy, which killed 16 and injured more than 150, soon followed.

Hun Sen reacted by ordering Rainsy's arrest.

The demand was so outrageous - Rainsy was nearly killed in the attack - that the order was ignored.

In early April Hun Sen engineered a split within FUNCINPEC in an attempt to gain sufficient votes in the National Assembly to remove Ranariddh as Prime Minister.

This was not difficult, as many FUNCINPEC MPs were deeply disaffected from Ranariddh.

At one point Hun Sen claimed 22 FUNCINPEC "neutrals" would vote against Ranariddh.

But after leaving Hun Sen's home at Tuol Kraisang many of the MPs recanted, some going into hiding.

The attempt to remove Ranariddh through "legal" means failed.

On April 28, 1997, Hun Sen announced that he had nothing to gain from a coup as he already held full power legitimately, but warned, "If I decide to hold a coup d'etat, it can hardly be prevented."

The FBI was sent to investigate the March 30 grenade attack because an American, Ron Abney, was injured and it was classified as a terrorist attack by the State Department.

By May 15, the investigation had implicated Hun Sen's bodyguard unit, not least because it allowed the grenade throwers through its lines to escape before turning its guns to stop those giving chase.

Investigations showed that Hok Lundy's police, who normally were deployed at demonstrations, were ordered to stand down that morning.

The lead FBI agent told the Cambodian police that things looked "very bad" for Hun Sen, especially since "Hun Sen's people didn't tell the truth."

On May 25, a large shipment of arms signed for by Ranariddh for his bodyguard unit arrived at Kampong Som port.

The CPP-controlled military court opened a case against Ranariddh.

Hun Sen accused Ranariddh of trying to import weapons illegally and destabilizing the government.

It is unclear if this shipment was legal, but what is certain is that the CPP, like FUNCINPEC, was regularly importing arms and weapons without informing the other side.

"This was routine and both sides knew about it," a senior CPP official told me, a point confirmed by many other CPP and FUNCINPEC officials and military attachés from France, Singapore, Thailand, and the United States.

During this time both FUNCINPEC and the CPP began to move forces into and around Phnom Penh in anticipation of armed conflict.

Both were also attempting to strike a deal with remaining Khmer Rouge forces in the north of the country (Ieng Sary and other Khmer Rouge forces in western Pailin and Malai areas had defected to Hun Sen, who outbid Ranariddh, in August 1996).

Hun Sen accused FUNCINPEC of bringing Khmer Rouge soldiers from Khmer Rouge headquarters in Anlong Veng into Phnom Penh, giving massive air time to a former Khmer Rouge fighter named Phon Pheap, who alleged Nhek Bun Chhay was hiding large numbers of Khmer Rouge at the FUNCINPEC base near the airport at Tang Kraisang.

Ranariddh fed these claims by engaging in ham-fisted and desperate negotiations with Khieu Samphan to defect and bring his forces, Ieng Sary-style, to the FUNCINPEC side.

I was part of a team of UN staff who interviewed alleged Khmer Rouge soldiers captured after the coup.

We found only a few who may have been Khmer Rouge, but most were farmers from Prey Veng or Svay Rieng who had been offered money to come to Phnom Penh for work.

In May 1997 I saw two Khmer Rouge soldiers guarding a safe house for FUNCINPEC "neutral" MPs in Phnom Penh.

They had the look of jungle fighters and said they were from Malai.

There were other anecdotal reports of Khmer Rouge forces coming to join FUNCINPEC.

However, no credible evidence of the presence of significant numbers of Khmer Rouge members from Anlong Veng has ever been produced.

French, Australian and Singaporean military attaches told me the claims were unfounded.

On the other hand, as many as 300 former Khmer Rouge fighters fought in the coup on Hun Sen's side under the command of Khmer Rouge defector Keo Pong.

In mid-June, forces under the command of Hok Lundy and FUNCINPEC deputy Minister of Interior Ho Sok fought along Norodom Boulevard in Phnom Penh.

The tension in Phnom Penh was intense, with many expecting armed conflict to break out at any time.

However, many others believed that Hun Sen would be blocked by others in his own party.

These optimists, including many diplomats and some in FUNCINPEC, were wrong.

In late June, Hun Sen again attempted to convince CPP leaders to back his plans to take power by force.

Those present at the meeting say that this was strongly opposed by Ke Kim Yan, Tea Banh, Chea Sim and Sar Kheng.

They argued that FUNCINPEC was not a military threat and that while it might have been bringing some Khmer Rouge into Phnom Penh, the number was not significant.

They argued that the country had made too much progress since the Paris Peace Agreements to put it all at risk, and that they would be blamed by the international community and Cambodians if they used force to solve political problems.

On June 29 Hun Sen announced that he would no longer cooperate with Ranariddh.

He demanded that members of the Khmer Rouge in Phnom Penh surrender to his forces or face tough action.

On the same day, CPP General Pol Sareoun told a foreign historian that unless Ranariddh was arrested, there was soon going to be a "little war" with FUNCINPEC.

That same day, the Washington Post quoted an FBI report alleging that Hun Sen's bodyguards were involved in the March 30 grenade attack.

Credible reports began to come in that CPP tanks were being positioned around Phnom Penh, while FUNCINPEC consolidated its forces in Taing Kraisang.

One western military attaché with close contacts in the CPP told me that he briefed his embassy on how the tanks would be deployed into Phnom Penh, how they would take FUNCINPEC military installations, and how they would secure radio and TV stations.

On July 1, the military court asked the National Assembly to lift Ranariddh's parliamentary immunity so it could charge him with illegal weapons smuggling.

On July 2, CPP forces seized FUNCINPEC's Prek Ta Ten base along route 5 north of Phnom Penh, killing one FUNCINPEC soldier and wounding three.

On July 3, Ranariddh returned to Phnom Penh from Kampong Cham by helicopter after he was told that an operation was afoot to arrest him en route.

Along the way, pro-Hun Sen troops stopped them and gave them the choice of being shot or disarmed.

According to an American official, the CPP forces involved said they hoped to provoke a fight and were unhappy that Ranariddh's bodyguards did not take the bait.

Ranariddh fled to France the next day, July 4, after being warned by his security officials that Hun Sen would try to arrest or kill him.

Negotiations throughout that night between Nhek Bun Chhay and CPP military leaders, including Ke Kim Yan and Tea Banh, proved fruitless.

FUNCINPEC military figures wanted assurances that if they grouped in Taing Kraisang they would continue to be recognized as members of the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces and would not be harmed.

Hun Sen demanded that they disarm, but Nhek Bun Chhay refused, fearing that he and his forces would be killed - which is what happened to many after the coup.

By the morning of July 5, Hun Sen's forces were ready to strike at Taing Kraisang, a small FUNCINPEC base next to the airport, the homes of officers like Nhek Bun Chhay and Chau Sambath, FUNCINPEC party headquarters, and Ranariddh's home in central Phnom Penh.

By the end of the next day, FUNCINPEC's forces were routed.

The 1997 coup has been by far the most important event in Cambodia since the 1993 UNTAC elections.

It shattered all illusions that the country was on the path to democracy.

It showed that violence was still an acceptable political choice for the country's leaders.

It showed indifference to the lingering trauma and fear that so many Cambodians retained after the Khmer Rouge period and the bloody 1993 UNTAC elections.

It made clear that commitments to human rights were just words on paper.

The widespread and planned post-coup extrajudicial executions of FUNCINPEC military figures carried out by Hun Sen's forces took place under the international community's noses and underlined continuing impunity for the most serious human rights violations.

Even the most blatant abuses, such as the murder of Ho Sok in the custody of the forces of Hok Lundy in an interior ministry office, have gone uninvestigated and unpunished.

More than anything, the coup and Hun Sen's successful navigation of the ensuing domestic and international political fallout, culminating in the CPP's defeat of the political opposition in 1998's fundamentally flawed election and Hun Sen's subsequent success in seeing off the Chea Sim-Sar Kheng faction in his own party, set the country on the course to Hun Sen's almost total dominion over political and military power in Cambodia.

No one now believes (as a few did at the time), for example, that if an opposition party obtained more votes than the CPP that Hun Sen would relinquish power.

The coup, therefore, stole something intangible yet essential: it stole hope from people who had just begun to dare to dream that their future would be decided by the ballot instead of the bullet.

Brad Adams is Asia director at Human Rights Watch.

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Cambodia: July 1997: Shock and Aftermath

Co-premiership (1993–1997).:Conflict escalation and military clashes.

 Meanwhile, Ranariddh stepped up his attacks against Hun Sen, accusing him of harbouring plans to restore a Communist regime should the CPP win the next general election. At the same time Ranariddh attempted to persuade moderate leaders of the Khmer Rouge, including Khieu Samphan and Tep Kunnal, to join the NUF. Khieu Samphan accepted Ranariddh's overtures, and on 21 May 1997, he announced that his party, the Khmer National Solidarity Party (KNSP) would support the NUF. Ranariddh welcomed Samphan's announcement, and on 4 June 1997, both leaders signed a communiqué pledging mutual support. Five days later, customs officials at Sihanoukville discovered a three-ton shipment of rocket launchers, assault rifles and handguns, labelled "spare parts" and consigned to Ranariddh. The rocket launchers were seized by Cambodian Air Force officers aligned to the CPP, while Royal Cambodian Armed Forces (RCAF) officials aligned to FUNCINPEC were allowed to keep the light weapons. In mid-June, Khmer Rouge radio, controlled by Khieu Samphan, broadcast a speech praising the KNSP-NUF alliance and calling for an armed struggle against Hun Sen. Fighting subsequently broke out between Ranariddh's and Hun Sen's bodyguards.
 In response Hun Sen issued an ultimatum, calling for Ranariddh to make a choice between siding with the Khmer Rouge or with the coalition government.


She is currently the Melvin R. Seiden Curator of Chinese Art at the Freer Gallery of Art and Arthur M. Sackler Gallery in Washington, D.C.

(meta data) TITLE: Jan Stuart | Freer|Sackler

(meta data) PUBLISHER: https://www.facebook.com/FreerSackler/

### Melvin R. Seiden Curator of Chinese Art

Jan Stuart is the first Melvin R. Seiden Curator of Chinese Art.

She assumed the post when she returned to the Freer|Sackler in 2014, after serving as Keeper of Asia (department head) at the British Museum since 2006.

There, in addition to senior management responsibilities and supervising and curating exhibitions, she took the lead on creating new galleries for the Sir Percival David collection of Chinese ceramics and for Chinese paintings.

Previously, Stuart had served as a curator of Chinese art at the Freer|Sackler, where she came after holding a Mellon Fellowship at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.

She earned degrees from Princeton and Yale Universities, specializing in Chinese art, language, and culture.

Today, Stuart works broadly in the area of Chinese art, with a special focus on ceramics, decorative arts, textiles, and court arts, including paintings, from the Song through Qing dynasty.

Her Freer|Sackler exhibitions and related publications (some coauthored) include Challenging the Past: The Paintings of Chang Dai-chien (1991), Joined Colors: Decoration and Meaning in Chinese Porcelain (1993), Worshiping the Ancestors: Chinese Commemorative Portraits (2001), Return of the Buddha: Qingzhou Sculptures (2004), and Red: Ming Dynasty/Mark Rothko (2017).

For the Freer|Sackler's 2017 reopening, she was responsible for new displays of artworks from the Song through Qing.

Currently she is cocurating and coediting with Daisy Wang the exhibition and book Empresses of China's Forbidden City, 1644–1912, coorganized with the Peabody Essex Museum (Salem) and the Palace Museum (Beijing)

Actively involved in museum acquisitions, Stuart also publishes regularly and serves on editorial boards for Ars Orientalis and Arts of Asia.

Jan Stuart is an American art historian specialising in Chinese painting.


Without dialogue, the film stars Marilyn Castonguay as a woman who has a strange erotic experience after unexpectedly finding a python in her apartment.

(meta data) TITLE: How Fantasia Has Fostered a New Generation of Genre Filmmakers | IndieWire

(meta data) AUTHOR: https://www.indiewire.com/author/erichkohn/

# How Fantasia Film Festival Has Fostered a New Generation of Genre Filmmakers

## From filmmakers who grew up going to the festival to others currently benefiting from its resources, Fantasia has plenty of evidence that its system for supporting the genre community works well.

When Philippe McKie was seven years old in 1996, his cinephile father took him to a screening of the Japanese anime "The End of Evangelian" at the very first edition of the Fantasia International Film Festival in Montreal.

"It blew my mind," said McKie in a recent interview.

"It created this love for international cinema — and this love for Japanese cinema."

That passion continued through his teen years, as he continued watching movies at the three-week genre festival and eventually went to film school at Montreal's Mel-Hoppenheim School of Cinema, before leaving the city to make movies in Japan.

Now he's back in an entirely new context, as a filmmaker with two short films in competition, both made abroad.

"It hasn't even fully dawned on me that I'm part of it now," he said.

"I know the programmers by reputation but it's my first time being a part of the fest.

I'm meeting these guys for the first time as a filmmaker, so they don't know, but to me, it's really special."

McKie's experience is a variation on a familiar story in Quebec's growing genre scene, which Fantasia has fostered for more than two decades.

Supported by the province's cultural SODEC in addition to Telefilm Canada and Creative Europe, Fantasia hosts some 150 features and 300 short films, in addition to the growing genre market Frontières, now in its fifth year.

"There's definitely an institutional openness to genre that we're seeing develop," said Lindsay Peters, the festival's market and industry director.

"It's taken a long time, but it's looking positive now."

McKie's two shorts in the lineup collectively speak to the expansive nature of Fantasia's programming strategy: "Breaker" is a cyber-punk thriller set in dystopian Japan, while "Be My First" is an erotic drama about a young woman on an enigmatic mission to lose her virginity.

He was clearly enthusiastic to be back at the festival that inspired his burgeoning career.

"I think this city is really funky," he said.

"You've got this clash of cultures, the whole French-English clash, but it's also a very artistic city.

I'm really thankful that I can be from here.

It's always going to be a part of my identity."

Whereas many film festivals see their local talent move on, Fantasia's specific focus on genre films has led many filmmakers like McKie to keep coming back to the festival — and, in other cases, stay put.

Each of the festival's three weekends contains a different short film section featuring work by Quebecois directors.

One of these is Ariane Louis-Seize, whose wordless 19-minute short "The Wild Skin" revolves around the peculiar experiences of a young woman who discovers a python in her apartment and undergoes a strange erotic experience as a result.

Louis-Seize grew up near Ottawa idolizing Jane Campion's films, and has found her groove producing work in Montreal.

She waits tables two nights a week, but mostly lives off grant money.

"I don't need a lot to live here and feel comfortable," she said during a happy-hour event for Quebecois filmmakers on the festival's first weekend.

"There are great talents and technicians here.

It's just easier because you have a real industry and I was able to create my own circle.

It's really nice because it's all so casual."

A native French speaker for whom speaking English doesn't come easily, she has no plans to attempt working in other parts of the world.

"I really like it here, but I don't know anything else," she said, adding that she had no major commercial ambitions.

"Honestly, I don't really think of that.

For now — and probably for the rest of my life — I'll work here."

Fantasia's role in supporting Quebecois filmmakers shows no sign of waning, as much of the market's activity proves.

This year, Canadian producers are eligible for funding from European financing institution Eurimage, and Frontières will host a panel on the fundraising behind two recent projects, "Muse" and "Border."

Another panel finds seven Canadian projects from up-and-coming female writer-directors being pitched in front of industry experts.

One of the participants in the panel is Elza Kephart, who runs the production company Midnight Kingdom Films out of Montreal.

Unlike Louis-Seize, Kephart never landed government funding for her projects and attended film school in the U.S., at Emerson.

However, Fantasia has played a crucial role in the evolution of her career: When she was looking for support on her directorial debut, 2003's "Graveyard Alive," programming director Mitch Davis met with Kephart's producer early in the production and promised a slot in the lineup.

A decade later, she pitched a project at the market.

"I feel like the film crowd is a big circus family."

She's firmly entrenched in Quebec's film scene and active in several local organizations, such as the women filmmaker collective Equitable Leaders, which "strives to attain equity for women directors in Quebec's film industry."

At this year's market, she's pitching the project "Slaxxx," which features a pair of killer pants.

"I like death, blood, weirdness," she said.

For much of Fantasia's community, the festival provides a validation of their shared sensibilities — and the prospects of finding an audience beyond the limitations of the three-week gathering.

"There's an opportunity for the local industry to really interact with the national scene," Peters said.

"The Quebec genre community is small, but it's very strong."

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This Article is related to: Film and tagged Fantasia Film Festival, Film Festival Spotlight

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"Wild Skin" (French: "La Peau sauvage") is a Canadian short drama film, directed by Ariane Louis-Seize and released in 2016.


Hernandez's father died in January 2006 from complications from hernia surgery when Hernandez was 16.

(meta data) TITLE: Death of Aaron Hernandez's dad in 2006 deeply impacted his life

(meta data) AUTHOR: Julio Ricardo Varela

Topics: Aaron Hernandez, football, latino, murder case, new england patriots, nfl

# Death of Aaron Hernandez's dad in 2006 deeply impacted his life

by Julio Ricardo Varela Follow @NBCLatino3:06 pm on 06/27/2013

Facing charges of first-degree murder and firearms possession surrounding the death of Odin Lloyd, former New England Patriot tight end Aaron Hernandez is now embroiled in a case that has instantly changed his life.

Yesterday, as news of Hernandez's arrest spread online, the 23-year-old player of Puerto Rican and Italian descent went from NFL stardom to being arrested and unemployed in a just a matter of hours.

Several high-profile reports from outlets such Sports Illustrated have already explored Hernandez's past, suggesting that the latest developments are just part of a "checked history" which began in his hometown of Bristol, CT, the very same Bristol where ESPN is headquartered.

However, very few national outlets are raising the 2006 death of Daniel Hernandez, Aaron's father, as the possible cause to why the younger Hernandez has experienced such a tumultuous seven years.

According to a January 7, 2006 obituary, Daniel Hernandez was 49 years old when he died.

The death notice mentioned that Daniel "took great pleasure in watching his sons play sports and attending their games."

A local June 22 story from the Hartford Courant spent a significant amount of time focusing on Daniel's death and the impact it had on Aaron.

The article featured many who knew Hernandez, saying that his father's loss "had a significant effect."

It also said that "Hernandez admitted he began using drugs in 2006 after the death of his father, the Boston Globe reported in 2010.

Hernandez put his father's favorite quote — "if it is to be, it is up to me" — under his picture in the high school yearbook and later had it tattooed on his left arm."

According to the story, "Hernandez never ran afoul of the law in Bristol, and many residents interviewed by The Courant say the superstar high school player was generous with his time and respectful to members of the community."

Those who know Hernandez at the time believed that his decision to not attend and play football at the University of Connecticut and choose Florida instead was directly related to his father's death:

Bristol residents looked forward to the short trip to watch the hometown hero play for UConn, where Hernandez had made an oral commitment during his senior year at Bristol Central.

But three months after his father's death, Hernandez backed out of his pledge to play for the Huskies, where his brother, D.J., was a quarterback, to attend Florida.

He committed to the Gators on the same day he made a recruiting visit, hosted by Tim Tebow, then a freshman quarterback and now a fellow Patriot.

The decision "shocked" Terri Hernandez, she said at the time.

Within months of beginning his collegiate football career in Gainesville, Fla., Hernandez was one of four players interviewed by police after an early morning shooting at a night club left two men wounded.

No one was ever charged in the shootings of Justin Glass and Corey Smith, and Gainesville police said Friday they would not release the police report because it is still considered an open investigation.

In a 2009 story for USA Today, Aaron Hernandez opened up about his the loss of his father: "It was more like a shock.

Everyone was close to my father, but I was the closest.

When that happened, who do I talk to, who do I hang with?

The USA TODAY story also quoted Terri Hernandez, Dennis' wife, who said: "It was a rough process, and I didn't know what to do for [Aaron].

It was very, very hard, and he was very, very angry.

He wasn't the same kid, the way he spoke to me.

The shock of losing his dad, there was so much anger."

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He was the son of Dennis Hernandez, of Puerto Rican descent, and Terri Valentine-Hernandez, of Italian descent.  As an adult, Hernandez remembered his mother throwing his father out of the house on multiple occasions, but always letting him back in.  The couple married in 1986, divorced in 1991, and remarried in 1996.  In 1991, they filed for bankruptcy.  Hernandez would later say there was constant fighting going on in the home.  Both parents would be arrested and involved in crime during their lives.
 Hernandez had an older brother, Dennis Jonathan Jr., known as D.J. Their father pushed them to excel, including through sports, but was often abusive towards both the boys and their mother. Publicly, their father projected an image of someone who had some run ins with the police but turned his life around to become a good father and citizen.


A comprehensive 2016 report by the Chief Public Health Officer of Canada found that 88% of  Canadians; one of the highest proportions of the population among G7 countries, indicated that they "had good or very good health".

(meta data) TITLE: Health Status of Canadians 2016: Report of the Chief Public Health Officer - How healthy are we? - Perceived health - Canada.ca

(meta data) AUTHOR: Public Health Agency of Canada

Chief Public Health Officer's reports on the state of public health in Canada

# Health Status of Canadians 2016: Report of the Chief Public Health Officer - How healthy are we? - Perceived health

In 2014, 18 million or three in five Canadians said they felt they had very good or excellent (see Figure 1)Footnote 1.

Figure 1: 3 in 5 Canadians said they felt they had very good or excellent.

Perceived health is a subjective measure of how people feel about their health and can be a good reflection of actual health.

Footnote 2-4 Health means not only the absence of disease or injury but also physical, mental and social well-being.

The proportion of Canadians reporting that they felt they had very good or excellent health has not changed.

In 2014, Canadians in the lowest household incomes were less likely to report feeling they had very good or excellent health than those living in the highest income households (see Figure 2)Footnote 5.

Figure 2: Perception of very good or excellent health by household income, 2014Footnote 5

Deciles (D) are calculated by dividing the Canadian population into ten groups of equal size (deciles) based on household income.

Bar chart showing percent of the population who report being in very good or excellent health by household income in 2014.

These data are divided into income deciles.

Deciles are calculated by dividing the Canadian population into ten groups of equal size (deciles) based on neighbourhood income.

In 2014, the same proportion of men and women rated their health as very good/excellent or fair/poor.

Percent of Canadian men and women reporting very good/excellent or fair/poor health, 2014Footnote 1

Data on perceived health in Indigenous populations are not directly comparable to the data described above.

In 2008/2010, 44% of First Nations on-reserve rated their health as very good or excellent.

Percent of First Nations on-reserve reporting excellent/very good health, 2008/2010Footnote 6

In 2007-2010, First Nations off reserve, Métis and Inuit were less likely than non-Indigenous people to report that their health was very good or excellent.

Percent of Canadians reporting excellent/very good health, 2007-2010Footnote 7

Data presented in this table are adjusted by age.

Indigenous populations tend to be younger than non-Indigenous populations which can affect the ability to compare data across groups.

Perceived health is not measured the same way across all countries, so data were adjusted so that they could be compared.

Data presented above represent very good or excellent perceived health.

These data can be reported over time, by income and by sex.

The data below for Canada represent good, very good and excellent health (they include all positive responses) in order to allow for the comparison of perceived health among G7 countries.

At 88%, Canada and the United States had the highest proportion of people among G7 countries in 2014 who said that they felt they had good or very good health (see Figure 3)Footnote 8.

It should be noted that perceived health is a subjective measure that can be affected by factors such as culture.

This means that for some cultures, perceived health may not accurately reflect actual health.

Figure 3: Percent of people reporting good/very good** health in G7 countries, 2014Footnote 8

* For Canada and the United States: Adjusted to match WHO methodology.

** For Canada, good/very good data indicate any positive response, including "excellent".

This adjustment was made in order to be consistent with other countries' data collection.

Bar chart showing percent of population in G7 countries who reported being in good or very good health in 2014.

To measure perceived health, Canadians 12 years and older were asked if they felt their health was excellent, very good, fair or poor.

Indigenous populations consist of First Nations, Métis and Inuit.

G7 countries include seven of the world's industrialized countries, namely the United States, Japan, Germany, France, the United Kingdom, Italy and Canada, that form an informal discussion group and economic partnership.

To compare across countries, answers from national surveys were regrouped to match three categories: "good or very good" (includes all positive responses), "fair" (includes any neutral responses), and "bad or very bad" (includes all negative responses).Footnote 9

#### For more information on health, please see:

Statistics Canada (2016). Table 105-0501 - Health indicator profile, annual estimates, by age group and sex, Canada, provinces, territories, health regions (2013 boundaries) and peer groups, occasional [Data File].

Smith, P.M., Glazier, R.H., Sibley, L.M. (2010).

The predictors of self-rate health and the relationship between self-rated health and health service needs are similar across socioeconomic groups in Canada.

Journal of Clinical Epidemiology, 63(4), 412-421.

The relationships between self-rated health and hospital records.

Canadian Community Health Survey, 2014 [Share Microdata File].

All computations on these microdata were prepared by the Public Health Agency of Canada and the responsibility for the use and interpretation of these data is entirely that of the author(s).

First Nations Information Governance Centre (2012).

Select health indicators of First Nations people living off reserve, Métis and Inuit.

Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (2015).

Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (2016).

Jylha, M., Guralink, J.M., Ferrucci, L., Jokela, J., Heikkinen, E. (1998).

Is self-rated health comparable across cultures and genders?

Journals of Gerontology, Series B, 53B(3), S144-S152.

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It is guided by the provisions of the Canada Health Act of 1984, and is universal. Universal access to publicly funded health services "is often considered by Canadians as a fundamental value that ensures national health care insurance for everyone wherever they live in the country." However, 30% of Canadians' healthcare is paid for through the private sector. This mostly goes towards services not covered or partially covered by Medicare, such as prescription drugs, dentistry and optometry. Approximately 65% to 75% of Canadians have some form of supplementary health insurance related to the aforementioned reasons; many receive it through their employers or utilizes secondary social service programs related to extended coverage for families receiving  social assistance or vulnerable demographics, such as seniors, minors, and those with disabilities.
 In common with many other developed countries, Canada is experiencing a cost increase due to a demographic shift towards an older population, with more retirees and fewer people of working age. In 2006, the average age was 39.5 years; within twelve years it had risen to 42.4 years, with a life expectancy of 81.1 years.


It had been previously been described as "Antechinus swainsonii mimetes", a subspecies of the Dusky antechinus.

(meta data) TITLE: New to nature No 139: Antechinus arktos | Science | The Guardian

(meta data) AUTHOR: https://www.theguardian.com/profile/quentin-wheeler

(meta data) PUBLISHER: https://www.facebook.com/theguardian

(meta data) PUBLISHED DATETIME: 2015-03-15T03:00:04-0400

Available for everyone, funded by readers

# New to nature No 139: Antechinus arktos

Long mistaken for another species, this Australian marsupial may now be under threat from rising temperatures.

That doesn't stop it from enjoying a vigorous, if deadly, sex life

Last modified on Wed 21 Mar 2018 20.16 EDT

Threatened by climate change: Antechinus arktos.

Photograph: Gary Cranitch, Queensland Museum

A beautiful new species of carnivorous marsupial has been discovered in far south-eastern Queensland and adjacent north-eastern New South Wales.

Isolated at high altitude on the Tweed volcanic caldera, in areas of high rainfall, the distinctness of the Black-tailed Antechinus had escaped scientists until now.

The genus Antechinus includes 15 species from Australia.

Short-haired with large ears, long whiskers and a pointed snout, these marsupials somewhat resemble shrews in general appearance.

Antechinus are small, measuring nose-to-tail from 12 to 20cm and weighing no more than 180g.

Males are larger than females and newborns tiny, weighing in at about 4g.

The number of surviving young in a litter varies from four to 14, depending on how many teats the mother has in her pouch.

Gestation is rapid, taking about four weeks.

Antechinus are in the family Dasyuridae – carnivorous marsupials.

The family includes 76 species, limited to Australia and New Guinea.

Among them are other small and similarly mouse-like species, but also the cat-sized quolls and the Tasmanian devil, which for their size have the most powerful jaws of any mammal.

While diets vary, occasionally including fruits, pollen and vertebrates, most dasyurids are predominantly insectivorous.

Specimens of the new species, Antechinus arktos, were previously known to mammalogists but had been falsely assumed to belong to a common and widely distributed mainland subspecies of the Dusky Antechinus, A swainsonii mimetes.

Andrew M Baker and Thomas Y Mutton of the Queensland University of Technology, with co-authors Harry B Hines of the Queensland Parks and Wildlife Service and Steve Van Dyck of the Queensland Museum, have clarified the evolutionary significance of the Black-tailed Antechinus and called attention to its probably threatened status.

Baker and his colleagues, noticing the yellow-orange colouration around the eyes and rump of the new species, as well as its black tail and hind feet, suspected that it might be more than a mere colour variant of Dusky Antechinus.

A mitochondrial DNA analysis showed that populations of A arktos differ from those of A swainsonii by 10%, a large, species-sized gap between two supposed populations of a single species.

Armed with this genetic insight, the scientists reexamined anatomical details, confirming several consistent differences.

The more vibrant yellow-orange markings on the upper and lower eyelids and cheeks in front of the ears, the similarly coloured rump, and the evenly black hind feet and tail stand in contrast to the Dusky Antechnus.

A swainsonii has a more uniformly coloured body with brownish-grey hair; its hind feet and tail have brown fur.

As well as having a very limited geographic distribution, A arktos appears to be locally rare.

In spite of evidence that these animals will readily enter traps, extensive efforts to capture them were largely unsuccessful: in 2013-2014 10,000 traps were deployed with only 10 individuals found at a single site.

More disturbingly, specimens were not found at some lower-altitude sites where they had once been documented to exist, suggesting that their range may be shrinking.

The team reporting the new species fears that climate change is having an impact on populations and that a continued warming trend will place them at even greater risk as they have nowhere left to run, being at the very summit of the World Heritage-listed rainforest of Springbrook.

Their recommendation is that the Black-tailed Antechinus be considered endangered and that field studies of its status be continued as they race against time to save the species from extinction.

Like other members of its genus, A arktos is short-lived and semelparous, that is, males reproduce only once in their lifetime.

Males and females are promiscuous, often enthusiastically so, with copulation lasting up to 14 hours.

At the end of the one-to three-week mating period, all males drop dead – victims of raging testosterone, which causes a malfunction in the stress-hormone cutoff switch.

As a result, their immune system shuts down, their hair falls out, they become infested with ticks and mites and death inevitably follows, from internal bleeding or infection.

When females give birth a couple of weeks later, not a single male is left alive to help rear the young.

Offspring in a single litter are often fathered by multiple males as the female is capable of storing sperm for a few days prior to fertilisation.

The black-tailed antechinus was first described in 2014 by Baker and others and is one of the most recently described marsupials.


Full implementation of the name change is taking place during the 2018–19 academic year.

(meta data) TITLE: Thomas More College: Now Thomas More University

# Thomas More has new name, but remains the same institution

Published 4:23 p.m. ET Oct. 1, 2018 | Updated 4:27 p.m. ET Oct. 1, 2018

A new marquee welcomes everyone to the Thomas More University campus in Crestview Hills.(Photo: Provided)

CRESTVIEW HILLS – Judith Marlowe was there when a small Catholic secondary education institution became Thomas More College.

Marlowe, a 1969 graduate, was serving as president of the 1968 student council.

And she was there when the college became Thomas More University, serving as chair-elect of the Thomas More Board of Trustees.

"The transition to university status is yet another indicator that Thomas More understands the importance of its mission to offer students a transformative educational experience that equips them for a lifetime of service to God and community," she said.

"As a university, our tradition of academic excellence will be preserved, while innovative programs can be initiated and expanded more effectively.

It is the right time to take this step, and we look forward to a bright future for TMU."

As of Oct. 1, the college has officially become Thomas More University.

Kentucky's Council on Postsecondary Education formally granted Thomas More university status in July.

Last week, the college rolled out its new identity while wrapping up a series of events that have taken place throughout that week to commemorate its 50th anniversary of the Crestview Hills campus.

A new marquee now welcomes students, faculty and guests to "Thomas More University."

Full implementation of the name change will take place over the coming 2018-2019 academic year.

The new designation positions Thomas More to leverage its expanding academic offerings, including new graduate programs in ethical leadership studies and athletic training, as well as an array of online programs, according to spokesperson Rebecca Stratton.

"The transition to university will necessitate a new organizational structure by creating three distinct colleges and one new institute: College of Arts and Sciences, College of Business, College of Education and Health Sciences, and Institute for Ethical Leadership and Interdisciplinary Studies," she said.

Thomas More's academic programs have been enriched by recent growth in its physical facilities.

This fall marks the opening of a new residence hall and a new STEM Outreach Center at its Biology Field Station on the Ohio River.

According to longtime faculty member, TMU Biology Fied Station director and TMU Environmental Science Program director Chris Lorentz, having three distinct colleges couched under the university structure "maintains our personalized, intimate educational experience while recognizing the high-quality programs and diverse opportunities for our students."

New logo for Thomas More University (Photo: Provided)

The university will further expand its campus footprint with the new Center for Health Sciences (in partnership with St. Elizabeth Healthcare) and a Performing Arts Laboratory both located in Edgewood within walking distance of the campus core, Stratton said.

Thomas More has also witnessed significant growth in its endowment, donor contributions, co-curricular programs and enrollment, welcoming the largest incoming class in the school's history this fall, Stratton said.

"This (university designation) is a landmark event, and we believe it is the right time in our history to assume the university moniker," said Thomas More Acting President Kathleen Jagger.

"In 2021, we will mark our centennial anniversary, and this transition to university is the first in a series of strategic moves we are making to position Thomas More for its next century of work."

Jagger notes that the new designation will enhance the school's expansion, marketing and branding efforts as it seeks to position itself, its students, and its faculty on the global stage.

"Our new identity as Thomas More University should translate into greater credibility on the international stage for both our students and for those students from other countries who might want to choose an education here," she said.

Although this is the biggest step in Thomas More's history, according to current senior and Student Government Association president Taylor Walz, there are some things that will never change.

"We all know that there will be no change in the integrity, environment, mission and Catholic identity of this institution," Walz said.

As the first Thomas More University student body president, I am excited for this transition and looking forward to what this status means for Thomas More's future."

Read or Share this story: https://www.cincinnati.com/story/news/local/northern-ky/2018/10/01/thomas-more-college-now-thomas-more-university/1486690002/Share your feedback

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Kentucky’s Council on Postsecondary Education formally granted Thomas More university status in July 2018. On October 1, 2018, Thomas More College was officially renamed to Thomas More University and assumed university status.


Also in 2006, the band recorded a cover version of Metallica's "Master of Puppets" for the "Kerrang!" release "Remastered: Metallica's Master of Puppets Revisited".

(meta data) TITLE: Machine Head, Trivium, Mastodon Pay Tribute To Metallica On 'Remastered' Cd - Blabbermouth.net

# MACHINE HEAD, TRIVIUM, MASTODON Pay Tribute to METALLICA On 'Remastered' CD

Eight of rock's hottest bands have contributed to a special re-recording of METALLICA's "Master of Puppets" in celebration of the twentieth anniversary of the classic album's release and the 25th anniversary of the magazine Kerrang!

The CD will be given away free with Kerrang! issue 1102, which goes on sale April 5.

Magazines with the special CD will be available in the usual spots outside of the U.K. — at your favorite record store or book store if they normally import Kerrang!

"Remastered" features exclusive recordings by BULLET FOR MY VALENTINE, TRIVIUM, FIGHTSTAR, MACHINE HEAD, FUNERAL FOR A FRIEND, CHIMAIRA, MASTODON and MENDEED, with the sleeve notes for the album written by none other than Lars Ulrich.

"It's awesome to think that some of you guys weren't even born when we recorded 'Master Of Puppets'!" laughed Lars.

"When we started thinking about Kerrang! honoring 'Master of Puppets' with this tribute album, and saw the artwork and the line-up of bands we realized it was a big deal.

We're honored that it's a record that's perceived as a milestone and a record that's been so inspiring to so many people, both fans and young bands like TRIVIUM and BULLET FOR MY VALENTINE.

We're as excited to hear this as you guys are!"

MENDEED - "The Thing That Should Not Be"

BULLET FOR MY VALENTINE - "Welcome Home (Sanitarium)"

Check out the "Remastered" cover artwork at this location.

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#### LACRIMAS PROFUNDEREBleeding The Stars

Trivium is an American heavy metal band from Orlando, Florida. Formed in 1999, the group's first recording lineup included vocalist and guitarist Matt Heafy, bassist Brent Young and drummer Travis Smith. After a pair of demos, the band released its debut studio album "Ember to Inferno" in 2003, which was written entirely by Heafy. Guitarist Corey Beaulieu joined after the album's recording, and the following year Paolo Gregoletto replaced Young. The band released "Ascendancy" in 2005, which featured songwriting credits for Beaulieu and producer Jason Suecof. The album was followed the next year by "The Crusade", written by Heafy with Beaulieu and Gregoletto.


The "CBS Evening News" streams every evening on CBSN, CBS News' 24/7 live, streaming news service.

(meta data) TITLE: CBSN Live Streaming Free - US News Today

November 9, 2018June 12, 2019 John Phillips 0 Comments

CBSN is CBS News' 24/7 digital streaming news service.

It's always on, always free, making CBS News' original, high-quality reporting available to you wherever and whenever you want to watch.

CBSN is your place to find the latest news headlines, live video of breaking stories and CBSN Originals programming, including "CBSN: On Assignment."

Since launching in November 2014, CBSN has grown viewership significantly, driving a 38 percent year-over-year increase in streams in the second quarter of 2017.

The average CBSN viewer is 38 years old, with 80 percent of viewers between the ages of 18 and 49.

Broadcast Schedule Weekday Schedule 12 a.m.

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November 9, 2018 John Phillips 0 Articles Most popular World News

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From 2012 to 2016, he anchored the Sunday edition of the "CBS Evening News", and from 2013 to 2014, he was the correspondent on extended investigations for the "CBS Evening News", including recalls at General Motors and Takata. In 2015 and 2016, he contributed a wide range of stories to 60 Minutes Sports. He also began filling in for Charlie Rose on his eponymous show on PBS.
 On October 25, 2017, CBS announced that Glor would become the new permanent anchor for the "CBS Evening News" in late 2017, replacing Scott Pelley, who left the position in June 2017. (Anthony Mason had been anchoring the program on an interim basis after Pelley's departure.) Glor became the new permanent weekday anchor of the CBS Evening News on December 4, 2017.
 In December 2017, Glor interviewed French President Emmanuel Macron at the One Planet Summit in Paris, following Donald Trump's decision to pull the U.S. out of the 2015 Paris Accords. That night he broadcast the Evening News live from the  Élysée Palace, a first for any American network.


The prize money to be distributed was announced in March 2018, with a total of €76.25 million in solidarity and bonus fees due to be distributed to the 55 participating national teams.

(meta data) TITLE: UEFA Nations League solidarity and bonus fees - UEFA Nations League - News - UEFA.com

# UEFA Nations League solidarity and bonus fees

Solidarity and bonus fees will be paid to the 55 UEFA Nations League contenders.

Europe's national teams are in international friendly action, but will soon be casting an eye towards more competitive assignments with the inaugural edition of the UEFA Nations League, which kicks off in September.

The new national team competition is set to give more sporting meaning to national team football.

Its launch follows feedback given to UEFA by national associations, coaches, players and supporters, who were increasingly of the opinion that friendly matches do not provide adequate competition for national teams.

As a result, supporters will have the opportunity in future to see their teams play in more competitive matches.

The UEFA Nations League will also provide an important source of revenue to the associations – shown by the details of solidarity and bonus fees that will be paid to the 55 teams taking part.

A total of €76.25 million in solidarity and bonus fees is earmarked for the 55 national associations whose national teams will be setting out in the first edition of the UEFA Nations League, a competition which will enhance the status of the European national team game.

The solidarity fees per team are scaled for each division:

In addition, the group winners of each league can double this amount as they will be entitled to the following bonus fees:

The four group winners of League A will play for the UEFA Nations League trophy in June 2019.

The following solidarity fees for these four teams will be set aside:

This means that the maximum amount of solidarity and bonus fees for a team from League A would be €7.5m; €2m for a team from League B; €1.5m in League C; and €1m for a team from League D.

The full draw and fixture list for the inaugural edition of the UEFA Nations League can be found here.


The park offers canoeing, paddleboat rentals, hiking, camp-grounds, fishing and picnicking.

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Park membershipsThings to do at Grand River ParksCampingGroup facilitiesService DisruptionsKeep our conservation areas beautiful

The Elora Gorge is one of the most beautiful and spectacular natural areas in the Grand River valley.

The Grand River rushes past 22-metre high cliffs.

Riverside trails (with safety barriers) and scenic overlooks provide hikers with stunning views of the water far below where kayakers and tubers make their way through the rapids.

Tubing equipment rental, a splash pad, sport fields, trails and access to great fishing on the Grand River make Elora Gorge Park a favourite place to camp.

WARNING: The gorge is deep and the walls are steep.

For your safety, hike only on marked trails.

Do not climb over fences or attempt to climb down the gorge walls.

Due to weather events in 2017 and 2018, the low level bridge at Elora Gorge Conservation Area was damaged by high water flows.

Camping will be available on the south side of the park starting May 1st.

We will be opening north side campsites in Areas E and F (sites 310 to 442) starting June 14, 2019.

All camping permits will be issued at the main gate entrance.

Traffic is restricted between the north and south sides of the conservation area.

The shuttle bus for tubing will not be operating in 2019.

Season: Open daily from May 1 to October 15 for day use and camping.

Hours: Open for day use from dawn to dusk.

(Not all facilities are available during all park hours.

Elora Gorge has 250 unserviced sites, 130 serviced sites with water and 15/30 amp electrical and 20 serviced sites with 15 amp electrical.

Up to six people are permitted per campsite.

Check-in is after 2 p.m. and checkout is before noon.

Group camping is not currently available at Elora Gorge.

(The groups sites are on the north side of the park and are affected by the low level bridge closure).

Seasonal sites: Please contact the park directly to inquire about seasonal site availability.

A total alcohol and cannabis ban is in effect for the entire park season.

Alcohol and cannabis are not permitted at any time, including on all registered campsites and in day-use areas.

Radio free area: Campsites 246 to 320 are not available for booking, because they are on the north side.

Book a site online or call 1-877-558-GRCA (4722)

Please read our Camping Reservation Policy.

The gorge offers a challenge to experienced whitewater canoeists and kayakers.

Other canoeists like to start at the lower end of the park and the Low Level Bridge for a trip downstream toward West Montrose (home of the famous covered bridge), Waterloo and Kitchener.

Visit our Canoeing and Kayaking pages for more information.

The stretch of the Grand River between Fergus and West Montrose, which includes the Elora Gorge, has attained a well-deserved reputation as one of the best brown trout fisheries in North America.

Fishing enthusiasts generally wade in the river, although it is rocky and slippery in some areas.

Special regulations are in place along some sections of the Grand River.

Go to our Fishing page for more information on fishing in the Grand River watershed.

There are three kilometres of walking trails in the conservation area, offering views of the 22-metre deep gorge.

The map in the park brochure shows the trails.

The gorge is deep and the walls are steep.

For your safety, only hike on marked trails.

Nearby is the Elora Cataract Trailway, a 47-kilometre trail linking the Grand and Credit river watersheds.

Cyclists can explore the Elora Cataract Trailway, a 47-kilometre trail linking the Grand and Credit river watersheds.

Cyclists can also enjoy themselves on park roads.

Please obey the rules of the road and, for your safety, wear a helmet.

Riding an inner tube through the Elora Gorge is an exhilarating way to experience the river and the cliffs above.

Tubing may be closed due to high flows or other conditions.

More information about tubing and status updates are available on the Tubing page.

The shuttle bus for tubing will not be operating in 2019.

The 195-square-metre splash pad has 18 spray and splash features to keep kids cool on a hot summer day.

The splash pad is open from the beginning of June to Labour Day, 9 a.m. to 8 p.m.

Elora Gorge Park doesn't have a swimming area, but park users can swim nearby at Elora Quarry Park.

A multiuse picnic area is adjacent to the campground and is open from 9 a.m. to dusk during the operating season.

Picnic tables are scattered around the park and near the splash pad.

Visitors are reminded that conditions remain very dry.

For cooking purposes, day-use visitors may use barbecues in designated picnic areas.

Never leave barbecues unattended, and please use extreme caution.

The park offers activities and event throughout the season for families and children.

Check the schedule at the park gatehouse or go to our Events Calendar.

This is the location of the community bulletin board, pay phone and a lost and found.

It is the place to go to report any problems or concerns, to get further information about the conservation area.

Firewood is available on weekdays in May, June and September and throughout October.

(At other times, buy firewood at the concession stand.)

There are two picnic pavilions available for rent for family reunions, company picnics and other events.

The Kay Marston Pavilion accommodates about 200 people and has washrooms.

The Pines Pavilion accommodates about 50 people but has no additional facilities.

More information is available on our Group Facilities page.

Washrooms with hot and cold running potable water and showers are available in the campground area.

Washrooms are also available in the picnic area.

Vault toilets are located throughout the park.

Ice and firewood are available at the tubing rental concession.

An alternate concession is available in the same location which offers hot food (hamburgers, french fries etc.), ice cream, soft drinks and snacks.

This private concession is open on most weekends, and throughout the week during the months of July and August.

There is a playground for children, two baseball diamonds and large green spaces suitable for group games.

Containers are located throughout the conservation area and garbage bags are provided to campers so they can deposit their own garbage in the bins.

A recycling depot located next to the Beach House parking lot is available for glass, plastic containers, pop cans and newspaper.

Two trailer sewage dumping stations are located in the serviced campgrounds area.

Dogs are welcome, but must be on a leash no longer than two-metres and under control at all times.

Dogs are not allowed in the splash pad area.

Pet owners can be fined if these regulations are not followed.

Grocery, hardware and drug stores are in Elora and Fergus.

Medical services are available at Groves Memorial Hospital, 235 Union St. E., Fergus.

Visit the Elora & Fergus Tourism website for more information about the area.

Many tourists visit Elora on day trips, attracted by the historic nature of the town or the Grand River Raceway with horse racing and slot machines. It has many small shops, pubs, cafés, restaurants and art galleries. These are often in buildings built during the mid 19th century. The Gorge Cinema is Canada's oldest continuously running repertory theatre. The annual Elora Festival & Singers event is particularly popular.
 The Elora Gorge and its Conservation Area are at the edge of town.


In October 2018, it was announced Arturo Castro had been cast in the live-action role of Marco and that Janelle Monáe had been cast in the voice role of Peg.

(meta data) TITLE: Arturo Castro Joins Disney's 'Lady and the Tramp' (Exclusive) | Hollywood Reporter

(meta data) PUBLISHED DATETIME: 2018-10-04T11:52:35

# Arturo Castro Joins Disney's 'Lady and the Tramp' (Exclusive)

He has been added as a live castmember along with Kiersey Clemons and Thomas Mann.

Narcos star Arturo Castro is the latest to join Disney's live-action Lady and the Tramp.

He will join the movie's human cast, which includes Kiersey Clemons as Darling and Thomas Mann as Jim Dear.

Castro will play Marco, a hard working up-and-comer who has a soft spot for Tramp and likes to slip him scraps from the restaurant where he works.

Tessa Thompson is voicing Lady, and Justin Theroux will play Tramp, while Ashley Jensen is set to play Scottish Terrier Jackie, while Doctor Strange star Benedict Wong has been cast to voice English bulldog Bull.

The Lego Ninjago Movie filmmaker Charlie Bean is directing the remake, which is expected to debut on Disney's upcoming digital streaming service, launching in 2019.

Jessica Virtue and Chaz Salembier are overseeing for Disney.

Castro, who is repped by WME and Avalon, is an alum of Comedy Central series Broad City and is working with the network on a sketch series Alternatino With Arturo Castro.

He will also voice-star in the upcoming Lego Movie follow-up, The Second Part.

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In July 2018, it was announced that Ashley Jensen, Justin Theroux, and Sam Elliott had been cast in the voice roles of Jackie, Tramp, and Trusty, respectively. Additionally, it was reported that Kiersey Clemons was in talks for the live-action role of Darling, Lady's human owner. In August 2018, it was reported that Tessa Thompson and Benedict Wong had been cast in the voice roles of Lady and Bull, respectively, and that Thomas Mann had been cast in the live-action role of Jim Dear. In September 2018, it was announced that Yvette Nicole Brown and Adrian Martinez had been cast in the live-action roles of Aunt Sarah and the dog-catcher Elliot, respectively.


Graham was working and writing songs with music manager Tom Watkins, and he suggested that Watkins meet the group.

(meta data) TITLE: I Wrote That: Bros - When Will I be Famous - M Magazine

(meta data) PUBLISHER: http://www.facebook.com/PRSforMusic

# I Wrote That: Bros – When Will I be Famous

Nicky Graham is the award-winning songwriter, musician and producer behind multi-platinum-selling eighties pop trio Bros.

Having discovered the band in 1986, he and writing partner Tom Watkins set about penning their arsenal of worldwide hits including chart-topper I Owe You Nothing and follow-up single When Will I Be Famous.

With the latter celebrating its 30 year anniversary this year, and Bros reuniting for a string of stadium shows, Nicky gives us the inside track on their most iconic song…

I met Bros in the mid-eighties when they were in a little group called Gloss.

They had long flaxen curly hair and they used to wear Duran Duran jackets.

At the time I was working with Tom Watkins.

We'd hooked up when he wrote the song One Man's Meat is Another Man's Poison for a group he fronted called The Hudsons.

The track came out on EMI and was a club hit in the gay scene.

The band didn't have a follow up, so we got together to write When Will I Be Famous.

The problem was, he couldn't sing it – he was pretty tone deaf and the song is quite melodic!

We put the track on the shelf for a while, then dug it out again when Tom suggested we find a group to manufacture and sing it.

I told him about the three kids I'd met out in Lightwater, Surrey – Matt and Luke Goss, and Craig Logan.

At the time, anybody who wrote their own songs was considered to be better than those who were 'puppets', as the media called them.

So, although we wrote all the Bros hits, we credited them to 'The Brothers'.

I didn't need the acknowledgement – I didn't have an ego.

It really helped launch their career, and once the train had left the station, you couldn't stop it.

The media couldn't do anything about it.

Tom came up with the line, 'When will I be famous'.

The problem was, when I was writing the music, I had a melody in my head and it didn't quite fit with the line.

Hence the chorus, 'When will I, will I be famous?'

That's how that odd little pickup came about in the middle of the line.

I was living in Wimbledon at the time, and had a little studio in the loft of my house.

In those days, computerised equipment was very small and basic, so I had a few bits and pieces strung together with my keyboard.

All the Bros hits were written up there, then I'd take them to a proper studio to polish them up.

I did everything; played all the instruments, the bass, the drums, everything.

I programmed the whole lot and produced it all.

Then the boys came in and learned all the parts.

The twins were beautiful and I kept thinking of James Dean when I looked at them.

When Tom met them, the first thing he said was, 'No way!

You need to look like James Dean in the 1955 film East of Eden.'

Their image had to scream California, you know, ripped jeans and bottle tops on their shoes.

They were aimed at teenage girls, and it worked perfectly.

Suddenly Bros posters were up in everyone's bedrooms and that was it.

I remember it very clearly – everyone was wearing powder blue jeans, white t-shirts and Dr Martens.

I always remember a lyric that Annie Lennox wrote: 'You don't want to be a legend in your living room'.

Before Bros I'd been writing songs I thought were really good but never had an outlet.

With When Will I Be Famous, I thought, 'That song is going to be a huge hit' and all the other Bros hits just tumbled out after it.

It was as though the floodgates had opened and I was free to write anything I wanted – within the confines of what I had decided was safe for them to do.

I didn't want to give them anything too musical or too extreme.

It had to be pop and kids had to be able to dance to it.

Everything I did for them had a fantastic groove.

It's strange to think that, even today, When Will I Be Famous still resonates with people.

My daughter, who's nine, went to a dance class recently and they were all given t-shirts saying, 'I want to be famous'.

Isn't it funny that the sentiment is still there, 30 years later?

Kids aspire to being famous and the song captured that.

For the Brosettes, they felt like they were part of it – they were helping to make the band famous.

Written by: Written by Nicky Graham and Tom Watkins.

'It's like the taste of grilled cheese on a Sunday afternoon in the Czech Republic,' is how Ida Vallens describes the music she makes.

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Luke Goss and Matt Goss (born 29 September 1968 in Lewisham, London) had settled in Camberley, Surrey, after their parents had split up and their mother had found a new boyfriend, who bought Luke an electronic drum kit and Matt a saxophone, noticing their interest in music. The twins attended Collingwood College, where they became part of a band called Blue. At school they met Craig Logan (born 22 April 1969 in Kirkcaldy, Fife, Scotland) who was playing bass guitar in another school band, Stillbrook. Logan recalled that the Goss brothers came to his house one evening to say they had split from their band, and asked Logan to join them in a new group. Logan agreed, and the trio went through a variety of names for the group before settling on Gloss.
 The group were noticed by Bob Herbert, who had ambitions to break into the music business as a manager – Herbert's son Chris was a classmate of the trio at Collingwood. Herbert allowed the group to practise in his summer house and paid for them to record demos, but he was unable to sign them to a contract as they were under 18 years old. During this period Gloss had met Nicky Graham, a songwriter and producer.


It was executive produced by Coppola, Glazer, Roman Coppola, and Tony Hernandez with Shaffer as the special's musical director and onscreen accompanist.

(meta data) TITLE: Bill Murray Christmas Special Coming to Netflix – Variety

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Read Next: Netflix Is Testing Human-Curated 'Collections'

# Bill Murray Christmas Special Coming to Netflix

Netflix has picked up "A Very Murray Christmas" — an homage to classic variety shows starring Bill Murray as himself — set to debut on the streaming service Internet TV network this December.

The special is being written by Sofia Coppola, Bill Murray and Mitch Glazer and directed by Sofia Coppola.

In "A Very Murray Christmas," the comedian worries no one will show up to his TV show due to a massive snowstorm in New York City.

Through luck and perseverance, guests arrive at Gotham's Carlyle hotel to help him — dancing and singing in holiday spirit.

The star-studded cast includes George Clooney, Paul Shaffer, Amy Poehler, Julie White, Dimitri Dimitrov, Michael Cera, Chris Rock, David Johansen, Maya Rudolph, Jason Schwartzman, Jenny Lewis, members of the band Phoenix, Rashida Jones and Miley Cyrus.

The special is being exec produced by Coppola, Glazer, Roman Coppola and Tony Hernandez.

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In October 2014, the film was announced as a Christmas special with Bill Murray to star and Sofia Coppola set to write and direct.
 In May 2015, the film was picked up by Netflix and was announced as a homage to classic variety shows and would be written by Murray, Mitch Glazer, and Coppola, and directed by Coppola.


On December 10, Lagacé was reassigned to the Chicago Wolves following Marc-André Fleury's return from the injured reserve.

(meta data) TITLE: Fleury activated off injured reserve by Golden Knights | NHL.com

##### Fleury activated off injured reserve by Golden Knights

## Goalie has missed past 25 games with concussion

Goaltender Marc-Andre Fleury was activated from injured reserve by the Vegas Golden Knights on Sunday.

Fleury, 33, sustained a concussion in a 6-3 loss to the Detroit Red Wings on Oct. 13 and was placed on injured reserve the next day.

Video: DET@VGK: Fleury denies Mantha's backhander

He is 3-1-0 with a 2.48 goals-against average and .925 save percentage.

The Golden Knights went 16-8-1 during Fleury's absence.

Backup Malcolm Subban is 7-2-0 with a 2.33 GAA and .924 save percentage in 10 appearances (nine starts) despite missing four weeks with a lower-body injury.

Oscar Dansk was 3-0-0 with a 1.78 GAA and .946 save percentage in four appearances (three starts) before sustaining a lower-body injury on Oct. 30; he has not played since.

Maxime Lagace, who was assigned to Chicago of the American Hockey League to make room for Fleury, was 6-6-1 in 14 games (13 starts), with a 3.79 GAA and .872 save percentage after being called up on Oct. 22.

He made an NHL career-high 36 saves in a 5-3 win at the Dallas Stars on Saturday.

The Golden Knights (19-9-1) are in second place in the Pacific Division with 39 points, four behind the Los Angeles Kings (20-8-3).

They play the Carolina Hurricanes at T-Mobile Arena on Tuesday (10 p.m. ET; ATTSN-RM, FS-CR, NHL.TV).

On Thursday, the Golden Knights host the defending Stanley Cup champion Pittsburgh Penguins (10 p.m. ET; NHLN. SN, SN360, ATTSN-RM, ATTSN-PT, NHL.TV).

Fleury was a member of the Penguins from 2003-17 and played on championship teams with Pittsburgh in 2009, 2016 and 2017 before being selected by the Golden Knights in the NHL Expansion Draft on June 21.

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He would then return with the Stars in the AHL the following year, playing in 36 games with a 19–10–3 record and .913 save percentage. The Stars would send Lagacé back down to the ECHL with their affiliate, the Idaho Steelheads. He would sign a one-year, two-way, $600,000 extension with the Dallas Stars in that same year.
 Lagacé played two more seasons in the AHL with the Texas Stars before signing with the NHL expansion team, the Vegas Golden Knights, as a free agent in 2017. Lagacé started with their AHL affiliate, the Chicago Wolves prior to getting called up to Vegas on first on October 15, 2017, due to injuries to Marc-André Fleury and then on October 23 when Malcolm Subban was injured. His first National Hockey League game was on October 30, appearing in a 6–3 loss to the New York Islanders, allowing four goals on eleven shots in 25 minutes of playing time after replacing the injured Oscar Dansk. The following night, Lagacé made his first NHL start at Madison Square Garden against the New York Rangers, a 6–4 loss in which he stopped 32 of 37 shots. Lagacé got his first NHL win against the Ottawa Senators in a 5–4 game on November 4 while making 24 saves for the Golden Knights. On November 6, Lagacé lost his first shootout against the Toronto Maple Leafs with a 3–4 loss.


The Office identified eight priority countries: Bosnia and Herzegovina; Central African Republic (CAR); Colombia; Cote d’Ivoire; Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC); Liberia; South Sudan and Sudan.

(meta data) TITLE: About the Office – United Nations Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict

The Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict (OSRSG-SVC) is an office of the United Nations Secretariat and supports the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict (SRSG-SVC).

The Special Representative serves as the United Nations' spokesperson and political advocate on conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV).

She chairs the United Nations Action Against Sexual Violence in Conflict (UN Action) and her work is supported by the United Nations Team of Experts on the Rule of Law/Sexual Violence in Conflict (TOE).

The Office was established by Security Council resolution (SCR) 1888 (2009), one in a series of resolutions which recognized the detrimental impact that sexual violence in conflict has on communities and acknowledged that this crime undermines efforts to ensure peace and security and rebuild societies once a conflict has ended.

These resolutions signal a change in the way the international community views and deals with conflict-related sexual violence.

It is no longer seen as an inevitable byproduct of war, but rather a crime that is preventable and punishable under International Human Rights Law and International Criminal Law.

In April 2010, the first Special Representative, Ms. Margot Wallström of Sweden, established the Office.

In September 2012, Ms. Zainab Hawa Bangura of Sierra Leone took over the role.

In April 2017, the United Nations Secretary-General appointed Ms. Pramila Patten of Mauritius as the SRSG-SVC, who established the following three strategic priorities for the mandate:

converting cultures of impunity into cultures of justice and accountability through consistent and effective prosecution.

It is critical to focus on prevention, on how to stop sexual violence from occurring in the first place.

Prevention is possible because sexual violence is never an accident.

The fight against conflict‐related sexual violence has become the fight against impunity.

It is through consistent and effective prosecution that perpetrators will be deterred so that it is no longer cost-free to rape.

fostering national ownership and leadership for a sustainable, survivor-centered response

The face of the mandate is that of a survivor.

Only a survivor-centered approach can promote a survivor's recovery and prioritize the survivor's rights, needs and wishes.

This means ensuring that survivors have access to appropriate, accessible and good quality services including healthcare; psychosocial support; legal services and livelihood support, especially in cases where survivors have been rejected by families.

addressing the root causes of CRSV with structural gender inequality and discrimination, poverty and marginalization as its invisible driver in times of war and peace.

Progress achieved by the Office so far includes:

Greater visibility, political will and momentum than ever before;

Development of a robust legislative framework in the Security Council, which has given the Office new tools to implement the mandate on the ground and begin to effect some changes in behaviour;

More strategic and structured engagement with the security and justice sectors, as part of a prevention strategy;

Some accountability at international and national levels, as a vital aspect of deterrence and prevention;

National ownership, leadership and responsibility, as reflected in formal commitments that governments and regional organizations are making to address this problem.

The United Nations Team of Experts on the Rule of Law and Sexual Violence in Conflict

Strengthening the capacity of national institutions is critical to ensuring accountability for past crimes and for prevention and deterrence of future crimes.

Conflict and post-conflict situations are characterized by severe dysfunction, particularly of the legal system.

Of particular concern is the lack of adequate national capacity and expertise to investigate, prosecute and punish perpetrators, leading to widespread impunity for acts of CRSV.

To address these concerns, the United Nations Team of Experts on the Rule of Law and Sexual Violence in Conflict (TOE), established under Security Council resolution (SCR) 1888 and situated in the OSRSG-SVC, works closely with Governments and United Nations missions and Country Teams to support the investigation, prosecution of perpetrators and adjudication of crimes under civilian and military systems, legislative reform, the protection of victims and witnesses.

The TOE is composed of specialists from the Department of Peace Operations (DPO), the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).

The United Nations Action against Sexual Violence in Conflict

In addition to the SRSG-SVC role as the United Nations' spokesperson and political advocate on conflict-related sexual violence, the SRSG-SVC chairs the UN Action against Sexual Violence in Conflict, a network which unites the work of 13 United Nations (UN) entities with the goal of ending sexual violence during and in the wake of conflict.

UN Action is a concerted effort by the UN system to improve coordination and accountability, amplify programming and advocacy, and support national efforts to prevent sexual violence and respond effectively to the needs of survivors.

As Chair, her role is to reinforce coordination, avoid overlap at headquarters and country level, and improve system-wide response.

Secretary-General's Annual Report on Conflict-Related Sexual Violence

A primary function of the Office is to prepare the Annual Report of the Secretary-General on CRSV.

While many countries are affected by the threat, occurrence or legacy of CRSV, Annual Reports focus on countries for which credible information is available and collected by the United Nations.

Through successive Annual Reports, the Office has created a public, historical record for a crime that has been omitted from official accounts of war and peace.

The Annual Report also includes detailed information on parties to armed conflict that are credibly suspected of committing or being responsible for acts of rape or other forms of sexual violence, listed in the Annex to the Reports.

Listed parties are required to engage with the Office in order to develop specific, time-bound commitments and action plans to address violations.

Effective implementation of commitments is a key requirement for the de-listing of parties.

All States repeatedly listed for grave violations against children and/or CRSV are prohibited from participating in United Nations Peace Operations.

International framework of sexual violence

Human rights law, the United Nations, and further developments.

BULLET::::- Report of the SG on conflict-related sexual violence (2016) BULLET::::- Report of the SG on conflict-related sexual violence (2017) The first time the Security Council addressed the impacts of armed conflict on women was in Resolution 1325 (2000). The document focuses on the need for specific protections for women and girls in conflict and expresses the need to consider gender perspectives in mission, UN peace support operations, and post-conflict processes.
 Resolution 1820 (2008) of the UN Security Council declares that rape and other forms of sexual violence "can constitute war crimes, crimes against humanity or a constitutive act with respect to genocide".
 Resolution 1888 (2009) is perceived as an advancement in international law as it created the Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary General for Sexual Violence in Conflict (SRSG-SVC). The first Special Representative, Margot Wallström, was appointed in April 2010. The current Special Representative Zainab Hawa Bangura took office in September 2012.