In this article, we’ll explore the top-down approach to programming. We’ll also look at some of the benefits and drawbacks of this design pattern. Lastly, we’ll see how it can be applied in a real-world scenario.
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What is the top-down approach?
The top-down approach is a programming and design method that starts with the large picture and then breaks it down into successively smaller details. This is the opposite of the bottom-up approach, which starts with individual details and builds them up into bigger components.
There are many reasons why a programmer might prefer the top-down approach. One reason is that it gives them a big-picture view of the project, which can be helpful in understanding how all the pieces fit together. Additionally, starting with the big picture can help programmers identify potential problem areas early on and make necessary changes before they get too far into the development process.
Another reason to prefer the top-down approach is that it can make the programming job easier overall. When programmers know what the final product should look like, they can work on developing each section one at a time. This can help them stay organized and avoid getting bogged down in small details. Additionally, working on one section at a time can make it easier to identify and fix errors as they arise.
There are some potential disadvantages to using the top-down approach, as well. One downside is that it can be more difficult to make changes later on if the programmer vision for the product changes. Additionally, starting with a broad overview can sometimes make it harder to see all of the individual details that need to be taken into account. However, these disadvantages are often outweighed by the advantages of this approach for most programmers.
What are the benefits of the top-down approach?
When it comes to writing computer programs, there are two different approaches that a programmer can take ufffd the top-down approach and the bottom-up approach. So, what are the benefits of the top-down approach?
One of the main benefits of the top-down approach is that it helps to simplify the design process. By starting with a high-level overview of the system, programmers can then break down the individual components and work on them one by one. This can make the overall design process much simpler and easier to manage.
Another benefit of this approach is that it can help to improve a programmers job outlook. With a top-down approach, programmers can start working on a project without needing to have a complete understanding of the entire system. This means that they can more easily adapt to changes and new technologies as they are developed.
Finally, this approach can also lead to a better product. By starting with an overall understanding of the system, programmers can ensure that all of the individual components work together seamlessly. This can lead to a more efficient and effective final product.
How does the top-down approach compare to other approaches?
The top-down approach is a computer programming design model in which the programmer divides the system into smaller sections from the general to the specific. It is also called stepwise refinement or decomposition. The programmer first designs a large section of code that performs a very general task. Then, he designs smaller sections of code that perform more specific tasks. This process repeats until the programmer has designed a section of code that performs a very specific task.
The top-down approach has several advantages. First, it allows programmers to design large sections of code before they design smaller sections of code. This makes it easier to see the big picture and understand how the system will work as a whole. Second, it allows programmers to design each section of code with a specific purpose in mind. This makes it easier to reuse code and avoid errors. Finally, it makes it easier for programmers to change the structure of their code without affecting other parts of the code.
The top-down approach has some disadvantages as well. First, it can be time-consuming because programmers have to design each section of code before they can move on to the next section. Second, it can be difficult to design each section of code so that it performs its task without affecting other parts of the code. Finally, it can be difficult for programmers to change the structure of their code once they have started working on it because they have to redesign all of the sections that come after the changed section.
What are some common top-down programming techniques?
There are several common top-down programming techniques that computer programmers can use to design programs and components. The main goal of top-down programming is to break down a large, complex task into smaller, more manageable sub-tasks. This allows programmers to design and build programs one section at a time, instead of trying to create the entire program all at once.
Top-down programming is also popular because it can help programmers to get a better overview and understanding of the product they are creating. This type of programming often starts with an overview of the entire program, followed by a more detailed look at each individual component. This helps programmers to see how all the pieces of the puzzle fit together, which can make it easier to spot errors and potential problems.
While top-down programming requires a bit more planning upfront, it can ultimately save programmers time and effort in the long run. This type of programming can also help to improve the quality of the final product, since it is easier to spot errors when all the pieces are laid out in front of you.
How can the top-down approach be used in software development?
The top-down approach is a popular method of programming, especially among novice programmers. It is a style of programming in which the programmer begins by developing an overall plan or overview of the software product, and then proceeds to develop sections or smaller pieces of the overall product. This approach can be contrasted with the bottom-up approach, in which the programmer begins by developing small sections or pieces of the product and then proceeds to develop the overall product.
There are several benefits to using the top-down approach. First, it can help the programmer to get a better sense of the overall product before beginning to work on it. This can be helpful in terms of developing a clear vision for the final product. Second, it can help to make the programming job more manageable, as it can be easier to break down a large project into smaller sections. Finally, this approach can also provide a more positive outlook on the work, as it can be easy to become overwhelmed when working on a large project all at once.
Of course, there are also some potential drawbacks to using the top-down approach. One potential downside is that it can take longer to complete a project using this method, as opposed to working on small sections simultaneously (as in the bottom-up approach). Additionally, there is always the risk that changes will need to be made to the overall plan as work on individual sections progresses; this can lead to frustration and wasted effort if not managed properly. Overall, though, the top-down approach is a popular and effective method for many programmers.
What are some benefits of using the top-down approach in software development?
There are many benefits of using the top-down approach in software development. The main benefit is that it allows programmers to design and develop programs in a more organized way. In addition, it also provides programmers with a better understanding of the program’s structure and helps them find errors more easily. Finally, it can also help programmers to estimate the time and resources required to develop a program more accurately.
How does the top-down approach help to ensure quality in software development?
The top-down approach is a very important part of software development, and it is something that all programmers should be aware of. This approach helps to ensure quality in software development by helping programmers to design the product from the top down, instead of from the bottom up.
When a programmer designs a product from the top down, they start with the big picture in mind and then break it down into smaller, more manageable sections. This is opposed to starting with the small details and then trying to build up to the big picture. By starting with the big picture, programmers can get a better sense of what they are trying to achieve and can better plan their work.
The top-down approach also allows programmers to get a better sense of how their work fits into the overall scheme of things. When working from the bottom up, it is easy for programmers to lose sight of the big picture and become bogged down in the details. By starting at the top, programmers can keep their work in perspective and ensure that they are making progress towards their goal.
The top-down approach is an essential part of software development and it is something that all programmers should be aware of. This approach helps to ensure quality in software development by helping programmers to design the product from the top down, instead of from the bottom up.
What are some challenges associated with the top-down approach?
There are several reasons why a programmer might prefer the top-down approach to programming. One reason is that it allows them to see the overall picture of what they are trying to create. This can be helpful in terms of getting an overview of the project and understanding how all of the pieces fit together. Additionally, it can help the programmer to identify any potential problems that might arise and address them before they become an issue.
Another reason why the top-down approach is advantageous is that it allows for a greater degree of flexibility. If a programmer is not sure about how to solve a particular problem, they can try out different solutions and then choose the one that works best. This flexibility can be especially helpful when working on complex projects where there is no clear right or wrong solution.
finally, many programmers find that the top-down approach simply makes more sense to them. This is often because they are able to think more abstractly and see the bigger picture more easily. If you find that you work better when you can see the entire project in front of you, then the top-down approach may be the best choice for you.
How can the top-down approach be used in other areas of programming?
The top-down approach can be used in other areas of programming, such as in designing a program or in creating a product outlook. It is often used by computer programmers when they are first starting to work on a new program. By starting with the big picture and then breaking it down into smaller sections, programmers can better understand the overall design of the program and how each individual piece fits together. This approach can also help programmers to see potential problems that may arise during the development process.
What are some benefits of using the top-down approach in other areas of programming?
There are several benefits to using the top-down approach in other areas of programming. For one, it allows programmers to get a broader perspective of the entire job. They can see how each section of the code interacts with the others and anticipate potential problems. Additionally, this approach results in a cleaner and more organized final product.
From a programmer’s outlook, top-down design is often seen as more efficient because it speeds up the coding process. This is because programmers only need to code the section they are working on, rather than having to start from the beginning each time. Additionally, this approach often saves time in debugging because errors are easier to find when they are isolated in one section of code.
Overall, the top-down approach is a more efficient way of programming that results in a cleaner final product. It is important to note that this approach is not always appropriate for every situation. Sometimes, a bottom-up approach may be more appropriate depending on the nature of the job.
The “Which of the following is a defining characteristic of microcomputers” is a question that has been asked many times. The answer to this question is that the term, “top-down”, refers to the type of programming methodology where all programs are created before being implemented in software. Reference: which of the following is a defining characteristic of microcomputers.


Biology is often an area of study that students find boring or difficult. How sad! Simply put, biology is a quest to understand the amazing world of 'living things'. We are born with a powerful instinct for discovery, a natural desire to explore the world around us. What a privilege to richly teach into that journey of discovery, helping maintain and refine a deep sense of interest and care for the world in which we live. This is the goal of the Beginner's Biology Program. Each lesson works to reveal the vital importance of all living things whether they are as big as a tree or too small to see. Every living thing is important and we all (because of course we are living things as well) work together in our amazing world. Biology is not primarily a subject to be taken at school, it is a relationship into which we are born. All living things are part of earth's wonderful family.
Beginner's Biology is taught on Thursdays in the 3 year old preschool program and on Thursdays and Fridays in the 3 year old childcare program.


[Editors note: Lionel Bopage was a former General Secretary of the JVP and was involved with the party since 1968 until his resignation in 1984. For more content with Bopage on Groundviews, click here.]
During the last four decades Sri Lanka has witnessed three major insurrections mainly by its youth. Since the 1970s, younger generations of Sinhalese and Tamils from similar socio-economic backgrounds have revolted against the erosion of their democratic rights. These insurrections reflected the diverse, but significant and unfulfilled aspirations of the Sinhala and Tamil youth. Both the militant movements in the south including the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and the militant movements in the north including the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) have been the products of the failures of economic and political development of Sri Lanka (Samaranayake 2008).
The post-colonial Sri Lankan state hardly considered it significant to protect the dignity and security of its socially marginalised and disadvantaged groups. Peaceful demands for social equity, justice, security and dignity were continuously disregarded and/or violently suppressed by the state. Whenever new social groups challenged the authority of state power, the establishment used repressive and violent force. The indignity and insecurity caused by the attacks on the physical and psychological integrity of disadvantaged individuals and communities motivated them to take up arms on behalf of their communities.
Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim communities in Sri Lanka have had their own positivist interpretations of their origins. A sizable majority of Sinhalese believe their race is of Aryan stock dating back to the fifth century B.C. Many Sinhalese take an ideological position that combine Sinhalaness with Buddhism and see themselves as custodians of the land. Â The Tamils, including Malaiyaha Tamils, are of Dravidian origin. Non-Malaiyaha Tamils claim that they were part of the island’s original inhabitants, a claim strongly disputed by the Sinhalese. The identity of Malaiyaha Tamils is shaped by their social, economic, political and cultural lives centered primarily on plantations.
The Muslim people (Moors) trace their ancestry to Arab traders who settled in Sri Lanka some time between the eighth and fifteenth centuries. Moors today use Tamil, with words loaned from Arabic, as their primary language. Those in the south also widely use Sinhala. During the colonial period of the Portuguese, when they were persecuted, many of them fled to the Central Highlands. Their cultural identity is strongly defined by Islam, their religion.
The origins of the current conflict in Sri Lanka can be traced back to colonialism. The island’s post- colonial political establishment did not arise as a result of a coherent anti-colonial struggle that unified its people. Sinhala Buddhists and Tamil Hindus had aspirations to become free from colonialism. In the same process, Tamils had an additional expectation of protecting themselves from majority domination or assimilation. Nevertheless, the neo-colonial establishment carried forward the policies and practices to promote Sinhala majoritarian rule within a unitary constitutional framework.
This situation contributed to the incremental isolation of the communities from interacting with each other, exacerbated by the divisive policies of the elite. Behind this process of isolation one could witness strategies for the further plundering of the island’s resources. Also one may witness the continuous march towards authoritarianism, in which people’s hopes, aspirations, human rights and civil liberties have been increasingly dashed.
Birth of militant movements
The post-colonial socio-economic and political developments generated new social forces, whose expectations remained unfulfilled. These new social forces adopted radical practices and tendencies against the existing political establishment. In the south, activities of these groups generally materialised in the form of class mobilisations. The attempts in the north and the east, however, took the form of nationalist aspirations. These origins reflect the dual character and outlook of the militant youth movements that later came into being.
The JVP militancy predominantly represented the aspirations of the rural young lower-middle class Sinhala Buddhist constituency (Samaranayake 2008). Similarly the Tamil militancy represented the aspirations of the rural young lower-middle class Tamils from Hindu and Christian religious backgrounds. The state repressed both these movements using brutal force. Both fought back uncompromisingly and at times simultaneously, but independently of each other, against the establishment and the presence of foreign forces. As militancy became manifested in the island, the responses of the state and the militants caused an extension of this radicalisation and alienation within and among the communities.
Malaiyaha youth did not enter the process of militant radicalisation, because of their lack of social and political consciousness. Yet, with increasing awareness among the young generation of Malaiyaha Tamils, the coming decades will become critical: as pointed out by Bass (2001), ‘the growing number of over-educated and under-employed Malaiyaha Tamil youths may turn to militant protests and violence, as the JVP and LTTE did before them’.
In the 1980s, some Muslim youth also joined hands with Tamil militants. However, significant differences surfaced between them when Muslims opposed the merger of the North and East under the 1987 Indo-Lanka Accord (Guruge 2006). Later on, as the Tamil militancy also turned against the Muslims, some groups allegedly sided with the government, leading to massacres and eviction of Muslims (Ameerdeen 2006).
Lack of appropriate political and economic development and inequitable distribution of economic and social benefits paved the way for the radicalization of the youth. The universal franchise and the lowering of the voting age allowed young people to take part in active electoral politics. Free education was introduced in 1945, and the medium of instruction was changed to local languages, which expanded higher educational opportunities. This was seen as a welcome relief to the rural youth â€“ to their increasing unemployment. However, these opportunities were marred by the disadvantages created by the general lack of university placements and employment opportunities caused by the discriminative practices of the elite.
This led to extreme discontent amongst the youth, who started questioning the existing socio, political and ideological status quo. Successive post-colonial governments regardless of their political hue, have been ignorant of the underlying socio-political, economic and psychological causes of this militancy. The more repressive the state apparatus became, the more militant the youth became.
Many analysts portray ethnicity as the central theme of the current conflict, yet politics is at its root cause. Political leaderships of all ethnicities have opportunistically used ethnicity as a bandwagon to establish, preserve and enhance their political, economic and social power, and to distract people from the domestic policy and program failures, thus building barriers to social and political interaction, and planting mistrust between diverse communities.
The social base of the JVP
The social base of the JVP mainly comprised of rural Sinhala Buddhist youth, semi-proletarian to lower middle class in nature. Prior to the insurrection in 1971, the understanding the political leadership of the JVP had about the problems of the Tamils and other non-Sinhala communities was minimal. Moreover, the attempts of the JVP to carry out political activities among the Tamils were extremely limited.
Many leaders of the JVP including its founder, the late comrade Rohana Wijeweera were originally from the Communist Party of Ceylon – Peking Wing (CPC-P). The leader of CPC-P, the late comrade N Shanmugathasan, was a Tamil by ethnicity. By the end of 1964, Rohana became a full-time cadre of the CPC-P, but gradually joined the dissenters within the party, who were dissatisfied with the leadership. He was expelled from the party in late 1966.
Rumours abounded that Rohana had left the CPC-P because its leader was a Tamil. This was not the case.
In 1960s, some on the left took the position that the vanguard of the socialist revolution in Sri Lanka lay with the Malaiyaha Tamils. The JVP disagreed with this position and argued that the international experience has shown that if the leading role of a revolution were based on a minority community, the ruling elite has used racism and communalism to undermine and prevent it from succeeding. In a country where more than 80 percent of the population was rural, more than 90 percent of the country’s poor comprised of the rural poor, and urban workers.Â Therefore the vanguard of the Sri Lankan revolution would be the urban working class allied with the rural peasantry.
Indian Expansionism, one of the controversial political classes of the JVP, touched upon anti-Malaiyaha sentiments, at times, particularly, when Malaiyaha workers were compared with Sinhala chena workers. Malaiyaha workers were also considered allied to India not Sri Lanka.
Most of the Sinhala youth who joined the movement did not have any social linkages to Tamils. The Engineering Faculty of the University of Peradeniya, where the student population was ethnically and culturally more diverse, provided one of the avenues for the JVP to reach towards Tamil students. However, the social aspirations and the needs of many of the students of the Science, Engineering and Medical faculties were different from those of the students of the Arts Faculty.
The leaders of the JVP, who were held behind bars after the 1971 insurrection, made use of the opportunity to reflect back on their Maoist political roots, and to study the national question in Sri Lanka and the related Marxist policy position. The Tamil youth led peaceful protests against the new Constitution of the island adopted in 1972. The blatant repressive measures adopted by the then government against these youth provided an enlightening environment regarding the issues affecting the Tamils.
The prisons in Hammond Hill, Jaffna, and Kandy where Sinhala and Tamil youth had long been held in detention provided an opportunity for low level exchange of political ideas. Nationalism had started crystallizing in a major way among the Sinhalese in the early fifties and for the Tamils in the early seventies.
The policy declaration of the JVP had been finalised by the early seventies. Its political program recognised the significance of carrying out political activities among the Tamil and Muslim communities, particularly, living in the north, the east, and the central provinces of the island. When the emergency rule was withdrawn in the mid-seventies, the JVP re-commenced its public political activities.
By this time, the JVP had already developed contacts with several Tamil comrades in the north, the east, and the plantations. Some of the JVPers had the opportunity to work in areas where Tamils and Muslims predominated, or in work places where they could develop initial contacts with them in Colombo and elsewhere. Also there were several contacts developed between the JVP and Tamil activists, particularly, comrade Rohana when both groups were detained in the prisons in Jaffna and Hammonds Hill.
The first central committee meeting of the JVP that was held in November 1977 allocated the responsibility and accountability of carrying out political work among the non-Sinhala communities to its politbureau. The first feeble JVP networks among the Tamils, Muslims and Sinhalese in the north, in the east and in the plantations were established by the end of 1977 itself. In the north the first political cells were established in Chunnakam and Kilinochchi in the areas where traditional left previously had some hold. Within the next year the network extended to many areas in the north. The JVP activities did not progress much in the east, except in the areas where Muslims were predominant. In the hill country, the JVP established small groups in Kandy, Matale and Nuwaraeliya districts and there were party cells established in Nuwara-eliya, Talawakele and Hatton. Furthermore, there were strong political alliances established with the plantation workers trade unions.
Working among the Tamils and Muslims provided the JVP with the best opportunity to understand the real-life problems and issues the Tamil and Muslim people faced in the island. On the one hand, the ordinary people of these communities had socio-economic and cultural problems very much similar to the problems faced by the majority Sinhalese. On the other hand, because of their linguistic and cultural background and circumstances, they had to face specific problems that the Sinhalese did not have to face.
Most of the resources were spent in certain areas where the social elite were resident, but the ordinary people in the villages were suffering from the worst kind of social and economic issues. These people lacked even the basic day to day needs to survive. They lacked land to work on, water for irrigation, and basic educational and health facilities. The JVP experienced these problems among the people irrespective of whether they were Muslim, Tamil or Sinhala.
The people who spoke only Sinhala or Tamil were treated with repugnance. If people wore their rural attire, sarong or vetti, they were looked down upon. In the south to look for employment, people had to go after politicians to get a ‘chit’ addressed to a bureaucrat. However, in the north and parts of the east, the situation was different, because the MPs of these areas were not in the government, thus making the employment opportunities of many educated Tamil youth even more precarious. When Tamil or Muslim people whose mother tongue was Tamil, and who could only communicate in Tamil, corresponded with government departments in Tamil, they received responses in Sinhala only. To find a translator, they had to go to the closest city, adding to their misery and resentment.
Muslim people, especially in villages like Kaththankudy, had to face issues relating to lack of housing facilities, lack of land for paddy cultivation, and finding dowries to give their women folk in marriage. Most of the members of these families lived in small one or two roomed huts they shared for everything. In Colombo, Sinhalese and Muslim families who lived in slums, the situation was just as bad or even worse. Many male members of these families had to sleep in shifts due to lack of room to sleep. Many were compelled to engage in minor criminal activities to eke out a living.
When the JVP approached the Tamil youth in the north, already most of them had gravitated towards nationalist political positions. By this time, Tamil youth had commenced associating with diverse Tamil militant groups. Communications between these youth and the JVP, both in public and in private, led to heated debates. It was clear that many young Tamil activists had committed themselves to the nationalist struggle rather than class struggle.
For many of the JVPers from rural Sinhala background who came to the north and east for political activities could not see much difference between the issues facing rural Sinhalese and Tamils. Yet it was difficult for them to identify with the issues the Tamil people were facing due to their cultural and linguistic background. They did not understand the language, tradition, customs and behaviors of the Tamil people. One of the distinguishing characteristics of the life in the north was the feudal remnants in the Tamil society such as caste, religion and social interaction, which was more noticeable than in the south.
Yet the Tamil youth in the north were industrious and productive; parents were keen to educate their children to find good employment that would allow them upward social mobility. Similar to the people in rural Sinhala south, the rural Tamil people in the north and east were hospitable, welcoming and open to communication. However, as time passed, the JVP also felt that there was a change in the political mood among the youth as the armed forces of the state, which were considered alien to Tamils, were present in many locations in the peninsula.
There were a few Tamil JVP activists in Alaveddy, Mallakam, Thirunelvely and Valvetithurai areas. They encountered verbal threats demanding them to stop their political activities. Which organisations carried out such threats against the JVP activities were not clear. This was because there were many militant organisations blooming at the time. In some areas like Velvetithurai and Thirunelvely such threats also emanated from those who supported the CPC-P. In other areas these threats were assumed to be from the militant nationalist groups.
For example, two major public events held in Jaffna in the early eighties by the JVP were attacked. A chair was thrown at the stage when ‘Songs of Liberation’ performance was held at the public auditorium in Jaffna. Again stones were thrown at the public meeting when Rohana was speaking injuring his forehead. Later on, the JVP activists in the north told us that both these incidents were reactions of the Maoist groups to protest against the growing popularity of the JVP in the north and to frighten Tamil people from joining it.
On the other hand, there were pressures building up in the early eighties from two sources within the JVP. One was from the Tamil comrades based in Kilinochchi and Visvamadu area who demanded that the JVP should specifically campaign for the rights of Tamil people without mixing up the issue of Tamil rights with the socio-economic issues affecting other people in the island. The JVP rejected this idea as it believed that all these issues arose as a result of the capitalist economic base and the elites’ astute policies of divide and rule. While raising the issues affecting all the working people in the island, the JVP also raised the issues that were related to the problems of the Tamil people.
The other pressure point was from comrades of the student wing of the JVP in the university campuses, particularly, some who were at the Katubedde campus. They wanted the JVP to completely drop any public discussions on issues affecting the Tamil people. The JVP rejected this idea also on the grounds similar to the ones raised previously. We also argued that Sinhala people should become aware of the issues the Tamil people in the north and east were facing. As there was a necessity to thrash out this issue in public, and to clarify matters to the cadres, a public lecture was held in the latter part of 1981, at the Sugathadasa Stadium in Colombo.
As one of the instigators of the policy, I addressed a packed crowd at the Sugathadasa Stadium. I clearly explained the JVP policy position that the JVP accepted the right to self-determination of the Tamil people in Sri Lanka. However, the JVP did not advocate separation as a solution to their problems; rather it advocated a united Sri Lanka with regional autonomy, where all residents could live as equals. At the questions and answers session, I had to respond to many questions.
During the presidential election campaign, the JVP was able to hold successful public rallies in many places in the north and east. Yet, the number of people who voted for the JVP in the north and east were small, but not disappointing. Many JVP leaders, who had higher expectations, were not happy with the island wide election outcome and the number of votes the party received in the north and east. This poor election showing was interpreted to state that the Sinhala electorate did not like the JVP advocating the right to self-determination of Tamils. While this may have had some impact, it was not the major factor that led to this situation. In the Presidential election of 1982, the majority of the people were aware that only a candidate of the UNP or the SLFP would win. So, most of the symapthisers of other parties also became polarised between the UNP and the SLFP.
The JVP as a whole represented Marxist and Sinhala nationalist tendencies. The nationalistic element rested with the historic glorification of the past Sinhala Kingdoms. The current JVP has shed all its Marxist tendencies and become purely nationalistic. It wants to achieve a unitary Sinhala state by defending their ‘motherland’. Thus the Sinhala Buddhist cultural identity can be made to flourish while western cultural decadence and the influences of other cultures on Sinhalese could be negated. Their so-called idea of socialism has been subsumed by its commitment to safeguard this unitary state, which is ironically a colonial construct.
Between 1977 and 1982, the JVP made a genuine attempt to forge links between the Sinhala and Tamil youth. This was not successful due to the different historical and nationalist trajectories of these groups, their social base, and some of the opportunistic policies that the JVP espoused, particularly since late 1982. Both the Sinhala and Tamil youth movements expressed their dissatisfaction with the state and their desire for change through political violence. Both the JVP and the LTTE adhered to a mixed ideology of socialism and nationalism. The state was their common enemy; however, succumbing to their nationalistic politics of the glories of their respective feudal past, they saw each other as enemies not allies.
The JVP was able to successfully mobilize the southern youth, but it was adventurist and committed strategic and tactical errors. After the failed 1971 insurrection, the leadership of the JVP made use of the opportunity to reflect on its political theory and practice.
Implementation of the new constitution for Sri Lanka in 1972 and the protests of Tamil youth against it also informed these reflections. After the release of its leaders in 1977, the JVP decided to pursue political activities among all communities in the island.
In the seventies and early eighties, the JVP was supportive of the right to self determination of Tamil people, and recognised Sinhala, Tamil and English as national languages of the land. The political interaction of the JVP occurred when many Tamil youth were hardening their nationalist positions because of the repressive policies of the state. Despite threats from some Tamil militants, the JVP persisted in its political activities in the North and the East until 1982. However, the poor showing of the JVP in the Presidential elections of 1982 led to a revision: some ideologues claimed that the party’s advocacy of the Tamil people’s right to self determination was one reason for this failure.
From that moment, the JVP moved from a socialist party to a chauvinistic one. The political opportunism of its leadership was a critical factor in this shift. They revived the slogan â€œIndian expansionism” which had featured in the JVP program before 1972. The JVP’s social base mainly comprised of rural, semi- proletarian and petit bourgeois Buddhist Sinhala youth; The neo-colonial political and economic developments in the country were not conducive to building interaction between the Sinhala and Tamil youth; and the interaction of most of the JVP’s membership with Tamils was minimal, so that empathy towards the issues facing the Tamil people was also minimal.
Nevertheless, the muted examples of political dialogue during the late ‘70s and early ’80s indicate that dialogue is feasible among restive political elements on opposite sides of the fence. In the present situation such dialogue has become essential to ensure that the aspirations of the marginalised are fulfilled. However, this requires a paradigm shift in the attitudes and thinking of all the people residing in the island as well as the Sinhala and Tamil expatriate communities. The Diaspora now has the opportunity to become active drivers of this paradigm shift by changing their role as advocates of political violence to one of constructively creating this reality through their interactions with each other.
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Bass D. 2001, Landscapes Of Malaiyaha Tamil Identity, Marga Institute, Colombo
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Guruge L. 2006, Sri Lanka’s Ethnic Problem and Solutions, Centre for Policy Alternatives, Colombo
Wijeweera R 1985, What is the Solution to Tamil Eelam Struggle?, JVP, Sri Lanka
Wijeweera R 1977, Opportunism? Or Proletarian Internationalism?, Niyamuwa Publications, JVP, Colombo (in Sinhala)
JVP 1978, Policy Declaration of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna, Ginipupura Publications, London
JVP 1978, The Constitution of Sri Lanka and the National Question, Ginipupura Publications, London
JVP 1979, Our Past: A Self-criticism by the JVP, Ginipupura Publications, London
Samaranayake G 1997, Political violence in Sri Lanka: A diagnostic approach, Terrorism and Political Violence, Vol. 9, No. 4, pp. 99 â€” 119
Samaranayake S V D G 2008, Political violence in Sri Lanka 1971-1987, Gyan Publishing House, New Delhi
 The so-called Indian or Estate Tamils, workers of Indian origin speaking Tamil who were brought by the British to work in their plantations in 1840s.
 The so-called Jaffna or Ceylon Tamils
 Muslims saw the percentage of Muslim population would drop after the merger from nearly 35 per cent in the East to about 17 per cent in a combined North and East.
 Ethnic conflict may occur between aggregations of people that share a collective view of themselves as being distinctively different from other aggregations of people because of their shared inherent characteristics such as their race, religion, language, cultural heritage, clan, or tribal affiliation.
 Included Sanath Boralukatiya, S V A Piyatilaka, W T Karunaratne, H B Premapala and D P Wimalagune, Wattala Milton, W D N Jayasinghe (Loku Athula) and others.
 Among these areas were KKS, Tellippalai, Udippiddi, Nellaidi, Chavakachcheri, Point Pedro, Manippai, Mulliawalai, Visvamadu, Iranamadu, Paranthan, Pungudutheevu, Nainatheevu, Eluvatheevu, Velanai, Karaveddi and Mallakam.
 In Trincomalee, Ampara, Kalawanchikudi, and Batticaloa also there were small groups of Tamils and Muslims supporting the JVP
 Particularly, of comrade Illancheliyan and Kandurata Tharuna Peramuna (Up-country Youth Front) led by comrade V L Pereira
 Many private and public discussions and talks, classes, and rallies were held at houses, libraries, or parks.
 . For example, in the early eighties when a Tamil comrade called Navaratnam was threatened by a militant organization, and the house of one of his relations was occupied by the militants, the JVP took measures to bring this comrade down to Colombo to stay in the party office for a while.
 One of the persistent questioners was the current Dr Dayan Jayatilleke, His Excellency the Ambassador of the Government of Sri Lanka in Geneva. He was then a simple â€œcomrade Dayan Jayatilleke”. I still remember his main line of questioning because, even after the public lecture, he accompanied me up to the then head office of the JVP at Armour Street, consistently arguing that the JVP should recognise Eelam as the only solution to the problems the Tamil people were faced with. Later on he joined the EPRLF (one of the Tamil militant organisations) and became one of the ministers of the Eastern Provincial Council, the Chief Minister of which declared Eelam, when the Indian Peace Keeping Forces were present in the island. By and large I continue to hold the same political views I had during those days regarding the national question, but I cannot say the same about Dr Jayatilleke.


Based on current population growth, it is expected that well over one million people will be added to our region by 2040. A lot of work is needed to prepare for this growth.
Because it's impossible to know how this growth will unfold, exploring a variety of plausible future outcomes helps us plan for an uncertain future. Scenarios are a way to help explore how potential transportation decisions affect, are affected by, and ultimately fit with development patterns. When a road or transit line is built, it influences where people want to live and work and thus the location of new development. This also shapes where and how people travel and what transportation solutions make sense to build.
As part of the 2015 RTP, WFRC created four planning scenarios to review with partners, stakeholders, and the public. Based on the feedback, we then created one preferred scenario. To see those comments, click here.
See the diagram below for a better understanding of how scenarios fit into the 2015 RTP development process.
Click here for more information on the Create and Evaluate Scenarios section of the 2015-2040 Regional Transportation Plan document.


Wind, solar and other non-hydro renewable energy sources generated 126 TWh of electricity in the United States in 2008, double the 64 TWh of output in 1990, according to the Department of Energy (DoE). The output from renewable energy in 2000 was 81 TWh.
However, the percentage share in 2008 was 3.1% from non-hydro renewable energy, compared with 2.1% in 1990. The percentage in 2000 was also 2.1%.
The data are contained in the 2008 state-by-state summary produced by DoE’s Energy Information Administration.
IPPs well ahead of utilities for renewable energy
Almost 7% of the output from independent power producers in 2008 (115 TWh) came from renewable energy facilities, while renewable energy accounted for only 0.5% of the output (11 TWh) from electric utilities. The respective levels in 1990 were 23.4% and 0.4%.
The annual report describes the electricity industry in each state, from 1998 to 2008, with data on generating capability, output, fuel use and prices, retail sales, GHG emissions, and net interstate transfers of electricity.
The use of coal to generate electricity in the USA has dropped since 1990 (from 51.8% share to 48.2%), petroleum dropped from 3.6% to 1.1% and hydroelectric facilities drop from 8.9% to 6.2%. Natural gas increased its share from 14.7% to 21.4% over the period, while nuclear also increased share from 18.6% to 19.6%.


Watching this resources will notify you when proposed changes or new versions are created so you can keep track of improvements that have been made.
Favoriting this resource allows you to save it in the “My Resources” tab of your account. There, you can easily access this resource later when you’re ready to customize it or assign it to your students.
Applications: Ultrasound, Sonar, and Medical Imaging
Ultrasound is sound with a frequency higher than 20 kHz. This is above the human range of hearing. The most common use of ultrasound, creating images, has industrial and medical applications. The use of ultrasound to create images is based on the reflection and transmission of a wave at a boundary. When an ultrasound wave travels inside an object that is made up of different materials (such as the human body), each time it encounters a boundary (e.g., between bone and muscle, or muscle and fat), part of the wave is reflected and part of it is transmitted. The reflected rays are detected and used to construct an image of the object.
illustrates how a ship on the ocean utilizes the reflecting properties of sound waves to determine the depth of the ocean. A sound wave is transmitted and bounces off the seabed. Because the speed of sound is known and the time lapse between sending and receiving the sound can be measured, the distance from the ship to the bottom of the ocean can be determined. This technique is called sonar (originally an acronym for SOund Navigation And Ranging).
Just as ships on the ocean, certain animals, like dolphins and bats, make use of sounds waves (sonar) to navigate or find their way. Ultrasound waves are sent out then reflected off the objects around the animal. Bats or dolphins then use the reflected sounds to form a "picture" of their surroundings (this is known as echolocation).
Assign this as a reading to your class
Assign just this concept, or entire chapters to your class for free. You will be able to see and track your students' reading progress.
light waves and measuring the time between the transmission and receiving the reflection, sound waves and measuring the intensity of sonic boom, sound waves and measuring the time between the transmission and receiving the reflection, or light waves and measuring the redshift of the reflected light
Source: Boundless. “Applications: Ultrasound, Sonar, and Medical Imaging.” Boundless Physics. Boundless, 21 Jul. 2015. Retrieved 28 Aug. 2015 from https://www.boundless.com/physics/textbooks/boundless-physics-textbook/sound-16/interactions-with-sound-waves-131/applications-ultrasound-sonar-and-medical-imaging-469-1647/


In my last post, "The Five Types of Communication in an Organization", i mentioned about the different methods of communication within an organization, be it structured or spontaneous.
No matter what category either structured or spontaneous, communication is either written or spoken.
Let us look at the various advantages and the disadvantages of written and spoken communication.
Some of the main advantages and disadvantages of written communication are:
- Written communication is good for complicated and vital instructions, which can be given in a precise and uniform manner.
- There is a lesser chance for the message to be misunderstood.
- Written instructions can be checked at a latter date. It serves as a useful reference.
- Authority is transmitted more effectively with a written order than with an oral one
- It is impersonal.
- People may not always read them.
- It does not answer questions and there is no immediate feedback.
Examples of spoken communication that is used in the workplace include conversations, interviews, counseling/helping colleagues, meetings, conferences
- Oral communication allows for immediate feedback such as the opportunity to ask questions when the meaning is not entirely clear.
- The sender is able to check and see whether if the instruction is clear or has created confusion.
- Spoken instructions are flexible and easily adaptable to many diverse situations.
- Poor presentation of the message or the instruction can result in misunderstanding and wrong responses.
- Spoken communication is influenced by both both verbal and non-verbal communication such as tone or body language which may skew the meaning of your message in the mind of the receiver.
If you have found this post useful, you might be interested in the following articles
1) The Three Different Levels of Listening
2) The Causes of Miscommunication in Daily Life
3) Conversation Tips
4) The Five Types of Communication in an Organisation
5) Understanding the Communication Process
You might also be interested in The McGraw-Hill 36-Hour Course in Business Writing and Communication: Manage Your Writing (36 Hour)


Learn how to create a realistic pencil in Photoshop and use it to type a text with this pencil style. If yu are interested in a sketch pencil text in Photoshop you can check out this tutorial. The effect from this tutorial creates a vector PSD pencil that you can use to create interesting typography effects. You can combine different pencil crayon colors, different font types and so on. Hope you will enjoy this new text effect tutorial.
You might also like
Start with a simple Background Layer and add it a notebook pattern as Pattern Overlay layer style.
Use a font to writte your text. I have decided to use Kartika Font; you can download it from the internet and than install font in Photoshop in order to use it.
Step 2 you will have to convert text in shape; you will see that the text has now anchor points and that can be edited as vector shape
Duplicate the Text Layer and use the Pen Tools like the Convert Point Tool, Delete Anchor Point Tool and so on, to create these shapes. I have used black for the top text layer and yellow for the bottom text layer.
Use also the Add to Shape Area and Subtract from Shape Area options to create these new shapes. If you are not familiar with the Pen Tool here is a set of tutorials that teaches how to use Photoshop Pen Tool
Now comes the fun part where we add to these text layers a pencil effect using layer styles. So open the layer style window and add the following layer styles. Just remember that these styles work for this text size; if your text is bigger/smaller you will have to adjust the layer styles(scale effects)
If you want you can create different color effects by adjusting all the color inside the layer styles. The pencil text looks like this so far.
For a more realistic result you can try to apply a wood texture with an Overlay Blend Mode for example.
Now Let's create the top part of the pencil. Use the Pen Tool to create this shape and add a Gradient Overlay using the following colors: #5e3718 , #e1c79f and #f6e9ce
Use the same tool to create the pencil mine; use color black; add another small shape and make it gray to make it more realistic. We have now a nice vector pencil made in Photoshop in shape of a letter.
Convert the Pencil Mine Layers into smart object and duplicate and add them on the other letters as shown in the image.
Now we'll make the pencil eraser area with the same Photoshop vector drawing tool that we have used in the previous steps. Create the metal shape and add it a Gradient Overlay with soft gray color tones like in the image.
Add four line shapes like in the image. Also draw the eraser using soft pink color tones.
Convert the Pencil Eraser Layers into smart object, duplicate and add them on the other letters as shown in the image.
Select all the vector pencil text layers into a new smart object and add a Drop Shadow effect.
You can get even more creative and make each letter a different color but you will have to adjust the layer styles and to use Gradient Overlay instead of Color Overlay; here is my result for this crayon pencil typography, I hope you like it and decide to try it yourself.


and the Implications for Public Policy
by Pedro A. Noguera
America is a violent society. All of the data on inter-personal violence show this to be the case. We lead the world in deaths by handguns, in juvenile violence and victimization, and in the number of people who possess firearms (Donziger 1996; Currie 1985). Violence in America is so pervasive and so central to our national identity that in both its mundane and extreme forms, it permeates the fabric of our society.
Public policy in response to the threat of violence in the U.S. has largely been characterized by an emphasis on the punitive. Traditionally, law enforcement, the courts and incarceration have served as the primary means for deterring violence. This has been especially true for the last twenty years, and as a result, the U.S. prison population has grown dramatically (Waquant 2000). Given the costs of this approach, in both human and financial terms, and given the disproportionate impact of these policies on low-income African American and Latino communities, the need to challenge the direction of policy and to propose alternatives could never be greater.
The purpose of this paper is three-fold. First, I will make the case that because violence is an integral part of American culture, punitive approaches to dealing with it are unlikely to succeed in making society safer. Secondly, because many of the deterrent strategies that have been implemented by policy makers target young people, I will show why it is important to incorporate youth perspectives on violence as way of deepening our understanding of the issues surrounding violence. Finally, drawing on my own research with young people and schools in urban areas, I will put forward a set of policy principles that I believe can be used to develop more reasonable and humane violence prevention policies and strategies.
Violence is central to the character of American society. In fact, violence is so much at the core of American identity that U.S. history is typically taught through a series of narratives about war: the Revolutionary War, the War of 1812, the Mexican War, the Civil War, the Spanish-American War, World Wars I and I, Korea, Vietnam and Iraq. ( 1 ) Prior to Vietnam we liked to claim that we had never lost a war and that our side has always been the righteous one. However, even after the debacle of Vietnam, our leaders continue to take pride in the fact that the United States is the most powerful nation on earth, and the only remaining superpower. Prior to the attacks on the World Trade Center Building and the Pentagon on September 11, 2001, Americans felt impervious to attacks from foreign enemies since the mainland has not come under attack since the War of 1812. Even as large parts of the world have suffered from wars in which innocent civilians were the primary victims, Americans have been able to view war with considerable detachment, often from the comfort of their living rooms. Our sense of invulnerability comes from knowing that we are the global policeman, the arbiter of conflicts between nations (at least when we choose to be), and the largest seller of arms on the international market. ( 2 ) After the terrorist attacks we may feel less omnipotent, but our leaders reassure us that we will be safe because we remain the most dominant, most well armed and most powerful nation on the planet.
I begin with these observations on the centrality of violence in American culture because I believe it is the history and culture of violence in American society that sets the context for analyzing perceptions of violence among adolescents. Although young people are increasingly the target of law enforcement initiatives aimed at curtailing violence, the violent behavior observed among American youth does not occur in a social void. In a nation founded upon genocide, slavery, conquest and colonization, it should not surprising that this legacy of violence manifests itself frequently in the present, and especially among our youth. Throughout our past we have rationalized the use of violence to obtain what our leaders claimed were noble ends: our manifest destiny, the triumph over communism, and to secure peace through strength. ( 3 ) Even now, whenever our military leaders find it necessary to drop bombs on Iraq, Sudan, or some other land labeled a rogue nation, the incidental murder of innocent civilians is typically rationalized without remorse as collateral damage.
Because violence is not merely a thing of the past, a brutal but out-dated habit which time might render forgettable, finding ways to reduce the incidence of it is not easy. It remains a constant part of our contemporary lives penetrating our language, our entertainment, our politics and our social relationships. Violence is ubiquitous and as such, it is difficult to envision how we might escape our history to move forward to a more peaceful social order.
I was reminded of how Americas legacy of violence influences present day issues when I went with my family last Fall to see an exhibit called Without Sanctuary: 100 years of Lynching. The exhibit was on display at the New York Historical Society and it featured photographs, newspaper articles, post cards and artifacts (these included pieces of clothing, hair and body parts) from lynchings that had occurred in the past. Aside from the physical cruelty meted out at these public executions -- the quartering, tar and feathering, and burning of black corpses -- the most disturbing aspect of the exhibit were the photos that captured the faces of spectators. While some depicted angry crowds enthusiastically engaged in vigilante justice, others showed what appeared to be family outings at which well-dressed observers were casually gathered to observe and show support for these public displays of carnage.
As I discussed these images with my children and tried to explain how the practice of lynching could have been tolerated for so long, I realized that at least some of the participants in the photos were probably still alive. When I pointed this out, my nine year-old son asked how those who participated in the lynchings had been affected by the experience. It was a good question, but one I could not answer. It was hard to imagine that one could partake in such brutal acts of violence and not experience some long-term effect. But how these effects were manifest I could not explain.
Although lynchings are no longer common or sanctioned, public executions (albeit in a more sanitized form) and everyday violence continues to be a constant feature of the American experience. It infiltrates our consciousness through cartoons and video games, through torrid news accounts of street crime in the tabloids, and horrific accounts of violence perpetrated within families and between lovers. Even my nine year-old son has no difficulty providing numerous examples of they ways in which violence permeates our language, our entertainment, and the sports we watch on television.
Those who seek to promote non-violence face incredible odds given the degree to which American culture is obsessed with violence. We identify too much with violence to free ourselves from it and we feel too little remorse about our violent past to extricate ourselves from the bloody legacy. In fact, we relish violence and within appropriate contexts (i.e. movies, sports, etc.) we admire those who excel at perpetrating it. In short, we get off on it and because we do it will not be easy for us to reduce or contain it. Violence is an inseparable part of the American character, it is who we are, and until we face up to our national obsession with violence, it is unlikely that we will make much progress in substantially reducing its occurrence.
For recovering alcoholics the first step to recovery is an admission of addiction. Similarly, it seems logical that a society that has been addicted to the use of violence must come to see that it may not be possible to achieve a greater degree of safety if it continues to treat violence as a legitimate means of exercising power. To hope for greater peace while simultaneously resisting efforts to limit the availability of guns, is to ignore a blatant contradiction that most young people recognize as duplicitous. Unlike many adults who learn to accept certain fundamental contradictions as normal, children often find hypocritical stances difficult to reconcile, and duplicity is rampant in America. Public service announcements urge young people to consider abstinence from sex, even as they are bombarded by advertising images that use sex to sell products. Similarly, there is no shortage of politicians who drape themselves in the moral trappings of Christianity as they champion the use of the death penalty, even upon the mentally retarded. Finally, there are the police who are held up as trustworthy role models by programs like Project DARE, even though in communities where poor children live they may operate more like marauding predators, harassing teenagers and occasionally shooting unarmed people in their violent pursuit of criminals.
To the degree that we recognize that violence must be seen as a cultural phenomenon, we must also understand that manifestations of violence are rooted in the structure of inequality in American society. Such a premise compels us to reject the idea that violence operates like an infectious disease, preying upon victims who are vulnerable and lack the immunity provided by security. To treat violence as part of the culture and structure of American society, and not merely as a social defect associated with certain subgroups or maladjusted individuals, is to acknowledge that violence can not be reduced unless we are willing to address its social and economic roots. Such recognition compels us to see that violence cannot be countered merely through increased law enforcement and incarceration, or through legislative reforms that increase penalties on violent offenders. Instead, operating from a cultural and structural framework, we are compelled to see that violence can only be countered through measures that strike at the roots of social inequality and through various forms of concerted cultural action that challenge its normalcy.
To anyone but the most naïve romantic, it may seem highly unlikely that Americas fixation with violence could ever be reversed. I share this skepticism, but I also know that cultures do change. However, they generally change very slowly and not always in ways that are predictable or subject to control. Yet despite the difficulty involved, we also have fairly recent examples, such as the campaign against smoking which show that even addictive habits supported by slick marketing and a powerful industry, can be undermined through concerted efforts. In relation to violence, cultural change may be even more difficult to bring about given that the promotion of violence remains a profitable enterprise for manufacturers of weapons and the media, and given the bizarre notion that gun ownership is an inalienable right. Nonetheless, even as we come to grips with the difficulty of the task it should not lead us to conclude that nothing can be done.
Violence is a learned behavior, and in schools and other social institutions, it is an integral aspect of the socialization to which children are subjected. Again such a perspective runs contrary to conventional explanations of violence that have tended to treat perpetrators of violence as deviants and people suffering from personality disorders. ( 4 ) By recognizing violence as a behavior that is learned by children and by exposing the ways in which it is routinized in everyday life, it becomes possible to move away from the notion that violence is a social pathology perpetrated by bad people. Such a finding does not rationalize or condone violent behavior, nor does it let perpetrators of violence off the hook. There are indeed some people who are dangerous and a threat to others, and in no way do I mean to suggest that those who perpetrate acts of violence are without moral culpability. Rather, the most important question that any serious investigation into violence in America must confront is why does American society produce so many violent people? Similarly, if we genuinely seek to reduce and prevent incidents of violence we must also attempt to understand how violent behavior, whether perpetrated by the State, institutions, or individuals, comes to be seen as a normal and legitimate means to get what one wants.
Exploring these themes with adolescents is an important way to go about understanding Americas preoccupation with violence. The perspectives held by adolescents toward violence provide a unique window through which to understand how violence is enacted and how its meaning is conveyed in a variety of settings. Lacking power due to their age and status, young people, especially those who are poor and of color, are far more likely to be victims of violence than any other segment of society (Gilligan 1996). Some, particularly Black and Latino males, are statistically also more likely to be perpetrators of violence, and the two phenomena -- victimization and perpetration, are not unrelated (Earls 1991). ( 5 ) Increasingly, young people embody our collective fears about violence. This is true despite the fact that young people are far more likely to be victimized by adults than vice versa (Noguera 1995). As the objects of our fears and concerns, young people have much to tell with regard to the lessons they learn about violence from the adults charged with protecting them.
Additionally, analyses of the perceptions of young people are important to the study of violence because their views on justice, equality and power are often more honest and forthright. The candor conveyed through the voices of youth is both a product of this particular stage of emotional and psychological development (Erickson 1968), and also a result of the vulnerability inherent in their status. Unlike adults who can often avoid circumstances where their movements are controlled or where they may be subject to varying levels of subordination and disrespect, young people find themselves in these situations often. How they respond to the experience of subjugation, surveillance and bullying, can provide us with important lessons about the ways in which violence is mediated in institutional contexts.
The most obvious and perhaps most threatening forms of violence occur at the level of interpersonal relationships, between friends and family, between lovers and strangers. However, State sanctioned violence also plays an important role in perpetuating the normalization of violence and the criminalization of subordinate populations. The State is the only institution in society that possesses the right to use violence (Alavi 1982). Given that the State can rationalize its use of violence in the name of preserving law and order or national security, the State is in effect above reproach. As the killings in Waco, Texas at the Branch Davidian compound revealed, holding the State accountable for violence it perpetrates, even when the casualties are unarmed children, is extremely difficult if not impossible. It is undoubtedly for this reason that discussions of the States role in promoting violence in society are rarely considered in most of the research on this topic because the State's use of violence is taken for granted.
Despite the legitimacy it enjoys, the role of the State in promoting and rationalizing the use of violence must be the focus of critique in any study of violence in American society. To assume that the State has a vested interest in the promotion of non-violence is a mistake. We are living at a time when a greater percentage of the adult population in the United State is incarcerated than at any other point in our history (Waquant 2000). Moreover, the United States incarcerates a greater percentage of its population (and the imprisoned are disproportionately comprised of Black males) than any other nation in the world. Despite relatively little public scrutiny or criticism over the growth of the prison population, there is no evidence that mass incarceration has reduced the incidence (Russell 1998) of violence or the fear of it. For this reason alone, the role of the state as enforcer, jailer and executioner must be at the center of any discussion of violence. Given that many of the imprisoned are non-violent offenders, and given that prisons are perhaps the most violent institutions in our society, the need to challenge mass incarceration as State policy could never be greater. ( 6 ) Moreover, public schools are State sponsored institutions, and as such, any effort to understand the causes of violence in schools must recognize that for the State, schools function primarily as institutions of social control. ( 7 )
Published in In Motion Magazine September 30, 2001
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Saving plant seeds for next season
Many gardeners contemplate saving some seeds from vegetables or flowers for planting next season. Is it a good or bad idea? Consider all the information before gathering those first seeds.
If you are considering saving vegetable or flower seeds for next season, the first important step is to know if your plants are hybrids. Saving seed packages or tags from plants can give you that information. It is never a good idea to save seeds from hybrid plants unless you are not concerned with the quality of your future plants.
A hybrid is created by crossing two closely related plants. Neither Mom nor Pop was fantastic, but the cross gives a plant with exceptional qualities that the parents did not possess. The problem is that the seeds from the hybrid revert back to one of the parents or are a scramble of genetic material that is most likely not going to be desirable. The chance of having a plant as good as the one you currently have is remote.
If you want to save vegetable seeds, you want seeds that were open pollinated. That means they were pollinated by insects, wind or other natural ways.
Light frosts will probably not affect seed quality. Heavy frosts could damage seeds if they were not ripe at the time of freezing. Seed pods should dry naturally on the plant and the seed head should be brown as well as the contents. Seeds that are green or yellow are unripe. Often, they do not grow next season.
The only time that rule of brown and dry does not apply is if we’re talking about weed seeds. They attained their weed status by being able to put up with the most adverse conditions.
When picking the seed heads from plants, remove the seeds from the pod or whatever is enclosing the seeds. This allows them to dry more. Dampness is the enemy of seeds. The seeds could either mold or begin to grow and neither event is wanted. Spread seeds in one layer in an open container. The seeds will dry more indoors in the presence of warm, dry air.
Store your dry seeds in a paper envelope or paper bag. Avoid plastic because it can trap moisture. If the seeds mold, they are very likely dead. Store your seed packs at room temperature with air circulating. Label the envelopes so you know what you have.
In the spring, plant as you would regularly. Unless you are experienced at collecting and storing seeds, you may not want to just use your stored seeds if a food crop is important. Mark your rows and compare between what you have gathered and what you purchased. Be a smart gardener and compare the crops.
Michigan State University Extension warns there are several things to consider when dealing with open pollinated seeds. Some vegetable garden seeds could be a problem if another closely related vegetable is growing nearby. Examples would be those in the cucurbit family like squash growing near gourds. The swapped pollen could create a mystery squash-gourd combination that is useless. Another example would be corn. Sweet corn growing near popcorn, Indian corn or field corn could give a bizarre mix-and-match ear that is inedible.
The last opportunity to collect seeds is right now, so consider these tips when collecting some seeds for next year’s garden.


Slinky: Metal vs. Plastic
Grade Level: 4th - 6th; Type: Physical Science
In this experiment, students will find out whether a plastic slinky works as well as a metal slinky when “walking it down the stairs."
What causes the “walk down the stairs” slinky trick to work?
The slinky has been enjoyed by many children and adults alike for 70 years since its creation by Richard James in the early 1940s. The toy itself is simple, yet kids can learn from it lessons on momentum and physical science.
- Metal slinky
- Plastic slinky of the same size
- Flight of stairs
- Stand at the top of a flight of stairs.
- Get the metal slinky and place one end at the top step of the stairs. Hold the other end slightly up and give it a little push forward onto the next step. Watch as it “walks down”. Time this.
- Do the same with the plastic slinky. Note that this trick may not work on some plastic slinkys, but it is still a part of your results.
- Evaluate your results. Which slinky took longer to walk down? Why?
Terms/Concepts: Slinky; Momentum; Weight; Incline plane
- McGill and King (1995). Engineering Mechanics, An Introduction to Dynamics (3rd ed.). PWS Publishing Company. ISBN 0-534-93399-8.
Warning is hereby given that not all Project Ideas are appropriate for all individuals or in all circumstances. Implementation of any Science Project Idea should be undertaken only in appropriate settings and with appropriate parental or other supervision. Reading and following the safety precautions of all materials used in a project is the sole responsibility of each individual. For further information, consult your state’s handbook of Science Safety.


Coins have played a crucial role in human civilization for centuries, serving as a means of trade, commerce, and a reflection of cultural identity. Over time, various civilizations have minted different types of coins, each with its unique characteristics, designs, and purposes.
In this article, we will explore the fascinating world of coins and delve into the various types that have shaped the history of currency.
A coin is a small piece of metal, and sometimes other materials like leather or porcelain, that has a mark or marks indicating its specific value. The practice of using metal pieces for trading has been around for a long time and likely originated from the use of everyday metal ingots like bronze in commerce, which had intrinsic value.
In ancient times, metal coins were the primary medium of exchange until bills of exchange in medieval Europe and paper currency in medieval China came into existence. Even though coins are not as commonly used in everyday transactions now, they remain essential to modern economies, especially with the widespread use of coin-operated machines. If you want to learn more about paper currencies, you can refer to the topic of money.
Different types of coins highlight the various roles that currency has taken on throughout history. These roles include everyday transactions, commemorations, investments, and even entertainment.
Historical coins are fascinating artifacts that provide valuable insights into the economic, political, and cultural aspects of different civilizations throughout history.
Ancient coins have the remarkable ability to transport us back in time, providing glimpses into civilizations that have long since disappeared. Whether it's Roman denarii or Greek drachmas, these artifacts serve as a connection to the everyday lives of our ancestors.
Medieval coins, adorned with intricate designs, narrate tales of knights, kings, and kingdoms. Each coin is a piece of history, a tangible link to the medieval world.
Modern historical coins, while not as ancient, hold significant meaning. They commemorate events such as space exploration or political milestones, encapsulating the essence of our contemporary history.
Collectible coins are coins that collectors seek because of their rarity, historical importance, unique designs, or other distinctive features.
Collectors pursue rare coins, motivated by the excitement of owning a piece that is possessed by only a few. The scarcity of these coins adds an element of exclusivity and value to these highly desired treasures.
Limited edition coins attract both collectors and investors. With only a set number available, their scarcity enhances their appeal and potential for investment.
Commemorative coins celebrate special occasions, ranging from national anniversaries to sporting events. They act as reminders of these significant moments, often becoming cherished collectibles.
"Cultural coins" may refer to coins that have significant cultural or symbolic value within a particular society or community.
Certain coins transcend their role as mere currency; they embody the essence of a culture. These cultural coins feature symbols, traditions, and historical figures unique to a particular society.
Used in ceremonies and rituals, traditional ceremonial coins carry spiritual significance. They play a vital role in cultural practices, representing a bridge between the spiritual and material realms.
Coins crafted from valuable metals like gold and silver possess intrinsic value beyond their face value because of the precious materials they contain.
Gold coins, with their timeless charm, have served as symbols of wealth for centuries. Both investors and collectors appreciate the enduring value and beauty associated with these precious metal coins.
Silver coins, often more accessible than gold, boast their own charm. Their affordability and versatility make them a popular choice for both collectors and investors.
Platinum coins, being rarer than gold and silver, attract individuals looking for a distinctive and valuable addition to their collections. The radiant metal imparts an element of exclusivity to these coins.
Contemporary currency coins are those currently in circulation and actively used for daily transactions in various countries.
Day-to-day transactions involve regular coins, typically adorned with national symbols or significant figures. Despite their commonality, these coins play a vital role in the economy.
From pennies to euros, commonly used coins differ around the world. Examining these coins provides insights into the economic systems and cultural values of different countries.
Coins with unusual shapes represent a unique and creative form of numismatic artistry. While most coins typically have a traditional round shape, certain countries have introduced coins with distinctive and unconventional shapes.
Deviating from the conventional round shape, square coins defy traditional norms. These distinctive pieces make a statement in collections, infusing a touch of modernity.
Expressing love and affection, heart-shaped coins go beyond the usual monetary symbolism. They make for distinctive gifts and tokens of appreciation.
Polygonal coins, with their angular edges, showcase innovative designs. These geometrically shaped coins captivate collectors with their modern aesthetic.
Bi-metallic coins are a type of currency that consists of two separate metals, typically in the form of an outer ring surrounding a center disc. These coins are often used to enhance durability and deter counterfeiting.
Bi-metallic coins, featuring two different metals, are a testament to advanced minting technology. The combination of metals enhances durability and aesthetic appeal.
Countries like the United Kingdom and Canada have embraced bi-metallic coins. These examples illustrate the global adoption of innovative coinage.
Crypto coins, also known as cryptocurrencies, are digital or virtual currencies that use cryptography for security and operate on decentralized networks based on blockchain technology.
In the digital age, cryptocurrency has emerged as a revolutionary form of currency. Virtual coins like Bitcoin and Ethereum are changing the financial landscape.
Exploring popular cryptocurrencies provides insights into the decentralized world of digital currency. Understanding these coins is crucial in navigating the evolving financial markets.
Specialized collection coins are coins intentionally crafted or minted for collectors, often featuring unique characteristics, limited production numbers, or commemorative themes. These coins are tailored to the preferences of numismatists and collectors who are interested in acquiring distinct pieces for their collections.
Sports enthusiasts can blend their love for athletics and coin collecting through sports-themed coins. These specialized collections honor iconic athletes and commemorate memorable moments in the world of sports.
Movie buffs can extend their love for cinema into their coin collections. Movie-themed coins immortalize beloved films and characters, becoming cherished items for fans.
In conclusion, coins, in their diverse forms, carry a rich history and cultural significance that spans across civilizations. Whether it's the coins used in everyday transactions, the intricate designs of collector's coins, or the precious metals in bullion coins, each type narrates a unique story. Whether you're a collector, investor, or just intrigued by the artistry and history of coins, delving into the varied world of coinage can be a fulfilling journey into the heart of human commerce and creativity.
Ancient coins can be valuable, depending on factors such as rarity, condition, and historical significance.
Rarity, limited editions, and historical or cultural significance contribute to a coin's collectibility.
Begin by researching different types of coins, deciding on a theme, and gradually acquiring pieces that align with your interests.


Five hundred years ago the expedition led by Ferdinand Magellan was traversing the recently discovered strait leading to the Pacific. This was the culmination of the era of geographic findings and intercontinental encounters between civilizations that forever changed the vision of the world. And what better to reflect these revolutionary times than the crown jewel of the sixteenth-century cartography!
The Atlas Miller, drawn in 1519 by Lopo Homem, Pedro Reinel and his son Jorge Reinel, with illuminations that are the work of António de Holanda is a bag full of wonders, but also apparent paradoxes. Sometimes, it clearly aims more to impress than to inform and a closer look at the lavishly decorated charts reveals not only routes towards new horizons but also hidden motives of its commissioners and a high-stake intrigue. Whose interests did it suit and, perhaps most importantly, who did this atlas seek to contradict?
Our thanks to Moleiro Editor for this article and video. The facsimile editions of the Atlas Miller and other atlases and medieval manuscripts are available on www.moleiro.com. Visit also Moleiro’s YouTube channel for more captivating tales written on parchment: www.youtube.com/moleiroeditor.


Hawks, Hawk Pictures, Facts, and Information
Detailed, beautiful pictures of four different species of hawks flying, eating, and perched on an arm.
The Harris Hawk, formerly known as the Bay Winged Hawk, is a rather tame hawk. Both the male and female Harris Hawk are dark brown in coloring with chestnut colored shoulders, thighs and underwings. The bill is yellow with a white, fading into black, crooked down tip. Feet and legs are also yellow. The tail is black and white. These hawks have an impressive 46 inch wing span and stand up to 2 feet tall.The Harris Hawk can be found in southwest portions of Texas, Mexico and has been reintroduced to southern California. These hawks hunt together in groups of 2 or 3, taking turns chasing their prey until one of them makes the final kill. They feed on small birds and rodents, ducks, herons, rabbits and reptiles.
The Harris Hawk has more than one mate at a time, but is a solidary nester. A female will often have 2 broods of 2-4 eggs per year. The young stay in the nest for up to 50 days.
The Red Tailed Hawk is an extremely common hawk found through out North America and Mexico. It is the most common hawk in North America. The Red-tailed hawk has brown and black wings with white underwings. It has a white belly with dark streaks throughout. It's head is a lighter brown, streaked with white. It has a reddish tail that varies in shade. Baby Red-Tailed hawks have a dark brown tail with a black band.
The Red Tailed hawk eats a wide range of prey, from insects to small to medium rodents, small birds and bats and fish. It will eat its larger prey on the ground and perch to eat a small meal.
The Red Tailed hawk mates for life. They offer one brood of 2-3 eggs per year. Babies stay in the nests for up to 46 days.


Forest School continues. T-shirt weather in October. Dry soil and fragrant vegetation. Un-ending streaks of bright white sun dapple a hundred different values of greens and browns in every direction. This is not typical for mid-Autumn and we are soaking in every minute.
Our sensory descriptive poems grow with more expertise as we pose and stretch with our tree buddies (they’re really good listeners, by the way). We are less distracted by the insects and mini-creatures that fill the forest floor as we get really close and focus on our own breathing. The only real sounds that are out of place during literacy time are my crunching footsteps as I travel from tree to tree, checking in on the learning.
We regroup and focus on the word ‘stewardship’. We create visual texts about enjoying Jaffa respectfully. Plants have feelings too…we think.
Grade 3’s need to know how to use a coordinate grid map. What better way to practice this skill than with an authentic map of forest! We each selected five locations that we’ll visit tomorrow to capture sounds for a ‘forest soundscape’ (Thanks Ms. McCready!). We mapped them with coordinates and practiced our compass rose directions.
We then excitedly found amazing spaces in the forest to document in VIRTUAL REALITY! The Google Streetview app allowed us to create 360 photospheres of various parts of the Jaffa forest. I published mine to google maps, and anyone around the world can now take a 360 peak into our special forest classroom. Techy-geeky session to the extreme. I still can’t wrap my brain around the fact that we have this capability at our fingertips now. Incredible.
We built up a big hunger by now, and good thing because it was potluck day! It was a feast of delicious spoils. Thank you families for your contributions. Dan manned the open-fire cooking area and toasted fresh garlic toast and sautéed potatoes. We even used real plates to cut down on waste and used the environmental centres’ composting and recycling program to limit our trash impact. It was a classy affair, but students had to earn their lunch and complete a photo scavenger hunt of the buffet table and look for packaged vs. unpackaged foods. What might have been on an early settler’s or first nations people’s table 210 years ago?
If anyone ever needs help advertising why forest school is fantastic learning, please let my grade 3’s know! We feel we’ve almost done it all here. We are sad that tomorrow is our last day, but know that we’ve had an unforgettable opportunity. Tomorrow will be jam-packed with more tech-enhanced learning in our outdoor classroom. I hope our tree buddies don’t miss us too much!
PS – Shout out to our favourite app, piccollage. It is so enjoyable sharing our learning with text and visuals in such impactful ways. Google comes in a close second place with the incredible-in-your-hands mapping and virtual reality capabilities. All free! Play!


The RevolutionaryNicholas P. Miller July/August 2007
On the contrary, Luther is more fairly accused of elevating the status of the prince at the expense of the church as well as the individual, at least in civil matters. His 1520 Address subordinates the church in civil matters. His 1523 discourse on the Secular Authority made clear that the civil sword was firmly in the hands of the civil magistrate, who was not to be actively opposed, even when overreaching and tyrannical. Even in religious matters, which he acknowledged were outside the civil ruler's legitimate oversight, he taught that spiritual "outrage is not to be resisted, but endured."2 Duly constituted civil rulers were not to resist their unjust and ungodly superiors.3 All this was written more than a year prior to the events directly leading to the Peasants' War. These events began unfolding in the summer of 1524 in southwest Germany.4
A month later, after the peasants had engaged in greater bloodshed, he wrote a tract whose title betrayed its target and its polemical tone—Against the Robbing and Murdering Hordes of Peasants. In this pamphlet, he criticized the religious aspirations and leadership of the peasants, particularly fingering Thomas M
Article Author: Nicholas P. Miller
Nicholas Miller, Ph.D., is an attorney and associate professor of church history at Andrews University, Berrien Springs, Michigan. He is the author of the The Religious Roots of the First Amendment (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), which more fully develops the theme of this article.


Past Greenland temperatures and moisture sources
Ice consists of water molecules that come in different varieties with slightly different masses, so-called isotopes. The amount of each of these isotopes in a certain ice sample depends on the formation history of the ice: Under which conditions did the water evaporate, and how much cooling did the vapour experience on its way to the ice cap before forming the precipitation that ended up as the layers in the ice cap? Information on the temperature and moisture sources is therefore stored in the isotopic composition of the ice.
Molecules of water (H2O) consist of two Hydrogen atoms (H) and an Oxygen atom (O), and each of these atoms may be one of different isotopes of H and O. Most hydrogen atoms (1H) have just one proton in the nucleus and weigh one atomic mass unit, while a few have either one or two extra neutrons in the nucleus (2H and 3H), making these atoms heavier than the most common 1H isotope. Similarly, oxygen atoms come in three isotopes; the common 16O and the more rare heavier isotopes 17O and 18O, having 8 protons and 8, 9, or 10 neutrons in the nucleus, respectively.
In climate studies, especially the fractions of the water molecules with either one 18O or one 2H are measured (read more about the measurement techniques here). In general, there are less of the heavy isotopes 18O and 2H (also called deuterium, or D) in ice formed under cold conditions. The amount missing is very small, and for practical reasons, the measured amounts of 18O or 2H are given as the so-called δ18O (delta-O-eighteen) and δD (delta-Deuterium) values. These values are usually negative and range roughly from -80‰ to 0‰ for δ18O and from -600‰ to 0‰ for δD. One per mille of δ18O (or 8‰ of δD) corresponds to a temperature difference of 1.5-4°C.
The δ18O and δD values are used as indicators of past temperatures, so-called temperature proxies. From analyses of the isotopic composition of Greenland ice cores it is possible to obtain a record of past Greenland climate reaching more than 100,000 years back in time. For the past 8,000 years it is even possible to follow the annual temperature variations year by year in the isotope records.
But the isotopes also tell about the climatic conditions in the areas from which the moisture source originates. Roughly speaking, the δD values are 8 times the δ18O values because the relative mass difference between D and 1H is 8 times bigger than the mass difference between 18O and 16O. However, the difference δD - 8 ⋅ δ18O (called the Deuterium excess) varies and also carries information about the climate conditions of the moisture sources.
- Isotopes and the delta notation
- Fractionation and temperature: why do δ18O and δD reflect temperature?
- Isotopes reveal changing moisture sources at the end of the glacial
- Isotope measurements as basis for dating ice cores
- Methods for measuring water isotope ratios
Ice Core Drilling Projects
For more information on the topic please contact Bo Vinther


Gullfoss waterfall using long exposure from a drone, see all the people?
The wide Hvítá river flows southward, and about a kilometer above the falls it turns sharply to the right and flows down into a wide curved three-step staircase and then abruptly plunges in two stages 11 meters, and 21 meters into a crevice 32 meters deep. The crevice, about 20 meters wide and 2.5 kilometers in length, extends perpendicular to the flow of the river. The average amount of water running down the waterfall is 140 cubic meters per second in the summer and 80 cubic meters per second in the winter. The highest flood measured was 2,000 cubic meters per second.
During the first half of the 20th century and some years into the late 20th century, there was much speculation about using Gullfoss to generate electricity. During this period, the waterfall was rented indirectly by its owners, Tómas Tómasson and Halldór Halldórsson, to foreign investors. However, the investors’ attempts were unsuccessful, partly due to lack of money. The waterfall was later sold to the state of Iceland, and is now protected.
Sigríður Tómasdóttir, the daughter of Tómas Tómasson, was determined to preserve the waterfall’s condition and even threatened to throw herself down. A stone memorial to Sigriður, located above the falls, depicts her profile.
Gullfoss is one of the most popular tourist attractions in Iceland. Together with Þingvellir and the geysers of Haukadalur, Gullfoss forms part of the Golden Circle, a popular day excursion for tourists in Iceland.