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Language Technologies, Bangor University 10

I'd like to know what it is. I'd like to know what it is, that's all. And it's not - .

Hoffwn i wybod beth yw e. Hoffwn i wybod beth yw e, dyna'i gyd. Ac nid yw - .

My personal view is that there are many people in Wales who can well afford to pay for meals for their children. Would you expect free meals for your children? Would I? I don't think so. So, let's just be honest, and I'll go back again. So, how much is that? Where does the spending of £6 million on election policy, where does £2 million on a constitutional commission and £8 million on international relations - outside, of course, of the Wales and Africa programme, which we support - deliver a more sustainable health service, more jobs and pay some bills? And the Welsh Conservative action plan does not seek to whack up income tax on hard-working people whose budgets are already stretched, which Plaid intend to do, and I agree with the Minister on this. They can pretend that their plans would impact on the highest earners the most, but we all know that it's the basic income tax payers, who make up the bulk of Welsh taxpayers, who will foot the bill under Plaid's plans. Llywydd, with the funding that we have identified as a group, we have looked at six key areas that could be funded to better deliver on people's priorities. We would take immediate action to clear the bedblocking, open up hospitals and end the disgrace of ambulances queuing outside A&Es by introducing care hotels. These were introduced elsewhere in the UK during the pandemic - indeed, in Devon, they're still in use - and are designed to protect acute hospital capacity, providing step-down facilities for people who require support but not hospital care. Surgical hubs would also be established in each region, to provide additional relief to the Welsh health system - they've been talked about, but they're not being delivered - creating more operating theatres, meaning we can begin to tackle the unacceptably long waiting lists, with one in four people in Wales desperate for treatment, especially around orthopaedics, which we know the professional sector have made a lot of suggestions on. To support the economy, a microbusiness support fund would enable businesses to get off the ground and expand by helping them with paying the national insurance contributions of two new additional staff members. A trial scheme would be established to subsidise the cost of solar panels for small businesses, helping them to reduce their energy bills and contribute to Wales's net-zero ambition. We would expand upon the Government's empty homes scheme by turning it into a help-to-buy scheme for empty homes and those in need of renovation, so that we can help people onto the property ladder and unlock almost 20,000 homes sitting empty in Wales. Finally, we would unlock some of the eye-watering £2.5 billion plus of useable reserves currently sitting in local authority bank accounts, so that we can freeze council tax in the immediate future, helping those further to deal with the cost-of-living crisis.

Fy marn bersonol i yw bod yna lawer o bobl yng Nghymru sy'n gallu fforddio talu am brydau bwyd i'w plant yn iawn. A fyddech chi'n disgwyl prydau am ddim i'ch plant chi? A fyddwn i? Dydw i ddim yn credu. Felly, gadewch i ni fod yn onest, ac fe af yn ôl eto. Felly, faint yw hynny? Ble mae'r gwariant o £6 miliwn ar bolisi etholiadol, ble mae'r £2 filiwn ar gomisiwn cyfansoddiadol a £8 miliwn ar gysylltiadau rhyngwladol - heblaw, wrth gwrs, rhaglen Cymru ac Affrica, yr ydym yn ei chefnogi - yn darparu gwasanaeth iechyd mwy cynaliadwy, mwy o swyddi a thalu biliau? Ac nid yw cynllun gweithredu'r Ceidwadwyr Cymreig yn ceisio cynyddu treth incwm i bobl sy'n gweithio'n galed y mae eu cyllidebau eisoes dan straen, yr hyn y mae Plaid yn bwriadu ei wneud, ac rwy'n cytuno â'r Gweinidog ar hyn. Gallant esgus y byddai eu cynlluniau'n effeithio ar yr enillwyr uchaf fwyaf, ond rydym i gyd yn gwybod mai pobl sy'n talu'r dreth incwm sylfaenol, sef y rhan fwyaf o drethdalwyr Cymru, fydd yn talu'r bil o dan gynlluniau Plaid. Llywydd, gyda'r cyllid yr ydym wedi ei nodi fel grŵp, rydym wedi edrych ar chwe maes allweddol y gellid eu hariannu i gyflawni blaenoriaethau pobl yn well. Byddem yn cymryd camau ar unwaith i atal blocio gwelyau, agor ysbytai a rhoi diwedd ar y sefyllfa warthus o ambiwlansys yn ciwio y tu allan i adrannau damweiniau ac achosion brys trwy gyflwyno gwestai gofal. Cyflwynwyd y rhain mewn mannau eraill yn y DU yn ystod y pandemig - yn wir, yn Nyfnaint, maen nhw'n dal i gael eu defnyddio - ac maen nhw wedi'u cynllunio i ddiogelu capasiti acíwt mewn ysbytai, gan ddarparu cyfleusterau cam-i-lawr ar gyfer pobl sydd angen cymorth ond nid gofal ysbyty. Byddai hybiau llawfeddygol hefyd yn cael eu sefydlu ym mhob rhanbarth, er mwyn rhoi rhyddhad ychwanegol i system iechyd Cymru - maen nhw wedi cael eu trafod, ond dydyn nhw ddim yn cael eu cyflawni - creu mwy o theatrau llawdriniaethau, sy'n golygu y gallwn ddechrau mynd i'r afael â'r rhestrau aros annerbyniol o hir, gydag un o bob pedwar o bobl yng Nghymru yn daer am driniaeth, yn enwedig ym maes orthopaedeg, yr ydym yn gwybod bod y sector proffesiynol wedi gwneud llawer o awgrymiadau yn ei gylch. Er mwyn cefnogi'r economi, byddai cronfa cymorth i ficrofusnes yn galluogi busnesau i ddechrau gweithredu ac ehangu trwy eu helpu gyda thalu cyfraniadau yswiriant cenedlaethol dau aelod newydd o staff. Byddai cynllun prawf yn cael ei sefydlu i roi cymhorthdal tuag at gost paneli solar i fusnesau bach, eu helpu nhw i leihau eu biliau ynni a chyfrannu at uchelgais sero net Cymru. Byddem yn ehangu ar gynllun tai gwag y Llywodraeth trwy ei droi'n gynllun cymorth i brynu cartrefi gwag a'r rhai sydd angen eu hadnewyddu, fel y gallwn helpu pobl ar yr ysgol eiddo a datgloi bron i 20,000 o gartrefi sy'n sefyll yn wag yng Nghymru. Yn olaf, byddem yn datgloi'r swm enfawr o dros £2.5 biliwn o gronfeydd wrth gefn y gellir eu defnyddio sydd ar hyn o bryd yn eistedd mewn cyfrifon banc awdurdodau lleol, fel y gallwn rewi'r dreth gyngor yn y dyfodol agos, gan roi cymorth ychwanegol i'r rheini i ymdrin â'r argyfwng costau byw.

Will you take an intervention, Peter?

A wnewch chi gymryd ymyriad, Peter?

To do so - . I'll finish this point, Mike, if I may. To do so, a formula would be used by the Welsh Government to enable an adjustment in the RSG where councils hold usable reserves above a set threshold. The money adjusted from the RSG over the threshold would be redistributed to create a sector-wide funding floor to enable all councils to retain council tax levels at the current levels. We're seeing some authorities with useable reserves of £270 million. That is unacceptable. I'm happy to take the intervention now.

I wneud hynny - . Fe orffennaf y pwynt yma, Mike, os caf i. I wneud hynny, byddai fformiwla yn cael ei ddefnyddio gan Lywodraeth Cymru er mwyn galluogi addasu'r grant cynnal ardrethi, pryd mae cynghorau'n dal cronfeydd wrth gefn y gellir eu defnyddio uwchben trothwy penodol. Byddai'r arian sy'n cael ei addasu o'r grant cynnal ardrethi dros y trothwy yn cael ei ailddosbarthu er mwyn creu cyllid gwaelodol ar draws y sector er mwyn galluogi pob cyngor i gadw lefelau treth y cyngor ar y lefelau presennol. Rydym yn gweld rhai awdurdodau sydd â chronfeydd wrth gefn y gellir eu defnyddio o £270 miliwn. Mae hynny'n annerbyniol. Rwy'n hapus i gymryd ymyriad nawr.

I was going to say it's based upon the standard spending assessment, the rates support grant, taking into account the ability of councils to raise money. Would you have to also change the standard spending assessment in order to change the rates support grant?

Roeddwn i'n mynd i ddweud ei fod wedi'i seilio ar yr asesiad gwariant safonol, y grant cynnal ardrethi, gan ystyried gallu cynghorau i godi arian. A fyddai'n rhaid i chi hefyd newid yr asesiad gwariant safonol er mwyn newid y grant cynnal ardrethi?

What I'm suggesting here is something not dissimilar to what we would do if we were leading councils and we found our schools accruing huge balances and not using those for the purpose they were created for, that resource to help educate our young children. This is purely suggesting that where a council holds significant reserves above a threshold, a small adjustment of £150,000 per £1 million over that threshold would be held back in the RSG and distributed out as a funding floor to allow all authorities to be able to save people from paying the excessive council tax that once again is being proposed. In summary, Llywydd, I recognise that the Welsh Government, like all Governments, is facing substantial challenges in the immediate term, but today we have brought the Welsh Conservative action plan forward, which will help to address some of the immediate problems our people and businesses face, and to deliver more resilient communities and public services, using existing resources, because we need to double down on our efforts to tackle the most pressing issues that we are currently facing and deliver a better tomorrow for the people of today.

Yr hyn rwy'n ei awgrymu yn y fan yma yw rhywbeth nad yw'n annhebyg i'r hyn y byddem yn ei wneud pe byddem yn arwain cynghorau a gweld ein hysgolion yn cronni balansau enfawr gan beidio â defnyddio'r rheini i'r diben y cawsant eu creu ar ei gyfer, yr adnodd hwnnw i helpu i addysgu ein plant ifanc. Awgrym yn unig yw hwn, pan fo cyngor yn dal cronfeydd wrth gefn sylweddol uwchben trothwy, byddai addasiad bach o £150,000 am bob £1 miliwn dros y trothwy hwnnw yn cael ei ddal yn ôl yn y grant cynnal ardrethi a'i ddosbarthu fel cyllid gwaelodol i ganiatáu i bob awdurdod arbed pobl rhag talu'r dreth gyngor ormodol sydd unwaith eto'n cael ei chynnig. I grynhoi, Llywydd, rwy'n cydnabod bod Llywodraeth Cymru, fel pob Llywodraeth, yn wynebu heriau sylweddol yn y tymor agos, ond heddiw rydym wedi cyflwyno cynllun gweithredu'r Ceidwadwyr Cymreig, a fydd yn helpu i fynd i'r afael â rhai o'r problemau uniongyrchol y mae ein pobl a'n busnesau yn eu hwynebu, ac i gyflawni cymunedau a gwasanaethau cyhoeddus mwy cydnerth, gan ddefnyddio'r adnoddau presennol, oherwydd mae angen i ni ddyblu ein hymdrechion i fynd i'r afael â'r materion mwyaf dybryd yr ydym yn eu hwynebu ar hyn o bryd a chyflawni yfory gwell i bobl heddiw.

Amendment 2 now, to be moved by Adam Price.

Gwelliant 2 nawr, i'w gynnig gan Adam Price.

Diolch, Llywydd. There can be no doubt that the Welsh Government lacks the money it needs to do what is necessary to build the kind of decent society that we want to see. That is more true now than it has ever been, I think. Ultimately, that lack of money stems from our lack of power. We lack the powers necessary to grow our economy in Wales, which is one absolutely critical way by which we can generate the revenue necessary to create that kind of society. We also lack the financial powers to control our own fiscal policy - the borrowing powers, the tax-varying powers - to enable us to raise the resources we need, and to do so fairly. Our debate tomorrow, for example, is about giving Wales the power to set the income tax bands and thresholds so we can have the flexibility that Scotland currently enjoys. Our solution to this dilemma, of course, ultimately, and as soon as we can, is to become an independent nation, so we have all of the tools and levers available to us to create that society we want to see. But that is not currently our position.

Diolch, Llywydd. Does dim dwywaith nad oes gan Lywodraeth Cymru yr arian sydd ei angen arni i wneud yr hyn sy'n angenrheidiol i adeiladu'r math o gymdeithas deg yr ydym eisiau ei gweld. Mae hynny'n fwy gwir nawr nag y bu erioed, rwy'n credu. Yn y pen draw, mae'r diffyg arian hwnnw'n deillio o'n diffyg pŵer ni. Nid oes gennym y pwerau sydd eu hangen i dyfu ein heconomi yng Nghymru, sy'n ffordd gwbl hanfodol i gynhyrchu'r refeniw sy'n angenrheidiol i greu'r math yna o gymdeithas. Nid oes gennym chwaith y pwerau ariannol i reoli ein polisi cyllidol ein hunain - y pwerau benthyca, y pwerau amrywio trethi - i'n galluogi ni i godi'r adnoddau sydd eu hangen arnom, ac i wneud hynny'n deg. Mae ein dadl yfory, er enghraifft, yn ymwneud â rhoi'r grym i Gymru bennu'r bandiau treth incwm a'r trothwyon er mwyn i ni gael yr hyblygrwydd y mae'r Alban yn ei fwynhau ar hyn o bryd. Ein datrysiad i'r dilema hwn, wrth gwrs, yn y pen draw, a chyn gynted ag y gallwn ni, yw dod yn genedl annibynnol, fel bod gennym ni yr holl offer a'r ysgogiadau sydd ar gael i ni i greu'r gymdeithas honno yr ydym eisiau ei gweld. Ond nid dyna ein safbwynt ni ar hyn o bryd.

Yes, certainly.

Gwnaf, yn siŵr.

Given the uncertainty around that last statement about independence, isn't that one of the greatest risks you could take with the economy?

O ystyried yr ansicrwydd ynghylch y datganiad diwethaf yna am annibyniaeth, onid yw hynny'n un o'r risgiau mwyaf y gallech chi ei gymryd gyda'r economi?

We totally disagree. We urge you to read the report by Melin Drafod, which was drafted by members of the Labour Party, as well as members of Plaid Cymru and people of no party, and came to the conclusion that there is no fiscal impediment to Wales actually becoming an independent nation, and that there are huge advantages in terms of the kind of fair and prosperous society that we want to see. But that is not what we're debating today, Llywydd. Currently, our position is this: the choice we face is whether to use the powers that we do have, or simply accept the financial envelope essentially passed to us from Westminster. The problem with the latter course is that, to all intents and purposes, we face either the worst-case scenario - austerity mark 2 under the current Conservative administration - or, at best, with a change of Government, a flatlining of public expenditure. Coming after a decade and more of austerity, when our public services are crying out for investment, Sir Keir Starmer has said, hasn't he, recently, that, apart from the admittedly ambitious capital commitments in terms of investment in the green economy, there will be no new money - not my words, his words - and that people need to think of Labour's agenda as that of a decade, because there will be no substantial additional investment in the first five years. That's a more conservative pitch even than New Labour in 1997, which promised to stick to the Tory spending plans for the first two years. Essentially, it's five years of no additional substantial money. Labour and the Conservatives at Westminster are closer than they admit on the main fiscal challenge that we face; they just involve different kinds of wishful thinking. The Tories pretend that it's possible to cut taxes while maintaining the 'quality' of public services - I'm putting that in inverted commas. Labour says it can improve public services without spending or taxing more. Neither party is prepared to tell the difficult truth that even with reform - necessary reform - and innovation in our public services, the health and care required by a rapidly ageing population requires investment. We've had a social care system chronically underfunded, and it's been in crisis for a generation. We've managed somehow with a gradually deteriorating healthcare system up until recently. The NHS was fragile and getting worse - winter crises becoming the norm, the rise in life expectancy stalling, avoidable deaths rising, health inequalities worsening. The NHS at its core, though struggling, still was largely able to take the strain, largely because of the heroic efforts of the workforce. But the combination of the pandemic and the cost-of-living crisis, plus 12 years of austerity, means that the entire health and care system now is buckling, and unless we do something radical, it is going to collapse. That's the stark truth. That's the deep truth at the heart of the current pay dispute, which isn't just about pay, or even mostly about pay, if you speak to the people on the picket lines; it's about a healthcare system that is brittle and a workforce in health and care that is exhausted and is at breaking point. Twelve years of austerity have meant declining real wages for the workforce and rising illness for the patients, and now it's the NHS itself that is chronically sick. With that rapidly ageing and ailing population, with a decade of underinvestment in technology, and now ballooning waiting lists, and a workforce that feels desperately undervalued, we have created our own crisis. It was there to be seen, wasn't it? We all know this. It was there starkly in the pandemic in the lack of capacity in the NHS, the shortage of beds, the shortage of equipment, the shortage of workers that led us to scrambling to make up for these deficiencies, that surely contributed to the higher death rates that we saw here than many of our European neighbours. Difficult as it is, we believe now is the time, Minister, to be honest with the people. Money alone, we know, is not the answer, but without it, there is no way out of this crisis. The people that will end up paying the highest price will be precisely those on the lowest incomes - it is they that are always most dependent on the quality of our public services. Look at all the evidence the Welsh Government actually produces in terms of health inequalities. Cuts in health and care affect those on lower incomes more than anyone else; they can't escape their dependency on public service, they can't go private. They will pay if we do not act now. They will pay not in money, but with shorter lives and with more painful lives. That is the stark reality, and we must invest for them.

Rydym yn anghytuno'n llwyr. Rydyn ni'n eich annog i ddarllen adroddiad Melin Drafod, a gafodd ei ddrafftio gan aelodau o'r Blaid Lafur, yn ogystal ag aelodau o Blaid Cymru a phobl nad oedden nhw o unrhyw blaid, a ddaeth i'r casgliad nad oes unrhyw rwystr cyllidol i Gymru rhag dod yn genedl annibynnol mewn gwirionedd, a bod manteision enfawr o ran y math o gymdeithas deg a ffyniannus yr ydym eisiau ei gweld. Ond nid dyna yr ydym yn ei drafod heddiw, Llywydd. Ar hyn o bryd, ein safbwynt ni yw hyn: y dewis yr ydym yn ei wynebu yw a ddylid defnyddio'r pwerau sydd gennym, neu dim ond derbyn yr amlen ariannol a basiwyd i ni o San Steffan yn y bôn. Y broblem gyda'r llwybr olaf yw, i bob pwrpas, ein bod ni'n wynebu naill ai'r senario gwaethaf - cyni rhif 2 o dan y weinyddiaeth Geidwadol bresennol - neu, ar y gorau, gyda newid Llywodraeth, gwariant cyhoeddus gwastad. Ar ôl degawd a mwy o gyni, pan fo ein gwasanaethau cyhoeddus yn crefu am fuddsoddiad, mae Syr Keir Starmer wedi dweud, onid yw e, yn ddiweddar, ar wahân i'r ymrwymiadau cyfalaf uchelgeisiol, rhaid cyfaddef, o ran buddsoddiad yn yr economi werdd, ni fydd arian newydd - nid fy ngeiriau i, ei eiriau ef - a bod angen i bobl feddwl am agenda Llafur fel un degawd, oherwydd ni fydd buddsoddiad ychwanegol sylweddol yn y pum mlynedd gyntaf. Mae hwnnw'n ogwydd mwy ceidwadol hyd yn oed na Llafur Newydd ym 1997, a oedd yn addo cadw at gynlluniau gwario'r Torïaid am y ddwy flynedd gyntaf. Yn y bôn, mae'n bum mlynedd o ddim arian sylweddol ychwanegol. Mae Llafur a'r Ceidwadwyr yn San Steffan yn agosach nag y maen nhw'n cyfaddef o ran y brif her ariannol yr ydym yn ei hwynebu; maen nhw'n cynnwys gwahanol fathau o obaith ofer. Mae'r Torïaid yn esgus ei bod hi'n bosib torri trethi, ac ar yr un pryd, cynnal 'ansawdd' gwasanaethau cyhoeddus - rwy'n rhoi hwnnw mewn dyfynodau. Mae Llafur yn dweud y gall wella gwasanaethau cyhoeddus heb wario na threthu yn fwy. Nid yw'r naill blaid na'r llall yn barod i ddweud y gwir anodd, hyd yn oed gyda diwygiad - diwygiad angenrheidiol - ac arloesedd yn ein gwasanaethau cyhoeddus, mae'r iechyd a'r gofal sydd ei angen ar boblogaeth sy'n heneiddio'n gyflym yn gofyn am fuddsoddiad. Rydym wedi cael system gofal cymdeithasol sydd wedi'i thanariannu'n ofnadwy, ac mae wedi bod mewn argyfwng ers cenhedlaeth. Rydym wedi llwyddo rywsut gyda system gofal iechyd sy'n dirywio'n raddol hyd at yn ddiweddar. Roedd y GIG yn fregus ac yn gwaethygu - argyfyngau'r gaeaf yn dod yn rhywbeth arferol, y cynnydd mewn disgwyliad oes yn arafu, marwolaethau y gellir eu hosgoi yn codi, anghydraddoldebau iechyd yn gwaethygu. Roedd y GIG yn ei hanfod, er ei fod yn ei chael hi'n anodd, yn dal i allu cymryd y straen i raddau helaeth, yn bennaf oherwydd ymdrechion arwrol y gweithlu. Ond mae'r cyfuniad o'r pandemig a'r argyfwng costau byw, ynghyd â 12 mlynedd o gyni, yn golygu bod y system iechyd a gofal gyfan nawr yn gwegian, ac oni bai ein bod yn gwneud rhywbeth radical, mae'n mynd i chwalu. Dyna'r gwir plaen. Dyna'r gwir plaen sydd wrth wraidd yr anghydfod cyflog presennol, nad yw'n ymwneud â chyflog yn unig, neu hyd yn oed â chyflog yn bennaf, os siaradwch chi â'r bobl ar y llinellau piced; mae'n ymwneud â system gofal iechyd sy'n fregus a gweithlu ym maes iechyd a gofal sydd wedi blino'n lân ac sydd ar dorri. Mae 12 mlynedd o gyni wedi golygu gostwng cyflogau real i'r gweithlu a salwch cynyddol i'r cleifion, ac erbyn hyn y GIG ei hun sydd â salwch cronig. Gyda'r boblogaeth sy'n heneiddio ac yn clafychu'n gyflym, gyda degawd o danfuddsoddi mewn technoleg, a bellach rhestrau aros yn chwyddo, a gweithlu sy'n teimlo nad yw'n cael ei werthfawrogi, rydym wedi creu ein hargyfwng ein hunain. Roedd yno i'w weld, onid oedd? Rydyn ni i gyd yn gwybod hyn. Roedd yno'n amlwg yn y pandemig o ran diffyg capasiti yn y GIG, y prinder gwelyau, y prinder offer, y prinder gweithwyr a'n harweiniodd i sgrialu i wneud yn iawn am y diffygion hyn, sy'n sicr wedi cyfrannu at y cyfraddau marwolaeth uwch a welsom yma o'u cymharu â'n cymdogion Ewropeaidd. Er mor anodd, credwn mai nawr yw'r amser, Gweinidog, i fod yn onest gyda'r bobl. Nid arian yn unig, fe wyddom, yw'r ateb, ond hebddo, nid oes unrhyw ffordd allan o'r argyfwng hwn. Y bobl a fydd yn talu'r pris uchaf yn y pen draw fydd yr union rai ar yr incwm isaf - nhw sydd bob amser yn fwyaf dibynnol ar ansawdd ein gwasanaethau cyhoeddus. Edrychwch ar yr holl dystiolaeth y mae Llywodraeth Cymru mewn gwirionedd yn ei chynhyrchu yn nhermau anghydraddoldebau iechyd. Mae toriadau ym maes iechyd a gofal yn effeithio ar y rhai sydd ar incwm is yn fwy na neb arall; dydyn nhw ddim yn gallu dianc rhag eu dibyniaeth ar wasanaeth cyhoeddus, dydyn nhw ddim yn gallu mynd yn breifat. Byddan nhw'n talu os na fyddwn ni'n gweithredu nawr. Byddan nhw'n talu, nid gydag arian, ond gyda bywydau byrrach a gyda bywydau mwy poenus. Dyna'r realiti plaen, ac mae'n rhaid i ni fuddsoddi ar eu cyfer nhw.

I'm struggling to understand your ideation around this, really, because last week I saw in the press that Plaid Cymru want to raise taxes across Wales. How will that help the lowest paid people in the country?

Rwy'n cael trafferth deall eich syniadaeth chi ynghylch hyn, mewn gwirionedd, oherwydd yr wythnos diwethaf gwelais yn y wasg fod Plaid Cymru eisiau codi trethi ledled Cymru. Sut bydd hynny'n helpu'r bobl sy'n derbyn y cyflogau isaf yn y wlad?

I've just precisely explained to you. It's actually those on the lower incomes that stand to suffer most from the cuts in public services right across the piece, and that's true in health as well. So, if we don't invest, it is those people on the lower incomes that will suffer falling life expectancy, shorter lives, more painful lives. That's why we have to do it. That is why we are making this proposal that, yes, includes an increase in the basic rate as well. We wish we had the powers they have in Scotland, so that we could have a starter rate, which would be lower, we could have intermediate rates, and that's what we're focusing on tomorrow. But we have to work within the constraints that we're under. But even then, if the Government disagrees with us, then, as the Future Generations Commissioner for Wales said, at least use the additional or the higher rate, as I said earlier. Raising it to the level of Scotland would actually raise £72 million next year, £76 million the year after. That would at least allow you to raise care worker rates to £12 an hour, which would make a significant impact upon the crisis of vacancies in that sector. I hear this phrase, 'the highest tax rates for 70 years'. It's strange to hear the talking points of the TaxPayers' Alliance on the lips of Labour Ministers. But I think, actually, in the history books, and doing the maths, 70 years ago was the Clement Attlee Labour Government - was that a terrible time in terms of what we were able to do, coming out of the second world war and the huge burden that we were dealing with? Just as we were deciding in the pandemic would we - [ Interruption.] No, I won't take an intervention; I've taken one from you already. We decided, didn't we, out of the pandemic, that we were going to build a better society, we were going to build back better, and we seem to have forgotten all that. We've forgotten all the clapping that we did to recognise the key workers. And when we look across the world, we have a lower rate of tax than the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development average, and yet we keep on telling people that you can get Scandinavian-level quality of public services and expect to pay an American level of taxation. We have to be honest with the people, we have to do it now, and we have to do it urgently, because there are no cost-free options here, Minister, and if we continue along the path that we're on, then I fear, quite frankly, for the future of our nation.

Rwyf newydd egluro'n union i chi. Mewn gwirionedd, y rhai sydd ar yr incwm is sy'n mynd i ddioddef fwyaf o'r toriadau mewn gwasanaethau cyhoeddus ar draws y meysydd, ac mae hynny'n wir ym maes iechyd hefyd. Felly, os nad ydyn ni'n buddsoddi, y bobl hynny ar yr incwm is fydd yn dioddef disgwyliad oes yn gostwng, bywydau byrrach, bywydau mwy poenus. Dyna pam mae'n rhaid i ni ei wneud e. Dyna pam rydyn ni'n gwneud y cynnig hwn sydd, ydi, yn cynnwys cynnydd yn y gyfradd sylfaenol hefyd. Fe fyddem yn dymuno bod â'r pwerau sydd ganddyn nhw yn yr Alban, fel y gallem gael cyfradd gychwynnol, a fyddai'n is, gallem gael cyfraddau canolradd, a dyna beth rydyn ni'n canolbwyntio arno yfory. Ond mae'n rhaid i ni weithio o fewn y cyfyngiadau sydd arnom ni. Ond hyd yn oed wedyn, os yw'r Llywodraeth yn anghytuno â ni, yna, fel y dywedodd Comisiynydd Cenedlaethau'r Dyfodol Cymru, o leiaf defnyddiwch y gyfradd ychwanegol neu'r gyfradd uwch, fel y dywedais i'n gynharach. Byddai ei godi i lefel yr Alban mewn gwirionedd yn codi £72 miliwn y flwyddyn nesaf, £76 miliwn y flwyddyn ganlynol. Byddai hynny o leiaf yn caniatáu i chi godi cyfraddau gweithwyr gofal i £12 yr awr, a fyddai'n cael effaith sylweddol ar argyfwng swyddi gwag yn y sector hwnnw. Rwy'n clywed yr ymadrodd hwn, 'y cyfraddau treth uchaf ers 70 mlynedd'. Mae'n rhyfedd clywed geiriau Cynghrair y Trethdalwyr ar wefusau Gweinidogion Llafur. Ond rwy'n credu, mewn gwirionedd, yn y llyfrau hanes, ac wrth wneud y fathemateg, 70 mlynedd yn ôl roedd hi'n Lywodraeth Lafur Clement Attlee - oedd hynny'n gyfnod ofnadwy o ran yr hyn roedden ni'n gallu ei wneud, gan ddod allan o'r ail ryfel byd a'r baich enfawr yr oeddem yn ymdrin ag ef? Yn union fel roedden ni'n penderfynu yn y pandemig a fydden ni - [ Torri ar draws.] Na, dydw i ddim yn cymryd ymyriad; rwyf wedi cymryd un oddi wrthoch chi'n barod. Fe benderfynon ni, oni wnaethon ni, allan o'r pandemig, ein bod ni'n mynd i adeiladu cymdeithas well, roedden ni'n mynd i adeiladu'n ôl yn well, ac mae'n ymddangos ein bod ni wedi anghofio hynny i gyd. Rydym wedi anghofio'r holl glapio a wnaethom i gydnabod y gweithwyr allweddol. A phan edrychwn ar draws y byd, mae gennym gyfradd is o dreth na chyfartaledd y Sefydliad ar gyfer Cydweithrediad a Datblygiad Economaidd, ac eto rydym yn parhau i ddweud wrth bobl y gallwch gael ansawdd lefel Sgandinafaidd o wasanaethau cyhoeddus a disgwyl talu lefel Americanaidd o drethiant. Mae'n rhaid i ni fod yn onest â'r bobl, mae'n rhaid i ni ei wneud nawr, ac mae'n rhaid i ni ei wneud ar frys, oherwydd does dim opsiynau di-gost yma, Gweinidog, ac os ydyn ni'n parhau ar hyd y llwybr yr ydyn ni arno, yna rwy'n poeni, a dweud y gwir, ynghylch dyfodol ein cenedl.

I will be speaking in my capacity as Chair of the Local Government and Housing Committee. I would like to thank the Welsh Local Government Association, the Minister for Finance and Local Government and the Minister for Climate Change for attending the committee's evidence sessions. As a committee, Llywydd, we acknowledged that setting a draft budget in the face of extreme economic pressures is a difficult challenge for the Welsh Government. We welcomed the increase in funding for all local authorities, and in particular that the overall increase is higher than the indicative figures provided last year. But despite this, of course, the increases are lower than the rate of inflation, and we are concerned that inflationary pressures mean local authorities will still be facing difficult decisions that could impact on service delivery. Local government told us of an overspend of £200 million across Welsh authorities in the current financial year, which will have to be recovered from reserves, and that's despite the increase in funding provided at the start of the year. Relying on reserves to cover overspend is not sustainable, of course, and local authorities told us they are already fearful of the resources available for future years. We believe it is crucial that the Welsh Government and local government prepare now for sustained pressures on local authority budgets in order to mitigate further cuts to already-stretched services. We have therefore recommended that the Welsh Government outlines how it is working with local government to prepare for sustained pressure in future years. We have a particular concern around the capital funding for local authorities. We welcome the increase in general capital funding, but are mindful again that inflationary pressures mean that authorities won't be able to do as much with that funding. Local authorities told us that, once more this year, highway maintenance is still a pressure for most councils. It is therefore disappointing that there is no specific highways capital funding in situ. Before finalising the budget for the next financial year, we would like the Welsh Government to look again at the overall allocations for the local transport fund and ensure there is sufficient capital funding for local authorities to adequately maintain the highway and roads network. Another recurring concern relayed to us by local government was the continued challenge to recruit and retain staff to work in the social care sector. The chair of the Health and Social Care Committee will speak, I know, of their concerns on this issue. We support that committee's recommendation that the Welsh Government should commit to providing six-monthly updates on the work of the social care fair work forum. Llywydd, we were concerned that the funding allocated to the Gypsy and Traveller sites capital grant is lower than in previous years, particularly as during our inquiry into the provision of sites we heard and saw that some local authority sites are in urgent need of maintenance or refurbishment. But, as a committee, we were even more concerned to learn that there has been no spend from the capital grant during this financial year and none is forecast to occur before the end of March. We believe this is a stark illustration of why we decided to undertake our work on the provision of sites for Gypsies, Roma and Travellers in the first place and shines a light on the extent of the problems in delivering sufficient and suitable accommodation for these communities. It does seem to be too low a priority for the Welsh Government and local authorities, and this has to change. We have made a joint recommendation with the Equality and Social Justice Committee and recommended the Welsh Government should urgently set out the reasons for the lack of progress on the use of the Gypsy and Traveller site capital grant and how it plans to work with local authorities to ensure take up of this important fund. It should also clarify what will happen to the underspend from last year's budget. Homelessness and related support services is another area of concern for us in this draft budget. There is an unprecedented number of people currently in temporary accommodation in Wales, and this, of course, puts severe resourcing pressure on support services. An additional revenue funding of £10 million has been allocated for homelessness prevention, but we are concerned that this is not enough to deal with current challenges. The housing support grant allocation remains at £166.8 million in cash terms. This is a real-terms reduction. Services funded by this grant are critical to the prevention and alleviation of homelessness. We are therefore worried about the impact that this cut will have on these services at a time when we are relying on them more than ever. It's also worrying that front-line staff, who are working incredibly hard, are struggling to make ends meet. We appreciate the challenge facing the Minister for Climate Change in setting the draft budget, but we recommend that the Welsh Government must make it a priority to provide additional funding for the housing support grant ahead of the final budget. It's a key area of preventative spend. We are also concerned with the number of people in temporary accommodation and the 22,000 long-term empty properties in Wales, and we believe that they must again be given more priority. And, of course, the 20,000 additional homes, Llywydd, even though these will not be all new builds, we are very concerned that it is going to be difficult to reach this target, given the cost of materials and issues with the supply chain and workforce. Decarbonisation is the final area of the committee's concern, Llywydd. But we are very supportive of the Minister's decision not to roll back on housing standards as a cost-saving measure. We are facing a climate crisis, and that is the right decision. Diolch yn fawr.

Rwyf am siarad yn rhinwedd fy swydd fel Cadeirydd y Pwyllgor Llywodraeth Leol a Thai. Hoffwn ddiolch i Gymdeithas Llywodraeth Leol Cymru, y Gweinidog Cyllid a Llywodraeth Leol a'r Gweinidog Newid Hinsawdd am ddod i sesiynau tystiolaeth y pwyllgor. Fel pwyllgor, Llywydd, gwnaethom gydnabod bod gosod cyllideb ddrafft yn wyneb pwysau economaidd eithafol yn her anodd i Lywodraeth Cymru. Roeddem yn croesawu'r cynnydd mewn cyllid i bob awdurdod lleol, ac yn arbennig bod y cynnydd cyffredinol yn uwch na'r ffigurau dangosol a ddarparwyd y llynedd. Ond er gwaethaf hyn, wrth gwrs, mae'r cynnydd yn is na chyfradd chwyddiant, ac rydym yn pryderu fod pwysau chwyddiant yn golygu y bydd awdurdodau lleol yn dal i wynebu penderfyniadau anodd a allai effeithio ar ddarparu gwasanaethau. Dywedodd llywodraeth leol wrthym am orwariant o £200 miliwn ar draws awdurdodau Cymru yn y flwyddyn ariannol bresennol, y bydd yn rhaid ei adfer o gronfeydd wrth gefn, a hynny er gwaethaf y cynnydd mewn cyllid a ddarparwyd ar ddechrau'r flwyddyn. Nid yw dibynnu ar gronfeydd wrth gefn i dalu am orwario yn gynaliadwy, wrth gwrs, a dywedodd awdurdodau lleol wrthym eu bod eisoes yn poeni am adnoddau sydd ar gael ar gyfer y blynyddoedd i ddod. Credwn ei bod yn hanfodol bod Llywodraeth Cymru a llywodraeth leol yn paratoi nawr ar gyfer pwysau parhaus ar gyllidebau awdurdodau lleol er mwyn lleihau mwy o doriadau i wasanaethau sydd eisoes dan bwysau. Rydym felly wedi argymell bod Llywodraeth Cymru yn amlinellu sut mae'n gweithio gyda llywodraeth leol i baratoi ar gyfer pwysau parhaus yn ystod y blynyddoedd i ddod. Mae gennym bryder penodol ynghylch yr arian cyfalaf i awdurdodau lleol. Rydym yn croesawu'r cynnydd mewn cyllid cyfalaf cyffredinol, ond rydym yn ymwybodol eto bod pwysau chwyddiant yn golygu na fydd awdurdodau'n gallu gwneud cymaint â'r cyllid hwnnw. Yn ôl yr awdurdodau lleol, unwaith yn rhagor eleni, mae cynnal a chadw priffyrdd yn dal i fod yn bwysau i'r rhan fwyaf o gynghorau. Mae'n siomedig felly nad oes arian cyfalaf priffyrdd penodol yn ei le. Cyn cwblhau'r gyllideb ar gyfer y flwyddyn ariannol nesaf, hoffem i Lywodraeth Cymru edrych eto ar y dyraniadau cyffredinol ar gyfer y gronfa trafnidiaeth leol a sicrhau bod digon o arian cyfalaf i awdurdodau lleol gynnal a chadw'r rhwydwaith priffyrdd a ffyrdd yn ddigonol. Pryder arall cyson a basiwyd ymlaen i ni gan lywodraeth leol oedd yr her barhaus i recriwtio a chadw staff i weithio yn y sector gofal cymdeithasol. Bydd cadeirydd y Pwyllgor Iechyd a Gofal Cymdeithasol yn siarad, fe wn, am eu pryderon ynglŷn â'r mater hwn. Rydym yn cefnogi argymhelliad y pwyllgor hwnnw y dylai Llywodraeth Cymru ymrwymo i ddarparu diweddariadau chwe mis ar waith y fforwm gwaith teg gofal cymdeithasol. Llywydd, roeddem yn pryderu bod yr arian a ddyrannwyd i'r grant cyfalaf ar gyfer safleoedd Sipsiwn a Theithwyr yn is nag mewn blynyddoedd blaenorol, yn enwedig oherwydd yn ystod ein hymchwiliad i ddarparu safleoedd, fe glywsom a gwelsom fod angen cynnal ac adnewyddu rhai safleoedd awdurdod lleol ar frys. Ond, fel pwyllgor, roeddem hyd yn oed yn fwy pryderus o ddysgu na fu unrhyw wariant o'r grant cyfalaf yn ystod y flwyddyn ariannol hon ac ni ragwelir y bydd yr un ohonyn nhw'n digwydd cyn diwedd mis Mawrth. Rydym yn credu bod hwn yn ddarlun plaen o'r rheswm pam y gwnaethom benderfynu ymgymryd â'n gwaith o ddarparu safleoedd ar gyfer Sipsiwn, Roma a Theithwyr yn y lle cyntaf ac mae'n taflu goleuni ar faint y problemau wrth ddarparu llety digonol ac addas ar gyfer y cymunedau hyn. Mae'n ymddangos ei fod yn flaenoriaeth rhy isel i Lywodraeth Cymru ac awdurdodau lleol, ac mae'n rhaid i hyn newid. Rydym wedi gwneud argymhelliad ar y cyd gyda'r Pwyllgor Cydraddoldeb a Chyfiawnder Cymdeithasol ac rydym wedi argymell y dylai Llywodraeth Cymru nodi'r rhesymau dros ddiffyg cynnydd yn y defnydd o grant cyfalaf safle Sipsiwn a Theithwyr a sut mae'n bwriadu gweithio gydag awdurdodau lleol i sicrhau eu bod yn manteisio ar y cyllid pwysig hwn. Dylai hefyd egluro beth fydd yn digwydd i'r tanwariant o gyllideb y llynedd. Mae digartrefedd a gwasanaethau cymorth cysylltiedig yn faes arall sy'n peri pryder i ni yn y gyllideb ddrafft hon. Mae nifer digynsail o bobl mewn llety dros dro yng Nghymru ar hyn o bryd, ac mae hyn, wrth gwrs, yn rhoi pwysau adnoddau difrifol ar wasanaethau cymorth. Mae cyllid refeniw ychwanegol o £10 miliwn wedi'i ddyrannu ar gyfer atal digartrefedd, ond rydym yn poeni nad yw hyn yn ddigon i ymdrin â'r heriau presennol. Mae'r dyraniad grant cymorth tai yn parhau i fod yn £166.8 miliwn mewn termau arian parod. Mae hyn yn ostyngiad mewn termau real. Mae gwasanaethau sy'n cael eu hariannu gan y grant hwn yn hanfodol i atal a lleddfu digartrefedd. Rydym yn pryderu felly am yr effaith y bydd y toriad hwn yn ei chael ar y gwasanaethau hyn ar adeg pan fyddwn yn dibynnu arnyn nhw yn fwy nag erioed. Mae'n destun pryder hefyd bod staff rheng flaen, sy'n gweithio'n hynod o galed, yn ei chael hi'n anodd cael dau ben llinyn ynghyd. Rydym yn gwerthfawrogi'r her y mae'r Gweinidog Newid Hinsawdd yn ei hwynebu wrth bennu'r gyllideb ddrafft, ond rydym yn argymell bod rhaid i Lywodraeth Cymru ei gwneud hi'n flaenoriaeth i ddarparu cyllid ychwanegol ar gyfer y grant cymorth tai cyn y gyllideb derfynol. Mae'n faes allweddol o wariant ataliol. Rydym hefyd yn pryderu am nifer y bobl mewn llety dros dro a'r 22,000 o eiddo gwag hirdymor yng Nghymru, ac rydym yn credu bod yn rhaid rhoi mwy o flaenoriaeth iddyn nhw unwaith eto. Ac wrth gwrs, yr 20,000 o gartrefi ychwanegol, Llywydd, er na fydd y rhain i gyd yn adeiladau newydd, rydym yn pryderu'n fawr y bydd yn anodd cyrraedd y targed hwn, o ystyried cost deunyddiau a phroblemau gyda'r gadwyn gyflenwi a'r gweithlu. Datgarboneiddio yw maes olaf pryder y pwyllgor, Llywydd. Ond rydym yn gefnogol iawn i benderfyniad y Gweinidog i beidio â thynnu'n ôl ar safonau tai fel mesur arbed costau. Rydym yn wynebu argyfwng hinsawdd, a dyna'r penderfyniad cywir. Diolch yn fawr.

You're lucky you're in the class of '99, John Griffiths [ Laughter. ] I was particularly generous there. Russell George. You're not - you're not.

Rydych chi'n lwcus eich bod yn nosbarth '99, John Griffiths [ Chwerthin. ] Roeddwn i'n arbennig o hael yn y fan yna. Russell George. Dydych chi ddim - dydych chi ddim.

I'm in the class of 2011, Llywydd. Thank you, Llywydd. I'm speaking in my capacity as the Chair of the Health and Social Care Committee. Now, last year, I opened my contribution to this debate by thanking everyone who worked in the health and social care sector, including volunteers and unpaid carers across Wales, for their dedication and their commitment. The winter months, as we know, are always challenging in the health and social care sector, and unfortunately, this winter is no exception at all - far from it. So, on behalf of the Health and Social Care Committee, I thank them very sincerely, once again, for all that they do. Now, the draft budget includes more than £10 billion for health and social services, as well as, of course, the provision for social care within the local government settlement, and we, as a committee, have explored how the Welsh Government is planning to use these considerable financial levers to achieve its desired outcomes and ambitions for our health and social care. The financial context, of course, is challenging. That's got to be recognised, and constrained, of course, by high inflation and high energy costs, and the impact, of course, of the pandemic and the cost of living continues to affect staff and services. And our health and social care sectors, of course, are grappling with an increased demand, in terms of tackling the waiting times backlog and dealing with longstanding workforce issues. Inevitably, this affects the range of activities that can be delivered, and potentially the timescales of both activity and outcomes. We welcome, as a committee, the Minister's six priorities for health boards. That's very welcome, and if progress can be made in these key areas, it should unlock capacity and free up resources to enable progress to be made in other areas in the longer term. However, if these are priorities, by definition, other areas are not priorities, and we have some concerns that health boards may not have been given clear guidance about which areas the Minister considers as politically acceptable for them to draw back from. So, the Minister said to us in committee that she will review the health boards' integrated medium-term plans once they have been submitted to see whether she is comfortable with the decisions that they have taken. But, we all know that decisions to reduce funding or focus may be challenging or unpopular as well as necessary, and potential opportunities to draw back in some areas at a local level may only be apparent if full consideration is given to regional or national options. So, our report therefore calls on the Welsh Government to update us on discussions with health boards, including any concerns that health boards have raised, and any further guidance that Ministers have given on how health boards are expected to mitigate any resulting impact on the areas that are not amongst the six priorities. I referred to the pressures that we've seen in health and social care this winter, and we agree with the Minister that addressing these issues relating to patient flow and delayed transfers of care are vital to unlocking the gridlock we have seen in the system. Now, part of the solution has to be resolving the long-standing social care workforce issues that we're all aware of, and we support the Government's commitment to the real living wage for social care workers - I very much support that myself - but we agree also with the Deputy Minister that it will not be enough on its own to address increasingly acute shortages. So, I know that the Minister does understand the urgency of the issues, such as improving access to sick pay, embedding domiciliary care workers in multidisciplinary teams and addressing the discrepancies in pay and conditions for social care and health service workers. But we are not yet persuaded that the social care fair work forum work is being progressed at the pace that is needed, that voluntary measures for collective bargaining or pay structures are adequate, or that there is enough clarity about how the recommendations of the national care services expert group will be progressed to deliver the Welsh Government's longer term ambitions for social care. So, to help us monitor this area, we have asked the Minister to commit to providing us with regular six monthly updates, through our recommendation 9. So, I thank my colleagues on the Health and Social Care Committee and also the clerking team and the wider integrated team as well for all their support in terms of drafting our report. And, Deputy Llywydd, as a good Member of the 2011 intake, you can see that I'm dead on five minutes. [ Laughter.]

Rwyf i yn nosbarth 2011, Llywydd. Diolch, Llywydd. Rwy'n siarad yn rhinwedd fy swydd fel Cadeirydd y Pwyllgor Iechyd a Gofal Cymdeithasol. Nawr, y llynedd, agorais fy nghyfraniad i'r ddadl hon drwy ddiolch i bawb a weithiodd yn y sector iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol, gan gynnwys gwirfoddolwyr a gofalwyr di-dâl ledled Cymru, am eu hymroddiad a'u hymrwymiad. Mae misoedd y gaeaf, fel rydyn ni'n gwybod, bob amser yn heriol yn y sector iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol, ac yn anffodus, nid yw'r gaeaf hwn yn eithriad o gwbl - ymhell ohoni. Felly, ar ran y Pwyllgor Iechyd a Gofal Cymdeithasol, diolch iddyn nhw'n ddiffuant iawn, unwaith eto, am bopeth maen nhw'n ei wneud. Nawr, mae'r gyllideb ddrafft yn cynnwys mwy na £10 biliwn ar gyfer gwasanaethau iechyd a chymdeithasol, yn ogystal â'r ddarpariaeth ar gyfer gofal cymdeithasol o fewn y setliad llywodraeth leol, wrth gwrs, ac rydyn ni, fel pwyllgor, wedi archwilio sut mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn bwriadu defnyddio'r ysgogiadau ariannol sylweddol hyn i gyflawni ei chanlyniadau a'i huchelgeisiau a ddymunir ar gyfer ein gofal iechyd a chymdeithasol. Mae'r cyd-destun ariannol, wrth gwrs, yn heriol. Mae'n rhaid cydnabod hynny, ac wedi ei gyfyngu, wrth gwrs, gan chwyddiant uchel a chostau ynni uchel, ac wrth gwrs mae effaith y pandemig a chostau byw yn parhau i effeithio ar staff a gwasanaethau. Ac mae ein sectorau iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol, wrth gwrs, yn ymrafael â mwy o alw, o ran mynd i'r afael â'r ôl-groniad amseroedd aros ac ymdrin â materion yn ymwneud â'r gweithlu hirsefydlog. Yn anochel, mae hyn yn effeithio ar yr ystod o weithgareddau y gellir eu darparu, ac o bosibl amserlenni gweithgaredd a chanlyniadau. Rydym yn croesawu, fel pwyllgor, chwe blaenoriaeth y Gweinidog ar gyfer y byrddau iechyd. Mae hynny i'w groesawu'n fawr, ac os gellir gwneud cynnydd yn y meysydd allweddol hyn, dylai ddatgloi capasiti a rhyddhau adnoddau i alluogi gwneud cynnydd mewn meysydd eraill yn y tymor hirach. Fodd bynnag, os blaenoriaethau yw'r rhain, yn ôl diffiniad, nid yw meysydd eraill yn flaenoriaethau, ac mae gennym rai pryderon efallai na chafodd byrddau iechyd ganllawiau clir ynghylch pa feysydd y mae'r Gweinidog yn eu hystyried fel rhai y mae'n dderbyniol yn wleidyddol iddyn nhw dynnu'n ôl ohonyn nhw. Felly, dywedodd y Gweinidog wrthon ni mewn pwyllgor y bydd hi'n adolygu cynlluniau tymor canolig integredig y byrddau iechyd ar ôl iddyn nhw gael eu cyflwyno i weld a yw hi'n gyfforddus â'r penderfyniadau y maen nhw wedi eu gwneud. Ond, rydym i gyd yn gwybod y gallai penderfyniadau i leihau cyllid neu bwyslais fod yn heriol neu'n amhoblogaidd yn ogystal ag yn angenrheidiol, ac efallai na fydd cyfleoedd posibl i dynnu nôl mewn rhai meysydd ar lefel leol ond yn amlwg os rhoddir ystyriaeth lawn i opsiynau rhanbarthol neu genedlaethol. Felly, mae ein hadroddiad yn galw ar Lywodraeth Cymru i roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf i ni am drafodaethau â byrddau iechyd, gan gynnwys unrhyw bryderon y mae byrddau iechyd wedi eu codi, ac unrhyw ganllawiau pellach y mae Gweinidogion wedi eu rhoi ynghylch y modd y mae disgwyl i fyrddau iechyd liniaru unrhyw effaith sy'n deillio o hynny ar y meysydd nad ydyn nhw ymhlith y chwe blaenoriaeth. Cyfeiriais at y pwysau yr ydym wedi'i weld mewn iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol y gaeaf hwn, ac rydym yn cytuno â'r Gweinidog bod mynd i'r afael â'r materion hyn sy'n ymwneud â llif cleifion ac oedi cyn trosglwyddo gofal yn hanfodol i ddatgloi'r dagfa yr ydym wedi'i gweld yn y system. Nawr, mae'n rhaid i ran o'r ateb ddatrys y materion gweithlu gofal cymdeithasol hirsefydlog yr ydym i gyd yn ymwybodol ohonyn nhw, ac rydym yn cefnogi ymrwymiad y Llywodraeth i'r cyflog byw gwirioneddol i weithwyr gofal cymdeithasol - rwy'n llwyr gefnogi hynny fy hun - ond rydym yn cytuno hefyd â'r Dirprwy Weinidog na fydd yn ddigon ar ei ben ei hun i fynd i'r afael â phrinder cynyddol acíwt. Felly, rwy'n gwybod bod y Gweinidog yn deall brys y materion, megis gwella mynediad at dâl salwch, gwreiddio gweithwyr gofal cartref mewn timau amlddisgyblaethol a mynd i'r afael â'r anghysondebau mewn cyflog ac amodau i weithwyr gofal cymdeithasol a'r gwasanaeth iechyd. Ond nid ydym eto wedi ein perswadio bod gwaith y fforwm gwaith teg gofal cymdeithasol yn cael ei ddatblygu ar y cyflymder sydd ei angen, bod mesurau gwirfoddol ar gyfer cydfargeinio neu strwythurau cyflog yn ddigonol, neu fod digon o eglurder ynghylch sut y bydd argymhellion y grŵp arbenigol gwasanaethau gofal cenedlaethol yn cael eu datblygu i gyflawni uchelgeisiau tymor hirach Llywodraeth Cymru ar gyfer gofal cymdeithasol. Felly, er mwyn ein helpu i fonitro'r maes hwn, rydym wedi gofyn i'r Gweinidog ymrwymo i ddarparu diweddariadau chwe mis rheolaidd i ni, trwy ein hargymhelliad 9. Felly, rwy'n diolch i fy nghyd-Aelodau ar y Pwyllgor Iechyd a Gofal Cymdeithasol a hefyd y tîm clercio a'r tîm integredig ehangach hefyd am eu holl gefnogaeth o ran drafftio ein hadroddiad. A, Dirprwy Lywydd, a minnau'n aelod da o garfan 2011, fe welwch fy mod wedi cymryd pum munud ar ei ben. [ Chwerthin.]

I'm very pleased to contribute on behalf of the Culture, Communications, Welsh Language, Sport, and International Relations Committee, and thank you to the clerking team and Members, and everyone who has given evidence and information to us who's fed into our recommendations. In our report on the draft budget, our main message is that it all comes down to money. Unfortunately, we are concerned that the current financial settlement will either limit, or worse, terminate several important services that a number of people in Wales are dependent on. Following our report on the impact of rising costs in November 2022, last year, it is clear to us as a committee that there is more that needs to be done. Additional support is needed by our culture and sports sectors to cope with the cost-of-living crisis. They continue to face the impacts of the pandemic in terms of participation and with regard to their financial viability, therefore they are not in a position to weather the storm that we are all currently facing. The national library told us that the sustained reduction in capital funding would pose a lasting risk to our national treasures, whilst the arts council said that it would warmly welcome any additional funding that could be provided to the sector. At the same time, one of the most popular petitions on the Senedd's website calls on the Welsh Government to support swimming pools by providing a package of hypothecated support beyond the final settlement for local government, to ensure that swimming pools can remain open. The Welsh Government was deservedly praised for investing over £140 million in these sectors to ensure their survival during the pandemic. Unfortunately, we are of the view that the further support outlined for this year and the next financial year is insufficient, and unfortunately, our concerns don't end with the culture and sports sectors. We are all aware of the fragile situation of the Welsh language following the publication of the disappointing census results before Christmas. We are concerned about the significant impact of inflation on providers of community activities through the medium of Welsh to continue with their current service levels. Bearing in mind the Welsh language's fragile situation, and to aid recovery from the pandemic, we would wish to see the Welsh Government reviewing the level of funding needed to maintain and also improve opportunities for Welsh-medium activity in communities the length and breadth of Wales in the wake of a higher cost of living. The committee will return to the census results once more data have been published in due course. So, as I said at the beginning of my speech, it all comes down to money. I would urge the Welsh Government to ensure that this isn't the end of the story for these sectors by providing further support to boost these sectors and to ensure that the investment made during the pandemic is not wasted. Thank you.

Diolch, Llywydd. Rwy'n hapus i gyfrannu ar ran y Pwyllgor Diwylliant, Cyfathrebu, y Gymraeg, Chwaraeon, a Chysylltiadau Rhyngwladol, a diolch i'r tîm clercio ac i'r Aelodau a phawb sydd wedi rhoi gwybodaeth inni sydd wedi bwydo i mewn i'n hargymhellion ni. Yn ein hadroddiad ar y gyllideb ddrafft, ein prif neges yn llythrennol yw: diwedd y gân yw'r geiniog. Yn anffodus, mae gennym gryn bryder y bydd y setliad ariannol presennol un ai yn cyfyngu, neu'n waeth, yn dod i derfyn â sawl gwasanaeth pwysig y mae nifer o bobl yng Nghymru yn ddibynnol arnynt. Yn dilyn ein hadroddiad effaith costau cynyddol yn Tachwedd y llynedd, mae'n amlwg i ni fel pwyllgor bod yna fwy sydd angen ei wneud. Mae angen cymorth ychwanegol ar ein sectorau diwylliant a chwaraeon i ymdopi â'r argyfwng costau byw. Maent yn dal i wynebu effeithiau'r pandemig o ran cyfranogiad ac hefyd o ran eu hiechyd ariannol, ac felly, nid ydynt mewn sefyllfa i oroesi'r storm rydym ni i gyd yn ei hwynebu ar hyn o bryd. Dywedodd y llyfrgell genedlaethol wrthym y byddai gostyngiad parhaus mewn cyllid cyfalaf yn peri risg parhaus i'n trysorau cenedlaethol, tra gwnaeth y cyngor celfyddydau ddweud y byddant yn croesawu'n frwd unrhyw arian ychwanegol y gellir ei roi i'r sector. Ar yr un adeg, mae un o'r deisebau mwyaf poblogaidd ar wefan y Senedd yn galw ar Lywodraeth Cymru i gefnogi pyllau nofio drwy ddarparu pecyn o gymorth ariannol wedi'i neilltuo y tu hwnt i'r setliad terfynol ar gyfer llywodraeth leol i sicrhau bod pyllau nofio'n gallu aros ar agor. Cafodd Llywodraeth Cymru ganmoliaeth haeddiannol am fuddsoddi dros £140 miliwn yn y sectorau hyn i sicrhau eu bod yn goroesi yn ystod y pandemig. Yn anffodus, rydym ni o'r farn nad yw'r cymorth pellach sydd wedi ei amlinellu ar gyfer eleni a'r flwyddyn ariannol nesaf yn ddigonol, ac yn anffodus, dyw ein pryderon ddim yn stopio gyda'r sectorau diwylliant a chwaraeon. Rydyn ni i gyd yn ymwybodol o sefyllfa fregus y Gymraeg yn dilyn cyhoeddi canlyniadau siomedig y cyfrifiad cyn y Nadolig. Rydyn ni'n bryderus am effaith sylweddol chwyddiant ar allu darparwyr gweithgarwch cymunedol cyfrwng Cymraeg i barhau gyda lefelau presennol gwasanaethau. O ystyried sefyllfa fregus y Gymraeg, ac er mwyn helpu adfer wedi'r pandemig, rydyn ni eisiau gweld Llywodraeth Cymru yn adolygu lefel y cyllid sydd ei angen er mwyn cynnal a hefyd gwella cyfleoedd ar gyfer gweithgarwch cyfrwng Cymraeg mewn cymunedau lleol ledled Cymru, o ganlyniad i gostau byw uwch. Mi fydd y pwyllgor yn edrych eto ar ganlyniadau'r cyfrifiad pan fydd mwy o ddata wedi ei gyhoeddi maes o law. Felly, fel dywedais ar y dechrau: diwedd y gân yw'r geiniog. Rydym yn erfyn ar Lywodraeth Cymru i sicrhau mai nid dyma'r stori ar gyfer y sectorau yma trwy sicrhau cymorth pellach i roi hwb i'r sectorau hyn, a sicrhau nad yw'r buddsoddiad a wnaed yn ystod y pandemig yn cael ei wastraffu. Diolch.

I will be voting for this budget, despite having very serious concerns about it. If the Senedd was unable to set a budget, there's no shortage of members of the Westminster Government who would be only too happy to say, 'Devolution does not work. We can set the budget for them because they're incapable of doing it themselves.' On raising income tax, as suggested by Plaid Cymru, while intellectually in favour of raising the rate of income tax on the top two bands, there are practical difficulties if we do it alone, including people registering as taxpayers in England. There are a lot of ways for high earners to avoid income tax, but the easiest and simplest is to be paid in dividends, as dividend income is taxed at a lower rate. This is, unfortunately, outside of the Senedd's control, but needs to be addressed by the next Westminster Government. Adding 1p to the basic rate would mean that basic rate taxpayers would pay an extra £5 for every £100 currently paid. This equates to, as my constituents would be able to tell you and I can tell you, a large loaf of bread, half a pound of butter and a large bottle of milk. At a time when people are facing a huge cost-of-living crisis, a tax increase that takes money out of the pockets of ordinary people is not a progressive move. Where can the Welsh Government get extra money from? I have some suggestions. First, cap basic farm payments. This is supported by the farmers unions in Wales. This is a Brexit dividend, we are out of the common agricultural policy, so these payments are no longer needed to be paid. The average farm payment in Wales is £15,000, and I'm calling for that to be the level at which it is capped. I am unable to get a Welsh figure, but from published sources, over £100,000 is paid to many farmers in Britain, many in Britain who were not necessarily active farmers. How many farm businesses that involve current or former Senedd Members have received over £1 million since the Senedd was set up? The second is not to give additional rate relief to large companies: fast food operators, coffee chains, hotel chains, pub chains and out-of-town shopping centres. Business rates are one of two taxes strongly disliked by businesses. You cannot avoid them, whilst corporation tax has become effectively a voluntary contribution by large businesses. Another way to save money would be to only introduce legislation that didn't cost the Welsh Government-funded public services money. Finally, end enterprise zones. Central Cardiff and Deeside did not need the additional funding to attract investment, and the last figures I saw from the others showed very few jobs created and even fewer not from relocation. Having released this money, the priority should be poverty, housing and education. Education is the best economic development tool that we have. It is investing in our children and young people. Expenditure on schools and further and higher education brings more economic reward than any other expenditure on economic development. Why do those areas that have highly qualified individuals attract inward investment and start-up businesses? By providing skilled and highly paid employment without having to bribe companies to bring their branch factories, which are then fairly regularly closed after time runs out. Gilestone Farm raises the further question: should the Welsh Government spend scarce resources on supporting events that do not benefit the Welsh economy, where the majority of contractors are not Welsh, or should the Welsh Government be using money at all to support tourist attractions? If people want a tourist attraction, they go to the bank, they borrow and they run it as a business. Far too often, the Welsh definition of capitalism is, 'How much money can we get out of the Welsh Government?' Housing used to be under health in the immediate postwar period. Attlee and the 1945-51 Labour Government understood the importance of housing to health. Is it any surprise that people living in cold, damp conditions are more likely to suffer health problems? Building council housing, using transactions capital to support registered social landlords, will increase the quantity of good-quality housing for rent and improve the overall health of the people living here. Finally, on poverty, a large number of people in Wales live in relative poverty and use food banks regularly, along with cutting back on heat and surviving on cold food. The Welsh Government has not got enough levers to deal with poverty, but there are things that can be done. As was said by Peredur Owen Griffiths earlier, increasing EMA in line with inflation would help children from the poorest families continue with education. Providing free school meals to all children whose parents are on benefits would help both health and education. And whilst not a budget matter, the Welsh Government need to continue to press for ending standing charges on days when no energy is used. This is something that even The Observer now has taken an interest in. Diolch.

Byddaf yn pleidleisio dros y gyllideb hon, er bod gen i bryderon difrifol iawn am y peth. Pe na bai'r Senedd yn gallu gosod cyllideb, does dim prinder aelodau o Lywodraeth San Steffan fyddai ond yn rhy hapus i ddweud, 'Nid yw datganoli'n gweithio. Gallwn ni osod y gyllideb ar eu cyfer nhw oherwydd dydyn nhw ddim gallu ei wneud eu hunain.' O ran codi treth incwm, fel yr awgrymir gan Blaid Cymru, er fy mod yn ddeallusol o blaid codi cyfradd y dreth incwm ar y ddau fand uchaf, mae yna anawsterau ymarferol os ydyn ni'n gwneud hynny ar ein pennau ein hunain, gan gynnwys pobl yn cofrestru fel trethdalwyr yn Lloegr. Mae yna lawer o ffyrdd i bobl sy'n ennill cyflogau uchel osgoi treth incwm, ond y ffordd hawsaf a symlaf yw talu mewn difidendau, gan fod incwm difidend yn cael ei drethu ar gyfradd is. Mae hyn, yn anffodus, y tu hwnt i reolaeth y Senedd, ond mae angen i'r Llywodraeth nesaf yn San Steffan fynd i'r afael â hyn. Byddai ychwanegu 1c at y gyfradd sylfaenol yn golygu y byddai'r trethdalwyr cyfradd sylfaenol yn talu £5 yn ychwanegol am bob £100 maen nhw'n ei dalu ar hyn o bryd. Fel y byddai fy etholwyr yn gallu dweud wrthych chi a gallaf i ddweud wrthych chi, mae hyn yn cyfateb i dorth fawr o fara, hanner pwys o fenyn a photel fawr o laeth. Ar adeg pan fo pobl yn wynebu argyfwng enfawr costau byw, nid yw cynnydd mewn treth sy'n tynnu arian allan o bocedi pobl gyffredin yn gam blaengar. O ble all Llywodraeth Cymru gael arian ychwanegol? Mae gen i rai awgrymiadau. Yn gyntaf, capio taliadau fferm sylfaenol. Mae hyn yn cael ei gefnogi gan yr undebau amaethwyr yng Nghymru. Difidend Brexit yw hwn, rydyn ni allan o'r polisi amaethyddol cyffredin, felly nid oes angen talu'r taliadau hyn mwyach. Y taliad fferm cyfartalog yng Nghymru yw £15,000, ac rwy'n galw am sicrhau mai dyma yw'r lefel y mae'n cael ei chapio arni. Nid wyf yn gallu cael ffigwr a gyfer Cymru, ond o ffynonellau sydd wedi eu cyhoeddi, mae dros £100,000 yn cael ei dalu i lawer o ffermwyr ym Mhrydain, llawer ym Mhrydain nad oedd o reidrwydd yn ffermwyr gweithredol. Faint o fusnesau ffermydd sy'n cynnwys aelodau cyfredol neu gyn-Aelodau o'r Senedd sydd wedi derbyn dros £1 miliwn ers sefydlu'r Senedd? Yr ail yw peidio â rhoi rhyddhad ardrethi ychwanegol i gwmnïau mawr: gweithredwyr bwyd cyflym, cadwyni coffi, cadwyni gwestai, cadwyni tafarndai a chanolfannau siopa y tu allan i'r dref. Mae cyfraddau busnes yn un o ddwy dreth mae busnesau'n eu casáu'n fawr. Ni allwch chi eu hosgoi, tra bod y dreth gorfforaeth wedi dod yn gyfraniad gwirfoddol i bob pwrpas gan fusnesau mawr. Ffordd arall o arbed arian fyddai cyflwyno deddfwriaeth na fyddai'n costio arian i wasanaethau cyhoeddus sy'n cael eu hariannu gan Lywodraeth Cymru. Yn olaf, cael gwared ar barthau menter. Nid oedd angen yr arian ychwanegol ar Ganol Caerdydd a Glannau Dyfrdwy i ddenu buddsoddiad, ac roedd y ffigyrau diwethaf a welais gan y lleill yn dangos mai ychydig iawn o swyddi oedd wedi'u creu a llai fyth heb adleoli. Wedi rhyddhau'r arian yma, tlodi, tai ac addysg ddylai'r flaenoriaeth fod. Addysg yw'r offeryn datblygu economaidd gorau sydd gennym ni. Mae'n buddsoddi yn ein plant a'n pobl ifanc. Mae gwariant ar ysgolion ac addysg bellach ac addysg uwch yn dod â mwy o wobr economaidd nag unrhyw wariant arall ar ddatblygiad economaidd. Pam mae'r ardaloedd hynny sydd ag unigolion cymwys iawn yn denu busnesau o'r tu allan a busnesau newydd? Drwy ddarparu cyflogaeth fedrus a chyflogau uchel heb orfod llwgrwobrwyo cwmnïau i ddod â'u ffatrïoedd cangen, sydd wedyn ar gau yn weddol rheolaidd ar ôl i amser redeg allan. Mae Fferm Gilestone yn codi'r cwestiwn pellach: a ddylai Llywodraeth Cymru wario adnoddau prin ar gefnogi digwyddiadau nad ydynt o fudd i economi Cymru, lle nad yw mwyafrif y contractwyr yn rhai o Gymru, neu a ddylai Llywodraeth Cymru fod yn defnyddio arian o gwbl i gefnogi atyniadau twristiaeth? Os ydy pobl eisiau atyniad i dwristiaid, maen nhw'n mynd i'r banc, maen nhw'n benthyg ac maen nhw'n ei redeg fel busnes. Yn rhy aml o lawer, y diffiniad Cymreig o gyfalafiaeth yw, 'Faint o arian allwn ni ei gael allan o Lywodraeth Cymru?' Roedd tai yn arfer bod o dan iechyd yn y cyfnod yn syth ar ôl y rhyfel. Roedd Attlee a Llywodraeth Lafur 1945-51 yn deall pwysigrwydd tai i iechyd. Ydy hi'n syndod bod pobl sy'n byw mewn cyflyrau oer, llaith yn fwy tebygol o ddioddef problemau iechyd? Bydd adeiladu tai cyngor, gan ddefnyddio cyfalaf trafodion i gefnogi landlordiaid cymdeithasol cofrestredig, yn cynyddu maint y tai o ansawdd da i'w rhentu ac yn gwella iechyd cyffredinol y bobl sy'n byw yma. Yn olaf, ar dlodi, mae nifer fawr o bobl yng Nghymru yn byw mewn tlodi cymharol ac yn defnyddio banciau bwyd yn rheolaidd, ynghyd â thorri nôl ar wres a goroesi ar fwyd oer. Nid oes gan Lywodraeth Cymru ddigon o bŵer i ddelio â thlodi, ond mae yna bethau y gellir eu gwneud. Fel y dywedodd Peredur Owen Griffiths yn gynharach, byddai cynyddu EMA yn unol â chwyddiant yn helpu plant o'r teuluoedd tlotaf i barhau ag addysg. Byddai darparu prydau ysgol am ddim i bob plentyn y mae eu rhieni ar fudd-daliadau yn helpu iechyd ac addysg. Ac er nad yw'n fater cyllideb, mae angen i Lywodraeth Cymru barhau i bwyso am ddod â thaliadau sefydlog i ben ar ddiwrnodau pan nad oes ynni'n cael ei ddefnyddio. Mae hyn yn rhywbeth mae hyd yn oed yr Observer bellach wedi cymryd diddordeb ynddo. Diolch.

Today's debate is a crucial one. Having heard the initial headlines from the statement back in December, I thought that Welsh Government had finally had an epiphany and come to the realisation that it's time to properly fund and support our education system after years of neglect. Alas, as it turns out, this isn't the case, and, in fact, things are going to get worse for our schools, our educators and our pupils. In November last year, we saw the UK Government's autumn statement put young people at the forefront of their agenda, with an increase of funding for education. I called for this to be matched in Wales the week after the autumn statement was announced. So, initially, I was delighted to hear that, apparently, it would be matched in Wales. However, upon further reading, it became clear, Minister, that, if the £117 million figure in the budget is falling in with the £227 million for local government, the extra £117 million isn't being ring-fenced specifically for education and therefore cannot be counted to go towards education - it can be spent elsewhere, and not necessarily go where it's needed desperately, on the front line of education, at a time when school budgets are stretched to the max and there are a lot of extra pressures on education in Wales. If this wasn't bad enough, it turns out that the draft budget for 2023-24 for education and Welsh language means a real-terms cut of £6.5 million to the budget. When you go over the detail, it becomes even more concerning, with a 6.3 per cent decrease in support grants for students. According to UK-wide data from the Sutton Trust, 27.8 per cent of students have skipped meals to save on food costs, and 16.4 per cent of students have travelled to campus less to reduce costs, which is likely to significantly impact on their educational attainment. This is even more worrying when coupled with the 24 per cent of students who believe that they are slightly, or much, less likely to finish their degree due to the costs. We also see a 6.5 per cent decrease in the pupil development grant. The Welsh Government is reducing the only targeted funding available for low-income families. The cut is coming as the additional £100 given this year is being scrapped, despite the world being in a cost-of-living crisis. This is certainly not a budget for hard times. We see a 3.9 per cent decrease in teacher and development support, even though, in the latest Estyn annual report, there was significant mention that there needs to be an absolute priority on the recruitment and development of staff. The budget has outlined a 2.6 per cent increase in education infrastructure, yet there are valid concerns over the extent to which this will support schools, especially with the roll-out of free school meals. Many councils are due to overspend significantly on the delivery of these reforms - far more than the first instalment of allocated funding. For example, Flintshire's council is predicted to spend £1.8 million this financial year - more than £500,000 more than their initial allocation - Gwynedd is expected to spend £1.6 million, putting them close to a £500,000 overspend, and Newport council is set to exceed its allocated £1.3 million to ensure their delivery. All in all, Minister, you have presented us with a budget that doesn't just neglect Welsh education, it actively harms it, in its having a real-terms cut. This should have been a budget to start repairing the damage that you have made over 23 years in power, which has led to Wales languishing at the bottom of Programme for International Student Assessment ratings in the UK. PISA has been bad news for this Government since we joined in 2006, and we have been the UK's poor relation in every tranche since. Every Minister, since we have joined, has had a PISA target that they always miss. The budget does nothing to stop the rot and does nothing to ensure that we're attracting the brightest and best teachers to our education system. Let's not forget that, in 2011, we've seen almost a 10 per cent drop in teacher numbers as they leave the profession in droves. This budget fails on all metrics, and I urge you today, Minister, to go back to the drawing board and try again, as you've failed Welsh education far too many times now. Wales deserves better. Our learners deserve better. And as Mike Hedges said, we should be investing in our children.

Mae'r ddadl heddiw yn un hollbwysig. Ar ôl clywed penawdau cychwynnol y datganiad nôl ym mis Rhagfyr, roeddwn i'n meddwl bod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi cael epiffani o'r diwedd a sylweddoli ei bod hi'n bryd ariannu a chefnogi ein system addysg yn iawn ar ôl blynyddoedd o esgeulustod. Yn anffodus, fel mae'n digwydd, nid yw hyn yn wir, ac, mewn gwirionedd, mae pethau'n mynd i waethygu i'n hysgolion, ein haddysgwyr a'n disgyblion. Ym mis Tachwedd y llynedd, fe welsom ni ddatganiad Llywodraeth y DU ar gyfer yr hydref yn rhoi pobl ifanc ar flaen eu hagenda, gyda chynnydd mewn cyllid ar gyfer addysg. Fe wnes i alw am gyfateb hyn yng Nghymru yr wythnos ar ôl i ddatganiad yr hydref gael ei gyhoeddi. Felly, i ddechrau, roeddwn i wrth fy modd o glywed y byddai'n cael ei gyfateb yng Nghymru, mae'n debyg. Fodd bynnag, ar ôl darllen ymhellach, daeth yn amlwg, Gweinidog, os yw'r ffigwr o £117 miliwn yn y gyllideb yn gostwng gyda'r £227 miliwn ar gyfer llywodraeth leol, nid yw'r £117 miliwn ychwanegol yn cael ei glustnodi'n benodol ar gyfer addysg ac felly ni ellir ei gyfrif i fynd tuag at addysg - gellir ei wario mewn mannau eraill, ac nid yw o reidrwydd yn mynd lle mae ei angen yn daer, sef rheng flaen addysg, ar adeg pan fo cyllidebau ysgolion yn cael eu hymestyn i'r eithaf ac mae llawer o bwysau ychwanegol ar addysg yng Nghymru. Os nad oedd hyn yn ddigon drwg, gwelwyd bod y gyllideb ddrafft ar gyfer addysg a'r Gymraeg yn 2023-24 yn golygu toriad mewn termau real o £6.5 miliwn i'r gyllideb. Pan fyddwch chi'n mynd dros y manylion, mae'n dod yn fwy pryderus fyth, gyda gostyngiad o 6.3 y cant mewn grantiau cymorth i fyfyrwyr. Yn ôl data ledled y DU gan Ymddiriedolaeth Sutton, mae 27.8 y cant o fyfyrwyr wedi methu prydau bwyd i arbed ar gostau bwyd, ac mae 16.4 y cant o fyfyrwyr wedi teithio llai i'r campws i leihau costau, sy'n debygol o effeithio'n sylweddol ar eu cyrhaeddiad addysgol. Mae hyn hyd yn oed yn fwy pryderus o'i gyplysu â'r 24 y cant o fyfyrwyr sy'n credu eu bod nhw ychydig, neu lawer, yn llai tebygol o orffen eu gradd oherwydd y costau. Rydym ni hefyd yn gweld gostyngiad o 6.5 y cant yn y grant datblygu disgyblion. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru'n lleihau'r unig arian wedi'i dargedu sydd ar gael ar gyfer teuluoedd incwm isel. Mae'r toriad yn dod wrth i'r £100 ychwanegol sy'n cael ei roi eleni gael ei ddileu, er bod y byd mewn argyfwng costau byw. Yn sicr, nid cyllideb ar gyfer adegau caled yw hon. Yn adroddiad blynyddol diweddaraf Estyn, gwelwn ostyngiad o 3.9 y cant mewn cymorth athrawon a datblygu, er, yn adroddiad blynyddol diweddaraf Estyn, roedd sôn sylweddol fod angen blaenoriaeth lwyr ar recriwtio a datblygu staff. Mae'r gyllideb wedi amlinellu cynnydd o 2.6 y cant mewn seilwaith addysg, ond eto mae pryderon dilys ynghylch i ba raddau y bydd hyn yn cefnogi ysgolion, yn enwedig wrth gyflwyno prydau ysgol am ddim. Bydd llawer o gynghorau yn gorwario'n sylweddol ar gyflwyno'r diwygiadau hyn - llawer mwy na'r rhandaliad cyntaf o gyllid a ddyrannwyd. Er enghraifft, rhagwelir y bydd Cyngor Sir y Fflint yn gwario £1.8 miliwn eleni - mwy na £500,000 yn fwy na'u dyraniad cychwynnol - disgwylir i Gyngor Gwynedd wario £1.6 miliwn, gan ei gwneud yn agos at orwariant o £500,000, a bydd cyngor Casnewydd yn gwario mwy na'r £1.3 miliwn a ddyrannwyd i sicrhau eu bod yn cyflawni. At ei gilydd, Gweinidog, rydych chi wedi cyflwyno cyllideb i ni nad yw'n esgeuluso addysg yng Nghymru yn unig, mae'n ei niweidio'n weithredol, am fod toriad mewn termau real. Dylai hon fod wedi bod yn gyllideb i ddechrau atgyweirio'r difrod rydych chi wedi'i wneud dros 23 mlynedd mewn grym, sy'n golygu bod Cymru ar waelod rhaglen ar gyfer sgoriau Asesu Myfyrwyr Rhyngwladol yn y DU. Mae PISA wedi bod yn newyddion drwg i'r Llywodraeth hon ers i ni ymuno yn 2006, ac rydym ni wedi bod yn israddol yn y DU ym mhob cyfran ers hynny. Mae pob Gweinidog, ers i ni ymuno, wedi cael targed PISA maen nhw bob amser yn ei fethu. Nid yw'r gyllideb yn gwneud dim i atal y gwaethygiad ac nid yw'n gwneud dim i sicrhau ein bod yn denu'r athrawon disgleiriaf a'r gorau i'n system addysg. Gadewch i ni beidio ag anghofio, yn 2011, ein bod ni wedi gweld gostyngiad o bron i 10 y cant yn niferoedd athrawon wrth iddyn nhw adael y proffesiwn yn eu heidiau. Mae'r gyllideb hon yn methu ar bob metrig, ac rwy'n eich annog chi heddiw, Gweinidog, i fynd yn ôl ac ailfeddwl a rhoi cynnig arall arni, gan eich bod chi wedi methu addysg Gymraeg llawer gormod o weithiau erbyn hyn. Mae Cymru'n haeddu gwell. Mae ein dysgwyr yn haeddu gwell. Ac fel dywedodd Mike Hedges, dylen ni fod yn buddsoddi yn ein plant.

I thank the Minister and her colleagues for putting this budget together. I'd also thank her for taking the time last week to chat about the budgetary situation. And I'd also actually like to thank the Finance Committee as well for its scrutiny work, and I'm not just saying that because the Chair of Finance Committee is sitting next to me. Turning to that work, there was a very clear lack of detail in the evidence supplied by Welsh Government to the committee relating to budget reprioritisation where this might have led to the scaling back of spending plans or even the shelving of original plans. This, of course, can have consequences further down the line, so I would be grateful if the Government could publish that detail. I'll give an example: the bus emergency scheme funding. It was introduced to support the continuation of bus services during the pandemic, and it's something that, in particular, rural services rely on. Now, the evidence supplied by the Government to the Finance Committee initially stated that the £28 million allocated to the BES in 2022-23 would be carried over to 2023-24 without any adjustment in funding, but it has come to light from correspondence received by me from stakeholders that this commitment is now in doubt at this very late stage. So, I would appreciate some clarity on this. Buses are vitally important as a service to our communities. Moving on to green jobs, TUC Cymru has suggested that 60,000 new green jobs could be created in Wales if we invest properly. Unfortunately, limited access to funding, skilled workers and capacity on power lines are slowing a shift towards renewable energy. Seventy per cent of UK employers in a Construction Industry Training Board survey said they have a good understanding of how they will need to change their business to decarbonise, 88 per cent were willing to diversify to decarbonise, and 90 per cent would be willing to retrain if necessary. However, more than 78 per cent of employers that responded to the CITB survey believe there is a shortage of skills in the specific occupation to decarbonise at the present moment. Now, the Government has always been keen to talk about the creation of new apprenticeships, and their creation is welcome, but, as I've said before, retention of students is key to addressing the skills shortage. Let's take the construction sector as an example - the CITB estimates that, year on year, 1,400 students study a construction-based course. Now, conversations I've had with the sector all follow the same pattern - if that number of students year on year were to complete their course, we wouldn't have a skills shortage in construction. So, very clearly, there's a drop-off of students. Data, however, isn't collected by the Government on how many students leave education mid course. That, of course, needs to change, but what will help is the support provided to students. The increase to student maintenance support was very welcome. However, it doesn't catch students in colleges, in sixth forms, nor on apprenticeships. Now, the Minister will be aware of my campaign to increase EMA payments and the threshold. That would certainly help, especially during this cost-of-living crisis, where students are really struggling to make that £30 a week go far. Transport on its own wipes out that £30. Couple it with food, resources for courses, and in some cases - cases that I've picked up during my campaign - paying for household bills, and education becomes very unsustainable very quickly for so many. Now, we tell students - and Mike touched on this - especially students from low-income households, that education is an investment and that they should look at what advantage that will give them in the future. Well, for low-income students, the future, more often than not, is tomorrow. It's whether or not they'll be able to afford to eat, whether they'll be able to afford to travel, whether they'll be able to afford to live - not in five years' time. This isn't just for full-time students studying on campus, by the way. This applies equally to those on apprenticeships, and I would urge the Government to consider the apprenticeship minimum wage. Now, there is a clear case for boosting investment in this area. The Finance Committee recommended the Government consider increasing EMA. We received evidence in the Economy, Trade and Rural Affairs Committee around support for students - so too have other committees. So, it is unfortunate that this is not adequately reflected in the draft budget. But I would hope that the Government looks to address this when they bring the budget back, and I'm more than ready to play my part in making it a reality.

Diolch i'r Gweinidog a'i chydweithwyr am lunio'r gyllideb hon. Byddwn i hefyd yn diolch iddi am gymryd yr amser yr wythnos diwethaf i sgwrsio am y sefyllfa gyllidebol. Ac fe hoffwn i ddiolch i'r Pwyllgor Cyllid hefyd am ei waith craffu, a dydw i ddim yn dweud hynny oherwydd bod Cadeirydd y Pwyllgor Cyllid yn eistedd wrth fy ymyl yn unig. Gan droi at y gwaith hwnnw, roedd diffyg manylder amlwg iawn yn y dystiolaeth a gyflenwyd gan Lywodraeth Cymru i'r pwyllgor yn ymwneud ag ail-flaenoriaethu cyllidebau lle gallai hynny fod wedi arwain at leihau cynlluniau gwariant neu hyd yn oed roi cynlluniau gwreiddiol o'r neilltu. Gall hyn, wrth gwrs, arwain at ganlyniadau ymhellach i lawr y lein, felly byddwn i'n ddiolchgar pe bai'r Llywodraeth yn gallu cyhoeddi'r manylion hynny. Fe wnaf i roi enghraifft: yr arian ar gyfer y cynllun argyfwng bysiau. Fe'i cyflwynwyd i gefnogi parhad gwasanaethau bysiau yn ystod y pandemig, ac mae'n rhywbeth mae gwasanaethau gwledig, yn arbennig, yn dibynnu arno. Nawr, nododd y dystiolaeth a gyflenwyd gan y Llywodraeth i'r Pwyllgor Cyllid i ddechrau y byddai'r £28 miliwn a ddyrannwyd i'r BES yn 2022-23 yn cael ei gario drosodd i 2023-24 heb unrhyw addasiad mewn cyllid, ond mae wedi dod i'r amlwg o ohebiaeth rwyf i wedi'i derbyn gan randdeiliaid bod yr ymrwymiad hwn bellach dan amheuaeth ar y cam hwyr iawn hwn. Felly, byddwn i'n gwerthfawrogi rhywfaint o eglurder ar hyn. Mae bysus yn hanfodol bwysig fel gwasanaeth i'n cymunedau. Wrth symud ymlaen i swyddi gwyrdd, mae TUC Cymru wedi awgrymu y gallai 60,000 o swyddi gwyrdd newydd gael eu creu yng Nghymru os ydyn ni'n buddsoddi'n iawn. Yn anffodus, mae mynediad cyfyngedig i gyllid, gweithwyr medrus a gallu ar linellau pŵer yn arafu symudiad tuag at ynni adnewyddadwy. Dywedodd 70% o gyflogwyr y DU mewn arolwg o Fwrdd Hyfforddi'r Diwydiant Adeiladu fod ganddyn nhw ddealltwriaeth dda o sut y bydd angen iddyn nhw newid eu busnes i ddatgarboneiddio, roedd 88 y cant yn fodlon arallgyfeirio i ddatgarboneiddio, a byddai 90 y cant yn fodlon ailhyfforddi pe bai angen. Fodd bynnag, mae mwy na 78 y cant o gyflogwyr a ymatebodd i arolwg CITB yn credu bod prinder sgiliau yn yr alwedigaeth benodol i ddatgarboneiddio ar hyn o bryd. Nawr, mae'r Llywodraeth wastad wedi bod yn awyddus i siarad am greu prentisiaethau newydd, ac yn croesawu eu creu, ond, fel y dywedais i o'r blaen, mae cadw myfyrwyr yn allweddol i fynd i'r afael â'r prinder sgiliau. Gadewch i ni gymryd y sector adeiladu fel enghraifft - mae'r CITB yn amcangyfrif bod 1,400 o fyfyrwyr, o flwyddyn i flwyddyn, yn astudio cwrs adeiladu. Nawr, mae sgyrsiau rydw i wedi'u cael gyda'r sector i gyd yn dilyn yr un patrwm - pe bai'r nifer hwnnw o fyfyrwyr o flwyddyn i flwyddyn yn cwblhau eu cwrs, ni fyddai gennym ni brinder sgiliau yn y maes adeiladu. Felly, yn amlwg iawn, mae yna ostyngiad o fyfyrwyr. Fodd bynnag, nid yw data'n cael ei gasglu gan y Llywodraeth ar faint o fyfyrwyr sy'n gadael addysg yng nghanol cwrs. Mae angen i hynny, wrth gwrs, newid, ond beth fydd yn help yw'r gefnogaeth sy'n cael ei rhoi i fyfyrwyr. Roedd croeso mawr i'r cynnydd i gymorth cynhaliaeth myfyrwyr. Fodd bynnag, nid yw'n cynnwys myfyrwyr mewn colegau, yn y chweched dosbarth, nac ar brentisiaethau. Nawr, bydd y Gweinidog yn ymwybodol o fy ymgyrch i gynyddu taliadau lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg a'r trothwy. Byddai hynny'n sicr yn helpu, yn enwedig yn ystod yr argyfwng costau byw hwn, lle mae myfyrwyr yn ei chael hi'n anodd iawn i wneud i'r £30 yr wythnos honno fynd yn bell. Mae cludiant ar ei ben ei hun yn defnyddio'r £30 hwnnw. Cyplyswch hyn â bwyd, adnoddau ar gyfer cyrsiau, ac mewn rhai achosion - achosion rydw i wedi'u codi yn ystod fy ymgyrch - talu am filiau cartref, ac mae addysg yn dod yn anghynaladwy iawn yn gyflym iawn i gynifer. Nawr, rydyn ni'n dweud wrth fyfyrwyr - ac fe gyffyrddodd Mike ar hyn - yn enwedig myfyrwyr o aelwydydd incwm isel, bod addysg yn fuddsoddiad ac y dylen nhw edrych ar ba fantais fydd yn ei rhoi iddyn nhw yn y dyfodol. Wel, i fyfyrwyr incwm isel, y dyfodol, yn amlach na pheidio, yw yfory. P'un a fyddan nhw'n gallu fforddio bwyta ai peidio, a fyddan nhw'n gallu fforddio teithio, a fyddan nhw'n gallu fforddio byw - nid ymhen pum mlynedd. Nid dim ond ar gyfer myfyrwyr llawn amser sy'n astudio ar y campws mae hyn, gyda llaw. Mae hyn yr un mor berthnasol i'r rhai ar brentisiaethau, a byddwn i'n annog y Llywodraeth i ystyried isafswm cyflog prentisiaeth. Nawr, mae achos clir dros roi hwb i fuddsoddiad yn y maes hwn. Argymhellodd y Pwyllgor Cyllid y dylai'r Llywodraeth ystyried cynyddu'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg. Cawsom dystiolaeth yn y Pwyllgor Economi, Masnach a Materion Gwledig ynghylch cefnogaeth i fyfyrwyr - felly hefyd mewn pwyllgorau eraill. Felly, mae'n anffodus nad yw hyn yn cael ei adlewyrchu'n ddigonol yn y gyllideb ddrafft. Ond byddwn i'n gobeithio y bydd y Llywodraeth yn ceisio mynd i'r afael â hyn pan fyddan nhw'n dod â'r gyllideb yn ôl, ac rwy'n fwy na pharod i chwarae fy rhan i'w wireddu.

I'm going to speak initially in my capacity as Chair of the Equality and Social Justice Committee, and then move on to some things that are burning issues in my constituency. We looked at the social justice budget, obviously through the lens of trying to identify how we are going to support the most vulnerable in our society.

Rydw i'n mynd i siarad yn y lle cyntaf yn rhinwedd fy swydd fel Cadeirydd y Pwyllgor Cydraddoldeb a Chyfiawnder Cymdeithasol, ac yna symud ymlaen at rai pethau sy'n faterion llosg yn fy etholaeth i. Fe wnaethom ni edrych ar y gyllideb cyfiawnder cymdeithasol, yn amlwg o safbwynt ceisio nodi sut rydyn ni'n mynd i gefnogi'r rhai mwyaf bregus yn ein cymdeithas.

One of the things that majorly concerned us was that the one-off non-recurrent allocation of £117 million as a result of the UK Government's decision to give everybody a handout to subsidise the energy companies' horrendously raised charges has serious implications for how vulnerable families are going to survive next winter, because that £200 Wales fuel support scheme has been really important for a lot of people, and if that doesn't exist in the next financial year, then we really do have to do some very serious thinking about how we're going to enable families to survive in what could be an even more critical situation next year. So, we want to see some serious thinking on how we're going to do this, and we want to see that by this July, because it's no use producing a plan when you're already in the middle of winter. We think that the discretionary assistance fund has been an important mechanism for ensuring that those who are in desperate situations, which can be caused by either having to flee a domestic violence situation or simply by a washing machine breaking down - . These really simple things I think have been fantastically important for people, and the fact that it's administered by all the single advice fund agencies ensures that everybody can get access to it. But we have very little idea what the impact of this fund has been, and therefore we really feel we need to know who's benefited from it in which parts of Wales, which local authorities have been successful in promoting it. As budgets are so constrained in this year's budget and it's likely to be even more difficult in next year's one, we really do need to have some clarity over who exactly is going to benefit and whether the DAF is going to be sufficient. I think one of the things that concerns us is that it is still very concerning that a lot of people do not know what they're entitled to. Only yesterday I was sitting with some families who were with children with special needs. They simply didn't know about the £200 fuel support scheme that the Welsh Government is operating, because their social worker simply hadn't bothered to ask them whether they'd got it, and that is an unacceptable situation, just as it's unacceptable for health visitors to say they haven't got time to help families to fill in the Healthy Start vouchers. On what basis are they not focusing on the ability of a family to be able to buy food that nourishes their families, rather than junk food that can kill them? So, we really do need to ensure that every front-line worker, whether it's the school administrator, the caretaker, or whether it's those busy health and social workers - it's absolutely essential. I was astonished to hear Peter Fox say that the basic income pilot for care leavers was a waste of money. This is an invest-to-save measure. This is our collective responsibility. That's what being a corporate parent stands for. So, we support the invest to save in the Equality and Social Justice Committee, and I think the continuation and the increase in that money is very welcome. I just now want to refer to matters that are absolutely crucial to the well-being of my own constituents in Cardiff Central, picking up on what Luke Fletcher was saying about the continuation of the bus emergency scheme, because Cardiff Council has informed me that ending the bus emergency scheme, rather than having that £20 million transition money, could lead to cuts of at least a third of all the routes, or, alternatively, less frequent buses on all of the routes. And it will also have an impact on its ability to deliver school transport to schools. So, this is a really serious issue. This was discussed in the Climate Change, Environment and Infrastructure Committee, and the Deputy Minister acknowledged that transport poverty was a really significant issue. You have to remember that, in parts of my constituency, over half of households do not have access to a car and at least 25 per cent of bus users have a disability or a long-term illness, so getting on a bike is probably not an option for them. So, I think that this is a very significant issue and something that we need to put much more of the focus on. We need to think 'yes' about eliminating food poverty, 'yes' to having long-term solutions to fuel poverty, particularly with the need to bring forward the next iteration of the Warm Homes programme, but we also have to look at transport poverty; it really does stop people getting to their job or their education.

Un o'r pethau oedd yn ein poeni ni'n fawr oedd bod y dyraniad untro nad yw'n rheolaidd o £117 miliwn o ganlyniad i benderfyniad Llywodraeth y DU i roi arian i bawb i sybsideiddio costau erchyll o uchel cwmnïau ynni wedi codi yn arwain at oblygiadau difrifol i sut mae teuluoedd bregus yn mynd i oroesi'r gaeaf nesaf, oherwydd mae cynllun cymorth tanwydd £200 Cymru wedi bod yn bwysig iawn i lawer o bobl, ac os nad yw hynny'n bodoli yn y flwyddyn ariannol nesaf, yna mae'n rhaid i ni feddwl o ddifrif iawn am sut rydyn ni'n mynd i alluogi teuluoedd i oroesi yn yr hyn a allai fod yn sefyllfa hyd yn oed yn fwy enbyd y flwyddyn nesaf. Felly, rydyn ni eisiau gweld rhywfaint o feddwl o ddifri ar sut rydyn ni'n mynd i wneud hyn, ac rydyn ni eisiau gweld hynny erbyn mis Gorffennaf eleni, oherwydd nid yw'n dda i ddim cynhyrchu cynllun pan fyddwch chi eisoes yng nghanol y gaeaf. Rydyn ni'n credu bod y gronfa cymorth yn ôl disgresiwn wedi bod yn ddull pwysig ar gyfer sicrhau bod y rhai sydd mewn sefyllfaoedd enbyd, a all gael eu hachosi gan naill ai orfod ffoi rhag sefyllfa trais yn y cartref neu'n syml gan beiriant golchi yn torri i lawr - . Mae'r pethau syml iawn yma rwy'n credu wedi bod yn wych o bwysig i bobl, ac mae'r ffaith ei fod yn cael ei weinyddu gan yr holl asiantaethau cronfa gynghori sengl yn sicrhau bod pawb yn gallu cael gafael arni. Ond ychydig iawn o syniad sydd gennym ni beth fu effaith y gronfa hon, ac felly rydym ni wir yn teimlo bod angen i ni wybod pwy sydd wedi elwa ohoni ym mha rannau o Gymru, pa awdurdodau lleol sydd wedi llwyddo i'w hyrwyddo. Gan fod cyllidebau wedi'u cyfyngu gymaint yn y gyllideb eleni ac mae'n debygol o fod hyd yn oed yn anoddach yn un y flwyddyn nesaf, mae gwir angen i ni gael rhywfaint o eglurder ynglŷn â phwy yn union sy'n mynd i elwa a p'un a yw'r DAF yn mynd i fod yn ddigonol. Rwy'n meddwl mai un o'r pethau sy'n ein poeni ni yw ei fod yn dal yn bryderus iawn nad yw llawer o bobl yn gwybod beth mae ganddyn nhw hawl iddo. Dim ond ddoe roeddwn i'n eistedd gyda rhai teuluoedd oedd â phlant ag anghenion arbennig. Yn syml, doedden nhw ddim yn gwybod am y cynllun cymorth tanwydd gwerth £200 y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei weithredu, oherwydd yn syml iawn, doedd eu gweithiwr cymdeithasol ddim wedi trafferthu gofyn iddyn nhw a oedden nhw wedi ei gael, ac mae hynny'n sefyllfa annerbyniol, yn union fel mae'n annerbyniol i ymwelwyr iechyd ddweud nad oes ganddyn nhw amser i helpu teuluoedd i lenwi talebau Cychwyn Iach. Ar ba sail nad ydyn nhw'n canolbwyntio ar allu teulu i allu prynu bwyd sy'n maethu eu teuluoedd, yn hytrach na bwyd sothach sy'n gallu eu lladd? Felly, mae gwir angen i ni sicrhau bod pob gweithiwr rheng flaen, boed yn weinyddwr yr ysgol, y gofalwr, neu'r gweithwyr iechyd a chymdeithasol prysur hynny - mae'n gwbl hanfodol. Cefais fy syfrdanu o glywed Peter Fox yn dweud bod y cynllun treialu incwm sylfaenol i bobl sy'n gadael gofal yn wastraff arian. Mae hwn yn fesur buddsoddi i arbed. Dyma ein cyfrifoldeb cyfunol. Dyna mae bod yn rhiant corfforaethol yn sefyll amdano. Felly, rydym ni'n cefnogi'r buddsoddiad i arbed yn y Pwyllgor Cydraddoldeb a Chyfiawnder Cymdeithasol, ac rwy'n credu bod croeso mawr i'r parhad a'r cynnydd yn yr arian hwnnw. Rwyf i nawr eisiau cyfeirio at faterion sy'n gwbl hanfodol i les fy etholwyr fy hun yng Nghanol Caerdydd, gan godi yr hyn yr oedd Luke Fletcher yn ei ddweud am barhad y cynllun argyfwng bysiau, oherwydd mae Cyngor Caerdydd wedi rhoi gwybod i mi y gallai dod â'r cynllun argyfwng bysiau i ben, yn hytrach na chael yr arian pontio £20 miliwn hwnnw, arwain at doriadau o draean o'r holl lwybrau o leiaf, neu, fel arall, bysiau llai aml ar bob un o'r llwybrau. A bydd hefyd yn cael effaith ar ei allu i ddarparu cludiant ysgol i ysgolion. Felly, mae hwn yn fater difrifol iawn. Cafodd hyn ei drafod yn y Pwyllgor Newid Hinsawdd, Amgylchedd a Seilwaith, ac fe wnaeth y Dirprwy Weinidog gydnabod bod tlodi trafnidiaeth yn fater sy'n wirioneddol arwyddocaol. Mae'n rhaid i chi gofio, mewn rhannau o fy etholaeth i, nad oes gan dros hanner y cartrefi fynediad at gar ac mae'n debyg bod gan o leiaf 25 y cant o ddefnyddwyr bysiau anabledd neu salwch hirdymor, felly mae'n debyg nad yw mynd ar feic yn opsiwn iddyn nhw. Felly, rwy'n credu bod hwn yn fater arwyddocaol iawn ac yn rhywbeth mae angen i ni roi llawer mwy o sylw iddo. Mae angen i ni feddwl 'ie' am ddileu tlodi bwyd, 'ie' i gael atebion hirdymor i dlodi tanwydd, yn enwedig gyda'r angen i gyflwyno'r fersiwn nesaf o'r rhaglen Cartrefi Clyd, ond mae'n rhaid i ni hefyd edrych ar dlodi trafnidiaeth; mae wir yn atal pobl rhag cyrraedd eu gwaith neu eu haddysg.

Obviously, I'd like to actually address my budget concerns regarding the portfolio. If we just take Natural Resources Wales, for instance, Welsh Government have completely ignored many warnings that we've seen in committee reports and inquiries that Natural Resources Wales is underfunded, and yet, they've chosen to maintain its current level of funding. So, it's continued to be allocated £60.1 million in the draft budget, yet in contrast, this body received £69 million in 2021-22. Despite these concerns of underfunding, the Minister for Climate Change has said that the body's funding was 'sufficient for their statutory responsibilities', though she 'would prefer to give them a bigger budget', during scrutiny of the 2022-23 budget. That's on record. So, with the need for environmental oversight more important than ever now, these words will certainly ring hollow for many. In terms of the Welsh Government's environmental targets, clean energy funding is set to decrease by 6 per cent, despite the Welsh Government's own net-zero target. Welsh Government had planned to allocate £10.4 million to clean energy, though the budget now shows this has reduced to £9.8 million. The funding is used towards policy development, financial support for renewable energy, including the local energy grant scheme and the energy planning programme. So, whilst funding also goes towards pursuing devolving the management of the Crown Estate in Wales, I hope that the cut in funding is due now and that this ridiculous policy idea are being scrapped. Members may know that marine planning is an issue that I, along with my colleague Joyce Watson, have constantly raised, issues about marine planning and our legislative proposals for a full marine spatial development plan for Wales. So, we're disappointed that the Welsh Government has reduced the anticipated capital spending on marine energy for 2023-24. The capital funding is set to be cut by 30 per cent, with £10 million originally planned in the indicative budget, though this has now been reduced to £7 million.

Yn amlwg, hoffwn fynd i'r afael â fy mhryderon am y gyllideb o ran y portffolio. Os ydym ni ond yn edrych ar Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru, er enghraifft, mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi llwyr anwybyddu llawer o rybuddion rydyn ni wedi'u gweld mewn adroddiadau pwyllgorau ac ymchwiliadau nad yw Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru wedi ei ariannu'n ddigonol, ac eto, maen nhw wedi dewis cynnal ei lefel bresennol o gyllid. Felly, mae'n parhau i ddyrannu £60.1 miliwn yn y gyllideb ddrafft iddo, ond eto mewn cyferbyniad, derbyniodd y corff hwn £69 miliwn yn 2021-22. Er y pryderon hyn am danariannu, mae'r Gweinidog Newid Hinsawdd wedi dweud bod cyllid y corff yn 'ddigonol ar gyfer eu cyfrifoldebau statudol', er y byddai 'yn well ganddi roi cael cyllideb fwy iddyn nhw', wrth graffu ar gyllideb 2022-23. Mae hynny ar y cofnod. Felly, gyda'r angen am oruchwyliaeth amgylcheddol yn bwysicach nag erioed nawr, bydd y geiriau hyn yn sicr yn eiriau gwag i lawer. O ran targedau amgylcheddol Llywodraeth Cymru, bydd cyllid ynni glân yn gostwng 6 y cant, er gwaethaf targed sero-net Llywodraeth Cymru ei hun. Roedd Llywodraeth Cymru wedi bwriadu dyrannu £10.4 miliwn at ynni glân, er bod y gyllideb bellach yn dangos bod hyn wedi gostwng i £9.8 miliwn. Mae'r arian yn cael ei ddefnyddio tuag at ddatblygu polisi, cefnogaeth ariannol i ynni adnewyddadwy, gan gynnwys y cynllun grant ynni lleol a'r rhaglen cynllunio ynni. Felly, er bod arian hefyd yn mynd tuag at mynd ar drywydd datganoli rheolaeth Ystad y Goron yng Nghymru, rwy'n gobeithio bod y toriad mewn cyllid i'w ddisgwyl nawr a bod y syniad polisi chwerthinllyd hwn yn cael ei ddileu. Efallai fod yr Aelodau'n gwybod bod cynllunio morol yn fater rydw i, ynghyd â fy nghydweithiwr Joyce Watson, wedi'i godi'n gyson, materion ynghylch cynllunio morol a'n cynigion deddfwriaethol ar gyfer cynllun datblygu gofodol morol llawn i Gymru. Felly, rydyn ni'n siomedig fod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi lleihau'r gwariant cyfalaf disgwyliedig ar ynni morol ar gyfer 2023-24. Mae disgwyl i'r cyllid cyfalaf gael ei dorri o 30 y cant, gyda £10 miliwn wedi'i gynllunio'n wreiddiol yn y gyllideb ddangosol, er bod hyn bellach wedi'i leihau i £7 miliwn.

With regard a complete lack of capital funding for Wales and the complete and utter lack of infrastructure funding over the last 10 years, how can you explain that?

O ran diffyg cyllid cyfalaf llwyr i Gymru a'r diffyg cyllid seilwaith llwyr dros y 10 mlynedd diwethaf, sut allwch chi esbonio hynny?

Well, I disagree that there's a complete lack of this funding. At the end of the day, we've had devolution here in Wales for 25 years. We have just over 3 million of population. The billions that come into Wales - is it £18 billion? It's you that's out of order even asking a question like that. So, the Welsh Government needs to explain how this has been reduced, despite the target to meet 100 per cent of its electricity needs from renewable sources by 2035. Funding going towards the tidal lagoon challenge, tidal lagoon project, ports infrastructure, wave and tidal stream, it is puzzling as to why the Welsh Government has now decided to reduce spending on this portfolio. Now, let's turn to the issue of housing. Whilst the Welsh Government rightfully praises the support generated through the housing support grant, it fails to prioritise this as an area. The Welsh Government claims it is increasing its focus on the housing support grant. They say that in one breath and yet, in real terms, it's got a cut of 8 per cent. The funding is due to remain the same as last year, with £166.7 million allocated. This is particularly concerning, as the grant aims to help vulnerable people with issues they face, and we can see they exacerbate now the risk of homelessness. We can also see the risk of violence against women, domestic abuse and sexual violence. Moving on to building safety funding: that's set to receive a 37 per cent reduction in resource from the indicative budget, despite the indicative budget setting aside £9.5 million for 2023-24. This draft budget now shows an allocation has dropped to £6 million. It makes an absolute mockery of the Welsh Government's claim that building safety is a top priority. If that's one of your top priorities, well, I wouldn't like to see anything else lower on that list. With 261 expressions of interest received for the Welsh building safety fund, and 163 of those requiring intensive surveys, the extent of fire risk in Wales is clear. Whilst the £135 million in capital for building safety is needed, the Welsh Government must match its words and treat building safety as one of your top priorities. It is only fair that our constituents have a safe place to live. This, of course, the actions of the Welsh Government, now stands in direct contrast to the UK Government's tough new ultimatum on cladding, giving developers hard deadlines to pay up to fix unsafe buildings. The market housing national empty homes grant scheme will only bring 2,000 empty homes back into use. With 22,140 long-term empty properties in Wales, this is just - well, it's a non-realistic figure. There's no ambition, no aspiration to get those empty homes back into use by people who desperately need them.

Wel, rwy'n anghytuno bod diffyg llwyr o'r cyllid hwn. Ar ddiwedd y dydd, rydym ni wedi bod â datganoli yma yng Nghymru ers 25 mlynedd. Mae gennym ni boblogaeth o ychydig dros 3 miliwn. Y biliynau sy'n dod i mewn i Gymru - £18 biliwn? Chi sy'n amhriodol yn hyd yn oed gofyn cwestiwn fel yna. Felly, mae angen i Lywodraeth Cymru egluro sut mae hyn wedi'i leihau, er gwaetha'r targed i ddiwallu 100 y cant o'i anghenion trydan o ffynonellau adnewyddadwy erbyn 2035. Mae'r arian sy'n mynd tuag at yr her morlyn, prosiect morlyn, seilwaith porthladdoedd, tonnau a llanw, yn peri penbleth pam mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi penderfynu lleihau gwariant ar y portffolio yma erbyn hyn. Nawr, gadewch i ni droi at fater tai. Er bod Llywodraeth Cymru yn canmol yn haeddiannol y gefnogaeth a gynhyrchir trwy'r grant cymorth tai, nid yw'n blaenoriaethu hyn fel maes. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru'n honni ei bod yn cynyddu ei phwyslais ar y grant cymorth tai. Maen nhw'n dweud hynny, ar y naill law ac eto, mewn termau real, mae wedi cael toriad o 8 y cant. Mae disgwyl i'r cyllid aros yr un fath â'r llynedd, gyda £166.7 miliwn wedi'i ddyrannu. Mae hyn yn arbennig o bryderus, gan fod y grant yn ceisio helpu pobl fregus gyda phroblemau maen nhw'n eu hwynebu, a gallwn ni weld eu bod nhw nawr yn gwaethygu'r risg o ddigartrefedd. Gallwn hefyd weld risg o drais yn erbyn menywod, cam-drin domestig a thrais rhywiol. Gan symud ymlaen at gyllid diogelwch adeiladau: mae hynny ar fin derbyn gostyngiad o 37 y cant mewn adnodd o'r gyllideb ddangosol, er gwaethaf y gyllideb ddangosol yn neilltuo £9.5 miliwn ar gyfer 2023-24. Mae'r gyllideb ddrafft hon bellach yn dangos bod dyraniad wedi gostwng i £6 miliwn. Mae'n gwneud honiad Llywodraeth Cymru bod diogelwch adeiladau'n brif flaenoriaeth yn destun gwawd. Os mai dyna un o'ch prif flaenoriaethau, wel, fyddwn i ddim yn hoffi gweld unrhyw beth arall yn is ar y rhestr honno. Gyda 261 o ddatganiadau o ddiddordeb wedi eu derbyn ar gyfer cronfa diogelwch adeiladau Cymru, a 163 o'r rheiny angen arolygon dwys, mae maint y risg o dân yng Nghymru yn glir. Er bod angen y £135 miliwn mewn cyfalaf ar gyfer diogelwch adeiladau, rhaid i Lywodraeth Cymru gyfateb ei geiriau a thrin diogelwch adeiladau fel un o'ch prif flaenoriaethau. Mae ond yn deg bod gan ein hetholwyr le diogel i fyw. Mae hyn, wrth gwrs, gweithredoedd Llywodraeth Cymru, bellach yn sefyll mewn cyferbyniad llwyr ag wltimatwm newydd caled Llywodraeth y DU ar gladin, gan roi terfynau amser caled i ddatblygwyr dalu i drwsio adeiladau anniogel. Bydd y farchnad cynllun grant tai gwag cenedlaethol ond yn dod â 2,000 o dai gwag yn ôl i ddefnydd. Gyda 22,140 o eiddo gwag tymor hir yng Nghymru, mae hyn - wel, mae'n ffigwr nad yw'n realistig. Nid oes uchelgais, nid oes dyhead i gael y cartrefi gwag hynny yn ôl i ddefnydd gan bobl sydd wir eu hangen.

Yes. Twenty-five million pounds in capital funding towards the costs of remedial works to make a property habitable. The Welsh Government needs to outline how it seeks to promote empty homes. Too often, we're seeing the wrong priorities being afforded money. Anyway, that's my take on it. I think this budget is very poor. I think it's not ambitious at all. We know that there are challenges, however, you really do need to be far more adventurous with your budget aims. Thank you.

Iawn. Pum miliwn ar hugain o bunnoedd mewn arian cyfalaf tuag at gostau gwaith adferol i wneud eiddo yn arferadwy. Mae angen i Lywodraeth Cymru amlinellu sut mae'n ceisio hybu tai gwag. Yn rhy aml, rydyn ni'n gweld y blaenoriaethau anghywir yn cael arian. Beth bynnag, dyna fy marn i ar hyn. Rwy'n credu bod y gyllideb hon yn wael iawn. Rwy'n credu nad yw'n uchelgeisiol o gwbl. Rydyn ni'n gwybod bod heriau, fodd bynnag, mae gwir angen i chi fod yn llawer mwy anturus gyda'ch nodau cyllideb. Diolch.

In introducing the draft budget to the Senedd, the Minister mentioned that this was one of the most difficult budgets since devolution. This is because it is a time of austerity, a time of poverty, and a time of crisis, the likes of which we haven't seen for decades. In the Wales of the twenty-first century, nurses and teachers are amongst the thousands who are having to turn to foodbanks. More and more people are falling into debt, critical levels of debt. Citizens Advice Cymru say that they have never seen such a high proportion of people in deficit in terms of their household budgets - almost half of those who come to them for support. The number of those who are homeless or at risk of being homeless is another sign of a state of economic crisis. Citizens Advice helped more people with homelessness this year than in the past five years. Women, children, disabled people, people with health conditions, single parents, carers, people from black, Asian and minority ethnic communities suffer disproportionate levels of economic inequality. Yes, it is difficult to ensure that the support is there for those who need it most, that the services providing this support have the resources that they need to achieve that, that the huge gaps that exist in the safety net, which has been torn to shreds by the merciless and unprincipled Conservatives in Westminster, are filled. Yes, it is difficult. But, taking the difficult decisions is the function of government, and the Welsh Government's function is to serve the people of Wales, to consider their needs, to safeguard their health and dignity, and to ensure that they have equal access to every opportunity and service, including healthcare and social care. It is through this lens that we will have to scrutinise the draft budget before us. That's why our amendment calls for us to be given the resource to do more of what needs to be done. Those who are most dependent on the support that our health and care services provide and additional financial support are those in the greatest need, those who have no options, who have no reserves, who don't have a second home, who don't have the means to keep their heads above the water that is so incredibly deep. The Government has stated that this budget is one that prioritises those in greatest need. The way that every penny is spent is, therefore, of the utmost importance because people's lives are now in danger. That's the conclusion of a Which? report on the impact of the cost-of-living crisis in Wales, published yesterday and discussed by the cross-party group on consumer rights, which I chair. Seventy eight per cent of people in Wales are cutting back on heating, and 18 per cent are eating fewer hot meals. During the same discussion, concerns were expressed that the increase in the level of the discretionary assistance fund, although welcome, is funding to help people in crisis, and that priority should also be given to preventative spending, for schemes such as the Wales fuel support scheme, which has been cut in its entirety. It was warned that although the scheme will come to an end, the need won't come to an end, and the need indeed will be even greater next winter, according to Citizens Advice forecasts. The implications of this level of need, this depth of need, and the impacts on people's health and well-being will be with us for generations. This budget does not contain a plan to prevent these impacts. It's also disappointing to see the lack of investment in our most disadvantaged young people who wish to continue with their education. Our amendment would ensure that the education maintenance allowance, for example, could provide an appropriate level of support. And although the maintenance grant has seen an increase, students cannot access many of the other cost-of-living payments that are available. Talking about buses, if you're a student over the age of 21, you'll get no discount whatsoever on your bus ticket, and student rents, of course, continue to increase, leading to a cost-of-education crisis. Our calls to expand and increase the EMA have been echoed by the scrutiny report published by the Children, Young People, and Education Committee, and speaking of the gap that exists in spending on cost-of-living support this year, namely £116 million, the Equality and Social Justice Committee's scrutiny report notes that there is 'a clear need to look at longer-term, sustainable solutions to the cost of living crisis', as Jenny Rathbone mentioned, our Chair. I've argued and, indeed, I've received this Senedd's support for the call for a co-ordinated Welsh benefits system. Now is the time to accelerate the work to ensure that every penny of support reaches the pockets of those who need it, without fail and without fuss. In concluding, I would like to draw attention to the most damning and serious conclusions of the two committees of which I am a member, namely this one by the Children, Young People, and Education Committee, that there is a lack of clarity as to whether the budget supports children and young people who are particularly likely to be impacted by the cost-of-living crisis. And this in the nation where the levels of child poverty are the highest in the United Kingdom. With Westminster denying Wales -

Wrth gyflwyno'r gyllideb ddrafft i'r Senedd, fe soniodd y Gweinidog mai hon oedd un o'r cyllidebau anoddaf ers datganoli. Mae hynny am ei bod yn gyfnod o gyni, yn gyfnod o dlodi, ac yn gyfnod o argyfwng nas gwelwyd ei debyg ers degawdau. Yng Nghymru'r unfed ganrif ar hugain, mae nyrsys ac athrawon ymhlith y miloedd sy'n gorfod troi at fanciau bwyd. Mae mwy a mwy o bobl yn syrthio i ddyled, dyled argyfyngus. Dywed Cyngor ar Bopeth Cymru nad ydyn nhw erioed wedi gweld cyfran uwch o bobl mewn diffyg o ran eu cyllidebau aelwyd - bron i hanner y rhai sy'n dod atynt am gyngor. Mae nifer y rhai sy'n ddigartref neu sydd mewn perygl o fod yn ddigartref yn arwydd arall o'r cyflwr yma o argyfwng. Fe wnaeth Cyngor ar Bopeth helpu mwy o bobl gyda digartrefedd eleni nag yn y bum mlynedd diwethaf. Mae menywod, plant, pobl anabl, pobl â chyflwr iechyd, gofalwyr, rhieni sengl, pobl ddu, Asiaidd ac o leiafrifoedd ethnig yn dioddef anghydraddoldebau economaidd mewn modd anghymesur. Ydy, mae'n anodd sicrhau bod y gefnogaeth yno i'r rhai sydd fwyaf ei hangen, bod gan y gwasanaethau sy'n darparu'r gefnogaeth honno yr adnoddau sydd eu hangen i gyflawni hynny, bod y tyllau enfawr sy'n bodoli yn y rhwyd ddiogelwch, sydd wedi ei rhwygo'n racs gan Dorïaid didostur a diegwyddor San Steffan, yn cael eu llenwi. Ydy, mae'n anodd. Ond, gwneud y penderfyniadau anodd yw swyddogaeth llywodraeth, a swyddogaeth Llywodraeth Cymru yw gwasanaethu pobl Cymru, ystyried eu hanghenion, gwarchod eu hiechyd a'u hurddas, a sicrhau eu bod yn cael mynediad cyfartal at bob cyfle a gwasanaeth, gan gynnwys gofal iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol. Drwy'r lens yma rhaid craffu ar y gyllideb ddrafft sydd ger ein bron. Dyna pam y mae ein gwelliant ni'n galw am roi'r modd i ni wneud mwy o'r hyn sydd angen ei wneud. Y rhai sy'n dibynnu fwyaf ar y gefnogaeth y mae ein gwasanaeth iechyd a gofal yn ei chynnig a chymorth ariannol ychwanegol yw'r rhai sydd mwyaf mewn angen, y rhai sydd heb ddewisiadau, heb gronfa fach wrth gefn, neu ail dŷ, heb fodd i gadw pen uwchben y dŵr sydd mor ofnadwy o uchel. Mae'r Llywodraeth wedi datgan bod y gyllideb hon yn un sy'n blaenoriaethu'r rhai sydd mwyaf mewn angen. Mae gwariant pob ceiniog felly yn gwbl dyngedfennol, achos mae bywydau pobl bellach mewn perygl. Dyna farn ymchwil Which? ar effaith yr argyfwng costau byw yng Nghymru a gyhoeddwyd ddoe ac a drafodwyd gan y grŵp trawsbleidiol ar hawliau defnyddwyr rwy'n ei gadeirio. Mae 78 y cant o bobl yng Nghymru'n torri lawr ar wres, a 18 y cant yn bwyta llai o brydau poeth. Yn yr un drafodaeth, fe fynegwyd pryder bod y cynnydd yn lefel y gronfa cymorth dewisol, er i'w groesawu, yn gyllid i helpu pobl mewn argyfwng, a bod angen blaenoriaethau hefyd gwariant ataliol - cynlluniau fel cynllun cymorth tanwydd Cymru, sydd wedi cael ei dorri'n gyfan gwbl. Rhybuddiwyd, er bod y cynllun yn dod i ben, nid yw'r angen yn dod i ben, ac fe fydd yr angen yn un mwy dybryd y gaeaf nesaf, yn ôl rhagolygon Cyngor ar Bopeth. A bydd goblygiadau'r dyfnder yna o angen a'i effaith ar iechyd a lles pobl gyda ni am genedlaethau. Nid yw'r gyllideb hon yn cyflwyno cynllun i atal hynny. Siomedig hefyd yw gweld diffyg buddsoddiad yn ein pobl ifanc mwyaf anghenus sydd am barhau â'u haddysg. Byddai ein gwelliant yn medru sicrhau bod y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg, er enghraifft, yn gallu cynnig lefel weddus o gefnogaeth. Ac er bod cynnydd wedi bod yn y grant cynhaliaeth, dyw myfyrwyr ddim yn medru cael cymorth gan nifer o'r taliadau cymorth costau byw eraill sydd ar gael. Sôn am fysus, os ŷch chi'n fyfyriwr dros 21 oed, cewch chi ddim gostyngiad o gwbl ar eich tocyn bws, ac mae rhent myfyrwyr, wrth gwrs, yn parhau i godi gan greu argyfwng costau addysg. Mae ein galwadau i ehangu a chynyddu'r EMA wedi eu hadleisio gan adroddiad craffu y Pwyllgor Plant, Pobl Ifanc ac Addysg, ac wrth sôn am y bwlch sydd yna mewn gwariant ar gefnogaeth costau byw eleni, sef £116 miliwn, mae adroddiad craffu'r Pwyllgor Cydraddoldebau a Chyfiawnder Cymdeithasol yn nodi bod 'angen amlwg i edrych ar atebion cynaliadwy, tymor hwy i'r argyfwng costau byw', fel soniodd Jenny Rathbone, ein Cadeirydd. Rwyf wedi dadlau ac, yn wir, rwyf wedi cael cefnogaeth gan y Senedd hon i'r alwad am system fudd-daliadau gydlynol Gymreig. Nawr yw'r amser i gyflymu'r gwaith o sicrhau bod pob ceiniog o gefnogaeth yn cyrraedd pocedi'r rhai sydd ei angen, a hynny yn ddi-ffael ac yn ddiffwdan. Wrth gloi hoffwn dynnu sylw at gasgliadau mwyaf difrifol y ddau bwyllgor dwi'n eistedd arnynt, sef hwn gan y Pwyllgor Plant, Pobl Ifanc ac Addysg, sef bod yna ddiffyg eglurder sut y bydd y gyllideb yn cefnogi plant a phobl ifanc sydd yn arbennig o debygol o gael eu heffeithio gan yr argyfwng costau byw. Hyn yn y genedl ble mae tlodi plant ar ei lefel uchaf yn y Deyrnas Gyfunol. Gyda San Steffan yn amddifadu Cymru -

With Westminster denying Wales the resources and the powers that we need, yes, there is a need for difficult decisions to be made. The Welsh Government makes those decisions even harder by failing to secure the resources it needs through fair, proportionate and just taxation to help us overcome the shameful hardship that scars our communities. I urge Members to support our amendment.

Gyda San Steffan yn amddifadu Cymru o'r adnoddau a'r grymoedd sydd eu hangen arnom, oes, mae angen gwneud penderfyniadau anodd. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn gwneud y penderfyniadau hynny yn anos drwy beidio â sicrhau yr adnoddau sydd angen arni drwy drethiant teg, cymesur a chyfiawn i oresgyn y caledi cywilyddus sy'n creithio ein cymunedau. Rwy'n erfyn ar Aelodau i gefnogi ein gwelliant.

Can I remind Members, please, from all groups, that as you go beyond the time, you're taking time away from your colleagues who wish to speak? So, please keep to your time limits. Hefin David.

A gaf i atgoffa Aelodau, os gwelwch yn dda, o bob grŵp, eich bod, wrth i chi fynd y tu hwnt i'r amser, yn cymryd amser oddi wrth eich cyd-Aelodau sy'n dymuno siarad? Felly, cadwch at eich terfynau amser. Hefin David.

I'll try and keep it short, Dirprwy Lywydd. I might not succeed. This is a debate in two parts really, isn't it? It's a debate that comes from the committees' responses to the draft budget, and the committees making reasonable points, cross party, that are well made. Pered was the first to speak from his committee, and a very impressive contribution it was. I think that is where this debate should be. I wasn't going to make a speech, actually, until the amendments came in. I think the amendments are the second half of the debate, which is entirely political, entirely point scoring, and entirely pointless. What I wanted to do was to specifically speak, because I think, sometimes, there's an amendment that you want to speak to, because you want to explain to people who may be watching why you are voting against it, and I am going to vote against Plaid Cymru's amendment 2. The reason for this, I think, has already been laid out very well today on the Today programme by the Minister, who made an excellent contribution this morning, but also it's been laid out by politicians in Caerphilly. I'd like to read to you this statement. 'There surely can be no justification in the current climate for increasing the tax burden on hard-pressed residents of Caerphilly.' That comes from Lindsay Whittle, the leader of Plaid Cymru on Caerphilly County Borough Council. And the leader of Plaid Cymru was a little bit grumpy when I tried to intervene earlier, so I'm happy to take an intervention now if he wants to put Lindsay Whittle right. But Lindsay actually said that. Go for it.

Fe wna i geisio cadw hyn yn fyr, Dirprwy Lywydd. Efallai na fyddaf i'n llwyddo. Mae hon yn ddadl mewn dwy ran mewn gwirionedd, onid yw? Mae'n ddadl sy'n dod o ymatebion y pwyllgorau i'r gyllideb ddrafft, a'r pwyllgorau sy'n gwneud pwyntiau rhesymol, trawsbleidiol, sydd wedi'u gwneud yn dda. Pered oedd y cyntaf i siarad o'i bwyllgor, a chyfraniad trawiadol iawn oedd hwnnw. Rwy'n credu mai dyna lle ddylai'r ddadl hon fod. Doeddwn i ddim yn mynd i wneud araith, mewn gwirionedd, tan i'r gwelliannau ddod i mewn. Rwy'n credu mai'r gwelliannau yw ail hanner y ddadl, sy'n gwbl wleidyddol, i sgorio pwyntiau, ac yn hollol ddibwrpas. Yr hyn yr oeddwn i eisiau ei wneud oedd siarad yn benodol, oherwydd rwy'n credu, weithiau, mae yna welliant yr ydych chi eisiau sôn amdano, oherwydd rydych chi eisiau egluro i bobl a allai fod yn gwylio pam eich bod chi'n pleidleisio yn ei erbyn, ac rwy'n mynd i bleidleisio yn erbyn gwelliant 2 Plaid Cymru. Mae'r rheswm dros hyn, rwy'n credu, eisoes wedi'i gyflwyno'n dda iawn heddiw ar y rhaglen Today gan y Gweinidog, a wnaeth gyfraniad ardderchog y bore 'ma, ond hefyd mae wedi ei gyflwyno gan wleidyddion yng Nghaerffili. Hoffwn ddarllen y datganiad hwn i chi. 'Siawns na all fod cyfiawnhad yn yr hinsawdd bresennol dros gynyddu'r baich treth ar drigolion Caerffili sydd dan bwysau mawr.' Daw hwn gan Lindsay Whittle, arweinydd Plaid Cymru ar Gyngor Bwrdeistref Sirol Caerffili. Ac roedd arweinydd Plaid Cymru ychydig yn flin pan wnes i geisio ymyrryd ynghynt, felly rwy'n hapus i gymryd ymyrraeth nawr os ydy e am gywiro Lindsay Whittle. Ond fe wnaeth Lindsay ddweud hynny. Ewch amdani.

He's referring to the most regressive tax of all, of course, the council tax, which is why the reform of that is in the co-operation agreement, and we need to get on with that as soon as possible.

Mae'n cyfeirio at y dreth fwyaf atchweliadol ohonyn nhw i gyd, wrth gwrs, y dreth gyngor, a dyna pam mae diwygio hynny yn y cytundeb cydweithio, ac mae angen i ni fwrw ymlaen â hynny cyn gynted â phosib.

I fully agree with the reform of council tax, but, on a band B property, the proposed rise in Caerphilly - the lowest council tax in the whole of Gwent, if not the whole of Wales - is £1.91 a week. The proposal that he's putting forward for basic rate of income tax from the same workers is around £2.50 a week. So, actually, the consequences of his tax rise will be higher for those people who Lindsay Whittle says are faced with 'higher food, energy and mortgage costs and many are now having to turn to foodbanks'. [ Interruption.] As he said to me, I'm not taking another intervention. [ Laughter. ] If he'd taken an intervention from me a second time, he could have come in, we could had a lovely debate, but let's play by the rules that he set. Plaid Cymru are making it very clear in Caerphilly that they are not accepting any council tax rise at all. In fact, what they've said - . You might want to speak to speak to your Plaid Cymru group. We know that they're mad as a box of frogs in Caerphilly. But they've said: 'We propose a zero council tax increase' in Caerphilly, and that a council tax rise 'cannot be justified and bills should be frozen for residents.' [ Interruption.] Two seconds. I think what they are doing there is playing politics, and I think what is happening with Plaid Cymru here in the Senedd - [ Interruption.] Heledd, I will come to you in a second. What they are doing here in the Senedd is proposing this council tax rise so that they can make as many uncosted proposals for the current budget as they want to, outside of the co-operation agreement, and then say, 'Yes, but we wanted to raise council tax to pay for it, so you should raise council tax.' This is where the co-operation agreement is falling down. It's power without responsibility. I think it should either be a coalition Government or it should be confidence and supply. What we've got from this deal is Plaid Cymru having the worst of both worlds and being able to make these points. Heledd, you can defend it if you want.

Rwy'n cytuno'n llwyr â diwygio'r dreth gyngor, ond, ar eiddo band B, y cynnydd arfaethedig yng Nghaerffili - y dreth gyngor isaf yng Ngwent gyfan, os nad Cymru gyfan - yw £1.91 yr wythnos. Mae'r cynnig mae'n ei gyflwyno ar gyfer cyfradd sylfaenol o dreth incwm gan yr un gweithwyr tua £2.50 yr wythnos. Felly, mewn gwirionedd, bydd canlyniadau ei gynnydd yn y dreth yn uwch i'r bobl hynny y mae Lindsay Whittle yn dweud sy'n wynebu 'costau bwyd, ynni a morgeisi uwch ac mae nifer bellach yn gorfod troi at fanciau bwyd'. [ Torri ar draws.] Fel y dywedodd wrthyf i, dydw i ddim yn cymryd ymyrraeth arall. [ Chwerthin. ] Pe byddai wedi cymryd ymyrraeth gen i eilwaith, gallai fod wedi dod i mewn, gallem fod wedi cael dadl hyfryd, ond gadewch i ni chwarae yn ôl rheolau a osodwyd ganddo. Mae Plaid Cymru yn ei gwneud yn glir iawn yng Nghaerffili nad ydyn nhw'n derbyn unrhyw gynnydd yn y dreth gyngor o gwbl. Yn wir, beth maen nhw wedi ei ddweud - . Efallai byddech chi eisiau siarad gyda'ch grŵp Plaid Cymru. Rydyn ni'n gwybod nad ydyn nhw yn eu iawn bwyll yng Nghaerffili. Ond maen nhw wedi dweud: 'Rydyn ni'n cynnig cynnydd sero yn y dreth gyngor' yng Nghaerffili, ac o ran cynnydd yn y dreth gyngor 'ni ellir ei gyfiawnhau a dylid rhewi biliau ar gyfer trigolion.' [ Torri ar draws.] Dwy eiliad. Rwy'n credu mai'r hyn maen nhw'n ei wneud yw chwarae gwleidyddiaeth, ac rwy'n credu mai'r hyn sy'n digwydd gyda Phlaid Cymru yma yn y Senedd - [ Torri ar draws.] Heledd, mi ddof i atat chi mewn eiliad. Yr hyn y maen nhw'n ei wneud yma yn y Senedd yw cynnig y cynnydd hwn yn y dreth gyngor er mwyn iddyn nhw wneud cymaint o gynigion nad ydynt wedi'u costio ar gyfer y gyllideb bresennol ag y mynnant, y tu allan i'r cytundeb cydweithio, ac yna dweud, 'Ie, ond roeddem ni am godi'r dreth gyngor i dalu amdano, felly dylech chi godi'r dreth gyngor.' Dyma lle mae'r cytundeb cydweithio yn methu. Mae'n bŵer heb gyfrifoldeb. Rwy'n credu y dylai naill ai fod yn Lywodraeth glymblaid neu dylai fod yn hyder a chyflenwi. Beth sydd gennym ni o'r fargen hon yw Plaid Cymru'n cael y gwaethaf o'r ddau fyd a gallu gwneud y pwyntiau hyn. Heledd, gallwch chi ei amddiffyn os ydych chi eisiau.

I think there's a point of order necessary here, because we're not debating the co-operation agreement; we're debating the draft budget. And if anybody is trying to score political points, I would say that it is our colleague Hefin David. I don't see the relevance of this in terms of the draft budget. I would like to know why you think our amendment is pointless. It is a proposal. It's about using the powers we have here in Wales to do something, to do something differently. Why do you call that suggestion pointless when it is a serious suggestion?

Rwy'n credu bod angen pwynt o drefn yma, oherwydd dydyn ni ddim yn trafod y cytundeb cydweithio; rydyn ni'n trafod y gyllideb ddrafft. Ac os oes unrhyw un yn ceisio sgorio pwyntiau gwleidyddol, fe fyddwn i'n dweud mai ein cyd-Aelod Hefin David sy'n gwneud hynny. Dydw i ddim yn gweld perthnasedd hyn o ran y gyllideb ddrafft. Hoffwn wybod pam eich bod chi'n meddwl bod ein gwelliant ni'n ddibwrpas. Mae'n gynnig. Mae'n ymwneud â defnyddio'r pwerau sydd gennym ni yma yng Nghymru i wneud rhywbeth, i wneud rhywbeth yn wahanol. Pam ydych chi'n galw'r awgrym hwnnw'n ddibwrpas pan oedd yn awgrym o ddifrif?

I'll tell you what I'll do; I'll withdraw the word 'pointless'. I wouldn't want to be the subject of a point of order later on today. I withdraw the word 'pointless' and I apologise for that. What I should have said was 'politically convenient', because what they are doing is using this proposed rise in council tax, which will hit the poorest people, in order to justify uncosted expenditure through the course of the rest of this Senedd term, and I think that is something that needs challenge. Let's just look at some of the proposals that they've had through the debates that we've had so far: comprehensive free school meals, universal childcare, a rent freeze, education maintenance allowance, and that big black hole that we don't know anything about - independence. These are things that they are bringing to this Chamber, and in spite of being in the co-operation agreement, in which they've got spending commitments, they are making these demands as well, which is, I believe, politically unacceptable. You've got effects, then, on things like, as has already been mentioned, public transport, apprenticeships, town centre development, local authority capital funding, decarbonisation and Natural Resources Wales. These are all consequences that are having a direct result, as a result of some of the decisions that have been made. And my last point, Dirprwy Lywydd, if you'll allow me, because of the interventions: I did ask Peter Fox that question earlier on, how he felt about universal free school meals. When that debate was held in the previous Senedd and in the beginning of this Senedd, it was not a healthy debate. It was a debate held by social media. We were attacked, those of us who voted against it. I believe in universal free school meals, but I am still sceptical about it as a priority at this time. If we had extra money, it should go towards universal Flying Start, and if we didn't have that money, it should go towards those things that we already protect. I think there is a real danger in pushing that policy harder and harder when there are other priorities that we have to meet, such as the bus emergency scheme, that are not being met as a result of this budget. There is a lot of -

Dyma beth wnaf fi, fe wnaf fi dynnu'r gair 'dibwrpas' yn ôl. Fyddwn i ddim eisiau bod yn destun pwynt o drefn yn nes ymlaen heddiw. Rwy'n tynnu'r gair 'dibwrpas' yn ôl ac rwy'n ymddiheuro am hynny. Yr hyn y dylwn i fod wedi'i ddweud oedd 'cyfleus yn wleidyddol', oherwydd yr hyn maen nhw'n ei wneud yw defnyddio'r cynnydd arfaethedig hwn yn y dreth gyngor, a fydd yn taro'r bobl dlotaf, er mwyn cyfiawnhau gwariant nad yw wedi'i gostio yn ystod gweddill tymor y Senedd hon, ac rwy'n credu bod hynny'n rhywbeth sydd angen ei herio. Gadewch i ni edrych ar rai o'r cynigion sydd wedi bod ganddyn nhw drwy'r dadleuon rydyn ni wedi'u cael hyd yma: prydau ysgol am ddim cynhwysfawr, gofal plant cyffredinol, rhewi rhent, lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg, a'r twll mawr du hwnnw nad ydym yn gwybod unrhyw beth amdano - annibyniaeth. Mae'r rhain yn bethau maen nhw'n eu cyflwyno i'r Siambr hon, ac er gwaethaf bod yn y cytundeb cydweithio, lle mae ganddyn nhw ymrwymiadau gwario, maen nhw'n gofyn am hyn hefyd, sydd, yn fy marn i, yn wleidyddol annerbyniol. Mae effeithiau, wedyn, fel sydd wedi'i grybwyll yn barod, ar bethau megis trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus, prentisiaethau, datblygu canol trefi, cyllid cyfalaf awdurdodau lleol, datgarboneiddio a Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru. Mae'r rhain i gyd yn ganlyniadau sy'n arwain at ganlyniad uniongyrchol, o ganlyniad i rai o'r penderfyniadau sydd wedi eu gwneud. A fy mhwynt olaf, Dirprwy Lywydd, os wnewch chi ganiatáu i mi, oherwydd yr ymyriadau: fe wnes i ofyn y cwestiwn hwnnw'n gynharach i Peter Fox, sut roedd yn teimlo am brydau ysgol am ddim cyffredinol. Pan gynhaliwyd y ddadl honno yn y Senedd flaenorol ac ar ddechrau'r Senedd hon, nid oedd yn ddadl iach. Roedd yn ddadl a gynhaliwyd drwy'r cyfryngau cymdeithasol. Ymosodwyd arnom, y rhai ohonom wnaeth bleidleisio yn ei erbyn. Rwy'n credu mewn prydau ysgol am ddim cyffredinol, ond rwy'n dal yn amheus am y peth fel blaenoriaeth ar hyn o bryd. Pe byddai gennym ni arian ychwanegol, dylai fynd tuag at Dechrau'n Deg cyffredinol, ac os nad oedd yr arian hwnnw gennym ni, dylai fynd tuag at y pethau hynny yr ydym ni eisoes yn eu gwarchod. Rwy'n credu bod perygl gwirioneddol o ran gwthio'r polisi hwnnw'n galetach ac yn galetach pan fo blaenoriaethau eraill mae'n rhaid i ni eu bodloni, fel y cynllun argyfwng bysiau, nad ydynt yn cael eu bodloni o ganlyniad i'r gyllideb hon. Mae llawer o -

I have now given you the extra time you asked for.

Rwyf i wedi rhoi'r amser ychwanegol y gwnaethoch chi ofyn amdano nawr.

There's a lot of difficulty, I think, with Plaid Cymru's approach to this, and it's inconsistent with what they're saying locally.

Mae yna lawer o anhawster, rwy'n credu, gydag agwedd Plaid Cymru tuag at hyn, ac mae'n anghyson â'r hyn maen nhw'n ei ddweud yn lleol.

I've had a request for a point of order from the Member for Carmarthen East and Dinefwr. If it's okay, I'll take it at the end of the debate, rather than now. But I will give you the point of order at the end.

Rwyf wedi cael cais am bwynt o drefn gan yr Aelod dros Ddwyrain Caerfyrddin a Dinefwr. Os yw'n iawn, mi fydda i'n ei gymryd ar ddiwedd y ddadl, yn hytrach na nawr. Ond byddaf yn rhoi'r pwynt o drefn i chi ar y diwedd.

Will you give a ruling as well?

A fyddwch chi'n rhoi dyfarniad hefyd?

Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. I'm not quite sure how to follow that, but what I will promise is a short contribution. I know Hefin promised it and didn't quite manage it, so I will try my best just to focus on a few key points, which I hope will give the Minister some pause for thought. Last week, we debated the Culture, Communications, Welsh Language, Sport and International Relations Committee report, which Hefin and I both sit on, on rising costs. It was clear from the evidence that we heard that more support should be given to amenities such as leisure centres to help with the increase there in energy costs and prevent those key services that many people rely on from closing. Whilst, in responding to that debate, there were warm words, I thought, from the Deputy Minister, targeted additional support is lacking, I think. It's also worrying that as a nation Wales spends only £18 per head on sporting participation, compared to £51 per head in Norway. I do believe it's really important that we get to disadvantaged areas so everyone can get that regular physical activity, but it's disappointing to see that by failing to increase support for this in the budget, the Welsh Government is not intending to change its approach. I know Ministers will say, 'Well, where does this funding come from?' But colleagues on these benches, as we heard from Peter Fox, have identified £100 million that can be diverted from other areas to areas that matter, to those areas that are priorities for the people of Wales. So, I hope you'll listen, Minister, to Peter Fox's suggestions, and take them very, very seriously indeed. And finally, I'm also concerned about the potential for stealth taxes that could strangle our tourism industry. This is an often-made but very important argument, but we've got to the stage where recovery from COVID-19 in this sector is incredibly fragile. Proposing a tourism tax at this point alongside changes to self-catering accommodation rules won't help the recovery in that crucial part of our economy. We do, in the end, have to receive the returns to be able to reinvest in these services in future years. I hope you'll take those points on board, Minister, and thank you, Dirprwy Lywydd; that was less than two minutes.

Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. Dydw i ddim yn hollol siŵr sut i ddilyn hynny, ond rwy'n addo cyfraniad byr. Rwy'n gwybod bod Hefin wedi addo hynny ac ni wnaeth lwyddo yn hynny o beth, felly byddaf yn trio fy ngorau i ganolbwyntio ar ambell bwynt allweddol, a fydd, gobeithio, yn gwneud i'r Gweinidog oedi i feddwl. Wythnos diwethaf, fe wnaethom ni drafod adroddiad y Pwyllgor Diwylliant, Cyfathrebu, y Gymraeg, Chwaraeon a Chysylltiadau Rhyngwladol, y mae Hefin a minnau ein dau yn eistedd arno, ar gostau cynyddol. Roedd yn amlwg o'r dystiolaeth y gwnaethom ni ei chlywed y dylid rhoi mwy o gefnogaeth i amwynderau fel canolfannau hamdden i helpu gyda'r cynnydd yno mewn costau ynni ac atal y gwasanaethau allweddol hynny mae llawer o bobl yn dibynnu arnynt rhag cau. Wrth ymateb i'r ddadl honno, er bod geiriau cynnes, yn fy marn i, gan y Dirprwy Weinidog, mae cefnogaeth ychwanegol wedi'i dargedu yn ddiffygiol. Mae'n destun pryder hefyd bod Cymru, fel cenedl, ond yn gwario £18 y pen ar gyfranogiad chwaraeon, o'i gymharu â £51 y pen yn Norwy. Rwy'n credu ei bod yn bwysig iawn ein bod ni'n cyrraedd ardaloedd difreintiedig fel y gall pawb gael y gweithgaredd corfforol rheolaidd hwnnw, ond mae'n siomedig gweld nad yw Llywodraeth Cymru, trwy fethu â chynyddu'r gefnogaeth i hyn yn y gyllideb, yn bwriadu newid ei dull gweithredu. Rwy'n gwybod y bydd Gweinidogion yn dweud, 'Wel, o ble mae'r cyllid hwn yn dod?' Ond mae cydweithwyr ar y meinciau yma, fel y clywsom ni gan Peter Fox, wedi canfod £100 miliwn y gellir ei ddargyfeirio o feysydd eraill i feysydd o bwys, i'r meysydd hynny sy'n flaenoriaethau i bobl Cymru. Felly, gobeithio y byddwch chi'n gwrando, Gweinidog, ar awgrymiadau Peter Fox, ac yn eu cymryd nhw o ddifrif iawn, iawn yn wir. Ac yn olaf, rwyf i hefyd yn pryderu am y potensial am drethi llechwraidd a allai dagu ein diwydiant twristiaeth. Mae hon yn ddadl sy'n cael ei gwneud yn aml ond mae'n bwysig iawn, ond rydyn ni wedi cyrraedd y cam lle mae adferiad yn dilyn COVID-19 yn y sector hwn yn hynod fregus. Ni fydd cynnig treth twristiaeth ar hyn o bryd ochr yn ochr â newidiadau i reolau llety hunanarlwyo yn helpu'r adferiad yn y rhan hanfodol honno o'n heconomi. Mae'n rhaid i ni, yn y pen draw, dderbyn yr elw er mwyn gallu ail-fuddsoddi yn y gwasanaethau hyn mewn blynyddoedd i ddod. Gobeithio y byddwch chi'n rhoi sylw i'r pwyntiau hynny, Gweinidog, a diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd; roedd hynny'n llai na dau funud.

Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. I think, very clearly, listening to this debate, there are two things that strike me: first, that certainly the biggest risk to Wales and its citizens is remaining part of the UK and not having these levers under our control, and secondly that all the Brexit dividend promises were lies. We're not seeing that reflected in the reality here in Wales. Last night, I attended a public meeting organised by those that are opposing the proposals by Cardiff Council to close the Museum of Cardiff, privatise St David's Hall and reduce public library services. We heard a number of powerful speeches, in particular by those whose lives have been transformed by these wonderful facilities, proving that cultural assets aren't just nice to have, but absolutely essential for the health and well-being of our communities. When I have previously raised concerns about the potential loss of both cultural assets and leisure facilities - including swimming pools - in the Senedd, I've been repeatedly told that it is a matter for local authorities and that their settlement is better than expected in the draft budget. But I'm afraid that detracts from the reality that we're currently seeing across Wales, with - as everybody knows - Andrew Morgan, the leader of the WLGA, recently stating that the economic outlook for councils looks bleak, and councils are having to make difficult decisions to meet spiralling budget gaps due to energy bills, inflation and pay costs. One question that was asked at last night's public meeting - and I think it is relevant for today's debate - was why are so many politicians both in our Senedd and in our local authorities not doing more to stand up to the austerity agenda, and not on the streets to reject the Tory narrative that no money is available. [ Interruption.] No. Time and time again here, we hear Ministers state that it's the UK Government's fault that these difficult decisions have to be made, but one thing I'd like to ask today is: what are you doing in practical terms, beyond writing letters or making public statements, to demand the funding we need and deserve? Unless something significantly changes, and quickly, Wales will be stripped of many of its vital public services and facilities, and I worry that sometimes, we forget here that these are a result of political choices made by the UK Government. The UK Government follows a policy agenda that rewards the rich or super-rich and punishes the majority. It's time for us to unite with our communities and send a clear message to Westminster that enough is enough and that we are unwilling to continue to implement an austerity agenda on their behalf. We therefore have an opportunity in this budget to outline the kind of Wales that we want to see, and use all the powers available to us to prioritise. My colleague Adam Price has outlined our priorities in terms of the NHS, and our proposal does mean that additional money can be made available. My colleague Sioned Williams outlined the very real challenges and the risks associated with some of the cuts that we are seeing in the draft budget, especially impacting children and young people living in poverty here in Wales, and there are more children and young people in poverty with every month that goes by. I would also like to ask two other questions. Firstly, how does this draft budget address the issue of teacher recruitment and retention? It's something that Laura Anne Jones picked up on. We've heard warnings from headteachers that unless additional funding is made available, we will lose teachers and teaching assistants and additional support services will be lost. So, what considerations have been given to this in the budget?

Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. Rwy'n credu, yn glir iawn, wrth wrando ar y ddadl hon, bod dau beth yn fy nharo i: yn gyntaf, yn sicr y risg fwyaf i Gymru a'i dinasyddion yw parhau i fod yn rhan o'r DU a pheidio â bod â'r ysgogiadau hyn o dan ein rheolaeth, ac yn ail mai celwyddau oedd yr holl addewidion difidend Brexit. Nid ydyn ni yn gweld hynny'n cael ei adlewyrchu yn y realiti yma yng Nghymru. Neithiwr, fe es i i gyfarfod cyhoeddus a oedd wedi'i drefnu gan y rhai sy'n gwrthwynebu'r cynigion gan Gyngor Caerdydd i gau Amgueddfa Caerdydd, preifateiddio Neuadd Dewi Sant a lleihau gwasanaethau llyfrgelloedd cyhoeddus. Gwnaethon ni glywed nifer o areithiau pwerus, yn arbennig gan y rhai y mae eu bywydau wedi'u trawsnewid gan y cyfleusterau gwych hyn, gan brofi nad yw asedau diwylliannol ond yn braf i'w cael, ond yn gwbl hanfodol ar gyfer iechyd a lles ein cymunedau. Pan ydw i eisoes wedi codi pryderon yn y Senedd am y posibilrwydd o golli ased diwylliannol a chyfleusterau hamdden - gan gynnwys pyllau nofio - , rwyf i wedi cael gwybod dro ar ôl tro mai mater i awdurdodau lleol yw hynny a bod eu setliad yn well na'r disgwyl yn y gyllideb ddrafft. Ond rwy'n ofni bod hynny'n tynnu oddi ar y gwirionedd yr ydyn ni'n ei weld ledled Cymru ar hyn o bryd, gyda - fel y mae pawb yn gwybod - Andrew Morgan, arweinydd CLlLC, yn datgan yn ddiweddar bod y rhagolygon economaidd i gynghorau yn edrych yn llwm, ac mae cynghorau'n gorfod gwneud penderfyniadau anodd i lenwi bylchau cynyddol yn y gyllideb oherwydd biliau ynni, chwyddiant a chostau cyflog. Un cwestiwn a ofynnwyd yn y cyfarfod cyhoeddus neithiwr - ac rwy'n credu ei fod yn berthnasol i'r ddadl heddiw - oedd pam mae cymaint o wleidyddion yn ein Senedd ni ac yn ein hawdurdodau lleol ni nad ydyn nhw'n gwneud mwy i wrthsefyll yr agenda cyni, ac nad ydyn nhw ar y strydoedd i wrthod naratif y Torïaid nad oes arian ar gael. [ Torri ar draws.] Na. Dro ar ôl tro yma, rydyn ni'n clywed Gweinidogion yn dweud mai bai Llywodraeth y DU yw hi bod yn rhaid gwneud y penderfyniadau anodd hyn, ond un peth yr hoffwn i ei ofyn heddiw yw: beth rydych chi'n ei wneud mewn termau ymarferol, y tu hwnt i ysgrifennu llythyrau neu wneud datganiadau cyhoeddus, i fynnu'r cyllid yr ydyn ni ei angen ac yn ei haeddu? Oni bai bod rhywbeth sylweddol yn newid, ac yn gyflym, bydd Cymru'n cael ei dinoethi o lawer o'i gwasanaethau a'i chyfleusterau cyhoeddus hanfodol, ac rwy'n gofidio weithiau, ein bod ni'n anghofio yn y fan yma fod y rhain o ganlyniad i ddewisiadau gwleidyddol wedi'u gwneud gan Lywodraeth y DU. Mae Llywodraeth y DU yn dilyn agenda polisi sy'n gwobrwyo'r cyfoethog neu'r hynod gyfoethog ac yn cosbi'r mwyafrif. Mae'n bryd i ni uno gyda'n cymunedau ac anfon neges glir i San Steffan mai digon yw digon a'n bod ni'n anfodlon parhau i weithredu agenda gyni ar eu rhan. Mae gennym ni gyfle felly yn y gyllideb hon i amlinellu'r math o Gymru yr ydyn ni eisiau'i gweld, a defnyddio'r holl bwerau sydd ar gael i ni i'w blaenoriaethu. Mae fy nghyd-Aelod, Adam Price, wedi amlinellu ein blaenoriaethau o ran y GIG, ac mae ein cynnig yn golygu y gall arian ychwanegol fod ar gael. Amlinellodd fy nghyd-Aelod Sioned Williams yr heriau gwirioneddol iawn a'r risgiau sy'n gysylltiedig â rhai o'r toriadau yr ydyn ni'n eu gweld yn y gyllideb ddrafft, yn enwedig yn effeithio ar blant a phobl ifanc sy'n byw mewn tlodi yma yng Nghymru, ac mae mwy o blant a phobl ifanc mewn tlodi gyda phob mis sy'n mynd heibio. Hoffwn i ofyn dau gwestiwn arall hefyd. Yn gyntaf, sut mae'r gyllideb ddrafft hon yn ymdrin â'r mater o recriwtio a chadw athrawon? Mae'n rhywbeth y cododd Laura Anne Jones. Rydyn ni wedi clywed rhybuddion gan benaethiaid, oni bai bod cyllid ychwanegol ar gael, byddwn ni'n colli athrawon a chynorthwywyr addysgu a bydd gwasanaethau cymorth ychwanegol yn cael eu colli. Felly, pa ystyriaethau sydd wedi'u rhoi i hyn yn y gyllideb?

Secondly, if I could turn to the Welsh language, this is the first draft budget since the publication of the census results, as Delyth Jewell mentioned, and we know that significant investment is needed in a number of areas if we're reach the target of a million Welsh speakers by 2050. However, a real-terms cut of 2.4 per cent in expenditure on the Welsh language is contained within this budget. So, what assessment has been done on the impact of this on the target of a million Welsh speakers? Further to that, although there's been success in investing in free access to the Urdd Eisteddfod last year and 15,000 free tickets to the National Eisteddfod, is there an intention to provide further support to enable this to happen in the future? These kinds of events are extremely important, and we've seen a warning from the National Eisteddfod just last week that they will have to look again at the price of entry. So, how are we going to ensure that culture isn't just for those that can afford it? We have the Well-Being of Future Generations (Wales) Act 2015 here in Wales; we must ensure equal access to all the wealth of life, and that includes culture. So, I'd like to know how this budget will secure that.

Yn ail, os caf i droi at y Gymraeg, dyma'r gyllideb ddrafft cyntaf ers cyhoeddi canlyniadau'r cyfrifiad, fel y soniodd Delyth Jewell, a gwyddom fod angen buddsoddiad sylweddol mewn nifer o feysydd os am gyrraedd y targed o filiwn o siaradwyr Cymraeg erbyn 2050. Serch hynny, mae toriad termau real o 2.4 y cant mewn gwariant ar y Gymraeg yn y gyllideb hon. Pa asesiad sydd wedi ei wneud o ran beth fydd effaith hyn ar y targed o filiwn o siaradwyr? Yn bellach, er llwyddiant buddsoddi mewn mynediad am ddim i Eisteddfod yr Urdd y llynedd a 15,000 o docynnau am ddim i'r Eisteddfod Genedlaethol, oes bwriad cynnig cefnogaeth pellach i alluogi hyn yn y dyfodol? Mae'r math yma o ddigwyddiadau yn eithriadol o bwysig, a rydyn ni wedi gweld rhybudd gan yr Eisteddfod Genedlaethol wythnos diwethaf y bydd rhaid iddyn nhw edrych eto ar bris mynediad. Felly, sut ydyn ni am sicrhau nad ydy diwylliant yn rhywbeth jest i'r rhai sy'n gallu ei fforddio fo? Mae gennyn ni Ddeddf Llesiant Cenedlaethau'r Dyfodol (Cymru) 2015 yma yng Nghymru; mae'n rhaid sicrhau mynediad cydradd i holl gyfoeth bywyd, ac mae hynny'n cynnwys diwylliant. Hoffwn wybod sut mae'r gyllideb hon am sicrhau hynny.

I'm speaking this afternoon in my capacity as Chair of the Children, Young People and Education Committee. As a committee, we are all very much aware of the significant financial difficulties facing the Ministers setting this year's budget. We know that children and other vulnerable groups of people are disproportionately impacted by the cost-of-living crisis. An estimated 31 per cent of children in Wales are living in relative poverty. In a survey of 7,873 children and young people last November, the children's commissioner found that 45 per cent of children aged seven to 11, and 26 per cent of young people aged 12 to 18, said they worry about having enough to eat. This is the stark reality of how poverty affects children, and the backdrop against which the Welsh Government sets its 2023-24 draft budget. It demonstrates why it's so important for the Welsh Government to give children and young people their fair share of resources. At the heart of the Children, Young People and Education Committee's scrutiny of the Welsh Government's draft budget is this key question: has the Welsh Government allocated enough resources to children and young people? Unfortunately, we do not know for sure. Once again, the Welsh Government did not publish a children's rights impact assessment of its draft budget. Our committee is clear in our recommendation on this: the Welsh Government must comply with its duty to have due regard to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child when setting its draft budget. We asked for a lot of information in preparation for our scrutiny, and we are grateful for the co-operation of Ministers and officials on this. Sadly, not all of the written evidence we receive to support our scrutiny was clear, and we look forward to the Finance Committee's forthcoming consultation. Despite those challenges in seeing what's spent on children, we have made a series of recommendations to the Welsh Government this year, some of which aim to mitigate the impact of the cost-of-living crisis on children and young people across Wales. The school holidays free school meals programme, which is due to end after the February half term, should be extended. Children in Wales should not have to worry about having enough to eat. The school meals programme is an effective way to mitigate the impact of food poverty on our most vulnerable. We welcome the Welsh Government's decision to extend the scheme thus far and urge it to do so again. A number of Members have already mentioned the education maintenance allowance, and we believe that the time has come for the education maintenance allowance to be properly reviewed. In its response to our draft budget report last year, the Welsh Government told us that it hasn't reviewed the EMA in part because a 2014 review suggested that it was 'an essential source of financial support for only the minority of students.' That review is almost now a decade old. An awful lot has changed since then. Meanwhile, since neither the EMA eligibility threshold nor the support rate have been revised since 2011-12, the EMA is of less real-terms value to fewer students every year. These recommendations, alongside others, feed into the final recommendation of our report. This year, we join the children's commissioner, Audit Wales and many others in calling for the Welsh Government to produce a child poverty action plan with clear, costed, deliverable, measurable and time-bound actions. We understand that the main levers for alleviating child poverty lie with the UK Government. But that does not negate the need for the Welsh Government to set out clearly how it will use the levers that are in its gift, and the money that it does have, to reduce child poverty here in Wales. And I know that we are not the only ones who will be paying close attention to the Welsh Government's response to that recommendation, in particular. And finally, I would like to thank my fellow Senedd committee Chairs and committee members for their support and collaboration this year. It is so important for the Senedd to be as holistic as possible in its scrutiny of the Welsh Government's draft budget. As well as drawing on the expertise and excellent engagement work of the Finance Committee, I know that some committee reports this year - including ours - have joint recommendations with other committees that have shared areas of interest. I hope very much that we continue to build on this collaborative approach to scrutiny in future years. Diolch yn fawr.

Rwy'n siarad y prynhawn yma yn rhinwedd fy swydd fel Cadeirydd y Pwyllgor Plant, Pobl Ifanc ac Addysg. Fel pwyllgor, rydyn ni i gyd yn ymwybodol iawn o'r anawsterau ariannol sylweddol sy'n wynebu'r Gweinidogion wrth osod y gyllideb eleni. Rydyn ni'n gwybod bod yr argyfwng costau byw yn effeithio'n anghymesur ar blant a grwpiau eraill o bobl agored i niwed. Mae tua 31 y cant o blant Cymru'n byw mewn tlodi cymharol. Mewn arolwg o 7,873 o blant a phobl ifanc fis Tachwedd diwethaf, gwnaeth y comisiynydd plant ddarganfod fod 45 y cant o blant rhwng saith ac 11 oed, a 26 y cant o bobl ifanc rhwng 12 ac 18 oed, yn dweud eu bod yn poeni am gael digon i'w fwyta. Dyma'r gwir plaen o sut mae tlodi'n effeithio ar blant, a'r cefndir y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn gosod ei chyllideb ddrafft ar gyfer 2023-24 yn ei erbyn. Mae'n dangos pam mae hi mor bwysig i Lywodraeth Cymru roi cyfran deg o adnoddau i blant a phobl ifanc. Wrth wraidd craffu'r Pwyllgor Plant, Pobl Ifanc ac Addysg ar gyllideb ddrafft Llywodraeth Cymru y mae'r cwestiwn allweddol hwn: a yw Llywodraeth Cymru wedi clustnodi digon o adnoddau i blant a phobl ifanc? Yn anffodus, nid ydyn ni'n gwybod yn sicr. Unwaith eto, ni wnaeth Llywodraeth Cymru gyhoeddi asesiad effaith ar hawliau plant o'i chyllideb ddrafft. Mae ein pwyllgor ni'n glir yn ein hargymhelliad ar hyn: mae'n rhaid i Lywodraeth Cymru gydymffurfio â'i dyletswydd i roi sylw dyladwy i Gonfensiwn y Cenhedloedd Unedig ar Hawliau'r Plentyn wrth bennu ei chyllideb ddrafft. Gwnaethon ni ofyn am lawer o wybodaeth wrth baratoi ar gyfer ein gwaith craffu, ac rydyn ni'n ddiolchgar am gydweithrediad Gweinidogion a swyddogion ar hyn. Yn anffodus, nid oedd yr holl dystiolaeth ysgrifenedig y gwnaethon ni ei chael i gefnogi ein craffu'n glir, ac edrychwn ni ymlaen at ymgynghoriad y Pwyllgor Cyllid sydd i ddod. Er gwaethaf yr heriau hynny o ran gweld yr hyn sy'n cael ei wario ar blant, rydyn ni wedi gwneud cyfres o argymhellion i Lywodraeth Cymru eleni, a rhai ohonyn nhw'n â'r nod o liniaru effaith yr argyfwng costau byw ar blant a phobl ifanc ledled Cymru. Dylai'r rhaglen prydau ysgol am ddim i blant, sydd i fod i ddod i ben ar ôl hanner tymor mis Chwefror, gael ei hymestyn. Ni ddylai plant yng Nghymru orfod poeni am fod â digon i'w fwyta. Mae'r rhaglen prydau ysgol yn ffordd effeithiol o liniaru effaith tlodi bwyd ar ein hunigolion mwyaf agored i niwed. Rydyn ni'n croesawu penderfyniad Llywodraeth Cymru i ymestyn y cynllun hyd yma ac yn ei hannog i wneud hynny eto. Mae nifer o Aelodau eisoes wedi sôn am y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg, ac rydyn ni'n credu bod yr amser wedi dod i'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg gael ei adolygu'n briodol. Yn ei hymateb i'n hadroddiad cyllideb ddrafft y llynedd, dywedodd Llywodraeth Cymru wrthym nad yw wedi adolygu'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg yn rhannol oherwydd bod adolygiad yn 2014 yn awgrymu 'mai dim ond i leiafrif o fyfyrwyr yr oedd yr LCA yn ffynhonnell hanfodol o gymorth ariannol.' Mae'r adolygiad hwnnw bron yn ddegawd oed erbyn hyn. Mae llawer iawn wedi newid ers hynny. Yn y cyfamser, gan nad yw trothwy cymhwysedd y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg na'r gyfradd gymorth wedi'u diwygio ers 2011-12, mae'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg gwerth llai mewn termau real i lai o fyfyrwyr bob blwyddyn. Mae'r argymhellion hyn, ochr yn ochr ag eraill, yn cyfrannu at argymhelliad terfynol ein hadroddiad. Eleni, rydyn ni'n ymuno â'r comisiynydd plant, Archwilio Cymru a llawer o rai eraill wrth alw ar Lywodraeth Cymru i lunio cynllun gweithredu ar dlodi plant gyda chamau clir, wedi'u costio, y mae modd eu cyflawni, eu mesur ac sydd yn gyfyngedig o ran amser. Rydyn ni'n deall bod y prif ysgogiadau ar gyfer lliniaru tlodi plant yn nwylo Llywodraeth y DU. Ond nid yw hynny'n nacáu'r angen i Lywodraeth Cymru nodi'n glir sut y bydd yn defnyddio'r ysgogiadau sydd ganddi, a'r arian sydd ganddi, i leihau tlodi plant yma yng Nghymru. Ac rwy'n gwybod nad ni yw'r unig rai fydd yn rhoi sylw manwl i ymateb Llywodraeth Cymru i'r argymhelliad hwnnw, yn benodol. Ac yn olaf, hoffwn i ddiolch i fy nghyd-Gadeiryddion pwyllgorau yn y Senedd ac i aelodau'r pwyllgor am eu cefnogaeth a'u cydweithrediad eleni. Mae hi mor bwysig bod y Senedd mor gyfannol â phosibl wrth graffu ar gyllideb ddrafft Llywodraeth Cymru. Yn ogystal â defnyddio arbenigedd a gwaith ymgysylltu rhagorol y Pwyllgor Cyllid, rwy'n gwybod bod gan rai adroddiadau pwyllgor eleni - gan gynnwys ein rhai ni - argymhellion ar y cyd â phwyllgorau eraill sydd wedi rhannu meysydd o ddiddordeb. Rwy'n gobeithio'n fawr ein bod ni'n parhau i adeiladu ar y dull cydweithredol hwn o graffu mewn blynyddoedd i ddod. Diolch yn fawr.

I'd like to preface my contribution to this debate by saying thank you so much to the Minister. I have said on many occasions that it's a job that I would run a million miles from - to set a £19 billion budget. I would like to thank her for the discussions that we have had, and for the opportunity to look at particular areas in detail. Thank you. Diolch yn fawr iawn. What is a Government's budget, unless it's there to support our poorest and our children? There is a song - I won't sing it - and I think it goes something like this: 'I believe that children are our future'. Indeed, they are, aren't they? I'm really pleased to see so much in this budget that actually focuses on children. I echo many of the statements from Jayne Bryant. We have free school meals. That is about feeding our children - all of our children, it doesn't matter what their background is. It's about making sure that our care-experienced children whom we are responsible for - we are their corporate parents - do not go without anything through the wonderful pilot universal basic income for care-experienced children. In education - and I'm bound to say here that Kirsty Williams worked on this - the pupil development grant, which actually looks at targeting those children who are the most vulnerable and need our support on education. That's what a budget should be about. It is so tempting, isn't it, to list exactly what we want in addition, but that's actually what I'm going to be doing in the next few minutes. I will come to something else at the end, but I do want to talk about some of the things that I would like to see and that are already in the budget as well. Dentistry. Many of you know that I have raised this on several occasions. In Powys, we have 5,000 people on the dental waiting list, with 800 children still not able to find an NHS dentist. We need to look at funding - that's not the only issue - and I'm grateful, in my discussions with the Minister, to look at innovations that we've had. But it needs to go further and faster, and I look forward to hearing more about that. Social care. We know that that is a really big issue. I'm pleased to see that the Welsh Government has committed £70 million to the social care sector, which will fund that living wage commitment. But, as I'm sure everybody in the Siambr here today knows, it needs to go further; it's only a step to helping to mitigate many of the issues in relation to social care. The third area is around decarbonisation. The climate emergency is the most important thing that we face. I am interested to learn what plans the Welsh Government has for the new iteration of the Warm Homes programme. We have been waiting a little bit of time for that, but that is essential in order to make sure that people's bills are lower, and that we address our climate emergency. You have heard Luke Fletcher talk about the bus emergency support scheme and concerns around that, and I do share those. But we want to see free public transport for all under-25-year-olds. That would help to tackle the climate emergency and to help our young people. I would just like to finish by saying that we have all talked about - including me - what more we want to see being spent. But we need to look at income as well. We need to look at how we are going to fund what we need, particularly in the light of a disastrous Conservative Government and an absolutely shameful Liz Truss budget, which put so many people in a precarious position. We need to look in Wales at what we can do. And although I won't be supporting the Plaid Cymru amendment, I do think that there is a discussion to be had. My concern is that I cannot support a proposal that seeks to add an additional tax burden to the lowest earners, particularly at this time of a cost-of-living crisis. But I do think that there's a discussion to be had, and I hope the Minister's open to that, to look at how we can actually tax the highest earners, because they are the people who can afford to support everybody in Wales. And, of course, I won't be supporting the Conservative amendment. It's clear to everyone that their Government is not delivering on the people of Wales's priorities. Thank you very much. Diolch yn fawr.

Hoffwn i roi rhagair i fy nghyfraniad i'r ddadl hon drwy ddweud diolch yn fawr iawn i'r Gweinidog. Rwyf i wedi dweud droeon ei bod hi mewn swydd y byddwn i'n rhedeg miliwn o filltiroedd oddi wrthi - i osod cyllideb gwerth £19 biliwn. Hoffwn i ddiolch iddi hi am y trafodaethau yr ydyn ni wedi'u cael, ac am y cyfle i ystyried meysydd penodol yn fanwl. Diolch. Diolch yn fawr iawn. Beth yw cyllideb Llywodraeth, oni bai ei bod yno i gefnogi ein pobl dlotaf a'n plant? Mae yna gân - wna i ddim ei chanu - ond rwy'n credu ei bod hi'n mynd rhywbeth fel hyn: 'Rwy'n credu mai plant yw ein dyfodol'. Yn wir, y maen nhw, onid ydyn nhw? Rwy'n falch iawn o weld cymaint yn y gyllideb hon sydd wir yn canolbwyntio ar blant. Rwy'n adleisio llawer o'r datganiadau gan Jayne Bryant. Mae gennym ni brydau ysgol am ddim. Mae hynny'n ymwneud â bwydo'n plant - ein plant ni i gyd, beth bynnag yw eu cefndir. Mae'n ymwneud â gwneud yn siŵr nad yw ein plant â phrofiad o fod mewn gofal, yr ydyn ni'n gyfrifol amdanyn nhw - ni yw eu rhieni corfforaethol - yn mynd heb unrhyw beth drwy'r cynllun treialu incwm sylfaenol cyffredinol gwych ar gyfer plant â phrofiad o fod mewn gofal. Ym myd addysg - ac mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud yma fod Kirsty Williams wedi gweithio ar hwn - y grant datblygu disgyblion, sydd mewn gwirionedd yn ystyried targedu'r plant hynny sydd fwyaf agored i niwed ac sydd angen ein cefnogaeth o ran addysg. Dyna beth ddylai diben cyllideb fod. Mae hi'n gymaint o demtasiwn, on'd yw hi, i restru'n union beth yr ydyn ni'i eisiau yn ychwanegol, ond dyna mewn gwirionedd yw beth fydda' i'n ei wneud yn ystod y munudau nesaf. Dof at rywbeth arall ar y diwedd, ond rydw i eisiau siarad am rai o'r pethau yr hoffwn i eu gweld ac sydd eisoes yn y gyllideb hefyd. Deintyddiaeth. Mae llawer ohonoch chi'n gwybod fy mod i wedi codi hyn ar sawl achlysur. Ym Mhowys, mae gennym ni 5,000 o bobl ar y rhestr aros deintyddol, gydag 800 o blant yn dal i fethu dod o hyd i ddeintydd GIG. Mae angen i ni ystyried cyllid - nid dyna'r unig fater - ac rwy'n ddiolchgar, yn fy nhrafodaethau â'r Gweinidog, i edrych ar ddatblygiadau arloesol yr ydyn ni wedi'u cael. Ond mae angen mynd ymhellach ac yn gyflymach, ac rwy'n edrych ymlaen at glywed mwy am hynny. Gofal cymdeithasol. Rydyn ni'n gwybod bod hynny'n broblem fawr iawn. Rwy'n falch o weld bod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi ymrwymo £70 miliwn i'r sector gofal cymdeithasol, a fydd yn ariannu'r ymrwymiad cyflog byw hwnnw. Ond, fel rwy'n sicr bod pawb yn y Siambr yma heddiw yn ei wybod, mae angen mynd ymhellach; dim ond cam ydyw tuag at helpu i liniaru llawer o'r materion o ran gofal cymdeithasol. Y trydydd maes yw ynghylch datgarboneiddio. Yr argyfwng hinsawdd yw'r peth pwysicaf sy'n ein hwynebu ni. Mae gennyf i ddiddordeb mewn dysgu pa gynlluniau sydd gan Lywodraeth Cymru ar gyfer fersiwn newydd y rhaglen Cartrefi Clyd. Rydyn ni wedi bod yn aros ychydig o amser am hynny, ond mae hynny'n hanfodol er mwyn gwneud yn siŵr bod biliau pobl yn is, a'n bod ni'n ymdrin â'n hargyfwng hinsawdd. Rydych chi wedi clywed Luke Fletcher yn sôn am y cynllun cymorth brys i fysiau a phryderon ynghylch hynny, ac rwy'n rhannu'r rheini. Ond rydyn ni eisiau gweld trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus am ddim i bawb dan 25 oed. Byddai hynny'n helpu i ymdrin â'r argyfwng hinsawdd ac i helpu ein pobl ifanc. Hoffwn i orffen drwy ddweud ein bod ni i gyd wedi sôn - gan gynnwys fi - am beth arall yr ydyn ni eisiau'i weld yn cael ei wario. Ond mae angen i ni ystyried incwm hefyd. Mae angen i ni ystyried sut yr ydyn ni'n mynd i ariannu'r hyn sydd ei angen arnon ni, yn enwedig yng ngoleuni Llywodraeth Geidwadol drychinebus a chyllideb hollol gywilyddus Liz Truss, sy'n rhoi cymaint o bobl mewn sefyllfa ansicr. Mae angen i ni ystyried yng Nghymru yr hyn y gallwn ni ei wneud. Ac er na fyddaf i'n cefnogi gwelliant Plaid Cymru, rwy'n credu bod trafodaeth i'w chael. Fy mhryder i yw na allaf i gefnogi cynnig sy'n ceisio ychwanegu baich treth ychwanegol ar y rhai sy'n ennill lleiaf, yn enwedig ar adeg argyfwng costau byw. Ond rwy'n credu bod trafodaeth i'w chael, ac rwy'n gobeithio bod y Gweinidog yn agored i hynny, i ystyried sut y gallwn ni drethu'r rhai sy'n ennill y cyflogau uchaf, oherwydd nhw yw'r bobl sy'n gallu fforddio cefnogi pawb yng Nghymru. Ac, wrth gwrs, ni fyddaf i'n cefnogi gwelliant y Ceidwadwyr. Mae'n amlwg i bawb nad yw eu Llywodraeth nhw'n cyflawni ar flaenoriaethau pobl Cymru. Diolch yn fawr iawn.

Can I also thank the Welsh Government Minister for bringing forward today's debate on the 2023-24 draft budget? Of course, it has a really important impact on our communities, on everyone in Wales, and it's something that, I'm sure, everyone's been eagerly anticipating. It's clear from our side of the benches and throughout contributions so far, along with our amendment to today's budget debate, that this Welsh Government budget does not go far enough in delivering for the priorities of the people of Wales. And one of these priorities is the services delivered by our fantastic councils and councillors up and down Wales. It'll be no surprise to us here that I'll be starting my contribution in this regard. As has already been outlined, the local government settlement is proposing a 7.9 per cent increase, which is around £227 million being provided to local government, which, of course, those councils have welcomed cautiously. But it's clearly not enough for them to deliver the services that are required. It's really difficult to see how this increase in the settlement will actually lead to local communities receiving better services. We know that councils are currently having to grapple with budgets and difficult decisions just to survive and deliver business as usual, let alone see additional services delivered. But we are living with and dealing with a bit of a paradox on this issue, because in light of this funding settlement of 7.9 per cent, many councils up and down Wales are planning huge council tax rises to deal with it, but this is despite them sitting on massive reserves, which my colleague Peter Fox pointed out. In my view, it's simply not right that residents across Wales are likely to face significant council tax rises, especially during a time when their pockets are already being hit, when some councils are sitting on hundreds of millions of pounds' worth of reserves. The moral position on this is difficult to justify, and I hope the Minister will consider the thoughts that Peter Fox presented in respect of this as well. Secondly, other Members have mentioned this point, and it is in relation to the housing issues and challenges that our councils are facing. I've received significant correspondence on this, and I'm sure that other Members have as well, and it's in relation to the housing support grant, which we know funds the vast majority of support for our homeless and housing support in Wales, with around 60,000 people every year being supported. Really important support was provided throughout the pandemic, but it's currently under more pressure than ever. We know that, over the past decade, the housing support grant has reduced in real terms from where it was at £139 million around 10 years ago, which should equate to about £181 million today. But in actual fact, it is £167 million, so it's about a £14 million real-terms cut to an area that has seen a significant increase in demand. And this real-terms cut is having a significant effect on the housing support grant workforce, and it's clear that the absence of any increase to this budget means that service delivery is at risk, and ultimately it will cost the taxpayer more in the long run, because this preventative service is not being properly supported. In addition to this, we're seeing a huge challenge in recruiting and retaining staff in these services, and we're told that 29 per cent of staff working in housing support will be getting paid less than the new real living wage. It can't be right that the Welsh Government's own budget for housing support services is not enabling them to pay the real living wage, despite the Welsh Government's own commitment to pay the real living wage. There's a real hypocrisy there in the budget setting for housing support services from the Welsh Government.

A gaf i ddiolch hefyd i Weinidog Llywodraeth Cymru am gyflwyno'r drafodaeth heddiw ar gyllideb ddrafft 2023-24? Wrth gwrs, mae'n cael effaith hynod bwysig ar ein cymunedau, ar bawb yng Nghymru, ac mae'n rhywbeth, rwy'n siŵr, y mae pawb wedi bod yn aros amdani'n eiddgar. Mae'n amlwg o'n hochr ni y meinciau a thrwy gydol y cyfraniadau hyd yma, ynghyd â'n gwelliant i'r ddadl yn y gyllideb heddiw, nad yw'r gyllideb hon gan Lywodraeth Cymru yn mynd yn ddigon pell wrth gyflawni ar flaenoriaethau pobl Cymru. Ac un o'r blaenoriaethau hyn yw'r gwasanaethau sy'n cael eu darparu gan ein cynghorau a'n cynghorwyr gwych ar hyd a lled Cymru. Ni fydd hi'n syndod i ni yma y byddaf i'n dechrau fy nghyfraniad yn hyn o beth. Fel sydd eisoes wedi'i amlinellu, mae'r setliad llywodraeth leol yn cynnig cynnydd o 7.9 y cant, sydd tua £227 miliwn yn cael ei ddarparu i lywodraeth leol, sydd, wrth gwrs, wedi cael croeso gochelgar. Ond yn amlwg nid yw hi wedi bod yn ddigon iddyn nhw ddarparu'r gwasanaethau sydd eu hangen ar bobl. Mae'n anodd iawn gweld sut bydd y cynnydd hwn yn y setliad wir yn arwain at gymunedau lleol yn cael gwell gwasanaethau. Rydyn ni'n gwybod bod cynghorau ar hyn o bryd yn gorfod ymrafael â chyllidebau a phenderfyniadau anodd dim ond i oroesi bwrw ymlaen fel arfer, heb sôn am weld gwasanaethau ychwanegol yn cael eu cyflawni. Ond rydyn ni'n byw gyda ac yn ymdrin ag ychydig o baradocs ar y mater hwn, oherwydd yng ngoleuni'r setliad cyllido hwn o 7.9 y cant, mae llawer o gynghorau ar hyd a lled Cymru yn cynllunio codi'r dreth gyngor yn sylweddol iawn i ymdopi ag ef, ond mae hyn er eu bod yn eistedd ar gronfeydd wrth gefn enfawr, y tynnodd fy nghydweithiwr Peter Fox sylw ato. Yn fy marn i, nid yw hi'n iawn bod trigolion ledled Cymru yn debygol o wynebu cynnydd sylweddol yn y dreth gyngor, yn enwedig yn ystod cyfnod pan fo'u pocedi eisoes yn dioddef, pan mae rhai cynghorau'n eistedd ar werth cannoedd o filiynau o bunnoedd wrth gefn. Mae'n anodd cyfiawnhau'r safbwynt moesol ar hyn, ac rwy'n gobeithio y bydd y Gweinidog yn ystyried y sylwadau y cyflwynodd Peter Fox ar hyn hefyd. Yn ail, mae Aelodau eraill wedi sôn am y pwynt hwn, ac mae ynghylch materion tai a'r heriau y mae ein cynghorau yn eu hwynebu. Rwyf i wedi cael gohebiaeth sylweddol ar hyn, ac rwy'n siŵr fod Aelodau eraill wedi hefyd, ac mae'n ymwneud â'r grant cymorth tai, yr ydym ni'n ymwybodol ei fod yn ariannu'r mwyafrif helaeth o gefnogaeth i'n cymorth i ddigartrefedd a thai yng Nghymru, gyda thua 60,000 o bobl bob blwyddyn yn cael eu cefnogi. Cafodd cymorth pwysig iawn ei ddarparu drwy gydol y pandemig, ond ar hyn o bryd mae o dan fwy o bwysau nag erioed. Gwyddom ni, yn ystod y degawd diwethaf, fod y grant cymorth tai wedi lleihau mewn termau real o ble'r oedd ar £139 miliwn tua 10 mlynedd yn ôl, a ddylai gyfateb i tua £181 miliwn heddiw. Ond mewn gwirionedd, mae'n £167 miliwn, felly mae tua £14 miliwn o doriad mewn termau real i faes sydd wedi gweld cynnydd sylweddol yn y galw. Ac mae'r toriad termau real hwn yn cael effaith sylweddol ar y gweithlu grantiau cymorth tai, ac mae'n amlwg bod diffyg unrhyw gynnydd i'r gyllideb hon yn golygu bod darparu gwasanaethau mewn perygl, ac yn y pen draw bydd yn costio mwy i'r trethdalwr yn y pen draw, oherwydd nid yw'r gwasanaeth ataliol hwn yn cael ei gefnogi'n gywir. Yn ogystal â hyn, rydyn ni'n gweld her enfawr wrth recriwtio a chadw staff yn y gwasanaethau hyn, ac rydyn ni wedi cael gwybod y bydd 29 y cant o staff sy'n gweithio mewn cymorth tai yn cael llai o dâl na'r cyflog byw gwirioneddol newydd. Ni all fod yn iawn nad yw cyllideb Llywodraeth Cymru ei hun ar gyfer gwasanaethau cefnogi tai yn eu galluogi i dalu'r cyflog byw gwirioneddol, er gwaethaf ymrwymiad Llywodraeth Cymru ei hun i dalu'r cyflog byw gwirioneddol. Mae rhagrith gwirioneddol yno yn y broses o osod gwasanaethau cymorth tai gan Lywodraeth Cymru.

Do you share my concern that cuts or freezes in the housing support grant have been offered almost as a sacrificial offering in almost every Welsh Government draft budget for at least the last decade, despite the consequences of increased pressure on the NHS, accident and emergency departments, and blue light services? And do you agree that the Welsh Government should not be pursuing these false economies, and instead should be removing the millions of added cost pressure on statutory services that they would cause?

Ydych chi'n rhannu fy mhryder bod toriadau neu rewi yn y grant cymorth tai wedi cael eu cynnig bron fel offrwm aberthol yn bron pob cyllideb ddrafft Llywodraeth Cymru am o leiaf y degawd diwethaf, er gwaethaf canlyniadau mwy o bwysau ar adrannau damweiniau ac achosion brys y GIG, a gwasanaethau golau glas? Ac a ydych chi'n cytuno na ddylai Llywodraeth Cymru fod yn dilyn yr economïau ffug hyn, ac yn hytrach, ac y dylent fod yn cael gwared ar y miliynau o bwysau ychwanegol o ran costau ar wasanaethau statudol y bydden nhw'n eu hachosi?

Absolutely. Mark Isherwood raises an important point from his experience here in the Senedd, and I absolutely agree with every point that he's made there because there's a broader point here around preventative services not being properly supported, and the consequential effect on budgets elsewhere within the Welsh Government's control. Of course, it's fair to say that this budget has come at a challenging time. However, I believe that there are clear aspects of this that are letting many parts of Wales down, and need to be urgently addressed. I've highlighted just two here this afternoon. So, in closing, I'd like to thank the Minister again for bringing forward today's debate, along with her continued engagement with members of our committee - I sit on the Local Government and Housing Committee. I look forward to further contributions from across the Chamber and call on all Members to support our Welsh Conservative amendment 1. Diolch yn fawr iawn.

Yn hollol. Mae Mark Isherwood yn codi pwynt pwysig o'i brofiad yma yn y Senedd, ac rwy'n cytuno'n llwyr â phob pwynt y mae ef wedi'i wneud yn y fan yna oherwydd mae pwynt ehangach yma ynghylch gwasanaethau ataliol nad ydyn nhw'n cael eu cefnogi'n iawn, a'r effaith ganlyniadol ar gyllidebau mewn mannau eraill o fewn rheolaeth Llywodraeth Cymru. Wrth gwrs, mae'n deg dweud bod y gyllideb hon wedi dod ar adeg heriol. Ond rwy'n credu bod agweddau clir o'r hyn sy'n gadael sawl rhan o Gymru i lawr, ac mae angen ymdrin â hi ar frys. Rwyf i wedi tynnu sylw at ddau yn unig yma y prynhawn yma. Felly, wrth gloi, hoffwn i ddiolch eto i'r Gweinidog am gyflwyno'r ddadl heddiw, ynghyd â'i hymgysylltiad parhaus ag aelodau ein pwyllgor ni - rwy'n eistedd ar y Pwyllgor Llywodraeth Leol a Thai. Rwy'n edrych ymlaen at gyfraniadau eraill o bob rhan o'r Siambr ac yn galw ar bob Aelod i gefnogi ein gwelliant 1 gan y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig. Diolch yn fawr iawn.

Now, I understand that it's impossible to draft a budget that pleases everybody, especially in the current climate. A budget is a reflection of your politics, and politics, after all, is about priorities. And I'd like to speak to one of those priorities that is often espoused - that of tackling homelessness. Homelessness is a scourge and nobody in an advanced and fair country should be left homeless, but the sad truth is that people are homeless here in Wales. Only last week, my surgery was full of appointments of people who were presenting themselves as homeless, from young families to octogenarians. Tackling and preventing homelessness is not only a good thing in and of itself, but it's also a preventative measure that saves money, be it money in our local authorities or money in the health service and elsewhere. Research has demonstrated that the housing support grant services deliver a net saving -

Nawr, rwy'n deall ei bod hi'n amhosibl drafftio cyllideb sy'n plesio pawb, yn enwedig yn yr hinsawdd sydd ohoni. Mae cyllideb yn adlewyrchiad o'ch gwleidyddiaeth, ac mae gwleidyddiaeth, wedi'r cyfan, yn ymwneud â blaenoriaethau. A hoffwn siarad am un o'r blaenoriaethau hynny sy'n cael ei arddel yn aml - sef mynd i'r afael â digartrefedd. Mae digartrefedd yn bla a ddylai neb mewn gwlad ddatblygedig a theg gael ei adael yn ddigartref, ond y gwir trist yw bod pobl yn ddigartref yma yng Nghymru. Dim ond yr wythnos diwethaf, roedd fy nghymhorthfa yn llawn apwyntiadau o bobl a oedd yn dod i ddweud eu bod yn ddigartref, o deuluoedd ifanc i bobl yn eu hwythdegau. Mae mynd i'r afael â digartrefedd a'i atal nid yn unig yn beth da ynddo'i hun, ond mae hefyd yn fesur ataliol sy'n arbed arian, boed yn arian yn ein hawdurdodau lleol neu arian yn y gwasanaeth iechyd ac yn rhywle arall. Mae ymchwil wedi dangos bod y gwasanaethau grant cymorth tai yn darparu arbediad net -

Thank you, Mabon. Thank you, Mabon, very much. There's some irony here, isn't there? The reasons that the homeless numbers are increasing are, in fact, as a result of many private landlords - and I declare an interest - actually now serving section 21s. You've supported all those extra regulatory burdens that have been placed on private landlords that are now forcing people out of comfortable homes and into hotel rooms; 19 hotel rooms in Conwy county now have many homeless living in temporary accommodation, but they're there for months.

Diolch, Mabon. Diolch, Mabon, yn fawr iawn. Mae yna rywfaint o eironi yma, onid oes? Y rhesymau pam y mae'r niferoedd sy'n ddigartref yn cynyddu, mewn gwirionedd, yw o ganlyniad i lawer o landlordiaid preifat - ac rwy'n datgan buddiant - mewn gwirionedd yn cyflwyno ffurflenni adran 21. Rydych chi wedi cefnogi'r holl feichiau rheoleiddio ychwanegol hynny sydd wedi'u gosod ar landlordiaid preifat sydd bellach yn gorfodi pobl allan o gartrefi cyfforddus ac i mewn i ystafelloedd mewn gwesty; erbyn hyn mae 19 o ystafelloedd mewn gwesty yn sir Conwy â llawer o bobl ddigartref yn byw mewn llety dros dro, ond maen nhw yno ers misoedd.

There's no evidence at all to suggest that the new regulations are contributing to section 21, but I'm here to talk about homeless people, not to defend the landlords. So, there's evidence to show that the housing support grant, the services delivered by the funding for the HSG, provides a net saving of £1.40 for every £1 invested by preventing homelessness. The housing support grant funds the vast majority of homelessness and housing support services, supporting over 60,000 people every year by providing tenancy support that prevents homelessness and keeps people in their homes; supported accommodation for a range of client groups, including refuge for survivors of violence against women, domestic abuse and sexual violence; housing first projects that support people with a history of repeated homelessness to access and maintain a tenancy. The homelessness sector is under more pressure than ever before, with around 9,000 people in temporary accommodation and nearly a third of them with dependent children. But the housing support grant, as things stand, will not see an uplift this year. This is a real-terms cut at a time when demand is increasing exponentially. Service delivery is now at risk. Local authorities and support providers are seriously concerned about the cost of running services and their ability to recruit and retain staff, and support providers are now actively considering walking away from existing contracts and may be unable to bid for contracts when they are re-tendered. So, will the finance Minister look again at the funding for the housing support grant and ensure that it sees an increase, so that the crucial services that it funds can continue and keep Wales on track to eradicate homelessness? Secondly, we all know of the serious challenges facing society on several fronts. Climate change means that we need to rapidly decarbonise and poor housing is threatening the health and well-being of many of our citizens. If we're to reach our targets and decarbonise our housing stock while ensuring that people have good-quality housing, then we should expect to see the Government fund this decarbonisation project to the tune of some £170 million a year. But, as things stand, this budget will only provide £184 million over two years at a time of significantly rising inflation in the sector and labour shortages. This needs to be looked at if we are to achieve modest targets, let alone ambitious ones. With the current cost-of-living crisis with large increases in in mortgage interest rates, it's expected that some 220,000 households in Wales will face difficulties in paying their mortgages this year. Wales led the way in introducing a mortgage rescue package back in 2008, and we need to see the introduction of a similar scheme again. There's no budget line for this as yet, so I'd like to ask the Government to consider this, moving forward. Finally, there is no budget reference to the second iteration of the Wales quality housing standards, which, while welcomed, will certainly mean significant extra costs for social housing providers, while the private sector will have no such bar set as high. So, can the Minister provide clarification on this? Thank you.

Does dim tystiolaeth o gwbl i awgrymu bod y rheoliadau newydd yn cyfrannu at adran 21, ond rwyf yma i siarad am bobl ddigartref, nid i amddiffyn y landlordiaid. Felly, mae tystiolaeth i ddangos bod y grant cymorth tai, y gwasanaethau a ddarperir gan y cyllid ar gyfer y grant hwnnw, yn darparu arbediad net o £1.40 am bob £1 a fuddsoddwyd drwy atal digartrefedd. Mae'r grant cymorth tai yn ariannu'r mwyafrif helaeth o wasanaethau digartrefedd a chymorth tai, gan gefnogi dros 60,000 o bobl bob blwyddyn trwy ddarparu cymorth tenantiaeth sy'n atal digartrefedd ac yn cadw pobl yn eu cartrefi; llety â chymorth ar gyfer ystod o grwpiau cleientiaid, gan gynnwys lloches i oroeswyr trais yn erbyn menywod, cam-drin domestig a thrais rhywiol; prosiectau tai yn gyntaf sy'n cefnogi pobl â hanes o ddigartrefedd dro ar ôl tro i gael gafael ar denantiaeth a'i chynnal. Mae'r sector digartrefedd dan fwy o bwysau nag erioed o'r blaen, gyda thua 9,000 o bobl mewn llety dros dro a bron i draean ohonyn nhw â phlant dibynnol. Ond ni fydd y grant cymorth tai, fel y mae pethau ar hyn o bryd, yn gweld cynnydd eleni. Mae hwn yn doriad termau real ar adeg pan fo'r galw'n cynyddu'n esbonyddol. Mae'r gallu i ddarparu gwasanaethau bellach mewn perygl. Mae awdurdodau lleol a darparwyr cymorth yn pryderu'n ddifrifol am gost rhedeg gwasanaethau a'u gallu i recriwtio a chadw staff, ac mae darparwyr cymorth nawr yn mynd ati i ystyried cerdded i ffwrdd o'r contractau presennol, ac mae'n bosib na allant gynnig am gontractau pan fyddan nhw'n cael eu hail-dendro. Felly, a wnaiff y Gweinidog cyllid edrych eto ar yr arian ar gyfer y grant cymorth tai a sicrhau ei fod yn gweld cynnydd, fel y gall y gwasanaethau hanfodol y mae'n eu hariannu barhau a chadw Cymru ar y trywydd iawn i ddileu digartrefedd? Yn ail, gwyddom i gyd am yr heriau difrifol sy'n wynebu cymdeithas mewn sawl maes. Mae newid hinsawdd yn golygu bod angen i ni ddatgarboneiddio'n gyflym ac mae tai gwael yn bygwth iechyd a llesiant llawer o'n dinasyddion. Os ydyn ni am gyrraedd ein targedau a datgarboneiddio ein stoc dai wrth sicrhau bod gan bobl dai o ansawdd da, yna dylem ddisgwyl gweld y Llywodraeth yn ariannu'r prosiect datgarboneiddio hwn i werth tua £170 miliwn y flwyddyn. Ond, fel y mae pethau ar hyn o bryd, dim ond £184 miliwn y bydd y gyllideb hon yn ei darparu dros ddwy flynedd ar adeg o chwyddiant sy'n cynyddu'n sylweddol yn y sector a phrinder llafur. Mae angen edrych ar hyn os ydym am gyrraedd targedau cymedrol, heb sôn am rai uchelgeisiol. Gyda'r argyfwng costau byw presennol a chynnydd mawr mewn cyfraddau llog morgeisi, mae disgwyl y bydd tua 220,000 o aelwydydd yng Nghymru yn wynebu trafferthion wrth dalu eu morgeisi eleni. Arweiniodd Cymru'r ffordd o ran cyflwyno pecyn achub morgeisi yn ôl yn 2008, ac mae angen i ni weld cynllun tebyg yn cael ei gyflwyno eto. Does dim llinell gyllideb ar gyfer hyn hyd yma, felly hoffwn ofyn i'r Llywodraeth ystyried hyn, wrth symud ymlaen. Yn olaf, nid oes cyfeiriad yn y gyllideb at ail fersiwn safonau ansawdd tai Cymru, a fydd, er bod croeso iddynt, yn sicr yn golygu costau ychwanegol sylweddol i ddarparwyr tai cymdeithasol, pan na fydd gan y sector preifat unrhyw safon o'r fath wedi'i phennu mor uchel. Felly, a all y Gweinidog roi eglurhad ar hyn? Diolch.

We have now exceeded the time allocated to this item on the agenda, but the business of the budget is very important. I have three further speakers. I will call all three, and then the Minister to reply. Huw Irranca-Davies.

Rydyn ni bellach wedi mynd y tu hwnt i'r amser a ddyrannwyd i'r eitem hon ar yr agenda, ond mae busnes y gyllideb yn bwysig iawn. Mae gen i dri siaradwr arall. Byddaf yn galw'r tri, ac yna'r Gweinidog i ymateb. Huw Irranca-Davies.

Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd, and I'm speaking in my capacity as Chair of the Legislation, Justice and Constitution Committee, although, if I have time at the end, I have just one other point to add, taking that hat off. Our committee laid our report on the draft budget yesterday afternoon, and I thank committee members and our clerk team for their rapid and diligent scrutiny. Our scrutiny of the Welsh Government's draft budget proposals focused mainly on spending on justice. However, we also closely considered whether the Welsh Government has the capacity to legislate within the current constitutional context, and we're very grateful to the Counsel General for attending our meeting on 16 January to consider these areas in detail. In relative terms, compared with the Welsh Government's other responsibilities, spending on justice within the draft budget is relatively limited, and it reflects the Welsh Government's relatively limited powers. However, its impact is wide ranging and so we keep a close eye on the Government's proposed spending in this area. We noted small decreases to the allocations within the draft budget that support the Welsh Government's justice transformation programme, and also to the Welsh tribunals. We were grateful to receive assurances from the Counsel General that these decreases did not signal that these areas were falling in priority. In particular, in the case of the Welsh tribunals, we heard that the Welsh Government would be monitoring the impact of any increases in cases or face-to-face hearings on the resources that the tribunals require, and so we recommended that the Counsel General should provide us with timely updates on its monitoring of that. We also heard about the important work that's under way to reform the Welsh tribunals, following recommendations made by the Law Commission. We would like to see more detail about the extent of this work, and so we recommended that the Counsel General should provide us with detail on the likely resources that will be needed to develop these proposals. It is very important for us, as well as the Senedd, to be able to measure the outcomes of the Welsh Government's spending. We heard, during our session with the Counsel General, that the Welsh Government's first annual report on its delivering justice in Wales programme should contain detail on the Welsh Government's expenditure on justice and evaluations of the outcomes of that expenditure. As the content of the annual report will likely touch on both our remit and that of the Equality and Social Justice Committee, we will explore opportunities for joint scrutiny of the annual report. Now, Members will be aware of the concerns we have as a committee on the increase in the number of UK parliamentary Bills subject to legislative consent memoranda. The Counsel General told us in quite clear terms that the Welsh Government has indeed sufficient resources to deliver its legislative programme. However, in the context of this increasing volume of LCMs, it's unclear to us as a committee if the Welsh Government does have sufficient resources to deliver all the legislation that it may decide at any time to be necessary. As a result, we are concerned that the Welsh Government may indeed be using the UK Government's legislative programme to implement some of its policy objectives because it may require less of its own resources to be deployed, which has the added effect of legislation in devolved areas being subject to less-detailed scrutiny by the Senedd. Now, I note that the Local Government and Housing Committee has also raised concerns after hearing evidence that the biggest challenge in delivering the Welsh Government's legislative programme is, in quotes, the 'skilled resource that is needed'. We're also particularly concerned about the Retained EU Law (Revocation and Reform) Bill. The impact of this Bill on the Welsh Government's resources if it is enacted as currently drafted is likely to be considerable. The Counsel General told us that the Welsh Government is continuing to identify which areas will need attention under the Bill's requirements. We do believe that it is imperative that the full picture of that assessment is shared with us and with the Senedd. If the retained EU law Bill becomes law, the Welsh Government should do exactly that. We've recommended in our report that the Counsel General should report within a month of the Bill's passage, and monthly thereafter. Finally, we considered the Welsh Government's future spending on its programme to improve the accessibility of Welsh law. We were told that the costs to deliver this programme are met from across a number of portfolios, and that indicative additional staffing costs of that work were set out in the explanatory memorandum to the Legislation (Wales) Bill. Since it is now over three years since the Bill became an Act, we have asked the Counsel General for an analysis of whether those costs are proving to be accurate. In the final 20 seconds I have, if I can take my hat off, I began with justice, and I want to end with social justice and echo the words that have come from a few colleagues, our concern about the support for bus transport in Wales. This is a matter of social justice. I am worried that the squeeze on this budget - and there is an undoubted squeeze on this budget - is going to mean that, when Liz Truss blew up the economy, she may have blown up parts of our policy agenda, including radical reforms on the buses - [ Interruption.] No, I'm not speaking as Chair. I made that clear, quite clear, quite crystal clear. As a backbencher.

Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd, ac rwy'n siarad yn rhinwedd fy swydd fel Cadeirydd y Pwyllgor Deddfwriaeth, Cyfiawnder a'r Cyfansoddiad, ond, os oes gen i amser ar y diwedd, mae gen i un pwynt arall i'w ychwanegu, gan dynnu'r het honno. Gosododd ein pwyllgor ein hadroddiad ar y gyllideb ddrafft brynhawn ddoe, a diolch i aelodau'r pwyllgor a'n tîm clercio am eu craffu cyflym a diwyd. Roedd ein gwaith craffu ar gynigion drafft Llywodraeth Cymru ar gyfer y gyllideb yn canolbwyntio'n bennaf ar wariant ar gyfiawnder. Fodd bynnag, fe wnaethom hefyd ystyried yn fanwl a oes gan Lywodraeth Cymru'r gallu i ddeddfu o fewn y cyd-destun cyfansoddiadol presennol, ac rydym yn ddiolchgar iawn i'r Cwnsler Cyffredinol am fynychu ein cyfarfod ar 16 Ionawr i ystyried y meysydd hyn yn fanwl. Mewn termau cymharol, o'i gymharu â chyfrifoldebau eraill Llywodraeth Cymru, mae gwariant ar gyfiawnder o fewn y gyllideb ddrafft yn gymharol gyfyngedig, ac mae'n adlewyrchu pwerau cymharol gyfyngedig Llywodraeth Cymru. Fodd bynnag, mae ei effaith yn eang ac felly rydym yn cadw llygad barcud ar wariant arfaethedig y Llywodraeth yn y maes hwn. Nodwyd gostyngiadau bach i'r dyraniadau o fewn y gyllideb ddrafft sy'n cefnogi rhaglen trawsnewid cyfiawnder Llywodraeth Cymru, a hefyd i dribiwnlysoedd Cymru. Roeddem yn ddiolchgar i gael sicrwydd gan y Cwnsler Cyffredinol nad oedd y gostyngiadau hyn yn arwydd bod y meysydd hyn yn gostwng o ran eu blaenoriaeth. Yn benodol, yn achos tribiwnlysoedd Cymru, clywsom y byddai Llywodraeth Cymru'n monitro effaith unrhyw gynnydd mewn achosion neu wrandawiadau wyneb yn wyneb ar yr adnoddau sydd eu hangen ar y tribiwnlysoedd, ac felly argymhellwyd y dylai'r Cwnsler Cyffredinol roi diweddariadau amserol i ni ynghylch ei waith yn monitro hynny. Clywsom hefyd am y gwaith pwysig sydd ar y gweill i ddiwygio tribiwnlysoedd Cymru, yn dilyn argymhellion a wnaed gan Gomisiwn y Gyfraith. Hoffem weld mwy o fanylion am raddfa'r gwaith hwn, ac felly fe wnaethom argymell y dylai'r Cwnsler Cyffredinol roi manylion i ni am yr adnoddau tebygol fydd eu hangen i ddatblygu'r cynigion hyn. Mae'n bwysig iawn i ni, yn ogystal â Senedd Cymru, allu mesur canlyniadau gwariant Llywodraeth Cymru. Clywsom, yn ystod ein sesiwn gyda'r Cwnsler Cyffredinol, y dylai adroddiad blynyddol cyntaf Llywodraeth Cymru ar ei rhaglen sicrhau cyfiawnder i Gymru gynnwys manylion am wariant Llywodraeth Cymru ar gyfiawnder a gwerthusiadau o ganlyniadau'r gwariant hwnnw. Gan y bydd cynnwys yr adroddiad blynyddol yn debygol o gyffwrdd â'n cylch gwaith ni a'r Pwyllgor Cydraddoldeb a Chyfiawnder Cymdeithasol, byddwn yn archwilio cyfleoedd i graffu ar y cyd ar yr adroddiad blynyddol. Nawr, bydd yr Aelodau'n ymwybodol o'r pryderon sydd gennym fel pwyllgor am y cynnydd yn nifer Biliau seneddol y DU sy'n destun memoranda cydsyniad deddfwriaethol. Dywedodd y Cwnsler Cyffredinol wrthym yn hollol glir bod, yn wir, digon o adnoddau gan Lywodraeth Cymru i gyflawni ei rhaglen ddeddfwriaethol. Fodd bynnag, yng nghyd-destun y nifer cynyddol hwn o femoranda cydsyniad deddfwriaethol, nid yw'n glir i ni fel pwyllgor a oes gan Lywodraeth Cymru ddigon o adnoddau i gyflawni'r holl ddeddfwriaeth y gall benderfynu ar unrhyw adeg eu bod yn angenrheidiol. O ganlyniad, rydym yn pryderu y gallai Llywodraeth Cymru, yn wir, fod yn defnyddio rhaglen ddeddfwriaethol Llywodraeth y DU i weithredu rhai o'i hamcanion polisi oherwydd efallai y bydd angen defnyddio llai o'i hadnoddau ei hun, sy'n cael yr effaith ychwanegol ar ddeddfwriaeth mewn meysydd datganoledig sy'n destun craffu llai manwl gan y Senedd. Nawr, rwy'n nodi bod y Pwyllgor Llywodraeth Leol a Thai hefyd wedi codi pryderon ar ôl clywed tystiolaeth mai'r her fwyaf wrth ddarparu rhaglen ddeddfwriaethol Llywodraeth Cymru, mewn dyfyniadau, yw'r 'adnodd medrus sydd ei angen'. Rydym hefyd yn poeni'n benodol am Fil Cyfraith yr UE a Ddargedwir (Dirymu a Diwygio). Mae effaith y Bil hwn ar adnoddau Llywodraeth Cymru os caiff ei ddeddfu fel y mae wedi'i ddrafftio ar hyn o bryd yn debygol o fod yn sylweddol. Dywedodd y Cwnsler Cyffredinol wrthym fod Llywodraeth Cymru yn parhau i ganfod pa feysydd fydd angen sylw o dan ofynion y Bil. Rydym o'r farn ei bod yn hanfodol bod y darlun llawn o'r asesiad hwnnw'n cael ei rannu â ni ac â'r Senedd. Os yw Bil Cyfraith yr UE a Ddargedwir yn dod yn gyfraith, dylai Llywodraeth Cymru wneud hynny'n union. Rydym wedi argymell yn ein hadroddiad y dylai'r Cwnsler Cyffredinol adrodd o fewn mis i basio'r Bil, ac yn fisol wedi hynny. Yn olaf, fe wnaethon ni ystyried gwariant Llywodraeth Cymru yn y dyfodol ar ei rhaglen i wella hygyrchedd cyfraith Cymru. Dywedwyd wrthym y cwrddir â'r costau i gyflawni'r rhaglen hon o bob rhan o bortffolios, a bod costau staffio ychwanegol dangosol o'r gwaith hwnnw wedi'u nodi yn y memorandwm esboniadol i Fil Deddfwriaeth (Cymru). Gan ei bod hi bellach dros dair blynedd ers i'r Bil ddod yn Ddeddf, rydym wedi gofyn i'r Cwnsler Cyffredinol am ddadansoddiad o ba un a yw'r costau hynny'n profi i fod yn gywir. Yn yr 20 eiliad olaf sydd gen i, os caf dynnu fy het, fe ddechreuais gyda chyfiawnder, ac rwyf eisiau gorffen gyda chyfiawnder cymdeithasol ac adleisio'r geiriau a gafwyd gan ambell gyd-Aelod, ein pryder am y gefnogaeth i gludiant bysiau yng Nghymru. Mae hyn yn fater o gyfiawnder cymdeithasol. Rwy'n poeni bod y wasgfa ar y gyllideb hon - ac mae gwasgfa ddiamheuol ar y gyllideb hon - yn mynd i olygu, pan ffrwydrodd Liz Truss yr economi, efallai ei bod wedi ffrwydro rhannau o'n hagenda polisi, gan gynnwys diwygiadau radical ar y bysiau - [ Torri ar draws. ] Na, dydw i ddim yn siarad fel Cadeirydd. Fe wnes i hynny'n glir, yn hollol glir, yn gwbl glir. Fel meinciwr cefn.

It's a pleasure to take part in this debate this afternoon, although I do feel a bit like a radio DJ on early breakfast now, as we're in the graveyard shift. This time of year, I usually get a little bit disappointed as well, because I always have this picture in my mind that we're going to be sat here like Charles Babbage with calculators, sort of going line by line through the figures, but I understand it's not like that and we have to be a bit more woolly and subjective about some of the things that we're talking about in a roundabout way. As this budget has shown, the Welsh Government is continuing to undervalue social care, and not have its priorities in order. The over-reliance on agency workers and worsening skills shortage is leaving the sector incapable of functioning properly. Instead of taking responsibility, the Welsh Government puts the blame on local authorities, forcing them to consider cuts that affect the most vulnerable. A recent case of that was my own council in Denbighshire. It was widely reported that they were discussing reducing the care home fee for our most vulnerable residents in the constituency behind closed doors, without public scrutiny. So, I don't agree with the leadership decision to do that, and I think it should be debated in a public setting, where all stakeholders can be involved. Even when the Government has taken some responsibility, it has been a shockingly poor response to the needs of social care, and only £400,000 has been allocated to apprenticeships, with no answer on how to plug the gaps. That brings me on to the training opportunities. I think, in social care, it's not always just about pay, although that is very important. It's also about the training and people feeling like they're valued in their roles, like they've got a career path and something to aspire to. I think that's a big thing in terms of the retention and recruitment of social care staff within various different settings. In my own constituency, I've done a programme of care home visits, and a lot of them are not operating to capacity. They might have, for example, an allocation of 50 beds, but they can only operate at maybe 25 to 30 because they just don't have the staff available, and then that's then backlogging onto the NHS system and contributing to some of the waiting times we're seeing and bedblocking, although I'm not too keen on that sort of wording, although I can't think of a better one at the moment. Equally, even though the Welsh Government has recognised the role of unpaid carers, I'm deeply concerned that the Welsh Government does not see this, providing financial support to them, as a priority. This budget continues to undervalue, under-reward and underfund our carers, and all of this shows, whilst the UK Conservative Government levels up, the Welsh Labour Government is messing up.

Mae'n bleser cymryd rhan yn y ddadl hon y prynhawn yma, er fy mod yn teimlo ychydig fel DJ ar y radio ar raglen brecwast cynnar nawr, gan ein bod ni ar y shifft hwyr. Ar yr adeg hon o'r flwyddyn, fel arfer rwy'n mynd ychydig bach yn siomedig hefyd, achos mae gen i'r llun yma bob amser yn fy meddwl ein bod ni'n mynd i fod yn eistedd yma fel Charles Babbage gyda chyfrifianellau, gan fynd llinell ar ôl llinell drwy'r ffigurau, ond rwy'n deall nad fel yna y mae ac mae'n rhaid i ni fod ychydig yn fwy amwys a goddrychol am rai o'r pethau rydyn ni'n sôn amdanyn nhw mewn ffordd anuniongyrchol. Fel mae'r gyllideb hon wedi dangos, mae Llywodraeth Cymru'n parhau i danbrisio gofal cymdeithasol, ac nid oes ganddi ei blaenoriaethau yn y drefn iawn. Mae'r orddibyniaeth ar weithwyr asiantaeth a'r prinder sgiliau sy'n gwaethygu yn gadael y sector mewn sefyllfa sy'n golygu na all weithio'n iawn. Yn hytrach na chymryd cyfrifoldeb, mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn rhoi'r bai ar awdurdodau lleol, gan eu gorfodi i ystyried toriadau sy'n effeithio ar y bobl fwyaf agored i niwed. Achos diweddar o hynny oedd fy nghyngor fy hun yn sir Ddinbych. Adroddwyd yn eang eu bod yn trafod lleihau ffioedd cartref gofal ein preswylwyr mwyaf agored i niwed yn yr etholaeth y tu ôl i ddrysau caeedig, heb graffu cyhoeddus. Felly, dydw i ddim yn cytuno â phenderfyniad yr arweinwyr i wneud hynny, ac rwy'n credu y dylid ei drafod mewn lleoliad cyhoeddus, lle gall yr holl randdeiliaid fod yn rhan o'r broses. Hyd yn oed pan fo'r Llywodraeth wedi cymryd rhywfaint o gyfrifoldeb, mae wedi bod yn ymateb brawychus o wael i anghenion gofal cymdeithasol, a dim ond £400,000 sydd wedi'i ddyrannu i brentisiaethau, ac nid oes ateb yn ynghylch sut i lenwi'r bylchau. Mae hynny'n dod a fi at y cyfleoedd hyfforddi. Rwy'n credu, mewn gofal cymdeithasol, nad yw'n ymwneud â chyflog bob tro, er bod hynny'n bwysig iawn. Mae hefyd yn ymwneud â'r hyfforddiant a phobl yn teimlo eu bod yn cael eu gwerthfawrogi yn eu rolau, fel bod ganddyn nhw lwybr gyrfa a rhywbeth i anelu ato. Rwy'n credu bod hynny'n beth mawr o ran cadw a recriwtio staff gofal cymdeithasol o fewn gwahanol leoliadau. Yn fy etholaeth i fy hun, rydw i wedi gwneud rhaglen o ymweliadau cartrefi gofal, ac nid yw llawer ohonyn nhw yn gweithredu ar lefel y capasiti. Efallai fod ganddyn nhw, er enghraifft, ddyraniad o 50 gwely, ond dim ond ar efallai 25 i 30 y gallant weithredu oherwydd nad oes ganddyn nhw'r staff ar gael, ac yna mae hynny wedyn yn achosi ôl-groniad yn system y GIG ac yn cyfrannu at rai o'r amseroedd aros rydym yn eu gweld a blocio gwelyau, er nad wyf yn rhy hoff o'r math hwnnw o eiriad, ond ni allaf feddwl am eiriad gwell ar hyn o bryd. Yn yr un modd, er bod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi cydnabod rôl gofalwyr di-dâl, rwy'n bryderus iawn nad yw Llywodraeth Cymru'n gweld hyn, gan roi cymorth ariannol iddyn nhw, fel blaenoriaeth. Mae'r gyllideb hon yn parhau i danbrisio, tan-wobrwyo a thanariannu ein gofalwyr, ac mae hyn i gyd yn dangos, tra bod Llywodraeth Geidwadol y DU yn codi'r gwastad, mae Llywodraeth Lafur Cymru yn gwneud llanast.

Minister, managing public finances after Liz Truss crashed the economy is desperately difficult, and I'm sure you have the sympathy of many Members in the Senedd in this very difficult task. Members have already raised a number of points that I intended to, so I just have two points that I'd like you to consider in your response today. First of all, is it the case that all funding that would have been spent on the north-south air link and which was promised for improvements in public transport in north Wales, will indeed be spent on public transport improvements in north Wales, including the Wrexham Gateway? And secondly, do you agree that, amongst the many priorities that Welsh Government rightly has, improving the mental health of young people must be a key concern of all Ministers when they set their budgets? Diolch.

Gweinidog, mae rheoli cyllid cyhoeddus ar ôl i Liz Truss chwalu'r economi yn hynod o anodd ac rwy'n siŵr bod gennych chi gydymdeimlad llawer o Aelodau yn y Senedd yn y dasg anodd iawn hon. Mae aelodau eisoes wedi codi nifer o bwyntiau yr oeddwn i'n bwriadu eu codi, felly dim ond dau bwynt sydd gennyf yr hoffwn i chi eu hystyried yn eich ymateb heddiw. Yn gyntaf oll, a yw'n wir y bydd yr holl gyllid a fyddai wedi cael ei wario ar y cysylltiad awyr rhwng y gogledd a'r de ac a addawyd ar gyfer gwelliannau mewn trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus yn y gogledd, yn wir yn cael ei wario ar welliannau trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus yn y gogledd, gan gynnwys Porth Wrecsam? Ac yn ail, a ydych chi'n cytuno, ymhlith y blaenoriaethau lawer sydd gan Lywodraeth Cymru yn briodol, fod gwella iechyd meddwl pobl ifanc yn gorfod bod yn bryder allweddol i bob Gweinidog pan fyddan nhw'n pennu eu cyllidebau? Diolch.

Diolch, and thank you to all colleagues for what I think has been a really helpful debate. We've heard so many different priorities coming forward: dentistry, building safety, the health Minister's six priorities for health, the EMA, social care workforce, highways, renewable energy, support for care leavers, the Welsh language, bus services, homelessness provision, farm funding, mental health and swimming pools. And I know that many of these particular issues are subject to some specific recommendations from committees. So, perhaps I'll leave my colleagues to respond to those through their responses to the committees, which I know that we'll be aiming to get to committee Chairs at least in time for the debate on the final budget. And I thought I maybe would concentrate my remarks more along the process, the reprioritisation exercise that we undertook and, of course, some comments on tax as well. So, I thought I'd begin in reference to the comments by the Chair of the Finance Committee that suggested the committee was surprised and worried at the lack of candour in the draft budget. I take that suggestion very seriously, because we've always adopted an open, transparent and collaborative approach to the preparation of both our draft and our final budgets. I'm really proud that, as a Government, we publish a huge and extensive suite of documentation alongside the budget, and that includes details of our spending plans across all of Government, the impacts of our decisions, the economic context within which we're making those decisions, as well as new tax products, such as the ready reckoner. And this year's documentation, of course, builds on that which we provided for the 2022 multi-year spending review, and that also included a distributional analysis of our spend, and that was a really significant piece of work, which helps us not just as a Government, and helps the Senedd too, but also our partners in the public and the third sectors. We also, of course, provide a budget leaflet, and that provides a really easy and accessible way into our high-level allocations, and we've provided a children's budget leaflet and also a fantastic animation, which sets out where our money comes from and what it is spent on. And some of these products have been developed in collaboration with our partners and stakeholders, including children, and of course we've sought to take back feedback from colleagues within the Senedd over the years, including the Finance Committee. So, throughout the production of this year's budget, I've welcomed the constructive engagement and collaboration that we've had with the Finance Committee and with the Chair in particular, and we've worked really closely with the committee to provide details of what our priorities are, to the keep the committee up to date in terms of the challenging circumstances that we face, and also to actively pursue some collaborative working practices, which is why I was concerned by the comments mentioning candour. I think that could be interpreted by the public as an attempt to obscure the scrutiny process, and I think that couldn't be further from the truth. I always have recognised the importance of the scrutiny process, especially at times when funding is so restricted, and I'm keen to continue that open and collaborative work, and of course I'm open to understanding what further information committees need to complete their scrutiny, and look forward to continuing that productive relationship. One area I think the committee identified as one that we could provide some further information in future would be alongside the calculations relating to the block grant adjustment. So, certainly, we'll look at seeing what more we can provide. Even though the draft budget narrative contains some substantial detail on the block grant adjustment, I do recognise that it has become more complicated over time and there would be benefit, I think, to a more detailed presentation of that information. So, I look forward to working with the Finance Committee on that particular aspect as well. So, thinking of the reprioritisation exercise, it's just worth re-emphasising, I think, that this budget, of course, builds on our already published plans as part of our three-year spending review. So, this budget only allocates £1.2 billion over two financial years. Of course, we scrutinised a three-year spending review last year. And, as part of that, of course, we allocated an additional £1.3 billion over that spending review period to health, and nearly £0.75 billion additional to local government, and I think that we need to remember that in the context of what we're scrutinising here as well.

Diolch, a diolch i'r holl gyd-Aelodau am yr hyn sydd wedi bod yn ddadl ddefnyddiol iawn, yn fy marn i. Rydyn ni wedi clywed cymaint o flaenoriaethau gwahanol yn cael eu cyflwyno: deintyddiaeth, diogelwch adeiladau, chwe blaenoriaeth y Gweinidog Iechyd ar gyfer iechyd, y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg, gweithlu gofal cymdeithasol, priffyrdd, ynni adnewyddadwy, cymorth i'r rhai sy'n gadael gofal, y Gymraeg, gwasanaethau bysiau, darpariaeth digartrefedd, cyllid fferm, iechyd meddwl a phyllau nofio. Ac rwy'n gwybod bod llawer o'r materion penodol hyn yn destun rhai argymhellion penodol gan bwyllgorau. Felly, efallai y gwnaf adael fy nghyd-Aelodau i ymateb i'r rhai hynny drwy eu hymatebion i'r pwyllgorau, ac rwy'n gwybod y byddwn ni'n anelu at gyrraedd Cadeiryddion y pwyllgorau o leiaf mewn pryd ar gyfer y ddadl ar y gyllideb derfynol. Ac roeddwn i'n meddwl efallai y byddwn i'n canolbwyntio fy sylwadau i yn fwy ar y broses, yr ymarfer ail-flaenoriaethu a gyflawnwyd gennym ac, wrth gwrs, rhai sylwadau ar dreth hefyd. Felly, roeddwn i'n meddwl y byddwn i'n dechrau drwy gyfeirio at y sylwadau gan Gadeirydd y Pwyllgor Cyllid a oedd yn awgrymu bod y pwyllgor wedi'i synnu ac yn poeni am y diffyg eglurder yn y gyllideb ddrafft. Rwy'n cymryd yr awgrym hwnnw o ddifrif, oherwydd rydym bob amser wedi mabwysiadu dull agored, tryloyw a chydweithredol o baratoi ein cyllideb ddrafft a'n cyllideb derfynol. Rwy'n falch iawn, fel Llywodraeth, ein bod yn cyhoeddi cyfres enfawr a helaeth o ddogfennau ochr yn ochr â'r gyllideb, ac mae hynny'n cynnwys manylion ein cynlluniau gwariant ar draws y Llywodraeth gyfan, effeithiau ein penderfyniadau, y cyd-destun economaidd yr ydym yn gwneud y penderfyniadau hynny ynddo, yn ogystal â chynhyrchion treth newydd, megis y canllaw cyflym. Ac mae dogfennau eleni, wrth gwrs, yn datblygu yr hyn a ddarparwyd gennym ar gyfer adolygiad gwariant aml-flwyddyn 2022, ac roedd hynny hefyd yn cynnwys dadansoddiad dosbarthiadol o'n gwariant, ac roedd hwnnw'n ddarn o waith sylweddol iawn, sy'n ein helpu nid yn unig fel Llywodraeth, ac yn helpu'r Senedd hefyd, ond hefyd ein partneriaid yn y sector cyhoeddus a'r trydydd sector. Rydyn ni hefyd, wrth gwrs, yn darparu taflen gyllideb, ac mae honno'n darparu ffordd hawdd a hygyrch iawn i'n dyraniadau lefel uchel, ac rydyn ni wedi darparu taflen gyllideb i blant a hefyd animeiddiad gwych, sy'n nodi o ble mae ein harian yn dod a'r hyn y mae'n cael ei wario arno. Ac mae rhai o'r cynhyrchion hyn wedi'u datblygu ar y cyd â'n partneriaid a'n rhanddeiliaid, gan gynnwys plant, ac wrth gwrs, rydym wedi ceisio cael adborth gan gyd-Aelodau yn y Senedd dros y blynyddoedd, gan gynnwys y Pwyllgor Cyllid. Felly, trwy gydol y gwaith o gynhyrchu'r gyllideb eleni, rwyf wedi croesawu'r ymgysylltu a'r cydweithio adeiladol yr ydym wedi'i gael gyda'r Pwyllgor Cyllid a gyda'r Cadeirydd yn benodol, ac rydym wedi gweithio'n agos iawn gyda'r pwyllgor i roi manylion ein blaenoriaethau, i roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf i'r pwyllgor o ran yr amgylchiadau heriol yr ydym yn eu hwynebu, a hefyd mynd ati i ddilyn rhai arferion gwaith cydweithredol, a dyna pam yr oeddwn i'n pryderu am y sylwadau yn sôn am eglurder. Rwy'n credu y gallai hynny gael ei ddehongli gan y cyhoedd fel ymgais i wneud y broses graffu yn aneglur, ac rwy'n credu na allai hynny fod ymhellach o'r gwir. Rwyf bob amser wedi cydnabod pwysigrwydd y broses graffu, yn enwedig ar adegau pan fo cyllid mor gyfyngedig, ac rwy'n awyddus i barhau â'r gwaith agored a chydweithredol hwnnw, ac wrth gwrs rwy'n agored i ddeall pa wybodaeth ychwanegol sydd ei hangen ar bwyllgorau i gwblhau eu gwaith craffu, ac yn edrych ymlaen at barhau â'r berthynas gynhyrchiol honno. Un maes rwy'n credu y gwnaeth y pwyllgor ei nodi fel un y gallem ddarparu rhywfaint o wybodaeth bellach yn y dyfodol oedd ochr yn ochr â'r cyfrifiadau sy'n ymwneud â'r addasiad grant bloc. Felly, yn sicr, byddwn ni'n edrych i weld beth arall y gallwn ni ei ddarparu. Er bod naratif y gyllideb ddrafft yn cynnwys manylion sylweddol ar yr addasiad grant bloc, rwy'n cydnabod ei fod wedi dod yn fwy cymhleth dros amser a byddai budd, rwy'n credu, i gyflwyniad manylach o'r wybodaeth honno. Felly, rwy'n edrych ymlaen at weithio gyda'r Pwyllgor Cyllid ar yr agwedd benodol honno hefyd. Felly, wrth feddwl am yr ymarfer ail-flaenoriaethu, mae'n werth ail-bwysleisio, rwy'n credu, bod y gyllideb hon, wrth gwrs, yn adeiladu ar ein cynlluniau sydd eisoes wedi'u cyhoeddi fel rhan o'n hadolygiad gwariant tair blynedd. Felly, dim ond dros ddwy flynedd ariannol y mae'r gyllideb hon yn dyrannu £1.2 biliwn. Wrth gwrs, buom yn craffu ar adolygiad gwariant tair blynedd y llynedd. Ac, fel rhan o hynny, wrth gwrs, fe wnaethon ni ddyrannu £1.3 biliwn yn ychwanegol dros y cyfnod adolygu gwariant hwnnw i iechyd, a bron i £0.75 biliwn yn ychwanegol i lywodraeth leol, ac rwy'n credu bod angen i ni gofio hynny yng nghyd-destun yr hyn yr ydyn ni'n craffu arno yma hefyd.

Of course, our capital budget falls by 8 per cent in real terms in the next financial year, so hearing about additional ideas from the Conservative benches as to how we could be spending capital is difficult to swallow when there wasn't a single extra penny of capital coming in the autumn statement. Of course, the Chancellor has the opportunity to rectify that in the spring statement, and we look forward to continuing to press the Chancellor for additional funding in that respect. Thinking, now, of the reprioritisation exercise, to help us protect our front-line public services and support people through the cost-of-living crisis, we did undertake that reprioritisation exercise to release £87.4 million from within those existing budgets, which I've referred to as being agreed as part of our spending review. I did give certain areas a degree of protection, so front-line health services, local government through the RSG, and part of the education budget were excused from that exercise to try and reprioritise across Government, but, I mean, I have to say it was such a difficult exercise. We've been asked why we couldn't reprioritise a greater amount, but actually once we got past that we really did get into the realms of talking about cutting some of the programmes that help the most vulnerable people, and you end up going completely against the kind of preventative agenda that we all want to embrace by cutting some of those proposals. In deciding which areas to reprioritise, Ministers across Government were searching out areas that were perhaps demand led, where they could, at risk, put a small amount into those budgets to release some funding. Other options included looking at whether contracts could be terminated or redeveloped or reduced in scope. For example, I did that in my own MEG through the reprocurement of our e-procurement contract, and also some work took place in that space in relation to public appointments. I know that portfolio Ministers did have some really good and thorough scrutiny in their own committees about the choices that they made, but I'll just give a few examples to put them on the record. So, in the rural affairs MEG, the budget repriorisation was limited to farm funding outside of the basic payment scheme. So, the Minister provided protection to the BPS, and we did see then, of course, though, a reduction to the rural economic and sustainability budget line. This MEG, though, did have an increase of £63 million through the multi-year settlement last year. That's now been reduced by just under £9 million to £54 million, and I know that the Minister is working through the difficult choices now that that makes for her in terms of some of the farming and land management activities. That's just one example of the difficult choices that we talk about. In health, there were a number of areas where funding was refocused to ensure that resources could be focused on our front-line services as far as possible. Those, for example, include changes to the plans for the establishment of an NHS executive, so there will be a reduction now in scope and capacity over the short term, in order to refocus some of the funding towards the front-line services. In other areas, we've had to revise the timeline of delivery, due to the inflationary pressures, but not the scale of ambition, and an example there would be that whilst obviously excellent progress has been made in terms of maintaining the sustainable communities for learning programme, our programme to improve and develop schools and colleges in Wales, the availability of construction materials and labour has seen costs rise by around 15 per cent, so inevitably we'll be delivering less with that programme even though the amount that we intend to spend will be the same. And, of course, you'll have heard my colleague, the Minister for Climate Change, talking about the commitment in relation to 20,000 social homes. That now will include an element of homes beyond new builds compliant with development quality requirements, but it's clear that given the multiple sector challenges and the cost increases in the supply chain, and the inflation rates that we face, we may now see, out of necessity, some more homes being brought into the social sector though non-new-build routes. But I do think that gives us good opportunity to take further action in respect of empty homes. As well as reprioritising, having more flexibility would of course assist us. A number of people have mentioned the fuel support payment. Well, that was something that we were able to do because we were carrying over money that had arrived very late in the financial year in 2021-22. We were able to carry that over outside of the Wales reserve. That was a pragmatic decision on the part of the UK Government, but if that kind of carry-over of very late consequential funding could just become part of our normal way of working, that would help us a great deal. I don't have too much time left, but I do want to say a few words on tax, although I know we'll have much more opportunity to talk about this in a lot more detail tomorrow afternoon. But there is a recommendation from the Finance Committee that we talk more about the work that we've been doing to understand the potential use of various tax-raising powers. Of course, we did publish our income tax ready-reckoner alongside the draft budget, and that takes account of behavioural impacts of tax changes. It does use His Majesty's Revenue and Customs estimates for certain elements, but it also does include some additional estimates for the potential migration effect of varying income tax rates within the UK. Those were based on a Swiss academic study, because it's the most appropriate proxy for the situation in Wales, although it's not perfect, but we do build that into our ready-reckoner to understand what the impact would be if we were to raise those higher and additional rates of Welsh rates of income tax. We know that the recent changes to income tax rates and thresholds in Scotland provide us now with that first example of income tax varying policies within the UK, and as the relevant detail does now become available as to the impacts of that, hopefully that will provide us with some further information to help inform our policy in this area in future. And then, just on the rates and bands, the devolution of powers to vary income tax thresholds would prove an additional policy tool, but I think that it would be very difficult to do so without the full devolution of all income tax on non-savings, non-dividend income, and that would be a step that the Welsh Government's devolved tax responsibilities would take, but it would lead to a very, very big change and much greater exposure to the relative tax-base growth risk within Wales and the rest of the UK. So, I think that this is something that we'll discuss in a lot more detail tomorrow, but again, whenever we're talking about the further devolution of tax powers, we have to do so in the context of balancing the risk and the reward, but I look forward to tomorrow's debate on that. Finally, just thank you to everybody for their contributions this afternoon. I know all of my colleagues will be responding to those committee reports, but also giving some thought and reflection to the important points raised this afternoon.

Wrth gwrs, mae ein cyllideb gyfalaf yn gostwng 8 y cant mewn termau real yn y flwyddyn ariannol nesaf, felly mae clywed am syniadau ychwanegol o'r meinciau Ceidwadol ynglŷn â sut y gallem fod yn gwario cyfalaf yn anodd ei lyncu pan nad oedd yr un geiniog ychwanegol o gyfalaf yn dod yn natganiad yr hydref. Wrth gwrs, mae gan y Canghellor gyfle i unioni hynny yn natganiad y gwanwyn, ac edrychwn ymlaen at barhau i bwyso ar y Canghellor am arian ychwanegol yn hynny o beth. Gan feddwl, yn awr, am yr ymarfer ail-flaenoriaethu, i'n helpu i ddiogelu ein gwasanaethau cyhoeddus rheng flaen a chefnogi pobl trwy'r argyfwng costau byw, gwnaethom ymgymryd â'r ymarfer ail-flaenoriaethu hwnnw i ryddhau £87.4 miliwn o fewn y cyllidebau presennol hynny, yr wyf wedi cyfeirio atynt fel rhai y cytunwyd arnynt fel rhan o'n hadolygiad gwariant. Fe wnes i roi rhywfaint o amddiffyniad i rai meysydd, felly cafodd gwasanaethau iechyd rheng flaen, llywodraeth leol drwy'r grant cynnal refeniw, a rhan o'r gyllideb addysg eu hesgusodi o'r ymarfer hwnnw i geisio ail-flaenoriaethu ar draws y Llywodraeth, ond, wyddoch chi, mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud ei fod yn ymarfer mor anodd. Gofynnwyd i ni pam na allem ail-flaenoriaethu mwy o swm, ond mewn gwirionedd ar ôl i ni ddatrys hynny gwnaethon ni yn wir fynd i faes trafod torri rhai o'r rhaglenni sy'n helpu'r bobl fwyaf agored i niwed, ac rydych chi yn y pen draw yn mynd yn llwyr yn erbyn y math o agenda ataliol yr ydym ni i gyd am ei groesawu drwy dorri rhai o'r cynigion hynny. Wrth benderfynu pa feysydd i'w hail-flaenoriaethu, roedd Gweinidogion ar draws y Llywodraeth yn chwilio am feysydd a oedd efallai'n cael eu harwain gan y galw, lle y gallen nhw, gyda risg, roi swm bach yn y cyllidebau hynny i ryddhau rhywfaint o gyllid. Roedd opsiynau eraill yn cynnwys edrych a fyddai modd terfynu neu ailddatblygu contractau neu eu lleihau o ran cwmpas. Er enghraifft, gwnes i hynny yn fy mhrif grŵp gwariant fy hun drwy ailgyhoeddi ein contract e-gaffael, a hefyd gwnaed rhywfaint o waith yn y maes hwnnw mewn cysylltiad ag apwyntiadau cyhoeddus. Rwy'n gwybod bod Gweinidogion portffolio wedi cael rhywfaint o waith craffu da a thrylwyr iawn yn eu pwyllgorau eu hunain ar y dewisiadau a wnaethant, ond fe wnaf roi ychydig o enghreifftiau yn unig i'w rhoi ar y cofnod. Felly, yn y prif grŵp gwariant materion gwledig, roedd ail-flaenoriaethu'r gyllideb wedi'i gyfyngu i gyllid fferm y tu allan i'r cynllun talu sylfaenol. Felly, rhoddodd y Gweinidog amddiffyniad i'r cynllun taliad sylfaenol, a gwelsom bryd hynny, wrth gwrs, er hynny, ostyngiad i'r llinell gyllideb economaidd a chynaliadwyedd wledig. Er hynny, cafodd y prif grŵp gwariant hwn gynnydd o £63 miliwn drwy'r setliad aml-flwyddyn y llynedd. Mae hynny bellach wedi'i leihau ychydig o dan £9 miliwn i £54 miliwn, ac rwy'n gwybod bod y Gweinidog yn gweithio drwy'r dewisiadau anodd nawr y mae hynny'n ei achosi iddi o ran rhai o'r gweithgareddau ffermio a rheoli tir. Dyna un enghraifft yn unig o'r dewisiadau anodd rydyn ni'n sôn amdanyn nhw. Ym maes iechyd, roedd nifer o feysydd lle cafodd cyllid aildrefnu i sicrhau y gallai adnoddau ganolbwyntio ar ein gwasanaethau rheng flaen cyn belled ag y bo modd. Mae'r rheiny, er enghraifft, yn cynnwys newidiadau i'r cynlluniau ar gyfer sefydlu gweithredwr GIG, felly bydd gostyngiad nawr o ran cwmpas a chapasiti dros y tymor byr, er mwyn aildrefnu rhywfaint o'r cyllid ar gyfer y gwasanaethau rheng flaen. Mewn meysydd eraill, rydyn ni wedi gorfod adolygu'r amserlen gyflawni, oherwydd pwysau chwyddiant, ond nid graddfa'r uchelgais, ac er enghraifft byddai hynny tra bod cynnydd rhagorol wedi'i wneud o ran cynnal y rhaglen cymunedau cynaliadwy ar gyfer dysgu, ein rhaglen i wella a datblygu ysgolion a cholegau yng Nghymru, mae'r deunyddiau adeiladu a llafur sydd ar gael wedi gweld costau'n codi tua 15 y cant, felly mae'n anochel y byddwn yn darparu llai gyda'r rhaglen honno er y bydd y swm yr ydym yn bwriadu ei wario yr un fath. Ac, wrth gwrs, byddwch wedi clywed fy nghyd-Weinidog, y Gweinidog Newid Hinsawdd, yn sôn am yr ymrwymiad mewn perthynas â 20,000 o gartrefi cymdeithasol. Bydd hynny nawr yn cynnwys elfen o gartrefi y tu hwnt i adeiladau newydd sy'n cydymffurfio â gofynion ansawdd datblygu, ond mae'n amlwg, o ystyried yr heriau lluosog yn y sector a'r cynnydd mewn costau yn y gadwyn gyflenwi, a'r cyfraddau chwyddiant sy'n ein hwynebu, y gwelwn yn awr o bosibl, o reidrwydd, mwy o gartrefi yn cael eu dwyn i'r sector cymdeithasol drwy lwybrau nad ydynt yn adeiladau newydd. Ond rwy'n credu bod hynny'n rhoi cyfle da i ni gymryd camau pellach o ran tai gwag. Yn ogystal ag ail-flaenoriaethu, byddai cael mwy o hyblygrwydd wrth gwrs yn ein cynorthwyo ni. Mae nifer o bobl wedi sôn am y taliad cymorth tanwydd. Wel, roedd hwnnw'n rhywbeth yr oedden ni'n gallu ei wneud oherwydd ein bod yn cario arian drosodd a oedd wedi cyrraedd yn hwyr iawn yn y flwyddyn ariannol yn 2021-22. Roedden ni'n gallu cario hwnnw drosodd y tu allan i gronfa wrth gefn Cymru. Roedd hwnnw'n benderfyniad pragmataidd ar ran Llywodraeth y DU, ond pe bai'r math yna o gario drosodd o gyllid canlyniadol hwyr iawn yn gallu dod yn rhan o'n ffordd arferol o weithio, byddai hynny'n ein helpu ni i wneud llawer iawn. Does gen i ddim llawer o amser ar ôl, ond rwyf eisiau dweud ychydig eiriau ar dreth, er fy mod yn gwybod y bydd gennym lawer mwy o gyfle i siarad am hyn mewn llawer mwy o fanylder pnawn yfory. Ond mae yna argymhelliad gan y Pwyllgor Cyllid ein bod yn siarad yn fwy am y gwaith rydyn ni wedi bod yn ei wneud i ddeall y defnydd posib o wahanol bwerau codi trethi. Wrth gwrs, gwnaethom gyhoeddi ein canllaw cyflym ar dreth incwm ochr yn ochr â'r gyllideb ddrafft, ac mae hynny'n ystyried effeithiau ymddygiadol newidiadau i'r dreth. Mae'n defnyddio amcangyfrifon Cyllid a Thollau Ei Fawrhydi ar gyfer rhai elfennau, ond mae hefyd yn cynnwys rhai amcangyfrifon ychwanegol ar gyfer effaith mudo posibl ar gyfraddau treth incwm amrywiol o fewn y DU. Roedd y rheiny'n seiliedig ar astudiaeth academaidd o'r Swistir, oherwydd dyma'r procsi mwyaf priodol ar gyfer y sefyllfa yng Nghymru, er nad yw'n berffaith, ond rydym yn cynnwys hwnnw yn ein canllaw cyflym i ddeall beth fyddai'r effaith pe byddem yn codi'r cyfraddau uwch ac ychwanegol hynny o gyfraddau treth incwm yng Nghymru. Rydyn ni'n gwybod bod y newidiadau diweddar i gyfraddau treth incwm a throthwy yn Yr Alban yn rhoi'r enghraifft gyntaf honno i ni nawr o bolisïau amrywio trethi incwm o fewn y DU, ac wrth i'r manylion perthnasol ddod ar gael nawr o ran effeithiau hynny, gobeithio y bydd hynny'n rhoi rhywfaint o wybodaeth bellach i ni helpu i lywio ein polisi yn y maes hwn yn y dyfodol. Ac yna, ar y cyfraddau a'r bandiau, byddai datganoli pwerau i amrywio trothwyon treth incwm yn arf polisi ychwanegol, ond rwy'n credu y byddai'n anodd iawn gwneud hynny heb ddatganoli yn llawn yr holl dreth incwm ar incwm nad yw'n gynilion, incwm nad yw'n ddifidend, a byddai hynny'n gam y byddai cyfrifoldebau trethi datganoledig Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei gymryd, ond byddai'n arwain at newid mawr iawn, iawn a llawer mwy o amlygiad i'r risg o dwf cymharol yn sail i dreth yng Nghymru a gweddill y DU. Felly, rwy'n credu bod hyn yn rhywbeth y byddwn ni'n ei drafod mewn llawer mwy o fanylder yfory, ond eto, pryd bynnag yr ydym yn sôn am ddatganoli pwerau treth ymhellach, mae'n rhaid i ni wneud hynny yng nghyd-destun cydbwyso'r risg a'r budd, ond edrychaf ymlaen at ddadl yfory ar hynny. Yn olaf, diolch i bawb am eu cyfraniadau y prynhawn yma. Rwy'n gwybod y bydd fy nghyd-Aelodau i gyd yn ymateb i adroddiadau'r pwyllgorau hynny, ond hefyd yn rhoi rhywfaint o feddwl a myfyrdod i'r pwyntiau pwysig a godwyd y prynhawn yma.

Before I move on to the further business, I did indicate to the Member for Carmarthen East and Dinefwr that I would accept his point of order at the end of the debate. I understand that the point of order will now be raised by the Member for South Wales Central, Heledd Fychan.

Cyn i mi symud ymlaen i'r busnes arall, dywedais wrth yr Aelod dros Ddwyrain Caerfyrddin a Dinefwr y byddwn i'n derbyn ei bwynt o drefn ar ddiwedd y ddadl. Rwy'n deall y caiff y pwynt o drefn nawr ei godi gan yr Aelod dros Ganol De Cymru, Heledd Fychan.

Yes. Diolch yn fawr iawn, Dirprwy Lywydd. I just wanted to check, really, that I'd heard correctly earlier, and I'd like to ask for a ruling, Dirprwy Lywydd, as to whether the language used and one phrase in particular used by Hefin David in the course of the debate were acceptable. I won't repeat the words, but they were crass, insensitive, and in a workplace setting, arguably discriminatory. In fact, an employment tribunal judge in 2021 ruled the exact same comment as being inappropriate and unprofessional. It lowered the tone of the debate, in my view, that was otherwise characterised by respectful disagreement and is an affront to the dignity of the Senedd and the people we represent.

Ie. Diolch yn fawr iawn, Dirprwy Lywydd. Dim ond eisiau gwirio oeddwn i, mewn gwirionedd, fy mod i wedi clywed yn gywir yn gynharach, a hoffwn ofyn am ddyfarniad, Dirprwy Lywydd, ynglŷn ag a oedd yr iaith a ddefnyddiwyd ac un ymadrodd yn benodol a ddefnyddiwyd gan Hefin David yng nghwrs y ddadl yn dderbyniol. Wna i ddim ailadrodd y geiriau, ond roedden nhw'n eithafol, yn ansensitif, ac mewn lleoliad gweithle, gellid dadlau eu bod yn gwahaniaethu. Mewn gwirionedd, dyfarnodd barnwr tribiwnlys cyflogaeth yn 2021 bod yr union yr un sylw yn amhriodol ac amhroffesiynol. Bu iddo iselhau'r ddadl, yn fy marn i, a nodweddid fel arall gan anghytundeb parchus ac mae'n sarhad ar urddas y Senedd a'r bobl yr ydym ni'n eu cynrychioli.

I have had a chance to review the transcript and I consider that the language used is wholly inappropriate by the Member, and no Member of this Parliament should be using such language, and I would therefore call on the Member to both retract his statement and apologise for making such a reference in his contribution today.

Rwyf wedi cael cyfle i adolygu'r trawsgrifiad ac rwyf o'r farn bod yr iaith a ddefnyddir yn gwbl amhriodol gan yr Aelod, ac ni ddylai unrhyw Aelod o'r Senedd hon ddefnyddio iaith o'r fath, ac felly rwy'n galw ar yr Aelod i dynnu ei ddatganiad yn ôl ac ymddiheuro am wneud y fath gyfeiriad yn ei gyfraniad heddiw.

I sincerely withdraw and apologise for using that term. It was intended, in the heat of the debate, to make a political point. It was flippant and it was indeed inappropriate. In fact, given the fact that one of Plaid Cymru's councillors in Caerphilly had been pictured holding a gun, threatening to shoot English people, the word I should have used was 'appalling'.

Rwy'n tynnu'n ôl yn ddiffuant ac yn ymddiheuro am ddefnyddio'r term hwnnw. Y bwriad, yng ngwres y ddadl, oedd gwneud pwynt gwleidyddol. Roedd yn wamal ac yn wir roedd yn amhriodol. Yn wir, o ystyried y ffaith y tynnwyd llun un o gynghorwyr Plaid Cymru yng Nghaerffili yn dal dryll, yn bygwth saethu Saeson, y gair y dylwn i fod wedi'i ddefnyddio oedd 'gwarthus'.

I'm disappointed that the Member included the last reference. I accept his retraction of the statement, and I would encourage all Members not to use such language, but in doing so, please do not bring other issues such as that in. I think this was purely based upon the language used in this debate, and I do not believe such language is appropriate in any debate in this Chamber, and I would encourage all Members to make sure that their contributions do not include such language in future.

Rwy'n siomedig bod yr Aelod wedi cynnwys y cyfeiriad olaf. Rwy'n derbyn ei fod yn tynnu'r datganiad yn ôl, a byddwn yn annog pob Aelod i beidio â defnyddio iaith o'r fath, ond wrth wneud hynny, peidiwch â dod â materion eraill fel yna i mewn. Rwy'n credu bod hyn wedi'i seilio'n llwyr ar yr iaith a ddefnyddiwyd yn y ddadl hon, ac nid wyf yn credu bod iaith o'r fath yn briodol mewn unrhyw ddadl yn y Siambr hon, a byddwn yn annog pob Aelod i wneud yn siŵr nad yw eu cyfraniadau'n cynnwys iaith o'r fath yn y dyfodol.

The proposal is to agree amendment 1. Does any Member object? [ Objection.] Yes, there is objection. I will defer voting under this item until voting time.

Y cwestiwn yw: a ddylid derbyn gwelliant 1? A oes unrhyw Aelod yn gwrthwynebu? [ Gwrthwynebiad.] Oes. Felly, gohiriaf y pleidleisio o dan yr eitem hon tan y cyfnod pleidleisio.

We'll move on now. In accordance with Standing Order 12.24, unless a Member objects, the two motions under items 5 and 6 will be grouped for debate, but with separate votes. I see that there are no objections.

Symudwn ymlaen. Yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 12.24, oni bai bod Aelod yn gwrthwynebu, caiff y ddau gynnig o dan eitem 5 a 6 eu grwpio i'w trafod ond gyda phleidleisiau ar wahân. Gwelaf nad oes unrhyw wrthwynebiad.

So, I call on the Minister for Rural Affairs and North Wales.

Felly galwaf ar y Gweinidog Materion Gwledig a Gogledd Cymru.

Thank you, Deputy Presiding Officer. I'm very pleased to open this debate on the general principles of the Agriculture (Wales) Bill and to move the motion and the financial resolution. The Bill represents an important first step in our plans for agricultural reform. It is the first of its kind for Wales, and is a made-in-Wales policy designed to support Welsh priorities. Welsh farmers hold an important position in our society, not only recognised for their role in producing a supply of safe, high-quality food, but also for their opportunity to help tackle some of the most pressing challenges our country faces. We must respond to the climate and nature emergencies. The need for action at scale and to deliver outcomes at pace is essential if we are to ensure a sustainable and resilient agricultural sector for present and future generations. The Welsh Government is committed to a just transition to a new low-carbon future, and our farmers and the communities in which they operate play a vital role in delivering that just transition and the move to net zero. The Bill establishes sustainable land management as the framework, demonstrating this commitment to support farmers to lower their carbon footprint and deliver for nature whilst, at the same time, continuing to produce food sustainably through resilient agriculture businesses. It also recognises the key role farmers play as stewards of our Welsh language, heritage and culture. The concept of sustainable land management is referenced by four objectives and the associated sustainable land management duty. The objectives and duty legislate for a made-in-Wales agricultural policy that incorporates the wide-ranging and significant economic, environmental and social contribution of agriculture in Wales. Presenting sustainable land management as a set of objectives is consistent with and complements the approach of other Welsh legislation, such as the Environment (Wales) Act 2016 and the Well-being of Future Generations (Wales) Act 2015. The sustainable land management objectives make clear what we're aiming to achieve, providing the legislative and policy platform for ongoing action in accordance with the SLM duty that best contributes to achieving this production of food and other goods in a sustainable manner, whilst tackling the climate and nature emergencies, sustaining and promoting the Welsh language, and conserving the Welsh countryside and our cultural resources. In doing so, the Bill recognises the complementary objectives of supporting farmers in the sustainable production of food, contributing to thriving rural communities and keeping farmers on the land. I would like to thank the Chairs and members of the Economy, Trade and Rural Affairs Committee, including members of the Climate Change, Environment and Infrastructure Committee who also participated in the ETRA committee, the Finance Committee and the Legislation, Justice and Constitution Committee for their thorough scrutiny of this Bill during Stage 1. I appreciate the work that has gone into delivering their comprehensive and helpful reports within a very tight timescale. It is also important that I thank all the farmers, stakeholders and communities who've contributed, supported and worked with us to develop the proposals for this vital legislation. The combined expertise, challenge and perspective has been and continues to be invaluable to the development of this Bill and future schemes. My written statement of 3 February 2023 highlighted the productive discussions held with Plaid Cymru as part of the co-operation agreement on amendments to the Bill. The intention is to bring forward those amendments at Stage 2, should Members agree the general principles of the Bill today. The amendments are: introduction of additional text in relation to the first sustainable land management objective, section 1 of the Bill. For the purposes of the first objective, factors relevant to whether food and other goods are produced in a sustainable manner include, amongst other things, the resilience of agricultural businesses within the communities in which they operate. Three additional purposes to the power to provide support, section 8 of the Bill, have also been drafted to be inserted within subsection (2). These follow the first purpose of encouraging the production of food in an environmentally sustainable manner. The additional purposes are: (b) helping rural communities to thrive and strengthening links between agricultural businesses and their communities; (c) improving the resilience of agricultural businesses; and (d) sustaining the Welsh language and promoting and facilitating its use. The amendments support the resilience of agricultural business by enabling an effective, efficient, profitable and, therefore, sustainable production base and supply chain. This links directly to the farmer. Supporting farmers with their own well-being, engagement with their communities, sustaining and promoting the Welsh language and business diversification are all key aspects to keeping farmers on the land.

Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. Rwy'n falch iawn o agor y ddadl hon ar egwyddorion cyffredinol y Bil Amaethyddiaeth (Cymru) ac i gynnig y cynnig a'r penderfyniad ariannol. Mae'r Bil yn gam cyntaf pwysig yn ein cynlluniau ar gyfer diwygio amaethyddol. Dyma'r cyntaf o'i fath i Gymru, ac mae'n bolisi wedi'i lunio yng Nghymru sydd wedi'i gynllunio i gefnogi blaenoriaethau Cymru. Mae gan ffermwyr Cymru swyddogaeth bwysig yn ein cymdeithas, ac fe gânt eu cydnabod nid yn unig am eu swyddogaeth wrth gynhyrchu cyflenwad o fwyd diogel o ansawdd uchel, ond hefyd am yr hyn a wnânt i helpu i fynd i'r afael â rhai o'r heriau mwyaf dybryd sy'n ein hwynebu yn ein gwlad. Mae'n rhaid i ni ymateb i'r argyfyngau hinsawdd a natur. Mae'r angen am weithredu eang ac i sicrhau canlyniadau brys yn hanfodol os ydym am sicrhau sector amaethyddol cynaliadwy a chydnerth ar gyfer cenedlaethau'r presennol a'r dyfodol. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi ymrwymo i bontio teg i ddyfodol carbon isel newydd, ac mae ein ffermwyr a'r cymunedau y maent yn gweithredu ynddynt yn chwarae rhan hanfodol wrth gyflawni'r pontio teg hwnnw a symud at sero net. Mae'r Bil yn sefydlu rheoli tir cynaliadwy fel y fframwaith, gan ddangos yr ymrwymiad hwn i gefnogi ffermwyr i ostwng eu hôl troed carbon a darparu ar gyfer natur gan, ar yr un pryd, barhau i gynhyrchu bwyd yn gynaliadwy drwy fusnesau amaeth cydnerth. Mae hefyd yn cydnabod y swyddogaeth allweddol sydd gan ffermwyr fel stiwardiaid ein hiaith, treftadaeth a'n diwylliant Cymreig. Cyfeirir at y cysyniad o reoli tir cynaliadwy gan bedwar amcan a'r ddyletswydd rheoli tir cynaliadwy cysylltiedig. Mae'r amcanion a'r ddyletswydd yn deddfu ar gyfer polisi amaethyddol a wnaed yng Nghymru sy'n ymgorffori cyfraniad economaidd, amgylcheddol a chymdeithasol eang a sylweddol amaethyddiaeth yng Nghymru. Mae cyflwyno rheoli tir cynaliadwy fel cyfres o amcanion yn gyson â'r dull gweithredu mewn agweddau eraill o ddeddfwriaeth Cymru, megis Deddf yr Amgylchedd (Cymru) 2016 a Deddf Llesiant Cenedlaethau'r Dyfodol (Cymru) 2015, ac yn eu hategu. Mae'r amcanion rheoli tir cynaliadwy yn gwneud yn glir yr hyn rydym yn anelu at ei gyflawni, gan ddarparu'r llwyfan a'r polisi deddfwriaethol ar gyfer gweithredu'n barhaus yn unol â'r ddyletswydd Rheoli Tir yn Gynaliadwy sy'n cyfrannu orau at gyflawni'r cynhyrchiant hwn o fwyd a nwyddau eraill mewn modd cynaliadwy, wrth fynd i'r afael â'r argyfyngau hinsawdd a natur, cynnal a hyrwyddo'r Gymraeg, a gwarchod cefn gwlad Cymru a'n hadnoddau diwylliannol. Wrth wneud hynny, mae'r Bil yn cydnabod amcanion cyflenwol cefnogi ffermwyr wrth gynhyrchu bwyd yn gynaliadwy, cyfrannu at gymunedau gwledig ffyniannus a chadw ffermwyr ar y tir. Hoffwn ddiolch i Gadeiryddion ac aelodau'r Pwyllgor Economi, Masnach a Materion Gwledig, gan gynnwys aelodau o'r Pwyllgor Newid Hinsawdd, yr Amgylchedd a Seilwaith a gymerodd ran hefyd yn y pwyllgor ETRA, y Pwyllgor Cyllid a'r Pwyllgor Deddfwriaeth, Cyfiawnder a'r Cyfansoddiad am graffu'n drylwyr ar y Bil hwn yn ystod Cyfnod 1. Rwy'n gwerthfawrogi'r gwaith a wnaed i gyflwyno eu hadroddiadau cynhwysfawr a defnyddiol o fewn amserlen dynn iawn. Mae hefyd yn bwysig fy mod yn diolch i'r holl ffermwyr, rhanddeiliaid a chymunedau sydd wedi cyfrannu, cefnogi a gweithio gyda ni i ddatblygu'r cynigion ar gyfer y ddeddfwriaeth hanfodol hon. Mae'r arbenigedd, yr her a'r persbectif cyfun wedi bod ac yn parhau i fod yn amhrisiadwy i ddatblygu'r Bil hwn a chynlluniau i'r dyfodol. Amlygodd fy natganiad ysgrifenedig dyddiedig 3 Chwefror 2023 y trafodaethau cynhyrchiol a gynhaliwyd gyda Phlaid Cymru fel rhan o'r cytundeb cydweithio ar welliannau i'r Bil. Y bwriad yw cyflwyno'r gwelliannau hynny yng Nghyfnod 2, pe bai Aelodau'n cytuno ar egwyddorion cyffredinol y Bil heddiw. Dyma'r diwygiadau: cyflwyno testun ychwanegol mewn perthynas â'r amcan rheoli tir cynaliadwy cyntaf, adran 1 o'r Bil. At ddibenion yr amcan cyntaf, mae ffactorau sy'n berthnasol i weld a yw bwyd a nwyddau eraill yn cael eu cynhyrchu mewn modd cynaliadwy yn cynnwys, ymhlith pethau eraill, cydnerthedd busnesau amaethyddol o fewn y cymunedau y maent yn gweithredu ynddynt. Mae tri diben ychwanegol i'r pŵer i ddarparu cymorth, adran 8 o'r Bil, hefyd wedi'u drafftio i'w mewnosod i is-adran (2). Mae'r rhain yn dilyn y diben cyntaf o annog cynhyrchu bwyd mewn modd amgylcheddol gynaliadwy. Y dibenion ychwanegol yw: (b) helpu cymunedau gwledig i ffynnu a chryfhau cysylltiadau rhwng busnesau amaethyddol a'u cymunedau; (c) gwella cydnerthedd busnesau amaethyddol; a (d) cynnal y Gymraeg a hybu a hwyluso ei defnydd. Mae'r gwelliannau yn cefnogi cydnerthedd busnes amaethyddol drwy alluogi sylfaen gynhyrchu a chadwyn gyflenwi effeithiol, effeithlon, proffidiol ac, felly, sylfaen cynhyrchu a chadwyn gyflenwi gynaliadwy. Mae hyn yn cysylltu'n uniongyrchol â'r ffermwr. Mae cefnogi ffermwyr gyda'u llesiant eu hunain, eu hymwneud â'u cymunedau, cynnal a hyrwyddo'r Gymraeg ac arallgyfeirio busnes i gyd yn agweddau allweddol ar gadw ffermwyr ar y tir.

Turning to the recommendations from the committees, given the detailed nature of the committee reports and the number of recommendations made - 84 in total - it is not possible to respond to each one of them individually in the time available today. I have already provided a written response to the Finance Committee report prior to today's debate, and I will be writing to the Economy, Trade and Rural Affairs Committee and the Legislation, Justice and Constitution Committee following this debate. Turning to the Economy, Trade and Rural Affairs Committee report, I acknowledge the full range of recommendations made, and I am pleased to read that recommendation 1 asks the Senedd to agree the general principles of the Bill. I am also pleased that a clear majority of the committee support the provisions to prohibit the use of snares. This is an important step forward for animal welfare here in Wales, and one reflected in our programme for government commitments. A number of important recommendations have been made by the committee, the majority of which, I am pleased to say, are expected to be accepted or accepted in principle. I will also write to the Legislation, Justice and Constitution Committee to provide considered responses to its recommendations. The Finance Committee was broadly content with the financial implications of the Bill, and my response to the committee ahead of this debate, in line with the committee's recommendation 1, recognises my acceptance of the majority of recommendations. In addition to the amendments agreed with Plaid Cymru, I am expecting to lay a small number of further Government amendments to the Bill at the amending stage. In conclusion, Llywydd, this is an ambitious and transformational piece of legislation that reforms decades of EU farming support. There can be no mistaking the importance of this moment. This Bill will breathe new life into the agricultural sector here in Wales, as it is the first Welsh agricultural Bill, the first time that the Welsh Government has had the opportunity to bring agricultural legislation of this nature before the Senedd, and the first time that our farmers, our communities and our businesses have been able to decide their own futures. This agricultural Bill has given a voice to the Welsh countryside and all those who work within it. I urge Members to agree the general principles and the financial resolution of the Bill. Diolch.

Gan droi at yr argymhellion gan y pwyllgorau, o ystyried natur fanwl adroddiadau'r pwyllgor a nifer yr argymhellion a wnaed - 84 i gyd - nid yw'n bosibl ymateb i bob un ohonyn nhw'n unigol yn yr amser sydd ar gael heddiw. Rwyf eisoes wedi darparu ymateb ysgrifenedig i adroddiad y Pwyllgor Cyllid cyn y ddadl heddiw, a byddaf yn ysgrifennu at y Pwyllgor Economi, Masnach a Materion Gwledig a'r Pwyllgor Deddfwriaeth, Cyfiawnder a'r Cyfansoddiad yn dilyn y ddadl hon. Wrth droi at adroddiad y Pwyllgor Economi, Masnach a Materion Gwledig, rwy'n cydnabod yr ystod lawn o argymhellion a wnaed, ac rwy'n falch o ddarllen bod argymhelliad 1 yn gofyn i'r Senedd gytuno ar egwyddorion cyffredinol y Bil. Rwy'n falch hefyd bod mwyafrif clir o'r pwyllgor yn cefnogi'r darpariaethau i wahardd defnyddio maglau. Dyma gam pwysig ymlaen ar gyfer lles anifeiliaid yma yng Nghymru, ac un a adlewyrchir yn ymrwymiadau ein rhaglen lywodraethu. Mae nifer o argymhellion pwysig wedi eu gwneud gan y pwyllgor, ac mae disgwyl i'r mwyafrif ohonynt, rwy'n falch o ddweud, gael eu derbyn neu eu derbyn mewn egwyddor Byddaf hefyd yn ysgrifennu at y Pwyllgor Deddfwriaeth, Cyfiawnder a'r Cyfansoddiad i ddarparu ymatebion ystyriol i'w argymhellion. Roedd y Pwyllgor Cyllid yn fodlon ar y cyfan gyda goblygiadau ariannol y Bil, ac mae fy ymateb i'r pwyllgor cyn y ddadl hon, yn unol ag argymhelliad 1 y pwyllgor, yn cydnabod fy mod yn derbyn mwyafrif yr argymhellion. Yn ogystal â'r gwelliannau a gytunwyd gyda Phlaid Cymru, rwy'n disgwyl cyflwyno nifer fach o welliannau pellach gan y Llywodraeth i'r Bil yn y cyfnod diwygio. I gloi, Llywydd, mae hwn yn ddarn uchelgeisiol a thrawsnewidiol o ddeddfwriaeth sy'n diwygio degawdau o gymorth ffermio gan yr Undeb Ewropeaidd. Ni ellir gorbwysleisio pwysigrwydd y foment hon. Bydd y Bil hwn yn rhoi bywyd newydd i'r sector amaethyddol yma yng Nghymru, gan mai dyma Fil amaethyddol cyntaf Cymru, y tro cyntaf i Lywodraeth Cymru gael y cyfle i ddod â deddfwriaeth amaethyddol o'r natur yma gerbron y Senedd, a'r tro cyntaf i'n ffermwyr, ein cymunedau a'n busnesau allu penderfynu ar eu dyfodol eu hunain. Mae'r Bil amaethyddol hwn wedi rhoi llais i gefn gwlad Cymru a phawb sy'n gweithio yno. Rwy'n annog Aelodau i gytuno ar yr egwyddorion cyffredinol ac ar gynnig ariannol y Bil. Diolch.

I call now on the Chair of the Economy, Trade and Rural Affairs Committee - Paul Davies

Galwaf nawr ar Gadeirydd Pwyllgor yr Economi, Masnach a Materion gwledig - Paul Davies.

Diolch, Llywydd. This Bill and this debate mark a very important moment for Welsh agriculture, the environment and, indeed, the Welsh economy. Following the UK's exit from the European Union, it's the first time that the Senedd is considering legislation for a wholly made-in-Wales agricultural policy. The policy framework set out in this Bill is intended to last for many years to come. Therefore, the stakes are very high, and it is vital to get it right. In my view, this piece of legislation is probably the most important piece of legislation since the start of devolution, and that's why it's important to get this right, as it will shape agriculture and our environment for decades to come. The Bill, as the Minister said, signals a new policy approach for sustainable land management, and it will give Welsh Ministers new powers to support farmers under a scheme that is developed wholly in Wales, for Wales. The Minister has said that the overarching aim of the Bill is to keep Welsh farmers on the land. As our committee report sets out, the support that they receive under the powers in this Bill must balance a number of different needs: (1) the need to protect and promote sustainable food production and local supply chains; (2) the need to support strong and vibrant rural economies and help our Welsh-speaking rural communities to thrive; and (3) the need to protect our precious Welsh landscapes, natural environment and biodiversity in the face of climate and nature emergencies. The Bill was referred to our committee for scrutiny as we hold the rural affairs remit. I want to take this opportunity to thank my colleagues on the committee and, indeed, the clerking team for their hard work and support during our work. But it is also important to note that our work was greatly assisted by the active participation of members of the Climate, Change, Environment and Infrastructure Committee. We are grateful for their invaluable input, which can be seen in the Record of Proceedings and, indeed ,in this report. We are also, as always, grateful to all the organisations and individuals who have engaged with the committee's scrutiny work.

Diolch, Llywydd. Mae'r Bil hwn a'r ddadl hon yn nodi adeg bwysig iawn i amaethyddiaeth Cymru, yr amgylchedd ac, yn wir, i economi Cymru. Yn dilyn ymadawiad y DU â'r Undeb Ewropeaidd, dyma'r tro cyntaf i'r Senedd ystyried deddfwriaeth ar gyfer polisi amaethyddol a wnaed yn llwyr yng Nghymru. Bwriedir i'r fframwaith polisi a nodir yn y Bil hwn bara am flynyddoedd lawer i ddod. Felly, mae'n arwyddocaol iawn, ac mae'n hanfodol ei gael yn iawn. Yn fy marn i, mae'n debyg mai'r darn hwn o ddeddfwriaeth yw'r darn pwysicaf o ddeddfwriaeth ers dechrau datganoli, a dyna pam mae'n bwysig cael hyn yn iawn, gan y bydd yn dylanwadu ar amaethyddiaeth a'n hamgylchedd am ddegawdau i ddod. Mae'r Bil, fel dywedodd y Gweinidog, yn arwydd o ddull polisi newydd o reoli tir cynaliadwy, a bydd yn rhoi pwerau newydd i Weinidogion Cymru i gefnogi ffermwyr o dan gynllun sy'n cael ei ddatblygu'n gyfan gwbl yng Nghymru, dros Gymru. Mae'r Gweinidog wedi dweud mai nod cyffredinol y Bil yw cadw ffermwyr Cymru ar y tir. Fel y mae adroddiad ein pwyllgor yn nodi, rhaid i'r gefnogaeth y maent yn ei dderbyn o dan y pwerau yn y Bil hwn gydbwyso nifer o anghenion gwahanol: (1) yr angen i ddiogelu a hyrwyddo cynhyrchu bwyd cynaliadwy a chadwyni cyflenwi lleol; (2) yr angen i gefnogi economïau gwledig cryf a bywiog a helpu ein cymunedau gwledig Cymraeg i ffynnu; a (3) yr angen i amddiffyn ein tirweddau gwerthfawr yng Nghymru, yr amgylchedd naturiol a bioamrywiaeth yn wyneb argyfyngau hinsawdd a natur. Cafodd y Bil ei gyfeirio at ein pwyllgor craffu gan mai ni sydd â chyfrifoldeb dros faterion gwledig. Hoffwn achub ar y cyfle hwn i ddiolch i fy nghyd-Aelodau ar y pwyllgor ac, yn wir, i'r tîm clercio am eu gwaith caled a'u cefnogaeth yn ystod ein gwaith. Ond mae'n bwysig nodi hefyd bod ein gwaith wedi cael cymorth mawr gan gyfranogiad gweithredol aelodau'r Pwyllgor Hinsawdd, Newid, yr Amgylchedd a Seilwaith. Rydym yn ddiolchgar am eu cyfraniad amhrisiadwy, sydd i'w weld yng Nghofnod y Trafodion ac, yn wir, yn yr adroddiad hwn. Rydym hefyd, fel bob amser, yn ddiolchgar i'r holl sefydliadau ac unigolion sydd wedi ymgysylltu â gwaith craffu'r pwyllgor.

Some provisions of this framework Bill will replace clauses in the UK Agriculture Act 2020 that are due to expire under a sunset clause at the end of 2024. With some exceptions, these clauses mirror the powers that Welsh Ministers currently have under that UK Act. However, it should be noted that this Bill is particularly broad in scope, and it introduces some significant new elements. These new elements include prohibiting the use of snares and glue traps in Wales, and the new powers for Natural Resources Wales over forestry felling licences. And so, whilst these provisions could be argued to be agricultural in nature, they could also perhaps have been legislated for and scrutinised separately. The Economy, Trade and Rural Affairs Committee had 14 weeks to scrutinise the general principles of this Bill. We considered all aspects of the Bill to the best of our ability in the time available. I know that the Legislation, Justice and Constitution Committee has made some strong recommendations about the Welsh Government's chosen approach to legislating in the field of agriculture, and so I will not pre-empt anything other Members may say about that, but I would like to highlight some of the policy-related matters that we identify in our report. The Welsh Government has involved stakeholders in the development of this Bill in recent years, with a number of consultations and a co-design process. So it was initially surprising to us on the committee that there were some fundamental issues on which stakeholders still had quite divergent views. The very definition of 'sustainable land management' has proved to be a sticking point. To the lay reader there is no definition, neither bespoke nor borrowed, on the face of the Bill. The Minister's view is that the sustainable land management objectives set out in section 1 of the Bill are the definition. And the Committee's report sets out some strong arguments for how those objectives in section 1, and the list of purposes for support in section 8, could be strengthened. There is also some disquiet about the proposal to allow the definition of 'agriculture' to be amended by subordinate legislation, and we have recommended that the Minister also reviews this aspect of the Bill and seeks to allay concerns. There also appeared to be a lack of clarity and/or a lack of understanding by stakeholders about the Welsh Government's intentions with some of the provisions in the Bill. In particular this is the case for support for ancillary activities, and how this might benefit the agri-food supply chain. Recommendation 16 of our report asks the Minister to provide more clarity on this. It was also widely expected by stakeholders that national minimum standards would be a feature of this legislation, and there was much disappointment that this was not the case. The committee would therefore like the Minister to clearly set out her intentions for the future regulatory baseline for the sector. We have also asked that the Minister gives further consideration to animal welfare and the role of the farm vet in the new legislative framework. From our scrutiny work it was clear that further work is needed to address concerns of tenant farmers and those who farm on common land, ensuring that they can fully access the support available under the proposed sustainable farming scheme. The needs of new entrants into the sector must also be fully supported by the Bill. We have welcomed the Minister's commitment to further work in these areas, as monitoring the effectiveness and impact of the sustainable farming scheme will be vital. In light of the evidence that the committee received, our report has suggested amendments to the Bill's reporting provisions, as well as the concerns that were raised with us about data collection provisions. The Bill grants Welsh Ministers powers over marketing standards, and our inquiry raised important questions about post-EU divergence and the role of the common frameworks. In our report we have also included a recommendation about assessing the impact of trade deals on the Welsh agricultural sector. In closing, Llywydd, I stress again that this is a wide-ranging and highly significant piece of legislation. I therefore invite all Members to consider the range of evidence and recommendations in our report, along with the views of the Legislation, Justice and Constitution Committee and the Finance Committee on the Bill as introduced. As our report notes, with regard to Part 5 of the Bill, a clear majority of the committee supported the provisions to prohibit the use of snares, although there was support from two Members for the Minister to give further consideration to a highly regulated licensing system. As I said earlier, this legislation will shape the landscape of Welsh agriculture and the environment for decades to come, and so we have to ensure that this piece of legislation is absolutely right. In taking account of the range of evidence presented to us, and our 30 recommendations, we recommend that the Senedd agrees to the general principles of this Agriculture (Wales) Bill and that it now proceeds to the second, amending stage. Diolch, Llywydd.

Bydd rhai darpariaethau'r Bil fframwaith hwn yn disodli cymalau yn Neddf Amaeth y DU 2020 sydd i fod i ddod i ben o dan gymal machlud ar ddiwedd 2024. Gyda rhai eithriadau, mae'r cymalau hyn yn adlewyrchu'r pwerau sydd gan Weinidogion Cymru o dan y Ddeddf DU honno ar hyn o bryd. Fodd bynnag, dylid nodi bod y Bil hwn yn arbennig o eang o ran cwmpas, ac mae'n cyflwyno rhai elfennau newydd sylweddol. Mae'r elfennau newydd hyn yn cynnwys gwahardd defnyddio maglau a thrapiau glud yng Nghymru, a'r pwerau newydd i Gyfoeth Naturiol Cymru ynghylch trwyddedau torri coed mewn coedwigoedd. Ac felly, er y gellid dadlau bod y darpariaethau hyn yn amaethyddol eu natur, efallai y gellid hefyd fod wedi eu deddfu a chraffu arnynt ar wahân. Roedd gan y Pwyllgor Economi, Masnach a Materion Gwledig 14 wythnos i graffu ar egwyddorion cyffredinol y Bil hwn. Fe wnaethon ni ystyried pob agwedd o'r Bil hyd eithaf ein gallu yn yr amser oedd ar gael. Gwn fod y Pwyllgor Deddfwriaeth, Cyfiawnder a'r Cyfansoddiad wedi gwneud rhai argymhellion cryf ynghylch y dull a ddewiswyd gan Lywodraeth Cymru i ddeddfu ym maes amaethyddiaeth, ac felly ni fyddaf yn achub y blaen ar unrhyw beth y bydd Aelodau eraill yn ei ddweud am hynny, ond hoffwn dynnu sylw at rai o'r materion sy'n gysylltiedig â pholisi a nodwn yn ein hadroddiad. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi cynnwys rhanddeiliaid wrth ddatblygu'r Bil hwn yn ystod y blynyddoedd diwethaf, gyda nifer o ymgynghoriadau a phroses gyd-ddylunio. Felly roedd yn syndod i ni ar y pwyllgor i ddechrau bod rhai materion sylfaenol nad oedd rhanddeiliaid yn gytûn arnynt o hyd. Mae'r union ddiffiniad o 'reoli tir cynaliadwy' wedi bod yn fater cynhennus. I'r darllenydd lleyg nid oes diffiniad, naill ai un pwrpasol neu wedi'i fenthyg, ar wyneb y Bil. Barn y Gweinidog yw mai'r amcanion rheoli tir cynaliadwy a nodir yn adran 1 o'r Bil yw'r diffiniad. Ac mae adroddiad y Pwyllgor yn nodi rhai dadleuon cryf dros sut y gellid cryfhau'r amcanion hynny yn adran 1, a'r rhestr o ddibenion ar gyfer cymorth yn adran 8. Mae rhywfaint o anniddigrwydd hefyd ynglŷn â'r cynnig i ganiatáu i'r diffiniad o 'amaethyddiaeth' gael ei ddiwygio gan is-ddeddfwriaeth, ac rydym wedi argymell bod y Gweinidog hefyd yn adolygu'r agwedd hon ar y Bil ac yn ceisio lliniaru pryderon. Ymddangosai bod diffyg eglurder a/neu ddiffyg dealltwriaeth gan randdeiliaid yn ymwneud â bwriadau Llywodraeth Cymru gyda rhai o'r darpariaethau yn y Bil hefyd. Yn benodol, mae hyn yn wir am gefnogaeth i weithgareddau ategol, a sut y gallai hyn fod o fudd i'r gadwyn gyflenwi bwyd-amaeth. Mae argymhelliad 16 o'n hadroddiad yn gofyn i'r Gweinidog roi mwy o eglurder ar hyn. Roedd disgwyl mawr hefyd gan randdeiliaid y byddai safonau gofynnol cenedlaethol yn nodwedd o'r ddeddfwriaeth hon, ac roedd cryn siom nad oedd hyn yn wir. Felly, hoffai'r pwyllgor i'r Gweinidog nodi ei bwriadau ar gyfer y waelodlin reoleiddio ar gyfer y sector yn y dyfodol. Rydyn ni hefyd wedi gofyn i'r Gweinidog roi ystyriaeth bellach i les anifeiliaid a swyddogaeth milfeddyg y fferm yn y fframwaith deddfwriaethol newydd. O'n gwaith craffu roedd yn amlwg bod angen gwaith pellach i fynd i'r afael â phryderon ffermwyr tenant a'r rhai sy'n ffermio ar dir comin, gan sicrhau eu bod yn gallu manteisio'n llawn ar y cymorth sydd ar gael o dan y cynllun ffermio cynaliadwy arfaethedig. Rhaid i anghenion newydd-ddyfodiaid i'r sector hefyd gael eu cefnogi'n llawn gan y Bil. Rydym ni wedi croesawu ymrwymiad y Gweinidog i waith pellach yn y meysydd hyn, gan y bydd monitro effeithiolrwydd ac effaith y cynllun ffermio cynaliadwy yn hanfodol. Yn sgil y dystiolaeth a dderbyniodd y pwyllgor, mae ein hadroddiad wedi awgrymu gwelliannau i ddarpariaethau adrodd y Bil, yn ogystal â'r pryderon a godwyd gyda ni am ddarpariaethau casglu data. Mae'r Bil yn rhoi pwerau i Weinidogion Cymru dros safonau marchnata, ac roedd ein hymchwiliad yn codi cwestiynau pwysig am wahaniaethau ar ôl ymadael â'r Undeb Ewropeaidd a swyddogaeth y fframweithiau cyffredin. Yn ein hadroddiad rydym ni hefyd wedi cynnwys argymhelliad ynghylch asesu effaith cytundebau masnach ar sector amaethyddol Cymru. Wrth gloi, Llywydd, pwysleisiaf eto fod hwn yn ddarn eang ac arwyddocaol iawn o ddeddfwriaeth. Felly, rwy'n gwahodd pob Aelod i ystyried ystod y dystiolaeth a'r argymhellion yn ein hadroddiad, ynghyd â safbwyntiau'r Pwyllgor Deddfwriaeth, Cyfiawnder a'r Cyfansoddiad a'r Pwyllgor Cyllid ar y Bil fel y'i cyflwynwyd. Fel y noda ein hadroddiad, o ran Rhan 5 o'r Bil, roedd mwyafrif clir o'r pwyllgor yn cefnogi'r darpariaethau i wahardd defnyddio maglau, er bod cefnogaeth gan ddau Aelod i'r Gweinidog roi ystyriaeth bellach i system drwyddedu reoledig iawn. Fel y dywedais yn gynharach, bydd y ddeddfwriaeth hon yn llunio tirwedd amaeth Cymru a'r amgylchedd am ddegawdau i ddod, ac felly mae'n rhaid i ni sicrhau bod y darn hwn o'r ddeddfwriaeth yn gwbl gywir. Wrth ystyried yr ystod o dystiolaeth a gyflwynir i ni, a'n 30 argymhelliad, rydym yn argymell i'r Senedd gytuno i egwyddorion cyffredinol y Bil Amaethyddiaeth (Cymru) hwn a'i bod yn mynd ymlaen nawr at yr ail gyfnod, sef y cyfnod diwygio. Diolch, Llywydd.

Diolch, Llywydd. I'd like to open my contribution this afternoon by thanking the committee members and our clerking team, but also by emphasising that one of the key questions my committee considers is whether a Bill is fit for purpose as a piece of law. As a general rule, we don't comment on the merits of the policy it contains. The Minister told us that the Bill is a framework Bill, with the aim of being in place for several decades. As a result, the Minister emphasised the need for futureproofing and flexibility. But it is because the Bill is a framework or enabling Bill that our report contains so many recommendations - there are 44 in total. It's a reflection in part of our concern about the amount of power it provides to Welsh Ministers at the expense of this legislature. Our report demonstrates that it isn't just our committee that has concerns about the use of framework Bills - our predecessor committees and long-established committees in the House of Lords express the same concerns. Of most importance when a legislature is asked to delegate powers to the executive is consideration as to how those powers could be used in the future, rather than how the current Minister intends to use them at the time they are taken. So, it's regardless of words on record and intent of this Minister. If passed, the Bill will delegate broad powers to any future Government in Wales. The powers could be used to develop significant policy on agriculture, with very limited democratic input and decision making by the Senedd as the legislature. That's what this Bill as currently written does; it can be amended. Future Welsh Ministers will be able to avoid detailed scrutiny by the Senedd of what could be substantive and significant policy decisions on agriculture, potentially for, and I repeat it, decades. We believe that the Welsh Government has had the opportunity to draft a Bill that could have included more detail on its face. The detail would have included the relevant purposes, the principles and the criteria underpinning agricultural policy in Wales that will replace the provisions and powers being returned from the European Union, not least since the decision to leave the EU was taken by the electorate in 2016. In an attempt to improve the Bill, therefore, 11 of our recommendations require more information to be placed on its face, particularly on policy detail and matters relating to the exercise of regulation-making powers. In addition, a further 15 recommendations seek explanations for the approach adopted in the Bill. They genuinely are seeking to improve the Bill. In the absence of any sunset provision - I draw particular reference to that - to ensure transition to a new system of agricultural support, changes could be made, as it's currently fashioned in this Bill, on an indefinite basis to the existing system, which gives certainty to no-one. We accept that it is this Minister's stated intention to transition to the sustainable farming scheme and a new system of support. But, as currently drafted, the Bill places no obligation on this or any future Government to actually do so by any certain date. We have therefore recommended that it would be appropriate to include a sunset provision in the Bill to provide that certainty - an end date for transition away from the basic payment scheme and the common agricultural policy. If provision is included to allow an end date to be amended by regulations, such regulations then should be of course subject to the affirmative procedure. We note that the Welsh Government has not replicated limitations on the exercise of some regulation-making powers - so, for example, under sections 15, 16 and 22 of the Bill - that were included in the UK Agriculture Act 2020. This means that, as it currently stands, the 2020 Act - legislation by the UK Government - provides more control for this Senedd over the exercise of Welsh Ministers' powers than the Bill before us today. So, nine of our recommendations were aimed at addressing this specific issue. We think that these are sensible. Five of our recommendations relate to the procedures attached to the making of regulations, and a further four recommendations call for amendments to 12 sections in the Bill to include a duty on the Welsh Ministers to consult before making regulations, because this is such a framework Bill. This is important because, in a recent set of, for example, student loans regulations, the Welsh Government did not consult before making the regulations because there was no statutory requirement to do so. It may have been good or bad policy, but there was no duty to consult. I would like to cover now two brief specific recommendations before closing. We recommended that the Bill should be amended to include a definition of 'sustainable land management'. In the committee's view, it is not appropriate to try and define a term adequately by a set of objectives, which may or may not be achieved and which can be balanced across and traded against each other. It does not provide the certainty needed in good law. Section 50 of the Bill permits the Welsh Ministers to amend the definitions of agriculture and ancillary activities - definitions that go to the very heart of the Bill. This is an exceptionally broad power that could fundamentally change the nature and the reach of this Bill. So, as well as seeking clarity on why this power is being taken, we recommended that, if the Minister retains section 50, a superaffirmative procedure should apply to the regulation power. So, just in conclusion, Llywydd, we concluded that the Bill, as currently framed, in this broad framework that it has, doesn't actually provide a sensible and constitutionally appropriate approach to legislation and has some significant shortcomings. But these can be improved in the passage of the Bill, so, in the interests of sound law making, we hope that the Minister, who's offered to write to us in detail on our recommendations, does listen to those concerns, which are sensible recommendations, and can address this positively as the Bill proceeds. Thank you very much. Diolch yn fawr iawn.

Diolch, Llywydd. Hoffwn agor fy nghyfraniad y prynhawn yma trwy ddiolch i aelodau'r pwyllgor a'n tîm clercio, ond hefyd trwy bwysleisio mai un o'r cwestiynau allweddol y mae fy mhwyllgor yn ei ystyried yw, a yw Bil yn addas i'r diben fel darn o gyfraith. Fel rheol gyffredinol, nid ydym yn gwneud sylw ar rinweddau'r polisi y mae'n ei gynnwys. Dywedodd y Gweinidog wrthym ni mai Bil fframwaith yw'r Bil, gyda'r nod o fod yn ei le am sawl degawd. O ganlyniad, pwysleisiodd y Gweinidog yr angen am ddiogelu'r dyfodol a hyblygrwydd. Ond mae ein hadroddiad yn cynnwys cymaint o argymhellion - 44 i gyd, oherwydd bod y Bil yn Fil fframwaith neu Fil galluogi. Mae'n adlewyrchiad yn rhannol o'n pryder ynghylch faint o bŵer y mae'n ei ddarparu i Weinidogion Cymru ar draul y ddeddfwrfa hon. Mae ein hadroddiad yn dangos nad ein pwyllgor ni yn unig sydd â phryderon am ddefnyddio Biliau fframwaith - mae ein pwyllgorau rhagflaenol a'n pwyllgorau sydd wedi hen ennill eu plwyf yn Nhŷ'r Arglwyddi yn mynegi'r un pryderon. O'r pwys mwyaf pan ofynnir i ddeddfwrfa ddirprwyo pwerau i'r pwyllgor gwaith yw ystyried sut y gellid defnyddio'r pwerau hynny yn y dyfodol, yn hytrach na sut mae'r Gweinidog presennol yn bwriadu eu defnyddio ar adeg eu llunio. Felly, ni waeth beth yw'r geiriau ar gof a chadw a bwriad y Gweinidog hwn. Os caiff ei basio bydd y Bil yn dirprwyo pwerau eang i unrhyw Lywodraeth yng Nghymru yn y dyfodol. Gallai'r pwerau gael eu defnyddio i ddatblygu polisi sylweddol ar amaethyddiaeth, gyda mewnbwn democrataidd a grymoedd penderfynu cyfyngedig iawn gan y Senedd fel y ddeddfwrfa. Dyna yw swyddogaeth y Bil hwn fel y'i hysgrifennwyd ar hyn o bryd; gellir ei ddiwygio. Bydd Gweinidogion Cymru yn y dyfodol yn gallu osgoi craffu manwl gan y Senedd ar yr hyn a allai fod yn benderfyniadau polisi sylweddol a dwys ar amaethyddiaeth, o bosibl ar gyfer, ac rwy'n ei ailadrodd, degawdau. Rydym o'r farn bod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi cael y cyfle i ddrafftio Bil a allai fod wedi cynnwys mwy o fanylion ar ei wyneb. Byddai'r manylion wedi cynnwys y dibenion perthnasol, yr egwyddorion a'r meini prawf sy'n sail i bolisi amaethyddol yng Nghymru a fydd yn disodli'r darpariaethau a'r pwerau sy'n cael eu dychwelyd o'r Undeb Ewropeaidd, nid lleiaf ers i'r etholwyr benderfynu gadael yr UE yn 2016. Mewn ymgais i wella'r Bil, felly, mae 11 o'n hargymhellion yn gofyn am roi mwy o wybodaeth ar ei wyneb, yn enwedig ar fanylion polisi a materion sy'n ymwneud ag arfer pwerau gwneud rheoliadau. Yn ogystal, mae 15 o argymhellion eraill yn gofyn am esboniadau ar gyfer y dull a fabwysiadwyd yn y Bil. Maen nhw wirioneddol yn ceisio gwella'r Bil. Yn absenoldeb unrhyw ddarpariaeth machlud - rwy'n cyfeirio'n benodol at hynny - er mwyn sicrhau trosglwyddo i system newydd o gefnogaeth amaethyddol, gellid gwneud newidiadau, fel y mae yn y Bil hwn ar hyn o bryd, ar sail amhenodol i'r system bresennol, sy'n rhoi sicrwydd i neb. Rydym yn derbyn mai bwriad y Gweinidog hwn yw trosglwyddo i'r cynllun ffermio cynaliadwy a system newydd o gefnogaeth. Ond, fel y'i drafftiwyd ar hyn o bryd, nid yw'r Bil yn gosod unrhyw rwymedigaeth ar y Llywodraeth hon nac ar unrhyw un yn y dyfodol i wneud hynny mewn gwirionedd erbyn unrhyw ddyddiad penodol. Rydym ni felly wedi argymell y byddai'n briodol cynnwys darpariaeth machlud yn y Bil i ddarparu'r sicrwydd hwnnw - dyddiad gorffen ar gyfer pontio o'r cynllun talu sylfaenol a'r polisi amaethyddol cyffredin. Os cynhwysir darpariaeth i ganiatáu diwygio dyddiad terfynol gan reoliadau, dylai rheoliadau o'r fath yna fod yn ddarostyngedig i'r weithdrefn gadarnhaol wrth gwrs. Rydym ni'n nodi nad yw Llywodraeth Cymru wedi efelychu cyfyngiadau ar arfer rhai pwerau gwneud rheoliadau - felly, er enghraifft, o dan adrannau 15, 16 a 22 o'r Bil - a gawsant eu cynnwys yn Neddf Amaethyddiaeth y DU 2020. Mae hyn yn golygu, fel y mae ar hyn o bryd, bod Deddf 2020 - deddfwriaeth gan Lywodraeth y DU - yn rhoi mwy o reolaeth i'r Senedd hon dros arfer pwerau Gweinidogion Cymru na'r Bil sydd ger ein bron heddiw. Felly, nod naw o'n hargymhellion oedd mynd i'r afael â'r mater penodol hwn. Credwn fod y rhain yn synhwyrol. Mae pump o'n hargymhellion yn ymwneud â'r gweithdrefnau sydd ynghlwm wrth wneud rheoliadau, ac mae pedwar argymhelliad pellach yn galw am ddiwygio 12 adran yn y Bil i gynnwys dyletswydd ar Weinidogion Cymru i ymgynghori cyn gwneud rheoliadau, gan fod hwn yn Fil fframwaith o'r fath. Mae hyn yn bwysig oherwydd, mewn cyfres ddiweddar o reoliadau benthyciadau myfyrwyr, er enghraifft, ni ymgynghorwyd â Llywodraeth Cymru cyn gwneud y rheoliadau oherwydd nad oedd gofyniad statudol i wneud hynny. Efallai y bu yn bolisi da neu ddrwg, ond doedd dim dyletswydd i ymgynghori. Hoffwn yn awr gwmpasu dau argymhelliad penodol byr cyn cloi. Argymhellwyd y dylid diwygio'r Bil i gynnwys diffiniad o 'reoli tir cynaliadwy'. Ym marn y pwyllgor, nid yw'n briodol ceisio diffinio term yn ddigonol drwy gyfres o amcanion, y gellir eu cyflawni neu beidio ac y gellir eu cydbwyso neu eu cyfnewid â'i gilydd. Nid yw'n rhoi'r sicrwydd sydd ei angen mewn cyfraith dda. Mae adran 50 o'r Bil yn caniatáu i Weinidogion Cymru ddiwygio'r diffiniadau o amaethyddiaeth a gweithgareddau ategol - diffiniadau sy'n mynd at wraidd y Bil. Dyma bŵer eithriadol o eang a allai newid natur a chyrhaeddiad y Bil hwn yn sylfaenol. Felly, yn ogystal â cheisio eglurder ynghylch pam yr hawlir y pŵer hwn, fe wnaethon ni argymell, os yw'r Gweinidog yn cadw adran 50, y dylai gweithdrefn uwch-gadarnhau fod yn berthnasol i'r pŵer rheoleiddio. Felly, dim ond i gloi, Llywydd, daethom i'r casgliad nad yw'r Bil, fel y mae ar hyn o bryd, yn y fframwaith eang hwn sydd ganddo, mewn gwirionedd yn darparu dull synhwyrol a chyfansoddiadol briodol o ddeddfwriaeth a bod ganddo rai diffygion sylweddol. Ond gellir gwella'r rhain wrth basio'r Bil, felly, er budd llunio cyfraith gadarn, gobeithiwn fod y Gweinidog, sydd wedi cynnig ysgrifennu atom yn fanwl ar ein hargymhellion, yn gwrando ar y pryderon hynny, sy'n argymhellion synhwyrol, ac yn gallu mynd i'r afael â hyn yn gadarnhaol wrth i'r Bil fynd rhagddo. Diolch yn fawr iawn.

Thank you, Llywydd, and I'm pleased to contribute to this debate as Chair of the Finance Committee, and I'm delighted to thank the Minister for giving evidence and the clerking team and Members for their work. I'm sure that the Minister is pleased that we didn't make as many recommendations as some other committees; we made 10 recommendations in total. So, I thank the Minister for providing a response prior to this debate and for accepting nine of our recommendations. Sadly, as with so many Bills that have been introduced to this Senedd, the lack of information contained in the regulatory impact assessment accompanying this Bill has made it difficult for the committee to assess its total costs.

Diolch, Llywydd, a dwi'n falch o gael cyfrannu yn y ddadl yma heddiw fel Cadeirydd y Pwyllgor Cyllid, a dwi'n falch iawn o ddiolch i'r Gweinidog am roi tystiolaeth, ac i'r tîm clercod ac i'r Aelodau am eu gwaith. Dwi'n siŵr bod y Gweinidog yn falch ein bod ni ddim wedi rhoi cymaint o recommendations i mewn â rhai o'r pwyllgorau eraill; dŷn ni wedi rhoi 10 argymhelliad. Felly, dwi'n diolch i'r Gweinidog am ddarparu ymateb i ni cyn y ddadl hon ac am dderbyn naw o'r argymhellion hynny. Yn anffodus, fel sydd wedi digwydd gyda chymaint o Filiau a gyflwynwyd i'r Senedd, mae diffyg gwybodaeth yn yr asesiad effaith rheoleiddiol sy'n cyd-fynd â'r Bil wedi'i gwneud yn anodd i'r pwyllgor asesu cyfanswm costau'r Bil.

In particular, we have a significant concern regarding the lack of available financial information relating to the future sustainable land management scheme that will be introduced by this Bill, which is not yet finalised. This is the most significant cost arising from the Bill and assumes that Welsh Government's annual payments to farmers will be £278 million, under the future SLM scheme. However, there seems to be a hole in the Welsh Government's finances on this point. The funding that farmers currently receive through the common agricultural policy is approximately £370 million per annum - almost £100 million more than the cost of the new scheme. The Minister told us that the 'missing' £100 million was the rural development plan funding, which has not been included, as it is not a direct payment to farmers. However, we are not clear what the RDP costs outlined in option 3 of the RIA relate to. We are therefore pleased that the Minister has agreed our recommendation 2 and will provide further details relating to this element when the revised RIA is laid following Stage 2. We have concerns about the affordability of the new scheme, especially if there is a maximum take-up from all farm businesses. We recommend that the Minister undertakes modelling work to estimate the annual cost of the new scheme, dependent on the different levels of take-up in different farming types. The Minister has agreed in principle, but said that the timescales will not allow additional information to be included in the revised RIA. However, we note that the environmental and economic modelling work being undertaken will inform the design of the final proposed scheme, and we are pleased to hear the commitment to consult on the final scheme at the end of this year. We are disappointed that the Minister is unable to accept recommendation 6. This recommendation asked for further work to be undertaken to assess the cost to the private sector related to forestry arising as a result of adding conditions to new licences. However, we are encouraged to hear the Minister's response that no additional costs to the private sector are envisaged over and above what they are already. There are also significant IT costs to develop a new system for online applications and contract management of £35.5 million. We are pleased that the Minister's preferred option is to enhance and build on the current system and that she has agreed recommendation 8 to provide further details of the IT development costs in the revised RIA. In addition, the cost for farmers completing an online application is estimated to be 50 per cent higher than maintaining the status quo, and this may impede farmers, especially on smaller farms, from applying for the scheme. We are grateful to the Minister for accepting recommendation 9 and her commitment that making the application process user friendly is an important design principle that will be adopted where possible. Approximately £2.8 million of additional costs will be borne by Natural Resources Wales. We are aware that NRW is facing a flat budget for the next financial year, which amounts to a real-terms cut. We asked for clarification on whether additional funding will be made available by the Welsh Government or whether NRW will be expected to absorb these costs into the existing budget. Whilst the Minister has accepted this recommendation, regrettably, the narrative that she provided fails to answer the question.

Yn benodol, mae gennym ni bryder sylweddol ynghylch y diffyg gwybodaeth ariannol sydd ar gael yn ymwneud â'r cynllun rheoli tir cynaliadwy yn y dyfodol a gyflwynir gan y Bil hwn, nad yw wedi'i gwblhau eto. Dyma'r gost fwyaf sylweddol sy'n deillio o'r Bil ac mae'n tybio y bydd taliadau blynyddol Llywodraeth Cymru i ffermwyr yn £278 miliwn, dan gynllun rheoli tir cynaliadwy y dyfodol. Ond mae'n ymddangos bod diffyg yng nghyllid Llywodraeth Cymru yn hyn o beth. Tua £370 miliwn y flwyddyn yw'r cyllid y mae ffermwyr yn ei gael ar hyn o bryd drwy'r polisi amaethyddol cyffredin - bron i £100 miliwn yn fwy na chost y cynllun newydd. Dywedodd y Gweinidog mai'r £100 miliwn 'coll' oedd cyllid y cynllun datblygu gwledig, sydd heb ei gynnwys, gan nad yw'n daliad uniongyrchol i ffermwyr. Fodd bynnag, nid ydym yn glir beth mae'r costau cynllun datblygu gwledig a amlinellir yn opsiwn 3 o'r asesiad effaith rheoleiddiol yn ymwneud â nhw. Rydym yn falch felly bod y Gweinidog wedi cytuno ar argymhelliad 2 o'n heiddo a byddwn yn darparu manylion pellach yn ymwneud â'r elfen hon pan gyflwynir yr asesiad effaith rheoleiddiol diwygiedig yn dilyn Cyfnod 2. Mae gennym bryderon am fforddiadwyedd y cynllun newydd, yn enwedig os yw pob busnes fferm yn hawlio'r uchafswm dyledus. Rydym yn argymell bod y Gweinidog yn gwneud gwaith modelu i amcangyfrif cost flynyddol y cynllun newydd, yn ddibynnol ar y gwahanol fentiau o gyllid a hawlir mewn gwahanol fathau o ffermio. Mae'r Gweinidog wedi cytuno mewn egwyddor, ond dywedodd na fydd yr amserlenni yn caniatáu cynnwys gwybodaeth ychwanegol yn yr asesiad effaith rheoleiddiol diwygiedig. Fodd bynnag, rydym yn nodi y bydd y gwaith modelu amgylcheddol ac economaidd a wneir yn llywio dyluniad y cynllun arfaethedig terfynol, ac rydym yn falch o glywed yr ymrwymiad i ymgynghori ar y cynllun terfynol ddiwedd eleni. Rydym yn siomedig nad yw'r Gweinidog yn gallu derbyn argymhelliad 6. Gofynnodd yr argymhelliad hwn am waith pellach i asesu'r gost i'r sector preifat sy'n gysylltiedig â choedwigaeth sy'n codi o ganlyniad i ychwanegu amodau i drwyddedau newydd. Fodd bynnag, fe'n calonogir ni o glywed ymateb y Gweinidog nad oes unrhyw gostau ychwanegol i'r sector preifat yn cael eu rhagweld yn fwy na'r hyn ydyn nhw eisoes. Mae costau TG sylweddol hefyd i ddatblygu system newydd ar gyfer ceisiadau ar-lein a rheoli contractau o £35.5 miliwn. Rydym yn falch mai hoff ddewis y Gweinidog yw gwella ac adeiladu ar y system bresennol a'i bod wedi cytuno ar argymhelliad 8 i roi manylion pellach am gostau datblygu TG yn yr asesiad effaith rheoleiddiol diwygiedig. Ar ben hynny, amcangyfrifir bod y gost i ffermwyr sy'n cwblhau cais ar-lein 50 y cant yn uwch na chynnal y sefyllfa sydd ohoni, a gall hyn rwystro ffermwyr, yn enwedig ar ffermydd llai, rhag gwneud cais am y cynllun. Rydym yn ddiolchgar i'r Gweinidog am dderbyn argymhelliad 9 ac mae ei hymrwymiad bod gwneud y broses ymgeisio yn gyfeillgar i ddefnyddwyr yn egwyddor ddylunio bwysig a fydd yn cael ei mabwysiadu lle bo modd. Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru fydd yn ysgwyddo oddeutu £2.8 miliwn o gostau ychwanegol. Rydym yn ymwybodol bod Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru yn wynebu cyllideb wastad am y flwyddyn ariannol nesaf, sy'n gyfystyr â thoriad mewn termau real. Fe ofynnon ni am eglurhad a fydd cyllid ychwanegol ar gael gan Lywodraeth Cymru neu a fydd disgwyl i Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru amsugno'r costau hyn i'r gyllideb bresennol. Er bod y Gweinidog wedi derbyn yr argymhelliad hwn, yn anffodus, nid yw'r naratif a roddodd yn ateb y cwestiwn.

Llywydd, I am conscious of time, but I would like to raise an important issue relating to the consideration of financial resolution motions. Whilst acknowledging that the Minister has responded prior to today's debate, this is not standard practice. Usually, responses are issued after the Stage 1 debate, with the financial resolution considered immediately after the Stage 1 motion has been agreed. This process does not allow Members of the Senedd to properly consider the financial implications fully before being asked to authorise spending arising from a Bill. We feel that this also undermines the committee's efforts and increases the risk of the Senedd passing laws with uncertain financial outcomes. I have been in correspondence with the First Minister and suggested that, when it is not possible for Ministers to respond prior to the Stage 1 debate, it would be appropriate to take the financial resolution motion at least a week later. I am awaiting a response from the Welsh Government, but I'm sure this Chamber would agree that, given the current pressures on public finances, it is more important than ever that the Welsh Government provides as much clarity as possible and as much assurance as possible before it asks the Senedd to commit resources. Thank you.

Llywydd, rwy'n ymwybodol o'r amser, ond hoffwn godi mater pwysig sy'n ymwneud ag ystyried cynigion am benderfyniadau ariannol. Rwy'n cydnabod y ffaith bod y Gweinidog wedi ymateb cyn y ddadl heddiw, ond nid dyna'r arfer. Mae ymatebion fel arfer yn cael eu cyhoeddi ar ôl y ddadl Cyfnod 1, gyda'r penderfyniad ariannol yn cael ei ystyried yn syth ar ôl cytuno ar y cynnig Cyfnod 1. Nid yw'r broses hon yn caniatáu i Aelodau o'r Senedd hon ystyried y goblygiadau ariannol yn llawn cyn y mae gofyn iddyn nhw awdurdodi gwariant sy'n deillio o Fil. Rydym yn teimlo bod hyn hefyd yn tanseilio ymdrechion y pwyllgor, a'i fod yn cynyddu'r risg yn sylweddol y bydd y Senedd yn pasio deddfau gyda chanlyniadau ariannol ansicr. Rydw i wedi bod mewn gohebiaeth efo'r Prif Weinidog ac wedi awgrymu, pan nad yw'n bosibl i Weinidog ymateb cyn dadl Cyfnod 1, y byddai'n briodol trafod y cynnig ar gyfer penderfyniad ariannol o leiaf wythnos yn ddiweddarach. Rwy'n aros am ymateb gan Lywodraeth Cymru, ond rwy'n siŵr y byddai'r Siambr hon yn cytuno, o ystyried y pwysau presennol ar y gyllideb gyhoeddus, ei bod yn bwysicach nag erioed bod Llywodraeth Cymru yn rhoi cymaint o eglurder a sicrwydd â phosibl cyn y mae'n gofyn i'r Senedd ymrwymo adnoddau. Diolch yn fawr.

As always, I'm very grateful to have the opportunity to contribute in this afternoon's debate. We will be voting in favour of the general principles of this Bill. As has already been mentioned, this is a landmark piece of legislation for Wales's agricultural community. For the first time ever, Wales is set to benefit from having its first Welsh-born, Welsh-bred agricultural legislation, tailored to the uniqueness of the industry in Wales and its importance to our culture and language. As a Welsh parliamentarian in this Senedd Cymru, this is certainly a principle that I'm incredibly proud of, and now, as Minister for rural affairs, you have more powers than you previously held. With Putin's illegal invasion of Ukraine shining an important spotlight on the significance of food sovereignty, and the pressures being seen by both food consumers and producers, this Bill's passage through this place comes at an important time both domestically and globally. And, to steal a phrase from Bon Jovi, Llywydd, this agriculture Bill is halfway there, so, as we progress to Stage 2, let's get this Bill all the way there. The need to focus on productivity is important. With sustainable land management the key objective, and the leading role the agricultural community plays in tackling climate change, we must continue to see the production of high-quality Welsh produce and the sustainable use of our land as two sides of the same coin. Through technology and improved farming practices, it's easily possible to be able to get more from less without exploiting the resources available to us. It's vital then that productivity is reflected in this legislation. So, it's important that we get this legislation right. I welcome the fact that the Government hasn't rushed this agricultural policy; they've taken their time through consultation and discussions with the farming community to get the Bill to where it is today - a long way from where the 'Brexit and our land' consultation had us in 2018. But, with that, our agricultural community needs security. Our farmers need that important ability to be able to plan for the future. And, whilst this draft legislation does that to some degree, I still think it can go further. That ability to plan ahead is not just specific to farm businesses, but in the wider context of the sustainable land management objectives. Economic, social, cultural, environmental - they all need this ability. But, in addition to this, we ought to ensure that all four objectives are displayed and interpreted on one equal footing, removing the possibility of ambiguity or any prioritisation. By ensuring that this is done, we can make certain that all four objectives are given equal and intertwined priority in their implementation, so that no focus can be shifted from one to another. One such point of contention surrounds the restriction of certain predatory controls. It remains questionable whether the Bill allows the Welsh Government to maintain and enhance the resilience of ecosystems effectively, whilst at the same time removing predatory control - a possibility that there is a contradiction between two parts of the Bill. And so, this is a matter of clarity that I look forward to seeking during Stage 2 of the Bill's progression. This Bill is ambitious, but with such ambition, we must ensure that there are sufficient checks and balances in place. By obligating the Welsh Government to report back on their key ambitions, we can ensure that Ministers are kept on track and that all objectives within this legislation are being successfully achieved because we cannot afford either of the four objectives to fall below the wayside. Llywydd, this is an incredibly exciting time for Wales's agricultural community. Yes, there are challenges before us, but I am proud of the work that our farmers have done and continue to do in feeding a nation and protecting our environment. I hope that the final Agriculture (Wales) Bill will echo that pride in our farmers, welcoming the next generation of farmers onto the land. Diolch yn fawr.

Fel bob amser, rwy'n ddiolchgar iawn am gael y cyfle i gyfrannu yn y ddadl y prynhawn yma. Byddwn yn pleidleisio o blaid egwyddorion cyffredinol y Bil hwn. Fel y soniwyd eisoes, mae hwn yn ddarn o ddeddfwriaeth nodedig i gymuned amaethyddol Cymru. Am y tro cyntaf erioed, mae Cymru ar fin manteisio ar gael ei deddfwriaeth amaethyddol gyntaf, a luniwyd yma yng Nghymru, wedi'i theilwra i natur y diwydiant yng Nghymru a'i phwysigrwydd i'n diwylliant a'n hiaith. Fel seneddwr Cymreig yn y Senedd hon, mae hon yn sicr yn egwyddor yr wyf yn hynod falch ohoni, ac erbyn hyn, fel Gweinidog materion gwledig, mae gennych chi fwy o bwerau nag oedd gennych chi gynt. Gyda goresgyniad anghyfreithlon Putin ar Wcráin yn dal sylw pwysig ar arwyddocâd sofraniaeth bwyd, a'r pwysau a welir gan ddefnyddwyr a chynhyrchwyr bwyd, mae hynt y Bil hwn drwy'r lle hwn ar adeg bwysig gartref ac yn fyd-eang. Ac, er mwyn dwyn ymadrodd gan Bon Jovi, Llywydd, mae'r Bil amaethyddiaeth hwn hanner ffordd yno, felly, wrth inni fynd ymlaen i Gyfnod 2, boed inni gyrraedd pen y daith gyda'r Bil hwn. Mae'r angen i ganolbwyntio ar gynhyrchiant yn bwysig. Gyda rheoli tir cynaliadwy yr amcan allweddol, a swyddogaeth flaenllaw y gymuned amaethyddol wrth fynd i'r afael â newid hinsawdd, mae'n rhaid inni barhau i weld cynhyrchu cynnyrch Cymreig o safon uchel a'r defnydd cynaliadwy o'n tir fel dwy ochr i'r un geiniog. Drwy dechnoleg a gwell arferion ffermio, mae'n hawdd cael mwy o lai heb ddefnyddio'r adnoddau sydd ar gael i ni. Mae'n hanfodol felly yr adlewyrchir cynhyrchiant yn y ddeddfwriaeth hon. Felly, mae'n bwysig inni weithredu'r ddeddfwriaeth yma'n briodol. Rwy'n croesawu'r ffaith nad yw'r Llywodraeth wedi rhuthro'r polisi amaethyddol hwn; maen nhw wedi cymryd eu hamser drwy ymgynghori a thrafod gyda'r gymuned ffermio i gael y Bil i ble mae heddiw - ymhell o'r sefyllfa yr oedden ni ynddi gydag ymgynghoriad 'Brexit a'n tir' yn 2018. Ond, gyda hynny, mae angen sicrwydd ar ein cymuned amaethyddol. Mae ar ein ffermwyr angen y gallu hanfodol hwnnw i allu cynllunio ar gyfer y dyfodol. Ac, er bod y ddeddfwriaeth ddrafft hon yn gwneud hynny i ryw raddau, rwy'n dal i feddwl y gall fynd ymhellach. Nid yw'r gallu hwnnw i gynllunio ymlaen llaw yn benodol i fusnesau fferm yn unig, ond yng nghyd-destun ehangach yr amcanion rheoli tir cynaliadwy. Economaidd, cymdeithasol, diwylliannol, amgylcheddol - maen arnyn nhw i gyd angen y gallu hwn. Ond, yn ogystal â hyn, fe ddylem ni sicrhau y caiff y pedwar amcan eu harddangos a'u dehongli ar un sail gyfartal, gan gael gwared ar y posibilrwydd o amwysedd neu unrhyw flaenoriaethu. Drwy sicrhau y gwneir hyn, gallwn sicrhau bod pob un o'r pedwar amcan yn cael blaenoriaeth gyfartal ac yn cydblethu wrth eu gweithredu, fel na ellir symud unrhyw bwyslais o un i'r llall. Mae un daten boeth o'r fath ynghylch y cyfyngiad o rai elfennau o reoli plau. Mae'n dal yn amheus a yw'r Bil yn caniatáu i Lywodraeth Cymru gynnal a gwella cydnerthedd ecosystemau yn effeithiol, gan gael gwared ar reolaeth plau yr un pryd - posibilrwydd bod gwrthddywediad rhwng dwy ran o'r Bil. Ac felly, mae hyn yn fater o eglurder yr wyf yn edrych ymlaen at ei geisio yn ystod Cyfnod 2 o hynt y Bil. Mae'r Bil hwn yn uchelgeisiol, ond gydag uchelgais o'r fath, rhaid i ni sicrhau bod digon o wirio. Drwy roi rheidrwydd ar Lywodraeth Cymru i adrodd yn ôl ar eu huchelgeisiau allweddol, gallwn sicrhau bod Gweinidogion yn clywed y diweddaraf ac y caiff pob amcan yn y ddeddfwriaeth hon ei gyflawni'n llwyddiannus oherwydd ni allwn ni fforddio i'r naill na'r llall o'r pedwar amcan fethu. Llywydd, mae hwn yn gyfnod hynod gyffrous i gymuned amaethyddol Cymru. Oes, mae yna heriau o'n blaenau ni, ond rwy'n falch o'r gwaith mae ein ffermwyr wedi ei wneud ac yn parhau i'w wneud wrth fwydo cenedl a gwarchod ein hamgylchedd. Gobeithio y bydd Bil Amaethyddiaeth (Cymru) yn ei ffurf derfynol yn adleisio'r balchder hwnnw yn ein ffermwyr, gan groesawu'r genhedlaeth nesaf o ffermwyr i'r tir. Diolch yn fawr.

The journey to bring us to this part of the journey has been long and, at times, rather tempestuous. From the second that the statement was made that the United Kingdom was to leave the European Union, it was clear that a significant challenge faced the agricultural sector. Now, the journey began with a misstep, as the Government published 'Brexit and our land'. But, from the ashes of that scheme, we learned important lessons about collaboration, listening and joint planning, and this party has been clear in amplifying the voice of the agricultural community in this regard, which has brought us to where we are today. Now, let us not forget these important principles: everyone needs food, and this food has to be produced by someone, somewhere, in a sustainable way. That is the farmer's role. A farmer produces food so that we don't have to do so, so that we can sit or stand here debating and developing policy. So it was a surprise to see the first draft without any mention made whatsoever of the importance of food production. But now, in collaboration with Plaid Cymru and by listening to farmers' voices, food production is a key output of the Bill, which is to be welcomed. Ensuring the economic and community benefit of our farmers is also vital. If a piece of legislation on agriculture does not create the framework to safeguard the rural economy, then it's legislation that fails our food producers and fails our rural communities. That's why the agricultural community and us in Plaid Cymru, through Cefin Campbell's laudable work here, have pushed for economic value to be included on the face of the Bill. This is the fruit of years of collaboration and listening to the agricultural community, and collaboration too with the Government to achieve a common aim. I wish to take a moment to focus on other amendments that have been accepted by the Government as part of the co-operation partnership. The first objective, as well as mentioning food production, now emphasises the importance of resilient agricultural businesses in our communities. This will strengthen the Bill significantly, demonstrating the importance of the long-term viability of the Welsh family farm. In addition to this, three additional purposes have been drafted within section 8 of the Bill, which will help to support our rural communities, improve the resilience of agricultural businesses, and support the Welsh language and our culture. And, of course, we have to welcome and acknowledge the role of the party in ensuring the continuity of the basic payment during this transformative period to come. But, some questions remain, and as we begin our scrutiny of the Bill, I'm eager for the Government to formulate positive answers or satisfactory solutions to some of the questions and challenges posed by the Bill before us. The sustainable farming scheme has raised a number of questions and we're yet to receive clear answers to them, and we need these answers during the scrutiny period to give confidence to everyone involved in farming and with an interest in nature. For example, 10 per cent of trees. Although the meaning is obvious at first glance, it is unclear as to what this means in practice - 10 percent of what parcel of land, and what kinds of trees? By the same token, we need an explanation of the 10 per cent of wetlands. Farmers have to plan their businesses years in advance, preparing land for cereals or in nurturing and fattening their animals, and they have to do so in the face of a market that is often unstable and can change overnight. Therefore, a three-year budget would offer that stability, while simultaneously securing our food supply. So, I wonder whether the Minister would be willing to give the agricultural sector a three-year settlement. We also need detailed scrutiny of the impact of this proposed legislation on tenant farmers, and those who farm common land. We've heard a few words moving us in the right direction in this regard, but we need clarity and further confirmation on this. Finally, farmers in Wales are acutely aware of their environmental duties. They see the change in our natural world with their own eyes and experience climate change on a daily basis. They are eager to play their part as we try to reverse the decline in the natural world and limit the increase in global temperatures to 1.5 degrees above pre-industrial levels. So, I look forward to working with the sector and other partners as we scrutinise and finesse this Bill, and we'll be voting in favour of the proposal to enable us to move to Stage 2. Thank you.

Mae'r siwrnai er mwyn cyrraedd y rhan yma o'r daith wedi bod yn un hir ac, ar adegau, wedi bod yn reit dymhestlog. O'r eiliad y cafwyd y datganiad fod y Deyrnas Gyfunol am adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd, roedd hi'n amlwg bod yna her anferthol am fod o flaen y sector amaethyddol. Dechreuwyd y daith efo cam gwag, wrth i'r Llywodraeth gyflwyno 'Brexit a'n tir'. Ond, o ludw y cynllun hwnnw, dysgwyd gwersi pwysig am gydweithio, gwrando a chydgynllunio, ac mae'r blaid hon wedi bod yn glir wrth leisio barn y gymuned amaethyddol yn hyn o beth, sydd wedi dod â ni i'r fan yma heddiw. Rŵan, gadewch i ni beidio ag anghofio yr egwyddorion craidd hyn: mae'n rhaid i bawb gael bwyd, ac mae angen i'r bwyd yna gael ei gynhyrchu gan rywun, yn rhywle, mewn modd cynaliadwy. Dyna ydy rôl y ffermwr. Mae ffermwyr yn cynhyrchu bwyd fel ein bod ni ddim yn gorfod gwneud hynny, fel ein bod ni yn medru eistedd neu sefyll yma yn dadlau a datblygu polisi. Felly, roedd yn syndod gweld y drafft cyntaf heb unrhyw sôn o gwbl ynddo am bwysigrwydd cynhyrchu bwyd. Ond rŵan, drwy gydweithio â Phlaid Cymru a gwrando ar lais yr amaethwyr, mae cynhyrchu bwyd yn ddeilliant craidd yn y Bil, sydd i'w groesawu. Mae sicrhau budd economaidd a chymunedol ein hamaethwyr hefyd yn holl bwysig. Os nad ydy darn o ddeddfwriaeth ynghylch amaeth yn creu fframwaith sydd yn diogelu'r economi wledig yna mae'n ddeddfwriaeth sydd yn methu ein cynhyrchwyr bwyd ac yn methu ein cymunedau gwledig. Dyna pam i'r gymuned amaethyddol a ni yma ym Mhlaid Cymru, drwy waith clodwiw Cefin Campbell fan hyn, wthio mor galed i sicrhau bod gwerth economaidd yn gynwysedig ar wyneb y Bil. Dyma ichi ffrwyth llafur blynyddoedd o gydweithio a gwrando ar lais y gymuned amaethyddol, a chydweithio efo Llywodraeth i gyrraedd nod cyffredin. Dwi am gymryd ennyd i ganolbwyntio ar welliannau eraill sydd wedi cael eu derbyn gan y Llywodraeth fel rhan o'r bartneriaeth cydweithredu. Mae'r amcan cyntaf, yn ogystal â sôn am gynhyrchu bwyd, bellach yn pwysleisio pwysigrwydd gwytnwch busnesau amaethyddol o fewn eu cymunedau. Mae hyn am gryfhau y Bil yn sylweddol, gan ddangos pwysigrwydd hyfywedd economaidd hirdymor y fferm deuluol Gymreig. Yn ogystal â hyn, mae yna dri pwrpas ychwanegol wedi cael eu drafftio o fewn adran 8 o'r Bil, fydd yn helpu i gefnogi ein cymunedau gwledig, gwella gwytnwch busnesau amaethyddol, a chynnal y Gymraeg a'n diwylliant. Ac, wrth gwrs, mae'n rhaid croesawu a chydnabod rôl y Blaid mewn sicrhau parhad y taliadau sylfaenol yn ystod y cyfnod trawsnewidiol yma sydd i ddod. Ond, erys rhai cwestiynau o hyd, ac wrth ein bod ni'n edrych i ddechrau ar graffu y Bil, rwy'n awyddus i'r Llywodraeth feddwl am atebion cadarnhaol neu ddatrysiadau boddhaol i rai o'r cwestiynau a'r heriau sydd yn cael eu cynnig gan y Bil o'n blaenau. Mae'r cynllun ffermio cynaliadwy wedi codi nifer o gwestiynau sydd heb dderbyn atebion clir hyd yma, ac mae angen inni gael yr atebion yma yn ystod y cyfnod craffu er mwyn rhoi hyder i bawb sydd ynghlwm â ffermio a buddiannau natur yr un modd. Er enghraifft, 10 y cant o goed. Er yn ymddangosiadol amlwg, mae yna amwysedd ynghylch beth y mae hyn yn ei olygu wrth ei weithredu - 10 y cant o ba ddarn o dir, a pha fath o goed? Yn yr un modd, mae angen eglurder am y 10 y cant o dir gwlyb. Mae ffermwyr yn gorfod cynllunio eu busnesau flynyddoedd o flaen llaw wrth baratoi tir ar gyfer grawn neu wrth fagu a thewhau anifeiliaid, ac maen nhw'n gorfod gwneud hynny yn wyneb marchnad sydd, yn aml, yn ansefydlog ac yn medru newid dros nos. Felly, byddai rhoi cyllideb rhag blaen o dair blynedd yn sefydlogrwydd, gan helpu i sicrhau cyflenwad bwyd yr un pryd. Tybed fyddai'r Gweinidog yn fodlon rhoi setliad tair blynedd i'r sector amaethyddol? Mae hefyd angen craffu manwl ar effaith y Ddeddf arfaethedig yma ar ffermydd tenant a'r rhai sy'n ffermio tir comin. Dŷn ni wedi clywed ychydig o eiriau yn ein symud ni i'r cyfeiriad cywir yn hyn o beth, ond mae angen eglurhad a chadarnhad pellach. Yn olaf, mae ffermwyr Cymru yn ymwybodol iawn o'u dyletswyddau amgylcheddol, yn gweld y newid yn y byd natur o flaen eu llygaid ac yn profi newid hinsawdd yn ddyddiol. Maen nhw'n awyddus i chwarae eu rhan wrth i ni geisio gwyrdroi y cwymp ym myd natur a sicrhau nad ydy tymheredd y byd yn cynyddu y tu hwnt i 1.5 gradd yn uwch na'r hyn ydoedd yn yr oes cyn-ddiwydiannol. Felly, dwi'n edrych ymlaen i gydweithio â'r sector a phartneriaid eraill wrth graffu a mireinio'r Bil yma, ac mi fyddwn ni'n pleidleisio o blaid y cynnig er mwyn ein galluogi ni i fynd i Gyfnod 2. Diolch.

I thank the Economy, Trade and Rural Affairs Committee for allowing members of the climate change committee to take part in this really important inquiry in scrutiny of Stage 1 of the Bill. I wanted to talk a little bit more about recommendation 9, which is the need for more clarity on the role of local procurement and local food supply chains, and how they're going to be supported by the Bill. There's a decent amount of information in the explanatory memorandum about food security, which is a major concern for me. So, I approve of that level of detail, and, clearly, a lot of research has gone into what we mean by food security. So, food security is the ability of the people of Wales to access enough nutritious food to meet their dietary needs for a healthy life. It's not just affected by the availability of food, but also its affordability, quality and safety. Clearly, we have a major food security crisis in Wales, because so many of our population are unable to access healthy food, because they simply can't afford it. Not only that, in many cases, far too many people, regardless of their income, are simply not eating nutritious food because they simply don't understand that processed food is full of adulteration - things that are very, very bad for them. So, I think, highlighting the evidence from the Landworkers' Alliance, who argued that missing from the Bill was, really, some references to how we're going to develop the food system to strengthen our food security, because this Bill is intended to be for the next 20 or 30 years, so, therefore, we really, really do need to get it right. Samuel Kurtz mentioned the war in Ukraine, which is one, at the moment, I would regard as quite a temporary upheaval in food security. I think much more significant are the whole issues of climate change and the wholesale movement of populations who are unable to live in areas of the world because they simply can't produce any food. And, so, this is a much more significant issue. Also mentioned in the explanatory memorandum is the role of antimicrobial resistance, which is both for people and animals, and that's a very significant issue too. So, I think, I would like to see much more detail around how the Bill challenges us in our objectives around sustainable land management to really develop those local food networks that will enable people to have access to properly fresh food, produced in a way that does not undermine the quality of our soil, and ensures that we are not subject to what is going to be a very bumpy ride going forward as we transition away from the climate change emergency. So, I hope that the Minister can provide us with some assurance that, as we take forward the Bill to Stage 2, there will be a good deal more information about how we're going to do that.

Diolch i'r Pwyllgor Economi, Masnach a Materion Gwledig am ganiatáu i aelodau'r pwyllgor newid hinsawdd gymryd rhan yn yr ymchwiliad gwirioneddol bwysig hwn wrth graffu ar Gyfnod 1 y Bil. Roeddwn i eisiau siarad ychydig yn fwy am argymhelliad 9, sef yr angen am fwy o eglurder ar swyddogaeth caffael lleol a chadwyni cyflenwi bwyd lleol, a sut fydd y Bil yn eu cefnogi. Mae yna swm teilwng o wybodaeth yn y memorandwm esboniadol am ddiogeledd bwyd, sy'n bryder mawr i mi. Felly, rwy'n cymeradwyo'r lefel honno o fanylion, ac, yn amlwg, ymchwiliwyd llawer i'r hyn rydym ni'n ei olygu wrth ddiogeledd bwyd. Felly, diogeledd bwyd yw gallu pobl Cymru i gael gafael ar ddigon o fwyd maethlon i ddiwallu eu hanghenion dietegol ar gyfer bywyd iach. Nid effeithir arno gan faint o fwyd sydd ar gael yn unig, ond hefyd ei fforddiadwyedd, ei ansawdd a'i ddiogeledd. Yn amlwg, mae gennym ni argyfwng diogeledd bwyd mawr yng Nghymru, oherwydd bod cymaint o'n poblogaeth yn methu cael gafael ar fwyd iach, oherwydd yn syml, nid ydynt yn gallu ei fforddio. Nid yn unig hynny, mewn llawer o achosion, mae llawer gormod o bobl, ni waeth beth fo'u hincwm, nad ydyn nhw'n bwyta bwyd maethlon oherwydd yn syml, dydyn nhw ddim yn deall bod bwyd wedi'i brosesu yn llawn ategolion - pethau sy'n ddrwg iawn, iawn iddyn nhw. Felly, rwy'n credu, gan dynnu sylw at y dystiolaeth o Gynghrair Gweithwyr y Tir, oedd yn dadlau mai'r hyn oedd ar goll o'r Bil oedd, mewn gwirionedd, rai cyfeiriadau at sut rydym ni'n mynd i ddatblygu'r system fwyd i gryfhau ein diogeledd bwyd, oherwydd bwriedir i'r Bil hwn fod am yr 20 neu 30 mlynedd nesaf, felly, mae gwir angen i ni wneud pethau'n iawn. Soniodd Samuel Kurtz am y rhyfel yn Wcráin, sy'n un agwedd, ar hyn o bryd, y byddwn yn ystyried fel amhariad dros dro ar ddiogeledd bwyd. Agwedd llawer mwy arwyddocaol rwy'n credu yw'r holl faterion newid hinsawdd a symudiad poblogaethau cyfan nad ydynt yn gallu byw mewn ardaloedd o'r byd oherwydd yn syml, ni allant gynhyrchu unrhyw fwyd. Ac, felly, mae hwn yn fater llawer mwy arwyddocaol. Sonnir hefyd yn y memorandwm esboniadol am rôl ymwrthedd gwrthficrobaidd, sydd ar gyfer pobl ac anifeiliaid, ac mae hynny'n fater sylweddol iawn hefyd. Felly, rwy'n credu, hoffwn weld llawer mwy o fanylion ynghylch sut mae'r Bil yn ein herio yn ein hamcanion ynghylch rheoli tir cynaliadwy i wir ddatblygu'r rhwydweithiau bwyd lleol hynny a fydd yn galluogi pobl i gael mynediad at fwyd ffres iawn, wedi'i gynhyrchu mewn ffordd nad yw'n tanseilio ansawdd ein pridd, ac yn sicrhau nad ydym yn rhwym i daith anesmwyth iawn yn y dyfodol wrth i ni bontio o'r argyfwng newid hinsawdd. Felly, rwy'n gobeithio y gall y Gweinidog roi rhywfaint o sicrwydd i ni, wrth i ni fwrw ymlaen â'r Bil i Gyfnod 2, y bydd llawer iawn mwy o wybodaeth am sut rydym ni'n mynd i wneud hynny.

Thank you, Minister, for all your work in this regard. We've heard from many how this is really a once-in-a-generation opportunity to reshape agricultural policy in Wales, following our departure from the European Union. The last-minute amendments to the Bill are also welcomed, namely adding some additional detail on ensuring the sustainability of farm businesses. I would just like to raise some areas of focus for me. One of them we've heard about is food production. In my conversations - and I know others have raised this as well - with farmers, their biggest concern is that they are concerned there is no mechanism for measuring food production as a public good. Although food production is highlighted in the Bill as a key public good, there isn't a means in the delivery mechanism, that being the sustainable farming scheme, for farmers being rewarded for that public good. So, what I'd like to ask is if food production has been identified as a public good, especially when our own food security has become of prime importance, which we've heard from others in the Siambr, particularly in relation to the emerging conflict in Ukraine. Could I ask that the Bill does create a mechanism for farmers to be rewarded for it? And food security has to be at the heart of the Bill. I'd be keen to hear more from the Minister about how she intends to ensure that farmers are rewarded. Another issue I'd like to raise is that of the national minimum standards. It's my view that the sustainable farming scheme needs a robust regulatory baseline put in place before the start of the scheme, without which the scheme may fail to deliver upon its ambitions. So, I was wondering whether, Minister, you could provide us with an assurance in the Siambr today as to whether the national minimum standards will be ready in time for the start of the SFS. Finally, and we've heard this from the Chair of the Economy, Trade and Rural Affairs committee, is tenant farmers being able to access the scheme. There is great concern that tenant farmers, particularly new entrants, will be hampered by potentially not being able to make the necessary changes to lease the land in order to access the scheme, for example adhering to the 10 per cent tree cover. With that in mind, I was wondering whether you would be willing to work with me and others on what assessment has been made to ensure that tenant farmers, particularly new entrants, are afforded some leniency in order to be able to access the scheme. There are real opportunities to increase new entrants, which is what we need in relation to our rural economy, to ensure that we have long-term sustainability and futureproof our farming. I look forward to future work with the Minister and others in the Siambr as well. Diolch yn fawr iawn.

Diolch, Gweinidog, am eich holl waith yn hyn o beth. Rydym ni wedi clywed gan lawer sut y mae hwn mewn gwirionedd yn gyfle unwaith mewn cenhedlaeth i ail-lunio polisi amaethyddol yng Nghymru, yn dilyn ein hymadawiad o'r Undeb Ewropeaidd. Mae'r gwelliannau munud olaf i'r Bil hefyd yn cael eu croesawu, sef ychwanegu rhywfaint o fanylion ychwanegol ar sicrhau cynaliadwyedd busnesau fferm. Hoffwn godi rhai meysydd penodol o fy rhan fy hun. Un ohonyn nhw rydym ni wedi clywed amdano yw cynhyrchu bwyd. Yn fy sgyrsiau - ac rwy'n gwybod bod eraill wedi codi hyn hefyd - gyda ffermwyr, eu pryder mwyaf yw eu bod yn pryderu nad oes mecanwaith ar gyfer mesur cynhyrchu bwyd fel nwydd cyhoeddus. Er bod cynhyrchu bwyd yn cael ei amlygu yn y Bil fel nwydd cyhoeddus allweddol, nid oes modd yn y mecanwaith cyflenwi, sef y cynllun ffermio cynaliadwy, i ffermwyr gael eu gwobrwyo am y nwydd cyhoeddus hwnnw. Felly, yr hyn yr hoffwn wybod yw pa un a yw cynhyrchu bwyd wedi'i nodi fel nwydd cyhoeddus, yn enwedig pan fo pwys mawr ar ein diogeledd bwyd ein hunain, rydym ni wedi clywed amdano gan eraill yn y Siambr, yn enwedig mewn perthynas â'r gwrthdaro sy'n dod i'r amlwg yn Wcráin. A gaf i ofyn i'r Bil greu mecanwaith i ffermwyr gael eu gwobrwyo amdano? Ac mae'n rhaid i ddiogeledd bwyd fod wrth wraidd y Bil. Byddwn i'n awyddus i glywed mwy gan y Gweinidog am sut mae hi'n bwriadu sicrhau bod ffermwyr yn cael eu gwobrwyo. Mater arall yr hoffwn ei godi yw un y safonau gofynnol cenedlaethol. Fy marn i yw bod angen llinell sylfaen reoleiddio gadarn ar y cynllun ffermio cynaliadwy cyn dechrau'r cynllun, y gall y cynllun fethu â chyflawni ei uchelgeisiau hebddi. Felly, roeddwn i'n pendroni, Gweinidog, a allech chi roi sicrwydd i ni yn y Siambr heddiw ynghylch a fydd y safonau gofynnol cenedlaethol yn barod mewn pryd ar gyfer dechrau'r cynllun ffermio cynaliadwy. Yn olaf, ac rydym ni wedi clywed hyn gan Gadeirydd y pwyllgor Economi, Masnach a Materion Gwledig, yw ffermwyr tenant yn gallu manteisio ar y cynllun. Mae yna bryder mawr y bydd ffermwyr tenant, yn enwedig newydd-ddyfodiaid, yn cael eu llesteirio gan fethu o bosib â gwneud y newidiadau angenrheidiol i brydlesu'r tir er mwyn cael mynediad at y cynllun, er enghraifft cadw at yr amod gorchudd coed o 10 y cant. Gyda hynny mewn golwg, tybed a fyddech chi'n fodlon gweithio gyda mi ac eraill ar ba asesiad sydd wedi'i wneud i sicrhau bod ffermwyr tenant, yn enwedig newydd-ddyfodiaid, yn cael rhywfaint o drugaredd er mwyn gallu cael mynediad i'r cynllun. Mae cyfleoedd gwirioneddol i gynyddu newydd-ddyfodiaid, sef yr hyn sydd ei angen arnom ni mewn perthynas â'n heconomi wledig, i sicrhau bod gennym ni gynaliadwyedd hirdymor ac yn gwarchod ein ffermio yn y dyfodol. Edrychaf ymlaen at ddyfodol o weithio gyda'r Gweinidog ac eraill yn y Siambr hefyd. Diolch yn fawr iawn.

I welcome the opportunity to take part in this debate. It is one of the most important pieces of legislation, I think, that this Senedd will scrutinise. It not only shapes the future of Welsh farming, but our natural heritage, economy and culture, and particularly in mid and west Wales, so we need to get it right. I'm pleased to support the ETRA committee's recommendations and agree the general principles and to proceed to Stage 2, but - and there is a 'but' - I do have to make three points, and some of them have been made. The Bill does establish sustainable land management as the framework, and that's been alluded to, but what does that really mean? If we look at, for example, the intensive poultry units that I've mentioned many, many times, and the real concerns of the Landworkers' Alliance Cymru and Sustainable Food Knighton, who will be here next week, what difference will this make to that proliferation of intensive poultry units, for example? There are 150 there already, housing an estimated 10 million chickens, and I think we ought to have a moratorium until we've looked at the damage that that has done. Jenny Rathbone did mention antimicrobial resistance, and when you're mass-producing things like chicken, then there is a real possibility that that will leach into the population, and we all know that there are worldwide issues with antibiotics for people and their effectiveness. The Wildlife Trusts Wales has warned that life in the River Wye is silently slipping away. So, what will this Bill do to address those environmental concerns, of which I've just given you some examples? So, the second point is transitional plans for financial support. Given my first point, ironically, it's a bit like the chicken and the egg. Wales Environment Link and others argue that, without a deadline on basic payments, we cannot successfully transition to the sustainability scheme. The farming unions and others, on the other hand, argue that without the stability of the basic payment schemes, we cannot successfully transition to the sustainability scheme. So, which is it? I do appreciate that you'll be consulting on it, but can you reveal your thinking, Minister? Are you considering a gradual tapering, for example, as suggested by the RSPB? And thirdly, I want to raise the issue of public access. The pandemic did bring to the fore the importance and also limitations of public access to green and blue, in the case of our waterways and spaces. So, I wholly support Wales Environment Link's proposal to strengthen these provisions in the Bill. 'This land is your land', the song goes, but, at the moment, too much of it is inaccessible or off-limits. In respect of the recent High Court judgment on wild camping on Dartmoor, the UK Labour Party said it would pass a right to roam Act. Is that something the Minister has reflected on in the context of developing this Bill to the next stages?

Rwy'n croesawu'r cyfle i gymryd rhan yn y ddadl hon. Mae'n un o'r darnau pwysicaf o ddeddfwriaeth, rwy'n credu, y bydd y Senedd yma yn craffu arno. Nid yn unig mae'n llunio dyfodol ffermio Cymru, ond ein treftadaeth naturiol, ein heconomi a'n diwylliant, ac yn arbennig yn y canolbarth a'r gorllewin, felly mae angen i ni wneud pethau'n iawn. Rwy'n falch o gefnogi argymhellion pwyllgor ETRA a chytuno ar yr egwyddorion cyffredinol ac i fynd ymlaen i Gyfnod 2, ond - ac mae yna 'ond' - mae'n rhaid i mi wneud tri phwynt, ac mae rhai ohonyn nhw wedi eu gwneud. Mae'r Bil yn sefydlu rheoli tir cynaliadwy fel y fframwaith, a chyfeiriwyd at hynny, ond beth mae hynny'n ei olygu mewn gwirionedd? Os edrychwn ni ar, er enghraifft, yr unedau dofednod dwys yr ydw i wedi eu crybwyll lawer, lawer gwaith, a phryderon gwirioneddol Cynghrair Gweithwyr y Tir Cymru a Bwyd Cynaliadwy Trefyclo, a fydd yma'r wythnos nesaf, pa wahaniaeth fydd hyn yn ei wneud i'r llu hwnnw o unedau dofednod dwys, er enghraifft? Mae 150 yno'n barod, gan gartrefu tua 10 miliwn o ieir, ac rwy'n credu y dylen ni gael moratoriwm nes ein bod ni wedi edrych ar y difrod y mae hynny wedi'i wneud. Fe wnaeth Jenny Rathbone sôn am ymwrthedd gwrthficrobaidd, a phan fyddwch chi'n masgynhyrchu pethau fel cyw iâr, yna mae posibilrwydd gwirioneddol y bydd hynny'n treiddio i'r boblogaeth, ac rydym ni i gyd yn gwybod bod problemau byd-eang gyda gwrthfiotigau i bobl a'u heffeithiolrwydd. Mae Ymddiriedolaethau Bywyd Gwyllt Cymru wedi rhybuddio bod bywyd yn Afon Gwy yn diflannu'n dawel. Felly, beth fydd y Bil hwn yn ei wneud i fynd i'r afael â'r pryderon amgylcheddol hynny, yr wyf newydd roi rhai enghreifftiau i chi ohonyn nhw? Felly, yr ail bwynt yw cynlluniau pontio ar gyfer cymorth ariannol. O ystyried fy mhwynt cyntaf, yn eironig, mae ychydig fel yr iâr a'r wy. Mae Cyswllt Amgylchedd Cymru ac eraill yn dadlau na allwn ni bontio i'r cynllun cynaliadwyedd yn llwyddiannus heb ddyddiad terfyn ar daliadau sylfaenol. Mae'r undebau amaeth ac eraill, ar y llaw arall, yn dadlau na allwn ni bontio'n llwyddiannus i'r cynllun cynaliadwyedd heb sefydlogrwydd y cynlluniau taliadau sylfaenol. Felly, pa un yw hi? Rwy'n sylweddoli y byddwch yn ymgynghori ar hyn, ond a allwch chi ddatgelu eich ffordd o feddwl, Gweinidog? Ydych chi'n ystyried newid graddol, er enghraifft, fel yr awgrymir gan yr RSPB? Ac yn drydydd, hoffwn godi mater mynediad i'r cyhoedd. Amlygodd y pandemig bwysigrwydd a hefyd cyfyngiadau mynediad y cyhoedd i fannau gwyrdd a glas, yn achos ein dyfrffyrdd a'n tiroedd glas. Felly, rwy'n llwyr gefnogi cynnig Cyswllt Amgylchedd Cymru i gryfhau'r darpariaethau hyn yn y Bil. 'Mae'r wlad hon yn eiddo i ti â mi', ebe'r gân, ond, ar hyn o bryd, mae gormod ohono'n anhygyrch neu'n waharddedig. O ran dyfarniad diweddar yr Uchel Lys ar wersylla gwyllt ar Dartmoor, dywedodd Plaid Lafur y DU y byddai'n pasio Deddf hawl i grwydro. Ydy hynny'n rhywbeth mae'r Gweinidog wedi myfyrio arno yng nghyd-destun datblygu'r Bil hwn i'r cyfnodau nesaf?

The Minister for rural affairs now to reply to the debate - Lesley Griffiths.

Y Gweinidog materion gwledig nawr i ymateb i'r ddadl yma - Lesley Griffiths.

Diolch, Llywydd. I very much welcome all of the comments that have been made by Members today and the spirit in which they've been made. I've set out today why I believe this Bill is an important step in agricultural reform here in Wales and I've listened really carefully to the views and the recommendations of the three committees and, of course, to other Members as well. The Bill does provide the framework on which all future agricultural support will be delivered, and we also have the proposed sustainable farming scheme, which will be the first future support scheme and the main source of future Government support for farmers across Wales. Access to the sustainable farming scheme needs to be available to all eligible farmers in Wales. Members, including Jane Dodds, referred to tenant farmers, and I've said all along that if it's not accessible to tenant farmers, then it won't work. It's really important this scheme works for every farmer on every type of farm across Wales. I've implemented a number of working groups with farmers to understand the opportunities that exist, but also to see what barriers are there. So, working groups in relation to tenants, working groups in relation to new entrants, which, again, Jane Dodds mentioned, and working groups on common land to make sure we do have that vibrant farming sector here in Wales. To reiterate my opening remarks, I don't have time to go through all the recommendations or to address every Member's questions, but I'll certainly do my best to address many of them. I'll start with Paul Davies, as Chair of the ETRA committee. He asked for further clarity on the scope of support for ancillary activities. I know that's one of your recommendations to me, and I will provide further clarity on the scope of support for ancillary activities within the explanatory memorandum. So, an amendment is not needed. The scope of ancillary activity is linked to agriculture and they are complementary to the activities that are captured under the definition of 'agriculture'. So, whilst 'ancillary activities' is fairly broad, I think it's fair to say, that is to enable Welsh Ministers to be able to respond to future developments in the sector and enable that support to be more inclusive of the supply chain. Several Members, including Paul Davies, mentioned the national minimum standards. They already exist in law, and what I've asked officials to do is to explore whether new legislation - whether that be primary or secondary legislation - is required to stabilise the existing regulatory baseline, for example, and the regulations. Huw Irranca-Davies - again, I will be responding to the LJC committee - you talked about the sunset clause that is in the UK Agriculture Act, which will obviously end in 2025. I've previously stated that we will not sunset BPS. I know you listened to - sorry, Paul Davies's committee, I know, listened to - quite a good evidence session, I thought, from stakeholders on transition plans and a sunset provision for the Bill. I think it's fair to say that the farming unions and environmental organisations agreed there shouldn't be a cliff edge in financial support, and I've always said that, but there were varying views on the need to legislate for a transition period or for a sunset period, so - . I notice that you don't advocate for sunset provision. I think further detail on how, the transition to the new system of agricultural support, will form, of course, part of the final sustainable farming scheme consultation. Huw Irranca-Davies also talked about the definition of sustainable land management. That's already defined in the Bill by the four objectives and the sustainable land management duty. The SLM objectives and duty have been informed by the UN definition, developed in the specific legislative context in Wales, obviously, of the Well-being of Future Generations (Wales) Act 2015 and the Environment (Wales) Act 2016. Because we've already got that legislation, it's been quite easy to hook in and to have that consistency. But also we've had extensive stakeholder consultation and engagement around that also -

Diolch, Llywydd. Rwy'n croesawu'n fawr yr holl sylwadau sydd wedi'u gwneud gan Aelodau heddiw a'r ysbryd y maen nhw wedi'u gwneud ynddo. Rwyf wedi nodi heddiw pam fy mod yn credu bod y Bil hwn yn gam pwysig wrth ddiwygio'r byd amaethyddol yma yng Nghymru ac rwyf wedi gwrando'n astud iawn ar farn ac argymhellion y tri phwyllgor ac, wrth gwrs, yr Aelodau eraill hefyd. Mae'r Bil yn darparu'r fframwaith ar gyfer cyflawni pob cymorth amaethyddol yn y dyfodol, ac mae gennym hefyd y cynllun ffermio cynaliadwy arfaethedig, sef y cynllun cymorth cyntaf i'r dyfodol a phrif ffynhonnell cymorth gan y Llywodraeth yn y dyfodol i ffermwyr ledled Cymru. Mae angen sicrhau bod mynediad i'r cynllun ffermio cynaliadwy ar gael i bob ffermwr sy'n gymwys yng Nghymru. Cyfeiriodd aelodau, gan gynnwys Jane Dodds, at ffermwyr tenantiaid, ac rwyf wedi dweud ar hyd yr amser os nad yw'n hygyrch i ffermwyr tenant, yna ni fydd yn gweithio. Mae'n bwysig iawn bod y cynllun yma yn gweithio i bob ffermwr ar bob math o fferm ledled Cymru. Rwyf wedi gweithredu nifer o weithgorau gyda ffermwyr i ddeall y cyfleoedd sy'n bodoli, ond hefyd i weld pa rwystrau sydd yna. Felly, gweithgorau mewn cysylltiad â thenantiaid, gweithgorau mewn cysylltiad â newydd-ddyfodiaid, fel y soniodd Jane Dodds eto, a gweithgorau ar dir comin i wneud yn siŵr bod gennym y sector ffermio bywiog yna yma yng Nghymru. I ailadrodd fy sylwadau agoriadol, does gen i ddim amser i fynd drwy'r holl argymhellion nac i ymdrin â chwestiynau pob Aelod, ond byddaf yn sicr yn gwneud fy ngorau i ymdrin â llawer ohonyn nhw. Byddaf yn dechrau gyda Paul Davies, fel Cadeirydd pwyllgor ETRA. Gofynnodd am eglurder pellach ar gwmpas y gefnogaeth ar gyfer gweithgareddau ategol. Gwn mai dyna un o'ch argymhellion i mi, a byddaf yn rhoi eglurder pellach ar gwmpas y gefnogaeth ar gyfer gweithgareddau ategol o fewn y memorandwm esboniadol. Felly, nid oes angen gwelliant. Mae cwmpas gweithgaredd ategol yn gysylltiedig ag amaethyddiaeth ac maen nhw'n gyflenwol i'r gweithgareddau sy'n cael eu dal o dan y diffiniad o 'amaethyddiaeth'. Felly, er bod 'gweithgareddau ategol' yn weddol eang, rwy'n credu ei bod hi'n deg dweud, mae er mwyn galluogi Gweinidogion Cymru i allu ymateb i ddatblygiadau yn y sector yn y dyfodol a galluogi'r gefnogaeth honno i fod yn fwy cynhwysol yn y gadwyn gyflenwi. Soniodd sawl Aelod, gan gynnwys Paul Davies, am y safonau gofynnol cenedlaethol. Maen nhw eisoes yn bodoli yn y gyfraith, a'r hyn rwyf i wedi gofyn i swyddogion ei wneud yw archwilio pa un a yw deddfwriaeth newydd - boed hynny'n ddeddfwriaeth sylfaenol neu'n is-ddeddfwriaeth - yn ofynnol i sefydlogi'r waelodlin reoleiddio bresennol, er enghraifft, a'r rheoliadau. Huw Irranca-Davies - eto, byddaf yn ymateb i'r Pwyllgor Deddfwriaeth, Cyfiawnder a'r Cyfansoddiad - fe wnaethoch chi sôn am y cymal machlud sydd yn Neddf Amaeth y DU, a fydd yn amlwg yn dod i ben yn 2025. Rwyf wedi datgan yn y gorffennol na fyddwn yn rhoi cymal machlud ar y Cynllun Cymorth ar gyfer Cynllun y Taliad Sylfaenol. Rwy'n gwybod eich bod wedi gwrando ar - sori, fe wnaeth pwyllgor Paul Davies, rwy'n gwybod, wrando ar - sesiwn dystiolaeth eithaf da, roeddwn yn credu, gan randdeiliaid ar gynlluniau pontio a darpariaeth machlud ar gyfer y Bil. Rwy'n credu ei bod hi'n deg dweud bod yr undebau amaeth a sefydliadau amgylcheddol wedi cytuno na ddylai fod ymyl clogwyn mewn cefnogaeth ariannol, ac rwyf wastad wedi dweud hynny, ond roedd yna farn amrywiol ar yr angen i ddeddfu ynghylch cyfnod pontio neu ynghylch cyfnod machlud, felly - . Rwy'n sylwi nad ydych yn cefnogi darpariaeth machlud. Rwy'n credu y bydd manylion pellach am sut, y system newydd o gymorth amaethyddol, wrth gwrs yn ffurfio rhan o'r ymgynghoriad cynllun ffermio cynaliadwy terfynol. Soniodd Huw Irranca-Davies hefyd am y diffiniad o reoli tir yn gynaliadwy. Mae hynny eisoes wedi'i ddiffinio yn y Bil gan y pedwar amcan a'r ddyletswydd rheoli tir cynaliadwy. Mae amcanion a dyletswydd rheoli tir yn gynaliadwy wedi eu llywio gan ddiffiniad y Cenhedloedd Unedig, a ddatblygwyd yng nghyd-destun deddfwriaethol penodol yng Nghymru, yn amlwg, o Ddeddf Llesiant Cenedlaethau'r Dyfodol (Cymru) 2015 a Deddf yr Amgylchedd (Cymru) 2016. Oherwydd bod gennym y ddeddfwriaeth eisoes, mae wedi bod yn eithaf hawdd bachu ynddi a chael y cysondeb hwnnw. Ond hefyd rydyn ni wedi cael ymgynghoriad ac ymgysylltu rhanddeiliaid helaeth ynghylch hynny hefyd -

Will the Minister give way on that? I don't want to push this point but, curiously, actually, it's quite reassuring to hear the words on record and to hear the words in front of committees, but that, you recognise, is not quite the same as having on the face of the Bill not that this is informed by, but this is that definition or a version of it. I just want to make that point, because there is a clear difference in law.

A wnaiff y Gweinidog ildio ar hynny? Dydw i ddim am wthio'r pwynt hwn ond, yn rhyfedd iawn, mewn gwirionedd, mae'n eithaf calonogol clywed y geiriau ar y cofnod a chlywed y geiriau o flaen pwyllgorau, ond nid yw hynny, rydych chi'n cydnabod, yn union yr un fath â'u cael ar wyneb y Bil nid fod hwn yn cael ei lywio gan, ond dyma'r diffiniad hwnnw neu fersiwn ohono. Rydw i eisiau gwneud y pwynt yna, oherwydd mae gwahaniaeth clir mewn cyfraith.

I note what you say and defining sustainable land management by reference to the objectives and the duty does provide certainty I think in shaping possible action to the specific context of land management within Wales. Huw also mentioned around it being a broad, framework Bill, and, again, we can point to the affirmative procedure for the scrutiny of the Senedd when regulations are made in order to allay any fears about the breadth of the framework. Peredur talked about funding, of course, and it's really difficult when you don't know what your funding is going to be, and the focus of the future support cost-benefit analysis within the RIA was on the costs and benefits of providing revenue support directly to farmers. And as you said, under the current system, the two largest contributors are the basic payment scheme and Glastir, and that amounts to the £278 million that you referred to per year. I do accept the recommendation to add further information relating to the RDP elements not included in the RIA for information, following Stage 2. Around NRW, the costs that we've attributed to NRW are indicative estimates and not predictions. Officials are currently working with NRW to determine what, if any, future downstream costs may be realised as a result of the SLM schemes. And as we begin to transition, I will work to ensure that any downstream costs resulting from the implementation of this legislation are fully considered. Samuel Kurtz, I was very pleased to hear you talking about and recognising the complementary objectives of supporting our farmers to produce food sustainably. And of course, they are absolutely in a position - they have so many opportunities - to help address the climate and nature emergencies. And like other Members - Jane Dodds, and obviously, Mabon ap Gwynfor and Cefin Campbell and yourself and obviously my own group - I look forward to challenge at Stage 2 and to continuing to work with you all to make this the very best piece of legislation. Mabon ap Gwynfor queried about the 10 per cent on trees and what that means. That's being looked at as part of the co-design for the sustainable farming scheme. It will be going out to consultation again, and what we're trying to do is have that conversation with farmers and try to explore how they can plant trees so that they become an asset to food production - so, for instance, shelter belts or biosecurity barriers. I'm not quite sure the start was tempestuous; I'm not sure that was 'Brexit and our land' really or that it was a misstep. It was absolutely the first consultation and, yes, things have changed, but what's the point in having consultation if you don't listen and you don't make changes? And I do think that everybody has absolutely contributed along that very long journey that you pointed out. I think it was you who asked about the hierarchy. Yes, it was. There is no hierarchy - it's always been the intention that the SLM objectives would be considered together. They're not expected - . There's no hierarchy because what they are expected to be is complementary, and we don't intend to alter section 2. I think the wording 'best achieves' is already present in the SLM duty in that context, and there's a strenuous duty on Welsh Ministers to maximise their contribution. Jenny Rathbone talked about food security, and the biggest challenge to our food security is the climate emergency, so by investing in our soils and our habitats and our livestock - and of course in our farmers' skills - for me, that's an investment in protecting food production. And Joyce Watson referred to AMR - I'm actually making an oral statement on AMR and the use of that, and I think that is a really important point. So, I am committed to writing to committees, Llywydd, with a response on each of the recommendations and the issues raised by various Members today pertaining to the committee reports, so I do ask that Members approve the motion and agree the general principles and financial resolution of the Agriculture (Wales) Bill. Diolch.

Nodaf yr hyn yr ydych chi'n ei ddweud ac mae diffinio rheoli tir yn gynaliadwy wrth gyfeirio at yr amcanion a'r ddyletswydd yn rhoi sicrwydd rwy'n credu wrth lunio camau posibl i gyd-destun penodol rheoli tir o fewn Cymru. Soniodd Huw hefyd ei fod yn Fil fframwaith, eang, ac, unwaith eto, gallwn gyfeirio at y weithdrefn gadarnhaol ar gyfer gwaith craffu'r Senedd pan wneir rheoliadau er mwyn lleddfu unrhyw ofnau am ehangder y fframwaith. Soniodd Peredur am gyllid, wrth gwrs, ac mae'n anodd iawn pan nad ydych yn gwybod beth fydd eich cyllid, a phwyslais y dadansoddiad cost a budd yn y dyfodol o fewn yr asesiad effaith rheoleiddiol, oedd ar gostau a manteision darparu cymorth refeniw yn uniongyrchol i ffermwyr. Ac fel y dywedoch chi, o dan y system bresennol, y ddau gyfrannwr mwyaf yw'r cynllun talu sylfaenol a Glastir, ac mae hynny'n gyfystyr â'r £278 miliwn y cyfeirioch chi ato bob blwyddyn. Rwy'n derbyn yr argymhelliad i ychwanegu gwybodaeth ychwanegol yn ymwneud ag elfennau'r cynllun datblygu gwledig nad ydyn nhw wedi'u cynnwys yn yr asesiad effaith rheoleiddiol er gwybodaeth, yn dilyn Cyfnod 2. O ran CNC, mae'r costau yr ydym wedi'u priodoli i CNC yn amcangyfrifon dangosol ac nid rhagfynegiadau. Ar hyn o bryd mae swyddogion yn gweithio gyda CNC i benderfynu pa gostau nes ymlaen yn y dyfodol, os o gwbl, y gellir eu cyflawni o ganlyniad i'r cynlluniau rheoli tir yn gynaliadwy. Ac wrth i ni ddechrau pontio, byddaf yn gweithio i sicrhau bod unrhyw gostau nes ymlaen sy'n deillio o weithredu'r ddeddfwriaeth hon yn cael eu hystyried yn llawn. Samuel Kurtz, roeddwn yn falch iawn o'ch clywed yn crybwyll ac yn cydnabod yr amcanion cyflenwol o gefnogi ein ffermwyr i gynhyrchu bwyd yn gynaliadwy. Ac wrth gwrs, maen nhw mewn sefyllfa - mae ganddyn nhw gymaint o gyfleoedd - i helpu i fynd i'r afael â'r argyfyngau hinsawdd a natur. Ac fel Aelodau eraill - Jane Dodds, ac yn amlwg, Mabon ap Gwynfor a Cefin Campbell a chi eich hun ac yn amlwg fy ngrŵp fy hun - rwy'n edrych ymlaen at herio yng Nghyfnod 2 ac i barhau i weithio gyda chi i gyd er mwyn gwneud hyn y darn gorau oll o ddeddfwriaeth. Holodd Mabon ap Gwynfor am y 10% ar goed a beth mae hynny'n ei olygu. Mae hynny'n cael ei ystyried fel rhan o'r cyd-ddylunio ar gyfer y cynllun ffermio cynaliadwy. Bydd yn mynd i ymgynghoriad eto, a'r hyn yr ydyn ni'n ceisio ei wneud yw cael y sgwrs honno gyda ffermwyr a cheisio archwilio sut y gallant blannu coed fel eu bod yn dod yn gaffaeliad i gynhyrchu bwyd - felly, er enghraifft, lleiniau cysgodi neu rwystrau bioddiogelwch. Dydw i ddim yn hollol siŵr fod y cychwyn yn dymhestlog; dwi ddim yn siŵr mai 'Brexit a'n tir' oedd hynny mewn gwirionedd na'i fod yn gam gwag. Hwn oedd yr ymgynghoriad cyntaf un ac ydynt, mae pethau wedi newid, ond beth yw'r pwynt cael ymgynghoriad os nad ydych chi'n gwrando a ddim yn gwneud newidiadau? Ac rwy'n credu bod pawb wedi cyfrannu ar hyd y daith hir iawn honno y gwnaethoch chi dynnu sylw ati. Rwy'n credu mai chi a ofynnodd am yr hierarchaeth. Ie. Does dim hierarchaeth - mae wastad wedi bod yn fwriad y byddai amcanion datblygu tir yn gynaliadwy yn cael eu hystyried gyda'i gilydd. Dydyn nhw ddim yn ddisgwyliedig - . Does dim hierarchaeth oherwydd mae disgwyl iddyn nhw fod yn gyflenwol, a dydyn ni ddim yn bwriadu newid adran 2. Rwy'n credu bod y geiriad 'yn cyflawni orau' eisoes yn bresennol yn y ddyletswydd rheoli tir yn gynaliadwy yn y cyd-destun hwnnw, ac mae dyletswydd anodd ar Weinidogion Cymru i gynyddu eu cyfraniad i'r eithaf. Siaradodd Jenny Rathbone am ddiogelwch bwyd, a'r her fwyaf i'n diogelwch bwyd yw'r argyfwng hinsawdd, felly drwy fuddsoddi yn ein priddoedd a'n cynefinoedd a'n da byw - ac wrth gwrs yn sgiliau ein ffermwyr - i mi, mae hynny'n fuddsoddiad i ddiogelu cynhyrchu bwyd. Ac fe gyfeiriodd Joyce Watson at Ymwrthedd Gwrthficrobaidd, AMR - rydw i mewn gwirionedd yn gwneud datganiad llafar ar AMR a'i ddefnydd, ac rwy'n credu bod hynny'n bwynt pwysig iawn. Felly, rwy'n ymrwymo i ysgrifennu at y pwyllgorau, Llywydd, gydag ymateb i bob un o'r argymhellion a'r materion a godwyd gan wahanol Aelodau heddiw yn ymwneud ag adroddiadau'r pwyllgor, felly gofynnaf i Aelodau gymeradwyo'r cynnig ac i gytuno ar egwyddorion cyffredinol a datrysiad ariannol y Bil Amaethyddiaeth (Cymru). Diolch.

The proposal therefore is to agree the motion under item 5. Does any Member object? There are no objections. And therefore the motion under item 5 is agreed.

Y cwestiwn felly yw: a ddylid derbyn y cynnig o dan eitem 5? A oes unrhyw Aelod yn gwrthwynebu? Na, does dim gwrthwynebiad. Felly, mae'r cynnig o dan eitem 5 wedi ei dderbyn.

The next question is that the financial resolution and the motion under item 6 be agreed. Does any Member object? No, there are no objections. And therefore that motion under item 6 is also agreed.

Y cwestiwn nesaf, felly, yw: a ddylid derbyn y penderfyniad ariannol, a'r cynnig o dan eitem 6? A oes unrhyw Aelod yn gwrthwynebu? Na, does yna ddim gwrthwynebiad i hynny. Ac felly mae'r cynnig yna hefyd, o dan eitem 6, wedi ei dderbyn.

Which brings us to voting time, and, unless three Members wish for the bell to be rung, I will proceed directly to voting. The votes this afternoon are on the debate on the draft budget for 2023-24. The first vote is on amendment 1, and I call for a vote on amendment 1, tabled in the name of Darren Millar. Open the vote. Close the vote. In favour 13, no abstentions and 38 against. And therefore amendment 1 is not agreed.

Sy'n dod â ni nawr at y cyfnod pleidleisio, ac, oni bai bod tri Aelod yn dymuno i fi ganu'r gloch, fe wnawn ni symud yn syth i'r bleidlais. Ac mae'r pleidleisiau y prynhawn yma ar y ddadl ar y gyllideb ddrafft ar gyfer 2023-24. A gwelliant 1 fydd yn cael ei gymryd gyntaf, felly dwi'n galw am bleidlais ar welliant 1, a gyflwynwyd yn enw Darren Millar. Agor y bleidlais. Cau'r bleidlais. O blaid 13, neb yn ymatal, 38 yn erbyn. Ac felly mae gwelliant 1 wedi ei wrthod.

We'll move now to amendment 2. And I call for a vote on amendment 2, tabled in the name of Siân Gwenllian. Open the vote. Close the vote. In favour 11, no abstentions, 40 against. And therefore amendment 2 is not agreed.

Gwelliant 2 sydd nesaf, felly. Pleidlais ar welliant 2, a gyflwynwyd yn enw Siân Gwenllian. Agor y bleidlais. Cau'r bleidlais. O blaid 11, neb yn ymatal, 40 yn erbyn. Ac felly mae gwelliant 2 wedi ei wrthod.

We'll now vote on the unamended motion, tabled in the name of Lesley Griffiths. Open the vote. Close the vote. In favour 27, 11 abstentions, 13 against. And therefore the motion is agreed.

Pleidlais ar y cynnig heb ei ddiwygio fydd ddiwethaf, felly, y cynnig yn enw Lesley Griffiths. Agor y bleidlais. Cau'r bleidlais. O blaid 27, 11 yn ymatal, 13 yn erbyn. Ac felly mae'r cynnig yna wedi ei dderbyn.

And that concludes voting time and brings our proceedings to a close. Thank you.

Dyna ddiwedd ar y pleidleisio, a diwedd ar ein gwaith ni am heddiw. Diolch yn fawr.

Welcome to the meeting of the Children, Young People, and Education Committee today.

Croeso i gyfarfod y Pwyllgor Plant, Pobl Ifanc ac Addysg heddiw.

Thank you very much. The question focused on pre-proceedings work. Would you like me to start again? The question focused on pre-proceedings work - that's the work that starts before the public services go to court. That's the 12 weeks before court action proceeds. Now, I think what the committee's interested in is what happens during that period, and what isn't working at the moment? So, in your view, and from your experience, what could change in order to ensure that parents receive the support that they should have? The have a solicitor and a lawyer during that period, but what isn't working properly now, because they subsequently go on to court? Could you just give one example each? Do you have experience of pre-proceedings work when you are supporting parents? Who'd like to go first? Mark, perhaps.

Diolch yn fawr iawn. Roedd y cwestiwn yn canolbwyntio ar pre-proceedings, y gwaith pre-proceedings. Hynny yw, y gwaith sy'n digwydd cyn - . Ydych chi eisiau i mi ddechrau eto? Fe wnaf i ddechrau eto. Roedd y cwestiwn yn canolbwyntio ar waith pre-proceedings - hynny yw, y gwaith sy'n dechrau cyn bod gwasanaethau cyhoeddus yn mynd i'r llys, y 12 wythnos cyn bod gwasanaethau cyhoeddus yn mynd i'r llys. Beth, dwi'n meddwl, y mae gan y pwyllgor ddiddordeb ynddo fe yw beth sy'n digwydd yn yr amser hynny, a beth sydd ddim yn gweithio? Hynny yw, yn eich barn chi, a'ch profiad chi, beth sy'n gallu newid i wneud yn siŵr bod rhieni yn cael y gefnogaeth y dylen nhw ei chael? Mae ganddyn nhw solicitor a lawyer yn ystod y cyfnod yna, ond beth sydd ddim yn digwydd yn iawn, achos maen nhw'n mynd i'r llys ar ôl hynny? Ydych chi jest yn gallu rhoi un ateb, gan bob un ohonoch chi? Oes gennych chi brofiad o waith pre-proceedings pan fuoch chi'n cefnogi rhieni? Pwy sydd eisiau mynd yn gyntaf? Mark, wyt ti eisiau mynd yn gyntaf?

Thank you. I'll be speaking in Welsh. We have heard very powerful evidence, really, from birth parents regarding how they value parental advocacy, and you touched on how that can help them to go through these complex and difficult processes. So, what does the data tell us about what the impact is of having advocacy on family court outcomes? You mentioned the active offer; should all parents have a legal right to advocacy once an order has been made to the family court for the first child, rather than once a child has been permanently removed? To what extent would this level of provision be realistic, in your view?

Diolch. Byddaf i'n siarad yn Gymraeg. Rŷm ni wedi clywed tystiolaeth rymus iawn, a dweud y gwir, gan rieni geni am sut maen nhw'n gwerthfawrogi eiriolaeth geni, ac roeddech chi'n cyffwrdd ar sut mae hynny yn gallu eu helpu nhw i fynd trwy'r prosesau cymhleth a chaled yma. Felly, beth mae'r data yn ei ddweud wrthym ni am beth yw effaith cael eiriolaeth ar ganlyniadau llys teulu? Roeddech chi'n sôn am yr active offer; a ddylai pob rhiant gael hawl gyfreithiol i eiriolaeth ar ôl i orchymyn gael ei wneud i lys teulu ar gyfer y plentyn cyntaf, yn hytrach nag unwaith y bydd y plentyn wedi cael ei gymryd oddi wrthyn nhw? I ba raddau ydych chi'n meddwl y byddai'r math yna o ddarpariaeth yn realistig?

So, just to be clear - a legal right to advocacy.

Felly, jest i fod yn glir - hawl gyfreithiol i eiriolaeth.

During the pre-proceedings period, parents should have a solicitor or a lawyer. Is there a problem in providing that, in your experience? Just a yes or a no - that's all I'm looking for, in your experience.

Yn ystod yr adeg pre-proceedings, dylai rhieni gael solicitor, lawyer neu beth bynnag. Oes yna broblem cael hynny, yn eich profiad chi? Jest ie neu na - dyna i gyd dwi eisiau gwybod, yn eich profiad chi.

Right. Thank you.

Reit. Diolch.

Thank you, Chair. Going on to the pre-proceedings process, we know that delays in securing permanency can be very harmful for children in the long term. To what extent do local authorities make full use of the pre-proceedings process? Do they have the resources to produce quality parenting assessments in a timely way, to inform the final decision of the family court?

Diolch, Gadeirydd. O ran y broses cyn achosion, rydym ni'n gwybod bod oedi wrth sicrhau parhad yn gallu bod yn niweidiol iawn i blant yn y tymor hir, felly i ba raddau mae awdurdodau lleol yn gwneud defnydd llawn o'r broses cyn achosion? Oes ganddyn nhw yr adnoddau i gynhyrchu asesiadau rhianta o safon, mewn modd amserol, i lywio penderfyniad terfynol y llys teulu?

Are there parents on the board? Do we know if there are parents on the board looking at this programme? No, there aren't. Okay. Thank you for clarifying.

Oes yna riant ar y board? Ydyn ni'n gwybod os oes yna rieni ar y bwrdd sy'n edrych ar y rhaglen yma? Ydyn ni'n gwybod? Na, does yna ddim. Reit. Diolch.

Yes, thank you very much. I will be asking my questions in Welsh. I hope you can hear the interpretation. Can I return to Swansea, which you have mentioned, where there is good practice? Are there other local authorities in Wales or England where there is best practice that the committee could seek evidence from, particularly on pre-proceedings work? We all hear how very important this is, but there is great variation across Wales in terms of the evidence that we've seen. So, are there examples of good practice or best practice that the committee could look at in terms of pre-proceedings work? Thank you.

Ie, diolch yn fawr iawn. Dwi am siarad yn Gymraeg. Dwi'n gobeithio eich bod chi'n clywed y cyfieithiad. Gaf i ofyn, rydych chi wedi sôn am Abertawe lle mae yna arfer da: oes yna awdurdodau lleol eraill dros Gymru neu Loegr lle mae yna arfer gorau y gall y pwyllgor efallai glywed amdano neu gael tystiolaeth ganddyn nhw ynglŷn â gwaith pre-proceedings? Rydyn ni i gyd yn clywed bod hyn yn bwysig, bwysig iawn, ond mae yna wahaniaeth ar draws Cymru lle rydyn ni'n edrych. Felly, oes yna lefydd lle mae yna arfer da, arfer gorau y gall y pwyllgor edrych arno ynglŷn â gwaith pre-proceedings? Diolch.

Thank you, Chair, and good morning. I'd like to come back quickly to the work of the public law working group. We have heard this morning from advocacy services that social workers don't have the time or the resources to provide the assessments required - and which you've said are absolutely necessary for the courts - and that that clearly leads to the delays that you've referred to, therefore, can you just talk a little bit about the impact of this? Do you feel that the resources are out there to produce the parenting assessments in a timely manner in order to ensure that, as Sir Andrew said, every hearing counts?

Diolch, Cadeirydd, a bore da. Hoffwn i ddod nôl yn sydyn jest at waith y gweithgor cyfraith gyhoeddus. Rŷn ni wedi clywed y bore yma gan wasanaethau eiriolaeth nad oes gan weithwyr cymdeithasol yr amser na'r adnoddau i ddarparu'r asesiadau sydd eu hangen - yr hyn rŷch chi wedi dweud sy'n hollol angenrheidiol ar gyfer y llysoedd - a bod hynny'n amlwg yn arwain at yr oedi rŷch chi wedi cyfeirio ato, felly allwch chi jest sôn tipyn bach ynglŷn ag effaith hyn? Ydych chi'n teimlo bod yr adnoddau allan yna i gynhyrchu'r asesiadau rhianta mewn modd amserol er mwyn sicrhau, fel dywedodd Sir Andrew, fod pob gwrandawiad yn cyfrif?

Thank you very much, and perhaps the other side to that coin is the problem that we have already heard about in the evidence that we've taken so far, namely the disruption and concern that children and families experience when they have frequent changes of social workers. Is there any evidence that this has an impact on pre-proceedings work and the quality of parenting assessments? Do you have any comments on this?

Diolch yn fawr, ac efallai ochr arall eto i'r geiniog yna yw'r broblem eto dŷn ni wedi clywed llawer iawn amdani hi yn y dystiolaeth dŷn ni wedi ei chymryd hyd yma, sef y gofid a'r aflonyddwch mae plant a theuluoedd yn eu hwynebu oherwydd bod gweithwyr cymdeithasol yn newid yn aml. Felly, oes unrhyw dystiolaeth gyda chi bod hyn yn cael effaith ar waith cyn achosion ac ansawdd yr asesiadau rhianta? Oes unrhyw sylwadau gyda chi am hynny?

Thank you, Chair. Good morning. Could you explain to us, to start, the family drug and alcohol court model and how it differs from proceedings in the usual, regular family court? And can you set out why parental drug and alcohol use in particular was selected for the pilot court model as opposed to other risk factors - for example, we know that domestic violence is one of the main factors, isn't it? So, if you could give us some comments on that too. Thank you.

Diolch, Gadeirydd. Bore da. Allwch chi egluro i ni, i ddechrau, y model llys teulu, cyffuriau ac alcohol, a sut y mae'n wahanol i achosion yn y llys teulu arferol, rheolaidd? Ac allwch chi nodi pam y dewiswyd yn benodol y defnydd o alcohol a chyffuriau ymhlith rhieni ar gyfer y model peilot ar gyfer y llys, yn hytrach na ffactorau risg eraill - er enghraifft, rŷn ni'n gwybod bod trais domestig yn un o'r prif ffactorau, onid yw e? Felly, os allwch chi roi rhai sylwadau i ni ar hynny hefyd. Diolch.

Just to ask quickly, then, why - ? I can see that you were talking about those concrete interventions that can happen around drug and alcohol misuse. Is that why that was selected for the pilot rather than another risk, such as domestic violence? Just an answer specifically on that.

Jest i ofyn yn gyflym, te, pam dewiswyd - ? Dwi'n gallu gweld roeddech chi'n siarad am yr ymyriadau concrit yna sy'n gallu digwydd o gwmpas camddefnydd cyffuriau ac alcohol. Ai dyna pam dewiswyd hynny ar gyfer y peilot yn hytrach na risg arall fel trais domestig, felly? Jest ateb yn benodol ar hynny.