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Radio station in Brenham, Texas KUBJ (89.7 FM) is a radio station licensed to serve Brenham, Texas, United States. It is owned by and simulcasts KSBJ in the Houston area. History The American Family Association received the original construction permit for this station from the Federal Communications Commission on September 26, 2005. The new station was assigned the call sign KBEX by the FCC on October 10, 2005. Prior to the sign on of this station, KBEX had been used as a common stock call sign for fictional TV and radio stations in film, radio and television productions. In December 2006, the American Family Association reached an agreement to sell KBEX to the Educational Media Foundation as part of an 18-station deal valued at a total of $2.5 million. The deal was approved by the FCC on February 7, 2007, and the transaction was consummated on March 23, 2007. Less than one month later, in April 2007, the Educational Media Foundation, reached an agreement to sell KBEX to the KSBJ Educational Foundation. The deal was approved by the FCC on November 1, 2007, and the transaction was consummated on December 12, 2007. KUBJ received its license to cover from the FCC on September 18, 2008. On September 19, 2008, the call sign was changed to the current KUBJ. On July 2, 2012, KSBJ switched KUBJ, along the three other facilities, from the main KSBJ Contemporary Christian format to their secondary "NGEN Radio" programming, after purchasing then 96.9 KNTE in El Campo from Liberman Broadcasting. The Brenham transmitter later switched back to the main KSBJ programming.

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hadronomas"}

Extinct genus of marsupials Hadronomas is a genus of kangaroo in the subfamily Sthenurinae. There is only one described species, Hadronomas puckridgi, known from various fossil material from the Alcoota Fauna site and an undetermined species from Lake Kanunka

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indian_Reserve_(1763)"}

Native North American Areas "Indian Reserve" is a historical term for the largely uncolonized land in North America that was claimed by France, ceded to Great Britain through the Treaty of Paris (1763) at the end of the Seven Years' War—also known as the French and Indian War—and set aside for the First Nations in the Royal Proclamation of 1763. The British government had contemplated establishing an Indian barrier state in the portion of the reserve west of the Appalachian Mountains, and bounded by the Ohio and Mississippi rivers and the Great Lakes. British officials aspired to establish such a state even after the region was assigned to the United States in the Treaty of Paris (1783) ending the American Revolutionary War, but abandoned their efforts in 1814 after losing military control of the region during the War of 1812. In the present-day United States, it consisted of all the territory north of Florida and New Orleans that was east of the Mississippi River and west of the Eastern Continental Divide in the Appalachian Mountains that formerly comprised the eastern half of Louisiana (New France). In modern Canada, it consisted of all the land immediately north of the Great Lakes but south of Rupert's Land belonging to the Hudson's Bay Company, as well as a buffer between the Province of Quebec and Rupert's Land stretching from Lake Nipissing to Newfoundland. The Royal Proclamation of 1763 organized on paper much of the new territorial gains in three colonies in North America—East Florida, West Florida, and Quebec. The rest of the expanded British territory was left to Native Americans. The delineation of the Eastern Divide, following the Allegheny Ridge of the Appalachians, confirmed the limit to British settlement established at the 1758 Treaty of Easton, before Pontiac's War. Additionally, all European settlers in the territory (who were mostly French) were supposed to leave the territory or get official permission to stay. Many of the settlers moved to New Orleans and the French land on the west side of the Mississippi (particularly St. Louis), which in turn had been ceded secretly to Spain to become Louisiana (New Spain). However, many of the settlers remained and the British did not actively attempt to evict them.[citation needed] In 1768, lands west of the Alleghenies and south of the Ohio were ceded to the colonies by the Cherokee at the Treaty of Hard Labour and by the Six Nations at the Treaty of Fort Stanwix. However, several other aboriginal nations, particularly Shawnee and Mingo, continued to inhabit and claim their lands that had been sold to the British by other tribes. This conflict led to Dunmore's War in 1774, ended by the Treaty of Camp Charlotte where these nations agreed to accept the Ohio River as the new boundary. Restrictions on settlement were to become a flash point in the American Revolutionary War, following the Henderson Purchase of much of Kentucky from the Cherokee in 1775. The renegade Cherokee chief Dragging Canoe did not agree to the sale, nor did the Royal Government in London, which forbade settlement in this region. As an act of revolution in defiance of the crown, white pioneer settlers began pouring into Kentucky in 1776, opposed by Dragging Canoe in the Cherokee–American wars, which continued until 1794. Timeline Early settlements French and Indian War Push to settle the territory American Revolutionary War Dissolution In the area of the Indian Reserve in what is now the United States, after coming under firm control of the new country, was gradually settled by European Americans and divided into territories and states, starting with the Northwest Territory. Most (but not all) Indians in the area of the former Reserve were relocated further west under policies of Indian Removal. After the Louisiana Purchase, the Indian Intercourse Act of 1834 created an Indian Territory west of the Mississippi River as a destination, until it too was divided into territories and states for European American settlement, leaving only modern Indian Reservations inside the boundaries of U.S. states.

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ananias_Curing_Saul%27s_Blindness"}

Ananias Curing Saul's Blindness is a 1660 painting by Ciro Ferri, now in the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna. It shows Ananias' visiting Paul of Tarsus to cure his temporary blindness (Acts 9:11-18).

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Faro_Los_Morrillos_de_Cabo_Rojo"}

Lighthouse in Cabo Rojo, Puerto Rico Lighthouse Faro Los Morrillos de Cabo Rojo, also known as Los Morrillos Light, is a historic lighthouse located in Los Morrillos cape (officially Cabo Rojo, Spanish for "red cape") in the municipality of Cabo Rojo, Puerto Rico. History Located at the southwestern tip of the island of Puerto Rico, the construction of this lighthouse was completed in 1882. It was built to guide passing ships through the southeast entrance from the Caribbean Sea through the treacherous Mona Passage into the Atlantic Ocean. The lighthouse is located over a white lime cliff which is surrounded by salt water lagoons and marshes. The cliffs surrounding the lighthouse drop over 200 feet into the ocean. The lighthouse's architecture is distinguished by its simplicity, with minimal decoration and an unelaborated cornice repeated through the structure. The illuminating apparatus is housed in a cast-iron, copper and glass lantern. The lenticular lens was manufactured by the French firm Sautter, Lemonnier and Company. Originally, the lighthouse was staffed by two keepers and an engineer, who lived on the grounds with their families. In 1967 the lighthouse was renovated and its operation is currently completely automated. The structure itself has been abandoned for decades, although recent the local government as well as local civic groups, such as Caborrojeños Pro Salud y Ambiente, are pushing towards turning the old lighthouse keeper's house into a museum. The project was taken over by the municipality, an action that lost U.S. Federal government funds that had been assigned for it. The municipality took over the renovations, which, according to critics, has irrevocably damaged the historical significance of the internal structure. Gallery

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kirov,_Samukh"}

Village in Samukh, Azerbaijan Kirov is a village in the Samukh Rayon of Azerbaijan.

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BT100 was an impact 1-pin dot matrix printer produced in Czechoslovakia by TESLA Přelouč around 1989. It did not have ribbon, instead printed on a carbon copy paper. Design The printer was improvement over hobby printer CENTRUM T-85 and was designed to be very primitive and therefore cheap printer for 8-bit home computers. In BT100 ink ribbon was completely omitted. Instead single nail hit paper backed by carbon copy paper to print single dot on back side of paper. This arrangement was introduced to protect thin carbon copy paper from direct hit by nail. Also internal electronics was simple. Printer head was single nail with electromagnet driven by software on home computer. One direction motor for paper movement and two directions motor to move printer head were also controlled directly from computer. To give necessary feedback, motor axes were connected to plastic disc with cutouts on perimeter. LED and photoresistor were placed against disc cutouts and as the disc rotated light beam would reach photoresistor only when facing a cutout. This way distance travelled by motors could be measured, again directly from software. With provided drivers the printer would print 480 points across A4 (58 DPI) with 560 lines on page (48 DPI). That is 70 lines with 60 to 80 characters on line. Printer could print one A4 page in 10 minutes in low quality. Higher quality was available at cost of doubling the time. It was even possible to print on same paper several times using carbon copy papers of different colors to produce low quality color print. Compatibility The printer was released with driver for ZX Spectrum, Atari (800 XL/XE, 130XE), PMD 85 computers. Due to hardware simplicity it is possible to connect BT100 to many other computers. For example, in 2013, a hobbyist successfully printed on BT100 connected to |Raspberry Pi. Reception BT100 was considered to be slow, noisy and low quality printer even in time its introduction. Still, being most available and by margin cheapest printer in Czechoslovakia, it gained popularity as entry level solution. Simple design also encouraged modifications on both hardware and software levels, many of them increased print quality at cost of slower print. It was also sold built into a tape recorder under the name SP 210 T.

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saint-Julien-des-Points"}

Commune in Occitania, France Saint-Julien-des-Points (French pronunciation: ​[sɛ̃ ʒyljɛ̃ de pwɛ̃]; Occitan: Sent Julien) is a commune in the Lozère department in southern France.

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Catch_You"}

2007 single by Sophie Ellis-Bextor "Catch You" is a song by the British recording artist Sophie Ellis-Bextor for her third album, Trip the Light Fantastic (2007). It was written by Cathy Dennis, Rhys Barker and Greg Kurstin and produced by Kurstin. It was released as the album's first single on 19 February 2007. "Catch You" is a pop rock song and talks about Bextor chasing the guy that she wants. It received mostly positive reviews from music critics, who commended the infusion of rock guitars and electronic beats, while calling it a strident and very good song. A music video was directed by Sophie Muller and it shows Sophie chasing a guy in Venice. The song performed moderately on the charts, reaching number 8 on the UK Singles Chart, peaking inside the top twenty on the Italian and Russian Singles Chart and inside the top fifty on the other countries. Background and composition The single was first announced on New Year's Eve 2006, where Ellis-Bextor performed the song on the BBC's "New Year Live" show. "Catch You" was written by Cathy Dennis and co-written by Greg Kurstin and Rhys Barker and produced by Greg Kurstin. It is a pop rock song and combines guitars, zingy keyboards, nu wave angular guitars with a nagging pop melody. The lyrics concern Sophie possibly bugging various parts of her bloke's flat (mailbox, "easy chair", flatscreen), in the hope that she will "catch him". Critical reception K. Ross Hoffman of Allmusic commented, "She sounds dramatically reinvigorated here, with a notable infusion of rock guitars and often a forceful, even menacing, electro edge to the productions, evident right out the gate in this strident, barnstorming first single." Nick Levine of Digital Spy called it "a turbo-charged stalker-pop." Emily MacKay of Yahoo! Music called it "a merciless first strike, a crisp, laser-cut, feather-light puff of dance-floor ephemera sprinkled with disco 'pow!'s, its '70s synth-Chinoiserie chorus given an icy aloofness by Sophie's plummy delivery." Stuart Waterman of Popjustice commented: "It is both a very good song and an excellent advertisement for romantic lunacy. It sounds not unlike what would happen if the Sugababes kidnapped Avril Lavigne and bullied her into playing guitar on one of their more 'upbeat' numbers." Talia Kraines of BBC Music wrote that the song "gave us a grittier Sophie." Stuart McCaighy of This Is Fake DIY gave the song a mixed review, commenting "It was perhaps a touch one-dimensional, too 'of the moment' for a lead single; its chorus dragged rather than ignited." However, Kitty Empire of The Observer expressed: "It's a rubberised stab of bunny-boiler club-pop, which deserved to chart higher than number 8." Chart performance When the song was released, its immediate competition included Kelis's single "Lil Star", The Fray's "How to Save a Life", Take That's "Shine", Justin Timberlake's "What Goes Around... Comes Around" and Mika's "Grace Kelly". "Catch You" peaked at No. 8 on the UK Singles Chart. The single also peaked at No. 33 on the ARIA Singles Chart and at No. 7 on the ARIA Dance Chart. The song also reached the B-list of Radio 1's official playlist and the A-list of BBC Radio 2's official playlist. The song stayed in the UK Top 40 for two months and went to sell 148,000 copies. Music video The music video was subsequently filmed in Venice by Sophie Muller, and was released on 13 January 2007. The video has been compared to the movie Don't Look Now. Track listings Credits and personnel Credits are adapted from the liner notes of Trip the Light Fantastic. Studio Personnel Charts

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Panchakshari Hiremath (Kannada: ಪಂಚಾಕ್ಷರಿ ಹಿರೇಮಠ; born 1933) is a writer and poet, short story writer, essayist, critic, translator, orator, editor and freedom fighter who writes in Kannada, Urdu and Hindi. In 2005, he won the Sahitya Akademi Prize for Translation. Early life Hiremath was born at Bisarahalli, Koppal District in Karnataka.[citation needed] He was involved in the freedom struggle of Hyderabad Karnataka. He worked as a professor in Karnataka University and Karnatak College, Dharwad. His first collection of poems appeared in 1959.[citation needed] Hiremath is most famous as a poet. He is a opponent of division of Indian society on the basis of language. Hiremath opposed dividing the society on the basis of language. Some of Hiremath's own works have been translated into Hindi, Urdu, Malayalam, Tamil, Marathi, Nepali, English, Spanish, French and German.[citation needed] Awards and honours Published works Poetry Stories Novels Criticism/Essays Chintana Sahitya Biography History Religion and Philosophy Travelogue Literary Letters Children's literature Dramas (Translations) Hindi English Edited

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Aeronautical engineer and historian of technology (1924–2018) Leon Trilling (July 15, 1924 Białystok, Poland - April 20, 2018), an aeronautical engineer and historian of technology, was professor emeritus in MIT’s Department of Aeronautics and Astronautics and the Program in Science, Technology, and Society, and co-founder of the Massachusetts Department of Education's statewide METCO (Metropolitan Council for Educational Opportunity) Program. He retired from MIT in 1994 and in 1996, received the university's Martin Luther King Leadership Award “in recognition of his deep and enduring commitment to improving the quality of education for people of color.” Early life and education Trilling was born to Oswald and Regina (Zakhejm) Trillingk, a Jewish family living in Białystok, Poland. Before coming to the United States in 1940, the family fled to France in the 1930s. Trilling enrolled in Caltech (BS in mechanical engineering in 1944, a master of science in 1946, and a PhD in aeronautics in 1948) and in 1945, became a naturalized citizen. Early career He spent a year in Paris on a Fulbright Scholarship after spending time as a Caltech research fellow and instructor. In 1951, he began his career at MIT as a research associate in the Department of Aeronautical Engineering. In 1963, he studied gas dynamics at the University of Paris on a Guggenheim Fellowship. He joined the faculty of the Program in Science, Technology, and Society, based in the School of Humanities, Arts, and Social Sciences, in 1978. METCO Trilling was president of the Brookline School Committee. Working with community members and Governor and Mrs. Michael Dukakis, they launched METCO which is the “second-oldest voluntary program in the country dedicated to increasing diversity in schools.”. It was initially implemented by the implemented by the Federation for Housing and Equal Rights (FHER).

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jarreh-ye_Mian"}

Village in Bushehr, Iran Jarreh-ye Mian (Persian: جره ميان, also Romanized as Jarreh-ye Mīān, Jarreh-e Meyān, and Jarreh-i-Miyān; also known as Jarmīān and Jarreh-ye Vostá) is a village in Vahdatiyeh Rural District, Sadabad District, Dashtestan County, Bushehr Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 172, in 39 families.

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kim_Hye-seong"}

South Korean actor and model Kim Hye-sung (Korean: 김혜성; also spelt Kim Hye-seong; born January 14, 1988) is a South Korean actor and model. Biography Kim Hye-sung is a South Korean actor under NAMOOACTORS. In March 2012, Kim Hye-sung enlisted for his mandatory military service at the 306 Reserve in Uijeongbu, Gyeonggi Province and was discharged in March 2013. He is popular and well known for his leading role as Juno in Jenny, Juno (2006). Filmography Film Television

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The Book of Thoth can be one of multiple books discussed in the article linked in this sentence. The term may also refer to: Topics referred to by the same term

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In mathematics, a hypertoric variety or toric hyperkähler variety is a quaternionic analog of a toric variety constructed by applying the hyper-Kähler quotient construction of N. J. Hitchin, A. Karlhede, and U. Lindström et al. (1987) to a torus acting on a quaternionic vector space. Roger Bielawski and Andrew S. Dancer (2000) gave a systematic description of hypertoric varieties.

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gorgonum_Chaos"}

Gorgonum Chaos is a set of canyons in the Phaethontis quadrangle of Mars. It is located at 37.5° south latitude and 170.9° west longitude. Its name comes from an albedo feature at 24S, 154W. Some of the first gullies on Mars were found in Gorgonum Chaos. It is generally believed that it once contained a lake. Other nearby features are Sirenum Fossae, Maadim Vallis, Ariadnes Colles, and Atlantis Chaos. Some of the surfaces in the region are formed from the Electris deposits. Gullies Gullies on Mars may be due to recent flowing water. Many are present in the Gorgonum Chaos. Gullies occur on steep slopes, especially craters. Gullies are believed to be relatively young because they have few, if any craters, and they lie on top of sand dunes which are young. Usually, each gully has an alcove, channel, and apron. Although many ideas have been put forward to explain them, the most popular involve liquid water either coming from an aquifer or left over from old glaciers. There is evidence for both theories. Most of the gully alcove heads occur at the same level, just as one would expect of an aquifer. Various measurements and calculations show that liquid water could exist in an aquifer at the usual depths where the gullies begin. One variation of this model is that rising hot magma could have melted ice in the ground and caused water to flow in aquifers. Aquifers are layer that allow water to flow. They may consist of porus sandstone. This layer would be perched on top of another layer that prevents water from going down (in geological terms it would be called impermeable). The only direction the trapped water can flow is horizontally. The water could then flow out onto the surface when it reaches a break, like a crater wall. Aquifers are quite common on Earth. A good example is "Weeping Rock" in Zion National Park Utah. On the other hand, much of the surface of Mars is covered by a thick smooth mantle that is thought to be a mixture of ice and dust. This ice-rich mantle, a few yards thick, smooths the land, but in places it has a bumpy texture, resembling the surface of a basketball. Under certain conditions the ice could melt and flow down the slopes to create gullies. Because there are few craters on this mantle, the mantle is relatively young. An excellent view of this mantle is shown below in the picture of the Ptolemaeus Crater Rim, as seen by HiRISE. Changes in Mars's orbit and tilt cause significant changes in the distribution of water ice from polar regions down to latitudes equivalent to Texas. During certain climate periods water vapor leaves polar ice and enters the atmosphere. The water comes back to ground at lower latitudes as deposits of frost or snow mixed generously with dust. The atmosphere of Mars contains a great deal of fine dust particles. Water vapor will condense on the particles, then fall down to the ground due to the additional weight of the water coating. When ice at the top of the mantling layer goes back into the atmosphere, it leaves behind dust, which insulating the remaining ice.

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2022_AFC_Women%27s_Asian_Cup_Group_B"}

Group B was the second of three groups of the 2022 AFC Women's Asian Cup that took place from 21 to 27 February 2022. The group consisted of Australia, Indonesia, the Philippines and Thailand. The top three teams, Australia, the Philippines and Thailand, qualified for the knockout stage. The two teams that advanced are Australia and Philippines. Thailand also made the quarter-finals as they are not comparatively last to the other third-place teams. Teams Standings Source: AFC Rules for classification: Group stage tiebreakers Matches Australia vs Indonesia 15:30 Mumbai Football Arena, Mumbai Attendance: 0 Referee: Mahsa Ghorbani (Iran) Thailand vs Philippines 17:30 DY Patil Stadium, Navi Mumbai Attendance: 0 Referee: Công Thị Dung (Vietnam) Philippines vs Australia 15:30 Mumbai Football Arena, Mumbai Attendance: 0 Referee: Wang Chieh (Chinese Taipei) Indonesia vs Thailand 17:30 DY Patil Stadium, Navi Mumbai Attendance: 0 Referee: Yoshimi Yamashita (Japan) Australia vs Thailand 19:30 Mumbai Football Arena, Mumbai Attendance: 0 Referee: Thein Thein Aye (Myanmar) Philippines vs Indonesia 19:30 Shiv Chhatrapati Sports Complex, Pune Attendance: 0 Referee: Kim Yu-jeong (South Korea) Discipline Fair play points would have been used as tie-breakers in the group if the overall and head-to-head records of teams were tied, or if teams had the same record in the ranking of third-placed teams. These were calculated based on yellow and red cards received in all group matches as follows:

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/My_Lai_(film)"}

American TV series or program My Lai is a documentary film created by PBS; it aired as an episode of American Experience. Summary The documentary details the 1968 My Lai Massacre and its background. Topics of the video include the men of Charlie Company and the cover-up of the event. Hugh Thompson Jr. (the rescue helicopter pilot who confronted the ground forces personally, reported the killings, and helped halt the massacre) is also covered in the documentary. Accolades My Lai was recognized as the 2010 Outstanding Directing For Nonfiction Programming during the Emmys. The documentary was also nominated as the 2010 Exceptional Merit In Nonfiction Filmmaking in the Emmys. The documentary was also awarded a 2010 Peabody Award.

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Glasite"}

Christian sect The Glasites /ˈɡlæsaɪts/ or Glassites were a small Christian church founded in about 1730 in Scotland by John Glas. Glas's faith, as part of the First Great Awakening, was spread by his son-in-law Robert Sandeman into England and America, where the members were called Sandemanians. Glas dissented from the Westminster Confession only in his views as to the spiritual nature of the church and the functions of the civil magistrate. But Sandeman added a distinctive doctrine as to the nature of faith which is thus stated on his tombstone: That the bare death of Jesus Christ without a thought or deed on the part of man, is sufficient to present the chief of sinners spotless before God. In a series of letters to James Hervey, the author of Theron and Aspasio, Sandeman maintained that justifying faith is a simple assent to the divine testimony concerning Jesus, differing in no way in its character from belief in any ordinary testimony. Beliefs and practice In their practice the Glasite churches aimed at a strict conformity with the primitive type of Christianity, as understood by them. Each congregation had a plurality of elders, pastors, or bishops, who were chosen according to what were believed to be the instructions of Paul, without regard to previous education or present occupation, and who enjoy a perfect equality in office. To have been married a second time disqualified one for ordination, or for continued tenure of the office of bishop. In all the action of the church unanimity was considered to be necessary; if any member differed in opinion from the rest, he must either surrender his judgement to that of the church, or be shut out from its communion. To join in prayer with anyone not a member of the denomination was regarded as unlawful, and even to eat or drink with one who had been excommunicated was held to be wrong. The Lord's Supper was observed weekly; and between forenoon and afternoon service every Sunday a love feast was held at which every member was required to be present. This took the form not of symbolic morsels of wine and bread, as in other communions, but a (relatively) substantial meal, a custom leading to the Glasites' nickname of 'Kail Kirk' for the Scotch broth that was served at this setting. This custom may have arisen, in part, as a charitable response to the poverty of most members of this Church and also as a pragmatic response to the length of meetings (particularly the sermons) and the distances some members of the congregation had to travel in order to attend. At Glasite services, any member who "possesses the gift of edifying the brethren", was allowed to speak. The practice of washing one another's feet was at one time observed; and it was for a long time customary for each brother and sister to receive new members, on admission, with a holy kiss. "Things strangled and blood" were rigorously abstained from. They disapproved of all lotteries and games of chance. The accumulation of wealth they held to be unscriptural and improper. Churches A church was set up by Glas in Dundee following his suspension by the Church of Scotland, with its congregation becoming known as Glasites. The first meeting house in Perth followed in 1733. Glasite churches were also founded in Paisley, Glasgow, Edinburgh, Leith, Arbroath, Montrose, Aberdeen, Dunkeld, Cupar, Galashiels. Buildings built as Glasite chapels survive in Dundee, Edinburgh and Perth (two), Galashiels and possibly elsewhere. Sandemanian Churches in England Glas's views were again advanced beyond Scotland with Sandeman's publication of Letters on Theron and Aspasio in 1757. The resulting correspondence between the leading church elders, Glas and Sandeman, and English pastors, Samuel Pike, John Barnard, and William Cudworth among others, led to the adoption of this primitive form of Christianity for their London congregations beginning in the early 1760s. John Barnard's petition to Robert Sandeman brought the latter south to London from Scotland in April 1761 with his brother William and John Handasyde, an Elder from the Northumberland meeting house. This visit led to the establishment of the first legitimately constituted Sandemanian congregation on 23 March 1762 at Glover's Hall. To accommodate larger gatherings, this congregation moved initially to the Bull and Mouth-Street, St. Martin's Le Grand, and then to Paul's Alley in the Barbican in the autumn of 1778. This third London meeting house was that of Michael Faraday's youth. The Sandemanians relocated to Barnsbury Grove, in north London, in 1862 where they met until nearly the turn of the century. Michael Faraday was a Deacon at Paul's Alley in the Barbican during the 1830s, an Elder there from 1840 to 1844 and again from 1860 to 1864, the final two years of which were at the Barnsbury Grove meeting house (see 2008 photograph). A plaque was installed in the building indicating his seat of prayer. The building was converted into a telephone exchange, and that end of Barnsbury Grove renamed Faraday Close. Beyond London As the congregation at the Bull and Mouth-Street, St. Martins-le-Grand, London solidified through the inclusion of noted pastors like Samuel Pike in 1765, other English parishes followed their Sandemanian lead. The first response outside London occurred in Yorkshire with followers of Benjamin Ingham. Ingham discreetly sent two of his preachers, James Allen and William Batty, to Scotland to observe Glasite practices in 1761. Of these three Methodist preachers, only Allen fully converted and began to establish Sandemanian meeting houses in Northern England, to include his hometown of Gayle, Kirkby Stephen, Newby, and Kirkby Lonsdale. By 1768 Allen, together with John Barnard and William Cudworth from London, helped establish congregations in York, Norfolk, Colne, Wethersfield, Liverpool, Whitehaven, Trowbridge and Nottingham. Sandeman personally established fewer than a dozen churches in England including Liverpool before he went to America in 1764. The Trowbridge meeting house, in Wiltshire, was the location to which Samuel Pike moved and at which he preached for the final two years until his death in 1773. Sandemanian Churches in America Robert Sandeman sailed into Boston from Glasgow aboard the George and James, captained by Montgomery, on 18 October 1764. At the invitation of Ezra Stiles, Sandeman preached his first sermon in Newport on 28 November. He spent Christmas and most of January 1765 in Danbury, Connecticut, discussing theology and church governance with Ebenezer White and his followers. Over the next four months Sandeman and his party travelled to New York, Philadelphia, New London, Connecticut, Providence, Rhode Island, and finally Portsmouth, New Hampshire. Sandeman established his first church in Portsmouth on 4 May 1765 accompanied by James Cargill, Andrew Oliphant, and his nephews. Within the month Sandeman returned to Boston and established his second meetinghouse in the home of Edward Foster. From Boston, he returned to Danbury and created his third church among White's followers with Joseph Moss White and himself serving as elders. Sandeman referred to his church as formal to distinguish it from Ebenezer White's church that retained traditional church authority. Colonial resistance to Sandemanianism initially stemmed from the absence of ministerial authority within their congregations. This lack of a central authority challenged the existing social fabric throughout New England which relied upon the state to enforce church orthodoxy. As many colonials rose up in protest of punitive Crown policies in the decade following Robert Sandeman's arrival, his followers remained passively loyal, in Paul's footsteps, setting the stage for bitter estrangement between the factions. It was not until Sandeman's passing in 1771 that the remnants of the Danbury church moved to New Haven and formed the fourth church in America. Sandemanians as a whole were labeled "Loyalists" for their pacifist stance, to conform with Paul's teachings, since they did not oppose the crown like so many of their colonial brethren. In addition to passivism, many of the Boston congregation evacuated with the British and went into exile in Halifax, Nova Scotia, further escalating the fears of their colonial brethren. This relocation to Halifax lead to the formation of the fifth church. A Boston printer, Mr. John Howe, followed the British lead to Canada with his family only to return alone with the British army to document the unfolding war story upon its return to New York. Horace Marshall, in his article History of Danbury, mentions two additional Sandemanian congregations located south of Boston in Newtown and Taunton, Massachusetts. It is not clear what role, if any, Robert Sandeman played in the establishment of these congregations, though the Boston records indicate he performed several marriages in that city during the winter and spring of 1767 to 1768. A great many Loyalist Sandemanians were uprooted during the revolution and lost most of their property. John Howe's story exemplifies this situation. In his case, he sailed to Nova Scotia and became an elder in the congregation that formed. Decline The last of the Sandemanian churches in America ceased to exist in 1890. The London meeting house finally closed in 1984. The last Elder of the Church died in Edinburgh in 1999. Their exclusiveness in practice, neglect of education for the ministry, and the antinomian tendency of their doctrine contributed to their dissolution. Many Glasites joined the general body of Scottish Congregationalists, and the denomination may now be considered extinct. Critics of Sandemanianism A prominent critic of Sandemanian beliefs was Baptist Andrew Fuller (1754–1815), who published Strictures on Sandemanianism (1812), in which he argued that if faith concerns the mind only, then there could be no way to distinguish genuine Christians from nominal Christians. He also argued that knowing Christ is more than mental knowledge of facts about Him; it involves a desire for fellowship with Him and a delight in His presence. John "Rabbi" Duncan said once that Sandemanianism was "the doctrine of justifying righteousness along with the Popish doctrine of faith." Sandemanian families and notable members Prominent Sandemanian families include the surnames Barnard, Baynes, Baxter, Boosey, Bell, Deacon, Faraday, Leighton, Mann, Vincent, Whitelaw and Young. There was a strong link between the Sandemanians and scientists. Notable members of the Sandemanian Church include William Godwin, Michael Faraday, Charles Wilson Vincent and James Baynes. The Sandemanian church and its members are mentioned several times in Edward Everett Hale's short story "The Brick Moon". In Hale's short story "My Double, and How He Undid Me," the main character and narrator is a Sandemanian minister. Archives The archives of the Glasite Church are held by Archive Services at the University of Dundee and have attracted researchers from America. Bibliography

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Les_Miller_(Florida_politician)"}

American politician Lesley J. Miller Jr. (born April 21, 1951) is a Democratic politician who currently serves as a Hillsborough County Commissioner, representing the 3rd District since 2010. Prior to serving on the County Commission, Miller served in the Florida House of Representatives from 1992 to 2000, and in the Florida Senate from 2000 to 2006, and unsuccessfully ran for Congress in 2006. History Miller was born in Tampa in 1951, and briefly attended Bethune-Cookman College before dropping out to serve in the United States Air Force from 1971 to 1974. He later attended the University of South Florida, where he served as the President of the Student Governmenet Association, as the student representative on the Florida Board of Regents, and as President of the Black Student Union. Miller began working for the Tampa Electric Company in 1977 before retiring with a disability in 1987. Miller was appointed to the Tampa-Hillsborough County Cable TV Board in 1981, serving until 1991. In 1982, Miller ran for the Florida House of Representatives from the 63rd District, which included most of downtown Tampa. He ultimately placed last in the Democratic primary, receiving 9% of the vote to Jim Hargrett's 34%, Warren Dawson's 31%, Bob Lester's 13%, and George Butler's 13%. Miller was subsequently appointed to the Hillsborough City-County Planning Commission in 1987, and unsuccessfully ran for the Tampa City Council for an at-large seat in 1988. He started a government relations firm and briefly worked for the Tampa Urban League as its Vice-President and Chief Operating Officer before he was laid off, at which point he began working as a recruiter for Time Customer Service. Tampa City Council In 1991, following the indictment and suspension of City Councilman Perry Harvey, the only African-American member of the Council, Miller announced that he would run to succeed him in the 5th District, a heavily black district that included most of East Tampa. In the nonpartisan primary, he faced a number of candidates, most notably journalist Nadine Smith, pastor James D. Sykes, caseworker Pete Edwards, and businessman Roy Robinson. Miller based his campaign on providing affordable housing to the district's residents, arguing that when people own their own houses, it produces "vibrant, productive neighborhoods" that get more people involved in city government. The American Family Association, which was seeking to repeal the city's sexual orientation anti-discrimination ordinance, sent out fliers attacking Miller for supporting the ordinance. Miller strongly argued against repealing the ordinance, noting, "By my being a black man, I can't discriminate against someone because of their race, sex, sexual preference or national origin. Because I know what it is like to be discriminated against." Ultimately, Miller narrowly secured a spot in the runoff election, beating Sykes 21–18% for second place, while Smith placed first with 27% of the vote. In the runoff election against Smith, several of Miller's former rivals endorsed him, as did the St. Petersburg Times, which praised him for having "presented a vision of Tampa as a city of thriving neighborhoods and provided specific suggestions to accomplish that goal." Despite Smith's lead over Miller in the initial election, he overwhelmingly defeated her in the runoff, winning 58–42%, largely because of his strong performance in the district's black precincts. However, Miller only ended up serving for about two months on the City Council. When suspended Councilman Perry Harvey was acquitted by a jury of embezzlement charges, he was statutorily entitled to resume his office. Accordingly, after only 56 days on the Council, Miller left office. Having quit his job as a recruiter, Miller was unemployed and, despite being a former elected official, was forced to bartend at parties to pay his bills. Florida House of Representatives In 1992, State Representative Jim Hargrett, who had represented the 63rd District in the legislature, announced that he would run for the Florida Senate rather than seek re-election in the renumbered 59th District, which contained most of the territory he had previously represented. Miller announced that he would run to succeed Hargrett, and he won the Democratic primary unopposed. In the general election, he faced Nancy Vildibill, the Republican nominee. Miller campaigned on his support for increasing government spending on public education and healthcare, closing tax loopholes utilized by the wealthy and corporations, growth management, and campaign finance reform. The St. Petersburg Times endorsed Miller over Vildibill, praising him for his diverse life experiences and his "clearer grasp on the issues in his district." Ultimately, owing to the district's strong Democratic lean, Miller won his first term in a landslide, receiving 72% of the vote to Vildibill's 28%. Miller was re-elected entirely unopposed in 1994 and 1996, and was selected as the Democratic Whip for the 1996–1998 session, serving under Minority Leader Buzz Ritchie. In summer of 1998, Willie Logan, who had been selected as the Democratic caucus as its Speaker-designate in the event that it won a majority in the 1998 elections, was ousted and replaced by Anne Mackenzie. Following an outcry from black lawmakers, Mackenzie abruptly announced that she wouldn't seek re-election, which necessitated another election for the party's leader for the 1998–2000 session. Miller announced his candidacy, and was opposed by Josephus Eggelletion and Al Lawson. After Miller appeared to secure the requisite number of votes, Eggelletion withdrew from the contest, but Lawson continued running, arguing that Miller "has some problems with the Black Caucus members" and was being "used" by the party's white legislators to gloss over the party's racial problems. Ultimately, however, Miller ended up defeating Lawson, winning 34 votes to Lawson's 18. Miller won re-election in 1998 unopposed, but was unable to serve as Speaker following the elections, in which Democrats, already in the minority, lost seven additional seats. Florida Senate In 2000, State Senator Jim Hargrett was unable to run for re-election due to term limits, and Miller ran to succeed him in the 21st District, which included heavily black neighborhoods in Tampa, St. Petersburg and Bradenton. He faced former State Education Commissioner Doug Jamerson, who had previously represented St. Petersburg in the State House, in the [[Democratic Party (United States)}|Democratic]] primary. Miller, who raised significantly more than Jamerson and represented more of the district than Jamerson did in the House, was widely seen as the frontrunner for the seat, which Jamerson acknowledged. The race between Miller and Jamerson remained relatively civil, with each of them emphasizing their experience though Jamerson attacked Miller for not working to prevent the privatization of Tampa General Hospital, and Miller noted that Jamerson "had some high profile positions and wasn't able to keep it up." The two candidates split newspaper endorsements, with the Sarasota Herald-Tribune and the Times endorsing Jamerson while the Tampa Tribune endorsed Miller. On Election Day, Miller won 74% of the vote in Hillsborough County, Jamerson won 86% of the vote in Pinellas County, and the two came to a draw in Manatee County. However, because the Hillsborough portions of the district were more sizable than the other two counties combined, Miller was able to prevail over Jamerson, 54–46%. In the general election, Miller faced Republican nominee Rudy Bradley, a fellow State Representative who had been elected to a safely Democratic House district in St. Petersburg as a Democrat before switching parties in 1999. Miller focused his campaign on economic development and health care, while criticizing Bradley for his party switch. However, despite Bradley's prodigious fundraising, he was at a severe disadvantage in the heavily Democratic district. In the end, Miller won his first term in the Senate in a landslide, beating Bradley 70–26%, with independent candidate Kim Coljohn winning 4% of the vote. Following the 2000 census and the redistricting that followed, Miller was unopposed for re-election in the 18th District, which included most of the territory he had previously represented. Miller was selected by the Senate Democratic caucus to serve as Minority Leader for the 2004–2006 legislative session. He served alongside House Minority Leader Chris Smith, which was the first time in state history that black lawmakers simultaneously held leadership posts in both chambers. 2006 congressional campaign When Congressman Jim Davis opted to run for Governor in 2006 rather than seek re-election, Miller ran to succeed him in the 11th District, which included most of the territory he had represented in the State Senate. Miller faced Hillsborough County Commissioner Kathy Castor, the daughter of longtime politician Betty Castor, in the Democratic primary. He entered the race with endorsements from his female Democratic colleagues in the State Senate, while Castor won the endorsement of EMILY's List. An early poll showed Castor leading Miller by nearly twenty points, and Castor raised more than twice what Miller did as the campaign continued. Both the St. Petersburg Times and the Tampa Tribune endorsed Castor over Miller. The Times praised Miller's "experience and leadership qualities," but endorsing Castor "for her rounded experience and consistent record in pushing the right issues for the growing region." The Tribune similarly praised Miller for his "smart ideas on all the key issues" and for his legislative accomplishments, but concluded that Castor was the better choice because of her energy, determination, and leadership potential in Congress. Castor ended up defeating Miller by a wide margin, winning 54% of the vote to his 34%, with the remaining 16% going to other candidates. Hillsborough County Commission In 2010, Miller made a return to elected office by challenging County Commissioner Kevin White, who represented the 3rd District, for re-election in the Democratic primary. Miller, along with Hillsborough County Children's Board member Valerie Goddard, opted to challenge White due to his ethical issues—he had been found guilty in a civil case of sexually harassing his former aide. Miller didn't draw attention to White's ethical troubles, instead emphasizing his own legislative accomplishments and arguing that the district's needs had gone unmet during White's tenure. The Times and Tribune split their endorsements. The Times endorsed Miller, arguing that his "big edge in political experience" and tenure as an "effective lawmaker who knew how to work with the opposing party to help his constituents" would serve the district well, while the Tribune endorsed Goddard, concluding that while Miller was more experienced, "he brings little passion or urgency to the campaign" and "he has had his time." Miller ended up winning the primary by a wide margin, receiving 51% of the vote while Goddard won 29% and White placed third with 20%. In the general election, he faced only write-in opposition and won his first term on the County Commission with 96% of the vote. He was re-elected in 2014 and 2018 without opposition. Miller, who was prevented from running for another term on the County Commission in 2020 due to term limits, initially announced that he would run to succeed Hillsborough County Clerk Pat Collier Frank. Though he was endorsed by Frank in 2019, he dropped out of the race a few months later, citing his desire to spend time with his family and his severe arthritis, along with other health problems.

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602nd Aircraft Design Institute is a Chinese design institute and jointer partners with Xian Aircraft Industry Corporation of military aircraft. The institute is located at 20 Renmin Road in Yanliang District of Xian near the Yanliang Air Base. Their key clients are the People's Liberation Army Naval Air Force and the People's Liberation Army Air Force. They are a main contractor for the Xian JH-7, a two-seater twin-engine fighter-bomber in service with the People's Liberation Army Naval Air Force (PLANAF). Products

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Food_desert"}

Area that has limited access to affordable and nutritious food A food desert is an area that has limited access to affordable and nutritious food. In contrast, an area with greater access to supermarkets and vegetable shops with fresh foods may be called a food oasis. The designation considers the type and the quality of food available to the population, in addition to the accessibility of the food through the size and the proximity of the food stores. In 2017, the United States Department of Agriculture reported that 39.5 million people or 12.8% of the population were living in low-income and low-access areas. Of this number, 19 million people live in "food deserts," low-income census tracts that are more than one mile from a supermarket in urban or suburban areas and more than 10 miles from a supermarket in rural areas. Food deserts tend to be inhabited by low-income residents with inadequate access to transportation, which makes them less attractive markets for large supermarket chains. These areas lack suppliers of fresh foods, such as meats, fruits, and vegetables. Instead, available foods are likely to be processed and high in sugar and fats, which are known contributors to obesity in the United States. History By 1973, the term "desert" was ascribed to suburban areas lacking amenities important for community development. A report by Cummins and Macintyre states that a resident of public housing in western Scotland supposedly coined the more specific phrase "food desert" in the early 1990s. The phrase was first officially used in a 1995 document from a policy working group on the Low Income Project Team of the UK's Nutrition Task Force. Initial research was narrowed to the impact of retail migration from the urban center. More recent studies explored the impact of food deserts in other geographic areas (such as rural and frontier) and among specific populations like minorities and the elderly. The studies addressed the relationships between the quality (access and availability) of retail food environments, the price of food, and obesity. Environmental factors can also contribute to people's eating behaviors. Research conducted with variations in methods draws a more complete perspective of "multilevel influences of the retail food environment on eating behaviors (and risk of obesity)." In the years since, the Food Justice Movement has remapped its advocacy by not only citing how predominately white the movement is but also by arguing that food insecurity is an issue directly related to racial inequality in the United States.[citation needed] The commercial flight from urban neighborhoods, for instance, is considered one of the many reasons for a lack of supermarkets in urban areas.[citation needed] The absence of grocery stores in urban communities can be attributed to middle-income whites moving out of the cities and into the suburbs. Subsidized by government loans, businesses also went to the suburbs. There is a racially disparate impact in how large grocery companies choose the locations of new stores, with suburban areas being often chosen over urban centers. In an attempt to open supermarkets in urban neighborhoods, many have found it difficult as the costs to maintain a grocery store is expensive as compared to the suburbs, and the city's costly ordinances inherently make it difficult to keep the stores. Advocates within the movement have identified that terms like "Food Desert" undermines how the intersections of race and class largely influences minority communities' inaccessibility to fresh foods. To better describe what is taking place many advocates have begun to use the term "food apartheid." The activist and community organizer Karen Washington describes the term as "[looking] at the whole food system, along with race, geography, faith, and economics." As a result, there has been a paradigm shift within the movement with community organizers encouraging members of affected neighborhoods to consider how inadequate food systems correlate with the intersectionality of race and class. The Planting Seeds Just Tour serves as an example, as it visited solution based projects to resist injustices with ecological wisdom and food justice that were run by women of color. The tour also highlighted economically viable alternatives to provide healthy food and created spaces in which community members could participate in conversations regarding sustainability. Definitions Researchers employ a variety of methods to assess food deserts including directories and census data, focus groups, food store assessments, food use inventories, geographic information system (GIS), interviews, questionnaires and surveys measuring consumers' food access perceptions. Differences in the definition of a food desert vary according to the following: The multitude of definitions, varying by country, has fueled controversy over the existence of food deserts. It should also be noted that because it is too costly to survey the types of foods and prices offered in every store, researchers use the availability of supermarkets and large grocery stores (including discount and supercenter stores) as a proxy for the availability of affordable nutritious food. Distance Distance-based measurements measure food accessibility to identify food deserts. The United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) Economic Research Service measures distance by dividing the country into multiple 0.5 km square grids. The distance from the geographic center of each grid to the nearest grocery store gauges food accessibility for the people living in that grid. Health Canada divides areas into buffer zones, with people's homes, schools, or workplaces as the center. The Euclidean distance, another method to measure distance, is the shortest distance between the two points of interest and is measured for gaining food access data, but it is a less effective distance metric than the Manhattan Distance. Different factors are excluded or included that affect the scale of distance. The USDA maintains an online interactive mapping tool for the United States, the "Food Access Research Atlas," which applies four different measurement standards to identify areas of low food access, based on distance from the nearest supermarket. The first standard uses the original USDA food desert mapping tool "Food Desert Locator" and defines food deserts as having at least 33% or 500 people of a census tract's population in an urban area living 1 mile (10 miles for rural area) from a large grocery store or supermarket. The second and third standards adjust the scale of distance and factor income to define a food desert. In the US, a food desert is a low-income census tract residing at least 0.5 miles (0.80 km) in urban areas (10 miles (16 km) in rural areas) or 1 mile (1.6 km) away in urban areas (20 miles in rural areas) from a large grocery store. The availability of other fresh food sources like community gardens and food banks are not included in mapping and can change the number of communities that should be classified as food deserts. A 2014 geographical survey found that the average distance from a grocery store was 1.76 kilometers (1.09 miles) in Edmonton but only 1.44 kilometers (0.89 miles) when farmers' markets and community gardens were included, which makes it 0.11 miles under the latter definition for an urban food desert. The fourth standard takes vehicular mobility into account. In the US, a food desert has 100 households or more with no vehicle access living at least 0.5 miles (0.80 km) from the nearest large grocery store. For populations with vehicle access, the standard changes to 500 households or more living at least 20 miles (32 km) away. Travel duration and mode may be other important factors. As of 2011, public transport is not included in mapping tools. Fresh food availability A food retailer is typically considered to be a healthful food provider if it sells a variety of fresh food, including fruits and vegetables. Types of fresh food retailers include the following: Food retailers like fast-food restaurants and convenience stores are typically not in this category as they usually offer a limited variety of foods that constitutes a healthy diet. Frequently, even if there is produce sold at convenience stores, it is of poor quality. A "healthy" bodega, as defined by the New York City Department of Health and Mental Hygiene, stocks seven or more varieties of fresh fruits and vegetables and low-fat milk. Different countries have different dietary models and views on nutrition. The distinct national nutrition guides add to the controversy surrounding the definition of food deserts. Since a food desert is defined as an area with limited access to nutritious foods, a universal identification of them cannot be created without a global consensus on nutrition. Income and food prices Other criteria include affordability and income level. According to the USDA, researchers should "consider... [the] prices of foods faced by individuals and areas" and how "prices affect the shopping and consumption behaviors of consumers." One study maintains that estimates of how many people live in food deserts must include the cost of food in supermarkets that can be reached in relation to their income. For instance, in 2013, Whole Foods Market opened a store in the New Center area of Detroit, where one third of the population lives below the poverty line. Whole Foods is known for its more expensive healthy and organic foods. To attract low income residents, the Detroit store offered lower prices than other Whole Foods stores. If Whole Foods had not lowered the prices, residents would not be willing to shop there, and that area of Detroit would still be considered a food desert. Rural food deserts The differences between a rural and an urban food desert are the population density of residents and their distance from the nearest supermarket. Twenty percent of rural areas in the U.S. are classified as food deserts. There are small areas within each state in the U.S. that are classified as rural food deserts, but they occur most prominently in the Midwest. Within these counties, approximately 2.4 million individuals have low access to a large supermarket. The difference in distance translates into pronounced economic and transportation differencees between rural and urban areas. Rural food deserts are mostly the result of large supermarket stores moving into areas and creating competition that makes it impossible for small businesses to survive. The competition causes many small grocers to go out of business. That makes the task of getting nutritious whole ingredients much more difficult for those who live far away from large supermarkets. In most cases, people who live in rural food deserts are more likely to lack a high school degree or GED, to experience increased poverty rates, and to have lower median family income. People who live in rural food deserts also tend to be older because of an exodus of young people (ages 20–29) born in such areas who decide to leave them once they can. Based on the 2013 County Health Ratings data, residents who live in rural U.S. food deserts are more likely to have poorer health than those who live in urban food deserts. People who live in rural communities have significantly lower scores in the areas of health behavior, morbidity factors, clinical care, and physical environment. Research attributes the discrepancies to a variety of factors, including limitations in infrastructure, socioeconomic differences, insurance coverage deficiencies, and a higher rate of traffic fatalities and accidents. A 2009 study showed that of the people polled, 64% did not have access to adequate daily amounts of vegetables, and 44.8% did not have access to adequate daily amounts of fruits. Comparatively, only 29.8% of those polled lacked access to adequate protein. The lack of access to fruits and vegetables often results in vitamin deficiencies, which eventually causes health problems for those who live within these areas. Tasked with finding a solution to the problem, research has shown that it takes individual and community actions, as well as public policy improvements, to maintain and increase the capacity of rural grocery stores to provide nutritious high-quality affordable foods and to be profitable enough to stay in business. Although personal factors do impact eating behavior for rural people, it is the physical and social environments that place constraints on food access, even in civically engaged communities. Food access may be improved in communities in which civic engagement is strong and local organizations join in providing solutions to help decrease barriers of food access. Some ways that communities can do so are increasing access to the normal and food safety net systems and creating informal alternatives. Some informal communal alternatives could be community food gardens and informal transportation networks. Further, existing federal programs could be boosted through greater volunteer involvement. A 2009 study of rural food deserts found key differences in overall health, access to food, and the social environment of rural residents when they were compared to urban dwellers. Rural residents report overall poorer health and more physical limitations, with 12% rating their health as fair or poor, compared to 9% of urban residents. They believed their current health conditions to be shaped by their eating behaviors when the future chronic disease risk was affected by the history of dietary intake. Moreover, the 57 recruited rural residents from Minnesota and Iowa in one study perceived that food quality and variety in their area were poor at times. The researchers reached the conclusion that for a community of people, food choice bound by family and household socioeconomic status remained as a personal challenge, but social and physical environments played a significant role in stressing and in shaping their dietary behaviors. Urban food deserts Food deserts occur in poor urban areas with limited or no access to healthful affordable food options. Low income families are more likely to not have access to transportation so tend to be negatively affected by food deserts. An influx of people moving into such urban areas has magnified the existing problems of food access. Urban areas have been progressing in terms of certain opportunities, but the poor continue to struggle. As people move to urban areas, they have been forced to adopt new methods for cooking and acquiring food. Adults in urban areas tend to be obese, but they have malnourished and underweight children. For many people, the reason for not being able to get nutritious food is a lack of supermarkets or grocery stores When supermarkets are inaccessible, it has been shown that vegetable and fruit consumption are lower. When prices are high and there is a lack of financial assistance, many living in places with limited grocery stores find themselves in a situation of being unable to get the food that they need. Another domain to food deserts is that they also tend to be found in places that poor minority communities reside. Sometimes, the issue with urban food deserts is not the lack of food in the area but rather the lack of nutritional knowledge about food. According to research conducted by Tulane University in 2009, 2.3 million Americans lived more than one mile away from a supermarket and did not own a car. For those that live in urban food deserts, they often do not have access to culturally-appropriate foods. For many people who have health restrictions and food allergies, the effects of food deserts are further compounded. The time and cost it takes for people to go to the grocery store makes fast food more desirable. There is also a price variance in small grocery stores that prevents people in lower-income areas from purchasing healthier food options. Smaller grocery stores can be more expensive than the larger chains. The term "urban food deserts" is traditionally applied to North America and Europe, but in recent years, the term has been extended to Africa as well. It has taken time for researchers to understand Africa's urban food deserts because the conventional understanding of the term must be reevaluated to fit Africa's unconventional supermarkets. There are three categories for food deserts: ability-related, assets-related, and attitude-related. Ability-related food deserts are "anything that physically prevents access to food which a consumer otherwise has the financial resources to purchase and the mental desire to buy." An asset-related food desert involves the absence of financial assets, which prevents consumption of desirable food that is otherwise available. Attitude-related food deserts are any state of mind that prevents consumers from accessing that foods they can otherwise physically bring into their home and have the necessary assets to procure. In Cape Town, South Africa, supermarkets take up a large portion of retail space. While supermarkets are expanding in poor neighborhoods in Cape Town, their food insecurity is growing at an alarming rate. That is one of the biggest roadblocks in understanding food deserts. Based on the European or American understanding of food deserts, the fact that there is access to supermarkets by definition would mean that Cape Town does not suffer from food deserts. Africa suffers from food deserts, and there is also a direct link between climate change and the rapid growth of food deserts. While supermarkets are expanding to areas in which they once did not exist, there is still a disparity when it comes to physical access. In Cape Town, asset-related urban food deserts are the main reason for food insecurity since its people cannot afford the food that they would prefer to eat. Climate change plays an important role in urban food deserts because it directly affects accessibility. The main way that climate change affects food security and food deserts is by reducing the production of food. With the limited availability of a product, the price rises making it unavailable to those that cannot afford more expensive commodities. In Cape Town specifically, supermarkets rely directly on fresh produce from the nearby farm area. Climate change affect the production of food, and it can also damage capital assets that affect accessibility and utilization. Specifically in Cape Town, access to food deserts does not change their severity. With limited diversity in their diets, those who live in Cape Town are highly dependent on foods of low nutritional value and high calorific value. Using the European or American definition of food deserts would not take into account the dynamic market of other cultures and countries. Crime plays an important role in food deserts. If businesses cannot operate safely, they tend to either close or relocate to more stable areas. Operating a business in a high-crime area is more costly than doing so in a more stable area, as security can be a significant cost. For example, a grocery store closing in Chicago cited "repeated crime" as a major factor leading to their closing. Periods of civil unrest can accelerate the flight of businesses in areas in which the expectation of safe operation is low. The 2020 protests for racial and social justice that included riots that destroyed businesses, and Chicago then had more food deserts than before. North American urban food deserts are the result of stores closing because of unprofitability, not because of companies refraining from entering a potential market area. Beyond physical access The primary criterion for a food desert is its proximity to a healthy food market. When such a market is in reach for its residents, a food desert ceases to exist, but that does not mean that residents will now choose to eat healthily. A longitudinal study of food deserts in JAMA Internal Medicine shows that supermarket availability is generally unrelated to fruit and vegetable recommendations and overall diet quality. The availability of unhealthy foods at supermarkets may affect that relationship because they tempt customers to purchase precooked foods, which tend to contain more preservatives. Supermarkets may have such an adverse effect because they put independently owned grocery stores out of business. Independently owned grocery stores have the benefit of being made of the community and so they can be more responsive to community needs. Therefore, simply providing healthier food access, according to Janne Boone-Heinonen et al., cannot eliminate food deserts, and such access must be paired with education. In a 2018 article in Guernica, Karen Washington states that factors beyond physical access suggest the community should reexamine the word food desert itself. She believes "food apartheid" more accurately captures the circumstances surrounding access to affordable nutritious foods: "When we say food apartheid the real conversation can begin." Access to food options is not the only barrier to healthier diets and improved health outcomes. Wrigley et al. collected data before and after a food desert intervention to explore factors affecting supermarket choice and perceptions regarding healthy diet in Leeds, United Kingdom. Pretests were administered prior to a new store opening and post-tests were delivered two years after the new store had opened. The results showed that nearly half of the food desert residents began shopping at the newly built store, but only modest improvements in diet were recorded. A similar pilot study conducted by Cummins et al. focused on a community that was funded by the Pennsylvania Fresh Food Financing Initiative. It followed up after a grocery store was built in a food desert to assess the store's impact. The study found that "simply building new food retail stores may not be sufficient to promote behavior change related to diet." Studies like those show that living close to a store that is stocked with fruits and vegetables does not make a large impact on food choices. A separate survey also found that supermarket and grocery store availability did not generally correlate with diet quality and fresh food intake. Pearson et al. further confirmed that physical access is not the sole determinant of fruit and vegetable consumption. Work and family People who have nonstandard work hours, including rotating or evening shifts, may have difficulty shopping at stores that close earlier and so opt instead to shop at fast food or convenience stores, which are generally open later. Under welfare-to-work reforms enacted in 1996, female adult recipients must log 20 hours a week of "work activity" to receive SNAP benefits. If they live in a food desert and have family responsibilities, working may also limit time to travel to obtain nutritious foods as well as prepare healthful meals and exercise. Safety and store appearance Additional factors may include how different stores welcome different groups of people and nearness to liquor stores. Residents in a 2010 Chicago survey complained that in-store issues like poor upkeep and customer service were also impediments. Safety can also be an issue for those in high-crime areas, especially if they must walk while carrying food and maybe also with a child or children. Fast food A possible factor affecting obesity and other "diet-related diseases" is the proximity of fast food restaurants and convenience stores, compared to "full-access" grocery stores. Proximity to fast-food restaurants correlates with a higher BMI, and proximity to a grocery store correlates with a lower BMI, according to one study. A 2011 review used fifteen years of data from the Coronary Artery Risk Development in Young Adults (CARDIA) study to examine the fast-food consumption of more than 5,000 young American adults aged 18–30 years in different geographic environments. The study found that fast-food consumption was directly related to the proximity of fast-food restaurants among low-income participants. The research team concluded that "alternative policy options such as targeting specific foods or shifting food costs (subsidization or taxation)" may be complementary and necessary to promote healthy eating habits and to increase the access to large food stores in specific regions and limit the availability of fast-food restaurants and small food stores. Some cities already restrict the location of fast-food and other food retailers that do not provide healthy food. Fast-food restaurants are disproportionately located in low-income and minority neighborhoods and are often the closest and cheapest food options. "People living in the poorest SES areas have 2.5 times the exposure to fast-food restaurants as those living in the wealthiest areas." Multiple studies were also done in the US regarding racial/ethnic groups and the exposure to fast-food restaurants. One study in South Los Angeles, with a higher percentage of African Americans, found that there was less access to healthier stores and more access to fast food than in West Los Angeles, which has a lower African American population. Another study in New Orleans found that communities that were predominantly African American had 2.4 fast food restaurants per square mile, but predominantly-white neighborhoods had 1.5 fast food restaurants per square mile. Researchers found that fast-food companies purposely target minority neighborhoods in conducting market research to open new fast-food restaurants. Existing segregation makes it easier for fast-food companies to identify the target neighborhoods. That practice increases the concentration of fast-food restaurants in minority neighborhoods. Behavior and social and cultural barriers The likelihood of being food insecure in the US for Latinos is 22.4%, for African Americans 26.1%, and for whites 10.5%. People who are food insecure often find themselves having to cut back more at the end of the month, when their finances or food stamps run out. Month to month, there are other special occasions that may warrant higher spending on food such as birthdays, holidays, and unplanned events. Because people who are food insecure are still fundamentally involved in society, they are faced with the other stressors of life as well as the additional frustration or guilt that comes with not being able to feed themselves or their family. Steven Cummins also proposed that food availability is not the problem but eating habits. Pearson et al. urge food policy to focus on the social and cultural barriers to healthy eating. For instance, New York City's public-private Healthy Bodegas Initiative has aimed to encourage bodegas to carry milk and fresh produce and residents to purchase and consume them. Pharmacies In addition to the close proximity of fast-food restaurants and convenience stores, many low-income communities contain a higher prevalence of pharmacies, compared to medium- or high-income communities. Such stores often contain a high number of snack foods, such as candy, sugary beverages, and salty snacks, which is within arm's reach of a cash register in 96% of pharmacies. While pharmacies are important in these communities, they act as yet another convenience store and so further expose low-income residents to non-nutritional food. Nutrition Fresh produce provides the body with nutrients that help it function effectively. Vegetables are good sources of fiber; potassium; folate; iron; manganese; choline; and vitamins A, C, K, E, B6 and many more. Fruits are good sources of fiber, potassium, and vitamin C. The USDA recommends eating the whole fruit instead of fruit juice because juice itself has less fiber and added sugars. Dairy products contain nutrients such as calcium; phosphorus; riboflavin; protein; and vitamins A, D and B-12. Protein, a good source of vitamin B and lasting energy, can be found in both plant and animal products. The USDA also suggests to limit the percentage of daily calories for sugars (<10%), saturated fats (<10%) and sodium (<2,300 mg). Although small amounts of sugars, fats, and sodium are necessary for the body, they can lead to various diseases when consumed in large amounts. Processed foods Even if they know the importance of nutrition, people may face an additional barrier, based on whether they even have the choice. Corner stores often only carry processed food, which eliminates the choice of eating fresh food. Processed food encompasses any type of food that has been modified from its original state from washing, cooking, or adding preservative or other additives. Because it is such a general category, processed foods can be broken down into four more specific groups: "unprocessed or minimally processed foods, processed culinary ingredients, processed foods (PFs), and ultra-processed foods and drinks (UPFDs)." The original motivation for processing foods was to preserve them so that there would be less food waste and enough food to feed the population. By canning or drying fruits and vegetables to try to preserve them, some of the nutrients are lost and oftentimes sugar is added, which makes the product less healthy than when it was fresh. Similarly, with meats that are dried, salt is added to help in preservation, but that results in the meat has a higher sodium content. The ultra-processed foods were made not to be nutrient-rich but rather to satisfy cravings with high amounts of salts or sugars, which results in people eating more than they should of food that has no nutritional value. On the other hand, processed foods may be artificially enriched with food additives to include nutrients that many people are lacking in their diets, which may, in some cases, make up to some extent for a lack of fresh food. Some nutritionists may recommend eliminating processed foods from diets, but others see it as a way to reduce food scarcity and malnutrition. In 1990, the Nutrition Labeling and Education Act required nutrition facts labels on food so that people could see what and how much of something they were consuming. With that labeling, some companies listed things that were not added on the front, but they rarely added information about nutrients they added. Some scientists and nutritionists are looking into ways to create affordable processed foods that are high in essential nutrients and vitamins and also taste good so that the consumer is inclined to buy them. In low-income urban areas, accessibility to fast food restaurants is sometimes better than accessibility to supermarkets. Alcohol Many areas that are food deserts have disproportionately-high numbers of liquor stores. For example, East Oakland has 4 supermarkets and 40 liquor stores. Such communities are also often predominantly populated by ethnic minorities. Both Latinos and African Americans are predisposed to disease resulting from alcohol consumption. Some alcohol-related illnesses include stroke, hypertension, diabetes, colon and GI cancer, and obesity. Implications for self-care Self-care, an essential component in the management of chronic conditions but also for healthy people, is greatly influenced by food choices and dietary intake. Limited access to nutritious foods in food deserts can greatly impact one's ability to engage in healthy practices. Access, affordability, and health literacy are all social determinants of health, which are accentuated by living in a food desert. There are two main health implications for those living in food deserts: overnutrition or undernutrition. The community may be undernourished, due to no access to food stores. The community may be overnourished by a lack of affordable supermarkets with whole foods and a higher concentration of convenience stores and fast food restaurants, which offer prepackaged foods often high in sugar, fat, and salt. Food security remains a problem for many low-income families, but the greatest challenge to living in a food desert is poor diet quality. Living in a food desert contributes to a higher prevalence of chronic diseases associated with being overweight. Persons living in a food desert often face barriers to self-care, particularly in accessing resources needed to change their dietary habits. Transportation and geography People tend to make food choices based on what is available in their neighborhood. Food deserts often have a high density of fast-food restaurants and corner stores that offer prepared and processed foods. In rural areas, food security is a major issue. Food security may imply either a complete lack of food, which contributes to undernourishment, or a lack of nutritious food, which contributes to overnourishment. According to the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA), community food security "concerns the underlying social, economic, and institutional factors within a community that affect the quantity and quality of available food and its affordability or price relative to the sufficiency of financial resources available to acquire it." Rural areas tend have higher food insecurity than urban areas because food choices in rural areas are often restricted, with transportation being needed to access a major supermarket or a food supply that offers a wide, healthy variety of foods. Smaller convenience stores that do not offer as much produce. It is critical to look at car ownership in relation to the distance and number of stores in the area. Distance from shops influences the quality of food eaten. A vehicle or access to public transportation is often needed to go to a grocery store. When neither a car nor public transportation is available, diets are rarely healthy because fast food and convenience stores are easier to access and do not cost as much money or time. Further, those who walk to food shops typically have poorer diets, which has been attributed to having to carry shopping bags home. Impact All of those limitations to nutritional foods have serious consequences for marginalized groups, as they are disproportionately represented in food deserts. Subsequently, dietary-related diseases continue to have a proportionately large impact in these communities, as can be seen in studies examining diabetes and lactose intolerance. There are 4.9 million non-Hispanic African Americans aged 20 years or older with diagnosed diabetes, according to the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) national survey data. In the United States, some degree of lactose indigestion occurs in an estimated 15% (6% to 19%) of Caucasians, 53% of Mexican Americans, 62% to 100% of Native Americans, 75-80% of African Americans, and 90% of Asian Americans. Additionally, racial and ethnic minorities have a higher prevalence of diabetes than whites and a higher rate of complication post-diabetes diagnosis. In the long term, that can have crippling effects on the poorest Americans: "Chronic diet-related diseases can cause further financial struggles, producing expensive medical bills and making work difficult. In 2006, people with obesity paid an average of $1,429 more in medical expenses than the average American. Obesity is least prevalent among adults in the highest economic bracket." A 2019 study published in The Quarterly Journal of Economics cast doubt on the notion that exposing poor neighborhoods to healthy groceries reduces nutritional inequality. The study found "that exposing low-income households to the same products and prices available to high-income households reduces nutritional inequality by only about 10 percent, while the remaining 90 percent is driven by differences in demand." Another study found that grocery stores are more closely spaced in poor neighborhoods and that there was no relation between children's food consumption, their weight, and the type of food available near their homes. Another study suggested that adding a grocery store near one's home was associated with an average BMI decrease of 0.115, which very small compared to the excess BMI of an obese person. Initiatives and resources Recognition of food deserts as a major public health concern has prompted a number of initiatives to address the lack of resources available for those living in both urban and rural areas. On the larger scale, there have been national public policy initiatives. United States Federal and state policy initiatives The United States government responded to food insecurity with several programs, one of which being the Domestic Nutrition Assistance Programs (DNAPs). Other programs include the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), the Special Supplement Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC), and food pantries and emergency kitchens. However, there is still a significant lack of legislation on local and state levels to address the problem efficiently and adequately. As food insecurity has reached drastic levels, significant pressure for the government to qualify the problem as a human rights issue has proven futile. In 2010, the US Department of Health and Human Services, the US Department of Agriculture, and the US Department of the Treasury announced their partnership in the development of the Healthy Food Financing Initiative (HFFI). Intending to expand access to healthy food options in both urban and rural communities across the country, HFFI has helped expand and develop grocery stores, corner stores, and farmers' markets by providing financial and technical assistance to communities. The creation of such resources provides nutritious food options to those living in food deserts. HFFI has awarded $195 million to community development organizations in 35 states. Between 2011 and 2015, HFFI created or supported 958 projects aimed at healthy food access. The HFFI has also supported the development of statewide programs across the country, in California, Colorado, Illinois, Louisiana, Michigan, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, and Pennsylvania. In Pennsylvania, the state program, the Fresh Food Financing Initiative (FFFI), provides grants and loans to healthy food retailers to create or renovate markets, including supermarkets, small stores, and farmers' markets, in low-income urban and rural areas across Pennsylvania. Because operating in underserved areas is more financially straining on retailers, the program provides subsidized financing incentives for retailers to open in areas with a high need. The Pennsylvania program's success influenced many other states to launch similar programs. Farmers' markets and community gardens Local and community efforts have made strides in combating a lack of access to nutritious food in food deserts. Farmers' markets provide residents with fresh fruits and vegetables. Usually in public and central areas of a community, such as a park, farmers' markets are most effective if they are easily accessible. Farmers' markets tend to be more successful in urban than rural areas due to large geographic distances in rural areas that make the markets difficult to access. The expansion of SNAP to farmers' markets also helps make nutritious foods increasingly affordable. Each year, SNAP participants spend around $70 billion in benefits. As of 2015, more than $19.4 billion were redeemed at farmers' markets. The Double Up Food Bucks program doubles what every Electronic Benefit Transfer (EBT) dollar spent at a farm stand is worth. This incentivizes locals to shop for fresh foods, rather than processed foods. Community gardens can play a similar role in food deserts, generating fresh produce by having residents share in the maintenance of food production. The Food Trust, a nonprofit organization based in Pennsylvania, has 22 farmers' markets in operation throughout Philadelphia. To increase accessibility for healthier food and fresh produce, Food Trust farmers' markets accept SNAP benefits. Customers have reported improved diets with an increase in vegetable intake as well as healthier snacking habits. Community gardens also address fresh food scarcity. The nonprofit group DC Urban Greens operates a community garden in Southeast Washington, DC, an area labeled by the US Department of Agriculture as a food desert. The garden provides fresh produce to those in the city who do not have easily-accessible grocery stores nearby. The organization also sets up farmers' markets in the city. In the food desert of North Las Vegas, a neighborhood with one of the highest levels of food insecurity, another community garden is addressing food scarcity. The community gardens can aid in education and access to new foods. Organizations such as the Detroit Black Community Food Security Network use community-building gardens to promote community around healthy food. Food Co-Operations Food co-operations (co-ops) are defined as being community driven produce markets. Food co-ops have become a mechanism that communities have used in response to food deserts. Since they are run by community members, these groups can have a more direct decision to sell more culturally relevant and healthier produce to the overall community. Proponents to the implementation of food co-ops argue that it offers better dietary options which can uplift the most impacted communities in food deserts. There have been efforts by urban American cities to implement food co-operations as a larger policy reform. Organizations like the West Oakland Food Collaborative have made food co-operations one of the components to their larger proposal to tackle food insecurity.[citation needed] There have also been efforts to integrate current federal aid to food co-operations.The Virginia Fresh Match (VFM) program worked with community efforts such as food co-ops to accept federally funded initiatives such as Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) as a way to promote healthier eating habits. Limitations to food co-operations come with the emphasis of community governance and different approaches to reallocate federal funding. Given that food co-ops are community run, maintaining the market requires community members to dedicate hours to it. However, it must be noted that all members of the community can shop at food co-ops. As well, previous government policy agreements with market chains have made it difficult for repurposing these now enclosed spaces, with the discontinued Albertsons market chains being a leading example of this predicament. Cities with food deserts, such as Detroit, Michigan, have advocated instead to create policies that financially incentivize healthy markets to build their establishments in these communities. Yet, research conducted in Flint, Michigan's food desert found that it is not community access that policy reform should focus on since the implementation of healthy grocery stores will not decrease food insecurity or create healthier diets. Urban agriculture Urban agriculture (UA) is another way that helps when it comes to having access to fresh food in urban cities. Urban agriculture is one of the responses combating the lack of fresh foods in communities that need fresh foods. There are communities that are turning vacant lots into a community gardens and urban areas in which they can use agriculture to grow fresh foods for the community. Urban agriculture has many benefits such as being a "local source of fresh healthy food," and bringing communities together and reducing environmental problems. An issue with urban agriculture is that in many food desert communities, the soil has been contaminated from local pollutants, which makes it harder to use plots of land as a garden to grow fresh food. For example, in Oakland, California, there has been a rise in using urban agriculture as a means to get areas that are in the middle of food deserts to grow and produce their own food. Meal delivery, food trucks, and ride shares An entrepreneurial solution to food insecurity in food deserts is food trucks. In major urban centers such as Boston, mobile food markets travel to low-income areas with fresh produce. The trucks travel to assisted living communities, schools, workplaces, and health centers. The increased availability of online food retailers and delivery services, such as AmazonFresh and FreshDirect, can also help in food deserts by delivering food straight to residences. The ability of elderly people, disabled people, and people who live far from supermarkets to use SNAP benefits online to order groceries is a major resource. For those who lack transportation options, vehicle for hire services may be vital resources to increase access to nutritious foods in food deserts. Youth education Food deserts are a result of reduced access to healthy food and not enough money to afford the available food, which causes many people and especially children to not get enough nutrients their bodies require. Because there is a dominant concern of where the next meal will come from, people do not always care what they are putting in their bodies as long as it keeps them alive. There are organizations that target the lack of access to fresh foods, multiple organizations implement education within their work. The Grow Hartford Program was implemented in a school in Connecticut to have students address an issue in their community and they chose to focus on food justice. The youth involved worked on farms in the area to learn about the processes of food production and the importance and variety of vegetables. The program even led kids to start a community garden at their school. The program allowed the students to engage in hands-on learning to educate them about agriculture, food scarcity, and nutrition while helping bridge the gap of food access for some of their peers who could now bring home food from the surrounding farms or the school garden. Another example of an organization that educates community members is Oakland Food Connection, located in East Oakland where they teach children about production and consumption through lessons on urban gardening with cooking classes. This program helps educate children about their own food culture and others while also learning about nutrition.

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2004 film directed by Liu Fendou Green Hat (Chinese: 绿帽子; pinyin: lǜ màozǐ) (also known as The Green Hat) is a Chinese film from 2003 and the debut of screenwriter Liu Fendou. Starring Li Congxi, Liao Fan, and Dong Lifan, the film tells the story of two men, one a bank robber, and one a police officer and their shared problem of unfaithful partners. In China, the phrase "wearing a green hat", refers to a cuckold. The film features full-frontal male nudity. The film was well received by both critics and festival audiences, notably at the 2004 Tribeca Film Festival where it won a prize for Best Narrative Feature. Plot Wang Yao (Liao Fan) is a criminal. Along with two friends, he prepares one last heist with the plan that he will head to the United States afterward for a reunion with a girlfriend he has not seen in two years. After the successful robbery of a bank, Wang stops at a small grocery store to call his girlfriend, who ceremoniously dumps him. Distraught, Wang takes the grocery store's proprietor hostage when she demands payment for the long-distance phone call. When the police arrives, one of their number (Li Congxi) offers to take the place of the hostage. Wang agrees, and then promptly commits suicide after asking the shocked officer, "What is love?" The film then shifts its attention to the police officer, who now begins to face the fact that his wife (Li Mei) has been carrying on an affair with a swimming coach (Hai Yitian). Struggling from sexual inadequacy and humiliation, the officer decides to confront his wife and her lover. Reception Green Hat was screened at numerous international film festivals including Tribeca, Seattle, and Thessaloniki. Western critics were generally positive in their reaction to the film, with the film winning a Best Narrative Feature from Tribeca, and FIPRESCI awarding a best film award to it at the Thessaloniki Film Festival, These critics, such as Variety's Derek Elley, found the film to be a strong debut by Liu and praised the film's visual compositions and unusual sexual frankness.

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The Islamabad Literature Festival (ILF) is an international literary festival held annually in Islamabad, Pakistan. History ILF was established in 2013. It features prominent literary figures, guest speakers and attendees including writers, poets, scholars and academics from all over Pakistan, as well as internationally. The event incorporates reading and literary debate sessions, lectures, poetry reading, plays, art fairs and book launches. Like the Karachi Literature Festival, ILF is also organised and produced by the Oxford University Press Pakistan. Editions The first ILF was held on April 30 and 31, 2013. The second edition was held from 25 to 28 April 2014. The third edition was held from April 24 to 26, 2015.

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Catholic_People%27s_Party"}

Political party in Netherlands The Catholic People's Party (Dutch: Katholieke Volkspartij, KVP) was a Catholic Christian democratic political party in the Netherlands. The party was founded in 1945 as a continuation of the Roman Catholic State Party, which was a continuation of the General League of Roman Catholic Caucuses. During its entire existence, the party was in government. In 1977, a federation of parties including the Catholic People's Party, the Anti-Revolutionary Party (ARP) and the Christian Historical Union (CHU) ran together under the Christian Democratic Appeal (CDA) banner. The three participating parties formally dissolved to form the CDA in 1980. History 1945–1965 The KVP was founded on 22 December 1945. It was a continuation of the pre-war Roman Catholic State Party (RKSP). Unlike the RKSP, the KVP was open to people of all denominations, but mainly Catholics supported the party. The party adopted a more progressive course and a more modern image than its predecessor. In the elections of 1946 the party won a third of the vote, and joined the newly founded social democratic Labour Party (PvdA) to form a government coalition. This Roman/Red coalition (Roman (Rooms) for the Roman Catholic KVP, Rood, Red for the social democratic PvdA) lasted until 1958. In the first two years the KVP's Louis Beel led the Cabinet. Beel was not the party's leader a post which was taken by Carl Romme, who led the KVP between 1946 and 1961, from the House of Representatives. After the 1948 election the PvdA became larger and supplied the prime minister Willem Drees. The PvdA and the KVP were joined by combinations of the protestant-Christian Anti-Revolutionary Party (ARP) and Christian Historical Union (CHU) and the liberal People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD) to form oversized cabinets, which often held a comfortable two-thirds majority. The cabinets were oriented at rebuilding the Dutch society and economy after the ravages of the Second World War and grant independence to the Dutch colony Indonesia. That last point was caused a split within the KVP, in 1948 a small group of Catholics broke away to form the Catholic National Party (KNP): it was opposed to the decolonisation of Indonesia and to cooperation between the Catholics and social-democrats. Under pressure of the Catholic Church the two parties united again in 1955. The KVP was at the height of its power from 1958 to 1965. It was the dominant force in all cabinets, and every prime minister during this time was a party member. In 1958 the Fourth cabinet of Drees fell and Louis Beel formed an interim-cabinet with KVP, ARP and CHU. After the 1959 elections the KVP formed a centre-right cabinet with ARP, CHU and VVD, led by KVP member Jan de Quay. It continued to strengthen the welfare state. After the 1963 elections this cabinet was succeeded by a new cabinet of KVP-CHU-ARP-VVD, which was led by the KVP's Victor Marijnen. This coalition oversaw an economic boom. Norbert Schmelzer became the party's new leader, again operating within the House of Representatives and not the cabinet. A cabinet crisis over the Netherlands Public Broadcasting however caused the cabinet to fall in 1965. The KVP and ARP formed a cabinet with the PvdA, led by the KVP's Jo Cals. This cabinet also fell in the Night of Schmelzer, in which Norbert Schmelzer forced a cabinet crisis over the cabinet's financial policy. This was the first fall of cabinet, which was directly broadcast on television. An interim government of KVP and ARP was formed, led by the ARP's Jelle Zijlstra. 1965–1980 The period 1965–1980 is period of decline, crisis and dissent for the KVP. The share of votes for the KVP began to decline after 1966, because of depillarisation and secularisation: There were fewer Catholics and Catholics no longer supported a Catholic party. In the 1967 elections the KVP lost 15% of its votes and 8 seats. During the election campaign the KVP, ARP and CHU declared that they wanted to continue cooperating with each other. Cooperation with the PvdA was much less important. This led to unrest under young and left wing KVP supporters, including Ruud Lubbers, Jo Cals, Erik Jurgens and Jacques Aarden, who called themselves Christian Radicals. After the elections this promise was upheld and the KVP formed a cabinet with its old partners, led by Piet de Jong. After much debate some of the Christian Radicals broke away from the KVP in 1968 to form the Political Party of Radicals (PPR). These include three members of parliament, who form their own parliamentary party Groep Aarden. Lubbers and Cals stayed with the KVP. The new party became a close partner of the PvdA. In the 1971 elections the KVP lost another 7 seats (18% of its vote). The KVP again joined the ARP, CHU and VVD to form a new centre-right cabinet with rightwing dissenters of the PvdA, united in DS'70. The ARP's Barend Biesheuvel led the cabinet. In 1972 the cabinet fell because of internal problems of the junior partner, DS'70. In the subsequent elections the KVP again lost eight seats, leaving only 27, 23 less than in 1963. The cabinet again lost its majority and the KVP saw no alternative than to cooperate with the PvdA and its allies PPR and D66. An extra-parliamentary cabinet is formed by PvdA, PPR and D66 joined by prominent progressives from KVP and ARP. The KVP's ministers include the minister of Justice Dries van Agt and the minister of the Economy Ruud Lubbers. The KVP does not officially support this cabinet, which is led by social democrat Joop den Uyl. This cabinet was characterised by infighting and fell just before the 1977 elections. In the 1970s the KVP realised that if it wanted to continue it needed to find new ways of cooperating. Ideas to form a broad Christian democratic party, like the German Christian Democratic Union were brought into practice. In 1974 the three parties formed a federation, called Christian Democratic Appeal (CDA). In the 1977 elections the CDA won more seats than the KVP, ARP and CHU had together. After the elections, Dries van Agt became prime minister for the CDA. In 1980 the three parties officially dissolved themselves into the CDA. The Catholics still constitute a powerful group within the CDA. Indeed, the CDA's first two prime ministers, van Agt and Ruud Lubbers, came from the KVP side of the merger. In the early years a system of equal representation of Catholics and Protestants was practiced, from which the KVP as only Catholic group profited. Nowadays many CDA members, like Maxime Verhagen and Maria van der Hoeven have a background in the KVP's political Catholicism. Name The name Catholic People's Party (Dutch: Katholieke Volkspartij; KVP), must be seen in contrast with the name of its predecessor Roman Catholic State Party. The party no longer uses the name "Roman Catholic", but simply "Catholic", de-emphasising its religious affiliation. It is no longer a state party, but a people's party, emphasising its progressive, democratic nature. The new name emphasises the KVP's progressive, democratic and non-denominational image. Ideology and issues The KVP was a Christian democratic party, which based itself on the Bible and Catholic dogma. As such it was a proponent of a mixed economy: A strong welfare state should be combined with a free market, with a corporatist organisation. Trade unions and employers' organisations were to negotiate on wages in a Social Economic Council and should make legislation for some economic sectors on themselves, without government intervention, in so called Productschappen. The state should watch over the morality of the people: divorce should be limited, recreation should be moral (for instance different swimming hours for women and men) and the family should be preserved. Families were to be helped by fiscal policies, such as the "kinderbijslag", support by the government, by the newly set up Ministry of Culture, Recreation and Welfare, and the possibility to buy their own home. Internationally, the KVP was a staunch proponent of European integration and cooperation with the NATO. The party sought the middle ground in the issue of decolonisation: Indonesia and Suriname should be independent countries within a Dutch Commonwealth. Electoral performance Municipal and provincial government The party was particularly strong in the southern provinces of Limburg and North Brabant, where it often held 90% of the seats in the provincial and municipal legislatures and supplied all provincial and municipal governments, provincial governors and mayors. In regions like Twente, West Friesland and Zeelandic Flanders it held similar positions in municipalities, but cooperated with other parties on the provincial level. Organisation Leaders Electorate The KVP was supported by Catholics of all classes. Its strength was in the Catholic south of the Netherlands: North Brabant and Limburg, where it often obtained more than 90% of vote. It was also strong in Catholic regions like Twente, West Friesland and Zeelandic Flanders. During the 1960s and 1970s the KVP lost part of its electorate to progressive parties like the PPR, the PvdA and D66. Organisation Linked organisations The KVP had an own youth organisation, the Catholic People's Party Youth Groups (Dutch: Katholieke Volkspartij Jongeren Groupen; KVPJG) and a scientific foundation: the Centre for Political Formation. International organisations In the European Parliament the KVP's members sat in the Christian Democratic group. Pillarised organisations The KVP had close links to many other Catholic institutions such as the Catholic Church and together they formed the Catholic pillar. These organisations included the Catholic Labour Union NKV, the Catholic Employers Organisation KNOV, the Catholic Farmers' Organisation KNBLTB, Catholic Hospitals united in the Yellow-White Cross and Catholic Schools. The Catholic Broadcasting Association KRO and the Catholic Paper De Volkskrant were the voices of the KVP. Relationships to other parties As a Christian party, the KVP had strong ties with the conservative Protestant ARP and Christian Historical Union. The strong ties resulted in several cabinets in the period 1946-1977 and the formation of the Christian Democratic Appeal, in which the three parties united in 1974. The KVP had a strong centre-left group within its ranks. These supported closer cooperation with the social democratic PvdA. This resulted in several cabinets with the PvdA, but also splits within the party, most notably the formation of the Political Party of Radicals As noted by one study, in the early postwar years “the Catholic party was dominated by its left wing, with the result that the PvdA and the KVP had relatively few disagreements on policy issues.” Beginning in 1952 however, “the focus of power within the KVP shifted to the right, resulting in frequent conflcits within the cabinet, especially in the area of economic and social policy.” International comparison As the party of a Catholic minority in a dominantly Protestant country, the KVP is comparable to the German Centre Party, which existed before the Second World War and the Christian Democratic People's Party of Switzerland. Its political position and agenda are similar to other catholic Christian democratic parties in Europe, such as the Flemish Christen-Democratisch en Vlaams party and the Italian Christian Democracy.

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mildred_L._Batchelder"}

American librarian Mildred Leona Batchelder (September 7, 1901 – August 25, 1998) was an American librarian, named by American Libraries in December 1999 as among “100 of the most important leaders we had in the 20th century”. “In the mid-twentieth century, her forceful advocacy pushed children’s services to the forefront of the profession and brought the best library materials and services to generations of young people.” She is the namesake of the Mildred L. Batchelder Award for outstanding children's books. Biography Early life Mildred Batchelder was born in Lynn, Massachusetts on September 7, 1901 to George P. and Blanche E. Batchelder. George was a businessman, Blanche, a school teacher and Mildred was the oldest of their three daughters. The family spent their summers at “Camp”, which was an island surrounded by marshlands that Mildred's father owned. Mildred called camp the “most exciting place in the world!” She spent those summers exploring and playing in the natural surroundings that would instill in her a lifelong appreciation of nature. Evenings at camp ended with the girls listening to their mother read to them as they washed the dishes. Mildred's mother provided the “cultural and literary stimulus” for Mildred and her sisters. They would travel to Boston where they experienced theatre and films and would stock up on books before leaving the city. Mildred was considered the academic child but wouldn't start school until she was seven years old. She was a “small and sickly child” who suffered with allergies, asthma, eczema and a suspected thyroid condition however, she seemed to adopt her mother's stoic strength despite her physical challenges. Mildred left for college when she was seventeen years old. Education Mildred L. Batchelder received her B.A. from Mt. Holyoke College in 1922 and her B.L.S. from New York State Library School, Albany, in 1924. As a library student at New York State Library School, Batchelder chose to go on a month-long “practice work” assignment assisting Effie L. Power in the children's department of the Cleveland Public Library. She had not previously planned on going into children's work however; this month birthed in her an excitement for children's library services, was one of the highlights of her schooling and the “crossroad” of her career. Career Batchelder's long and productive career within the library profession began in 1924, when the inexperienced, 23-year-old held her first professional position as the Head of Children's at the Omaha Public Library in Nebraska. There, she was responsible for children's library services for 5 branches and 32 schools. After 3 years of experience and many accomplishments, she took a job as the Children's Librarian at State Teachers College in Saint Cloud, Minnesota however; her forcefulness was not well received by her boss and she was fired after only a year. In 1928, Evanston, IL became her permanent home when she accepted a position as the librarian at Haven Middle School, which doubled as a community library in the evenings. This new role afforded her the chance to work with the public librarians and she did so enthusiastically, as it became part of her lifelong vision to see schools and public libraries working alongside one another. The American Library Association (ALA) was close in proximity to Evanston and she began building professional relationships with some of the important people at ALA. Batchelder became part of the ALA staff in 1936, serving as the newly created School Library Specialist. She was then, after just one year, appointed chief of the School and Children's Library Division. She was extremely driven and had a special ability to motivate those around her. Because her focus was the school library initially, she discovered inadequate library facilities in more than half of the schools across the country –which put her in high gear. The field of library services to children was at a “critical time” when Batchelder began her ALA career and the profession needed strong leadership to realize the vision of the fields’ former pioneers. She had a fierce temperament that was considered “tyrannical and tactless” to some and the “embodiment of professional excellence to many”. “She had an unshakeable sense of herself as being ‘right’, and she was not afraid of being disliked. The cause itself was paramount”. One of her first goals at ALA was to get the public librarians working with the schools and she accomplished that on many levels. Batchelder traveled around the country meeting and making connections with librarians and with many national leaders in Washington D.C. These contacts would serve her well over the next 30 years at ALA and she wasn't reluctant to use those contacts to achieve her goals. Batchelder was said to be a “catalyst of magical proportions”. Racism was an issue that Batchelder was very passionate about. It outraged her that African American children weren't provided the same privileges that were afforded to white children. She fought hard for the rights of minorities and women and was enraged when the keynote speaker of an ALA meeting was asked to use the service elevator because she was black. She was instrumental in bringing this racism to light and in keeping the ALA conferences from taking place in Southern states for 20 years. In 1937, Batchelder teamed up with Carl Milam and Herbert Putnam to create what now might be considered a prophetic prediction of the “Library of Tomorrow.” Batchelder predicted films, microfilm and other mediums as well as the use of interlibrary loans for such materials. Peggy Sullivan, who was the Executive Director of the ALA, said, “She led the way in incorporating nonprint materials into libraries”. She took these predictions and spent her career bringing them to fruition. Batchelder was appointed as staff liaison to the visual methods committee and asked the State Department for any leftover WWII A/V equipment for library use. In the midst of her hard work and dedication, she suffered with chronic and painful arthritis but she was determined to not let her pain distract her from her goals. Batchelder pioneered multiculturalism in children's literature. In her mind, books were essential to a democracy and to global peace efforts, hence, in 1937, she began her first international effort called the Latin American Project. This project would reveal a great need for literature in Central America and Batchelder believed that by providing translated books to and from all over the world, understanding on the international level would increase. She wanted to make sure that good books from all over the world were accessible to children in their own language. The Mildred L. Batchelder Award was created in 1966, in her honor. It recognizes an American publisher that translates an outstanding book from another language into English. Batchelder retired in 1966 at the age of 65. Her lifelong companion was Margaret Nicholsen. Mildred Batchelder died on August 25, 1998 as a resident of the Swedish Retirement Association home in Evanston, IL. She was 96 years old. Works A selection of some of Batchelder's written works include: Awards Footnotes

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lee_Shay_Farmhouse"}

Historic house in Iowa, United States United States historic place The Lee Shay Farmhouse, also known as the Lee Shay Farmstead, is a historic residence located in rural Ringgold County, Iowa, United States near the town of Maloy. Joseph Leo Shay (1882–1961) and Teresa Cecelia Eason Shay (1890–1975) were married in 1911 and moved to this farm the following year. During their fifty years together here they raised four daughters. They hired the Des Moines architectural firm of Kraetsch & Kraetsch to design this house. It was constructed from 1919 to 1920. A fire in one of the farm buildings in August 1920 did some damage to the structure before it was completed. It was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1986. The two-story frame house's dimensions are 33 by 25 feet (10.1 by 7.6 m). It exhibits elements that are consistent with the Tudor Revival style. Houses like this one are more commonly found in an urban area. Its farmstead location reflects Iowa's rural prosperity at the end of what is known as the "Golden Age of Agriculture."

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Sitgreaves"}

American judge John Sitgreaves (1757 – March 4, 1802) was a delegate to the Congress of the Confederation, a United States Attorney for the District of North Carolina and a United States district judge of the United States District Court for the District of North Carolina, the United States District Court for the Edenton, New Bern & Wilmington Districts of North Carolina and the United States District Court for the Albemarle, Cape Fear & Pamptico Districts of North Carolina. Education and career Born in 1757, in England, Sitgreaves attended Eton College in England and read law. He entered private practice in New Bern, North Carolina, Province of North Carolina, British America (State of North Carolina, United States from July 4, 1776). He served in the Continental Army as a lieutenant during the American Revolutionary War, serving as a military aide to General William Caswell. He was clerk for the North Carolina Senate from 1777 to 1779. He was a member of the Board of Auditors for Public and Private Accounts in 1779. He was a commissioner for the sale of confiscated properties in New Bern in 1780. He was a member of the North Carolina House of Commons (now the North Carolina House of Representatives) in 1784, and from 1786 to 1788, serving as Speaker from 1787 to 1788. He was a delegate to the Congress of the Confederation (Continental Congress) from 1784 to 1785. He was a member of the North Carolina convention to ratify the United States Constitution. He was the United States Attorney for the District of North Carolina from 1789 to 1790. Federal judicial service Sitgreaves was nominated by President George Washington on December 17, 1790, to a seat on the United States District Court for the District of North Carolina vacated by Judge John Stokes. He was confirmed by the United States Senate on December 20, 1790, and received his commission the same day. Sitgreaves was reassigned by operation of law to the United States District Court for the Edenton, New Bern & Wilmington Districts of North Carolina (also referenced officially as the United States District Court for the District of North Carolina) on June 9, 1794, to a new seat authorized by 1 Stat. 395. Sitgreaves was reassigned by operation of law to the United States District Court for the District of North Carolina on March 3, 1797, to a new seat authorized by 1 Stat. 517. Sitgreaves was reassigned by operation of law to the United States District Court for the Albemarle, Cape Fear & Pamptico Districts of North Carolina (also referenced officially as the United States District Court for the District of North Carolina) on February 13, 1801, to a new seat authorized by 2 Stat. 89. His service terminated on March 4, 1802, due to his death in Halifax, North Carolina. He was interred in Colonial Churchyard in Halifax. Sitgreaves was nominated to the United States Circuit Court for the Fifth Circuit on February 21, 1801, and was confirmed by the Senate on February 24, 1801, but he declined the appointment. Sources

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/DMAX_(Middle_East_and_North_Africa)"}

Television channel DMAX is a former TV channel in the Middle East and North Africa. beIN Media Group and Discovery, Inc. announced in February 2016, that they would launch a version of DMAX in the MENA market. The channel was launched on 1 August 2016 and broadcast on beIN Network. It stands for Discovery Movie Animation Xtra.

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_Xavier_McLanahan"}

American politician James Xavier McLanahan (May 17, 1809 – December 16, 1861) was a Democratic member of the U.S. House of Representatives for Pennsylvania's 16th congressional district from 1849 to 1853. Early life and education McLanahan was born near Greencastle, Pennsylvania to William and Mary (Gregg) McLanahan. He was the grandson of Pennsylvania Senator Andrew Gregg and second cousin to Pennsylvania Governor Andrew Gregg Curtin. He graduated from Dickinson College in Carlisle, Pennsylvania, in 1827. He studied law under George Chambers who went on to become a Congressman and Pennsylvania Supreme Court justice. He was admitted to the bar in 1837 and commenced practice in Chambersburg, Pennsylvania. Career He served as a member of the Pennsylvania State Senate for the 14th district from 1841 to 1842 and for the 18th district from 1843 to 1844. McLanahan was elected as a Democrat to the Thirty-first and Thirty-second Congresses. He was the chairman of the United States House Committee on the Judiciary during the Thirty-second Congress. He was not a candidate for renomination in 1852. He resumed the practice of law and died in New York City in 1861. Interment in First Presbyterian Church Cemetery in Chambersburg, Pennsylvania. Footnotes Sources

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gerhard_Kauffmann"}

Gerhard Kauffmann (29 June 1887 – 16 June 1969) was a German general during World War II. He was also a recipient of the Knight's Cross of the Iron Cross of Nazi Germany. Kauffmann was retired from active service on 30 September 1943. Awards and decorations

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Xumarl%C4%B1"}

Place in Zangilan, Azerbaijan Xumarlı (Khumarly) is a village in the Zangilan District of Azerbaijan. History The village was located in the Armenian-occupied territories surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh, coming under the control of ethnic Armenian forces during the First Nagorno-Karabakh War in October 1993. The village subsequently became part of the breakaway Republic of Artsakh as part of its Kashatagh Province, referred to as Krmen (Armenian: Կրմեն). It was recaptured by Azerbaijan on 21 October 2020 during the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war.

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Jivan may refer to:

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dianne_Buswell"}

Australian ballroom dancer Dianne Claire Buswell (born 6 May 1989) is an Australian professional dancer. She is best known for her appearances on the British television show Strictly Come Dancing. After competing on Dancing with the Stars in Australia, she joined the British series in 2017, reaching the final in 2018 with her partner Joe Sugg. Career Buswell is a former Australian Open champion and four-time Amateur Australian Open finalist. She and her brother Andrew Buswell were Western Australian Open Adult New Vogue champions for 2008 and 2010. She also appeared on So You Think You Can Dance Australia. Buswell turned professional at the age of 21 when she joined the touring dance company Burn the Floor in January 2011. In 2015, she was a professional dancer on the fifteenth season of Australia's Dancing with the Stars, paired with AFL star Jude Bolton; they were the fifth couple eliminated. Strictly Come Dancing Buswell joined the BBC's Strictly Come Dancing in 2017. Her celebrity partner for the 2017 series was the Reverend Richard Coles. They were the second couple eliminated in the series, losing the dance-off to Simon Rimmer and Karen Hauer in a unanimous decision. Buswell was paired with television presenter Tim Vincent for the 2017 Children in Need special. For the sixteenth series of the show in 2018, she was partnered with YouTuber Joe Sugg. They were runners-up, alongside Faye Tozer and Giovanni Pernice and Ashley Roberts and Pasha Kovalev, behind Stacey Dooley and Kevin Clifton. In early 2019, the couple performed in the Strictly Come Dancing Live! tour, winning 28 of the 29 shows. Buswell returned for her third series in 2019, paired with radio DJ Dev Griffin. They were the third couple to leave the show, after losing a dance-off to Emma Weymouth and Aljaž Skorjanec. For series 18 in 2020, she was partnered with The Wanted singer, Max George. They were the third couple to be eliminated, after losing a dance-off to Maisie Smith and Gorka Marquez. Buswell returned for series 19 in 2021, partnered with Robert Webb, a comedian, actor and writer. Webb withdrew from the competition after three weeks, due to ill health. In 2022, she was paired with radio and television presenter Tyler West for series 20. They were the eighth couple to be eliminated after losing a dance-off to Molly Rainford and Carlos Gu. Highest and lowest scoring per dance In the following tables, red text indicates the couple(s) with the lowest score for that week. Series 15: with Reverend Richard Coles Series 16: with Joe Sugg Series 17: with Dev Griffin Series 18: with Max George Series 19: with Robert Webb Series 20: with Tyler West Notes ^a Alfonso Ribeiro filled in for Tonioli ^b Due to COVID-19 travel restrictions Mabuse had to be replaced with Anton du Beke for week 4 of Series 18. ^c Webb withdrew from series 19 during week 4 for health reasons, thus the couple effectively finished in 13th place. ^d Tony Adams and Katya Jones were announced as the other couple in the bottom two. However, they did not compete in the dance-off due to Adams sustaining a hamstring injury, subsequently leading him to withdraw from the competition, and West to automatically advance to the next round. Christmas Specials In 2017, Buswell danced with football player and pundit Robbie Savage for the show's Christmas special. In 2019, Buswell partnered Joe Sugg in the Christmas special. In 2021, she was paired with maître d'hôtel and television personality Fred Sirieix for the Christmas special. YouTube and other media work Buswell started a YouTube channel in March 2019, and in December of that year, she was named as the UK's most-subscribed new YouTuber of 2019, having gained almost 230,000 subscribers. In August 2020, Buswell launched a lifestyle channel, 'Buswellness', where she posts workouts and healthy recipes. Before becoming a professional dancer, Buswell was a hairdresser, and in January 2021, she began a podcast with BBC Sounds called 'Di's Salon', in which she chats to guests as they look back at the hairstyles they have had over the years. In 2022, Buswell participated in the reality series Freeze the Fear with Wim Hof on BBC One. Personal life Buswell was born in Bunbury, Western Australia. She began dancing at age 5, and went on to compete from an early age in State, National and International Ballroom and Latin events. Buswell dated soap actor Anthony Quinlan from late 2017 to October 2018. In late 2018, Buswell began dating Joe Sugg, her celebrity partner from Strictly Come Dancing. The couple confirmed that they were living together in August 2019. In February 2021, they revealed that they had bought a house together.

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Galerix_kostakii"}

Extinct species of mammal Galerix kostakii is a fossil erinaceid mammal from the early Miocene of Greece. It is known from the site of Karydia, assigned to the biostratigraphical zone MN 4; similar fossils have been found at an approximately contemporary Czech site and a slightly younger Greek site. With characters like the presence of a hypocone (fourth cusp) on the upper third premolar, the presence of a connection between the protocone and metaconule cusps on the second upper molar in only a few specimens, this species is intermediate between the slightly older Galerix symeonidisi and the slightly younger Parasorex pristinus. It may form part of the lineage leading from the genus Galerix to the younger genus Parasorex. Taxonomy and range Galerix kostakii was first described in 2006 by Greek and Dutch paleontologists Constantin Doukas and Lars van den Hoek Ostende from the Greek paleontological site of Karydia. The specific name, kostakii, honors Constantin "Kostaki" Theocharopoulos, who studied the cricetid rodents found at Karydia. Karydia is dated to the mammal zone MN 4 (late early Miocene). Galerix kostakii dominates the insectivore fauna of Karydia, forming 60% of the total fauna. In contrast, at Aliveri, a slightly older Greek site also assigned to MN 4, Galerix (represented by the related species Galerix symeonidisi) forms only about 25% of the insectivore fauna. The reason for this difference is unknown. In Komotini, a slightly younger site (assigned to zone MN 5) near Karydia, a single first upper molar (M1) of an unidentified Galerix species similar to G. kostakii has been found. In the Czech region of Mokrá, at a site known as "Mokrá – 1/2001 Turtle Joint" (MN 4), a few fossils of a Galerix very similar to G. kostakii have been found. Description and relationships Unlike most species of the genus Galerix, G. kostakii has a fourth cusp, the hypocone, on its upper third premolar (P3). Galerix symeonidisi and Galerix iliensis also have this cusp, but are smaller and larger, respectively, than G. kostakii. In addition, G. kostakii differs from G. symeonidisi in that a connection between the protocone and metaconule cusps of M2 is more rarely present and the back arm of the metaconule always reaches the back corner of the tooth. Members of the related genus Parasorex are similar, but never have a protocone-metaconule connection, which is still occasionally present in G. kostakii. The primitive Parasorex species Parasorex pristinus is about as large as G. kostakii, but its molars are narrower, the first lower premolar (p4) is smaller, and the metacone cusp on M2 has a straight anterior arm. Furthermore, Galerix kostakii lacks the paralophid on p4, a crest that connects the paraconid and protoconid cusps. Galerix kostakii shares some of the features present in Parasorex and Schizogalerix, both derived descendants of Galerix, including the presence of a hypocone on P3, a partitioned posterior cingulum on m1 and m2, and the absence of the protocone-metaconule connection in most M1 and M2. However, it also retains primitive, Galerix-like features, including the condition of p4 and the presence of a protocone-metaconule connection in some specimens. Galerix kostakii may be part of a lineage that led from the slightly more primitive G. symeonidisi through G. kostakii to Parasorex pristinus, the oldest species of its genus, and then to the other Parasorex species. This lineage may have evolved these traits, which may be adaptations to a herbivorous diet, convergently with Schizogalerix, which appears earlier in the fossil record. Literature cited

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Life science laboratory automation approach A cloud laboratory is a heavily automated, centralized research laboratory where scientists can run an experiment from a computer in a remote location. Cloud laboratories offer the execution of life science research experiments as a service, allowing researchers to retain full control over experimental design. Users create experimental protocols through a high-level API and the experiment is executed in the cloud laboratory, with no need for the user to be involved. Cloud labs reduce variability in experimental execution, as the code can be interrogated, analyzed, and executed repeatedly. They democratize access to expensive laboratory equipment while standardizing experimental execution, which could potentially help address the replication crisis—what might before have been described in a paper as "mix the samples" is replaced by instructions for a specified machine to mix at a specified rpm rate for a specified time, with relevant factors such as the ambient temperature logged. They also reduce costs by sharing capital costs across many users, by running experiments in parallel, and reducing instrument downtime. Finally, they facilitate collaboration by making it easier to share protocols, data, and data processing methods through the cloud. Infrastructure Cloud labs utilize common scientific techniques including DNA sequencing and genotyping, high-performance liquid chromatography (HPLC), protein extraction, plate reading, upstream bioprocessing, and western blotting. Users begin by signing up and logging in to the web-based software interface. Researchers submit their protocols via a dedicated web application or through an API, and when the order arrives at the laboratory, human operators set up the experiment and transfer plates from machine to machine. Data is automatically uploaded to the cloud lab via an API where users can access and analyze it. Users can review controls, machine settings, and reagents used. Multiple experiments can be run in parallel, 24 hours a day. A true cloud lab is defined by five criteria: Using a cloud laboratory vs. high-throughput experimentation High-throughput experimentation involves increasing throughput by scaling up the number of experiments that can be run in parallel using a common sample form factor and technique. When space or materials are limited, minor factors must be assigned to progressively smaller fractions to increase the number of replicates. Cloud labs, on the other hand, do not fundamentally scale up a single experiment but rather increase the number of types of experiments that can be run in parallel. For example, with a cloud lab, a scientist could simultaneously attempt dozens of different purification methods that each uses completely unique equipment sets. HTE work cells can sometimes be accessed remotely to trigger a run on a library or digitally monitor a run. However, this remote monitoring or screen triggering does not impact the development that must take place in advance of a run. Often with HTE, scientists must group samples into libraries that use the same or very similar form factor containers such that the work cell can more easily traffic and address each sample in an integrated manner. Therefore, scientists need to standardize sample form factors of samples and handle the sample prep offline of the work cell. Cloud labs can work with samples in hundreds or even thousands of unique containers, providing additional flexibility relative to traditional labs (even those that are using HTE), and allowing processing of a larger number of samples. Cloud labs are intended to replace the driver of traditional lab work by offering scientists the capability to conduct the same type of work they would typically perform in a traditional lab, except unrestricted by time and laboratory space. History Cloud laboratories were built on advancements made in laboratory automation in the 1990s. In the early 1990s, the modularity project of the Consortium of Automated Analytical Laboratory Systems worked to define standards by which biotechnology manufacturers could produce products that could be integrated into automated systems. In 1996, the National Committee for Clinical Laboratory Standards (now the Clinical and Laboratory Standards Institute) proposed laboratory automation standards that aimed to enable consumers of laboratory technology to purchase hardware and software from different vendors and connect them to each other seamlessly. The committee launched five subcommittees in 1997 and released standardization protocols to guide product development through the early 2000s. These early developments in interoperability led to early examples of lab automation using cloud infrastructure, such as the Robot Scientist "Adam" in 2009. This robot encapsulated and connected all the laboratory equipment necessary to perform microbial batch experiments. In 2010, D. J. Kleinbaum and Brian Frezza founded antiviral developer Emerald Therapeutics. To simplify laboratory testing, the group wrote centralized management software for their collection of scientific instruments and a database to store all metadata and results. In 2012, Transcriptic founded a robotic cloud laboratory for on-demand scientific research, which performed select tasks including DNA cloning remotely. In 2014, Emerald Therapeutics spun out the Emerald Cloud Lab to fully replace the need for a traditional lab environment, enabling scientists from around the world to perform all necessary activities, from experimental design to data acquisition and analysis. Carnegie Mellon University's Mellon College of Science is building the world's first academic cloud laboratory on their campus. The 20,000 square foot laboratory will be completed in 2023 and offer access to CMU researchers and eventually to other schools and life-sciences startups in Pittsburgh. Risks Easy access to sophisticated labs can be a potential biosecurity or bioterrorism threat. Filippa Lentzos, an expert in biological risk and biosecurity, said "there are some pretty crazy people out there ... Barriers are coming down if you want to deliberately do something harmful". Cloud labs say that they review all scheduled experiments and can flag or reject any that appear illegal or dangerous, and that detailed record-keeping makes monitoring what is done easier than in a traditional laboratory.

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"Bu liao qing" (Chinese: 不了情; pinyin: bùliǎo qíng; Jyutping: bat1 liu5 cing4) is a Mandarin song variously translated into English as "Love Without End", "Endless Love", or "Unforgettable Love". The song was released in 1961, The music was composed by Wong Fuk Ling (王福齡), and the lyrics were written by Tao Tseon (陶秦). The song was first sung by Koo Mei (顧媚), sister of Joseph Koo, in the 1961 Shaw Brothers film of the same name (不了情). This song has been sung by various singers in later years, such as Sally Yeh, Anita Mui, Tsai Chin and Frances Yip.

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American politician Melissa Magstadt is an American politician and a Republican member of the South Dakota House of Representatives representing District 5 since January 11, 2011. Elections

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Villefort,_Loz%C3%A8re"}

Commune in Occitania, France Villefort (French pronunciation: [vilfɔʁ] ( listen); Occitan: Vilafòrt) is a commune in the Lozère department in southern France. People Villefort was the birthplace of Odilon Barrot (1791–1873), politician and Prime Minister of France.

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wang_Jialing"}

Chinese phonologist Wang Jialing (simplified Chinese: 王嘉龄; traditional Chinese: 王嘉齡; pinyin: Wáng Jiālíng; November 28, 1934 – June 23, 2008) was a Chinese theoretical linguist specializing in phonology. Education Wang graduated from the Department of Foreign Languages at Nankai University in 1954. Career He started his career teaching at Tianjin #28 Middle School from 1954-1960. In 1960. Wand then joined the English Department (later Foreign Languages College) of Tianjin Normal University. In the early 1980s, when in his fifties, Wang started his interest in theoretical linguistics and particularly generative phonology. In the following 20 years, he devoted himself to the introduction of phonological theories in Mainland China. He served as the editor of many major linguistics journals in Mainland China and he co-edited with Norval Smith the book Studies in Chinese Phonology (Mouton de Gruyter 1997). Wang's research applied phonological theories to the analysis of Chinese phonological phenomena. His main research was in phonology with a special focus on "neutral tone", i.e. syllables without or losing lexical tone. At the time of his death, he was near the completion of his project on the analysis of neutral tones across Chinese dialects (National Social Science Foundation of China). Books Selected publications

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dacryodes_klaineana"}

Dacryodes klaineana is an evergreen perennial tree within the Burseraceae family. It is locally called Monkey plum and African cherry fruit as a result of its edible pulp. Description The species is capable of growing up 25 meters tall and reaching 60 cm in diameter. Leaves, alternate arrangement, imparipinnately compound, between 2 - 4 pairs of leaflets per pinnae, younger trees tend to have more pairs of leaflets; petiole with a size range between 2.5 x 6.5 cm long, glabrous lamina. Leaf-blade: narrowly elliptic to narrowly ovate, 4.5 x 18 cm long and 2 x 6.5 cm wide, petiolules of the terminal leaflet slightly longer while those of the lower pairs slightly shorter than others and also with shorter leaflets. Flowers, pale creamy corolla. Fruit, ovoid berry, pointed at the top and orange when ripe with edible pulp. Distribution Occurs in West Tropical Africa and in parts Central Africa. Trades under the name Adjouaba. Uses Traditional healers use root extracts to treat skin diseases while leaf is used as part of a process to treat painful menstruation.

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/331_BC"}

Calendar year Year 331 BC was a year of the pre-Julian Roman calendar. At the time, it was known as the Year of the Consulship of Potitus and Marcellus (or, less frequently, year 423 Ab urbe condita). The denomination 331 BC for this year has been used since the early medieval period, when the Anno Domini calendar era became the prevalent method in Europe for naming years. Events By place Macedonia Greece Italy Roman Republic Births Deaths

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The Great American Bathroom Book is a three-volume book series published in 1992, 1993 and 1994 (one volume each year) by Compact Classics. UK English versions of Vol. 1 and Vol. 2 were reprinted as Passing Time in the Loo by Scarab Book Limited. Vol. 1 Published by Compact Classics, June 1992 ISBN 1-880184-04-4 Contents include: Vol. 2 Published by Compact Classics, November 1993 ISBN 1-880184-10-9 Vol. 3 Published by Compact Classics, November 1994 ISBN 1-880184-26-5 Passing Time in the Loo Published by Scarab Book Limited

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zero_7_discography"}

British musical duo Zero 7 has released four studio albums, four compilation and remix albums, seven extended plays and nineteen singles. Albums Studio albums Remixes and compilations EPs Singles Music videos Soundtracks, compilations and media appearances Remixes by various artists Remixes by Zero 7

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Marlbrook may refer to: in England in the United States

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/LISTA"}

Swiss furniture manufacturer LISTA is a Swiss-based manufacturer of furniture for workshops and warehouses. The company's products include cabinets, shelving, work surfaces, and benches, as well as equipment for materials and parts handling. History The company was founded by under the name "Lienhard Stahlbau" by Alfred Lienhard on February 17, 1945. It was operated out of a leased house in Degersheim, Switzerland. Early products included chairs and tables made of steel tube. An attempts to diversify into appliances by manufacturing refrigerators was not successful and resulted in Lienhard focusing on storage systems for workshops. By 1951, the company had outgrown its Degersheim premises and is moved to a factory in Erlen in April of that year. Two years later, the name LISTA was first used on mopeds that the factory began to produce. Approximately six hundred mopeds were finished over several months, but the company found that it was unable to compete with foreign motorbike manufacturers and moped production was stopped. In 1970, Alfred Lienhard suffered a heart attack and control of LISTA was transferred to his son, Fredy Lienhard. Fredy continued to expand international business, particularly in the United States, purchasing their partner Deluxe. Over the next few years, offices and warehouses are established in Holliston, Massachusetts, Dallas, Texas, and Long Beach, California. in 1972, Deluxe-LISTA became the LISTA International Corporation. In 2012, Stanley Black & Decker completed the acquisition of Lista North America.

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Platform_switching"}

In dentistry, platform switching is a method used to preserve alveolar bone levels around dental implants. The concept refers to placing screwed or friction fit restorative abutments of narrower diameter on implants of wider diameter, rather than placing abutments of similar diameters, referred to as platform matching. Discovered by accident in the late 1980s, the benefits of platform switching have become the focus of implant-related research with increasing frequency. Numerous peer-reviewed articles and recent systematic reviews have revealed that platform switching can be considered a means of preventing initial peri-implant bone loss. Concept After being placed in a surgical procedure, dental implants undergo osseointegration, during which time the surrounding bone grows into intimate contact with the surface of the implants and the implants become fused to the bone. When this process has been deemed to have occurred to a sufficient extent, the implants are fitted with restorative abutments in order to allow dental restorations (e.g. crowns, dentures, etc.) to be cemented on, screwed down or otherwise attached. Historically, the diameter of the abutment matched the diameter of the implant platform; for example, a 4.8 mm-wide abutment was placed on a 4.8 mm-wide implant—this can be termed platform-matching. When platform switching, a narrower abutment diameter for a given implant platform diameter is used; for example, a 4.8 mm-wide implant may be restored with a 3.8 mm-wide or 4.2 mm-wide abutment. History The introduction of wide-diameter dental implants in the late 1980s created a situation in which mismatched standard-diameter abutments were used simply because of the lack of commercial availability of components to match the wide-diameter implants. Serendipitously, it was found that these implants exhibited less-than-expected initial crestal bone loss—the effect of bone modeling at the crest of the alveolar bone into which dental implants are placed—during healing. Several early clinical reports demonstrated enhanced soft (gingiva) and hard (bone) tissue responses to these platform switched implants, leading many implant companies to incorporate platform switching into their implant systems even for narrower-body implants. Rationale It has been observed that some degree of bone resorption occurs at the crest of bone following implant placement. Through extensive investigation, it has been discovered that the extent of bone resorption is related to both the texture of the surfaces of the implant and abutment at and the morphology of the implant-abutment junction (IAJ). A number of investigators have zeroed in on the proposed inflammatory cell infiltrate that forms a zone around the IAJ. Although not yet fully understood, the current theory of the benefit of platform switching is related to the physical repositioning of the IAJ away from the outer edge of the implant and the surrounding bone, thereby containing the inflammatory infiltrate within the width of the platform switch. In line with the supposed mechanism of action, it is not merely the introduction of a platform switch, but the magnitude of the implant-abutment diameter mismatch, that makes a difference. Difference in bone levels became statistically significant when the implant-abutment diameter mismatch was greater than 0.8 mm, providing a 0.4 mm circumferential width of platform switch when the center of the abutment is aligned with and fixed to the center of the implant. Proposed benefits Biologic width Very much like teeth, implants exposed to the oral cavity exhibit what is known as a minimum biologic width. Biologic width is the minimum thickness of soft tissue that envelops the alveolar bone that surrounds teeth and into which endosseous dental implants are placed, and has classically been described as having a mean of 2.04 mm: 0.97 mm of epithelium and 1.07 mm of underlying soft connective tissue. Around implants, biologic width formation has classically led to about 1.5 - 2 mm of bone loss in the vertical dimension at the coronal aspect of the implants because the abutment that attaches to the implant was often removed many times to allow for impression taking, abutment changing and other related clinical functions. As such, the epithelial and connective tissue protection for the bone was unable to reliably form on the continuously disrupted abutment attachment surface and in reaction to this, bone loss occurred on the implant in order to provide the dimension necessary for the epithelium and soft connective tissue attachment to the implant fixture itself—this defined early implant placement and was often colloquially referred to as "bone loss to the first thread." This vertical loss of bone (X in the diagram at right) diminishes the bone-to-implant contact, contributing to a potential decrease in long-term biomechanical stability and has been well researched. Horizontal component of biologic width Recently, the lateral extent of this vertical bone loss around implants has been investigated—in other words, the thickness of bone loss that exists as a halo around the implant at its most coronal aspect—and has been termed the horizontal component of the biologic width (Y in the diagram at right), and research reveals that it is approximately 1.4 mm. Horizontal component affecting crestal bone loss between adjacent implants Because of this established mean horizontal dimension of the immediate crestal bone loss around dental implants, an issue arises when implants are placed into adjacent sites in the mouth. If the implants are placed too closely together, the overlap of the horizontal components of each implant's biologic width serves to increase the effective vertical crestal bone loss between the implants. This was first reported by Dennis Tarnow et al. in 2000 in a study that demonstrated that the distance between the most coronal aspect of the inter-implant bone and an imaginary line drawn between the implant platforms was greater when adjacent implants were placed ≤3 mm apart. Increased loss of inter-implant bone in the vertical dimension due to this overlap of horizontal components of the adjacent implants' biologic width can have ramifications in the anterior esthetic zone because it decreases bony support for the interproximal papilla between implants. By platform switching, implants can be placed closer to teeth and to each other while maintaining more crestal bone. Horizontal component affecting buccal plate in narrow alveolar crests Another clinical example in which the horizontal extent of crestal bone loss due to biologic width formation can negatively affect the peri-implant bony architecture is a situation in which the buccal plate of the alveolar process is very thin and lies wholly or substantially within the halo of the horizontal component of the biologic width. If an implant is placed within 1.5 mm of the facial aspect of the buccal plate, it will be obliterated for a vertical distance of approximately 1.5-2 mm by the formation of the biologic width on the body of the implant fixture, which can lead to complications related to esthetics and long-term maintenance. Platform switching and the vertical component of biologic width Because the abutment is narrower in diameter than the implant fixture, a certain amount of the implant platform is exposed when an implant is platform switched, and this exposed area of the platform can allow for the tissues of the biologic width -- junctional epithelium and soft connective tissue—to begin forming here, requiring less bone to be resorbed to make room for attachment on the lateral surface of the implant fixture. Platform switching has been shown to have the potential to reduce the vertical bone resorption by as much as 70%. Platform switching and the horizontal component of biologic width Furthermore, by platform switching implants that are 3 mm apart or less or within 1.5 mm of the facial aspect of a thin buccal plate, the implant-abutment junction (IAJ) is shifted onto the implant platform away from the peri-implant bone, mitigating the deleterious impact of the inflammatory zone at the microgap of the implant-abutment junction on the bone, allowing for a reduction in the horizontal extent of bone loss.

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/PABPN1"}

Polyadenylate-binding protein 2 (PABP-2) also known as polyadenylate-binding nuclear protein 1 (PABPN1) is a protein that in humans is encoded by the PABPN1 gene. PABN1 is a member of a larger family of poly(A)-binding proteins in the human genome. Function This gene encodes an abundant nuclear protein that binds with high affinity to nascent poly(A) tails. The protein is required for progressive and efficient polymerization of poly(A) tails on the 3' ends of eukaryotic genes and controls the size of the poly(A) tail to about 250 nt. At steady-state, this protein is localized in the nucleus whereas a different poly(A) binding protein is localized in the cytoplasm. An expansion of the trinucleotide (GCN) repeat from normal 10 to 11-17 at the 5' end of the coding region of this gene leads to autosomal dominant oculopharyngeal muscular dystrophy (OPMD) disease. Multiple splice variants have been described but their full-length nature is not known. One splice variant includes introns 1 and 6 but no protein is formed. Interactions PABPN1 has been shown to interact with SNW1.

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#REDIRECT [[Clásico El Ensayo]]

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Magnus_Racing"}

Automobile racing team Magnus Racing is an automobile racing team based in Tooele, Utah, currently competing in the IMSA WeatherTech SportsCar Championship. The team was established in 2010 by John Potter and runs Acura NSX GT3 car in the series. History The team finished fifth in GT in its debut in the 2010 24 Hours of Daytona and was a regular competitor in the Rolex Sports Car Series season before making its American Le Mans Series debut at the season-ending Petit Le Mans, finishing third in the GTC class. In 2011, Magnus competed in a full-season in the Rolex Sports Car Series and select races of the American Le Mans Series. Magnus kicked off the 2012 Rolex Sports Car Series season with a GT class victory at the 2012 24 Hours of Daytona with drivers Andy Lally, Richard Lietz, René Rast and team owner John Potter. It marked the team's first career victory. Current drivers Former drivers

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zermezeele"}

Commune in Hauts-de-France, France Zermezeele (French pronunciation: ​[zɛʁməzɛl]; Dutch: Zermezele) is a commune in the Nord department in northern France. The northern border between Ledringhem and Zermezeele is marked by the river Peene Becque. Population Heraldry

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American actor Alejandro Patiño is an American actor. He has guest starred on several television programs including the recurring role of Ralph, Gabrielle Solis's new gardener, on the ABC series Desperate Housewives. Other appearances include House, Roswell, It's Always Sunny in Philadelphia, Arrested Development and Family Law. From 2013 to 2014, Patino costarred as Cesar on the FX series The Bridge. He has starred as Ernesto in the independent film Papi Chulo and as the cantina bartender in the Coen brothers’ The Ballad of Buster Scruggs. He has portrayed Bossman in the live comedy production Chico's Angels, a parody of the 1976–81 TV series Charlie's Angels, since 2003. As of late 2015 and up until 2016, Patino has been appearing in Popeyes Louisiana Kitchen commercials in U.S. Hispanic market media. Personal life Patino was born in Santa Maria, California. Filmography

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Getter Saar may refer to:

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Possession_(Sarah_McLachlan_song)"}

1993 single by Sarah McLachlan “Possession” is a song by Canadian singer-songwriter Sarah McLachlan, and was the first single from her album Fumbling Towards Ecstasy. It was written and composed by McLachlan herself and was produced by Pierre Marchand. It was released in Canada on 10 September 1993 by Nettwerk Records. The song appears twice on the album, as the first track and as a hidden track at the end, which is a solo piano version. “Possession” is written from the viewpoint of a man obsessed with a woman, and was inspired by consistent fan letters to McLachlan some time before the writing of the song from a computer programmer from Ottawa, Ontario named Uwe Vandrei, who sued McLachlan for using his words without crediting him. However, Vandrei committed suicide before the case could ever be taken to court. The main recording of "Possession" also appeared on the 2008 compilation album Closer: The Best of Sarah McLachlan, and McLachlan has also released live, alternate and remixed versions of the song. Inspiration The song was inspired by McLachlan's reaction to two deranged fans, both of whom had concocted a fantasy in which they were already in a relationship with her. Of the two, the more famous is Uwe Vandrei, an Ottawa, Ontario native who sued McLachlan in 1994, alleging that his love letters to her had been the basis of "Possession". Vandrei had written and sent McLachlan love poems, although there is no direct connection between those poems and the lyrics of "Possession." Vandrei's lawsuit never came to trial as he died by suicide in the autumn of 1994. In an interview with Rolling Stone three years later, McLachlan said, "And this one person wasn't the only guy ... there were a lot of letters from other people saying the same kind of thing ... Writing the song 'Possession' was very therapeutic." She also stated that, since the release of "Possession," she had stopped getting stalker-type fan letters, for which she was grateful. Music videos Canadian version The original version of the video features a remixed background track and depicts Sarah McLachlan wrapped in white cloth, as Eve, Potiphar's wife, and other such biblical references, depicting vanity, deceit, corruption, intimacy and other taboos of conservative society. As McLachlan explained: Oh it's so lofty, it's pompous now. I was trying to dispel that by showing a bunch of female archetypes using historical paintings, 'Venus', 'Adam and Eve', 'Salome's Last Dance'. I wanted to show all women possessing all these different archetypes. I also had myself suspended in the air and wrapped in gauze, as if my personality and my sexuality were bound. Throughout the video I was being unraveled by unseen forces, and I came out in the end strong and free and – Ta Da! – there I was my own self. Yes, it was pretty lofty [...] and the label told me... This video was directed by McLachlan herself, and features her friends and band members. United States version The video for the US market released in 1994 features the original album version of the song being played by McLachlan and her band in a cathedral-style hall. It was directed by Julie Hermelin. Track listing Nettwerk / W2-6319 (Canada) Arista / 07822-12662-2 (US) Charts Other versions In addition to the two different versions of "Possession" appearing on the Fumbling Towards Ecstasy album, a live recording of the song is available on McLachlan's 1999 live concert album Mirrorball. A fourth version, the Rabbit in the Moon remix, is available on two different McLachlan remix albums: Rarities, B-Sides and Other Stuff and Remixed. McLachlan recorded another version of the song for the 2005 iTunes-only digital album iTunes Originals – Sarah McLachlan. Cover versions

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hyperolius_mariae"}

Species of frog Hyperolius mariae is a species of frog in the family Hyperoliidae. It is found in Democratic Republic of the Congo, Kenya, Tanzania, and Zambia. Its natural habitats are dry savanna, moist savanna, subtropical or tropical dry shrubland, subtropical or tropical moist shrubland, subtropical or tropical dry lowland grassland, subtropical or tropical seasonally wet or flooded lowland grassland, rivers, swamps, freshwater lakes, intermittent freshwater lakes, freshwater marshes, intermittent freshwater marshes, arable land, pastureland, rural gardens, urban areas, water storage areas, ponds, open excavations, irrigated land, seasonally flooded agricultural land, and canals and ditches.

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Indian politician Siddu Nyamagouda (1950-2018) who was also known as Barrage Siddu was an Indian politician who was a former Minister of State for Coal in the Government of India. He also served as MLC and was elected twice as MLA to the Karnataka Legislative Assembly in 2013, 2018 from Jamakhandi constituency in Bagalkote district. Early life He was born on 5 August 1950 in Jamakhandi of Bagalkot district, Karnataka. He completed his schooling from P. B. High School in Jamakhandi and later completed his Bachelor of Science from Karnatak University in Dharwad. Political career He contested Lok Sabha election in 1991 from Bagalkot against the former Chief Minister Ramakrishna Hegde whom he defeated by a considerable margin and ultimately became Minister of State for Coal in the P. V. Narasimha Rao's cabinet. After that, he became MLC and was elected MLA of Jamkhandi in 2013 Assembly elections and got re-elected in the recent state assembly election. Social and economic upliftment of farmers; mobilised farmers to construct rupee one crore barrage across river Krishna without Govt. aid which provided irrigation lo 30,000 acres of land and drinking water to 2.5 lakh people and employment opportunities to 1.5 lakh people; this project is the first private dam in the country constructed by the people themselves. Notable work He is known for building India's first private dam in 1989. The dam is named as Shrama Bindu Sagar and is built across Krishna River at Chikkapadasalagi village in Jamakhandi. The construction of dam took off in 1983 and the project drew the attention of international media. When the former chief minister of Karnataka Ramakrishna Hegde led government refused to fund the project owing to political reasons even though farmers would pay for a quarter of the expenses, he mobilized the farmers to build the barrage on their own. The Dam provided irrigation lo 30,000 acres of land and drinking water to 2.5 lakh people and employment opportunities to 1.5 lakh people. Farmers pooled their money and worked for six months to build the barrage. This accomplishment catapulted Siddu to national politics. He contested Lok Sabha election in 1991 against Ramakrishna Hegde and defeated him by considerable margin which paved the way for him to become minister in the P. V. Narasimha Rao's cabinet. Death He died on 28 May 2018 near Tulasigeri on the way back to his constituency from New Delhi when his car's tire exploded, causing him to lose control and hit a barrier. He had a wife, two sons and three daughters.

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Egyptian geology professor (1930–2020) Farkhonda Hassan (Arabic: فرخندة حسن) (1930 - 30 October 2020) was a professor of Geology at the American University in Cairo and was chair of the Commission on Human Development and Local Administration of the Shura Council. Education Hassan had a BSc in Chemistry and Geology from Cairo University, an MSc in Solid State Science from the American University in Cairo, and a PhD in Geology from the University of Pittsburgh (United States). She also held a Diploma in Psychology and Education from Ain Shams University in Egypt. Career Hassan was co-chair of the Gender Advisory Board of the United Nations Commission on Science and Technology for Development and Secretary-General (2001) and Member of the National Council for Women in Egypt since 2000. As a scientist, politician, and development specialist, she had a career centered on women's causes in policies, public services, sciences, information and technology, social work at grass roots level, education and culture, and other disciplines. Her affiliations with national and international organizations, non-governmental organizations, research and knowledge institutions were directed towards women's empowerment. Hassan served as a short-term consultant and expert to several international and regional programs organized by various United Nations organizations such as UNIFEM, UNDP, INSTRAW and UNESCO.

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Nobel_laureates_in_Chemistry"}

The Nobel Prize in Chemistry (Swedish: Nobelpriset i kemi) is awarded annually by the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences to scientists in the various fields of chemistry. It is one of the five Nobel Prizes established by the 1895 will of Alfred Nobel, who died in 1896. These prizes are awarded for outstanding contributions in chemistry, physics, literature, peace, and physiology or medicine. As dictated by Nobel's will, the award is administered by the Nobel Foundation and awarded by the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences. The first Nobel Prize in Chemistry was awarded in 1901 to Jacobus Henricus van 't Hoff, of the Netherlands. Each recipient receives a medal, a diploma and a monetary award prize that has varied throughout the years. In 1901, van 't Hoff received 150,782 SEK, which is equal to 7,731,004 SEK in December 2007. The award is presented in Stockholm at an annual ceremony on 10 December, the anniversary of Nobel's death. At least 25 laureates have received the Nobel Prize for contributions in the field of organic chemistry, more than any other field of chemistry. Two Nobel Prize laureates in Chemistry, Germans Richard Kuhn (1938) and Adolf Butenandt (1939), were not allowed by their government to accept the prize. They would later receive a medal and diploma, but not the money. Frederick Sanger is one out of three laureates to be awarded the Nobel Prize twice in the same subject, in 1958 and 1980. John Bardeen, who was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1956 and 1972, and Karl Barry Sharpless, who won the Nobel Prize for Chemistry in 2001 and 2022, are the others. Two others have won Nobel Prizes twice, one in chemistry and one in another subject: Maria Skłodowska-Curie (physics in 1903, chemistry in 1911) and Linus Pauling (chemistry in 1954, peace in 1962). As of 2022, the prize has been awarded to 189 individuals, including eight women: Maria Skłodowska-Curie, Irène Joliot-Curie (1935), Dorothy Hodgkin (1964), Ada Yonath (2009), Frances Arnold (2018), Emmanuelle Charpentier (2020), Jennifer Doudna (2020) and Carolyn R. Bertozzi (2022). There have been eight years for which the Nobel Prize in Chemistry was not awarded (1916, 1917, 1919, 1924, 1933, 1940-42). There were also nine years for which the Nobel Prize in Chemistry was delayed for one year. The Prize was not awarded in 1914, as the Nobel Committee for Chemistry decided that none of that year's nominations met the necessary criteria, but was awarded to Theodore William Richards in 1915 and counted as the 1914 prize. This precedent was followed for the 1918 prize awarded to Fritz Haber in 1919, the 1920 prize awarded to Walther Nernst in 1921, the 1921 prize awarded to Frederick Soddy in 1922, the 1925 prize awarded to Richard Zsigmondy in 1926, the 1927 prize awarded to Heinrich Otto Wieland in 1928, the 1938 prize awarded to Richard Kuhn in 1939, the 1943 prize awarded to George de Hevesy in 1944, and the 1944 prize awarded to Otto Hahn in 1945. In 2020, Ioannidis et al. reported that half of the Nobel Prizes for science awarded between 1995-2017 were clustered in just a few disciplines within their broader fields. Atomic physics, particle physics, cell biology, and neuroscience dominated the two subjects outside chemistry, while molecular chemistry was the chief prize-winning discipline in its domain. Molecular chemists won 5.3% of all science Nobel Prizes during this period. Laureates

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leonard_Treganowan"}

Australian weightlifter Leonard Frederick Treganowan (14 June 1931 – 21 February 1988) was an Australian weightlifter. He competed in the men's middle heavyweight event at the 1956 Summer Olympics.

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Financial information system The Consolidated Tape System (CTS) is the electronic service, introduced in April 1976, that provides last sale and trade data for issues admitted to dealings on the American Stock Exchange, New York Stock Exchange, and U.S. regional stock exchanges. The Consolidated Tape Association (CTA) is the operating authority for both the Consolidated Quotation System (CQS) and the Consolidated Tape System (CTS).

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American baseball player (born 1948) Baseball player David Allen Moates is a former Major League Baseball outfielder. He played all or part of three seasons in the major leagues, from 1974 until 1976, for the Texas Rangers. Professional life Dave Moates was drafted by the San Diego Padres in the 12th round of the 1968 MLB June Amateur Draft from State College of Florida, Manatee-Sarasota and the Washington Senators (which later became the Texas Rangers) in the 4th round of the 1969 MLB June Draft-Secondary Phase from Florida State University. in 1977 he joined the New York Yankees. He played four Major League seasons and six seasons in the minors, winning two AAA championships and one A championship as well as Player of the Year honors. In 1993 Dave Moates returned to the State College of Florida as an assistant baseball coach for the SCF Manatees. Personal information Moates was born on January 30, 1948, in Great Lakes, IL. He studied at the State College of Florida, Manatee-Sarasota and the Florida State University. Sources

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Bulgarian footballer Kircho Krumov (Bulgarian: Кирчо Крумов; born 29 June 1983) is a Bulgarian footballer who currently plays for Haskovo as a defender.

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The Baeksang Arts Award for Best New Actor – Film (Korean: 백상예술대상 영화부문 남자 신인 연기상; RR: Baeksang yesul daesang yeonghwa bumun namja sinin yeongisang) is an award presented annually at the Baeksang Arts Awards ceremony organised by Ilgan Sports and JTBC Plus, affiliates of JoongAng Ilbo, usually in the second quarter of each year in Seoul. List of winners Sources

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Piscataway_people"}

Native American ethnic group The Piscataway /pɪsˈkætəˌweɪ/ or Piscatawa /pɪsˈkætəˌweɪ, ˌpɪskəˈtɑːwə/, are Native Americans. They spoke Algonquian Piscataway, a dialect of Nanticoke. One of their neighboring tribes, with whom they merged after a massive decline of population following two centuries of interactions with European settlers, called them the Conoy. Two major groups representing Piscataway descendants received state recognition as Native American tribes in 2012: the Piscataway Indian Nation and Tayac Territory and the Piscataway Conoy Tribe of Maryland. Within the latter group was included the Piscataway Conoy Confederacy and Sub-Tribes and the Cedarville Band of Piscataway Indians. All these groups are located in Southern Maryland. None are federally recognized. Name The Piscataway were recorded by the English (in days before uniform spelling) as the Pascatowies, Paschatoway, Pazaticans, Pascoticons, Paskattaway, Pascatacon, Piscattaway, and Puscattawy. They were also referred to by the names of their villages: Moyaonce, Accotick, or Accokicke, or Accokeek; Potapaco, or Portotoack; Sacayo, or Sachia; Zakiah, and Yaocomaco, or Youcomako, or Yeocomico, or Wicomicons. Related Algonquian-speaking tribes included the Anacostan, Chincopin, Choptico, Doeg, or Doge, or Taux; Tauxeneen, Mattawoman, and Pamunkey. More distantly related tribes included the Accomac, Assateague, Choptank, Nanticoke, Patuxent, Pokomoke, Tockwogh and Wicomoco. Language The Piscataway language was part of the large Algonquian language family. Jesuit missionary Father Andrew White translated the Catholic catechism into Piscataway in 1640, and other English missionaries compiled Piscataway-language materials. Geography The Piscataway by 1600 were on primarily the north bank of the Potomac River in what is now Charles, southern Prince George's, and probably some of western St. Mary's counties in southern Maryland, according to John Smith's 1608 map – wooded; near many waterways. This also notes the several Patuxent River settlements that were under some degree of Piscataway suzerainty. The Piscataway settlements appear in that same area on maps through 1700 Piscataway descendants now inhabit part of their traditional homelands in these areas. None of the three state-recognized tribes noted above has a reservation or trust land. Their status as "landless" Indians had contributed to their difficulty in proving historical continuity and being recognized as self-governing tribes. Traditional culture The Piscataway relied more on agriculture than did many of their neighbors, which enabled them to live in permanent villages. They lived near waters navigable by canoes. Their crops included maize, several varieties of beans, melons, pumpkins, squash and (ceremonial) tobacco, which were bred and cultivated by women. Men used bows and arrows to hunt bear, elk, deer, and wolves, as well as smaller game such as beaver, squirrels, partridges, and wild turkeys. They also did fishing and oyster and clam harvesting. Women also gathered berries, nuts and tubers in season to supplement their diets. As was common among the Algonquian peoples, Piscataway villages consisted of several individual houses protected by a defensive log palisade. Traditional houses were rectangular and typically 10 feet high and 20 feet long, a type of longhouse, with barrel-shaped roofs covered with bark or woven mats. A hearth occupied the center of the house with a smoke hole overhead. History Precontact A succession of indigenous peoples occupied the Chesapeake and Tidewater region, arriving according to archeologists' estimates from roughly 3,000 to 10,000 years ago. Those people of Algonquian stock who would coalesce into the Piscataway nation, lived in the Potomac River drainage area since at least AD 1300. Sometime around AD 800, peoples living along the Potomac had begun to cultivate maize as a supplement to their ordinary hunting-gathering diet of fish, game, and wild plants. Some evidence suggests that the Piscataway migrated from the Eastern Shore, or from the upper Potomac, or from sources hundreds of miles to the north. It is fairly certain, however, that by the 16th century the Piscataway was a distinct polity with a distinct society and culture, who lived year-round in permanent villages. The onset of a centuries-long "Little Ice Age" after 1300 had driven Algonquian and Iroquoian peoples from upland and northern communities southward to the warmer climate of the Potomac basin. Growing seasons there were long enough for them to cultivate maize. As more tribes occupied the area, they competed for resources and had an increasing conflict. By 1400, the Piscataway and their Algonquian tribal neighbors had become increasingly numerous because of their sophisticated agriculture, which provided calorie-rich maize, beans and squash. These crops added surplus to their hunting-gathering subsistence economy and supported greater populations. The women cultivated and processed numerous varieties of maize and other plants, breeding them for taste and other characteristics. The Piscataway and other related peoples were able to feed their growing communities. They also continued to gather wild plants from nearby freshwater marshes. The men cleared new fields, hunted, and fished. 17th century and English colonization By 1600, incursions by the Susquehannock and other Iroquoian peoples from the north had almost entirely destroyed many of the Piscataway and other Algonquian settlements above present-day Great Falls, Virginia on the Potomac River.[citation needed] The villages below the fall line survived by banding together for the common defense. They gradually consolidated authority under hereditary chiefs, who exacted tribute, sent men to war, and coordinated the resistance against northern incursions and rival claimants to the lands. A hierarchy of places and rulers emerged: hamlets without hereditary rulers paid tribute to a nearby village. Its chief, or werowance, appointed a "lesser king" to each dependent settlement. Changes in social structure occurred and religious development exalted the hierarchy. By the end of the 16th century, each werowance on the north bank of the Potomac was subject to the paramount chief: the ruler of the Piscataway known as the Tayac. The English explorer Captain John Smith first visited the upper Potomac River in 1608. He recorded the Piscataway by the name Moyaons, after their "king's house", i.e., capital village or Tayac's residence, also spelled Moyaone. Closely associated with them were the Nacotchtank people (Anacostans) who lived around present-day Washington, DC, and the Taux (Doeg) on the Virginia side of the river. Rivals and reluctant subjects of the Tayac hoped that the English newcomers would alter the balance of power in the region. In search of trading partners, particularly for furs, the Virginia Company, and later, Virginia Colony, consistently allied with enemies of the settled Piscataway. Their entry into the dynamics began to shift regional power. By the early 1630s, the Tayac's hold over some of his subordinate werowances had weakened considerably. However, when the English began to colonize what is now Maryland in 1634, the Tayac Kittamaquund managed to turn the newcomers into allies. He had come to power that year after killing his brother Wannas, the former Tayac. He granted the English a former Indian settlement, which they renamed St. Mary's City after Queen Henrietta Marie, the wife of King Charles I. The Tayac intended the new colonial outpost to serve as a buffer against the Iroquoian Susquehannock incursions from the north. Kittamaquund and his wife converted to Christianity in 1640 by their friendship with the English Jesuit missionary Father Andrew White, who also performed their marriage. Their only daughter Mary Kittamaquund became a ward of the English governor and of his sister-in-law, colonist Margaret Brent, both of whom held power in St. Mary's City and saw to the girl's education, including learning English. At a young age, Mary Kittamaquund married the much older English colonist Giles Brent, one of Margaret's brothers. After trying to claim Piscataway territory upon her father's death, the couple moved south across the Potomac to establish a trading post and live at Aquia Creek in present-day Stafford County, Virginia. They were said to have had three or four children together. Brent married again in 1654, so his child bride may have died young. Benefits to the Piscataway in having the English as allies and buffers were short-lived. The Maryland Colony was initially too weak to pose a significant threat. Once the English began to develop a stronger colony, they turned against the Piscataway. By 1668, the western shore Algonquian were confined to two reservations, one on the Wicomico River and the other on a portion of the Piscataway homeland. Refugees from dispossessed Algonquian nations merged with the Piscataway. Colonial authorities forced the Piscataway to permit the Susquehannock, an Iroquoian-speaking people, to settle in their territory after having been defeated in 1675 by the Iroquois Confederacy (Haudenosaunee), based in New York. The traditional enemies eventually came to open conflict in present-day Maryland. With the tribes at war, the Maryland Colony expelled the Susquehannock after they had been attacked by the Piscataway. The Susquehannock suffered a devastating defeat. Making their way northward, the surviving Susquehannock joined forces with their former enemy, the Haudenosaunee, the five-nation Iroquois Confederacy. Together, the Iroquoian tribes returned repeatedly to attack the Piscataway. The English provided little help to their Piscataway allies. Rather than raise a militia to aid them, the Maryland Colony continued to compete for control of Piscataway land. Piscataway fortunes declined as the English Maryland colony grew and prospered. They were especially adversely affected by epidemics of infectious disease, which decimated their population, as well as by intertribal and colonial warfare. After the English tried to remove tribes from their homelands in 1680, the Piscataway fled from encroaching English settlers to Zekiah Swamp in Charles County, Maryland. There they were attacked by the Iroquois but peace was negotiated. In 1697, the Piscataway relocated across the Potomac and camped near what is now The Plains, Virginia, in Fauquier County. Virginia settlers were alarmed and tried to persuade the Piscataway to return to Maryland, though they refused. Finally in 1699, the Piscataway moved north to what is now called Heater's Island (formerly Conoy Island) in the Potomac near Point of Rocks, Maryland. They remained there until after 1722. 18th century In the 18th century, the Maryland Colony nullified all Indian claims to their lands and dissolved the reservations. By the 1720s, some Piscataway as well as other Algonquian groups had relocated to Pennsylvania just north of the Susquehannah River. These migrants from the general area of Maryland are referred to as the Conoy and the Nanticoke. They were spread along the western edge of the Pennsylvania Colony, along with the Algonquian Lenape who had moved west from modern New Jersey, the Tutelo, the Shawnee and some Iroquois. The Piscataway were said to number only about 150 people at that time. They sought the protection of the powerful Haudenosaunee, but the Pennsylvania Colony also proved unsafe. Most of the surviving tribe migrated north in the late eighteenth century and were last noted in the historical record in 1793 at Detroit, following the American Revolutionary War, when the United States gained independence. In 1793 a conference in Detroit reported the peoples had settled in Upper Canada, joining other Native Americans who had been allies of the British in the conflict. [citation needed] Today, descendants of the northern migrants live on the Six Nations of the Grand River First Nation reserve in Ontario, Canada. Some Piscataway may have moved south toward the Virginia Colony. They were believed to have merged with the Meherrin. 19th century Numerous contemporary historians and archaeologists, including William H. Gilbert, Frank G. Speck, Helen Rountree, Lucille St. Hoyme, Paul Cissna, T. Dale Stewart, Christopher Goodwin, Christian Feest, James Rice, and Gabrielle Tayac, have documented that a small group of Piscataway families continued to live in their homeland. Although the larger tribe was destroyed as an independent, sovereign polity, descendants of the Piscataway survived. They formed unions with others in the area, including European indentured servants and free or enslaved Africans. They settled into rural farm life and were classified as free people of color, but some kept Native American cultural traditions. For years the United States censuses did not have separate categories for Indians. Especially in the slave states, all free people of color were classified together as black, in the hypodescent classification resulting from the racial caste of slavery.[citation needed] In the late 19th century, archaeologists, journalists, and anthropologists interviewed numerous residents in Maryland who claimed descent from tribes associated with the former Piscataway chiefdom. Uniquely among most institutions, the Catholic Church consistently continued to identify Indian families by that classification in their records. Such church records became valuable resources for scholars and family and tribal researchers. Anthropologists and sociologists categorized the self-identified Indians as a tri-racial community. They were commonly called a name (regarded as derogatory by some) "Wesorts."[citation needed] In the 19th century, census enumerators classified most of the Piscataway individuals as "free people of color", "Free Negro" or "mulatto" on state and federal census records, largely because of their intermarriage with blacks and Europeans. The dramatic drop in Native American populations due to infectious disease and warfare, plus a racial segregation based on slavery, led to a binary view of race in the former colony. By contrast, Catholic parish records in Maryland and some ethnographic reports accepted Piscataway self-identification and continuity of culture as Indians, regardless of mixed ancestry. Such a binary division of society in the South increased after the American Civil War and the emancipation of slaves. Southern whites struggled to regain political and social dominance of their societies during and after the Reconstruction era. They were intent on controlling the freedmen and asserting white supremacy. Revitalization: 20th–21st century Although a few families identified as Piscataway by the early 20th century, prevailing racial attitudes during the late 19th century, and imposition of Jim Crow policies, over-determined official classification of minority groups of color as black. In the 20th century, Virginia and other southern states passed laws to enforce the "one-drop rule", classifying anyone with a discernible amount of African ancestry as "negro", "mulatto", or "black". For instance, in Virginia, Walter Plecker, Registrar of Statistics, ordered records to be changed so that members of Indian families were recorded as black, resulting in Indian families losing their ethnic identification. Phillip Sheridan Proctor, later known as Turkey Tayac, was born in 1895. Recent investigations have determined that his claims to indigenous ancestry are false.[unreliable source?] Proctor revived the use of the title tayac, a hereditary office which he claimed had been handed down to him. Turkey Tayac was instrumental in the revival of American Indian culture among Piscataway and other Indian descendants throughout the Mid-Atlantic and Southeast. He was allied with the American Indian Movement Project for revitalization. Chief Turkey Tayac was a prominent figure in the early and mid-twentieth century cultural revitalization movements. His leadership inspired tribes other than the Piscataway, and revival has also occurred among other Southeastern American Indian communities. These include the Lumbee, Nanticoke, and Powhatan of the Atlantic coastal plain. Assuming the traditional leadership title "tayac" during an era when American Indian identity was being regulated to some extent by blood quantum, outlined in the Indian Reorganization Act, Chief Turkey Tayac organized a movement for American Indian peoples that gave priority to their self-identification. There are still Indian people in southern Maryland, living without a reservation in the vicinity of US 301 between La Plata and Brandywine. They are formally organized into several groups, all bearing the Piscataway name. After Chief Turkey Tayac died in 1978, the Piscataway split into three groups (outlined below): the Piscataway Conoy Confederacy and Subtribes (PCCS), the Cedarville Band of Piscataway Indians, and the Piscataway Indian Nation. These three organizations have disagreed over a number of issues: seeking state and federal tribal recognition, developing casinos on their land if recognition were gained, and determining which groups were legitimately Piscataway. Two organized Piscataway groups have formed: In the late 1990s, after conducting an exhaustive review of primary sources, a Maryland-state appointed committee, including a genealogist from the Maryland State Archives, validated the claims of core Piscataway families to Piscataway heritage. A fresh approach to understanding individual and family choices and self-identification among American Indian and African-American cultures is underway at several research universities. Unlike during the years of racial segregation, when all people of any African descent were classified as black, new studies emphasize the historical context and evolution of seventeenth, eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth century ethnic cultures and racial categories. The State of Maryland appointed a panel of anthropologists, genealogists, and historians to review primary sources related to Piscataway genealogy. The panel concluded that some contemporary self-identified Piscataway descended from the historic Piscataway. In 1996 the Maryland Commission on Indian Affairs (MCIA) suggested granting state recognition to the Piscataway Conoy Confederacy and Subtribes. Critics were concerned about some of the development interests that backed the Piscataway Conoy campaign, and feared gaming interests. (Since the late twentieth century, many recognized tribes have established casinos and gaming entertainment on their reservations to raise revenues.) Gov. Parris Glendening, who was opposed to gambling, denied the tribe's request. In 2004, Governor Bob Ehrlich also denied the Piscataway Conoy's renewed attempt for state recognition, stating that they failed to prove that they were descendants of the historical Piscataway Indians, as required by state law. Throughout this effort, the Piscataway-Conoy stated they had no intent to build and operate casinos. In December 2011, the Maryland Commission on Indian Affairs stated that the Piscataway had provided adequate documentation of their history and recommended recognition. On January 9, 2012, Gov. Martin O'Malley issued executive orders recognizing all three Piscataway groups as Native American tribes. As part of the agreement that led to recognition, the tribes renounced any plans to launch gambling enterprises, and the executive orders state that the tribes do not have any special "gambling privileges". Notable Piscataway

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Archibald_W._O._Totten"}

American judge (1809–1867) Archibald W. O. Totten (November 25, 1809 – 1867) was a justice of the Tennessee Supreme Court from 1850 to 1855. Born in Overton County, Tennessee, his family moved to Gibson County in the west of the state when Totten was young. Totten studied law to gain admission to the bar, and commenced the practice of law at the county-seat, Trenton, Tennessee. After building a successful practice in Trenton, he moved to Jackson, Tennessee, as that was where the Federal Courts for the Western Division of the State met. When William B. Turley resigned from the Tennessee Supreme Court in 1850, Totten was appointed to the seat, and on February 28, 1850 was elected to continue serving. On May 25, 1854, Totten became a member of first group of Tennessee Supreme Court justices to be elected by popular vote. As a justice, Totten was "not a man of preeminent ability, but he filled the measure of judicial duty", being described as "deliberate in the formation of his opinions, diligent in research, attached to established precedent, and could not be swayed from his conscientious convictions". He remained on the bench until his resignation on July 17, 1855. Totten was a member of the Peace Conference of 1861, held in Washington, D.C. Totten died in 1867.

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Deconica_semiinconspicua"}

Species of fungus Deconica semiinconspicua is a mushroom native to the state of Washington in the United States. The mushroom is small, rare, difficult to see and, according to Guzmán and Trappe (2005), stains blue where damaged. However, Ramírez-Cruz et al. (2012) state that it is "without a really observable bluing reaction". It was described as a psychoactive species of Psilocybe in section Semilanceatae, but Ramírez-Cruz et al. (2012) found that its macroscopic and microscopic morphological features and its DNA sequence, which Ramírez-Cruz et al. did not publish, were a better match for Deconica. Ramírez-Cruz et al. (2012) also stated that it is very similar to Deconica montana. It can be mistaken for Psilocybe silvatica and can be distinguished by its more conic cap, narrower spores and narrower cheilocystidia. This mushroom is only known from the type locality where it was found on July 22, 1987 at Glacier Peak Wilderness Area in Wentachee National Forest, Washington, USA. Description Cap The cap is 7–12 mm and convex, becoming nearly plane in age. It is hygrophanous, has a smooth surface, and is olive black when moist, fading to brownish orange or dark reddish brown as it dries. Gills The gills are Adnate light grayish brown at first, turning dark purple as the spores mature. Spores Deconica semiinconspicua spores are 8–10 x 5–7 µm, subovoid to ellipsoid, thick-walled, and yellowish brown to dark purple brown in deposit. Stipe The stipe is 15–20 x 2 mm, hollow, has an equal width, and is white with whitish or brownish floccose scales, drying to a reddish brown. It stains blue near the base according to Guzmán and Trappe (2005). Ramírez-Cruz et al. (2012) state that it is "without a really observable bluing reaction". Microscopic features The basidia of Deconica semiinconspicua have four spores each. The cheilocystidia are sublageniform and 24–30 x 6–8 µm. No pleurocystidia have been observed. Clamp connections are present. Habitat Deconica semiinconspicua is gregarious in small groups among shrubs on a creek bank.

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robert_Bartels"}

German navy officer and world war II U-boat commander (1911–1943) Robert Bartels (28 April 1911 – 20 August 1943) was a German U-boat commander in World War II. Naval career Robert Bartels joined the Reichsmarine in 1935. From 1937 to June 1940, he served as a watch officer on U-21. He went through U-boat familiarisation in July 1940 in preparation for his own command. On 24 July 1940 Bartels commissioned the new Type IID U-139. He left the boat on 20 December 1940. From there he went to the 1st U-boat Flotilla and another U-boat familiarisation, this time in order to prepare for his command of the larger Type VIIC boat, U-561 on 13 March 1941. With this vessel Bartels went out on his first war patrol on 25 May 1941, a 69-day patrol where he sank one small ship. When he left the boat on 5 September 1942 after eight patrols he had sunk or destroyed five ships for over 21,000 tons and damaged another - the last three ships fell to mines laid by U-561. Bartels went through his third U-boat familiarisation in September and October 1942 in order to prepare for the much larger Type IXD2 boats. These vessels were very long range and were later converted for transport use. Bartels commissioned the new U-197 on 10 October 1942. Death The day before its loss, U-197 had met with Wolfgang Lüth's U-181 where Bartels told Lüth he intended to stay in this area and hunt the traffic Lüth had told him about. Their radio chatter had allowed the Allies to pinpoint the location, finding Bartels' boat the next day. On 20 August 1943 U-197 was attacked south of Madagascar, in position 28°40′S 42°36′E / 28.667°S 42.600°E / -28.667; 42.600Coordinates: 28°40′S 42°36′E / 28.667°S 42.600°E / -28.667; 42.600, by a British PBY Catalina aircraft, C of No. 259 Squadron RAF, with six depth charges and slightly damaged. As the aircraft had no more bombs, it attempted to strafe with her machine guns, but the U-boat responded with AA fire. The aircraft then circled the U-boat at a safe distance and radioed for assistance. The U-boat remained on the surface, perhaps assuming that any support was unlikely, and that the aircraft would eventually have to abandon her vigil. Unfortunately for the German submarine, another Catalina, FP 313 of 265 Squadron, arrived. U-197 promptly crash-dived, and the aircraft dropped three depth charges, two of which detonated to port of the U-boat, but the third hit her squarely, killing all 67 hands. The pilot, captain Ernest Robin, received the Distinguished Flying Cross for the sinking of the vessel. Eitel-Friedrich Kentrat, commander of U-196, was severely criticised by the Befehlshaber der U-Boote (BdU) [U-boat headquarters] for his lack of support for U-197. Bartels of U-197 had radioed a distress signal. The correct response by any boat in the vicinity, according to orders, would have been to assist at top speed. The BdU twice ordered U-196 to aid U-197 before Kentrat responded, and by that time U-197 and the entire crew were lost. Ships attacked Awards

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1880%E2%80%9381_FA_Cup"}

Football tournament season The 1880–81 Football Association Challenge Cup was the tenth staging of the FA Cup, England's oldest football tournament. Sixty-two teams entered, eight more than the previous season, although four of the sixty-two never played a match. First round Replays Second round Replay Third round Fourth round Fifth round Semi-finals Final

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Udayan_Mane"}

Indian professional golfer Udayan Mane (born 24 February 1991) is an Indian professional golfer. He currently plays on the Asian Tour and the Professional Golf Tour of India. He has won 11 times on the Professional Golf Tour of India. Amateur career Mane was the leading amateur in India in 2014. He represented India in both the 2014 Asian Games and the 2014 Eisenhower Trophy. Professional career Mane turned professional in early 2015 and had a successful first season, winning twice on the Professional Golf Tour of India. He had three more wins in 2017 and has a total of 11 wins on the tour. He has also played a number of events on the Asian Tour. His highest finish on the tour was when he was tied for 6th place in the 2018 Bank BRI Indonesia Open. Mane qualified for the 2020 Summer Olympics in Tokyo, Japan and will represent India in the men's individual event. He was not in the list of qualifiers published on 22 June, after the end of the qualifying period, but got a place when the Argentine Emiliano Grillo later withdrew. With a world ranking of 356 on 21 June, Mane was the highest-ranked eligible replacement. He was the lowest ranked player in the men's event. Professional wins (12) Professional Golf Tour of India wins (12) Source: Team appearances Amateur

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American historian and author Patricia Herlihy (June 1, 1930 – October 24, 2018) was an American historian and author specializing in Russian and Soviet history. Early life When Herlihy was six months old her recently divorced mother moved to China, where they lived for five years. During this time, she learned Chinese, German and some English. In adolescence, she met her future husband, David Herlihy, and together they lived and studied in Pisa and Florence, and also lived in France for a year. One of their sons is the historian of bicycles, David V. Herlihy. Academic career After returning to the United States, Herlihy taught Russian history at the Harvard Extension School. In 1985 Herlihy visited Odesa, Ukraine for three months, which would later be the subject of several books and articles. After returning to the United States, the Herlihys accepted tenured positions at Brown University, where she continued to work. She also taught at Emmanuel College. Works Books Articles

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Encryption"}

Process of converting plaintext to ciphertext In cryptography, encryption is the process of encoding information. This process converts the original representation of the information, known as plaintext, into an alternative form known as ciphertext. Ideally, only authorized parties can decipher a ciphertext back to plaintext and access the original information. Encryption does not itself prevent interference but denies the intelligible content to a would-be interceptor. For technical reasons, an encryption scheme usually uses a pseudo-random encryption key generated by an algorithm. It is possible to decrypt the message without possessing the key but, for a well-designed encryption scheme, considerable computational resources and skills are required. An authorized recipient can easily decrypt the message with the key provided by the originator to recipients but not to unauthorized users. Historically, various forms of encryption have been used to aid in cryptography. Early encryption techniques were often used in military messaging. Since then, new techniques have emerged and become commonplace in all areas of modern computing. Modern encryption schemes use the concepts of public-key and symmetric-key. Modern encryption techniques ensure security because modern computers are inefficient at cracking the encryption. History Ancient One of the earliest forms of encryption is symbol replacement, which was first found in the tomb of Khnumhotep II, who lived in 1900 BC Egypt. Symbol replacement encryption is “non-standard,” which means that the symbols require a cipher or key to understand. This type of early encryption was used throughout Ancient Greece and Rome for military purposes. One of the most famous military encryption developments was the Caesar Cipher, which was a system in which a letter in normal text is shifted down a fixed number of positions down the alphabet to get the encoded letter. A message encoded with this type of encryption could be decoded with the fixed number on the Caesar Cipher. Around 800 AD, Arab mathematician Al-Kindi developed the technique of frequency analysis – which was an attempt to systematically crack Caesar ciphers. This technique looked at the frequency of letters in the encrypted message to determine the appropriate shift. This technique was rendered ineffective after the creation of the polyalphabetic cipher by Leon Battista Alberti in 1465, which incorporated different sets of languages. In order for frequency analysis to be useful, the person trying to decrypt the message would need to know which language the sender chose. 19th–20th century Around 1790, Thomas Jefferson theorized a cipher to encode and decode messages in order to provide a more secure way of military correspondence. The cipher, known today as the Wheel Cipher or the Jefferson Disk, although never actually built, was theorized as a spool that could jumble an English message up to 36 characters. The message could be decrypted by plugging in the jumbled message to a receiver with an identical cipher. A similar device to the Jefferson Disk, the M-94, was developed in 1917 independently by US Army Major Joseph Mauborne. This device was used in U.S. military communications until 1942. In World War II, the Axis powers used a more advanced version of the M-94 called the Enigma Machine. The Enigma Machine was more complex because unlike the Jefferson Wheel and the M-94, each day the jumble of letters switched to a completely new combination. Each day's combination was only known by the Axis, so many thought the only way to break the code would be to try over 17,000 combinations within 24 hours. The Allies used computing power to severely limit the number of reasonable combinations they needed to check every day, leading to the breaking of the Enigma Machine. Modern Today, encryption is used in the transfer of communication over the Internet for security and commerce. As computing power continues to increase, computer encryption is constantly evolving to prevent eavesdropping attacks. With one of the first “modern” cipher suits, DES, utilizing a 56-bit key with 72,057,594,037,927,936 possibilities being able to be cracked in 22 hours and 15 minutes by EFF’s DES cracker in 1999, which used a brute-force method of cracking. Modern encryption standards often use stronger key sizes often 256, like AES(256-bit mode), TwoFish, ChaCha20-Poly1305, Serpent(configurable up to 512-bit). Cipher suits utilizing a 128-bit or higher key, like AES, will not be able to be brute-forced due to the total amount of keys of 3.4028237e+38 possibilities. The most likely option for cracking ciphers with high key size is to find vulnerabilities in the cipher itself, like inherent biases and backdoors. For example, RC4, a stream cipher was cracked due to inherit biases and vulnerabilities in the cipher. Encryption in cryptography In the context of cryptography, encryption serves as a mechanism to ensure confidentiality. Since data may be visible on the Internet, sensitive information such as passwords and personal communication may be exposed to potential interceptors. The process of encrypting and decrypting messages involves keys. The two main types of keys in cryptographic systems are symmetric-key and public-key (also known as asymmetric-key). Many complex cryptographic algorithms often use simple modular arithmetic in their implementations. Types In symmetric-key schemes, the encryption and decryption keys are the same. Communicating parties must have the same key in order to achieve secure communication. The German Enigma Machine utilized a new symmetric-key each day for encoding and decoding messages. In public-key encryption schemes, the encryption key is published for anyone to use and encrypt messages. However, only the receiving party has access to the decryption key that enables messages to be read. Public-key encryption was first described in a secret document in 1973; beforehand, all encryption schemes were symmetric-key (also called private-key). Although published subsequently, the work of Diffie and Hellman was published in a journal with a large readership, and the value of the methodology was explicitly described. The method became known as the Diffie-Hellman key exchange. RSA (Rivest–Shamir–Adleman) is another notable public-key cryptosystem. Created in 1978, it is still used today for applications involving digital signatures. Using number theory, the RSA algorithm selects two prime numbers, which help generate both the encryption and decryption keys. A publicly available public-key encryption application called Pretty Good Privacy (PGP) was written in 1991 by Phil Zimmermann, and distributed free of charge with source code. PGP was purchased by Symantec in 2010 and is regularly updated. Uses Encryption has long been used by militaries and governments to facilitate secret communication. It is now commonly used in protecting information within many kinds of civilian systems. For example, the Computer Security Institute reported that in 2007, 71% of companies surveyed utilized encryption for some of their data in transit, and 53% utilized encryption for some of their data in storage. Encryption can be used to protect data "at rest", such as information stored on computers and storage devices (e.g. USB flash drives). In recent years, there have been numerous reports of confidential data, such as customers' personal records, being exposed through loss or theft of laptops or backup drives; encrypting such files at rest helps protect them if physical security measures fail. Digital rights management systems, which prevent unauthorized use or reproduction of copyrighted material and protect software against reverse engineering (see also copy protection), is another somewhat different example of using encryption on data at rest. Encryption is also used to protect data in transit, for example data being transferred via networks (e.g. the Internet, e-commerce), mobile telephones, wireless microphones, wireless intercom systems, Bluetooth devices and bank automatic teller machines. There have been numerous reports of data in transit being intercepted in recent years. Data should also be encrypted when transmitted across networks in order to protect against eavesdropping of network traffic by unauthorized users. Data erasure Conventional methods for permanently deleting data from a storage device involve overwriting the device's whole content with zeros, ones, or other patterns – a process which can take a significant amount of time, depending on the capacity and the type of storage medium. Cryptography offers a way of making the erasure almost instantaneous. This method is called crypto-shredding. An example implementation of this method can be found on iOS devices, where the cryptographic key is kept in a dedicated 'effaceable storage'. Because the key is stored on the same device, this setup on its own does not offer full privacy or security protection if an unauthorized person gains physical access to the device. Limitations Encryption is used in the 21st century to protect digital data and information systems. As computing power increased over the years, encryption technology has only become more advanced and secure. However, this advancement in technology has also exposed a potential limitation of today's encryption methods. The length of the encryption key is an indicator of the strength of the encryption method. For example, the original encryption key, DES (Data Encryption Standard), was 56 bits, meaning it had 2^56 combination possibilities. With today's computing power, a 56-bit key is no longer secure, being vulnerable to hacking by brute force attack. Quantum computing utilizes properties of quantum mechanics in order to process large amounts of data simultaneously. Quantum computing has been found to achieve computing speeds thousands of times faster than today's supercomputers. This computing power presents a challenge to today's encryption technology. For example, RSA encryption utilizes the multiplication of very large prime numbers to create a semiprime number for its public key. Decoding this key without its private key requires this semiprime number to be factored in, which can take a very long time to do with modern computers. It would take a supercomputer anywhere between weeks to months to factor in this key.[citation needed] However, quantum computing can use quantum algorithms to factor this semiprime number in the same amount of time it takes for normal computers to generate it. This would make all data protected by current public-key encryption vulnerable to quantum computing attacks. Other encryption techniques like elliptic curve cryptography and symmetric key encryption are also vulnerable to quantum computing.[citation needed] While quantum computing could be a threat to encryption security in the future, quantum computing as it currently stands is still very limited. Quantum computing currently is not commercially available, cannot handle large amounts of code, and only exists as computational devices, not computers. Furthermore, quantum computing advancements will be able to be utilized in favor of encryption as well. The National Security Agency (NSA) is currently preparing post-quantum encryption standards for the future. Quantum encryption promises a level of security that will be able to counter the threat of quantum computing. Attacks and countermeasures Encryption is an important tool but is not sufficient alone to ensure the security or privacy of sensitive information throughout its lifetime. Most applications of encryption protect information only at rest or in transit, leaving sensitive data in clear text and potentially vulnerable to improper disclosure during processing, such as by a cloud service for example. Homomorphic encryption and secure multi-party computation are emerging techniques to compute on encrypted data; these techniques are general and Turing complete but incur high computational and/or communication costs. In response to encryption of data at rest, cyber-adversaries have developed new types of attacks. These more recent threats to encryption of data at rest include cryptographic attacks, stolen ciphertext attacks, attacks on encryption keys, insider attacks, data corruption or integrity attacks, data destruction attacks, and ransomware attacks. Data fragmentation and active defense data protection technologies attempt to counter some of these attacks, by distributing, moving, or mutating ciphertext so it is more difficult to identify, steal, corrupt, or destroy. The debate around encryption The question of balancing the need for national security with the right to privacy has been debated for years, since encryption has become critical in today's digital society. The modern encryption debate started around the '90 when US government tried to ban cryptography because, according to them, it would threaten national security. The debate is polarized around two opposing views. Those who see strong encryption as a problem making it easier for criminals to hide their illegal acts online and others who argue that encryption keep digital communications safe. The debate heated up in 2014, when Big Tech like Apple and Google set encryption by default in their devices. This was the start of a series of controversies that puts governments, companies and internet users at stake. Integrity protection of ciphertexts Encryption, by itself, can protect the confidentiality of messages, but other techniques are still needed to protect the integrity and authenticity of a message; for example, verification of a message authentication code (MAC) or a digital signature usually done by a hashing algorithm or a PGP signature. Authenticated encryption algorithms are designed to provide both encryption and integrity protection together. Standards for cryptographic software and hardware to perform encryption are widely available, but successfully using encryption to ensure security may be a challenging problem. A single error in system design or execution can allow successful attacks. Sometimes an adversary can obtain unencrypted information without directly undoing the encryption. See for example traffic analysis, TEMPEST, or Trojan horse. Integrity protection mechanisms such as MACs and digital signatures must be applied to the ciphertext when it is first created, typically on the same device used to compose the message, to protect a message end-to-end along its full transmission path; otherwise, any node between the sender and the encryption agent could potentially tamper with it. Encrypting at the time of creation is only secure if the encryption device itself has correct keys and has not been tampered with. If an endpoint device has been configured to trust a root certificate that an attacker controls, for example, then the attacker can both inspect and tamper with encrypted data by performing a man-in-the-middle attack anywhere along the message's path. The common practice of TLS interception by network operators represents a controlled and institutionally sanctioned form of such an attack, but countries have also attempted to employ such attacks as a form of control and censorship. Ciphertext length and padding Even when encryption correctly hides a message's content and it cannot be tampered with at rest or in transit, a message's length is a form of metadata that can still leak sensitive information about the message. For example, the well-known CRIME and BREACH attacks against HTTPS were side-channel attacks that relied on information leakage via the length of encrypted content. Traffic analysis is a broad class of techniques that often employs message lengths to infer sensitive implementation about traffic flows by aggregating information about a large number of messages. Padding a message's payload before encrypting it can help obscure the cleartext's true length, at the cost of increasing the ciphertext's size and introducing or increasing bandwidth overhead. Messages may be padded randomly or deterministically, with each approach having different tradeoffs. Encrypting and padding messages to form padded uniform random blobs or PURBs is a practice guaranteeing that the cipher text leaks no metadata about its cleartext's content, and leaks asymptotically minimal information via its length.

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edmond_Proulx"}

Canadian politician Edmond Proulx (May 21, 1875 – December 26, 1956) was an Ontario lawyer and political figure. He represented Prescott in the House of Commons of Canada as a Liberal member from 1904 to 1921 and in the Legislative Assembly of Ontario as an Independent Liberal from 1923 to 1929. He was born in Saint-Hermas, Quebec in 1875, the son of Isidore Proulx and Philomène Lalande, and grew up in Plantagenet, Ontario. Proulx studied at the Collège Bourget in Rigaud, Quebec, the University of Ottawa, St. Michael's College, Toronto and Osgoode Hall. He articled in Ottawa and Toronto, was called to the bar and set up practice in L'Orignal in 1904. He was elected to the House of Commons in the general election later that year after the death of his father. In 1907, he married Renée Audette. Proulx ran unsuccessfully for the Prescott seat as an Independent Liberal in 1921 but was elected to the provincial assembly two years later, defeating Gustave Évanturel, the official Liberal candidate. In 1929, he was named a judge for Sudbury district. Proulx retired from the bench in 1950. He died in Sudbury at the age of 81.

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Johann_Caspar_Ferdinand_Fischer"}

German Baroque composer (c. 1656 – 1746) Johann Caspar Ferdinand Fischer (some authorities use the spelling Johann Kaspar Ferdinand Fischer) (c.1656 – August 27, 1746) was a German Baroque composer. Johann Nikolaus Forkel ranked Fischer as one of the best composers for keyboard of his day; however, partly due to the rarity of surviving copies of his music, his music is rarely heard today. Life Fischer seems to have been of Bohemian origin, possibly born at Schönfeld, but details about his life are sketchy. Fischer was baptized and spent his youth in Schlackenwerth, north-west Bohemia. The first record of his existence is found in the mid-1690s: by 1695 he was Kapellmeister to Ludwig Wilhelm of Baden, and he may have remained with the court until his death in Rastatt. Works Prelude and Chaconne Performed on a clavichord by Joan Benson Problems playing this file? See media help. Much of Fischer's music shows the influence of the French Baroque style, exemplified by Jean Baptiste Lully, and he was responsible for bringing the French influence to German music. Fischer's harpsichord suites updated the standard Froberger model (Allemande - Courante - Sarabande - Gigue); he was also one of the first composers to apply the principles of the orchestral suite to the harpsichord, replacing the standard French ouverture with an unmeasured prelude. Both Bach and Handel knew Fischer's work and sometimes borrowed from it. Many compositions by Fischer were published during his lifetime. These published pieces include: Evidence exists of numerous lost works, among them an opera in Italian style, miscellaneous chamber works, court music and keyboard pieces. Sources

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mitternacht_(La_Fee_song)"}

2006 single by LaFee "Mitternacht" (English: Midnight) is the fourth and last single from German singer LaFee's self-titled album LaFee. It was released in Germany on 24 November 2006. An English version of the song, entitled "Midnight Strikes", later appeared on LaFee's third studio album Shut Up. Music video The music video premiered on 18 November 2006 on the German music show VIVA Live. It was directed by Bastien Francois and was shot in Berlin, Germany. The video stays close to the song's theme of child abuse as it depicts LaFee as an angel who was sent to free a young girl, who is a victim of child abuse, from her abuser. It also features the members of LaFee's band who are depicted as clowns. The video was nominated for "Best National Video" at the ECHO music awards in 2007. Track listing CD Maxi Single Enhanced CD Maxi Single Charts

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Istv%C3%A1n_Tim%C3%A1r"}

István Timár-Geng (7 January 1940 – 4 December 1994) was a Hungarian sprint canoer who competed from the mid-1960s to the early 1970s. At the 1968 Summer Olympics in Mexico City, he won two medals with a silver in the K-2 1000 m and a bronze in the K-4 1000 m events. Timár-Geng also won four medals at the ICF Canoe Sprint World Championships with two gold (K-2 10000 m and K-4 10000 m: both 1963), a silver (K-4 10000 m: 1971), and a bronze (K-4 1000 m: 1970).

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Township in Anhui, People's Republic of China Xieji Township (simplified Chinese: 谢集乡; traditional Chinese: 謝集鄉; pinyin: Xièjí Xiāng) is a township of Linquan County in northwestern Anhui province, China, located about 13 kilometres (8.1 mi) from the border with Henan and 36 km (22 mi) south-southeast of the county seat. As of 2011[update], it has 10 villages under its administration.

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Interstate_55"}

North-south Interstate Highway in the central US Interstate 55 (I-55) is a major Interstate Highway in the central United States. As with most primary Interstates that end in a five, it is a major cross-country, north–south route, connecting the Gulf of Mexico to the Great Lakes. The highway travels from LaPlace, Louisiana, at I-10 to Chicago, Illinois, at U.S. Route 41 (US 41, Lake Shore Drive), at McCormick Place. The major cities that I-55 connects to are (from south to north) New Orleans, Louisiana; Jackson, Mississippi; Memphis, Tennessee; St. Louis, Missouri; and Chicago, Illinois. The section of I-55 between Chicago and St. Louis was built as an alternate route for U.S. Route 66 (US 66). The Interstate crosses the Mississippi River twice: once at Memphis and again at St. Louis. History When it was realized that a national highway system was needed, the Federal Aid Highway Act of 1956 provided for a highway replacing the old US 66 which I-55 filled. I-55 was originally constructed in the 1960s, to extend a section of US 66 between I-294 and Gardner which had been converted into a freeway and had Interstate signage installed in 1960. During the rest of the 1960s, I-55 was built in portions throughout Illinois, eventually connecting St. Louis to Chicago, where it became the fourth direct route between them. As it goes southward, most of the Interstate was purpose-built during the 1960s and 1970s. The entire length was completed in 1979. Route description Louisiana In Louisiana, I-55 runs nearly 66 miles (106 km) from south to north, from I-10 near Laplace (25 miles (40 km) west of New Orleans) to the Mississippi state line near Kentwood. Approximately a third of the distance consists of the Manchac Swamp Bridge, a nearly 23-mile (37 km) causeway, often cited as the third-longest viaduct in the world. Mississippi In Mississippi, I-55 runs 290.5 miles (467.5 km) from the Louisiana border near Osyka to Southaven on the Tennessee border, just south of Memphis, Tennessee. Noteworthy cities and towns that I-55 passes through or close by to are Brookhaven, McComb, Jackson, and Grenada. This highway parallels US 51 in its path roughly through the center of Mississippi. The eight miles (13 km) from Hernando to the Tennessee state line coincide with the newer I-69. The Mississippi section of I-55 is defined in the Mississippi Code § 65-3-3. Tennessee I-55 in Tennessee lies entirely within the city of Memphis, passing through the southern and western parts of the city and providing a bypass of downtown for motorists who do not want to take I-240 and I-40 through downtown to cross the Mississippi River. The western portion of this highway, which passes through an industrialized section of the city, contains numerous low-clearance bridges and also a very tight 270-degree cloverleaf turn northbound at Crump Boulevard. The Tennessee Department of Transportation (TDOT) currently has an interchange improvement project for this portion. Heavy truck traffic heading to and from Arkansas in this area is hence directed to detour via I-240 and I-40. For the Tennessee stretch of the Interstate, the usual national freeway speed limit of 70 mph (110 km/h) is reduced to 65 mph (105 km/h). Arkansas I-55 enters Arkansas from Tennessee as it crosses the Mississippi River on the Memphis & Arkansas Bridge. It overlaps I-40 for approximately 2.8 miles (4.5 km) in West Memphis. After separating from I-40, I-55 turns northward and runs with US 61, US 63, and US 64 until US 64 exits in through Marion. I-55/US 61/US 63 continues north through Crittenden County through rural farms of the Arkansas delta, including an interchange with I-555/US 63 in Turrell. I-55 passes through Blytheville, where it has a junction with Highway 18 (AR 18) before entering Missouri. I-55 parallels US 61 in its path through Arkansas, which it continues to do after crossing into Missouri. Missouri In Missouri, I-55 runs from the southeastern part of the state, at the Arkansas border, to St. Louis. In this city, I-44 merges in with I-55, and then I-64 (on the Poplar Street Bridge), when crossing the Mississippi River into Illinois. Among the cities and towns served by I-55 in Missouri are Sikeston, Cape Girardeau, and St. Louis. As noted above, I-55 parallels US 61 for most of its course through Missouri, from the Arkansas border to the southern portion of St. Louis County. Illinois Through Illinois, I-55 largely follows the 1940 alignment of the former US 66, now Historic US 66 (Illinois Route 66 Scenic Byway). It runs from the Poplar Street Bridge in East St. Louis to US 41 in Chicago, passing around the state capital of Springfield and the metro area of Bloomington–Normal. Within Illinois, I-55 goes by several names. Near the I-270/I-70 split, it is referred to as the Paul Simon Freeway after former US Senator Paul Simon, who began his political career in this region. Further north, between the St. Louis area and Springfield, I-55 is named the Vince Demuzio Expressway for former Illinois State Senator Vince Demuzio. Finally, in the Chicago area between the I-80 interchange near Joliet and I-55's eastern terminus at US 41 (Lake Shore Drive) in Chicago, the expressway is referred to as the Adlai E. Stevenson Expressway in honor of former Illinois governor Adlai E. Stevenson II, who was a two-time Democratic nominee for President of the United States and also the US Ambassador to the United Nations under Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson. In July 2018 the stretch of I-55 from I-294 to milemarker 202 near Pontiac was renamed as Barack Obama Presidential Expressway. When the stretch of I-55 through Illinois was being planned during the 1960s, the state's governor, Otto Kerner Jr., made an effort to have it routed close to the larger city of Peoria instead of the straighter route through the Bloomington–Normal area. This ultimately failed plan was ridiculed in the press as the so-called "Kerner Curve". The need for a freeway connection between Springfield and Peoria was later filled by the spur route I-155. This also connects with nearby Lincoln and Morton and forms a triangle between the three population centers in Central Illinois. Junction list Louisiana I-10 in LaPlace US 51 northeast of LaPlace. The highways travel concurrently to Hammond. I-12 in Hammond US 190 in Hammond Mississippi US 98 in McComb. The highways travel concurrently to Summit. US 84 south-southwest of Brookhaven US 51 in Crystal Springs. The highways travel concurrently to Jackson. I-20 / US 49 / US 51 in Jackson. I-20/I-55/US 49 travel concurrently to Richland. I-220 in Ridgeland US 82 in Winona US 278 in Batesville I-69 in Hernando. The highways travel concurrently to Memphis, Tennessee. Tennessee US 51 in Memphis I-69 / I-240 in Memphis US 61 in Memphis US 61 / US 64 / US 70 / US 79 in Memphis. I-55/US 61 travels concurrently to Turrell, Arkansas. I-55/US 64 travels concurrently to Marion, Arkansas. I-55/US 70/US 79 travels concurrently to West Memphis, Arkansas. Arkansas I-40 in West Memphis. The highways travel concurrently through West Memphis. I-40 / US 63 / US 79 in West Memphis. I-55/US 63 travels concurrently to Turrell. I-555 / US 61 / US 63 in Turrell, Arkansas. US 61 in Blytheville Missouri US 61 east of Steele. The highways travel concurrently to Portageville. I-155 / US 412 in Hayti US 61 / US 62 in New Madrid US 61 / US 62 north of New Madrid I-57 / US 60 on the Sikeston–Miner city line US 62 in Miner US 61 in Scott City. The highways travel concurrently to Cape Cirardeau. US 61 in Cape Girardeau US 61 north-northeast of Jackson US 61 south-southeast of Festus US 67 in Festus I-255 / I-270 on the Concord–Mehlville CDP line US 50 / US 61 / US 67 on the Concord–Green Park–Mehlville line I-44 on the McKinley Heights–Soulard, St. Louis neighborhood line. The highways travel concurrently to Downtown St. Louis. I-44 / I-64 / US 40 in Downtown, St. Louis. I-55/I-64 travels concurrently to East St. Louis, Illinois. I-55/US 40 travels concurrently to Troy, Illinois. Illinois I-64 / I-70 in East St. Louis. I-55/I-70 travels concurrently to northwest of Troy. I-255 in Collinsville I-70 / I-270 northwest of Troy I-72 / US 36 in Springfield. The highways travel concurrently through Springfield. I-155 northwest of Lincoln US 136 southeast of McLean I-74 / US 51 in Bloomington. I-55/I-74 travels concurrently to northwest of Normal. I-55/US 51 travels concurrently to Normal. US 150 in Bloomington I-39 / US 51 in Normal US 24 in Chenoa US 6 in Channahon I-80 in Channahon US 52 in Shorewood US 30 in Joliet I-355 on the Bolingbrook–Woodridge city line I-294 on the Burr Ridge–Indian Head Park–Countryside line US 12 / US 20 / US 45 on the Countryside–Hodgkins city line I-90 / I-94 in Armour Square, Chicago US 41 in Near South Side, Chicago Auxiliary routes

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Genus of moths Ptychorhoe is a genus of moths in the family Geometridae.

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German actress (1912–2006) Elfriede Florin (26 March 1912 – 7 March 2006) was a German actress who was popular in the 1950s and 1960s, and is best known for featuring in the 1958 film Les Misérables. Filmography

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pyroderces_argobalana"}

Species of moth Pyroderces argobalana is a moth in the family Cosmopterigidae. It is found in Australia, where it has been recorded from Queensland.

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Richard_Cobden"}

English politician (1804–1865) Richard Cobden (3 June 1804 – 2 April 1865) was an English Radical and Liberal politician, manufacturer, and a campaigner for free trade and peace. He was associated with the Anti-Corn Law League and the Cobden–Chevalier Treaty. As a young man, Cobden was a successful commercial traveller who became co-owner of a highly profitable calico printing factory in Sabden but lived in Manchester, a city with which he would become strongly identified. However, he soon found himself more engaged in politics, and his travels convinced him of the virtues of free trade (anti-protection) as the key to better international relations. In 1838, he and John Bright founded the Anti-Corn Law League, aimed at abolishing the unpopular Corn Laws, which protected landowners' interests by levying taxes on imported wheat, thus raising the price of bread. As a Member of Parliament from 1841, he fought against opposition from the Peel ministry, and abolition was achieved in 1846. Another free trade initiative was the Cobden-Chevalier Treaty of 1860, promoting closer interdependence between Britain and France. This campaign was conducted in collaboration with John Bright and French economist Michel Chevalier, and succeeded despite Parliament's endemic mistrust of the French. Early years Cobden was born at a farmhouse called Dunford, in Heyshott near Midhurst, in Sussex. He was the fourth of 11 children born to William Cobden and his wife, Millicent (née Amber). His family had been resident in that neighbourhood for many generations, occupied partly in trade and partly in agriculture. His grandfather, Richard Cobden, owned Bex Mill in Heyshott and was an energetic and prosperous maltster who served as bailiff and chief magistrate at Midhurst and took rather a notable part in county matters. His father William however forsook malting in favour of farming, taking over the running of Dunford Farm when Richard died in 1809. A poor business man, he sold the property when the farm failed and moved the family to a smaller farm at nearby Gullard's Oak. Conditions did not improve and by 1814, after several more moves, the family eventually settled as tenant farmers in West Meon, near Alton in Hampshire. Cobden attended a dame school and then Bowes Hall School in the North Riding of Yorkshire. When fifteen years of age he went to London to the warehouse business of his uncle Richard Ware Cole where he became a commercial traveller in muslin and calico. His relative, noting the lad's passionate addiction to study, solemnly warned him against indulging such a taste, as likely to prove a fatal obstacle to his success in commercial life. Cobden was undeterred and made good use of the library of the London Institution. When his uncle's business failed, he joined that of Partridge & Price, in Eastcheap, one of the partners being his uncle's former partner.[citation needed] In 1828, Cobden set up his own business with Sheriff and Gillet, partly with capital from John Lewis, acting as London agents for Fort Brothers, Manchester calico printers. In 1831, the partners sought to lease a factory from Fort's at Sabden, near Clitheroe, Lancashire. They had, however, insufficient capital between them. Cobden and his colleagues so impressed Fort's that they consented to retain a substantial proportion of the equity. The new firm prospered and soon had three establishments – the printing works at Sabden and sales outlets in London and Manchester. The Manchester outlet came under the direct management of Cobden, who settled there in 1832, beginning a long association with the city. He lived in a house on Quay Street, which is now called Cobden House. A plaque commemorates his residency. The success of the enterprise was decisive and rapid, and the "Cobden prints" soon became well known for their quality.[citation needed] Had Cobden devoted all his energies to the business, he might soon have become very wealthy. His earnings in the business were typically £8,000 to £10,000 a year. However, his lifelong habit of learning and inquiry absorbed much of his time. Writing under the byname Libra, he published many letters in the Manchester Times discussing commercial and economic questions. Some of his ideas were influenced by Adam Smith. First publications In 1835, he published his first pamphlet, entitled England, Ireland and America, by a Manchester Manufacturer. Cobden advocated the principles of peace, non-intervention, retrenchment and free trade to which he continued faithfully to abide. He paid a visit to the United States, landing in New York on 7 June 1835. He devoted about three months to this tour, passing rapidly through the seaboard states and the adjacent portion of Canada, and collecting as he went large stores of information respecting the condition, resources and prospects of the nation. Another work appeared towards the end of 1836, under the title of Russia. It was designed to combat a wild outbreak of Russophobia inspired by David Urquhart. It contained also a bold indictment of the whole system of foreign policy founded on ideas of the balance of power and the necessity of large armaments for the protection of commerce.[citation needed] Bad health obliged him to leave Britain, and for several months, at the end of 1836 and the beginning of 1837, he travelled in Spain, Turkey and Egypt. During his visit to Egypt he had an interview with Muhammad Ali, of whose character as a reforming monarch he did not bring away a very favourable impression. He returned to Britain in April 1837.[citation needed] First steps in politics Cobden soon became a conspicuous figure in Manchester political and intellectual life. He championed the foundation of the Manchester Athenaeum and delivered its inaugural address. He was a member of the chamber of commerce and was part of the campaign for the incorporation of the city, being elected one of its first aldermen. He began also to take a warm interest in the cause of popular education. Some of his first attempts in public speaking were at meetings which he convened at Manchester, Salford, Bolton, Rochdale and other adjacent towns, to advocate the establishment of British schools. It was while on a mission for this purpose to Rochdale that he first formed the acquaintance of John Bright. In 1837, the death of William IV and the accession of Queen Victoria led to a general election. Cobden was candidate for Stockport, but was narrowly defeated.[citation needed] Other interests included his friendship with George Combe and his involvement with the Manchester Phrenological Society in the 1830s and 1840s. In 1850, he asked Combe to provide a phrenological reading of his son. Corn Laws The Corn Laws were taxes on imported grain designed to keep prices high for cereal producers in Great Britain. The laws indeed did raise food prices and became the focus of opposition from urban areas, which then had far less political representation than rural Britain. The corn laws imposed steep import duties, reducing the quantity of grain imported from other countries, even when food supplies were short. The laws were supported by Conservative landowners and opposed by Whig industrialists and workers. The Anti-Corn Law League was responsible for turning public and ruling-class opinion against the laws. It was a large, nationwide, middle-class moral crusade with a utopian vision. Its leading advocate was Richard Cobden. According to historian Asa Briggs, Cobden repeatedly promised that repeal would settle four great problems simultaneously: First, it would guarantee the prosperity of the manufacturer by affording him outlets for his products. Second, it would relieve the 'condition of England question' by cheapening the price of food and ensuring more regular employment. Third, it would make English agriculture more efficient by stimulating demand for its products in urban and industrial areas. Fourth, it would introduce through mutually advantageous international trade a new era of international fellowship and peace. The only barrier to these four beneficent solutions was the ignorant self-interest of the landlords, the 'bread-taxing oligarchy, unprincipled, unfeeling, rapacious and plundering.' In 1838, the league was formed in Manchester; on Cobden's suggestion, it became a national association, the Anti-Corn Law League. During the league's seven years, Cobden was its chief spokesman and animating spirit. He was not afraid to take his challenge in person to the agricultural landlords or to confront the working class Chartists, led by Feargus O'Connor. In 1841, Sir Robert Peel having defeated the Melbourne ministry in parliament, there was a general election, and Cobden was returned as the new member for Stockport. His opponents had confidently predicted that he would fail utterly in the House of Commons. He did not wait long after his admission into that assembly in bringing their predictions to the test. Parliament met on 19 August. On the 24th, during the debate on the Queen's Speech, Cobden delivered his first address. "It was remarked," reported Harriet Martineau in her History of the Peace, "that he was not treated in the House with the courtesy usually accorded to a new member, and it was perceived that he did not need such observance." Undeterred, he gave a simple and forceful exposition of his position on the Corn Laws. This marked the start of his reputation as a master of the issues. On 21 April 1842, with 67 other MPs, Cobden voted for the motion of William Sharman Crawford (a fellow Anti-Corn Law Leaguer) to form a committee to consider the demands of the People's Charter (1838): votes for working men, protected by secret ballot. On 17 February 1843, Cobden he launched an attack on Peel, holding him responsible for the miserable and disaffected state of the nation's workers. Peel did not respond in the debate but the speech was made at a time of heightened political feelings. Edward Drummond, Peel's private secretary, had recently been mistaken for the prime minister and shot dead in the street by a lunatic. However, later in the evening, Peel referred in excited and agitated tones to the remark, as an incitement to violence against his person. Peel's Tory party, catching at this hint, threw themselves into a frantic state of excitement, and when Cobden attempted to explain that he meant official, not personal responsibility, he was drowned out. Peel reversed his position and in 1846 called for the repeal of the Corn Laws. Cobden and the League had prepared the moment for years but they played little role in 1846. After Peel's aggressive politicking, the repeal of the Corn Laws passed the House of Commons on 16 May 1846 by 98 votes. Peel had formed a coalition of the Conservative leadership and a third of its MPs joining with the Whigs, with two-thirds of the Conservatives voting against him. That split Peel's Tory party and led to the fall of his government. In his resignation speech he credited Cobden, more than anyone else, with the repeal of the Corn Laws. Tribute, journey and resettlement Cobden had sacrificed his business, his domestic comforts and for a time his health to the campaign. His friends therefore felt that the nation owed him some substantial token of gratitude and admiration for those sacrifices. Public subscription raised the sum of £80,000. Had he been inspired with personal ambition, he might have entered upon the race of political advancement with the prospect of attaining the highest office. Lord John Russell, who, soon after the repeal of the Corn Laws, succeeded Peel as prime minister, invited Cobden to join his government but Cobden declined the invitation. Cobden had hoped to find some restorative privacy abroad but his fame had spread throughout Europe and he found himself lionised by the radical movement. In July 1846, he wrote to a friend "I am going to tell you of a fresh project that has been brewing in my brain. I have given up all idea of burying myself in Egypt or Italy. I am going on an agitating tour through the continent of Europe." He referred to invitations he had received from France, Prussia, Austria, Russia and Spain and added, Well, I will, with God's assistance during the next twelve months, visit all the large states of Europe, see their potentates or statesmen, and endeavour to enforce those truths which have been irresistible at home. Why should I rust in inactivity? If the public spirit of my countrymen affords me the means of travelling as their missionary, I will be the first ambassador from the people of this country to the nations of the continent. I am impelled to this by an instinctive emotion such as has never deceived me. I feel that I could succeed in making out a stronger case for the prohibitive nations of Europe to compel them to adopt a freer system than I had here to overturn our protection policy. He visited in succession France, Spain, Italy, Germany and Russia, and was honoured everywhere he went. He not only addressed public demonstrations but also had several private audiences with leading statesmen. During his absence there was a general election, and he was returned (1847) for Stockport and for the West Riding of Yorkshire. He chose to sit for the latter. In June 1848 Richard Cobden moved his family from Manchester to Paddington, London, taking a house at 103 Westbourne Terrace. In 1847 he had also repurchased the old family home at Dunford and in 1852 or 1853 rebuilt the house there, which he then continued to occupy until his death. Pacifist activism When Cobden returned from abroad, he addressed himself to what seemed to him the logical complement of free trade, namely, the promotion of peace and the reduction of naval and military armaments. He was a supporter of non-interventionism and his abhorrence of war amounted to a passion and, in fact, his campaigns against the Corn Laws were motivated by his belief that free trade was a powerful force for peace and defence against war. He knowingly exposed himself to the risk of ridicule and the reproach of utopianism. In 1849, he brought forward a proposal in parliament in favour of international arbitration, and, in 1851, a motion for mutual reduction of armaments. He was not successful in either case, nor did he expect to be. In pursuance of the same object, he identified himself with a series of peace congresses which from 1848 to 1851 were held successively in Brussels, Paris, Frankfurt, London, Manchester and Edinburgh. In his opposition to the Opium Wars, Cobden argued that just as "in the slave trade we [the British] had surpassed in guilt the world, so in foreign wars we have the most aggressive, quarelsome, warlike and bloody nation under the sun." In October 1850 he wrote a letter to Joseph Sturge, claiming that in the last twenty-five years "you will find that we have been incomparably the most sanguinary nation on earth... in China, in Burma, in India, New Zealand, the Cape, Syria, Spain, Portugal, Greece, etc, there is hardly a country, however remote, in which we have not been waging war or dictating our terms at the point of a bayonet." Cobden believed that the British, "the greatest blood-shedders of all", had been then involved in more wars than the rest of Europe put together. In this, Cobden blamed the British aristocracy, which he claimed had "converted the combativeness of the English race to its own ends". In April 1852, when the British declared war on Burma for the mistreatment of two British sea captain by the Burmese government, Cobden was "amazed" as the casus belli for the war: I blush for my country, and the very blood in my veins tingled with indignation at the wanton disregard of all justice and decency without our proceedings towards that country exhibited. The violence and wrongs perpetrated by Pizarro or Cortez were scarcely veiled in a more transparent pretence of right than our own." The Burmese, Cobden continued, had "no more chance against our 64 pound red-hot shot and other infernal improvement in the art of war than they would in running a race on their roads against our railways... the day on which we commenced the war with a bombardment of shot, shell and rockets...that the natives must have thought it an onslaught of devils, was Easter Sunday!" Cobden published How Wars are got up in India: The Origins of the Burmese War in 1853. In the work he theorized why similar disputes with the United States never culminated in war. According to Cobden, the reason was "that America is powerful and Burma weak... Britain would not have acted in this manner towards a power capable of defending itself." On the establishment of the Second French Empire in 1851–1852, a violent panic, fuelled by the press, gripped the public. Louis Napoleon was represented as contemplating a sudden and piratical descent upon the British coast without pretext or provocation. By a series of speeches and pamphlets, in and out of parliament, Cobden sought to calm the passions of his countrymen. In doing so, he sacrificed the great popularity he had won as the champion of free trade, and became for a time the best-abused man in Britain.[citation needed] However, owing to the quarrel about the religious sites of Palestine, which arose in the east of Europe, public opinion suddenly veered round, and all the suspicion and hatred which had been directed against the emperor of the French were diverted from him to the emperor of Russia. Louis Napoleon was taken into favour as Britain's faithful ally, and in a whirlwind of popular excitement the nation was swept into the Crimean War.[citation needed] Again confronting public sentiment, Cobden, who had travelled in Turkey, and had studied its politics, was dismissive of the outcry about maintaining the independence and integrity of the Ottoman Empire. He denied that it was possible to maintain them, and no less strenuously denied that it was desirable. He believed that the jealousy of Russian aggrandisement and the dread of Russian power were absurd exaggerations. He maintained that the future of European Turkey was in the hands of the Christian population, and that it would have been wiser for Britain to ally herself with them rather than with what he saw as the doomed and decaying Islamic power. He said in the House of Commons You must address yourselves as men of sense and men of energy, to the question – what are you to do with the Christian population? For Mahommedanism [Islam] cannot be maintained, and I should be sorry to see this country fighting for the maintenance of Mahommedanism ... You may keep Turkey on the map of Europe, you may call the country by the name of Turkey if you like, but do not think you can keep up the Mahommedan rule in the country. The torrent of popular sentiment in favour of war was, however, irresistible; and both Cobden and John Bright were overwhelmed with obloquy.[citation needed] Karl Marx wrote "And without total abandonment of the law of the Koran [argues opposition MP Cobden], it was impossible to put the Christians of Turkey upon an equality with the Turks. We may as well ask Mr Cobden whether, with the existing State Church and laws of England, it is possible to put her working-men upon an equality with the Cobdens and the Brights?" Second Opium War At the beginning of 1857 tidings from China reached Britain of a rupture between the British plenipotentiary in that country and the governor of the Canton province in reference to a small vessel or lorcha called the Arrow, which had resulted in the British admiral destroying the river forts, burning 23 ships belonging to the Qing Navy and bombarding the city of Canton. After a careful investigation of the official documents, Cobden became convinced that those were utterly unrighteous proceedings. He brought forward a motion in parliament to this effect, which led to a long and memorable debate, lasting over four nights, in which he was supported by Sidney Herbert, Sir James Graham, William Gladstone, Lord John Russell and Benjamin Disraeli, and which ended in the defeat of Lord Palmerston by a majority of sixteen. But this triumph cost him his seat in parliament. On the dissolution which followed Lord Palmerston's defeat, Cobden became candidate for Huddersfield, but the voters of that town gave the preference to his opponent, who had supported the Russian war and approved of the proceedings at Canton. Cobden was thus relegated to private life, and retiring to his country house at Dunford, he spent his time in perfect contentment in cultivating his land and feeding his pigs. He took advantage of this season of leisure to pay another visit to the United States. During his absence the general election of 1859 occurred, when he was returned unopposed for Rochdale. Lord Palmerston was again prime minister, and having discovered that the advanced liberal party was not so easily "crushed" as he had apprehended, he made overtures of reconciliation, and invited Cobden and Thomas Milner Gibson to become members of his government. In a frank, cordial letter which was delivered to Cobden on his landing in Liverpool, Lord Palmerston offered him the role of President of the Board of Trade, with a seat in the Cabinet. Many of his friends urgently pressed him to accept but without a moment's hesitation he determined to decline the proposed honour. On his arrival in London he called on Lord Palmerston, and with the utmost frankness told him that he had opposed and denounced him so frequently in public, and that he still differed so widely from his views, especially on questions of foreign policy, that he could not, without doing violence to his own sense of duty and consistency, serve under him as minister. Lord Palmerston tried good-humouredly to combat his objections, but without success. Cobden–Chevalier Treaty Though Cobden declined to share the responsibility of Lord Palmerston's administration, he was willing to act as its representative in promoting freer commercial intercourse between Britain and France. But the negotiations for this purpose originated with himself in conjunction with Bright and Michel Chevalier. Towards the close of 1859 he called upon Lord Palmerston, Lord John Russell and Gladstone, and signified his intention to visit France and get into communication with Napoleon III of France and his ministers, with a view to promote this object. These statesmen expressed in general terms their approval of his purpose, but he went entirely on his own account, clothed at first with no official authority. On his arrival in Paris he had a long audience with Napoleon, in which he urged many arguments in favour of removing those obstacles which prevented the two countries from being brought into closer dependence on one another, and he succeeded in making a considerable impression on his mind in favour of free trade. He then addressed himself to the French ministers, and had much earnest conversation, especially with Eugène Rouher, whom he found well inclined to the economical and commercial principles which he advocated. After a good deal of time spent in these preliminary and unofficial negotiations, the question of a treaty of commerce between the two countries having entered into the arena of diplomacy, Cobden was requested by the British government to act as their plenipotentiary in the matter in conjunction with Henry Wellesley, 1st Earl Cowley, their ambassador in France. But it proved a very long and laborious undertaking. He had to contend with the bitter hostility of the French protectionists, which occasioned a good deal of vacillation on the part of the emperor and his ministers. There were also delays, hesitations and cavils at home, which were more inexplicable. He was, moreover, assailed with great violence by a powerful section of the British press, while the large number of minute details with which he had to deal in connection with proposed changes in the French tariff, involved a tax on his patience and industry which would have daunted a less resolute man. But there was one source of embarrassment greater than all the rest. One strong motive which had impelled him to engage in this enterprise was his anxious desire to establish more friendly relations between Britain and France, and to dispel those feelings of mutual jealousy and alarm which were so frequently breaking forth and jeopardizing peace between the two countries. This was the most powerful argument with which he had plied the emperor and the members of the French government, and which he had found most efficacious with them. But while he was in the midst of the negotiations, Lord Palmerston brought forward in the House of Commons a measure for fortifying the naval arsenals of Britain, which he introduced in a warlike speech pointedly directed against France, as the source of danger of invasion and attack, against which it was necessary to guard. This produced irritation and resentment in Paris, and but for the influence which Cobden had acquired, and the perfect trust reposed in his sincerity, the negotiations would probably have been altogether wrecked. At last, however, after nearly twelve months' incessant labour, the work was completed in November 1860. "Rare," said Mr Gladstone, "is the privilege of any man who, having fourteen years ago rendered to his country one signal service, now again, within the same brief span of life, decorated neither by land nor title, bearing no mark to distinguish him from the people he loves, has been permitted to perform another great and memorable service to his sovereign and his country." On the conclusion of this work honours were offered to Cobden by the governments of both the countries which he had so greatly benefited. Lord Palmerston offered him a baronetcy and a seat in the privy council, and the emperor of the French would gladly have conferred upon him some distinguished mark of his favour. But with characteristic disinterestedness and modesty he declined all such honours. Cobden's efforts in furtherance of free trade were always subordinated to what he deemed the highest moral purposes: the promotion of peace on earth and goodwill among men. This was his desire and hope as respects the commercial treaty with France. He was therefore deeply disappointed and distressed to find the old feeling of distrust still actively fomented by the press and some of the leading politicians of the country. In 1862 he published his pamphlet entitled The Three Panics, the object of which was to trace the history and expose the folly of those periodical visitations of alarm as to French designs with which Britain had been afflicted for the preceding fifteen or sixteen years. American Civil War When the American Civil War threatened to break out in the United States, Cobden was deeply distressed, but after the conflict became inevitable his sympathies were wholly with the Union because the Confederacy was fighting for slavery. Nonetheless, his great anxiety was that the British nation should not be committed to any unworthy course during the progress of that struggle. When relations with the United States were becoming critical and menacing in consequence of the depredations committed on American commerce by vessels issuing from British ports, actions that would lead to the post-war Alabama Claims, he brought the question before the House of Commons in a series of speeches of rare clearness and force. Death For several years Cobden had been suffering severely at intervals from bronchial irritation and a difficulty of breathing. Owing to this he had spent the winter of 1860 in Algeria, and every subsequent winter he had to be very careful and confine himself to the house, especially in damp and foggy weather. On 2 April 1865 he died peacefully at his apartments in London. On the following day Lord Palmerston said "it was not possible for the House to proceed to business without every member recalling to his mind the great loss which the House and country had sustained by the event which took place yesterday morning." Disraeli said he "was an ornament to the House of Commons and an honour to England." In the French Corps Législatif, also, the vice-president, Forcade La Roquette, referred to his death, and warm expressions of esteem were repeated and applauded on every side. "The death of Richard Cobden," said M. la Roquette, "is not alone a misfortune for England (UK), but a cause of mourning for France and humanity." Drouyn de Lhuys, the French minister of foreign affairs, made his death the subject of a special despatch, desiring the French ambassador to express to the government "the mournful sympathy and truly national regret which the death, as lamented as premature, of Richard Cobden had excited on that side of the English Channel ... He is above all", he added, "in our eyes the representative of those sentiments and those cosmopolitan principles before which national frontiers and rivalries disappear; whilst essentially of his country, he was still more of his time; he knew what mutual relations could accomplish in our day for the prosperity of peoples. Cobden, if I may be permitted to say so, was an international man." Cobden has been called "the greatest classical-liberal thinker on international affairs" by the libertarian and historian Ralph Raico. He was buried at West Lavington church in West Sussex on 7 April. His grave was surrounded by a large crowd of mourners, among whom were Gladstone, Bright, Milner Gibson, Charles Villiers and a host besides from all parts of the country. In 1866, the Cobden Club was founded in London, to promote free-trade economics, and it became a centre for political propaganda on those lines; and prizes were instituted in his name at Oxford and Cambridge. Cobden had married, in 1840, Catherine Anne Williams, a Welsh lady, and left five surviving daughters. Of these, Jane, a British Liberal politician, married the publisher Thomas Fisher Unwin and was known as Mrs Cobden Unwin; Ellen was the first of the painter Walter Sickert's three wives; and Anne married the bookbinder T. J. Sanderson and he added her surname to his. They afterwards became prominent in various spheres, and inherited their father's political interest. His only son died, to Cobden's inexpressible grief, at the age of fifteen, in 1856.[citation needed] Legacy Cobden, and what was called "Cobdenism" and later identified with laissez-faire, was subjected to much criticism from the school of British economists who advocated protectionism, on the ideas of Alexander Hamilton and Friedrich List. However, during much of what remained of the nineteenth century, his success with the free-trade movement was unchallenged, and protectionism came to be heterodox. The tariff reform movement in Britain started by Joseph Chamberlain brought new opponents of Manchesterism, and the whole subject once more became controversial. The years of reconstruction following World War II saw a renewed fashion for government intervention in international trade but, starting in the 1980s, Margaret Thatcher in the UK (under the influence of Enoch Powell via Keith Joseph) and Ronald Reagan in the U.S. led a revival of laissez-faire that, as of 2006[update], holds some sway in mainstream economic thinking. Cobden left a deep mark on British history. Although he was not a "scientific economist", many of his ideas and prophecies prefigured arguments and perspectives that would later appear in academic economics. He considered that it was "natural" for Britain to manufacture for the world and exchange for agricultural products of other countries. Modern economists call this comparative advantage. He advocated the repeal of the Corn Laws, which not only made food cheaper, but helped develop industry and benefit labour. He correctly saw that other countries would be unable to compete with Britain in manufacture in the foreseeable future. "We advocate", he said, "nothing but what is agreeable to the highest behests of Christianity – to buy in the cheapest market, and sell in the dearest." After the repeal of the Corn Laws, British manufacturing did see significant productivity rises, while British agriculture ultimately went into decline due to import competition. He perceived that the rest of the world should follow Britain's example: "if you abolish the corn-laws honestly, and adopt free trade in its simplicity, there will not be a tariff in Europe that will not be changed in less than five years" (January 1846). His cosmopolitanism, which led to the perception among Cobden's rivals that he was a Little Englander" – led him to develop an opposition to colonialism. Cobden also saw the connection between peace and free trade. "Peace will come to earth when the people have more to do with each other and governments less." "The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is – in extending our commercial relations – to have with them as little political connection as possible." His biography, Richard Cobden's Life by John Morley, written with the input of contemporaries such as John Bright and Sir Louis Mallet, was published in 1881 (Roberts Brothers: Boston). In 1866, the Cobden Club was founded to promote "Peace, Free Trade and Goodwill Among Nations". This was due to the efforts of Thomas Bayley Potter, Cobden's successor at his Rochdale seat, who wanted an institution which would support Cobden's principles. On 15 May 1866 the inaugural meeting of the club was held at the Reform Club in London and the first club dinner was held on 21 July 1866 at the Star and Garter Hotel in Richmond, presided over by Gladstone. The club energetically diffused free trade literature for propaganda purposes. Joseph Chamberlain's proposal for Tariff Reform, launched in 1903, reignited the free trade versus protectionism debate in Britain. For the centenary of Cobden's birth 10,000 people assembled at Alexandra Palace in London in June 1904. Cobden "symbolized the liberal vision of a peaceful, prosperous global order held together by the benign forces of Free Trade" like no other nineteenth century figure. Addressing the meeting, the Liberal leader Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman said: The motive which inspired those who composed the assemblage was twofold. They wished to show their admiration of, and their gratitude towards, a great Englishman whose sympathetic heart, wisdom, intuition, courage and praise-worthy eloquence wrought for them a great deliverance in the days of their fathers. They also wished to declare their adherence to the doctrines which he taught, and their determination that the power of those doctrines should not, God helping them, be impaired. What they owed to him and to themselves was to make it clear in the sight of all men that they meant to hold fast to the heritage which he, perhaps more than any other individual, won for them; and that the fruits of the battle which he waged against tremendous odds should not be lightly wrested from them. They were not there to acclaim Cobden as an inspired prophet, but they saw in him a great citizen, a great statesman, a great patriot, and a great and popular leader... Cobden spent his life in pulling down those artificial restrictions and obstructions which at the present time rash and reckless men were seeking to set up again – obstructions not merely to commerce, but also to peace and good will, and mutual understanding; yes, and obstructions to liberty and good government at home. Those who expressed astonishment that the intelligent workman did not look askance at the manufacturer, Cobden, had overlooked the fact that he gave the people cheap food and abundant employment, and did far more; that he exploded the economic basis of class government and class subjection. Stanley Baldwin said in December 1930, during the Great Depression, that the Conservatives were "a national party of all those who believe that any improvement in the industrial and economic position of this country can only be achieved by cutting loose from the Cobdenism of the last generation and putting this country on what is and must be a protectionist basis". Two weeks later Baldwin attacked the Labour government's handling of the Imperial Conference: "At that Conference the Government had a splendid opportunity of doing something practical to help British industry and to bind the Empire together in a close partnership of trade. They failed to seize this opportunity because the Dominion proposals could not be reconciled with the ancient and obsolete free-trade theories of Cobdenism". Britain abandoned free trade in 1932 and adopted a general tariff. In 1932 the former Labour Chancellor of the Exchequer Philip Snowden said there was never a greater mistake than to say that Cobdenism was dead: "Cobdenism was never more alive throughout the world than it was to-day.... To-day the ideas of Cobden were in revolt against selfish nationalism. The need for the breaking down of trade restrictions, which took various forms, was universally recognized even by those who were unable to throw off those shackles". F. W. Hirst said in 1941, during the Second World War, that Cobden's ideas "stand out in almost complete opposition to the 'gospel' according to Marx": Cobden's international ideas were based on patriotism and peace, the harmony of classes, reform by constitutional methods, goodwill among men and nations. Cobden... believed in individual liberty and enterprise, in free markets, freedom of opinion and freedom of trade. [His] whole creed was anathema to Karl Marx. He had no sense of patriotism or love of country. He urged what he called "the proletariat" in all countries to overthrow society by a violent revolution, to destroy the middle classes and all employers of labour, whom he denounced as capitalists and slave drivers. He demanded the confiscation of private property and a new dictatorship, the dictatorship of the proletariat. Just as Cobden interpreted and practised the precepts of Adam Smith, so Lenin interpreted and practised the precepts of Karl Marx. These two great men though dead yet speak. They stand out before the civilised world as protagonists of two systems of political economy, political thought and human society... when this war is over, we in Britain will certainly have to choose whether our Press and Parliament are to be free, whether we are to be a conscript nation, whether private property and savings are to be secured or confiscated, whether we are to be imprisoned without trial; whether we are again to enjoy the right of buying and selling where and how we please – in short whether we are to be ruled as slaves by the bureaucracy of a police state or as free men by our chosen representatives. This conflict will be symbolised and personified by Richard Cobden and Karl Marx. Ernest Bevin, Labour Foreign Secretary, said on 26 July 1947 that "We cannot go back to the Cobdenite economy". In 1966 the Labour Prime Minister Harold Wilson attacked Philip Snowden for holding the views of "Puritan Cobdenism" which "prevented any expansionist action to relieve unemployment" by the government during the Great Depression. Locations Cobden's great-great-great- grandson, Nick Cobden-Wright, started a campaign to save his former home, Dunford House, Midhurst (also home to his daughter Annie, a socialist and suffragette) from sale in 2019 by its owners, the YMCA. It contained her banner 'No Vote No Tax' which she had held at the Downing Street protest. His Cobden Foundation campaign was backed by Emmeline Pankhurst's great-granddaughter, Helen Pankhurst, CBE, among others. The communities of Cobden, Ontario, Cobden, Illinois, Cobden, Minnesota and Cobden, Victoria in Canada, the U.S. and Australia respectively were all named after Richard Cobden Cob Stenham was also named after him. Cobden in the South Island of New Zealand is named after him Richard Cobden Primary School in Camden Town and Grade II listed Cobden Working Mens Club in Kensal Road, North Kensington, London are named after him. Cobden Bridge in Southampton was named after him. Cobden Street in Bury, Darlington, Dalton in Furness Nottingham and Nelson, Lancashire are all named after him. There is also Cobden Square in Bedford and a Cobden Road in Worthing and Midhurst [West Sussex] and Edinburgh. Next to Cobden Street in Nottingham there is also Bright Street. There are two Cobden Streets in Burnley, Lancashire.[citation needed] The Richard Cobden pub in Worthing is named after him and the Cobden View pub in Sheffield has his face above the door. There was a Richard Cobden pub in Cocking, West Sussex which closed and became a private residence in the 20th century. The Richard Cobden pub in Chatham, Kent is named after him and later became the subject of the song The Richard Cobden by the UK band Vlks. There is also a pub in Quarry Street, Woolton, Liverpool named 'The Cobden', with his image on the external sign board. Statues A bronze statue of Cobden is in St Ann's Square in Manchester (pictured above) and his bust is in Manchester Town Hall. There is a statue of him, funded by public subscription (to which Napoléon III contributed) in the square by Mornington Crescent Underground station, Camden Town, London. The Cobden pub on Camden High Street is in turn named after the statue. The statue of Cobden in Stockport town centre was moved in 2006 as part of an urban regeneration scheme but is now back in place. Inside the Bradford Wool Exchange, West Yorkshire there is a statue of Richard Cobden. Outside the Wool Exchange between the ground floor arches are carved portraits of notable people, including Cobden (the others are Titus Salt, Stephenson, Watt, Arkwright, Jacquard, Gladstone and Palmerston and (facing Bank Street) Raleigh, Drake, Columbus, Cook and Anson). Flanking the porched entrance below the tower are statues of Bishop Blaise, the patron saint of woolcombers, and King Edward III who greatly promoted the wool trade. An obelisk erected in his memory in 1868 is located at West Lavington in West Sussex. Upon the statue are the words "Free Trade. Peace Goodwill Among Nations". Bust A bust of Cobden is located in the west aisle of the north transept of Westminster Abbey. Miscellaneous Cobden Press, an American libertarian publisher of the 1980s, was named after him and continues to this day as imprint of the Moorfield Storey Institute. Cobden was named by Ferdinand de Lesseps as a founder of the Suez Canal Company.

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Disease of dolphins and other cetaceans Fresh water skin disease (FWSD) is a disease of marine cetaceans in coastal and estuarine environments, caused when they are exposed for extended periods to water with lower than normal levels of salt (hypo-saline). It has been observed in dolphins that were displaced into freshwater lakes, and in normally-salty lakes and estuaries where salinity has dropped suddenly due to flooding or storm runoff. The symptoms are widespread skin lesions and ulcers. Circular lesions can resemble cetacean pox, which is more common in juveniles. Chronic lesions may have overgrowths of algal and/or fungal mats. Extended exposure can lead to over-hydration, electrolyte imbalance, and organ failure. The syndrome has been observed particularly with bottlenose dolphins Tursiops truncatus in Lake Pontchartrain, Louisiana from 2007, thought to have been trapped by Hurricane Katrina in 2005; with T. australis at Gippsland Lakes in 2007; with T. aduncus at the Swan Canning Riverpark (Swan and Canning rivers) in 2009; and with T. truncatus in Texas following Hurricane Harvey in 2017. In the Gippsland Lakes, the sudden decrease in salinity followed a slow build-up during ten years of drought. Plaques or ulcers have also been observed in the Chilean dolphin (Cephalorhynchus eutropia) in Patagonia, Guiana dolphins (Sotalia guianensis) in Brazil, and a pair of a humpback whales (Megaptera novaengliae) in northern California. The histology and pathology from dolphins that died in the 2007 and 2009 Australian events was published in 2020, with the name "fresh water skin disease".

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Karl_Mollweide"}

German mathematician and astronomer Karl Brandan Mollweide (3 February 1774 – 10 March 1825) was a German mathematician and astronomer who taught in Halle and Leipzig. In trigonometry, he rediscovered the formula now known as Mollweide's formula. He invented a map projection called the Mollweide projection.

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kemnath"}

Town in Bavaria, Germany Kemnath (German: [ˈkɛm.naːt] ( listen)) is a small town in the district of Tirschenreuth, in Bavaria, Germany. It is situated near the Fichtelgebirge, 24 km southeast of Bayreuth. The town's motto is "das Tor zur Oberpfalz," which translates into English as "The Door to the Upper Palatinate." History Kemnath was first referenced in historical documents on 6 July 1008 by the Holy Roman Emperor Henry II when he donated Keminata to the Diocese of Bamberg. In 2008, Kemnath celebrated its 1000th anniversary with a series of special events throughout the town culminating in a major celebration in August 2008. Geography The town is in the foothills of the Fichtelgebirge Mountains of northeast Bavaria and is approximately 55 km from the Czech border at Mähring. It is located in a valley formed by three streams, the Mühlbach, Flötzbach, and Schirnitzbach. The Steinwald Nature Park abuts the edge of the town as well and stretches from Kemnath to the Czech border. Economy The two largest employers in Kemnath are the Ponnath Meat Processing plant and a Siemens Healthineers production facility.

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Football club Grays Thurrock United Football Club were an association football club from Grays, Essex, England. They were formed in 1924 to represent transport workers of the area, and had initially been formed as Grays Transport Football Club, but this was changed before the start of the 1924–25 season due to objection from other clubs. Grays Thurrock competed in the Kent League during their initial season and played at the Lawn in Little Thurrock. They ended the season fifth in the Kent League and were semi-finalists in the Kent Senior Cup. They drew crowds of up to 5,000 spectators. The club were accepted into the Southern League for the 1925–26 season, but due to their failure to withdraw from the Kent League, they played in both competitions. Although they had spent over £350 on work to their ground, they made the decision to instead groundshare with Grays Athletic at the Recreation Ground. Their secretary-manager was Arthur Johnson, a local man who had played in the Football League for Sheffield United. Frank Burton, a former West Ham United and Charlton Athletic player, was recruited as player-trainer, along with goalkeeper Freddy Wood, a teammate at Charlton. Jimmy Pipe of Millwall, Harry White, who had played for Southend United, and Charles Orford of Gillingham, were also signed. In April 1926, the club sold Jack Page to Millwall for the highest fee received for a Kent League player. In June 1929, the club appointed former player Harry White as manager. In August of that year, they returned to their original ground at the Lawn. The club resigned from the Southern League in 1930. They appeared in FA Cup preliminary competition in September of that year, and continued to play in the Kent League until 1931–32, ending that season 11th in Division One.

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Yaya Darlaine Coulibaly is a Burkina Faso professional footballer, who plays as a defender for ASFA Yennenga and the Burkina Faso national football team. International career In January 2014, coach Brama Traore, invited him to be a part of the Burkina Faso squad for the 2014 African Nations Championship. The team was eliminated in the group stages after losing to Uganda and Zimbabwe and then drawing with Morocco.

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mizan_Rahman"}

Mizan Rahman (September 16, 1932 – January 5, 2015) was a Bangladeshi Canadian mathematician and writer. He specialized in fields of mathematics such as hypergeometric series and orthogonal polynomials. He also had interests encompassing literature, philosophy, scientific skepticism, freethinking and rationalism. He co-authored Basic Hypergeometric Series with George Gasper. This book is widely considered as the standard work of choice for that subject of study. He also published ten Bengali books. Education and career Rahman was born and grew up in East Bengal, British India (nowadays Bangladesh). He studied at the University of Dhaka, where he obtained his B.Sc degree in Mathematics and Physics in 1953, and his M.Sc in Applied Mathematics in 1954. He received a B.A in Mathematics from the University of Cambridge in 1958, and an M.A. in mathematics from the same university in 1963. He was a senior lecturer at the University of Dhaka from 1958 until 1962. Rahman went to the University of New Brunswick of Canada in 1962 and received his Ph.D in 1965 with a thesis on the kinetic theory of plasma using singular integral equation techniques. After his Ph.D, he became an assistant professor, later a full professor, at Carleton University, where he spent the rest of his career, after his retirement as a Distinguished Professor Emeritus. He unexpectedly died in Ottawa on January 5, 2015 at the age of 82. Writing and other activities Apart from his teaching and academic activities, Rahman wrote on various issues, particularly on those related to Bangladesh. He contributed to Internet blogs and various internet e-magazines, mainly in the Bengali language, covering his interests. He was a prolific writer and a regular contributor to Porshi, a Bengali monthly publication based in Silicon Valley, California. He was also the member of the advisory board of the Mukto-Mona, an Internet congregation of freethinkers, rationalists, skeptics, atheists and humanists of mainly Bengali and South Asian descent. Honors and awards Books English Bengali

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Pain tolerance is the maximum level of pain that a person is able to tolerate. Pain tolerance is distinct from pain threshold (the point at which pain begins to be felt). The perception of pain that goes in to pain tolerance has two major components. First is the biological component—the headache or skin prickling that activates pain receptors. Second is the brain’s perception of pain—how much focus is spent paying attention to or ignoring the pain. The brain’s perception of pain is a response to signals from pain receptors that sensed the pain in the first place. Factors Sex Clinical studies by the journal of Psychosomatic Medicine found that "men had higher pain thresholds and tolerances and lower pain ratings than women" when they are exposed to cold pressor pain. The study asked participants to submerge their hands in ice water (the cold pressor pain procedure) and told members of the experimental group (as opposed to the control group) that they would be compensated financially for keeping their hand submerged. Suggested explanations for this difference include, "men are more motivated to tolerate and suppress expressions of pain because of the masculine gender role, whereas the feminine gender role encourages pain expression and produces lower motivation to tolerate pain among women." Passive or active support A similar study published in the same books focused on the effects of having individuals perform the ice water procedure if they are accompanied by another participant. Their results revealed, "Participants in the active support and passive support conditions reported less pain than participants in the alone and interaction conditions, regardless of whether they were paired with a friend or stranger. These data suggest that the presence of an individual who provides passive or active support reduces experimental pain." Age Age and pain tolerance are relevant especially in the elderly because if their pain is detected too late, they run the risk of greater injury or delayed treatment of disease. However, current knowledge shows that pain tolerance does not show substantial change with age. Only pain threshold shows an effect: it increases with age. Ethnicity Although it is inconclusive whether pain tolerance differs by ethnicity, some studies have shown that non-Hispanic whites possess higher heat and cold pain tolerance when compared to African Americans and Hispanics. Psychological factors Patients with chronic mood disorders show an increased sensitivity to pain. This is not surprising because many of the brain pathways involved in depression are also involved in pain. These disorders weaken the cognitive aspect of pain and thus lower pain tolerance. These effects are worse in unipolar compared to bipolar disorders, although both perceive pain significantly worse than people without a mood disorder. The lowest pain tolerance was seen in participants that were currently experiencing a major depressive episode. Lower pain tolerance associated with depressive symptoms can increase thoughts of suicide. Hand dominancy, or handedness One way to measure pain is to have participants place their hand in ice cold water. Their pain tolerance can then be measured based on how long they are able to keep their hand submerged before taking it out. One study used this technique to compare pain tolerance in dominant and non-dominant hands. One finding was that dominant hands showed a higher pain tolerance than non-dominant hands. Right-handers could withstand pain longer in their right hand than their left hand while the opposite was true for left-handers. Neonatal injury Nociceptive pathways are pathways in the brain that send and receive pain signals and are responsible for how we perceive pain. They develop before a baby is born and continue to develop during the critical period of development. It was once thought that because infants’ nociceptive pathways in the brain were still developing, they could not feel pain. However, infants can feel pain and infant surgeries providing early pain experiences can alter the brain’s tolerance for pain later so by increasing number of A fibers and C fibers—two types of pain receptors—located in the area where injury occurred and by reducing pain tolerance in the areas where incision has occurred. This reduction in pain tolerance is seen in male rats even when they are adolescents. In those rats, the area of their brain where an incision was made as an infant remains hypersensitive to pain thereafter. This effect was not seen as prominently in female rats. Association and disassociation Association and disassociation are two cognitive strategies have been found to increase pain tolerance. Conditioning It is widely believed that regular exposure to painful stimuli will increase pain tolerance, increasing the ability of the individual to handle pain by becoming more conditioned to it. However, in some cases, there is evidence to support the theory that greater exposure to pain will result in more painful future exposures. Repeated exposure bombards pain synapses with repetitive input, increasing their responsiveness to later stimuli, through a process similar to learning. Therefore, although the individual may learn cognitive methods of coping with pain, such methods may not be sufficient to cope with the boosted response to future painful stimuli. A mouse model study on the role of protein kinase C gamma (PRKCG) in pain sensitization found that mice lacking the protein also lacked the neuropathic pain sensitization seen in normal animals. Thus, trauma victims (or patients in pain) are given painkillers (such as morphine) as soon as possible to prevent pain sensitization. Kalat suggests that morphine should be taken before surgery; "People who begin taking morphine before surgery need less of it afterward."

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/PH_postcode_area"}

Postcode area within the United Kingdom Postcode district boundaries: Template:Attached KML/PH postcode area KML is from Wikidata United Kingdom postcode area The PH postcode area, also known as the Perth postcode area, is a group of 43 postcode districts for post towns: Aberfeldy, Acharacle, Arisaig, Auchterarder, Aviemore, Ballachulish, Blairgowrie, Boat of Garten, Carrbridge, Corrour, Crieff, Dalwhinnie, Dunkeld, Fort Augustus, Fort William, Glenfinnan, Grantown-on-Spey, Invergarry, Isle of Canna, Isle of Eigg, Isle of Rum, Kingussie, Kinlochleven, Lochailort, Mallaig, Nethy Bridge, Newtonmore, Perth, Pitlochry, Roy Bridge and Spean Bridge in Scotland. Coverage The approximate coverage of the postcode districts: Ballachulish and Kinlochleven were originally in the PA area as PA39 and PA40 respectively, before being transferred to the PH area in 1999. Map KML file (edit • help) Template:Attached KML/PH postcode area KML is from Wikidata

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oda%C3%AFr_Fortes"}

Cape Verdean footballer This name uses Portuguese naming customs. The first or maternal family name is Lopes and the second or paternal family name is Fortes. Odaïr Júnior Lopes Fortes (born 31 March 1987) is a Cape Verdean professional footballer who plays as a winger for Régional 1 club Reims Saint-Anne and the Cape Verde national team. Career Fortes was born in Praia to four brothers and sisters, he immigrated to the neighbourhood of Moulin-Vert in Vitry-sur-Seine in the Paris area in 2004. His first French club was UJA Alfortville where he spent three seasons first in the Paris-Île-de-France Division d'Honneur in 2007 and then CFA2 in 2008 he moved to Stade de Reims, in his first season, he played 23 matches in Ligue 2 and the club was relegated to the National level. In the 2009–10 season, he scored two goals in the first seven matches and Reims finished 2nd and returned to Ligue 2 in the following season, the club finished second in the 2011–12 season and participated into Ligue 1. On 13 September 2017, Fortes signed for Indian Super League franchise NorthEast United. Managing to get only two starts in the team, he remained out of touch and was on the bench for most of the season. He was released by the club in the winter transfer window. On 29 October 2019, Reims Sainte-Anne confirmed that Fortes had joined the Régional 1 club. International career He represented the national team at 2015 Africa Cup of Nations. International goals Score and Result list Cape Verde's goal tally first

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2019%E2%80%9320_Biathlon_World_Cup_%E2%80%93_Mass_start_Women"}

The 2019–20 Biathlon World Cup – Mass start Women started on 22 December 2019 in Le Grand-Bornand and was finish on 8 March 2020 in Nové Město. The defending champion is Hanna Öberg of Sweden. Competition format In the mass start, all biathletes start at the same time and the first across the finish line wins. In this 12.5 kilometres (7.8 mi) competition, the distance is skied over five laps; there are four bouts of shooting (two prone and two standing, in that order) with the first shooting bout being at the lane corresponding to the competitor's bib number (bib #10 shoots at lane #10 regardless of position in race), with the rest of the shooting bouts being on a first-come, first-served basis (if a competitor arrives at the lane in fifth place, they shoot at lane 5). As in the sprint and pursuit, competitors must ski one 150 metres (490 ft) penalty loop for each miss. Here again, to avoid unwanted congestion, World Cup Mass starts are held with only the 30 top ranking athletes on the start line (half that of the pursuit) as here all contestants start simultaneously. 2018–19 Top 3 standings Medal winners Standings

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Species of millipede Bandeirenica caboverda, locally known in Cape Verde as "mil-pés" (Portuguese for "thousand-feet"), is a species of millipedes of the family Odontopygidae. It is endemic to Cape Verde, where it occurs in the islands of Santo Antão and São Vicente. First described in 1987 as Spinotarsus caboverdus, it was placed in the genus Bandeirenica in 2000. The animal is a pest on Santo Antão, where it damages food crops such as potato, sweet potato, papaya and mango. The Cape Verde government issued a prohibition on the exportation of many of the island's products to the other islands.

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Que_Suenen_los_Tambores"}

2015 studio album by Víctor Manuelle Que Suenen los Tambores (English: Let the Drums Sound) is the sixteenth studio album by Puerto Rican singer and songwriter Víctor Manuelle, released on April 21, 2015, through Kiyavi Corp. and Sony Music Latin. It was produced by Arbise "Motiff" Gonzalez, and features a collaboration with Puerto Rican singer Raquel Sofía in one of the bonus tracks. At the 16th Annual Latin Grammy Awards, the album was nominated for Best Salsa Music while "Agua Bendita" was nominated for Best Tropical Song. The album was also nominated for Best Tropical Latin Album at the 58th Annual Grammy Awards and won Tropical Album of the Year at the 2016 Latin Billboard Music Awards. The album peaked at numbers 167 and 2 at the Billboard 200 and Top Latin Albums chart, respectively, it also topped the Tropical Albums chart, being Manuelle's eleventh number-one album in the list. Additionally, the album was certified gold in United States. Background The album consists of thirteen tracks plus two pop versions of two songs from the album as bonus tracks, it includes songs written by Manuelle himself, like "Algo Le Pasa a Mi Héroe (Canción a Mi Papá)" ("Something Happens to My Hero (Song to My Father)"), dedicated to his father who was diagnosed with Alzheimer's disease in 2006, as well as songs written by other composers like the title track, written by Osmany Ernesto Espinosa Morales and first released by Cuban singer Laritza Bacallao. Mainly a salsa album, it also incorporates sounds from urban music and vallenato, Manuelle said that with the album he wanted to "renovate a little the style of my salsa" to appeal to younger audiences, he also said that "the result was incredible, very energetic, without losing the essence of what salsa is". Singles The album spawned four singles, the title track was released as the first single on October 7, 2014, followed by "Agua Bendita" on February 24, 2015, and "Algo Le Pasa a Mi Héroe (Canción a Mi Papá)" on March 24, 2015, the two bonus tracks were later released as the fourth and fifth singles, "Agua Bendita (Versión Pop)" on May 4, 2015 and "No Quería Engañarte" on August 14, 2015. The first single "Que Suenen los Tambores" peaked at number 11 at the Hot Latin Songs chart, while "Agua Bendita" and "No Quería Engañarte" peaked at numbers 26 and 23, respectively. Additionally, "Que Suenen los Tambores", "Agua Bendita" and "No Quería Engañarte" topped the Tropical Airplay chart. Critical reception Thom Jurek from AllMusic gave the album four out of five stars, he wrote that "when taken together, all 13 tracks on Que Suenen los Tambores offer an ambitious, dizzying statement that combines everything the singer does best with wide-ranging ambition as he experiments with many rhythmic styles", he finished the review calling the album "one of the sharpest and most focused records of his career". Track listing Credits Musicians Technical Charts Certifications

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/215th_Brigade_(United_Kingdom)"}

Military unit 215th Brigade was a Home Service formation of the British Army during the First and the Second World Wars. First World War The 215th Brigade was part of the 72nd Division, a Home Service division raised in late 1916. It had the dual role of training men for overseas drafts and providing forces for home defence. The brigade was previously known as the 8th Provisional Brigade. The brigade was commanded from 1 November 1916 to 17 January 1918 by Brigadier-General P.W.Hendry. On 21 December 1917 orders were issued to break up 72nd Division. Disbandment began in January 1918 and its last elements dispersed on 8 April 1918. Order of Battle The following infantry battalions served in brigade: Second World War Formation and Service A new brigade was formed under the title of 215th Independent Infantry Brigade (Home), for service in the United Kingdom, on 10 October 1940 when the No 15 Infantry Training Group was redesignated. It was composed of newly raised infantry battalions. Home brigades had a purely static defence role. The brigade briefly served under 59th (Staffordshire) Infantry Division (10 February–16 March 1941) and then became an integral part of the new Durham and North Riding County Division. The county division ceased to function on 1 December 1941, and the brigade headquarters was disbanded on 22 December 1941. Order of Battle The composition of 215th Brigade: Commanders The following officers commanded 215th Bde during: External sources

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French painter Nicolas Robert (18 April 1614 – 25 March 1685) was a French miniaturist and engraver. He was born in Langres and died in Paris. In 1664 he was appointed as "peintre ordinaire de Sa Majesté pur la miniature" (Painter of Miniatures) to Louis XIV. Works Blunt highlights Robert's main works as follows: Other works include: Colleagues Robert worked with the following people:

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Byju%27s"}

Indian multinational educational technology company Byju's (stylised as BYJU'S) is an Indian multinational educational technology company, headquartered in Bangalore, Karnataka, India. It was founded in 2011 by Byju Raveendran and Divya Gokulnath. As of March 2022[update], Byju's is valued at US$22 billion and the company claims to have over 115 million registered students. History Byju's app was developed by Think and Learn Pvt. Ltd, a company which was established by Byju Raveendran, Divya Gokulnath and a group of students in 2011. Byju, an engineer by profession was coaching students in mathematics since 2006. In initial days the company focused on offering online video-based learning programs for the K-12 segment and for competitive exams. In 2012, the firm entered Deloitte Technology Fast 50 India and Deloitte Technology Fast 500 Asia Pacific ratings and has been present there ever since. In August 2015, the firm launched Byju's: The Learning App. In 2017, they launched Byju's Math App for kids and Byju's Parent Connect app. By 2018, it had 15 million users out of which 900,000 were paid users at that time. In the same year, Byju's became India’s first edtech unicorn. By 2019, 60% of BYJU’S students were from non-metros and rural cities. In January 2022, the company joined Simplilearn, Unacademy, upGrad, PrepInsta Prime and Vedantu to become one of the founding members of IAMAI's India EdTech Consortium. In March 2022, it signed a contract with Qatar Investment Authority to establish a new edtech company and a R&D centre in Doha. In August 2022, Bloomberg News reported that the Ministry of Corporate Affairs sent a letter to Byju's asking them to explain the non-filing of its audited financials for the year ending March 2021. Having missed the deadline by over 17 months, Byju's reasoned the delay was due to the challenge of consolidating the accounts of its acquisitions during that year. In spite of the delay, Deloitte gave the company a clean audit. In November 2022, many employees of Byju's came out to speak against the company's unfair treatment. Reportedly, Byju's sacked over 5,000 employees. Products and services Byju's is an education tutoring app that runs on a freemium model, with free access to content limited for 15 days after the registration. It was launched in August 2015, offering educational content for students from classes 4 to 12 and in 2019 an early learning program has started for classes 1 to 3. It also trains students for examinations in India such as IIT-JEE, NEET, CAT, IAS, and international examinations such as GRE and GMAT. Academic subjects and concepts are explained with 12-20 minute digital animation videos and through which students learn in a self-paced mode. Byju's reports to have 40 million users overall, 3 million annual paid subscribers and an annual retention rate of about 85%. In October 2018, the app expanded to the United Kingdom, United States and other English-speaking countries. In 2019, the company announced that it would launch its app in regional Indian languages. It also planned to launch an international version of the app for English-speaking students in other countries. And to cater students of kindergarten, Byju's launched new programs in its Early Learn App. In April 2021, the company also announced the launch of "Byju's Future School" to be led by WhiteHat Jr Founder Karan Bajaj. The Future School aims to cross the bridge from passive to active learning with an interactive learning platform blended with coding and other subjects like Math, Science, English, Music and Fine arts through storytelling. Byju's will launch the Future School in the United States, United Kingdom, Australia, Brazil, Indonesia and Mexico in May. Karan Bajaj quit WhitHat Jr a year after the acquisition. The company is focusing on adopting a hybrid model of teaching and learning by launching 500 tuition centers across 200 cities in India. As of February 2022, 80 centers are already launched. Acquisitions In July 2017, Think and Learn acquired TutorVista (including Edurite) from Pearson. In January 2019, Byju's acquired American-based Osmo, a maker of educational games for children aged 3–8 years for US$120 million. Byju's also acquired Indian startup WhiteHat Jr for US$300 million. In September 2020, Byju's acquires virtual labs simulation startup LabInApp. In February 2021, Byju's acquires Mumbai-based doubt clearing platform Scholr. In April 2021, Byju's acquired test prep firm Aakash Educational Services Ltd. in an estimated US$950 million cash and stock deal. Aakash's founders and Blackstone Group will receive minority stakes in Byju's as part of the deal. In July 2021, Byju's acquired American-based kids learning platform Epic! in a US$500 million cash-and-stock deal. The Epic acquisition was part of Byju's foray into the overseas market, from where it expects annual revenue of US$300 million per financial year. In July 2021, Byju's acquired Singapore-based higher education platform Great Learning at a cost of US$600 million and after-school learning app Toppr. In September 2021, Byju's acquired two startups including online test preparation platform Gradeup for an undisclosed price and rebranded it to BYJU’S Exam Prep and American based coding platform Tynker for US$200 million. In December 2021, Byju’s acquired GeoGebra in a US$100 million cash-and-stock deal. Till date, Byju's invested at least $2.8 billion on a dozen acquisitions in an apparent attempt to expand beyond the original learning app and thread together its services that will allow it to reach learners of all ages. For example, it has ventured into exam preparation, higher education MOOCs, and tuition centers. In addition, it has acquired several additional platforms that offer virtual reality, artificial intelligence, and educational gaming services, most of which occurred in 2021. Funding and financials Byju's received seed funding from Aarin Capital in 2013. As of 2019, Byju's had secured nearly $785 million in funding from investors, including Sequoia Capital India, Chan Zuckerberg Initiative (CZI), Tencent, Sofina, Lightspeed Venture Partners, Qatar Investment Authority, Verlinvest, IFC, Napsters Ventures, CPPIB and General Atlantic. Byju's was the first company in Asia to receive an investment from Chan-Zuckerberg Initiative (co-funded by Meta Platforms co founder, chairman and CEO Mark Zuckerberg and Priscilla Chan). As per the company filings with the Ministry of Corporate Affairs, Byju's became a unicorn and was valued at ₹6,505 crore ($1 billion) as of March 2018. In June 2020, Byju's attained the decacorn status with an investment by Mary Meeker's Bond Capital. In March 2022 Byju's raised $800 million, reaching a valuation of $22 billion. In September 2020, Byju's replaced Oppo as the title sponsor of the India national cricket team. Byju's operates roughly on a premium business model where a paid subscription is required for most of the content. In 2017, Byju's generated revenues of about ₹260 crore (US$40 million or €33 million) and doubled it in 2018 financial year, earning ₹520 crore. In June 2020, with the investment of Bond, a global technology investment firm, Byju's became decacorn at US$10.5 billion valuations. In November 2020, Byju's became the title sponsor of the Indian Super League club Kerala Blasters FC replacing Muthoot Group. In November 2020, Byju's raised US$200 million in a fresh funding round led by BlackRock and T. Rowe Price at a valuation of $12 billion. In March 2021, Byju's secured $460m in a series F funding round. In April 2021, B Capital, Baron Funds, and XN invested $1 billion in Byju's. In June 2021, Byju's raised $50 million in a Series F round from IIFL's private equity fund and Maitri Edtech. In October 2021, Byju's raised $296 million as a part of its Series F round from Oxshott Venture Fund, Edelweiss Group, Verition Fund, XN Exponent Holdings, and MarketX Ventures. In March 2022, the company raised $800 million from Byju Raveendran, Sumeru Ventures, Vitruvian Partners, and BlackRock. In March 2022, Byju's was named as one of the official sponsors of the 2022 FIFA World Cup. Philanthropy In September 2020, Byju's launched the “Education for All” Initiative for kids from marginalized populations. Among the several initiatives launched under Education for All, Byju's Give was launched in November 2020, under which the company collects old or unused smart devices for refurbishing purposes and then loads them up with Byju's content for free and distribute to those children who have no access to the internet. Sports sponsorships In July 2019, Byju's won the sponsorship rights for the Indian cricket team jersey. In November 2020, Byju's replaced the Muthoot Group to become the title sponsor of the Indian Super League club Kerala Blasters FC. In March 2022, Byju's was announced as an official sponsor of the FIFA World Cup Qatar 2022. Criticism Libel suits Byju's was criticized for charging fees that only the rich can afford. Former salespeople say the company pushes its products on parents who cannot afford them. Byju's filed a ₹20 crore defamation suit against critic Pradeep Poonia. They later withdrew the lawsuit. Advertising and sales practices Byju's subsidiary WhiteHat Jr. was asked to remove their five TV advertisements by the Advertising Standards Council of India (ASCI) due to misleading advertisements and hard sales tactics. WhiteHat Jr. claimed that a child named "Wolf Gupta" bagged job offers worth crores in multiple social media advertisements. This child was often described to be between the ages of 6 to 14 years. Investigations later revealed that this was all fabricated and Mr."Gupta" is a work of fiction. The company had filed a ₹20,000,000 (US$250,000) defamation suit against Pradeep Punia in November 2020, a software engineer, who alleged that the company made false claims and hired incompetent teachers. It was later withdrawn. It has also been the subject of a data leak, where the personal information of over 200,000 users was exposed. The Department of Consumer Affairs voiced concerns on June 24, 2022, at India Edtech Consortium (IEC) meeting regarding aggressive sales practices and deceptive marketing strategies utilized by EdTech companies, particularly Byju's and the entities that make up its group. DCA advised Byju's to work closely with the ASCI based on the complaints against it. According to the reports, Byju's team has pledged to resolve these grievances with a detailed action plan. Accounting practices Previously, BYJU's used a different revenue recognition practice, which they had to change and obtain approval in accordance with Indian Accounting Standards (Ind-AS) 115 guidelines. For example, revenue expected in one fiscal year for a multi-year charge cannot be considered as revenue in that year alone. This discrepancy was eventually flagged by the auditor and a change was sought by the latter. As of September 2022, BYJU's began recognising streaming revenue across the term of usage, which was previously recognised fully upon the start of the contract. These new accounting standards have resulted in a reduction in the amount of income that Byju's is able to book in advance. Also, in the past, BYJU's used its funding capital to acquire both domestic and overseas businesses and group them under its brand. And, lately investors voiced scepticism regarding this very plan to rapidly deploy capital in order to grow internationally. Awards and nominations

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Colonel Leonard McBury is a North Carolina colonial militia officer who took part in early explorations of present-day Tennessee during the late 18th century.

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{"document_url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Miss_Earth_Canada"}

Miss Earth Canada is a beauty pageant held annually in search of the most beautiful and environmental-friendly woman in Canada. It is the official preliminary to the Miss Earth pageant. The winners are chosen based on physical attributes and skills in speaking in public on environmental matters. History 2001–2002: Early years Canada was first represented by Michelle Carrie Lillian Weswaldi in the first edition of the Miss Earth pageant, Miss Earth 2001. In 2002, Canada was represented by Melanie Grace Bennett, of Vancouver, BC. Mixed ethnicity, Melanie is half Caucasian & Half Filipina. 2003–2018: Rosotro Productions In 2003 the Miss Earth Canada franchise was obtained by Rosotro Productions owned by Ronaldo Soriano Trono, and since 2004, a national contest in Montreal has been held each autumn to determine the winner. Several winners have held awards in the international Miss Earth pageant. Filipino-Canadian beauty, Riza Santos (Miss Earth Canada 2006) was voted Miss Photogenic and Miss Fontana at the Miss Earth 2006 competition and went on to be a host and star in various movies and television shows in the Philippines. Denise Garrido (Miss Earth Canada 2008) won the "Miss Earth Puerto Princesa" title during a pre-pageant swimsuit competition of Miss Earth 2008 held at the Puerto Princesa Subterranean River National Park. Katherine McClure (Miss Earth Canada 2005) of Toronto was Miss Earth Congeniality in the Miss Earth 2005.Tanya Munizaga (Miss Earth Canada 2004) was Miss Earth Talent at the Miss Earth 2004. The Miss Earth Canada pageant produced one winner in the international Miss Earth pageant when Jessica Trisko won the Miss Earth 2007 crown. Trisko became the first Canadian to win the Miss Earth title and spent her reign promoting environmental issues. Aside from Canada and the Philippines, she had the chance to travel during her reign to many countries like China, Puerto Rico, and Singapore. She also travelled multiple times to Indonesia, United States and Vietnam to meet world environmental leaders and to promote environmental awareness and preservation of the mother earth. 2020-present: Miss World Canada Organization In 2020, Miss World Canada Organization acquired the rights to send a delegate to Miss Earth by the organization's president, Michelle Weswaldi. The organization appointed Denise Gloren Guelos. Laura Pastor, Miss World Canada 4th Runner up was appointed to be the delegate for 2021 but withdrew and replaced by Alice Li. Titleholders Color key The main winner of Miss Earth Canada represents her country at Miss Earth pageant.

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Irish-bred Thoroughbred racehorse Indian Lodge (20 April 1996 – ca. 2006) was an Irish-bred, British-trained Thoroughbred racehorse and sire. He failed to win as a two-year-old in 1998 but made steady progress in the following year, taking two minor races in spring and ending the season with victories in the Joel Stakes and Darley Stakes. He reached his peak as a four-year-old in 2000 when he won the Earl of Sefton Stakes, Sandown Mile, Prix du Moulin and Prix de la Forêt. He had little success as a breeding stallion. Background Indian Lodge was a bay or brown horse bred in County Kilkenny, Ireland by Roy and Belinda Strudwick. He was bought as a foal by Eric Parker. As a yearling in 1997 he was consigned by Parker's Crimbourne Stud to the Tattersalls Houghton sale and was bought back for 40,000 guineas by the bloodstock agency BBA (England), which was acting on Parker's behalf. The colt entered the ownership of Seymour Cohn although Parker retained a substantial interest. He was sent into training with Amanda Perrett at Pulborough, West Sussex. He was sired from the first crop of foals sired by Grand Lodge the winner of the Dewhurst Stakes and the St. James's Palace Stakes. His other foals included Sinndar, Grandera, Shogun Lodge and Queen's Logic. Indian Lodge's dam Repetitious was a high-class sprinter who recorded her biggest win in the Stewards' Cup. She was a great-granddaughter of the British broodmare Nearly, whose other descendants have included Derring-Do, Doyoun, Alexandrova and Rekindling. Indian Lodge was at his best on soft or heavy ground and was described as a "mud lover". Racing career 1998: two-year-old season Indian Lodge was ridden in all three of his races a juvenile by Seb Sanders. On his racecourse debut he started at odds of 14/1 for a maiden race over seven furlongs at Leicester Racecourse on 8 September and finished third behind Culzean and Lover's Leap, beaten six lengths by the winner. Three weeks later he came home eighth of the twenty-six runners in a sales race over the same distance at Newmarket Racecourse. On his final run of the year he finished sixth behind Dubai Millennium in an eighteen-runner maiden race at Yarmouth Racecourse. 1999: three-year-old season On his three-year-old debut the Indian Lodge was partnered by Michael Roberts in a maiden, over a mile at Newbury Racecourse on 14 May and recorded his first success as he won by six lengths from the Queen's colt Daytime. With Roberts in the saddle he followed up at Yarmouth twelve days later, starting the 9/4 second favourite and winning "comfortably" by a neck from Zarfoot. In the summer of 1999 Indian Lodge was campaigned in handicap races. He finished sixth in the Britannia Stakes at Royal Ascot in June and third in a more valuable event when matched against older horses at Goodwood Racecourse in July. He was dropped back to seven furlongs at Ascot on 7 August but ran moderately and came home fourteenth of the twenty-seven runners. On 11 September Indian Lodge ran second to the Barry Hills-trained Calcutta in a handicap at Doncaster Racecourse. At the end of the month the colt was stepped up in class for the Listed Joel Stakes at Newmarket and started at odds of 7/1 in a thirteen-runner field. Ridden by Roberts he took the lead approaching the final furlong and kept on well to win by half a length. Kieren Fallon took the ride when Indian Lodge started at 9/2 for the Darley Stakes over eight and a half furlongs at the same track on 15 October. After looking outpaced in the last quarter mile he rallied strongly, caught the leader Maidaan on the line, and won by a head. 2000: four-year-old season Indian Lodge began his third campaign in the Group 3 Earl of Sefton Stakes over nine furlongs at Newmarket on 19 April with the ride going to Mick Kinane. Shiva started favourite ahead of Bomb Alaska (Ben Marshall Stakes) and Mujahid with Indian Lodge the 10/1 fourth choice in the betting. He raced close to the leaders from the start, gained the advantage is the last quarter mile, went clear of his opponent, and won by two and a half lengths. Nine days later the colt was dropped in distance but moved up in class for the Group 2 Sandown Mile and started the 9/4 favourite in a six-runner field which also included Handsome Ridge (the winner of the race in 1998), Almushtarak (winner in 1999), Trans Island (Prix du Rond Point), Mujahid and Warningford (Leicestershire Stakes). Ridden by Kinane he raced in second place before taking the lead a quarter mile from the finish and won "readily" by two lengths and a neck from Trans Island and Almushtarak. In May he stepped up to Group 1 class for the Lockinge Stakes at Newbury and finished third of the seven runners behind Aljabr and Trans Island. In the Queen Anne Stakes at Royal Ascot in June he finished seventh of the eleven runners behind Kalanisi, fading badly in the closing stages after being in contention until the last quarter mile. After a two and a half month break, Indian Lodge returned to the track in France and started at odds of 11.3/1 for the Prix du Moulin over 1600 metres at Longchamp Racecourse on 3 September in which seven opponents included Dansili, Diktat and Fly to the Stars. Ridden by Cash Asmussen he raced in second place behind Fly to the Stars before taking the lead 200 metres from the finish and keeping on strongly to win by two lengths from Kingsalsa. At Ascot three weeks later the colt started second favourite for the Queen Elizabeth II Stakes but never looked likely to win and came home seventh of the twelve runner behind Observatory. On 15 October Indian Lodge returned to Longchamp on 15 October for the Prix de la Forêt over 1400 metres in which he was partnered by the veteran Pat Eddery. He started the 3.6/1 second choice in the betting behind Dansili in an eleven-runner field which also included Zarkiya (Prix de Sandringham), Touch of the Blues (Critérium de Maisons-Laffitte),Tran Island, Danzigaway (Prix Perth) and Sugarfoot (Park Stakes). Indian Lodge exited the final turn in third place, took the lead 200 metres from the finish and accelerated away from the field to win by two and a half lengths from Dansili. Amanda Perrett commented "Seven furlongs is probably short of his best. However, with conditions right for him today everything has gone perfectly". For his final race, Indian Lodge was sent to the United States to contest the Breeders' Cup Mile at Churchill Downs on 4 November in which he finished unplaced behind War Chant. In the 2000 International Classification (the forerunner of the World Thoroughbred Racehorse Rankings) Indian Lodge was given a rating of 123, making him the 21st best racehorse in the world. Stud record After his retirement from racing Indian Lodge became a breeding stallion at the Rathbarry Stud in Ireland. He later stood in Sweden and Chile before moving to the Hedgeholme Stud in England. He sired many minor winners but top-class performers. His last foals were born in 2007. Pedigree

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