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Some things are more important than football, and Leah Still is doing something that's much harder than anything that can be done on a football field. Former Cincinnati Bengals defensive lineman Devon Still announced on Instagram that his daughter Leah is cancer-free. Leah Still, 5, was diagnosed with cancer in June 2014 and given a 50-50 chance to live. The Bengals kept Still on their practice squad after cutting him last year, according to SI.com, and he eventually made the active roster and appeared in 12 games. Still again was cut in September and is currently a free agent, but he'll take Leah kicking cancer over signing with a team any day. More from The Sports Daily:

cincinnati bengals defensive lineman devon still announced on instagram that his daughter leah is cancer-free . leah still , 5 , was diagnosed with cancer in june 2014 and given a 50-50 chance to live . he bengals kept still on their practice squad after cutting him the appeared in 12 games . still again was cut in september and is currently a free agent , but he 'll take leah kicking cancer over signing with a team any day . more from the

Some things are more important than football, and Leah Still is doing something that's much harder than anything that can be done on a football field. Former Cincinnati Bengals defensive lineman Devon Still announced on Instagram that his daughter Leah is cancer-free. Leah Still, 5, was diagnosed with cancer in June 2014 and given a 50-50 chance to live. The Bengals kept Still on their practice squad after cutting him last year, according to SI.com, and he eventually made the active roster and appeared in 12 games. Still again was cut in September and is currently a free agent, but he'll take Leah kicking cancer over signing with a team any day. More from The Sports Daily:

some things are more important than football , and leah still is doing something that 's much harder than anything that can be done on a football field . still again was cut in .

Some things are more important than football, and Leah Still is doing something that's much harder than anything that can be done on a football field. Former Cincinnati Bengals defensive lineman Devon Still announced on Instagram that his daughter Leah is cancer-free. Leah Still, 5, was diagnosed with cancer in June 2014 and given a 50-50 chance to live. The Bengals kept Still on their practice squad after cutting him last year, according to SI.com, and he eventually made the active roster and appeared in 12 games. Still again was cut in September and is currently a free agent, but he'll take Leah kicking cancer over signing with a team any day. More from The Sports Daily:

some things are more important than football , and leah still is doing something that 's much harder than anything that can be done on a football field defensive lineman devon still announced on instagram that his daughter leah is cancer-free 5 , was diagnosed with cancer in june 2014 and given a 50-50 chance to live cincinnati bengals defensive lineman devon still announced the active roster and appeared in september and is currently a free agent , but he 'll take leah kicking still on their practice squad after cutting him last year , according to si.com , and he eventually made a team any day was cut on a football field .

Jacksonville, Ark., police arrested reality TV stars Joshua Rendon and Ebony Jackson-Rendon this week after police found their filthy home contained drug paraphernalia and synthetic marijuana. The state took custody of the couple's young child. The 19-year-olds, who currently live at the Little Rock Air Force base, appeared on the first season of MTV's "16 and Pregnant" in a plot line that included Joshua Rendon enlisting in the Air Force. Mug shots of Ebony Jackson-Rendon and Joshua Rendon provided by Jacksonville, Ark., Police Department. When the police executed a search warrant of the Rendons' home Tuesday, detectives described its condition as "deplorable. According to the police report, "Every room inside the residence had human and dog feces on the floors, walls and clothing." The house was full of flies and maggots, the police report stated. Photos show dirty diapers, cigarette buds and trash littering filthy carpets in the couple's home. Amid the filth was the couple's 2-year-old daughter. The Arkansas Department of Human Services stepped in and took custody of the toddler. The teen parents face felony charges of maintaining a drug premises and making unauthorized use of another's property to abet a crime. They face misdemeanor charges of endangering the welfare of a minor, possession of drug paraphernalia and possession of a controlled substance. The two were released from jail on an $8,000 bond, but it's not known if they have regained custody of their daughter, ABC Affiliate KATV reported. Military officials won't comment on whether Joshua Rendon will be disciplined, according to KATV's report. The couple is scheduled to appear in court Oct. 6.

Jacksonville , Ark. , police arrested reality TV stars Joshua Rendon and Ebony Jackson - Rendon this week after police found their filthy home contained drug paraphernalia and synthetic marijuana . The state took custody of the couple 's young child .

Jacksonville, Ark., police arrested reality TV stars Joshua Rendon and Ebony Jackson-Rendon this week after police found their filthy home contained drug paraphernalia and synthetic marijuana. The state took custody of the couple's young child. The 19-year-olds, who currently live at the Little Rock Air Force base, appeared on the first season of MTV's "16 and Pregnant" in a plot line that included Joshua Rendon enlisting in the Air Force. Mug shots of Ebony Jackson-Rendon and Joshua Rendon provided by Jacksonville, Ark., Police Department. When the police executed a search warrant of the Rendons' home Tuesday, detectives described its condition as "deplorable. According to the police report, "Every room inside the residence had human and dog feces on the floors, walls and clothing." The house was full of flies and maggots, the police report stated. Photos show dirty diapers, cigarette buds and trash littering filthy carpets in the couple's home. Amid the filth was the couple's 2-year-old daughter. The Arkansas Department of Human Services stepped in and took custody of the toddler. The teen parents face felony charges of maintaining a drug premises and making unauthorized use of another's property to abet a crime. They face misdemeanor charges of endangering the welfare of a minor, possession of drug paraphernalia and possession of a controlled substance. The two were released from jail on an $8,000 bond, but it's not known if they have regained custody of their daughter, ABC Affiliate KATV reported. Military officials won't comment on whether Joshua Rendon will be disciplined, according to KATV's report. The couple is scheduled to appear in court Oct. 6.

Jacksonville , Ark. , police arrested reality TV stars Joshua Rendon and Ebony Jackson - Rendon this week after police found their filthy home contained drug paraphernalia and synthetic marijuana . The state took custody of the couple 's young child . The 19-year - olds , who currently live at the Little Rock Air Force base , appeared on the first season of MTV 's '' 16 and Pregnant '' in a plot line that included Joshua Rendon enlisting in the Air Force . Mug shots of Ebony Jackson - Rendon and Joshua Rendon provided by Jacksonville , Ark. , Police Department . When the police executed a search warrant of the Rendons ' home Tuesday , detectives described its condition as '' deplorable . According to the police report , '' Every

Jacksonville, Ark., police arrested reality TV stars Joshua Rendon and Ebony Jackson-Rendon this week after police found their filthy home contained drug paraphernalia and synthetic marijuana. The state took custody of the couple's young child. The 19-year-olds, who currently live at the Little Rock Air Force base, appeared on the first season of MTV's "16 and Pregnant" in a plot line that included Joshua Rendon enlisting in the Air Force. Mug shots of Ebony Jackson-Rendon and Joshua Rendon provided by Jacksonville, Ark., Police Department. When the police executed a search warrant of the Rendons' home Tuesday, detectives described its condition as "deplorable. According to the police report, "Every room inside the residence had human and dog feces on the floors, walls and clothing." The house was full of flies and maggots, the police report stated. Photos show dirty diapers, cigarette buds and trash littering filthy carpets in the couple's home. Amid the filth was the couple's 2-year-old daughter. The Arkansas Department of Human Services stepped in and took custody of the toddler. The teen parents face felony charges of maintaining a drug premises and making unauthorized use of another's property to abet a crime. They face misdemeanor charges of endangering the welfare of a minor, possession of drug paraphernalia and possession of a controlled substance. The two were released from jail on an $8,000 bond, but it's not known if they have regained custody of their daughter, ABC Affiliate KATV reported. Military officials won't comment on whether Joshua Rendon will be disciplined, according to KATV's report. The couple is scheduled to appear in court Oct. 6.

, police arrested reality TV stars Joshua Rendon and Ebony Jackson - Rendon this week after police found their filthy home contained drug paraphernalia and synthetic marijuana . The state took custody of the couple 's young child . Mug shots of Ebony Jackson - Rendon and Joshua Rendon provided by Jacksonville , Ark.

Jacksonville, Ark., police arrested reality TV stars Joshua Rendon and Ebony Jackson-Rendon this week after police found their filthy home contained drug paraphernalia and synthetic marijuana. The state took custody of the couple's young child. The 19-year-olds, who currently live at the Little Rock Air Force base, appeared on the first season of MTV's "16 and Pregnant" in a plot line that included Joshua Rendon enlisting in the Air Force. Mug shots of Ebony Jackson-Rendon and Joshua Rendon provided by Jacksonville, Ark., Police Department. When the police executed a search warrant of the Rendons' home Tuesday, detectives described its condition as "deplorable. According to the police report, "Every room inside the residence had human and dog feces on the floors, walls and clothing." The house was full of flies and maggots, the police report stated. Photos show dirty diapers, cigarette buds and trash littering filthy carpets in the couple's home. Amid the filth was the couple's 2-year-old daughter. The Arkansas Department of Human Services stepped in and took custody of the toddler. The teen parents face felony charges of maintaining a drug premises and making unauthorized use of another's property to abet a crime. They face misdemeanor charges of endangering the welfare of a minor, possession of drug paraphernalia and possession of a controlled substance. The two were released from jail on an $8,000 bond, but it's not known if they have regained custody of their daughter, ABC Affiliate KATV reported. Military officials won't comment on whether Joshua Rendon will be disciplined, according to KATV's report. The couple is scheduled to appear in court Oct. 6.

collection of all usatoday.com coverage of war of chenda , including articles , videos , photos , and quotes . and videos .

Jacksonville, Ark., police arrested reality TV stars Joshua Rendon and Ebony Jackson-Rendon this week after police found their filthy home contained drug paraphernalia and synthetic marijuana. The state took custody of the couple's young child. The 19-year-olds, who currently live at the Little Rock Air Force base, appeared on the first season of MTV's "16 and Pregnant" in a plot line that included Joshua Rendon enlisting in the Air Force. Mug shots of Ebony Jackson-Rendon and Joshua Rendon provided by Jacksonville, Ark., Police Department. When the police executed a search warrant of the Rendons' home Tuesday, detectives described its condition as "deplorable. According to the police report, "Every room inside the residence had human and dog feces on the floors, walls and clothing." The house was full of flies and maggots, the police report stated. Photos show dirty diapers, cigarette buds and trash littering filthy carpets in the couple's home. Amid the filth was the couple's 2-year-old daughter. The Arkansas Department of Human Services stepped in and took custody of the toddler. The teen parents face felony charges of maintaining a drug premises and making unauthorized use of another's property to abet a crime. They face misdemeanor charges of endangering the welfare of a minor, possession of drug paraphernalia and possession of a controlled substance. The two were released from jail on an $8,000 bond, but it's not known if they have regained custody of their daughter, ABC Affiliate KATV reported. Military officials won't comment on whether Joshua Rendon will be disciplined, according to KATV's report. The couple is scheduled to appear in court Oct. 6.

stars joshua rendon 16 and pregnant '' in a however, their filthy home contained drug paraphernalia and synthetic marijuana . amid the couple 's young child . mug shots of ebony jackson-rendon and joshua rendon provided by jacksonville , ark. , police department . when 17 to katv 's report . they face misdemeanor charges of endangering the

Jacksonville, Ark., police arrested reality TV stars Joshua Rendon and Ebony Jackson-Rendon this week after police found their filthy home contained drug paraphernalia and synthetic marijuana. The state took custody of the couple's young child. The 19-year-olds, who currently live at the Little Rock Air Force base, appeared on the first season of MTV's "16 and Pregnant" in a plot line that included Joshua Rendon enlisting in the Air Force. Mug shots of Ebony Jackson-Rendon and Joshua Rendon provided by Jacksonville, Ark., Police Department. When the police executed a search warrant of the Rendons' home Tuesday, detectives described its condition as "deplorable. According to the police report, "Every room inside the residence had human and dog feces on the floors, walls and clothing." The house was full of flies and maggots, the police report stated. Photos show dirty diapers, cigarette buds and trash littering filthy carpets in the couple's home. Amid the filth was the couple's 2-year-old daughter. The Arkansas Department of Human Services stepped in and took custody of the toddler. The teen parents face felony charges of maintaining a drug premises and making unauthorized use of another's property to abet a crime. They face misdemeanor charges of endangering the welfare of a minor, possession of drug paraphernalia and possession of a controlled substance. The two were released from jail on an $8,000 bond, but it's not known if they have regained custody of their daughter, ABC Affiliate KATV reported. Military officials won't comment on whether Joshua Rendon will be disciplined, according to KATV's report. The couple is scheduled to appear in court Oct. 6.

joshua rendon and ebony jackson-rendon this week after police found their filthy home contained drug paraphernalia and synthetic marijuana [UNK] , police arrested reality tv stars joshua rendon and ebony jackson-rendon this week after police found their filthy home contained drug paraphernalia and synthetic marijuana .

Jacksonville, Ark., police arrested reality TV stars Joshua Rendon and Ebony Jackson-Rendon this week after police found their filthy home contained drug paraphernalia and synthetic marijuana. The state took custody of the couple's young child. The 19-year-olds, who currently live at the Little Rock Air Force base, appeared on the first season of MTV's "16 and Pregnant" in a plot line that included Joshua Rendon enlisting in the Air Force. Mug shots of Ebony Jackson-Rendon and Joshua Rendon provided by Jacksonville, Ark., Police Department. When the police executed a search warrant of the Rendons' home Tuesday, detectives described its condition as "deplorable. According to the police report, "Every room inside the residence had human and dog feces on the floors, walls and clothing." The house was full of flies and maggots, the police report stated. Photos show dirty diapers, cigarette buds and trash littering filthy carpets in the couple's home. Amid the filth was the couple's 2-year-old daughter. The Arkansas Department of Human Services stepped in and took custody of the toddler. The teen parents face felony charges of maintaining a drug premises and making unauthorized use of another's property to abet a crime. They face misdemeanor charges of endangering the welfare of a minor, possession of drug paraphernalia and possession of a controlled substance. The two were released from jail on an $8,000 bond, but it's not known if they have regained custody of their daughter, ABC Affiliate KATV reported. Military officials won't comment on whether Joshua Rendon will be disciplined, according to KATV's report. The couple is scheduled to appear in court Oct. 6.

police arrested reality tv stars joshua rendon and ebony jackson-rendon this week after police found their filthy home contained drug paraphernalia and synthetic marijuana rendon police arrested reality tv stars joshua rendon and joshua rendon provided felony charges of the little rock air force base , appeared on the first season of the couple 's young child .

The Beijing summer Olympics captivated virtually all of China last year, yet when it comes to professional sports, it's another story. Scandals bring embarrassment regularly. Last summer a professional soccer player was barred for life after pushing a referee to the ground after a 20-minute melee. Yet Lou Ming is an optimist. His office is full of awards and photos from sports events. His family owns the Guangsha Lions from Hangzhou of the Chinese Basketball Association (CBA). China's top hoops league, he says, increasingly attracts strong owners such as the NBA's Yao Ming, who bought a Shanghai team in July. Says Lou, "Professional sports in China have a great future for fans and entrepreneurs." China's sports landscape has changed greatly since Lou, 36, first became interested. He started playing basketball when he was a soldier with time to kill and recalls limited chances to watch sports. By contrast, he says, young and old alike these days can tune into sports 24-7 in China on cable TV and on the Internet. These viewers see unprecedented gains by Chinese in world sports. China's hosting of the Summer Olympics, its first-place finish in winning gold medals and government support for the development of a sports industry have fueled a raft of commercial investments and marketing breakthroughs. The Lou family's Guangsha Group, a construction group controlled by his father, Lou Zhongfu, who is worth $650 million and ranks No. 146 on this year's China Rich List, began its support of sports in the 1990s by sponsoring soccer exhibitions. The company's biggest move was into basketball in April 2005, when it hooked up with the CBA. Lou himself hired the first coach and attends the team's home games. In 2009 the Lions were 28--22 in the CBA, an improvement from its .500 record last year and its miserable .200 in 2006. "Like our league, we have been making progress over time," Lou says. The total TV audience for CBA games in the past season increased to 600 million viewers, from 350 million a year earlier. Guangsha's franchise, however, remains a tiny part of the group's overall worth. Lou says there's no exaggerating the influence of Yao Ming on the development of the sports business in China. "People skipped work to watch Yao's Houston Rockets when they made the second round of the playoffs this year even though Yao was hurt and didn't play. In the past the public stayed up like that only for the World Cup," he explains. The way Lou sees it, Yao has succeeded because he's a classic example of Chinese-overseas cooperation: If he didn't have success and a lot of fans at home in the first place, he couldn't have gone overseas. And if he hadn't made it in the NBA, he couldn't have become popular worldwide. "China today is too short of these kind of superstars," Lou says. The Chinese Basketball Association and sports in general in China need more participation by entrepreneurs like Yao. "Without full ownership there isn't enough commitment to field good players," Lou says. "For Guangsha, every penny we spend is our own money. Better management will lead to better teams." Lou thinks more Chinese will invest in sports teams abroad, just as two Chinese recently invested in the National Basketball Association's Cleveland Cavaliers. "We would be very interested in investing in the NBA if an opportunity presented itself," he says. In addition to our list of China's 40 Richest, we've again collaborated with our partners at FORBES CHINA magazine to compile a list of the 400 richest people in China. In the following pages we highlight business sectors that have contributed to the 400. For the complete China Rich List, go to www.forbes.com/china.

The Beijing summer Olympics captivated virtually all of China last year , yet when it comes to professional sports , it 's another story . Scandals bring embarrassment regularly . Last summer a professional soccer player was barred for life after pushing a referee to the ground after a 20-minute melee .

The Beijing summer Olympics captivated virtually all of China last year, yet when it comes to professional sports, it's another story. Scandals bring embarrassment regularly. Last summer a professional soccer player was barred for life after pushing a referee to the ground after a 20-minute melee. Yet Lou Ming is an optimist. His office is full of awards and photos from sports events. His family owns the Guangsha Lions from Hangzhou of the Chinese Basketball Association (CBA). China's top hoops league, he says, increasingly attracts strong owners such as the NBA's Yao Ming, who bought a Shanghai team in July. Says Lou, "Professional sports in China have a great future for fans and entrepreneurs." China's sports landscape has changed greatly since Lou, 36, first became interested. He started playing basketball when he was a soldier with time to kill and recalls limited chances to watch sports. By contrast, he says, young and old alike these days can tune into sports 24-7 in China on cable TV and on the Internet. These viewers see unprecedented gains by Chinese in world sports. China's hosting of the Summer Olympics, its first-place finish in winning gold medals and government support for the development of a sports industry have fueled a raft of commercial investments and marketing breakthroughs. The Lou family's Guangsha Group, a construction group controlled by his father, Lou Zhongfu, who is worth $650 million and ranks No. 146 on this year's China Rich List, began its support of sports in the 1990s by sponsoring soccer exhibitions. The company's biggest move was into basketball in April 2005, when it hooked up with the CBA. Lou himself hired the first coach and attends the team's home games. In 2009 the Lions were 28--22 in the CBA, an improvement from its .500 record last year and its miserable .200 in 2006. "Like our league, we have been making progress over time," Lou says. The total TV audience for CBA games in the past season increased to 600 million viewers, from 350 million a year earlier. Guangsha's franchise, however, remains a tiny part of the group's overall worth. Lou says there's no exaggerating the influence of Yao Ming on the development of the sports business in China. "People skipped work to watch Yao's Houston Rockets when they made the second round of the playoffs this year even though Yao was hurt and didn't play. In the past the public stayed up like that only for the World Cup," he explains. The way Lou sees it, Yao has succeeded because he's a classic example of Chinese-overseas cooperation: If he didn't have success and a lot of fans at home in the first place, he couldn't have gone overseas. And if he hadn't made it in the NBA, he couldn't have become popular worldwide. "China today is too short of these kind of superstars," Lou says. The Chinese Basketball Association and sports in general in China need more participation by entrepreneurs like Yao. "Without full ownership there isn't enough commitment to field good players," Lou says. "For Guangsha, every penny we spend is our own money. Better management will lead to better teams." Lou thinks more Chinese will invest in sports teams abroad, just as two Chinese recently invested in the National Basketball Association's Cleveland Cavaliers. "We would be very interested in investing in the NBA if an opportunity presented itself," he says. In addition to our list of China's 40 Richest, we've again collaborated with our partners at FORBES CHINA magazine to compile a list of the 400 richest people in China. In the following pages we highlight business sectors that have contributed to the 400. For the complete China Rich List, go to www.forbes.com/china.

Lou Ming and his family , owners of basketball team Guangsha Lions from Hangzhou , on China 's future .

The Beijing summer Olympics captivated virtually all of China last year, yet when it comes to professional sports, it's another story. Scandals bring embarrassment regularly. Last summer a professional soccer player was barred for life after pushing a referee to the ground after a 20-minute melee. Yet Lou Ming is an optimist. His office is full of awards and photos from sports events. His family owns the Guangsha Lions from Hangzhou of the Chinese Basketball Association (CBA). China's top hoops league, he says, increasingly attracts strong owners such as the NBA's Yao Ming, who bought a Shanghai team in July. Says Lou, "Professional sports in China have a great future for fans and entrepreneurs." China's sports landscape has changed greatly since Lou, 36, first became interested. He started playing basketball when he was a soldier with time to kill and recalls limited chances to watch sports. By contrast, he says, young and old alike these days can tune into sports 24-7 in China on cable TV and on the Internet. These viewers see unprecedented gains by Chinese in world sports. China's hosting of the Summer Olympics, its first-place finish in winning gold medals and government support for the development of a sports industry have fueled a raft of commercial investments and marketing breakthroughs. The Lou family's Guangsha Group, a construction group controlled by his father, Lou Zhongfu, who is worth $650 million and ranks No. 146 on this year's China Rich List, began its support of sports in the 1990s by sponsoring soccer exhibitions. The company's biggest move was into basketball in April 2005, when it hooked up with the CBA. Lou himself hired the first coach and attends the team's home games. In 2009 the Lions were 28--22 in the CBA, an improvement from its .500 record last year and its miserable .200 in 2006. "Like our league, we have been making progress over time," Lou says. The total TV audience for CBA games in the past season increased to 600 million viewers, from 350 million a year earlier. Guangsha's franchise, however, remains a tiny part of the group's overall worth. Lou says there's no exaggerating the influence of Yao Ming on the development of the sports business in China. "People skipped work to watch Yao's Houston Rockets when they made the second round of the playoffs this year even though Yao was hurt and didn't play. In the past the public stayed up like that only for the World Cup," he explains. The way Lou sees it, Yao has succeeded because he's a classic example of Chinese-overseas cooperation: If he didn't have success and a lot of fans at home in the first place, he couldn't have gone overseas. And if he hadn't made it in the NBA, he couldn't have become popular worldwide. "China today is too short of these kind of superstars," Lou says. The Chinese Basketball Association and sports in general in China need more participation by entrepreneurs like Yao. "Without full ownership there isn't enough commitment to field good players," Lou says. "For Guangsha, every penny we spend is our own money. Better management will lead to better teams." Lou thinks more Chinese will invest in sports teams abroad, just as two Chinese recently invested in the National Basketball Association's Cleveland Cavaliers. "We would be very interested in investing in the NBA if an opportunity presented itself," he says. In addition to our list of China's 40 Richest, we've again collaborated with our partners at FORBES CHINA magazine to compile a list of the 400 richest people in China. In the following pages we highlight business sectors that have contributed to the 400. For the complete China Rich List, go to www.forbes.com/china.

Says Lou , '' Professional sports in China have a great future for fans and entrepreneurs . Lou says there 's no exaggerating the influence of Yao Ming on the development of the sports business in China . The Chinese Basketball Association and sports in general in China need more participation by entrepreneurs like Yao .

The Beijing summer Olympics captivated virtually all of China last year, yet when it comes to professional sports, it's another story. Scandals bring embarrassment regularly. Last summer a professional soccer player was barred for life after pushing a referee to the ground after a 20-minute melee. Yet Lou Ming is an optimist. His office is full of awards and photos from sports events. His family owns the Guangsha Lions from Hangzhou of the Chinese Basketball Association (CBA). China's top hoops league, he says, increasingly attracts strong owners such as the NBA's Yao Ming, who bought a Shanghai team in July. Says Lou, "Professional sports in China have a great future for fans and entrepreneurs." China's sports landscape has changed greatly since Lou, 36, first became interested. He started playing basketball when he was a soldier with time to kill and recalls limited chances to watch sports. By contrast, he says, young and old alike these days can tune into sports 24-7 in China on cable TV and on the Internet. These viewers see unprecedented gains by Chinese in world sports. China's hosting of the Summer Olympics, its first-place finish in winning gold medals and government support for the development of a sports industry have fueled a raft of commercial investments and marketing breakthroughs. The Lou family's Guangsha Group, a construction group controlled by his father, Lou Zhongfu, who is worth $650 million and ranks No. 146 on this year's China Rich List, began its support of sports in the 1990s by sponsoring soccer exhibitions. The company's biggest move was into basketball in April 2005, when it hooked up with the CBA. Lou himself hired the first coach and attends the team's home games. In 2009 the Lions were 28--22 in the CBA, an improvement from its .500 record last year and its miserable .200 in 2006. "Like our league, we have been making progress over time," Lou says. The total TV audience for CBA games in the past season increased to 600 million viewers, from 350 million a year earlier. Guangsha's franchise, however, remains a tiny part of the group's overall worth. Lou says there's no exaggerating the influence of Yao Ming on the development of the sports business in China. "People skipped work to watch Yao's Houston Rockets when they made the second round of the playoffs this year even though Yao was hurt and didn't play. In the past the public stayed up like that only for the World Cup," he explains. The way Lou sees it, Yao has succeeded because he's a classic example of Chinese-overseas cooperation: If he didn't have success and a lot of fans at home in the first place, he couldn't have gone overseas. And if he hadn't made it in the NBA, he couldn't have become popular worldwide. "China today is too short of these kind of superstars," Lou says. The Chinese Basketball Association and sports in general in China need more participation by entrepreneurs like Yao. "Without full ownership there isn't enough commitment to field good players," Lou says. "For Guangsha, every penny we spend is our own money. Better management will lead to better teams." Lou thinks more Chinese will invest in sports teams abroad, just as two Chinese recently invested in the National Basketball Association's Cleveland Cavaliers. "We would be very interested in investing in the NBA if an opportunity presented itself," he says. In addition to our list of China's 40 Richest, we've again collaborated with our partners at FORBES CHINA magazine to compile a list of the 400 richest people in China. In the following pages we highlight business sectors that have contributed to the 400. For the complete China Rich List, go to www.forbes.com/china.

collection of all usatoday.com coverage of derrick barnett , including articles , videos , photos , and quotes .

The Beijing summer Olympics captivated virtually all of China last year, yet when it comes to professional sports, it's another story. Scandals bring embarrassment regularly. Last summer a professional soccer player was barred for life after pushing a referee to the ground after a 20-minute melee. Yet Lou Ming is an optimist. His office is full of awards and photos from sports events. His family owns the Guangsha Lions from Hangzhou of the Chinese Basketball Association (CBA). China's top hoops league, he says, increasingly attracts strong owners such as the NBA's Yao Ming, who bought a Shanghai team in July. Says Lou, "Professional sports in China have a great future for fans and entrepreneurs." China's sports landscape has changed greatly since Lou, 36, first became interested. He started playing basketball when he was a soldier with time to kill and recalls limited chances to watch sports. By contrast, he says, young and old alike these days can tune into sports 24-7 in China on cable TV and on the Internet. These viewers see unprecedented gains by Chinese in world sports. China's hosting of the Summer Olympics, its first-place finish in winning gold medals and government support for the development of a sports industry have fueled a raft of commercial investments and marketing breakthroughs. The Lou family's Guangsha Group, a construction group controlled by his father, Lou Zhongfu, who is worth $650 million and ranks No. 146 on this year's China Rich List, began its support of sports in the 1990s by sponsoring soccer exhibitions. The company's biggest move was into basketball in April 2005, when it hooked up with the CBA. Lou himself hired the first coach and attends the team's home games. In 2009 the Lions were 28--22 in the CBA, an improvement from its .500 record last year and its miserable .200 in 2006. "Like our league, we have been making progress over time," Lou says. The total TV audience for CBA games in the past season increased to 600 million viewers, from 350 million a year earlier. Guangsha's franchise, however, remains a tiny part of the group's overall worth. Lou says there's no exaggerating the influence of Yao Ming on the development of the sports business in China. "People skipped work to watch Yao's Houston Rockets when they made the second round of the playoffs this year even though Yao was hurt and didn't play. In the past the public stayed up like that only for the World Cup," he explains. The way Lou sees it, Yao has succeeded because he's a classic example of Chinese-overseas cooperation: If he didn't have success and a lot of fans at home in the first place, he couldn't have gone overseas. And if he hadn't made it in the NBA, he couldn't have become popular worldwide. "China today is too short of these kind of superstars," Lou says. The Chinese Basketball Association and sports in general in China need more participation by entrepreneurs like Yao. "Without full ownership there isn't enough commitment to field good players," Lou says. "For Guangsha, every penny we spend is our own money. Better management will lead to better teams." Lou thinks more Chinese will invest in sports teams abroad, just as two Chinese recently invested in the National Basketball Association's Cleveland Cavaliers. "We would be very interested in investing in the NBA if an opportunity presented itself," he says. In addition to our list of China's 40 Richest, we've again collaborated with our partners at FORBES CHINA magazine to compile a list of the 400 richest people in China. In the following pages we highlight business sectors that have contributed to the 400. For the complete China Rich List, go to www.forbes.com/china.

beijing summer a captivated virtually all of china last year , yet when it comes to professional , it 's another story . scandals bring embarrassment regularly . yet lou ming is an optimist . his office is full of awards and photos from sports events . his family owns he great future for fans and entrepreneurs . '' china 's sports landscape has changed greatly since lou , 36 , first became interested . he started playing basketball the

The Beijing summer Olympics captivated virtually all of China last year, yet when it comes to professional sports, it's another story. Scandals bring embarrassment regularly. Last summer a professional soccer player was barred for life after pushing a referee to the ground after a 20-minute melee. Yet Lou Ming is an optimist. His office is full of awards and photos from sports events. His family owns the Guangsha Lions from Hangzhou of the Chinese Basketball Association (CBA). China's top hoops league, he says, increasingly attracts strong owners such as the NBA's Yao Ming, who bought a Shanghai team in July. Says Lou, "Professional sports in China have a great future for fans and entrepreneurs." China's sports landscape has changed greatly since Lou, 36, first became interested. He started playing basketball when he was a soldier with time to kill and recalls limited chances to watch sports. By contrast, he says, young and old alike these days can tune into sports 24-7 in China on cable TV and on the Internet. These viewers see unprecedented gains by Chinese in world sports. China's hosting of the Summer Olympics, its first-place finish in winning gold medals and government support for the development of a sports industry have fueled a raft of commercial investments and marketing breakthroughs. The Lou family's Guangsha Group, a construction group controlled by his father, Lou Zhongfu, who is worth $650 million and ranks No. 146 on this year's China Rich List, began its support of sports in the 1990s by sponsoring soccer exhibitions. The company's biggest move was into basketball in April 2005, when it hooked up with the CBA. Lou himself hired the first coach and attends the team's home games. In 2009 the Lions were 28--22 in the CBA, an improvement from its .500 record last year and its miserable .200 in 2006. "Like our league, we have been making progress over time," Lou says. The total TV audience for CBA games in the past season increased to 600 million viewers, from 350 million a year earlier. Guangsha's franchise, however, remains a tiny part of the group's overall worth. Lou says there's no exaggerating the influence of Yao Ming on the development of the sports business in China. "People skipped work to watch Yao's Houston Rockets when they made the second round of the playoffs this year even though Yao was hurt and didn't play. In the past the public stayed up like that only for the World Cup," he explains. The way Lou sees it, Yao has succeeded because he's a classic example of Chinese-overseas cooperation: If he didn't have success and a lot of fans at home in the first place, he couldn't have gone overseas. And if he hadn't made it in the NBA, he couldn't have become popular worldwide. "China today is too short of these kind of superstars," Lou says. The Chinese Basketball Association and sports in general in China need more participation by entrepreneurs like Yao. "Without full ownership there isn't enough commitment to field good players," Lou says. "For Guangsha, every penny we spend is our own money. Better management will lead to better teams." Lou thinks more Chinese will invest in sports teams abroad, just as two Chinese recently invested in the National Basketball Association's Cleveland Cavaliers. "We would be very interested in investing in the NBA if an opportunity presented itself," he says. In addition to our list of China's 40 Richest, we've again collaborated with our partners at FORBES CHINA magazine to compile a list of the 400 richest people in China. In the following pages we highlight business sectors that have contributed to the 400. For the complete China Rich List, go to www.forbes.com/china.

the beijing summer olympics captivated virtually all of china last year -- yet when it comes to professional sports , it 's another story . '' china 's sports landscape has changed greatly since lou , 36 .

The Beijing summer Olympics captivated virtually all of China last year, yet when it comes to professional sports, it's another story. Scandals bring embarrassment regularly. Last summer a professional soccer player was barred for life after pushing a referee to the ground after a 20-minute melee. Yet Lou Ming is an optimist. His office is full of awards and photos from sports events. His family owns the Guangsha Lions from Hangzhou of the Chinese Basketball Association (CBA). China's top hoops league, he says, increasingly attracts strong owners such as the NBA's Yao Ming, who bought a Shanghai team in July. Says Lou, "Professional sports in China have a great future for fans and entrepreneurs." China's sports landscape has changed greatly since Lou, 36, first became interested. He started playing basketball when he was a soldier with time to kill and recalls limited chances to watch sports. By contrast, he says, young and old alike these days can tune into sports 24-7 in China on cable TV and on the Internet. These viewers see unprecedented gains by Chinese in world sports. China's hosting of the Summer Olympics, its first-place finish in winning gold medals and government support for the development of a sports industry have fueled a raft of commercial investments and marketing breakthroughs. The Lou family's Guangsha Group, a construction group controlled by his father, Lou Zhongfu, who is worth $650 million and ranks No. 146 on this year's China Rich List, began its support of sports in the 1990s by sponsoring soccer exhibitions. The company's biggest move was into basketball in April 2005, when it hooked up with the CBA. Lou himself hired the first coach and attends the team's home games. In 2009 the Lions were 28--22 in the CBA, an improvement from its .500 record last year and its miserable .200 in 2006. "Like our league, we have been making progress over time," Lou says. The total TV audience for CBA games in the past season increased to 600 million viewers, from 350 million a year earlier. Guangsha's franchise, however, remains a tiny part of the group's overall worth. Lou says there's no exaggerating the influence of Yao Ming on the development of the sports business in China. "People skipped work to watch Yao's Houston Rockets when they made the second round of the playoffs this year even though Yao was hurt and didn't play. In the past the public stayed up like that only for the World Cup," he explains. The way Lou sees it, Yao has succeeded because he's a classic example of Chinese-overseas cooperation: If he didn't have success and a lot of fans at home in the first place, he couldn't have gone overseas. And if he hadn't made it in the NBA, he couldn't have become popular worldwide. "China today is too short of these kind of superstars," Lou says. The Chinese Basketball Association and sports in general in China need more participation by entrepreneurs like Yao. "Without full ownership there isn't enough commitment to field good players," Lou says. "For Guangsha, every penny we spend is our own money. Better management will lead to better teams." Lou thinks more Chinese will invest in sports teams abroad, just as two Chinese recently invested in the National Basketball Association's Cleveland Cavaliers. "We would be very interested in investing in the NBA if an opportunity presented itself," he says. In addition to our list of China's 40 Richest, we've again collaborated with our partners at FORBES CHINA magazine to compile a list of the 400 richest people in China. In the following pages we highlight business sectors that have contributed to the 400. For the complete China Rich List, go to www.forbes.com/china.

the beijing summer olympics captivated virtually all of china last year , yet when it comes to professional sports , it 's another story after pushing a referee to the ground after a 20-minute melee a professional soccer player was barred for life after pushing a shanghai team in the 1990s by sponsoring soccer exhibitions and government support for the development of a sports industry have fueled tv audience for cba games in the past season increased to kill and recalls limited chances to watch sports .

Estimated years until debt-free: Unknown Like many of my friends, I remember the evening I told my parents I wanted to go to college. We all have different stories about the moment we took control of our lives. But what we share is this: by signing on a dotted line to incomprehensible terms, we risked everything. We chose education, no matter the cost. In some cases, we alienated ourselves from our families and communities. By spending money we didn't have to attend schools we couldn't afford, we joined an elite class we'd never truly fit into. We are, in a way, without community. As a result of pursuing higher education, I am highly educated and deeply in debt. If you don't have a similar story of adversity – and you're not in debt – you're probably not my friend. I grew up in a working-class neighborhood outside Cleveland, Ohio, where I was taught that if only I followed the rules, I could succeed. I was so good a student that a guidance counselor suggested Antioch College, a prestigious yet expensive liberal arts school. My mom made it her mission that I attend. She saw that I entered every high school essay contest and applied for every merit-based scholarship that I could. That same year, my father had skipped out on us; I was now 18, and he was legally absolved of all financial responsibility. With my mother's help, I paid for my entire first year with scholarships and other merit-based aid. Then, I began living off a credit card. Horace Mann, the founder of my alma mater, called education "the great equalizer". In some ways, it's true. For the poor and working-class student who finds themselves let into a wealthy institution, every part of being there can be an education that helps level the field. At the same time, I felt markedly different than my peers in ways I couldn't articulate. Before I came to Antioch – where it seemed like half the campus was either vegetarian or vegan – I'd never met anyone who offered political reasons to refuse food. By the end of my first year, I knew better than to think that people got ahead just by following the rules. My elite peers had something I didn't, something I might never have, something that was no result of hard work. In high school I'd worked minimum wage jobs just so I could afford to dress like everyone else, scouring discount stores for deals on the latest fashions. At Antioch, people wore "thrift store finds" and lived in intentional squalor, swearing off hygienic and other consumer products that I didn't have the money to buy. I was bitter, envious. I felt entitled to what they had – no more, but no less. I was tired of working two or three jobs at a time while going to school and still not having enough. When my second year of college came and the scholarships stopped, I started working as a stripper. As a sex worker I was rolling in cash, but still lacking in financial literacy. Poor people make choices that wealthier people wouldn't. We are in debt for reasons those who aren't can't comprehend. Rather than explain myself, I gravitate toward those with similar experiences. After college, I lost my job as a public school teacher when it was revealed that I had worked in the sex industry. The fact that I was a competent teacher made no difference to my critics. It took years to re-establish myself in a new career as a writer. In the meantime, I hemorrhaged debt. Now, five or so years later, I've paid off most my credit cards, but I don't expect I'll ever pay off my student loans. With three degrees, and after years of deferment, the amount due hovers somewhere around $80,000. Some people don't get why. They ask: why did you go to a college you couldn't afford? Why did you pursue a second and then a third degree if you couldn't pay off the first one? Why did you pursue degrees in fields that will never pay off? I used to feel ashamed. Then I learned to tell my story, and surrounded myself with people who understood. People in debt are some of the brightest, most resilient people there are. Today I have no regrets. Coming from little made me the woman I am.

Estimated years until debt - free : Unknown Like many of my friends , I remember the evening I told my parents I wanted to go to college . We all have different stories about the moment we took control of our lives . But what we share is this : by signing on a dotted line to incomprehensible terms , we risked everything .

Estimated years until debt-free: Unknown Like many of my friends, I remember the evening I told my parents I wanted to go to college. We all have different stories about the moment we took control of our lives. But what we share is this: by signing on a dotted line to incomprehensible terms, we risked everything. We chose education, no matter the cost. In some cases, we alienated ourselves from our families and communities. By spending money we didn't have to attend schools we couldn't afford, we joined an elite class we'd never truly fit into. We are, in a way, without community. As a result of pursuing higher education, I am highly educated and deeply in debt. If you don't have a similar story of adversity – and you're not in debt – you're probably not my friend. I grew up in a working-class neighborhood outside Cleveland, Ohio, where I was taught that if only I followed the rules, I could succeed. I was so good a student that a guidance counselor suggested Antioch College, a prestigious yet expensive liberal arts school. My mom made it her mission that I attend. She saw that I entered every high school essay contest and applied for every merit-based scholarship that I could. That same year, my father had skipped out on us; I was now 18, and he was legally absolved of all financial responsibility. With my mother's help, I paid for my entire first year with scholarships and other merit-based aid. Then, I began living off a credit card. Horace Mann, the founder of my alma mater, called education "the great equalizer". In some ways, it's true. For the poor and working-class student who finds themselves let into a wealthy institution, every part of being there can be an education that helps level the field. At the same time, I felt markedly different than my peers in ways I couldn't articulate. Before I came to Antioch – where it seemed like half the campus was either vegetarian or vegan – I'd never met anyone who offered political reasons to refuse food. By the end of my first year, I knew better than to think that people got ahead just by following the rules. My elite peers had something I didn't, something I might never have, something that was no result of hard work. In high school I'd worked minimum wage jobs just so I could afford to dress like everyone else, scouring discount stores for deals on the latest fashions. At Antioch, people wore "thrift store finds" and lived in intentional squalor, swearing off hygienic and other consumer products that I didn't have the money to buy. I was bitter, envious. I felt entitled to what they had – no more, but no less. I was tired of working two or three jobs at a time while going to school and still not having enough. When my second year of college came and the scholarships stopped, I started working as a stripper. As a sex worker I was rolling in cash, but still lacking in financial literacy. Poor people make choices that wealthier people wouldn't. We are in debt for reasons those who aren't can't comprehend. Rather than explain myself, I gravitate toward those with similar experiences. After college, I lost my job as a public school teacher when it was revealed that I had worked in the sex industry. The fact that I was a competent teacher made no difference to my critics. It took years to re-establish myself in a new career as a writer. In the meantime, I hemorrhaged debt. Now, five or so years later, I've paid off most my credit cards, but I don't expect I'll ever pay off my student loans. With three degrees, and after years of deferment, the amount due hovers somewhere around $80,000. Some people don't get why. They ask: why did you go to a college you couldn't afford? Why did you pursue a second and then a third degree if you couldn't pay off the first one? Why did you pursue degrees in fields that will never pay off? I used to feel ashamed. Then I learned to tell my story, and surrounded myself with people who understood. People in debt are some of the brightest, most resilient people there are. Today I have no regrets. Coming from little made me the woman I am.

I ' for reasons the better - off ca n't comprehend . That 's why I gravitate those with similar experiences

Estimated years until debt-free: Unknown Like many of my friends, I remember the evening I told my parents I wanted to go to college. We all have different stories about the moment we took control of our lives. But what we share is this: by signing on a dotted line to incomprehensible terms, we risked everything. We chose education, no matter the cost. In some cases, we alienated ourselves from our families and communities. By spending money we didn't have to attend schools we couldn't afford, we joined an elite class we'd never truly fit into. We are, in a way, without community. As a result of pursuing higher education, I am highly educated and deeply in debt. If you don't have a similar story of adversity – and you're not in debt – you're probably not my friend. I grew up in a working-class neighborhood outside Cleveland, Ohio, where I was taught that if only I followed the rules, I could succeed. I was so good a student that a guidance counselor suggested Antioch College, a prestigious yet expensive liberal arts school. My mom made it her mission that I attend. She saw that I entered every high school essay contest and applied for every merit-based scholarship that I could. That same year, my father had skipped out on us; I was now 18, and he was legally absolved of all financial responsibility. With my mother's help, I paid for my entire first year with scholarships and other merit-based aid. Then, I began living off a credit card. Horace Mann, the founder of my alma mater, called education "the great equalizer". In some ways, it's true. For the poor and working-class student who finds themselves let into a wealthy institution, every part of being there can be an education that helps level the field. At the same time, I felt markedly different than my peers in ways I couldn't articulate. Before I came to Antioch – where it seemed like half the campus was either vegetarian or vegan – I'd never met anyone who offered political reasons to refuse food. By the end of my first year, I knew better than to think that people got ahead just by following the rules. My elite peers had something I didn't, something I might never have, something that was no result of hard work. In high school I'd worked minimum wage jobs just so I could afford to dress like everyone else, scouring discount stores for deals on the latest fashions. At Antioch, people wore "thrift store finds" and lived in intentional squalor, swearing off hygienic and other consumer products that I didn't have the money to buy. I was bitter, envious. I felt entitled to what they had – no more, but no less. I was tired of working two or three jobs at a time while going to school and still not having enough. When my second year of college came and the scholarships stopped, I started working as a stripper. As a sex worker I was rolling in cash, but still lacking in financial literacy. Poor people make choices that wealthier people wouldn't. We are in debt for reasons those who aren't can't comprehend. Rather than explain myself, I gravitate toward those with similar experiences. After college, I lost my job as a public school teacher when it was revealed that I had worked in the sex industry. The fact that I was a competent teacher made no difference to my critics. It took years to re-establish myself in a new career as a writer. In the meantime, I hemorrhaged debt. Now, five or so years later, I've paid off most my credit cards, but I don't expect I'll ever pay off my student loans. With three degrees, and after years of deferment, the amount due hovers somewhere around $80,000. Some people don't get why. They ask: why did you go to a college you couldn't afford? Why did you pursue a second and then a third degree if you couldn't pay off the first one? Why did you pursue degrees in fields that will never pay off? I used to feel ashamed. Then I learned to tell my story, and surrounded myself with people who understood. People in debt are some of the brightest, most resilient people there are. Today I have no regrets. Coming from little made me the woman I am.

For the poor and working - class student who finds themselves let into a wealthy institution , every part of being there can be an education that helps level the field . When my second year of college came and the scholarships stopped , I started working as a stripper .

Estimated years until debt-free: Unknown Like many of my friends, I remember the evening I told my parents I wanted to go to college. We all have different stories about the moment we took control of our lives. But what we share is this: by signing on a dotted line to incomprehensible terms, we risked everything. We chose education, no matter the cost. In some cases, we alienated ourselves from our families and communities. By spending money we didn't have to attend schools we couldn't afford, we joined an elite class we'd never truly fit into. We are, in a way, without community. As a result of pursuing higher education, I am highly educated and deeply in debt. If you don't have a similar story of adversity – and you're not in debt – you're probably not my friend. I grew up in a working-class neighborhood outside Cleveland, Ohio, where I was taught that if only I followed the rules, I could succeed. I was so good a student that a guidance counselor suggested Antioch College, a prestigious yet expensive liberal arts school. My mom made it her mission that I attend. She saw that I entered every high school essay contest and applied for every merit-based scholarship that I could. That same year, my father had skipped out on us; I was now 18, and he was legally absolved of all financial responsibility. With my mother's help, I paid for my entire first year with scholarships and other merit-based aid. Then, I began living off a credit card. Horace Mann, the founder of my alma mater, called education "the great equalizer". In some ways, it's true. For the poor and working-class student who finds themselves let into a wealthy institution, every part of being there can be an education that helps level the field. At the same time, I felt markedly different than my peers in ways I couldn't articulate. Before I came to Antioch – where it seemed like half the campus was either vegetarian or vegan – I'd never met anyone who offered political reasons to refuse food. By the end of my first year, I knew better than to think that people got ahead just by following the rules. My elite peers had something I didn't, something I might never have, something that was no result of hard work. In high school I'd worked minimum wage jobs just so I could afford to dress like everyone else, scouring discount stores for deals on the latest fashions. At Antioch, people wore "thrift store finds" and lived in intentional squalor, swearing off hygienic and other consumer products that I didn't have the money to buy. I was bitter, envious. I felt entitled to what they had – no more, but no less. I was tired of working two or three jobs at a time while going to school and still not having enough. When my second year of college came and the scholarships stopped, I started working as a stripper. As a sex worker I was rolling in cash, but still lacking in financial literacy. Poor people make choices that wealthier people wouldn't. We are in debt for reasons those who aren't can't comprehend. Rather than explain myself, I gravitate toward those with similar experiences. After college, I lost my job as a public school teacher when it was revealed that I had worked in the sex industry. The fact that I was a competent teacher made no difference to my critics. It took years to re-establish myself in a new career as a writer. In the meantime, I hemorrhaged debt. Now, five or so years later, I've paid off most my credit cards, but I don't expect I'll ever pay off my student loans. With three degrees, and after years of deferment, the amount due hovers somewhere around $80,000. Some people don't get why. They ask: why did you go to a college you couldn't afford? Why did you pursue a second and then a third degree if you couldn't pay off the first one? Why did you pursue degrees in fields that will never pay off? I used to feel ashamed. Then I learned to tell my story, and surrounded myself with people who understood. People in debt are some of the brightest, most resilient people there are. Today I have no regrets. Coming from little made me the woman I am.

collection of all usatoday.com coverage of christina lynn , including articles , videos , photos , and quotes .

Estimated years until debt-free: Unknown Like many of my friends, I remember the evening I told my parents I wanted to go to college. We all have different stories about the moment we took control of our lives. But what we share is this: by signing on a dotted line to incomprehensible terms, we risked everything. We chose education, no matter the cost. In some cases, we alienated ourselves from our families and communities. By spending money we didn't have to attend schools we couldn't afford, we joined an elite class we'd never truly fit into. We are, in a way, without community. As a result of pursuing higher education, I am highly educated and deeply in debt. If you don't have a similar story of adversity – and you're not in debt – you're probably not my friend. I grew up in a working-class neighborhood outside Cleveland, Ohio, where I was taught that if only I followed the rules, I could succeed. I was so good a student that a guidance counselor suggested Antioch College, a prestigious yet expensive liberal arts school. My mom made it her mission that I attend. She saw that I entered every high school essay contest and applied for every merit-based scholarship that I could. That same year, my father had skipped out on us; I was now 18, and he was legally absolved of all financial responsibility. With my mother's help, I paid for my entire first year with scholarships and other merit-based aid. Then, I began living off a credit card. Horace Mann, the founder of my alma mater, called education "the great equalizer". In some ways, it's true. For the poor and working-class student who finds themselves let into a wealthy institution, every part of being there can be an education that helps level the field. At the same time, I felt markedly different than my peers in ways I couldn't articulate. Before I came to Antioch – where it seemed like half the campus was either vegetarian or vegan – I'd never met anyone who offered political reasons to refuse food. By the end of my first year, I knew better than to think that people got ahead just by following the rules. My elite peers had something I didn't, something I might never have, something that was no result of hard work. In high school I'd worked minimum wage jobs just so I could afford to dress like everyone else, scouring discount stores for deals on the latest fashions. At Antioch, people wore "thrift store finds" and lived in intentional squalor, swearing off hygienic and other consumer products that I didn't have the money to buy. I was bitter, envious. I felt entitled to what they had – no more, but no less. I was tired of working two or three jobs at a time while going to school and still not having enough. When my second year of college came and the scholarships stopped, I started working as a stripper. As a sex worker I was rolling in cash, but still lacking in financial literacy. Poor people make choices that wealthier people wouldn't. We are in debt for reasons those who aren't can't comprehend. Rather than explain myself, I gravitate toward those with similar experiences. After college, I lost my job as a public school teacher when it was revealed that I had worked in the sex industry. The fact that I was a competent teacher made no difference to my critics. It took years to re-establish myself in a new career as a writer. In the meantime, I hemorrhaged debt. Now, five or so years later, I've paid off most my credit cards, but I don't expect I'll ever pay off my student loans. With three degrees, and after years of deferment, the amount due hovers somewhere around $80,000. Some people don't get why. They ask: why did you go to a college you couldn't afford? Why did you pursue a second and then a third degree if you couldn't pay off the first one? Why did you pursue degrees in fields that will never pay off? I used to feel ashamed. Then I learned to tell my story, and surrounded myself with people who understood. People in debt are some of the brightest, most resilient people there are. Today I have no regrets. Coming from little made me the woman I am.

rules , i could succeed . i was so good a student that a guidance counselor suggested antioch college , a prestigious yet expensive liberal arts school . before i came to antioch -- where it seemed like half the campus was either vegetarian or vegan -- i 'd never met anyone the reasons to refuse food.i was bitter , envious . i felt entitled to what they had -- no more , but no less the

Estimated years until debt-free: Unknown Like many of my friends, I remember the evening I told my parents I wanted to go to college. We all have different stories about the moment we took control of our lives. But what we share is this: by signing on a dotted line to incomprehensible terms, we risked everything. We chose education, no matter the cost. In some cases, we alienated ourselves from our families and communities. By spending money we didn't have to attend schools we couldn't afford, we joined an elite class we'd never truly fit into. We are, in a way, without community. As a result of pursuing higher education, I am highly educated and deeply in debt. If you don't have a similar story of adversity – and you're not in debt – you're probably not my friend. I grew up in a working-class neighborhood outside Cleveland, Ohio, where I was taught that if only I followed the rules, I could succeed. I was so good a student that a guidance counselor suggested Antioch College, a prestigious yet expensive liberal arts school. My mom made it her mission that I attend. She saw that I entered every high school essay contest and applied for every merit-based scholarship that I could. That same year, my father had skipped out on us; I was now 18, and he was legally absolved of all financial responsibility. With my mother's help, I paid for my entire first year with scholarships and other merit-based aid. Then, I began living off a credit card. Horace Mann, the founder of my alma mater, called education "the great equalizer". In some ways, it's true. For the poor and working-class student who finds themselves let into a wealthy institution, every part of being there can be an education that helps level the field. At the same time, I felt markedly different than my peers in ways I couldn't articulate. Before I came to Antioch – where it seemed like half the campus was either vegetarian or vegan – I'd never met anyone who offered political reasons to refuse food. By the end of my first year, I knew better than to think that people got ahead just by following the rules. My elite peers had something I didn't, something I might never have, something that was no result of hard work. In high school I'd worked minimum wage jobs just so I could afford to dress like everyone else, scouring discount stores for deals on the latest fashions. At Antioch, people wore "thrift store finds" and lived in intentional squalor, swearing off hygienic and other consumer products that I didn't have the money to buy. I was bitter, envious. I felt entitled to what they had – no more, but no less. I was tired of working two or three jobs at a time while going to school and still not having enough. When my second year of college came and the scholarships stopped, I started working as a stripper. As a sex worker I was rolling in cash, but still lacking in financial literacy. Poor people make choices that wealthier people wouldn't. We are in debt for reasons those who aren't can't comprehend. Rather than explain myself, I gravitate toward those with similar experiences. After college, I lost my job as a public school teacher when it was revealed that I had worked in the sex industry. The fact that I was a competent teacher made no difference to my critics. It took years to re-establish myself in a new career as a writer. In the meantime, I hemorrhaged debt. Now, five or so years later, I've paid off most my credit cards, but I don't expect I'll ever pay off my student loans. With three degrees, and after years of deferment, the amount due hovers somewhere around $80,000. Some people don't get why. They ask: why did you go to a college you couldn't afford? Why did you pursue a second and then a third degree if you couldn't pay off the first one? Why did you pursue degrees in fields that will never pay off? I used to feel ashamed. Then I learned to tell my story, and surrounded myself with people who understood. People in debt are some of the brightest, most resilient people there are. Today I have no regrets. Coming from little made me the woman I am.

what we share is this : by signing on a dotted line to incomprehensible terms , we risked everything . but what we share is this : by signing on a dotted line to incomprehensible terms , we alienated ourselves from our families and communities.i grew up in a working-class neighborhood outside cleveland , ohio , a prestigious yet expensive liberal arts school .

Estimated years until debt-free: Unknown Like many of my friends, I remember the evening I told my parents I wanted to go to college. We all have different stories about the moment we took control of our lives. But what we share is this: by signing on a dotted line to incomprehensible terms, we risked everything. We chose education, no matter the cost. In some cases, we alienated ourselves from our families and communities. By spending money we didn't have to attend schools we couldn't afford, we joined an elite class we'd never truly fit into. We are, in a way, without community. As a result of pursuing higher education, I am highly educated and deeply in debt. If you don't have a similar story of adversity – and you're not in debt – you're probably not my friend. I grew up in a working-class neighborhood outside Cleveland, Ohio, where I was taught that if only I followed the rules, I could succeed. I was so good a student that a guidance counselor suggested Antioch College, a prestigious yet expensive liberal arts school. My mom made it her mission that I attend. She saw that I entered every high school essay contest and applied for every merit-based scholarship that I could. That same year, my father had skipped out on us; I was now 18, and he was legally absolved of all financial responsibility. With my mother's help, I paid for my entire first year with scholarships and other merit-based aid. Then, I began living off a credit card. Horace Mann, the founder of my alma mater, called education "the great equalizer". In some ways, it's true. For the poor and working-class student who finds themselves let into a wealthy institution, every part of being there can be an education that helps level the field. At the same time, I felt markedly different than my peers in ways I couldn't articulate. Before I came to Antioch – where it seemed like half the campus was either vegetarian or vegan – I'd never met anyone who offered political reasons to refuse food. By the end of my first year, I knew better than to think that people got ahead just by following the rules. My elite peers had something I didn't, something I might never have, something that was no result of hard work. In high school I'd worked minimum wage jobs just so I could afford to dress like everyone else, scouring discount stores for deals on the latest fashions. At Antioch, people wore "thrift store finds" and lived in intentional squalor, swearing off hygienic and other consumer products that I didn't have the money to buy. I was bitter, envious. I felt entitled to what they had – no more, but no less. I was tired of working two or three jobs at a time while going to school and still not having enough. When my second year of college came and the scholarships stopped, I started working as a stripper. As a sex worker I was rolling in cash, but still lacking in financial literacy. Poor people make choices that wealthier people wouldn't. We are in debt for reasons those who aren't can't comprehend. Rather than explain myself, I gravitate toward those with similar experiences. After college, I lost my job as a public school teacher when it was revealed that I had worked in the sex industry. The fact that I was a competent teacher made no difference to my critics. It took years to re-establish myself in a new career as a writer. In the meantime, I hemorrhaged debt. Now, five or so years later, I've paid off most my credit cards, but I don't expect I'll ever pay off my student loans. With three degrees, and after years of deferment, the amount due hovers somewhere around $80,000. Some people don't get why. They ask: why did you go to a college you couldn't afford? Why did you pursue a second and then a third degree if you couldn't pay off the first one? Why did you pursue degrees in fields that will never pay off? I used to feel ashamed. Then I learned to tell my story, and surrounded myself with people who understood. People in debt are some of the brightest, most resilient people there are. Today I have no regrets. Coming from little made me the woman I am.

estimated years until debt-free : unknown like many of my friends , i remember the evening i told my parents i wanted to college reasons going took control of our families and communities.i grew up is this : by signing on a dotted line to incomprehensible terms , we risked everything the cost about the moment we took control of college came and a credit card .

Talk to anyone involved in the action-movie glory days of the 1980s and the first thing they'll say is that it's time to bring those days back. "In today's world. we need heroes," Aaron Norris, brother of Chuck and an important behind-the-scenes figure in that heyday, told us when we interviewed him recently. "Our action movies have gotten too artsy." Artsy sort of left the room this weekend, when Sylvester Stallone's "The Expendables," which assembled a team of muscle-bound mercenaries to fight indisputably evil (but ideologically harmless) enemies in far-off lands, got audiences excited, to Until this weekend, old-school action movies -- defined, for argument's sake, as films with a slew of explosions, a shortage of moral ambiguity and a triumph of physical effects over digital ones -- had seen better days. It's been nearly two decades since pictures of this sort were produced with any regularity by the studio system, and a lot longer since they were stateside successes. Many of the attempts in recent years have been, at best, mid-budget passion projects with circumscribed audiences (Stallone's own which topped out at $42 million domestically) or post-modern winks (the French-language "JCVD" from 2008, a hostage movie in which Jean-Claude Van Damme plays a version of himself). The few large-scale attempts, like "The A-Team," underperformed. (The biceps-and-bullets remake grossed $77 million domestically, a number that will likely be easily surpassed by "The Expendables.") But the Stallone picture -- with its hard-charging, take-no-prisoners patriotism unbothered by the vagaries of the real world (it takes place in a fictional country, for starters) and its caricature of freedom-hating enemies ("We will kill this American disease," as the TV spot enticed us) -- planted itself squarely in the old-school genre. And this weekend, the movie showed that there's life in that category yet. That "Scott Pilgrim vs. the World," the tongue-in-cheek, pop-culture-referential, decidedly 2010 creation -- the one for, of and by arch fanboys -- trailed well behind "The Expendables" only drove home the point more loudly. On one hand, it's understandable that a movie of easy American heroism (OK, first-world Western heroism) would catch on. In fact, it's surprising it didn't happen sooner. Apple-pie-patriotism already is behind the success of a cable news network and supports large sections of the contemporary country music industry. Why not a film hit too? But among all the factors to which one might point in explaining the success of "The Expendables" -- a cast harvested from so many demographics and eras; a moviegoer backlash to 3-D and CG effects -- it somehow doesn't feel that the demand for neat heroes and villains is one of them. Norris and his ilk would submit that in our current period of ideological and geopolitical upheaval, in a time of blurry lines between enemies and friends in places such as Afghanistan and Iraq, that black-and-white heroes slake a patriotic thirst (and that, indeed, the movie-going world can support a lot more of them). But history argues the opposite: Those movies succeed when the culture at large is filled with clear-cut distinctions. On the other hand, when the zeitgeist is more cloudy, an entirely different kind of cinema prospers. The post-WWII era and its mainly straightforward distinctions between good and evil, to take an example of the former, yielded a flowering subgenre of movies with morally uncomplicated gunslingers. And 30 years later, the ideological simplicity of the Cold War and its larger-than-life Evil Empire gave rise to the very action movies on which "Expendables" is modeled (not to mention the ultimate in us-versus-them confections, "Rocky IV." Yes, there's a Stallone-ishness to all of this). There are plenty of reasons why these types of movies faded from view in the 1990s, but the fall of the Berlin Wall and the the Soviet Union certainly played a part. The examples are just as abundant on the other side. The ambiguities of the Vietnam War and the counterculture in the late 1960s and early 1970s undoubtedly offered up the moral murkiness of "Midnight Cowboy" and scores of others. In the post-9/11 world, meanwhile, movies like -- with its themes of a destruction-bent enemy that can't be bargained with, and the question of what constitutes an acceptable ethical compromise in fighting that enemy -- have captured our imagination. You can throw in there too, to the degree the movie was a contemplation of Western interests in the Middle East. Political eras are, of course, rarely just one thing or another, and the movies we want to see in a given period are hardly monolithic. But as tempting as it is to infer that the success of "The Expendables" shows a deeper cultural need, it may well be the wrong inference. When times are confusing, we want movies to reflect that confusion, and even to make sense of it. But we probably don't want to pretend that confusion doesn't exist. Photo: A scene from "The Expendables." Credit: Lionsgate Stallone: I'm contemplating an "Expendables" sequel Hollywood wonders if Schwarzenegger will be back

Talk to anyone involved in the action - movie glory days of the 1980s and the first thing they 'll say is that it 's time to bring those days back . '' In today 's world . we need heroes , '' Aaron Norris , brother of Chuck and an important behind - the - scenes figure in that heyday , told us when we interviewed him recently . ''

Talk to anyone involved in the action-movie glory days of the 1980s and the first thing they'll say is that it's time to bring those days back. "In today's world. we need heroes," Aaron Norris, brother of Chuck and an important behind-the-scenes figure in that heyday, told us when we interviewed him recently. "Our action movies have gotten too artsy." Artsy sort of left the room this weekend, when Sylvester Stallone's "The Expendables," which assembled a team of muscle-bound mercenaries to fight indisputably evil (but ideologically harmless) enemies in far-off lands, got audiences excited, to Until this weekend, old-school action movies -- defined, for argument's sake, as films with a slew of explosions, a shortage of moral ambiguity and a triumph of physical effects over digital ones -- had seen better days. It's been nearly two decades since pictures of this sort were produced with any regularity by the studio system, and a lot longer since they were stateside successes. Many of the attempts in recent years have been, at best, mid-budget passion projects with circumscribed audiences (Stallone's own which topped out at $42 million domestically) or post-modern winks (the French-language "JCVD" from 2008, a hostage movie in which Jean-Claude Van Damme plays a version of himself). The few large-scale attempts, like "The A-Team," underperformed. (The biceps-and-bullets remake grossed $77 million domestically, a number that will likely be easily surpassed by "The Expendables.") But the Stallone picture -- with its hard-charging, take-no-prisoners patriotism unbothered by the vagaries of the real world (it takes place in a fictional country, for starters) and its caricature of freedom-hating enemies ("We will kill this American disease," as the TV spot enticed us) -- planted itself squarely in the old-school genre. And this weekend, the movie showed that there's life in that category yet. That "Scott Pilgrim vs. the World," the tongue-in-cheek, pop-culture-referential, decidedly 2010 creation -- the one for, of and by arch fanboys -- trailed well behind "The Expendables" only drove home the point more loudly. On one hand, it's understandable that a movie of easy American heroism (OK, first-world Western heroism) would catch on. In fact, it's surprising it didn't happen sooner. Apple-pie-patriotism already is behind the success of a cable news network and supports large sections of the contemporary country music industry. Why not a film hit too? But among all the factors to which one might point in explaining the success of "The Expendables" -- a cast harvested from so many demographics and eras; a moviegoer backlash to 3-D and CG effects -- it somehow doesn't feel that the demand for neat heroes and villains is one of them. Norris and his ilk would submit that in our current period of ideological and geopolitical upheaval, in a time of blurry lines between enemies and friends in places such as Afghanistan and Iraq, that black-and-white heroes slake a patriotic thirst (and that, indeed, the movie-going world can support a lot more of them). But history argues the opposite: Those movies succeed when the culture at large is filled with clear-cut distinctions. On the other hand, when the zeitgeist is more cloudy, an entirely different kind of cinema prospers. The post-WWII era and its mainly straightforward distinctions between good and evil, to take an example of the former, yielded a flowering subgenre of movies with morally uncomplicated gunslingers. And 30 years later, the ideological simplicity of the Cold War and its larger-than-life Evil Empire gave rise to the very action movies on which "Expendables" is modeled (not to mention the ultimate in us-versus-them confections, "Rocky IV." Yes, there's a Stallone-ishness to all of this). There are plenty of reasons why these types of movies faded from view in the 1990s, but the fall of the Berlin Wall and the the Soviet Union certainly played a part. The examples are just as abundant on the other side. The ambiguities of the Vietnam War and the counterculture in the late 1960s and early 1970s undoubtedly offered up the moral murkiness of "Midnight Cowboy" and scores of others. In the post-9/11 world, meanwhile, movies like -- with its themes of a destruction-bent enemy that can't be bargained with, and the question of what constitutes an acceptable ethical compromise in fighting that enemy -- have captured our imagination. You can throw in there too, to the degree the movie was a contemplation of Western interests in the Middle East. Political eras are, of course, rarely just one thing or another, and the movies we want to see in a given period are hardly monolithic. But as tempting as it is to infer that the success of "The Expendables" shows a deeper cultural need, it may well be the wrong inference. When times are confusing, we want movies to reflect that confusion, and even to make sense of it. But we probably don't want to pretend that confusion doesn't exist. Photo: A scene from "The Expendables." Credit: Lionsgate Stallone: I'm contemplating an "Expendables" sequel Hollywood wonders if Schwarzenegger will be back

Talk to anyone involved in the action - movie glory days of the 1980s and the first thing they 'll say is that it 's time to bring those days back . '' In today 's world . we need heroes , '' Aaron Norris , brother of Chuck and an important behind - the - scenes figure in that heyday , told us when we interviewed him recently . '' Our action movies have gotten too sort of left the room this weekend , when Sylvester Stallone 's '' The Expendables , '' which assembled a team of muscle - bound mercenaries to fight indisputably evil ( but ideologically harmless ) enemies in far - off lands , got audiences excited , to the of $ million . Until

Talk to anyone involved in the action-movie glory days of the 1980s and the first thing they'll say is that it's time to bring those days back. "In today's world. we need heroes," Aaron Norris, brother of Chuck and an important behind-the-scenes figure in that heyday, told us when we interviewed him recently. "Our action movies have gotten too artsy." Artsy sort of left the room this weekend, when Sylvester Stallone's "The Expendables," which assembled a team of muscle-bound mercenaries to fight indisputably evil (but ideologically harmless) enemies in far-off lands, got audiences excited, to Until this weekend, old-school action movies -- defined, for argument's sake, as films with a slew of explosions, a shortage of moral ambiguity and a triumph of physical effects over digital ones -- had seen better days. It's been nearly two decades since pictures of this sort were produced with any regularity by the studio system, and a lot longer since they were stateside successes. Many of the attempts in recent years have been, at best, mid-budget passion projects with circumscribed audiences (Stallone's own which topped out at $42 million domestically) or post-modern winks (the French-language "JCVD" from 2008, a hostage movie in which Jean-Claude Van Damme plays a version of himself). The few large-scale attempts, like "The A-Team," underperformed. (The biceps-and-bullets remake grossed $77 million domestically, a number that will likely be easily surpassed by "The Expendables.") But the Stallone picture -- with its hard-charging, take-no-prisoners patriotism unbothered by the vagaries of the real world (it takes place in a fictional country, for starters) and its caricature of freedom-hating enemies ("We will kill this American disease," as the TV spot enticed us) -- planted itself squarely in the old-school genre. And this weekend, the movie showed that there's life in that category yet. That "Scott Pilgrim vs. the World," the tongue-in-cheek, pop-culture-referential, decidedly 2010 creation -- the one for, of and by arch fanboys -- trailed well behind "The Expendables" only drove home the point more loudly. On one hand, it's understandable that a movie of easy American heroism (OK, first-world Western heroism) would catch on. In fact, it's surprising it didn't happen sooner. Apple-pie-patriotism already is behind the success of a cable news network and supports large sections of the contemporary country music industry. Why not a film hit too? But among all the factors to which one might point in explaining the success of "The Expendables" -- a cast harvested from so many demographics and eras; a moviegoer backlash to 3-D and CG effects -- it somehow doesn't feel that the demand for neat heroes and villains is one of them. Norris and his ilk would submit that in our current period of ideological and geopolitical upheaval, in a time of blurry lines between enemies and friends in places such as Afghanistan and Iraq, that black-and-white heroes slake a patriotic thirst (and that, indeed, the movie-going world can support a lot more of them). But history argues the opposite: Those movies succeed when the culture at large is filled with clear-cut distinctions. On the other hand, when the zeitgeist is more cloudy, an entirely different kind of cinema prospers. The post-WWII era and its mainly straightforward distinctions between good and evil, to take an example of the former, yielded a flowering subgenre of movies with morally uncomplicated gunslingers. And 30 years later, the ideological simplicity of the Cold War and its larger-than-life Evil Empire gave rise to the very action movies on which "Expendables" is modeled (not to mention the ultimate in us-versus-them confections, "Rocky IV." Yes, there's a Stallone-ishness to all of this). There are plenty of reasons why these types of movies faded from view in the 1990s, but the fall of the Berlin Wall and the the Soviet Union certainly played a part. The examples are just as abundant on the other side. The ambiguities of the Vietnam War and the counterculture in the late 1960s and early 1970s undoubtedly offered up the moral murkiness of "Midnight Cowboy" and scores of others. In the post-9/11 world, meanwhile, movies like -- with its themes of a destruction-bent enemy that can't be bargained with, and the question of what constitutes an acceptable ethical compromise in fighting that enemy -- have captured our imagination. You can throw in there too, to the degree the movie was a contemplation of Western interests in the Middle East. Political eras are, of course, rarely just one thing or another, and the movies we want to see in a given period are hardly monolithic. But as tempting as it is to infer that the success of "The Expendables" shows a deeper cultural need, it may well be the wrong inference. When times are confusing, we want movies to reflect that confusion, and even to make sense of it. But we probably don't want to pretend that confusion doesn't exist. Photo: A scene from "The Expendables." Credit: Lionsgate Stallone: I'm contemplating an "Expendables" sequel Hollywood wonders if Schwarzenegger will be back

Norris and his ilk would submit that in our current period of ideological and geopolitical upheaval , in a time of blurry lines between enemies and friends in places such as Afghanistan and Iraq , that black - and - white heroes slake a patriotic thirst ( and that , indeed , the movie - going world can support a lot more of them ) .

Talk to anyone involved in the action-movie glory days of the 1980s and the first thing they'll say is that it's time to bring those days back. "In today's world. we need heroes," Aaron Norris, brother of Chuck and an important behind-the-scenes figure in that heyday, told us when we interviewed him recently. "Our action movies have gotten too artsy." Artsy sort of left the room this weekend, when Sylvester Stallone's "The Expendables," which assembled a team of muscle-bound mercenaries to fight indisputably evil (but ideologically harmless) enemies in far-off lands, got audiences excited, to Until this weekend, old-school action movies -- defined, for argument's sake, as films with a slew of explosions, a shortage of moral ambiguity and a triumph of physical effects over digital ones -- had seen better days. It's been nearly two decades since pictures of this sort were produced with any regularity by the studio system, and a lot longer since they were stateside successes. Many of the attempts in recent years have been, at best, mid-budget passion projects with circumscribed audiences (Stallone's own which topped out at $42 million domestically) or post-modern winks (the French-language "JCVD" from 2008, a hostage movie in which Jean-Claude Van Damme plays a version of himself). The few large-scale attempts, like "The A-Team," underperformed. (The biceps-and-bullets remake grossed $77 million domestically, a number that will likely be easily surpassed by "The Expendables.") But the Stallone picture -- with its hard-charging, take-no-prisoners patriotism unbothered by the vagaries of the real world (it takes place in a fictional country, for starters) and its caricature of freedom-hating enemies ("We will kill this American disease," as the TV spot enticed us) -- planted itself squarely in the old-school genre. And this weekend, the movie showed that there's life in that category yet. That "Scott Pilgrim vs. the World," the tongue-in-cheek, pop-culture-referential, decidedly 2010 creation -- the one for, of and by arch fanboys -- trailed well behind "The Expendables" only drove home the point more loudly. On one hand, it's understandable that a movie of easy American heroism (OK, first-world Western heroism) would catch on. In fact, it's surprising it didn't happen sooner. Apple-pie-patriotism already is behind the success of a cable news network and supports large sections of the contemporary country music industry. Why not a film hit too? But among all the factors to which one might point in explaining the success of "The Expendables" -- a cast harvested from so many demographics and eras; a moviegoer backlash to 3-D and CG effects -- it somehow doesn't feel that the demand for neat heroes and villains is one of them. Norris and his ilk would submit that in our current period of ideological and geopolitical upheaval, in a time of blurry lines between enemies and friends in places such as Afghanistan and Iraq, that black-and-white heroes slake a patriotic thirst (and that, indeed, the movie-going world can support a lot more of them). But history argues the opposite: Those movies succeed when the culture at large is filled with clear-cut distinctions. On the other hand, when the zeitgeist is more cloudy, an entirely different kind of cinema prospers. The post-WWII era and its mainly straightforward distinctions between good and evil, to take an example of the former, yielded a flowering subgenre of movies with morally uncomplicated gunslingers. And 30 years later, the ideological simplicity of the Cold War and its larger-than-life Evil Empire gave rise to the very action movies on which "Expendables" is modeled (not to mention the ultimate in us-versus-them confections, "Rocky IV." Yes, there's a Stallone-ishness to all of this). There are plenty of reasons why these types of movies faded from view in the 1990s, but the fall of the Berlin Wall and the the Soviet Union certainly played a part. The examples are just as abundant on the other side. The ambiguities of the Vietnam War and the counterculture in the late 1960s and early 1970s undoubtedly offered up the moral murkiness of "Midnight Cowboy" and scores of others. In the post-9/11 world, meanwhile, movies like -- with its themes of a destruction-bent enemy that can't be bargained with, and the question of what constitutes an acceptable ethical compromise in fighting that enemy -- have captured our imagination. You can throw in there too, to the degree the movie was a contemplation of Western interests in the Middle East. Political eras are, of course, rarely just one thing or another, and the movies we want to see in a given period are hardly monolithic. But as tempting as it is to infer that the success of "The Expendables" shows a deeper cultural need, it may well be the wrong inference. When times are confusing, we want movies to reflect that confusion, and even to make sense of it. But we probably don't want to pretend that confusion doesn't exist. Photo: A scene from "The Expendables." Credit: Lionsgate Stallone: I'm contemplating an "Expendables" sequel Hollywood wonders if Schwarzenegger will be back

collection of all usatoday.com coverage of st , including articles , videos , photos , and quotes .

Talk to anyone involved in the action-movie glory days of the 1980s and the first thing they'll say is that it's time to bring those days back. "In today's world. we need heroes," Aaron Norris, brother of Chuck and an important behind-the-scenes figure in that heyday, told us when we interviewed him recently. "Our action movies have gotten too artsy." Artsy sort of left the room this weekend, when Sylvester Stallone's "The Expendables," which assembled a team of muscle-bound mercenaries to fight indisputably evil (but ideologically harmless) enemies in far-off lands, got audiences excited, to Until this weekend, old-school action movies -- defined, for argument's sake, as films with a slew of explosions, a shortage of moral ambiguity and a triumph of physical effects over digital ones -- had seen better days. It's been nearly two decades since pictures of this sort were produced with any regularity by the studio system, and a lot longer since they were stateside successes. Many of the attempts in recent years have been, at best, mid-budget passion projects with circumscribed audiences (Stallone's own which topped out at $42 million domestically) or post-modern winks (the French-language "JCVD" from 2008, a hostage movie in which Jean-Claude Van Damme plays a version of himself). The few large-scale attempts, like "The A-Team," underperformed. (The biceps-and-bullets remake grossed $77 million domestically, a number that will likely be easily surpassed by "The Expendables.") But the Stallone picture -- with its hard-charging, take-no-prisoners patriotism unbothered by the vagaries of the real world (it takes place in a fictional country, for starters) and its caricature of freedom-hating enemies ("We will kill this American disease," as the TV spot enticed us) -- planted itself squarely in the old-school genre. And this weekend, the movie showed that there's life in that category yet. That "Scott Pilgrim vs. the World," the tongue-in-cheek, pop-culture-referential, decidedly 2010 creation -- the one for, of and by arch fanboys -- trailed well behind "The Expendables" only drove home the point more loudly. On one hand, it's understandable that a movie of easy American heroism (OK, first-world Western heroism) would catch on. In fact, it's surprising it didn't happen sooner. Apple-pie-patriotism already is behind the success of a cable news network and supports large sections of the contemporary country music industry. Why not a film hit too? But among all the factors to which one might point in explaining the success of "The Expendables" -- a cast harvested from so many demographics and eras; a moviegoer backlash to 3-D and CG effects -- it somehow doesn't feel that the demand for neat heroes and villains is one of them. Norris and his ilk would submit that in our current period of ideological and geopolitical upheaval, in a time of blurry lines between enemies and friends in places such as Afghanistan and Iraq, that black-and-white heroes slake a patriotic thirst (and that, indeed, the movie-going world can support a lot more of them). But history argues the opposite: Those movies succeed when the culture at large is filled with clear-cut distinctions. On the other hand, when the zeitgeist is more cloudy, an entirely different kind of cinema prospers. The post-WWII era and its mainly straightforward distinctions between good and evil, to take an example of the former, yielded a flowering subgenre of movies with morally uncomplicated gunslingers. And 30 years later, the ideological simplicity of the Cold War and its larger-than-life Evil Empire gave rise to the very action movies on which "Expendables" is modeled (not to mention the ultimate in us-versus-them confections, "Rocky IV." Yes, there's a Stallone-ishness to all of this). There are plenty of reasons why these types of movies faded from view in the 1990s, but the fall of the Berlin Wall and the the Soviet Union certainly played a part. The examples are just as abundant on the other side. The ambiguities of the Vietnam War and the counterculture in the late 1960s and early 1970s undoubtedly offered up the moral murkiness of "Midnight Cowboy" and scores of others. In the post-9/11 world, meanwhile, movies like -- with its themes of a destruction-bent enemy that can't be bargained with, and the question of what constitutes an acceptable ethical compromise in fighting that enemy -- have captured our imagination. You can throw in there too, to the degree the movie was a contemplation of Western interests in the Middle East. Political eras are, of course, rarely just one thing or another, and the movies we want to see in a given period are hardly monolithic. But as tempting as it is to infer that the success of "The Expendables" shows a deeper cultural need, it may well be the wrong inference. When times are confusing, we want movies to reflect that confusion, and even to make sense of it. But we probably don't want to pretend that confusion doesn't exist. Photo: A scene from "The Expendables." Credit: Lionsgate Stallone: I'm contemplating an "Expendables" sequel Hollywood wonders if Schwarzenegger will be back

heyday , '' aaron norris , brother of chuck the , he argument 's sake -- planted itself squarely in old-school the movie showed that there 's life in that category yet . that `` scott pilgrim vs. the

Talk to anyone involved in the action-movie glory days of the 1980s and the first thing they'll say is that it's time to bring those days back. "In today's world. we need heroes," Aaron Norris, brother of Chuck and an important behind-the-scenes figure in that heyday, told us when we interviewed him recently. "Our action movies have gotten too artsy." Artsy sort of left the room this weekend, when Sylvester Stallone's "The Expendables," which assembled a team of muscle-bound mercenaries to fight indisputably evil (but ideologically harmless) enemies in far-off lands, got audiences excited, to Until this weekend, old-school action movies -- defined, for argument's sake, as films with a slew of explosions, a shortage of moral ambiguity and a triumph of physical effects over digital ones -- had seen better days. It's been nearly two decades since pictures of this sort were produced with any regularity by the studio system, and a lot longer since they were stateside successes. Many of the attempts in recent years have been, at best, mid-budget passion projects with circumscribed audiences (Stallone's own which topped out at $42 million domestically) or post-modern winks (the French-language "JCVD" from 2008, a hostage movie in which Jean-Claude Van Damme plays a version of himself). The few large-scale attempts, like "The A-Team," underperformed. (The biceps-and-bullets remake grossed $77 million domestically, a number that will likely be easily surpassed by "The Expendables.") But the Stallone picture -- with its hard-charging, take-no-prisoners patriotism unbothered by the vagaries of the real world (it takes place in a fictional country, for starters) and its caricature of freedom-hating enemies ("We will kill this American disease," as the TV spot enticed us) -- planted itself squarely in the old-school genre. And this weekend, the movie showed that there's life in that category yet. That "Scott Pilgrim vs. the World," the tongue-in-cheek, pop-culture-referential, decidedly 2010 creation -- the one for, of and by arch fanboys -- trailed well behind "The Expendables" only drove home the point more loudly. On one hand, it's understandable that a movie of easy American heroism (OK, first-world Western heroism) would catch on. In fact, it's surprising it didn't happen sooner. Apple-pie-patriotism already is behind the success of a cable news network and supports large sections of the contemporary country music industry. Why not a film hit too? But among all the factors to which one might point in explaining the success of "The Expendables" -- a cast harvested from so many demographics and eras; a moviegoer backlash to 3-D and CG effects -- it somehow doesn't feel that the demand for neat heroes and villains is one of them. Norris and his ilk would submit that in our current period of ideological and geopolitical upheaval, in a time of blurry lines between enemies and friends in places such as Afghanistan and Iraq, that black-and-white heroes slake a patriotic thirst (and that, indeed, the movie-going world can support a lot more of them). But history argues the opposite: Those movies succeed when the culture at large is filled with clear-cut distinctions. On the other hand, when the zeitgeist is more cloudy, an entirely different kind of cinema prospers. The post-WWII era and its mainly straightforward distinctions between good and evil, to take an example of the former, yielded a flowering subgenre of movies with morally uncomplicated gunslingers. And 30 years later, the ideological simplicity of the Cold War and its larger-than-life Evil Empire gave rise to the very action movies on which "Expendables" is modeled (not to mention the ultimate in us-versus-them confections, "Rocky IV." Yes, there's a Stallone-ishness to all of this). There are plenty of reasons why these types of movies faded from view in the 1990s, but the fall of the Berlin Wall and the the Soviet Union certainly played a part. The examples are just as abundant on the other side. The ambiguities of the Vietnam War and the counterculture in the late 1960s and early 1970s undoubtedly offered up the moral murkiness of "Midnight Cowboy" and scores of others. In the post-9/11 world, meanwhile, movies like -- with its themes of a destruction-bent enemy that can't be bargained with, and the question of what constitutes an acceptable ethical compromise in fighting that enemy -- have captured our imagination. You can throw in there too, to the degree the movie was a contemplation of Western interests in the Middle East. Political eras are, of course, rarely just one thing or another, and the movies we want to see in a given period are hardly monolithic. But as tempting as it is to infer that the success of "The Expendables" shows a deeper cultural need, it may well be the wrong inference. When times are confusing, we want movies to reflect that confusion, and even to make sense of it. But we probably don't want to pretend that confusion doesn't exist. Photo: A scene from "The Expendables." Credit: Lionsgate Stallone: I'm contemplating an "Expendables" sequel Hollywood wonders if Schwarzenegger will be back

talk to anyone involved in the action-movie glory days of the 1980s and the first thing they 'll say is that it [UNK] time to bring those days back . '' artsy sort of left the room this weekend .

Talk to anyone involved in the action-movie glory days of the 1980s and the first thing they'll say is that it's time to bring those days back. "In today's world. we need heroes," Aaron Norris, brother of Chuck and an important behind-the-scenes figure in that heyday, told us when we interviewed him recently. "Our action movies have gotten too artsy." Artsy sort of left the room this weekend, when Sylvester Stallone's "The Expendables," which assembled a team of muscle-bound mercenaries to fight indisputably evil (but ideologically harmless) enemies in far-off lands, got audiences excited, to Until this weekend, old-school action movies -- defined, for argument's sake, as films with a slew of explosions, a shortage of moral ambiguity and a triumph of physical effects over digital ones -- had seen better days. It's been nearly two decades since pictures of this sort were produced with any regularity by the studio system, and a lot longer since they were stateside successes. Many of the attempts in recent years have been, at best, mid-budget passion projects with circumscribed audiences (Stallone's own which topped out at $42 million domestically) or post-modern winks (the French-language "JCVD" from 2008, a hostage movie in which Jean-Claude Van Damme plays a version of himself). The few large-scale attempts, like "The A-Team," underperformed. (The biceps-and-bullets remake grossed $77 million domestically, a number that will likely be easily surpassed by "The Expendables.") But the Stallone picture -- with its hard-charging, take-no-prisoners patriotism unbothered by the vagaries of the real world (it takes place in a fictional country, for starters) and its caricature of freedom-hating enemies ("We will kill this American disease," as the TV spot enticed us) -- planted itself squarely in the old-school genre. And this weekend, the movie showed that there's life in that category yet. That "Scott Pilgrim vs. the World," the tongue-in-cheek, pop-culture-referential, decidedly 2010 creation -- the one for, of and by arch fanboys -- trailed well behind "The Expendables" only drove home the point more loudly. On one hand, it's understandable that a movie of easy American heroism (OK, first-world Western heroism) would catch on. In fact, it's surprising it didn't happen sooner. Apple-pie-patriotism already is behind the success of a cable news network and supports large sections of the contemporary country music industry. Why not a film hit too? But among all the factors to which one might point in explaining the success of "The Expendables" -- a cast harvested from so many demographics and eras; a moviegoer backlash to 3-D and CG effects -- it somehow doesn't feel that the demand for neat heroes and villains is one of them. Norris and his ilk would submit that in our current period of ideological and geopolitical upheaval, in a time of blurry lines between enemies and friends in places such as Afghanistan and Iraq, that black-and-white heroes slake a patriotic thirst (and that, indeed, the movie-going world can support a lot more of them). But history argues the opposite: Those movies succeed when the culture at large is filled with clear-cut distinctions. On the other hand, when the zeitgeist is more cloudy, an entirely different kind of cinema prospers. The post-WWII era and its mainly straightforward distinctions between good and evil, to take an example of the former, yielded a flowering subgenre of movies with morally uncomplicated gunslingers. And 30 years later, the ideological simplicity of the Cold War and its larger-than-life Evil Empire gave rise to the very action movies on which "Expendables" is modeled (not to mention the ultimate in us-versus-them confections, "Rocky IV." Yes, there's a Stallone-ishness to all of this). There are plenty of reasons why these types of movies faded from view in the 1990s, but the fall of the Berlin Wall and the the Soviet Union certainly played a part. The examples are just as abundant on the other side. The ambiguities of the Vietnam War and the counterculture in the late 1960s and early 1970s undoubtedly offered up the moral murkiness of "Midnight Cowboy" and scores of others. In the post-9/11 world, meanwhile, movies like -- with its themes of a destruction-bent enemy that can't be bargained with, and the question of what constitutes an acceptable ethical compromise in fighting that enemy -- have captured our imagination. You can throw in there too, to the degree the movie was a contemplation of Western interests in the Middle East. Political eras are, of course, rarely just one thing or another, and the movies we want to see in a given period are hardly monolithic. But as tempting as it is to infer that the success of "The Expendables" shows a deeper cultural need, it may well be the wrong inference. When times are confusing, we want movies to reflect that confusion, and even to make sense of it. But we probably don't want to pretend that confusion doesn't exist. Photo: A scene from "The Expendables." Credit: Lionsgate Stallone: I'm contemplating an "Expendables" sequel Hollywood wonders if Schwarzenegger will be back

a shortage of moral ambiguity and a triumph of physical effects over digital ones -- aaron norris , brother of chuck and an first thing they 'll say is that it 's time to bring those days back .

MUMBAI, India – A simple vinegar test slashed cervical cancer death rates by one-third in a remarkable study of 150,000 women in the slums of India, where the disease is the top cancer killer of women. Doctors reported the results Sunday at a cancer conference in Chicago. Experts called the outcome "amazing" and said this quick, cheap test could save tens of thousands of lives each year in developing countries by spotting early signs of cancer, allowing treatment before it's too late. Usha Devi, one of the women in the study, says it saved her life. "Many women refused to get screened. Some of them died of cancer later," Devi said. "Now I feel everyone should get tested. I got my life back because of these tests." Pap smears and tests for HPV, a virus that causes most cervical cancers, have slashed cases and deaths in the United States. But poor countries can't afford those screening tools. This study tried a test that costs very little and can be done by local people with just two weeks of training and no fancy lab equipment. They swab the cervix with diluted vinegar, which can make abnormal cells briefly change color. This low-tech visual exam cut the cervical cancer death rate by 31 percent, the study found. It could prevent 22,000 deaths in India and 72,600 worldwide each year, researchers estimate. "That's amazing. That's remarkable. It's a very exciting result," said Dr. Ted Trimble of the National Cancer Institute in the U.S., the main sponsor of the study. The story of research participant Usha Devi is not an unusual one. Despite having given birth to four children, she had never had a gynecological exam. She had been bleeding heavily for several years, hoping patience and prayers would fix things. "Everyone said it would go away, and every time I thought about going to the doctor there was either no money or something else would come up," she said, sitting in a tiny room that serves as bedroom, kitchen, bathroom and living room for her entire family. One day she found a card from health workers trying to convince women to join the study. Devi is in her late 40s and like many poor Indians doesn't know her date of birth. She learned she had advanced cervical cancer. The study paid for surgery to remove her uterus and cervix. The research effort was led by Dr. Surendra Shastri of Tata Memorial Hospital in Mumbai. India has nearly one-third of the world's cases of cervical cancer — more than 140,000 each year. "It's just not possible to provide Pap smear screening in developing countries. We don't have that kind of money" or the staff or equipment, so a simpler method had to be found, Shastri said. Starting in 1998, researchers enrolled 75,360 women to be screened every two years with the vinegar test. Another 76,178 women were chosen for a control, or comparison group that just got cancer education at the start of the study and vouchers for a free Pap test — if they could get to the hospital to have one. Women in either group found to have cancer were offered free treatment at the hospital. Still, this quick and free cancer screening was a hard sell in a deeply conservative country where women are subservient and need permission from husbands, fathers or others for even routine decisions. Social workers were sent into the slums to win people over. "We went to every single house in the neighborhood assigned to us introducing ourselves and asking them to come to our health talks. They used to come out of curiosity, listen to the talk but when we asked them to get screened they would totally refuse," said one social worker, Vaishnavi Bhagat. "The women were both scared and shy." One woman who did agree to testing jumped up from the table when she was examined with a speculum. "She started screaming that we had stolen her kidney," Bhagat said. Another health worker was beaten by people in the neighborhood when women realized they would have to disrobe to be screened. "There was a sense of shame about taking their clothes off. A lot of them had their babies at home and had never been to a doctor," said one health worker, Urmila Hadkar. "Sometimes just the idea of getting tested for cancer scared them. They would start crying even before being tested." But screening worked. The quality of screening by health workers was comparable to that of an expert gynecologist, researchers reported. The study was planned for 16 years, but results at 12 years showed lives were saved with the screening. So independent monitors advised offering it to the women in the comparison group. An ethics controversy developed during the study. The U.S. Office for Human Research Protections faulted researchers for not adequately informing participants in the comparison group about Pap tests for screening. A letter from the agency in March indicated officials seemed to accept many of the remedies study leaders had implemented. "We looked at the ethics very carefully" and felt them to be sound, and visited the project in India, said Trimble of the National Cancer Institute. Dr. Sandra Swain, a cancer specialist at Medstar Washington Hospital Center, also defended the research. She is president of the American Society of Clinical Oncology, and the research results were presented at that group's meeting in Chicago on Sunday. "There really was no wrongdoing there," she said. "They have no screening anyway," so there is no standard of care now. Officials in India already are making plans to expand the vinegar testing to a wider population. Many poor countries can't afford mammograms for breast cancer screening either. The India study also has been testing breast exams by health workers as an alternative. Preliminary results suggest breast cancers are being found at an earlier stage, but it's too soon to know if that will save lives because not enough women have died yet to compare the groups, said Trimble of the National Cancer Institute. More progress against cervical cancer may come from last month's announcement that two companies will drastically lower prices on HPV vaccines for poor countries. Pilot projects will begin in Asia and Africa; the campaign aims to vaccinate more than 30 million girls in more than 40 countries by 2020.

MUMBAI , India -- A simple vinegar test slashed cervical cancer death rates by one - third in a remarkable study of 150,000 women in the slums of India , where the disease is the top cancer killer of women . Doctors reported the results Sunday at a cancer conference in Chicago . Experts called the outcome '' amazing '' and said this quick , cheap test could save tens of thousands of lives each year in developing countries by spotting early signs of cancer , allowing treatment before it 's too late .

MUMBAI, India – A simple vinegar test slashed cervical cancer death rates by one-third in a remarkable study of 150,000 women in the slums of India, where the disease is the top cancer killer of women. Doctors reported the results Sunday at a cancer conference in Chicago. Experts called the outcome "amazing" and said this quick, cheap test could save tens of thousands of lives each year in developing countries by spotting early signs of cancer, allowing treatment before it's too late. Usha Devi, one of the women in the study, says it saved her life. "Many women refused to get screened. Some of them died of cancer later," Devi said. "Now I feel everyone should get tested. I got my life back because of these tests." Pap smears and tests for HPV, a virus that causes most cervical cancers, have slashed cases and deaths in the United States. But poor countries can't afford those screening tools. This study tried a test that costs very little and can be done by local people with just two weeks of training and no fancy lab equipment. They swab the cervix with diluted vinegar, which can make abnormal cells briefly change color. This low-tech visual exam cut the cervical cancer death rate by 31 percent, the study found. It could prevent 22,000 deaths in India and 72,600 worldwide each year, researchers estimate. "That's amazing. That's remarkable. It's a very exciting result," said Dr. Ted Trimble of the National Cancer Institute in the U.S., the main sponsor of the study. The story of research participant Usha Devi is not an unusual one. Despite having given birth to four children, she had never had a gynecological exam. She had been bleeding heavily for several years, hoping patience and prayers would fix things. "Everyone said it would go away, and every time I thought about going to the doctor there was either no money or something else would come up," she said, sitting in a tiny room that serves as bedroom, kitchen, bathroom and living room for her entire family. One day she found a card from health workers trying to convince women to join the study. Devi is in her late 40s and like many poor Indians doesn't know her date of birth. She learned she had advanced cervical cancer. The study paid for surgery to remove her uterus and cervix. The research effort was led by Dr. Surendra Shastri of Tata Memorial Hospital in Mumbai. India has nearly one-third of the world's cases of cervical cancer — more than 140,000 each year. "It's just not possible to provide Pap smear screening in developing countries. We don't have that kind of money" or the staff or equipment, so a simpler method had to be found, Shastri said. Starting in 1998, researchers enrolled 75,360 women to be screened every two years with the vinegar test. Another 76,178 women were chosen for a control, or comparison group that just got cancer education at the start of the study and vouchers for a free Pap test — if they could get to the hospital to have one. Women in either group found to have cancer were offered free treatment at the hospital. Still, this quick and free cancer screening was a hard sell in a deeply conservative country where women are subservient and need permission from husbands, fathers or others for even routine decisions. Social workers were sent into the slums to win people over. "We went to every single house in the neighborhood assigned to us introducing ourselves and asking them to come to our health talks. They used to come out of curiosity, listen to the talk but when we asked them to get screened they would totally refuse," said one social worker, Vaishnavi Bhagat. "The women were both scared and shy." One woman who did agree to testing jumped up from the table when she was examined with a speculum. "She started screaming that we had stolen her kidney," Bhagat said. Another health worker was beaten by people in the neighborhood when women realized they would have to disrobe to be screened. "There was a sense of shame about taking their clothes off. A lot of them had their babies at home and had never been to a doctor," said one health worker, Urmila Hadkar. "Sometimes just the idea of getting tested for cancer scared them. They would start crying even before being tested." But screening worked. The quality of screening by health workers was comparable to that of an expert gynecologist, researchers reported. The study was planned for 16 years, but results at 12 years showed lives were saved with the screening. So independent monitors advised offering it to the women in the comparison group. An ethics controversy developed during the study. The U.S. Office for Human Research Protections faulted researchers for not adequately informing participants in the comparison group about Pap tests for screening. A letter from the agency in March indicated officials seemed to accept many of the remedies study leaders had implemented. "We looked at the ethics very carefully" and felt them to be sound, and visited the project in India, said Trimble of the National Cancer Institute. Dr. Sandra Swain, a cancer specialist at Medstar Washington Hospital Center, also defended the research. She is president of the American Society of Clinical Oncology, and the research results were presented at that group's meeting in Chicago on Sunday. "There really was no wrongdoing there," she said. "They have no screening anyway," so there is no standard of care now. Officials in India already are making plans to expand the vinegar testing to a wider population. Many poor countries can't afford mammograms for breast cancer screening either. The India study also has been testing breast exams by health workers as an alternative. Preliminary results suggest breast cancers are being found at an earlier stage, but it's too soon to know if that will save lives because not enough women have died yet to compare the groups, said Trimble of the National Cancer Institute. More progress against cervical cancer may come from last month's announcement that two companies will drastically lower prices on HPV vaccines for poor countries. Pilot projects will begin in Asia and Africa; the campaign aims to vaccinate more than 30 million girls in more than 40 countries by 2020.

A study of women in India has found that a simple test vinegar could save thousands of lives a year by spotting early signs of cervical cancer .

MUMBAI, India – A simple vinegar test slashed cervical cancer death rates by one-third in a remarkable study of 150,000 women in the slums of India, where the disease is the top cancer killer of women. Doctors reported the results Sunday at a cancer conference in Chicago. Experts called the outcome "amazing" and said this quick, cheap test could save tens of thousands of lives each year in developing countries by spotting early signs of cancer, allowing treatment before it's too late. Usha Devi, one of the women in the study, says it saved her life. "Many women refused to get screened. Some of them died of cancer later," Devi said. "Now I feel everyone should get tested. I got my life back because of these tests." Pap smears and tests for HPV, a virus that causes most cervical cancers, have slashed cases and deaths in the United States. But poor countries can't afford those screening tools. This study tried a test that costs very little and can be done by local people with just two weeks of training and no fancy lab equipment. They swab the cervix with diluted vinegar, which can make abnormal cells briefly change color. This low-tech visual exam cut the cervical cancer death rate by 31 percent, the study found. It could prevent 22,000 deaths in India and 72,600 worldwide each year, researchers estimate. "That's amazing. That's remarkable. It's a very exciting result," said Dr. Ted Trimble of the National Cancer Institute in the U.S., the main sponsor of the study. The story of research participant Usha Devi is not an unusual one. Despite having given birth to four children, she had never had a gynecological exam. She had been bleeding heavily for several years, hoping patience and prayers would fix things. "Everyone said it would go away, and every time I thought about going to the doctor there was either no money or something else would come up," she said, sitting in a tiny room that serves as bedroom, kitchen, bathroom and living room for her entire family. One day she found a card from health workers trying to convince women to join the study. Devi is in her late 40s and like many poor Indians doesn't know her date of birth. She learned she had advanced cervical cancer. The study paid for surgery to remove her uterus and cervix. The research effort was led by Dr. Surendra Shastri of Tata Memorial Hospital in Mumbai. India has nearly one-third of the world's cases of cervical cancer — more than 140,000 each year. "It's just not possible to provide Pap smear screening in developing countries. We don't have that kind of money" or the staff or equipment, so a simpler method had to be found, Shastri said. Starting in 1998, researchers enrolled 75,360 women to be screened every two years with the vinegar test. Another 76,178 women were chosen for a control, or comparison group that just got cancer education at the start of the study and vouchers for a free Pap test — if they could get to the hospital to have one. Women in either group found to have cancer were offered free treatment at the hospital. Still, this quick and free cancer screening was a hard sell in a deeply conservative country where women are subservient and need permission from husbands, fathers or others for even routine decisions. Social workers were sent into the slums to win people over. "We went to every single house in the neighborhood assigned to us introducing ourselves and asking them to come to our health talks. They used to come out of curiosity, listen to the talk but when we asked them to get screened they would totally refuse," said one social worker, Vaishnavi Bhagat. "The women were both scared and shy." One woman who did agree to testing jumped up from the table when she was examined with a speculum. "She started screaming that we had stolen her kidney," Bhagat said. Another health worker was beaten by people in the neighborhood when women realized they would have to disrobe to be screened. "There was a sense of shame about taking their clothes off. A lot of them had their babies at home and had never been to a doctor," said one health worker, Urmila Hadkar. "Sometimes just the idea of getting tested for cancer scared them. They would start crying even before being tested." But screening worked. The quality of screening by health workers was comparable to that of an expert gynecologist, researchers reported. The study was planned for 16 years, but results at 12 years showed lives were saved with the screening. So independent monitors advised offering it to the women in the comparison group. An ethics controversy developed during the study. The U.S. Office for Human Research Protections faulted researchers for not adequately informing participants in the comparison group about Pap tests for screening. A letter from the agency in March indicated officials seemed to accept many of the remedies study leaders had implemented. "We looked at the ethics very carefully" and felt them to be sound, and visited the project in India, said Trimble of the National Cancer Institute. Dr. Sandra Swain, a cancer specialist at Medstar Washington Hospital Center, also defended the research. She is president of the American Society of Clinical Oncology, and the research results were presented at that group's meeting in Chicago on Sunday. "There really was no wrongdoing there," she said. "They have no screening anyway," so there is no standard of care now. Officials in India already are making plans to expand the vinegar testing to a wider population. Many poor countries can't afford mammograms for breast cancer screening either. The India study also has been testing breast exams by health workers as an alternative. Preliminary results suggest breast cancers are being found at an earlier stage, but it's too soon to know if that will save lives because not enough women have died yet to compare the groups, said Trimble of the National Cancer Institute. More progress against cervical cancer may come from last month's announcement that two companies will drastically lower prices on HPV vaccines for poor countries. Pilot projects will begin in Asia and Africa; the campaign aims to vaccinate more than 30 million girls in more than 40 countries by 2020.

Another 76,178 women were chosen for a control , or comparison group that just got cancer education at the start of the study and vouchers for a free Pap test -- if they could get to the hospital to have one .

MUMBAI, India – A simple vinegar test slashed cervical cancer death rates by one-third in a remarkable study of 150,000 women in the slums of India, where the disease is the top cancer killer of women. Doctors reported the results Sunday at a cancer conference in Chicago. Experts called the outcome "amazing" and said this quick, cheap test could save tens of thousands of lives each year in developing countries by spotting early signs of cancer, allowing treatment before it's too late. Usha Devi, one of the women in the study, says it saved her life. "Many women refused to get screened. Some of them died of cancer later," Devi said. "Now I feel everyone should get tested. I got my life back because of these tests." Pap smears and tests for HPV, a virus that causes most cervical cancers, have slashed cases and deaths in the United States. But poor countries can't afford those screening tools. This study tried a test that costs very little and can be done by local people with just two weeks of training and no fancy lab equipment. They swab the cervix with diluted vinegar, which can make abnormal cells briefly change color. This low-tech visual exam cut the cervical cancer death rate by 31 percent, the study found. It could prevent 22,000 deaths in India and 72,600 worldwide each year, researchers estimate. "That's amazing. That's remarkable. It's a very exciting result," said Dr. Ted Trimble of the National Cancer Institute in the U.S., the main sponsor of the study. The story of research participant Usha Devi is not an unusual one. Despite having given birth to four children, she had never had a gynecological exam. She had been bleeding heavily for several years, hoping patience and prayers would fix things. "Everyone said it would go away, and every time I thought about going to the doctor there was either no money or something else would come up," she said, sitting in a tiny room that serves as bedroom, kitchen, bathroom and living room for her entire family. One day she found a card from health workers trying to convince women to join the study. Devi is in her late 40s and like many poor Indians doesn't know her date of birth. She learned she had advanced cervical cancer. The study paid for surgery to remove her uterus and cervix. The research effort was led by Dr. Surendra Shastri of Tata Memorial Hospital in Mumbai. India has nearly one-third of the world's cases of cervical cancer — more than 140,000 each year. "It's just not possible to provide Pap smear screening in developing countries. We don't have that kind of money" or the staff or equipment, so a simpler method had to be found, Shastri said. Starting in 1998, researchers enrolled 75,360 women to be screened every two years with the vinegar test. Another 76,178 women were chosen for a control, or comparison group that just got cancer education at the start of the study and vouchers for a free Pap test — if they could get to the hospital to have one. Women in either group found to have cancer were offered free treatment at the hospital. Still, this quick and free cancer screening was a hard sell in a deeply conservative country where women are subservient and need permission from husbands, fathers or others for even routine decisions. Social workers were sent into the slums to win people over. "We went to every single house in the neighborhood assigned to us introducing ourselves and asking them to come to our health talks. They used to come out of curiosity, listen to the talk but when we asked them to get screened they would totally refuse," said one social worker, Vaishnavi Bhagat. "The women were both scared and shy." One woman who did agree to testing jumped up from the table when she was examined with a speculum. "She started screaming that we had stolen her kidney," Bhagat said. Another health worker was beaten by people in the neighborhood when women realized they would have to disrobe to be screened. "There was a sense of shame about taking their clothes off. A lot of them had their babies at home and had never been to a doctor," said one health worker, Urmila Hadkar. "Sometimes just the idea of getting tested for cancer scared them. They would start crying even before being tested." But screening worked. The quality of screening by health workers was comparable to that of an expert gynecologist, researchers reported. The study was planned for 16 years, but results at 12 years showed lives were saved with the screening. So independent monitors advised offering it to the women in the comparison group. An ethics controversy developed during the study. The U.S. Office for Human Research Protections faulted researchers for not adequately informing participants in the comparison group about Pap tests for screening. A letter from the agency in March indicated officials seemed to accept many of the remedies study leaders had implemented. "We looked at the ethics very carefully" and felt them to be sound, and visited the project in India, said Trimble of the National Cancer Institute. Dr. Sandra Swain, a cancer specialist at Medstar Washington Hospital Center, also defended the research. She is president of the American Society of Clinical Oncology, and the research results were presented at that group's meeting in Chicago on Sunday. "There really was no wrongdoing there," she said. "They have no screening anyway," so there is no standard of care now. Officials in India already are making plans to expand the vinegar testing to a wider population. Many poor countries can't afford mammograms for breast cancer screening either. The India study also has been testing breast exams by health workers as an alternative. Preliminary results suggest breast cancers are being found at an earlier stage, but it's too soon to know if that will save lives because not enough women have died yet to compare the groups, said Trimble of the National Cancer Institute. More progress against cervical cancer may come from last month's announcement that two companies will drastically lower prices on HPV vaccines for poor countries. Pilot projects will begin in Asia and Africa; the campaign aims to vaccinate more than 30 million girls in more than 40 countries by 2020.

collection of their usatoday.com coverage of year .

MUMBAI, India – A simple vinegar test slashed cervical cancer death rates by one-third in a remarkable study of 150,000 women in the slums of India, where the disease is the top cancer killer of women. Doctors reported the results Sunday at a cancer conference in Chicago. Experts called the outcome "amazing" and said this quick, cheap test could save tens of thousands of lives each year in developing countries by spotting early signs of cancer, allowing treatment before it's too late. Usha Devi, one of the women in the study, says it saved her life. "Many women refused to get screened. Some of them died of cancer later," Devi said. "Now I feel everyone should get tested. I got my life back because of these tests." Pap smears and tests for HPV, a virus that causes most cervical cancers, have slashed cases and deaths in the United States. But poor countries can't afford those screening tools. This study tried a test that costs very little and can be done by local people with just two weeks of training and no fancy lab equipment. They swab the cervix with diluted vinegar, which can make abnormal cells briefly change color. This low-tech visual exam cut the cervical cancer death rate by 31 percent, the study found. It could prevent 22,000 deaths in India and 72,600 worldwide each year, researchers estimate. "That's amazing. That's remarkable. It's a very exciting result," said Dr. Ted Trimble of the National Cancer Institute in the U.S., the main sponsor of the study. The story of research participant Usha Devi is not an unusual one. Despite having given birth to four children, she had never had a gynecological exam. She had been bleeding heavily for several years, hoping patience and prayers would fix things. "Everyone said it would go away, and every time I thought about going to the doctor there was either no money or something else would come up," she said, sitting in a tiny room that serves as bedroom, kitchen, bathroom and living room for her entire family. One day she found a card from health workers trying to convince women to join the study. Devi is in her late 40s and like many poor Indians doesn't know her date of birth. She learned she had advanced cervical cancer. The study paid for surgery to remove her uterus and cervix. The research effort was led by Dr. Surendra Shastri of Tata Memorial Hospital in Mumbai. India has nearly one-third of the world's cases of cervical cancer — more than 140,000 each year. "It's just not possible to provide Pap smear screening in developing countries. We don't have that kind of money" or the staff or equipment, so a simpler method had to be found, Shastri said. Starting in 1998, researchers enrolled 75,360 women to be screened every two years with the vinegar test. Another 76,178 women were chosen for a control, or comparison group that just got cancer education at the start of the study and vouchers for a free Pap test — if they could get to the hospital to have one. Women in either group found to have cancer were offered free treatment at the hospital. Still, this quick and free cancer screening was a hard sell in a deeply conservative country where women are subservient and need permission from husbands, fathers or others for even routine decisions. Social workers were sent into the slums to win people over. "We went to every single house in the neighborhood assigned to us introducing ourselves and asking them to come to our health talks. They used to come out of curiosity, listen to the talk but when we asked them to get screened they would totally refuse," said one social worker, Vaishnavi Bhagat. "The women were both scared and shy." One woman who did agree to testing jumped up from the table when she was examined with a speculum. "She started screaming that we had stolen her kidney," Bhagat said. Another health worker was beaten by people in the neighborhood when women realized they would have to disrobe to be screened. "There was a sense of shame about taking their clothes off. A lot of them had their babies at home and had never been to a doctor," said one health worker, Urmila Hadkar. "Sometimes just the idea of getting tested for cancer scared them. They would start crying even before being tested." But screening worked. The quality of screening by health workers was comparable to that of an expert gynecologist, researchers reported. The study was planned for 16 years, but results at 12 years showed lives were saved with the screening. So independent monitors advised offering it to the women in the comparison group. An ethics controversy developed during the study. The U.S. Office for Human Research Protections faulted researchers for not adequately informing participants in the comparison group about Pap tests for screening. A letter from the agency in March indicated officials seemed to accept many of the remedies study leaders had implemented. "We looked at the ethics very carefully" and felt them to be sound, and visited the project in India, said Trimble of the National Cancer Institute. Dr. Sandra Swain, a cancer specialist at Medstar Washington Hospital Center, also defended the research. She is president of the American Society of Clinical Oncology, and the research results were presented at that group's meeting in Chicago on Sunday. "There really was no wrongdoing there," she said. "They have no screening anyway," so there is no standard of care now. Officials in India already are making plans to expand the vinegar testing to a wider population. Many poor countries can't afford mammograms for breast cancer screening either. The India study also has been testing breast exams by health workers as an alternative. Preliminary results suggest breast cancers are being found at an earlier stage, but it's too soon to know if that will save lives because not enough women have died yet to compare the groups, said Trimble of the National Cancer Institute. More progress against cervical cancer may come from last month's announcement that two companies will drastically lower prices on HPV vaccines for poor countries. Pilot projects will begin in Asia and Africa; the campaign aims to vaccinate more than 30 million girls in more than 40 countries by 2020.

staff or equipment , so a simpler method had to be found , shastri said . starting in 1998 , researchers enrolled 75,360 women to be screened . `` there was a sense of shame about taking their clothes off their she was examined with a speculum . `` she started screaming that we had stolen her kidney , '' bhagat said . another health worker was beaten by the neighborhood assigned to us introducing ourselves and asking them to come to our health talks . they used to come out of getting tested for cancer scared them . they would start crying even before being tested . '' but screening worked the

MUMBAI, India – A simple vinegar test slashed cervical cancer death rates by one-third in a remarkable study of 150,000 women in the slums of India, where the disease is the top cancer killer of women. Doctors reported the results Sunday at a cancer conference in Chicago. Experts called the outcome "amazing" and said this quick, cheap test could save tens of thousands of lives each year in developing countries by spotting early signs of cancer, allowing treatment before it's too late. Usha Devi, one of the women in the study, says it saved her life. "Many women refused to get screened. Some of them died of cancer later," Devi said. "Now I feel everyone should get tested. I got my life back because of these tests." Pap smears and tests for HPV, a virus that causes most cervical cancers, have slashed cases and deaths in the United States. But poor countries can't afford those screening tools. This study tried a test that costs very little and can be done by local people with just two weeks of training and no fancy lab equipment. They swab the cervix with diluted vinegar, which can make abnormal cells briefly change color. This low-tech visual exam cut the cervical cancer death rate by 31 percent, the study found. It could prevent 22,000 deaths in India and 72,600 worldwide each year, researchers estimate. "That's amazing. That's remarkable. It's a very exciting result," said Dr. Ted Trimble of the National Cancer Institute in the U.S., the main sponsor of the study. The story of research participant Usha Devi is not an unusual one. Despite having given birth to four children, she had never had a gynecological exam. She had been bleeding heavily for several years, hoping patience and prayers would fix things. "Everyone said it would go away, and every time I thought about going to the doctor there was either no money or something else would come up," she said, sitting in a tiny room that serves as bedroom, kitchen, bathroom and living room for her entire family. One day she found a card from health workers trying to convince women to join the study. Devi is in her late 40s and like many poor Indians doesn't know her date of birth. She learned she had advanced cervical cancer. The study paid for surgery to remove her uterus and cervix. The research effort was led by Dr. Surendra Shastri of Tata Memorial Hospital in Mumbai. India has nearly one-third of the world's cases of cervical cancer — more than 140,000 each year. "It's just not possible to provide Pap smear screening in developing countries. We don't have that kind of money" or the staff or equipment, so a simpler method had to be found, Shastri said. Starting in 1998, researchers enrolled 75,360 women to be screened every two years with the vinegar test. Another 76,178 women were chosen for a control, or comparison group that just got cancer education at the start of the study and vouchers for a free Pap test — if they could get to the hospital to have one. Women in either group found to have cancer were offered free treatment at the hospital. Still, this quick and free cancer screening was a hard sell in a deeply conservative country where women are subservient and need permission from husbands, fathers or others for even routine decisions. Social workers were sent into the slums to win people over. "We went to every single house in the neighborhood assigned to us introducing ourselves and asking them to come to our health talks. They used to come out of curiosity, listen to the talk but when we asked them to get screened they would totally refuse," said one social worker, Vaishnavi Bhagat. "The women were both scared and shy." One woman who did agree to testing jumped up from the table when she was examined with a speculum. "She started screaming that we had stolen her kidney," Bhagat said. Another health worker was beaten by people in the neighborhood when women realized they would have to disrobe to be screened. "There was a sense of shame about taking their clothes off. A lot of them had their babies at home and had never been to a doctor," said one health worker, Urmila Hadkar. "Sometimes just the idea of getting tested for cancer scared them. They would start crying even before being tested." But screening worked. The quality of screening by health workers was comparable to that of an expert gynecologist, researchers reported. The study was planned for 16 years, but results at 12 years showed lives were saved with the screening. So independent monitors advised offering it to the women in the comparison group. An ethics controversy developed during the study. The U.S. Office for Human Research Protections faulted researchers for not adequately informing participants in the comparison group about Pap tests for screening. A letter from the agency in March indicated officials seemed to accept many of the remedies study leaders had implemented. "We looked at the ethics very carefully" and felt them to be sound, and visited the project in India, said Trimble of the National Cancer Institute. Dr. Sandra Swain, a cancer specialist at Medstar Washington Hospital Center, also defended the research. She is president of the American Society of Clinical Oncology, and the research results were presented at that group's meeting in Chicago on Sunday. "There really was no wrongdoing there," she said. "They have no screening anyway," so there is no standard of care now. Officials in India already are making plans to expand the vinegar testing to a wider population. Many poor countries can't afford mammograms for breast cancer screening either. The India study also has been testing breast exams by health workers as an alternative. Preliminary results suggest breast cancers are being found at an earlier stage, but it's too soon to know if that will save lives because not enough women have died yet to compare the groups, said Trimble of the National Cancer Institute. More progress against cervical cancer may come from last month's announcement that two companies will drastically lower prices on HPV vaccines for poor countries. Pilot projects will begin in Asia and Africa; the campaign aims to vaccinate more than 30 million girls in more than 40 countries by 2020.

the research effort was led by dr. surendra shastri of tata memorial hospital in mumbai . '' one woman who did agree to testing jumped up from the table when she was examined with a speculum

MUMBAI, India – A simple vinegar test slashed cervical cancer death rates by one-third in a remarkable study of 150,000 women in the slums of India, where the disease is the top cancer killer of women. Doctors reported the results Sunday at a cancer conference in Chicago. Experts called the outcome "amazing" and said this quick, cheap test could save tens of thousands of lives each year in developing countries by spotting early signs of cancer, allowing treatment before it's too late. Usha Devi, one of the women in the study, says it saved her life. "Many women refused to get screened. Some of them died of cancer later," Devi said. "Now I feel everyone should get tested. I got my life back because of these tests." Pap smears and tests for HPV, a virus that causes most cervical cancers, have slashed cases and deaths in the United States. But poor countries can't afford those screening tools. This study tried a test that costs very little and can be done by local people with just two weeks of training and no fancy lab equipment. They swab the cervix with diluted vinegar, which can make abnormal cells briefly change color. This low-tech visual exam cut the cervical cancer death rate by 31 percent, the study found. It could prevent 22,000 deaths in India and 72,600 worldwide each year, researchers estimate. "That's amazing. That's remarkable. It's a very exciting result," said Dr. Ted Trimble of the National Cancer Institute in the U.S., the main sponsor of the study. The story of research participant Usha Devi is not an unusual one. Despite having given birth to four children, she had never had a gynecological exam. She had been bleeding heavily for several years, hoping patience and prayers would fix things. "Everyone said it would go away, and every time I thought about going to the doctor there was either no money or something else would come up," she said, sitting in a tiny room that serves as bedroom, kitchen, bathroom and living room for her entire family. One day she found a card from health workers trying to convince women to join the study. Devi is in her late 40s and like many poor Indians doesn't know her date of birth. She learned she had advanced cervical cancer. The study paid for surgery to remove her uterus and cervix. The research effort was led by Dr. Surendra Shastri of Tata Memorial Hospital in Mumbai. India has nearly one-third of the world's cases of cervical cancer — more than 140,000 each year. "It's just not possible to provide Pap smear screening in developing countries. We don't have that kind of money" or the staff or equipment, so a simpler method had to be found, Shastri said. Starting in 1998, researchers enrolled 75,360 women to be screened every two years with the vinegar test. Another 76,178 women were chosen for a control, or comparison group that just got cancer education at the start of the study and vouchers for a free Pap test — if they could get to the hospital to have one. Women in either group found to have cancer were offered free treatment at the hospital. Still, this quick and free cancer screening was a hard sell in a deeply conservative country where women are subservient and need permission from husbands, fathers or others for even routine decisions. Social workers were sent into the slums to win people over. "We went to every single house in the neighborhood assigned to us introducing ourselves and asking them to come to our health talks. They used to come out of curiosity, listen to the talk but when we asked them to get screened they would totally refuse," said one social worker, Vaishnavi Bhagat. "The women were both scared and shy." One woman who did agree to testing jumped up from the table when she was examined with a speculum. "She started screaming that we had stolen her kidney," Bhagat said. Another health worker was beaten by people in the neighborhood when women realized they would have to disrobe to be screened. "There was a sense of shame about taking their clothes off. A lot of them had their babies at home and had never been to a doctor," said one health worker, Urmila Hadkar. "Sometimes just the idea of getting tested for cancer scared them. They would start crying even before being tested." But screening worked. The quality of screening by health workers was comparable to that of an expert gynecologist, researchers reported. The study was planned for 16 years, but results at 12 years showed lives were saved with the screening. So independent monitors advised offering it to the women in the comparison group. An ethics controversy developed during the study. The U.S. Office for Human Research Protections faulted researchers for not adequately informing participants in the comparison group about Pap tests for screening. A letter from the agency in March indicated officials seemed to accept many of the remedies study leaders had implemented. "We looked at the ethics very carefully" and felt them to be sound, and visited the project in India, said Trimble of the National Cancer Institute. Dr. Sandra Swain, a cancer specialist at Medstar Washington Hospital Center, also defended the research. She is president of the American Society of Clinical Oncology, and the research results were presented at that group's meeting in Chicago on Sunday. "There really was no wrongdoing there," she said. "They have no screening anyway," so there is no standard of care now. Officials in India already are making plans to expand the vinegar testing to a wider population. Many poor countries can't afford mammograms for breast cancer screening either. The India study also has been testing breast exams by health workers as an alternative. Preliminary results suggest breast cancers are being found at an earlier stage, but it's too soon to know if that will save lives because not enough women have died yet to compare the groups, said Trimble of the National Cancer Institute. More progress against cervical cancer may come from last month's announcement that two companies will drastically lower prices on HPV vaccines for poor countries. Pilot projects will begin in Asia and Africa; the campaign aims to vaccinate more than 30 million girls in more than 40 countries by 2020.

the research effort was led by dr. surendra shastri of tata memorial hospital in mumbai , researchers enrolled 75,360 women to be screened every two years with the world 's cases of cervical cancer -- more than 140,000 each year it 's just not possible to provide pap smear screening in a deeply conservative country where women are subservient and need permission from husbands , fathers or others for even routine decisions .

Now that Newt Gingrich has vaulted into the lead in the Republican presidential stakes, he's going to be seeing a lot more of this: Calling it the "dumbest thing" he has done in recent years isn't enough. This is not going away. But, Newt can turn his pas-de-deux on the loveseat with Nancy into an opportunity to promote a consistent and electable political message. Because he will be asked about this at every turn, Newt will have the air time and the opportunity to tell the truth on climate change—based upon real science—and to interface it with a limited-government philosophy. The two are easy to do. Start with the obvious. Instead of waffling on the subject, he could just point out that earth's surface temperature is about 1°C warmer than it was a century ago. There were two periods of warming, the first from about 1910 through 1945, and the second from the mid-1970s to the late-1990s. They were both roughly the same magnitude. Because the first one was long before we put the majority of fossil carbon into the atmosphere, Newt can say—with scientific authority—that the magnitude of 'natural' climate change is likely to be at least as large as what humans have done. Then Newt should proceed to the future. It's not the heat, it's the sensitivity. How much it will warm in the future is a function of how sensitive the atmosphere is to doubling atmospheric carbon dioxide. There are a number of independent arguments now coming together showing that this value may have been overestimated. The reference for the most recent is a November issue of Science. Next, a little refreshing honesty: in 2009, the House of Representatives passed a cap-and-trade bill (which the Senate did not) commanding that the average american—38 years from now—be allowed the carbon dioxide emissions of the average citizen in 1867. Prior to its passage, Newt was undeniably for such a system. Newt could call that that the "second dumbest thing" he has done and be finished with it. After setting the record straight, how about interjecting his own political philosophy? When asked what to do about global warming, he should give the honest answer: if the atmosphere indeed is not as sensitive to carbon dioxide changes as previously thought, the correct response is nothing. That's because "nothing" really means something. Newt should channel his historian. When markets are free, capital supports innovation more efficiently than when they aren't. Think about the remarkable changes in energy and technology in the last 100 years. Isn't it rather obvious that the same will occur in the next century, if only we don't hinder capital development? Newt might even use the catchy saw (first sloganed by Northern Illinois Gas in 1972) the future belongs to the efficient, and that there are impressive market forces that advantage those who produce things efficiently or produce efficient things. When the doomsayers say Newt is believing in a Deus ex machine to dramatically cut carbon dioxide emissions, he might point out that those were the same folks who, only a very few years ago, told us we were running out of natural gas. Innovation and capital revolutionized drilling and fracturing shale, and we now know we have literally hundreds of years of it under our feet. There are a lot more voters and delegates around the country who will benefit from the shale revolution than there are in ethanol-addicted Iowa.

Now that Newt Gingrich has vaulted into the lead in the Republican presidential stakes , he 's going to be seeing a lot more of this : Calling it the '' dumbest thing '' he has done in recent years is n't enough . This is not going away . But , Newt can turn his pas - de - deux on the loveseat with Nancy into an opportunity to promote a consistent and electable political message .

Now that Newt Gingrich has vaulted into the lead in the Republican presidential stakes, he's going to be seeing a lot more of this: Calling it the "dumbest thing" he has done in recent years isn't enough. This is not going away. But, Newt can turn his pas-de-deux on the loveseat with Nancy into an opportunity to promote a consistent and electable political message. Because he will be asked about this at every turn, Newt will have the air time and the opportunity to tell the truth on climate change—based upon real science—and to interface it with a limited-government philosophy. The two are easy to do. Start with the obvious. Instead of waffling on the subject, he could just point out that earth's surface temperature is about 1°C warmer than it was a century ago. There were two periods of warming, the first from about 1910 through 1945, and the second from the mid-1970s to the late-1990s. They were both roughly the same magnitude. Because the first one was long before we put the majority of fossil carbon into the atmosphere, Newt can say—with scientific authority—that the magnitude of 'natural' climate change is likely to be at least as large as what humans have done. Then Newt should proceed to the future. It's not the heat, it's the sensitivity. How much it will warm in the future is a function of how sensitive the atmosphere is to doubling atmospheric carbon dioxide. There are a number of independent arguments now coming together showing that this value may have been overestimated. The reference for the most recent is a November issue of Science. Next, a little refreshing honesty: in 2009, the House of Representatives passed a cap-and-trade bill (which the Senate did not) commanding that the average american—38 years from now—be allowed the carbon dioxide emissions of the average citizen in 1867. Prior to its passage, Newt was undeniably for such a system. Newt could call that that the "second dumbest thing" he has done and be finished with it. After setting the record straight, how about interjecting his own political philosophy? When asked what to do about global warming, he should give the honest answer: if the atmosphere indeed is not as sensitive to carbon dioxide changes as previously thought, the correct response is nothing. That's because "nothing" really means something. Newt should channel his historian. When markets are free, capital supports innovation more efficiently than when they aren't. Think about the remarkable changes in energy and technology in the last 100 years. Isn't it rather obvious that the same will occur in the next century, if only we don't hinder capital development? Newt might even use the catchy saw (first sloganed by Northern Illinois Gas in 1972) the future belongs to the efficient, and that there are impressive market forces that advantage those who produce things efficiently or produce efficient things. When the doomsayers say Newt is believing in a Deus ex machine to dramatically cut carbon dioxide emissions, he might point out that those were the same folks who, only a very few years ago, told us we were running out of natural gas. Innovation and capital revolutionized drilling and fracturing shale, and we now know we have literally hundreds of years of it under our feet. There are a lot more voters and delegates around the country who will benefit from the shale revolution than there are in ethanol-addicted Iowa.

Gingrich 's with Nancy is not going away . But he can turn his pas - de - deux on the loveseat with Nancy into an opportunity to promote a consistent and electable political message .

Now that Newt Gingrich has vaulted into the lead in the Republican presidential stakes, he's going to be seeing a lot more of this: Calling it the "dumbest thing" he has done in recent years isn't enough. This is not going away. But, Newt can turn his pas-de-deux on the loveseat with Nancy into an opportunity to promote a consistent and electable political message. Because he will be asked about this at every turn, Newt will have the air time and the opportunity to tell the truth on climate change—based upon real science—and to interface it with a limited-government philosophy. The two are easy to do. Start with the obvious. Instead of waffling on the subject, he could just point out that earth's surface temperature is about 1°C warmer than it was a century ago. There were two periods of warming, the first from about 1910 through 1945, and the second from the mid-1970s to the late-1990s. They were both roughly the same magnitude. Because the first one was long before we put the majority of fossil carbon into the atmosphere, Newt can say—with scientific authority—that the magnitude of 'natural' climate change is likely to be at least as large as what humans have done. Then Newt should proceed to the future. It's not the heat, it's the sensitivity. How much it will warm in the future is a function of how sensitive the atmosphere is to doubling atmospheric carbon dioxide. There are a number of independent arguments now coming together showing that this value may have been overestimated. The reference for the most recent is a November issue of Science. Next, a little refreshing honesty: in 2009, the House of Representatives passed a cap-and-trade bill (which the Senate did not) commanding that the average american—38 years from now—be allowed the carbon dioxide emissions of the average citizen in 1867. Prior to its passage, Newt was undeniably for such a system. Newt could call that that the "second dumbest thing" he has done and be finished with it. After setting the record straight, how about interjecting his own political philosophy? When asked what to do about global warming, he should give the honest answer: if the atmosphere indeed is not as sensitive to carbon dioxide changes as previously thought, the correct response is nothing. That's because "nothing" really means something. Newt should channel his historian. When markets are free, capital supports innovation more efficiently than when they aren't. Think about the remarkable changes in energy and technology in the last 100 years. Isn't it rather obvious that the same will occur in the next century, if only we don't hinder capital development? Newt might even use the catchy saw (first sloganed by Northern Illinois Gas in 1972) the future belongs to the efficient, and that there are impressive market forces that advantage those who produce things efficiently or produce efficient things. When the doomsayers say Newt is believing in a Deus ex machine to dramatically cut carbon dioxide emissions, he might point out that those were the same folks who, only a very few years ago, told us we were running out of natural gas. Innovation and capital revolutionized drilling and fracturing shale, and we now know we have literally hundreds of years of it under our feet. There are a lot more voters and delegates around the country who will benefit from the shale revolution than there are in ethanol-addicted Iowa.

When the doomsayers say Newt is believing in a Deus ex machine to dramatically cut carbon dioxide emissions , he might point out that those were the same folks who , only a very few years ago , told us we were running out of natural gas .

Now that Newt Gingrich has vaulted into the lead in the Republican presidential stakes, he's going to be seeing a lot more of this: Calling it the "dumbest thing" he has done in recent years isn't enough. This is not going away. But, Newt can turn his pas-de-deux on the loveseat with Nancy into an opportunity to promote a consistent and electable political message. Because he will be asked about this at every turn, Newt will have the air time and the opportunity to tell the truth on climate change—based upon real science—and to interface it with a limited-government philosophy. The two are easy to do. Start with the obvious. Instead of waffling on the subject, he could just point out that earth's surface temperature is about 1°C warmer than it was a century ago. There were two periods of warming, the first from about 1910 through 1945, and the second from the mid-1970s to the late-1990s. They were both roughly the same magnitude. Because the first one was long before we put the majority of fossil carbon into the atmosphere, Newt can say—with scientific authority—that the magnitude of 'natural' climate change is likely to be at least as large as what humans have done. Then Newt should proceed to the future. It's not the heat, it's the sensitivity. How much it will warm in the future is a function of how sensitive the atmosphere is to doubling atmospheric carbon dioxide. There are a number of independent arguments now coming together showing that this value may have been overestimated. The reference for the most recent is a November issue of Science. Next, a little refreshing honesty: in 2009, the House of Representatives passed a cap-and-trade bill (which the Senate did not) commanding that the average american—38 years from now—be allowed the carbon dioxide emissions of the average citizen in 1867. Prior to its passage, Newt was undeniably for such a system. Newt could call that that the "second dumbest thing" he has done and be finished with it. After setting the record straight, how about interjecting his own political philosophy? When asked what to do about global warming, he should give the honest answer: if the atmosphere indeed is not as sensitive to carbon dioxide changes as previously thought, the correct response is nothing. That's because "nothing" really means something. Newt should channel his historian. When markets are free, capital supports innovation more efficiently than when they aren't. Think about the remarkable changes in energy and technology in the last 100 years. Isn't it rather obvious that the same will occur in the next century, if only we don't hinder capital development? Newt might even use the catchy saw (first sloganed by Northern Illinois Gas in 1972) the future belongs to the efficient, and that there are impressive market forces that advantage those who produce things efficiently or produce efficient things. When the doomsayers say Newt is believing in a Deus ex machine to dramatically cut carbon dioxide emissions, he might point out that those were the same folks who, only a very few years ago, told us we were running out of natural gas. Innovation and capital revolutionized drilling and fracturing shale, and we now know we have literally hundreds of years of it under our feet. There are a lot more voters and delegates around the country who will benefit from the shale revolution than there are in ethanol-addicted Iowa.

from bullying to <UNK> , three sun readers reveal how they have been affected

Now that Newt Gingrich has vaulted into the lead in the Republican presidential stakes, he's going to be seeing a lot more of this: Calling it the "dumbest thing" he has done in recent years isn't enough. This is not going away. But, Newt can turn his pas-de-deux on the loveseat with Nancy into an opportunity to promote a consistent and electable political message. Because he will be asked about this at every turn, Newt will have the air time and the opportunity to tell the truth on climate change—based upon real science—and to interface it with a limited-government philosophy. The two are easy to do. Start with the obvious. Instead of waffling on the subject, he could just point out that earth's surface temperature is about 1°C warmer than it was a century ago. There were two periods of warming, the first from about 1910 through 1945, and the second from the mid-1970s to the late-1990s. They were both roughly the same magnitude. Because the first one was long before we put the majority of fossil carbon into the atmosphere, Newt can say—with scientific authority—that the magnitude of 'natural' climate change is likely to be at least as large as what humans have done. Then Newt should proceed to the future. It's not the heat, it's the sensitivity. How much it will warm in the future is a function of how sensitive the atmosphere is to doubling atmospheric carbon dioxide. There are a number of independent arguments now coming together showing that this value may have been overestimated. The reference for the most recent is a November issue of Science. Next, a little refreshing honesty: in 2009, the House of Representatives passed a cap-and-trade bill (which the Senate did not) commanding that the average american—38 years from now—be allowed the carbon dioxide emissions of the average citizen in 1867. Prior to its passage, Newt was undeniably for such a system. Newt could call that that the "second dumbest thing" he has done and be finished with it. After setting the record straight, how about interjecting his own political philosophy? When asked what to do about global warming, he should give the honest answer: if the atmosphere indeed is not as sensitive to carbon dioxide changes as previously thought, the correct response is nothing. That's because "nothing" really means something. Newt should channel his historian. When markets are free, capital supports innovation more efficiently than when they aren't. Think about the remarkable changes in energy and technology in the last 100 years. Isn't it rather obvious that the same will occur in the next century, if only we don't hinder capital development? Newt might even use the catchy saw (first sloganed by Northern Illinois Gas in 1972) the future belongs to the efficient, and that there are impressive market forces that advantage those who produce things efficiently or produce efficient things. When the doomsayers say Newt is believing in a Deus ex machine to dramatically cut carbon dioxide emissions, he might point out that those were the same folks who, only a very few years ago, told us we were running out of natural gas. Innovation and capital revolutionized drilling and fracturing shale, and we now know we have literally hundreds of years of it under our feet. There are a lot more voters and delegates around the country who will benefit from the shale revolution than there are in ethanol-addicted Iowa.

republican presidential stakes , he 's going to be seeing a lot more of this : calling it the truth on climate change -- based upon real science -- and interface it with a limited-government philosophy the

Now that Newt Gingrich has vaulted into the lead in the Republican presidential stakes, he's going to be seeing a lot more of this: Calling it the "dumbest thing" he has done in recent years isn't enough. This is not going away. But, Newt can turn his pas-de-deux on the loveseat with Nancy into an opportunity to promote a consistent and electable political message. Because he will be asked about this at every turn, Newt will have the air time and the opportunity to tell the truth on climate change—based upon real science—and to interface it with a limited-government philosophy. The two are easy to do. Start with the obvious. Instead of waffling on the subject, he could just point out that earth's surface temperature is about 1°C warmer than it was a century ago. There were two periods of warming, the first from about 1910 through 1945, and the second from the mid-1970s to the late-1990s. They were both roughly the same magnitude. Because the first one was long before we put the majority of fossil carbon into the atmosphere, Newt can say—with scientific authority—that the magnitude of 'natural' climate change is likely to be at least as large as what humans have done. Then Newt should proceed to the future. It's not the heat, it's the sensitivity. How much it will warm in the future is a function of how sensitive the atmosphere is to doubling atmospheric carbon dioxide. There are a number of independent arguments now coming together showing that this value may have been overestimated. The reference for the most recent is a November issue of Science. Next, a little refreshing honesty: in 2009, the House of Representatives passed a cap-and-trade bill (which the Senate did not) commanding that the average american—38 years from now—be allowed the carbon dioxide emissions of the average citizen in 1867. Prior to its passage, Newt was undeniably for such a system. Newt could call that that the "second dumbest thing" he has done and be finished with it. After setting the record straight, how about interjecting his own political philosophy? When asked what to do about global warming, he should give the honest answer: if the atmosphere indeed is not as sensitive to carbon dioxide changes as previously thought, the correct response is nothing. That's because "nothing" really means something. Newt should channel his historian. When markets are free, capital supports innovation more efficiently than when they aren't. Think about the remarkable changes in energy and technology in the last 100 years. Isn't it rather obvious that the same will occur in the next century, if only we don't hinder capital development? Newt might even use the catchy saw (first sloganed by Northern Illinois Gas in 1972) the future belongs to the efficient, and that there are impressive market forces that advantage those who produce things efficiently or produce efficient things. When the doomsayers say Newt is believing in a Deus ex machine to dramatically cut carbon dioxide emissions, he might point out that those were the same folks who, only a very few years ago, told us we were running out of natural gas. Innovation and capital revolutionized drilling and fracturing shale, and we now know we have literally hundreds of years of it under our feet. There are a lot more voters and delegates around the country who will benefit from the shale revolution than there are in ethanol-addicted Iowa.

now that newt gingrich has vaulted into the lead in the republican presidential stakes , he [UNK] going to be seeing a lot more of this : calling it the `` dumbest thing '' he has done in recent years is n't enough .

Now that Newt Gingrich has vaulted into the lead in the Republican presidential stakes, he's going to be seeing a lot more of this: Calling it the "dumbest thing" he has done in recent years isn't enough. This is not going away. But, Newt can turn his pas-de-deux on the loveseat with Nancy into an opportunity to promote a consistent and electable political message. Because he will be asked about this at every turn, Newt will have the air time and the opportunity to tell the truth on climate change—based upon real science—and to interface it with a limited-government philosophy. The two are easy to do. Start with the obvious. Instead of waffling on the subject, he could just point out that earth's surface temperature is about 1°C warmer than it was a century ago. There were two periods of warming, the first from about 1910 through 1945, and the second from the mid-1970s to the late-1990s. They were both roughly the same magnitude. Because the first one was long before we put the majority of fossil carbon into the atmosphere, Newt can say—with scientific authority—that the magnitude of 'natural' climate change is likely to be at least as large as what humans have done. Then Newt should proceed to the future. It's not the heat, it's the sensitivity. How much it will warm in the future is a function of how sensitive the atmosphere is to doubling atmospheric carbon dioxide. There are a number of independent arguments now coming together showing that this value may have been overestimated. The reference for the most recent is a November issue of Science. Next, a little refreshing honesty: in 2009, the House of Representatives passed a cap-and-trade bill (which the Senate did not) commanding that the average american—38 years from now—be allowed the carbon dioxide emissions of the average citizen in 1867. Prior to its passage, Newt was undeniably for such a system. Newt could call that that the "second dumbest thing" he has done and be finished with it. After setting the record straight, how about interjecting his own political philosophy? When asked what to do about global warming, he should give the honest answer: if the atmosphere indeed is not as sensitive to carbon dioxide changes as previously thought, the correct response is nothing. That's because "nothing" really means something. Newt should channel his historian. When markets are free, capital supports innovation more efficiently than when they aren't. Think about the remarkable changes in energy and technology in the last 100 years. Isn't it rather obvious that the same will occur in the next century, if only we don't hinder capital development? Newt might even use the catchy saw (first sloganed by Northern Illinois Gas in 1972) the future belongs to the efficient, and that there are impressive market forces that advantage those who produce things efficiently or produce efficient things. When the doomsayers say Newt is believing in a Deus ex machine to dramatically cut carbon dioxide emissions, he might point out that those were the same folks who, only a very few years ago, told us we were running out of natural gas. Innovation and capital revolutionized drilling and fracturing shale, and we now know we have literally hundreds of years of it under our feet. There are a lot more voters and delegates around the country who will benefit from the shale revolution than there are in ethanol-addicted Iowa.

newt gingrich has vaulted into lead in the republican presidential stakes , he 's going to be seeing a lot more of this : calling it the `` dumbest thing '' he has done .

The White House tried Sunday to win support for President Obama's forthcoming budget, arguing the plan is a balanced approach to economic prosperity and warning Republicans about stonewalling negotiations and pushing a "rejected" Romney plan. "Right now, the approach of many Republicans, particularly the leadership in the House, is my way or the highway," senior White House adviser Dan Pfeiffer told "Fox News Sunday." "Their view is the only acceptable plan is to try to … essentially enact the Romney economic plan. The American people rejected that, and Republicans shouldn't be doubling down on it." The White House effort comes three days before Obama releases his 2014 budget, which is expected to include a mix of tax increases and cuts to such entitlements as Social Security and Medicare. "You can do both," Pfeiffer said on ABC's "This Week." "That's what you'll see. … What we won't do is cut our way to prosperity." However, the outline of the plan has already been criticized by Republicans and some of the president's staunchest supporters. The release of the budget Wednesday, which will be followed by Obama meeting for dinner with Senate Republicans, is just part of a busy week in Washington. Congress returns from a two-week break with the Senate attempting to reach a bipartisan agreement on immigration-reform legislation, and the leaders of the Democrat-controlled chamber trying to finish a gun-control proposal that might or might not include the contentious universal background checks for buyers. Pfeiffer told Fox the meeting with Senate Republicans is simply an attempt to find a "caucus of common sense," not end run leaders of the Republican-controlled House. Last week, House Speaker John Boehner, R-Ohio, said Obama's budget blueprint holds reforms "hostage" to tax increases. Organized labor also expressed its disappointment in the plan. "The president should drop these misguided cuts in benefits and focus instead on building support in Congress for investing in jobs," AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka said. Obama supporters disagree particularly with the part of his spending plan that calls for a new inflation formula that would reduce the annual cost of living adjustments for a range of government programs, including Social Security and benefits for veterans. Still, South Carolina Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham expressed optimism Sunday about the plan, suggesting it was at least a starting point toward an elusive, long-term budget deal between Democrats and Republicans. "The president is showing a little bit of leg here," Graham said on NBC's "Meet the Press." "This is somewhat encouraging. We're beginning to set the stage for the grand bargain." Among the highlights of the president's plan is spending cuts and tax increases that would reduce the deficit by $1.8 trillion over 10 years, replacing the $1.2 trillion in automatic spending cuts, known as sequester, over the same period. The proposal also is expected to include new spending for public works projects, early education and job training, as well as $580 billion in new taxes that Republicans oppose. Counting reductions and higher taxes that Congress and Obama have approved since 2011, the 2014 budget would contribute $4.3 trillion to total deficit reduction by 2023. On Saturday, the president said his budget was not his "ideal plan," but it was a compromise that he would be willing to accept. The House and Senate have already passed their own budget plans. The House plan cuts $5.7 trillion in spending and balances the budget in 10 years while the Senate plan increases taxes by $1 trillion. The Associated Press contributed to this report.

The White House tried Sunday to win support for President Obama 's forthcoming budget , arguing the plan is a balanced approach to economic prosperity and warning Republicans about stonewalling negotiations and pushing a '' rejected '' Romney plan . '' Right now , the approach of many Republicans , particularly the leadership in the House , is my way or the highway , '' senior White House adviser Dan Pfeiffer told '' Fox News Sunday . '' '' Their view is the only acceptable plan is to try to ... essentially enact the Romney economic plan .

The White House tried Sunday to win support for President Obama's forthcoming budget, arguing the plan is a balanced approach to economic prosperity and warning Republicans about stonewalling negotiations and pushing a "rejected" Romney plan. "Right now, the approach of many Republicans, particularly the leadership in the House, is my way or the highway," senior White House adviser Dan Pfeiffer told "Fox News Sunday." "Their view is the only acceptable plan is to try to … essentially enact the Romney economic plan. The American people rejected that, and Republicans shouldn't be doubling down on it." The White House effort comes three days before Obama releases his 2014 budget, which is expected to include a mix of tax increases and cuts to such entitlements as Social Security and Medicare. "You can do both," Pfeiffer said on ABC's "This Week." "That's what you'll see. … What we won't do is cut our way to prosperity." However, the outline of the plan has already been criticized by Republicans and some of the president's staunchest supporters. The release of the budget Wednesday, which will be followed by Obama meeting for dinner with Senate Republicans, is just part of a busy week in Washington. Congress returns from a two-week break with the Senate attempting to reach a bipartisan agreement on immigration-reform legislation, and the leaders of the Democrat-controlled chamber trying to finish a gun-control proposal that might or might not include the contentious universal background checks for buyers. Pfeiffer told Fox the meeting with Senate Republicans is simply an attempt to find a "caucus of common sense," not end run leaders of the Republican-controlled House. Last week, House Speaker John Boehner, R-Ohio, said Obama's budget blueprint holds reforms "hostage" to tax increases. Organized labor also expressed its disappointment in the plan. "The president should drop these misguided cuts in benefits and focus instead on building support in Congress for investing in jobs," AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka said. Obama supporters disagree particularly with the part of his spending plan that calls for a new inflation formula that would reduce the annual cost of living adjustments for a range of government programs, including Social Security and benefits for veterans. Still, South Carolina Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham expressed optimism Sunday about the plan, suggesting it was at least a starting point toward an elusive, long-term budget deal between Democrats and Republicans. "The president is showing a little bit of leg here," Graham said on NBC's "Meet the Press." "This is somewhat encouraging. We're beginning to set the stage for the grand bargain." Among the highlights of the president's plan is spending cuts and tax increases that would reduce the deficit by $1.8 trillion over 10 years, replacing the $1.2 trillion in automatic spending cuts, known as sequester, over the same period. The proposal also is expected to include new spending for public works projects, early education and job training, as well as $580 billion in new taxes that Republicans oppose. Counting reductions and higher taxes that Congress and Obama have approved since 2011, the 2014 budget would contribute $4.3 trillion to total deficit reduction by 2023. On Saturday, the president said his budget was not his "ideal plan," but it was a compromise that he would be willing to accept. The House and Senate have already passed their own budget plans. The House plan cuts $5.7 trillion in spending and balances the budget in 10 years while the Senate plan increases taxes by $1 trillion. The Associated Press contributed to this report.

The White House tried Sunday to win support for President Obama 's forthcoming budget , arguing the plan is a balanced approach to economic prosperity and warning Republicans about stonewalling and pushing a '' rejected '' Romney plan .

The White House tried Sunday to win support for President Obama's forthcoming budget, arguing the plan is a balanced approach to economic prosperity and warning Republicans about stonewalling negotiations and pushing a "rejected" Romney plan. "Right now, the approach of many Republicans, particularly the leadership in the House, is my way or the highway," senior White House adviser Dan Pfeiffer told "Fox News Sunday." "Their view is the only acceptable plan is to try to … essentially enact the Romney economic plan. The American people rejected that, and Republicans shouldn't be doubling down on it." The White House effort comes three days before Obama releases his 2014 budget, which is expected to include a mix of tax increases and cuts to such entitlements as Social Security and Medicare. "You can do both," Pfeiffer said on ABC's "This Week." "That's what you'll see. … What we won't do is cut our way to prosperity." However, the outline of the plan has already been criticized by Republicans and some of the president's staunchest supporters. The release of the budget Wednesday, which will be followed by Obama meeting for dinner with Senate Republicans, is just part of a busy week in Washington. Congress returns from a two-week break with the Senate attempting to reach a bipartisan agreement on immigration-reform legislation, and the leaders of the Democrat-controlled chamber trying to finish a gun-control proposal that might or might not include the contentious universal background checks for buyers. Pfeiffer told Fox the meeting with Senate Republicans is simply an attempt to find a "caucus of common sense," not end run leaders of the Republican-controlled House. Last week, House Speaker John Boehner, R-Ohio, said Obama's budget blueprint holds reforms "hostage" to tax increases. Organized labor also expressed its disappointment in the plan. "The president should drop these misguided cuts in benefits and focus instead on building support in Congress for investing in jobs," AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka said. Obama supporters disagree particularly with the part of his spending plan that calls for a new inflation formula that would reduce the annual cost of living adjustments for a range of government programs, including Social Security and benefits for veterans. Still, South Carolina Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham expressed optimism Sunday about the plan, suggesting it was at least a starting point toward an elusive, long-term budget deal between Democrats and Republicans. "The president is showing a little bit of leg here," Graham said on NBC's "Meet the Press." "This is somewhat encouraging. We're beginning to set the stage for the grand bargain." Among the highlights of the president's plan is spending cuts and tax increases that would reduce the deficit by $1.8 trillion over 10 years, replacing the $1.2 trillion in automatic spending cuts, known as sequester, over the same period. The proposal also is expected to include new spending for public works projects, early education and job training, as well as $580 billion in new taxes that Republicans oppose. Counting reductions and higher taxes that Congress and Obama have approved since 2011, the 2014 budget would contribute $4.3 trillion to total deficit reduction by 2023. On Saturday, the president said his budget was not his "ideal plan," but it was a compromise that he would be willing to accept. The House and Senate have already passed their own budget plans. The House plan cuts $5.7 trillion in spending and balances the budget in 10 years while the Senate plan increases taxes by $1 trillion. The Associated Press contributed to this report.

The White House tried Sunday to win support for President Obama 's forthcoming budget , arguing the plan is a balanced approach to economic prosperity and warning Republicans about stonewalling negotiations and pushing a '' rejected '' Romney plan .

The White House tried Sunday to win support for President Obama's forthcoming budget, arguing the plan is a balanced approach to economic prosperity and warning Republicans about stonewalling negotiations and pushing a "rejected" Romney plan. "Right now, the approach of many Republicans, particularly the leadership in the House, is my way or the highway," senior White House adviser Dan Pfeiffer told "Fox News Sunday." "Their view is the only acceptable plan is to try to … essentially enact the Romney economic plan. The American people rejected that, and Republicans shouldn't be doubling down on it." The White House effort comes three days before Obama releases his 2014 budget, which is expected to include a mix of tax increases and cuts to such entitlements as Social Security and Medicare. "You can do both," Pfeiffer said on ABC's "This Week." "That's what you'll see. … What we won't do is cut our way to prosperity." However, the outline of the plan has already been criticized by Republicans and some of the president's staunchest supporters. The release of the budget Wednesday, which will be followed by Obama meeting for dinner with Senate Republicans, is just part of a busy week in Washington. Congress returns from a two-week break with the Senate attempting to reach a bipartisan agreement on immigration-reform legislation, and the leaders of the Democrat-controlled chamber trying to finish a gun-control proposal that might or might not include the contentious universal background checks for buyers. Pfeiffer told Fox the meeting with Senate Republicans is simply an attempt to find a "caucus of common sense," not end run leaders of the Republican-controlled House. Last week, House Speaker John Boehner, R-Ohio, said Obama's budget blueprint holds reforms "hostage" to tax increases. Organized labor also expressed its disappointment in the plan. "The president should drop these misguided cuts in benefits and focus instead on building support in Congress for investing in jobs," AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka said. Obama supporters disagree particularly with the part of his spending plan that calls for a new inflation formula that would reduce the annual cost of living adjustments for a range of government programs, including Social Security and benefits for veterans. Still, South Carolina Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham expressed optimism Sunday about the plan, suggesting it was at least a starting point toward an elusive, long-term budget deal between Democrats and Republicans. "The president is showing a little bit of leg here," Graham said on NBC's "Meet the Press." "This is somewhat encouraging. We're beginning to set the stage for the grand bargain." Among the highlights of the president's plan is spending cuts and tax increases that would reduce the deficit by $1.8 trillion over 10 years, replacing the $1.2 trillion in automatic spending cuts, known as sequester, over the same period. The proposal also is expected to include new spending for public works projects, early education and job training, as well as $580 billion in new taxes that Republicans oppose. Counting reductions and higher taxes that Congress and Obama have approved since 2011, the 2014 budget would contribute $4.3 trillion to total deficit reduction by 2023. On Saturday, the president said his budget was not his "ideal plan," but it was a compromise that he would be willing to accept. The House and Senate have already passed their own budget plans. The House plan cuts $5.7 trillion in spending and balances the budget in 10 years while the Senate plan increases taxes by $1 trillion. The Associated Press contributed to this report.

the president occurred 's president for the president for the president of the british court may have get public public in the times of working .

The White House tried Sunday to win support for President Obama's forthcoming budget, arguing the plan is a balanced approach to economic prosperity and warning Republicans about stonewalling negotiations and pushing a "rejected" Romney plan. "Right now, the approach of many Republicans, particularly the leadership in the House, is my way or the highway," senior White House adviser Dan Pfeiffer told "Fox News Sunday." "Their view is the only acceptable plan is to try to … essentially enact the Romney economic plan. The American people rejected that, and Republicans shouldn't be doubling down on it." The White House effort comes three days before Obama releases his 2014 budget, which is expected to include a mix of tax increases and cuts to such entitlements as Social Security and Medicare. "You can do both," Pfeiffer said on ABC's "This Week." "That's what you'll see. … What we won't do is cut our way to prosperity." However, the outline of the plan has already been criticized by Republicans and some of the president's staunchest supporters. The release of the budget Wednesday, which will be followed by Obama meeting for dinner with Senate Republicans, is just part of a busy week in Washington. Congress returns from a two-week break with the Senate attempting to reach a bipartisan agreement on immigration-reform legislation, and the leaders of the Democrat-controlled chamber trying to finish a gun-control proposal that might or might not include the contentious universal background checks for buyers. Pfeiffer told Fox the meeting with Senate Republicans is simply an attempt to find a "caucus of common sense," not end run leaders of the Republican-controlled House. Last week, House Speaker John Boehner, R-Ohio, said Obama's budget blueprint holds reforms "hostage" to tax increases. Organized labor also expressed its disappointment in the plan. "The president should drop these misguided cuts in benefits and focus instead on building support in Congress for investing in jobs," AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka said. Obama supporters disagree particularly with the part of his spending plan that calls for a new inflation formula that would reduce the annual cost of living adjustments for a range of government programs, including Social Security and benefits for veterans. Still, South Carolina Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham expressed optimism Sunday about the plan, suggesting it was at least a starting point toward an elusive, long-term budget deal between Democrats and Republicans. "The president is showing a little bit of leg here," Graham said on NBC's "Meet the Press." "This is somewhat encouraging. We're beginning to set the stage for the grand bargain." Among the highlights of the president's plan is spending cuts and tax increases that would reduce the deficit by $1.8 trillion over 10 years, replacing the $1.2 trillion in automatic spending cuts, known as sequester, over the same period. The proposal also is expected to include new spending for public works projects, early education and job training, as well as $580 billion in new taxes that Republicans oppose. Counting reductions and higher taxes that Congress and Obama have approved since 2011, the 2014 budget would contribute $4.3 trillion to total deficit reduction by 2023. On Saturday, the president said his budget was not his "ideal plan," but it was a compromise that he would be willing to accept. The House and Senate have already passed their own budget plans. The House plan cuts $5.7 trillion in spending and balances the budget in 10 years while the Senate plan increases taxes by $1 trillion. The Associated Press contributed to this report.

balanced approach to economic prosperity and warning republicans should n't be doubling down on it . '' the approach of many republicans , particularly the leadership in house , is my way or the white house adviser dan pfeiffer told `` fox news sunday . '' `` their view is through the

The White House tried Sunday to win support for President Obama's forthcoming budget, arguing the plan is a balanced approach to economic prosperity and warning Republicans about stonewalling negotiations and pushing a "rejected" Romney plan. "Right now, the approach of many Republicans, particularly the leadership in the House, is my way or the highway," senior White House adviser Dan Pfeiffer told "Fox News Sunday." "Their view is the only acceptable plan is to try to … essentially enact the Romney economic plan. The American people rejected that, and Republicans shouldn't be doubling down on it." The White House effort comes three days before Obama releases his 2014 budget, which is expected to include a mix of tax increases and cuts to such entitlements as Social Security and Medicare. "You can do both," Pfeiffer said on ABC's "This Week." "That's what you'll see. … What we won't do is cut our way to prosperity." However, the outline of the plan has already been criticized by Republicans and some of the president's staunchest supporters. The release of the budget Wednesday, which will be followed by Obama meeting for dinner with Senate Republicans, is just part of a busy week in Washington. Congress returns from a two-week break with the Senate attempting to reach a bipartisan agreement on immigration-reform legislation, and the leaders of the Democrat-controlled chamber trying to finish a gun-control proposal that might or might not include the contentious universal background checks for buyers. Pfeiffer told Fox the meeting with Senate Republicans is simply an attempt to find a "caucus of common sense," not end run leaders of the Republican-controlled House. Last week, House Speaker John Boehner, R-Ohio, said Obama's budget blueprint holds reforms "hostage" to tax increases. Organized labor also expressed its disappointment in the plan. "The president should drop these misguided cuts in benefits and focus instead on building support in Congress for investing in jobs," AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka said. Obama supporters disagree particularly with the part of his spending plan that calls for a new inflation formula that would reduce the annual cost of living adjustments for a range of government programs, including Social Security and benefits for veterans. Still, South Carolina Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham expressed optimism Sunday about the plan, suggesting it was at least a starting point toward an elusive, long-term budget deal between Democrats and Republicans. "The president is showing a little bit of leg here," Graham said on NBC's "Meet the Press." "This is somewhat encouraging. We're beginning to set the stage for the grand bargain." Among the highlights of the president's plan is spending cuts and tax increases that would reduce the deficit by $1.8 trillion over 10 years, replacing the $1.2 trillion in automatic spending cuts, known as sequester, over the same period. The proposal also is expected to include new spending for public works projects, early education and job training, as well as $580 billion in new taxes that Republicans oppose. Counting reductions and higher taxes that Congress and Obama have approved since 2011, the 2014 budget would contribute $4.3 trillion to total deficit reduction by 2023. On Saturday, the president said his budget was not his "ideal plan," but it was a compromise that he would be willing to accept. The House and Senate have already passed their own budget plans. The House plan cuts $5.7 trillion in spending and balances the budget in 10 years while the Senate plan increases taxes by $1 trillion. The Associated Press contributed to this report.

the white house tried sunday to win support for president obama 's forthcoming budget , arguing the plan is a balanced approach to economic prosperity and warning republicans about stonewalling negotiations and pushing a `` .

The White House tried Sunday to win support for President Obama's forthcoming budget, arguing the plan is a balanced approach to economic prosperity and warning Republicans about stonewalling negotiations and pushing a "rejected" Romney plan. "Right now, the approach of many Republicans, particularly the leadership in the House, is my way or the highway," senior White House adviser Dan Pfeiffer told "Fox News Sunday." "Their view is the only acceptable plan is to try to … essentially enact the Romney economic plan. The American people rejected that, and Republicans shouldn't be doubling down on it." The White House effort comes three days before Obama releases his 2014 budget, which is expected to include a mix of tax increases and cuts to such entitlements as Social Security and Medicare. "You can do both," Pfeiffer said on ABC's "This Week." "That's what you'll see. … What we won't do is cut our way to prosperity." However, the outline of the plan has already been criticized by Republicans and some of the president's staunchest supporters. The release of the budget Wednesday, which will be followed by Obama meeting for dinner with Senate Republicans, is just part of a busy week in Washington. Congress returns from a two-week break with the Senate attempting to reach a bipartisan agreement on immigration-reform legislation, and the leaders of the Democrat-controlled chamber trying to finish a gun-control proposal that might or might not include the contentious universal background checks for buyers. Pfeiffer told Fox the meeting with Senate Republicans is simply an attempt to find a "caucus of common sense," not end run leaders of the Republican-controlled House. Last week, House Speaker John Boehner, R-Ohio, said Obama's budget blueprint holds reforms "hostage" to tax increases. Organized labor also expressed its disappointment in the plan. "The president should drop these misguided cuts in benefits and focus instead on building support in Congress for investing in jobs," AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka said. Obama supporters disagree particularly with the part of his spending plan that calls for a new inflation formula that would reduce the annual cost of living adjustments for a range of government programs, including Social Security and benefits for veterans. Still, South Carolina Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham expressed optimism Sunday about the plan, suggesting it was at least a starting point toward an elusive, long-term budget deal between Democrats and Republicans. "The president is showing a little bit of leg here," Graham said on NBC's "Meet the Press." "This is somewhat encouraging. We're beginning to set the stage for the grand bargain." Among the highlights of the president's plan is spending cuts and tax increases that would reduce the deficit by $1.8 trillion over 10 years, replacing the $1.2 trillion in automatic spending cuts, known as sequester, over the same period. The proposal also is expected to include new spending for public works projects, early education and job training, as well as $580 billion in new taxes that Republicans oppose. Counting reductions and higher taxes that Congress and Obama have approved since 2011, the 2014 budget would contribute $4.3 trillion to total deficit reduction by 2023. On Saturday, the president said his budget was not his "ideal plan," but it was a compromise that he would be willing to accept. The House and Senate have already passed their own budget plans. The House plan cuts $5.7 trillion in spending and balances the budget in 10 years while the Senate plan increases taxes by $1 trillion. The Associated Press contributed to this report.

the white house tried sunday to win support for president obama 's forthcoming budget , arguing the plan is a balanced approach to economic prosperity and warning republicans about stonewalling negotiations and pushing a `` rejected '' romney plan .

Kenneth Ng calls his website a primer for tourists headed to , but Fodor's it ain't. The California State University at Northridge professor's site is a one-stop shop for men drawn to the country's sex tourism industry. Dotted with pictures of scantily clad women, the website, BigBabyKenny, advises would-be Johns on the art of negotiating with prostitutes. "Start with a compliment," Ng advises. Needless to say, Ng's website is causing headaches for Northridge administrators. First publicized by the Los Angeles Daily News, the economics professor's site has drawn a wave of unwelcome attention, forcing administrators to at once criticize its content and defend Ng's right to publish freely on his own time without university resources. "Until we find representative evidence that it infringes upon the work he does at the university itself, there's not much we can do about it," said Harold Hellenbrand, Northridge's provost. There may be subtlety in Hellenbrand's words, but his message is clear: If BigBabyKenny infringes on Ng's ability to effectively do his job, then Northridge's position will change. Ng has already said his site is run through a separate server not connected to the university, but Northridge officials might still make a case that the site has interfered with his job. Asked if students complaining that they were no longer comfortable in Ng's class would compel Northridge to demand the site be taken down, Hellenbrand said "I'm not inviting complaints, but you just hit on the key issue." "If [running the site is] what he wants to do, and at the same time he wants to educate students and students flock away, then that would create a problem," Hellenbrand said. How Ng came to be identified as the author of BigBabyKenny is a story in itself. A frequent tourist of Thailand, Ng took to blogging on the website of a Bangkok bar called Big Mango Bar. In one controversial post, Ng advised men to seek women near a particular Buddhist shrine. "The naysayers will say its creepy to be hanging around the Muariti Shrine, hitting on the emotionally vulnerable girls desperately praying and paying Buddha for a better love life but I beg to differ. Buddha works in mysterious ways," he wrote. Perturbed by the post, the bar owners removed it. That led Ng to start his own site, prompting what Ng describes as a concerted effort by the owners to publicize his penchant for writing about prostitutes. They sent mass e-mails to faculty listed in Northridge's directory, and also posted on RateMyProfessor.com, warning students about Ng, he said. Ng readily defends the content of his site and says he has no intention of taking it down. "The university has no stake in this one way or the other, and besides, professors can say whatever they want," said Ng, a tenured associate professor of economics. Some question whether Ng has crossed a gray legal line, however, by advising men on sex tourism. Patrick Trueman, a former U.S. justice department official, notes that there are several federal statutes that could come into play. Within U.S. Code 18 are two sections – 2422 (a) and 2422 (b) – that specifically prohibit anyone from "enticing or coercing a person" to travel internationally in pursuit of prostitutes. Moreover, one section specifically prohibits the use of the Internet to lure people. While prostitution may be tolerated in Thailand, that's immaterial under the federal code, Trueman said. "Inducing and enticing? Isn't that what this guy's doing?" said Trueman, former chief of the Justice Department's Child Exploitation and Obscenity Section in the Criminal Division. Trueman, now a lawyer specializing in sex trafficking and child abuse cases, said there would likely be debate about whether talking about procuring prostitutes online and actually arranging prostitutes for a person should be treated differently under the law. "Given how lax the fed government is on these crimes, they may not charge somebody unless they are more directly involved," he said. "That's not to say this person couldn't be charged, and as I read it they could be charged." Beyond the legal implications, critics have already attacked Ng on moral grounds. John Foubert, an Oklahoma State University professor who researches sex trafficking, argues that women – often minors – are forced into the sex tourism industry and often have trouble escaping it. Even if Ng is operating within the bounds of the law, Northridge officials have an ethical problem they've yet to face, Foubert said. "Do they want to live with the blood on their hands of these girls that are being essentially raped by these men, who are going down and purchasing sex? I think that's a larger question," said Foubert, an associate professor of college student development. Ng said he allows anything to be written on his site, so long as it doesn't involve pedophilia or underage sex. He does, however, write about how difficult it is to effectively negotiate with a "half or sometimes fully naked teenage girl" when she's "expertly gyrating" on a man's lap. While his critics have been speaking out since fall, Ng said he has yet to hear from a student who expressed discomfort about his website. "The job of the university is to expose students to the world – not just a politically correct view of the world and not just the good parts of the world," he said. "If a student reads that [site], I personally think it's good for them. They learn about something out there; maybe they disapprove of it and they don't think it's good." You share in the USA TODAY community, so please keep your comments smart and civil. Don't attack other readers personally, and keep your language decent. Use the "Report Abuse" button to make a difference.

Kenneth Ng calls his website a primer for tourists headed to , but Fodor 's it ai n't . The California State University at Northridge professor 's site is a one - stop shop for men drawn to the country 's sex tourism industry . Dotted with pictures of scantily clad women , the website , BigBabyKenny , advises would - be Johns on the art of negotiating with prostitutes . ''

Kenneth Ng calls his website a primer for tourists headed to , but Fodor's it ain't. The California State University at Northridge professor's site is a one-stop shop for men drawn to the country's sex tourism industry. Dotted with pictures of scantily clad women, the website, BigBabyKenny, advises would-be Johns on the art of negotiating with prostitutes. "Start with a compliment," Ng advises. Needless to say, Ng's website is causing headaches for Northridge administrators. First publicized by the Los Angeles Daily News, the economics professor's site has drawn a wave of unwelcome attention, forcing administrators to at once criticize its content and defend Ng's right to publish freely on his own time without university resources. "Until we find representative evidence that it infringes upon the work he does at the university itself, there's not much we can do about it," said Harold Hellenbrand, Northridge's provost. There may be subtlety in Hellenbrand's words, but his message is clear: If BigBabyKenny infringes on Ng's ability to effectively do his job, then Northridge's position will change. Ng has already said his site is run through a separate server not connected to the university, but Northridge officials might still make a case that the site has interfered with his job. Asked if students complaining that they were no longer comfortable in Ng's class would compel Northridge to demand the site be taken down, Hellenbrand said "I'm not inviting complaints, but you just hit on the key issue." "If [running the site is] what he wants to do, and at the same time he wants to educate students and students flock away, then that would create a problem," Hellenbrand said. How Ng came to be identified as the author of BigBabyKenny is a story in itself. A frequent tourist of Thailand, Ng took to blogging on the website of a Bangkok bar called Big Mango Bar. In one controversial post, Ng advised men to seek women near a particular Buddhist shrine. "The naysayers will say its creepy to be hanging around the Muariti Shrine, hitting on the emotionally vulnerable girls desperately praying and paying Buddha for a better love life but I beg to differ. Buddha works in mysterious ways," he wrote. Perturbed by the post, the bar owners removed it. That led Ng to start his own site, prompting what Ng describes as a concerted effort by the owners to publicize his penchant for writing about prostitutes. They sent mass e-mails to faculty listed in Northridge's directory, and also posted on RateMyProfessor.com, warning students about Ng, he said. Ng readily defends the content of his site and says he has no intention of taking it down. "The university has no stake in this one way or the other, and besides, professors can say whatever they want," said Ng, a tenured associate professor of economics. Some question whether Ng has crossed a gray legal line, however, by advising men on sex tourism. Patrick Trueman, a former U.S. justice department official, notes that there are several federal statutes that could come into play. Within U.S. Code 18 are two sections – 2422 (a) and 2422 (b) – that specifically prohibit anyone from "enticing or coercing a person" to travel internationally in pursuit of prostitutes. Moreover, one section specifically prohibits the use of the Internet to lure people. While prostitution may be tolerated in Thailand, that's immaterial under the federal code, Trueman said. "Inducing and enticing? Isn't that what this guy's doing?" said Trueman, former chief of the Justice Department's Child Exploitation and Obscenity Section in the Criminal Division. Trueman, now a lawyer specializing in sex trafficking and child abuse cases, said there would likely be debate about whether talking about procuring prostitutes online and actually arranging prostitutes for a person should be treated differently under the law. "Given how lax the fed government is on these crimes, they may not charge somebody unless they are more directly involved," he said. "That's not to say this person couldn't be charged, and as I read it they could be charged." Beyond the legal implications, critics have already attacked Ng on moral grounds. John Foubert, an Oklahoma State University professor who researches sex trafficking, argues that women – often minors – are forced into the sex tourism industry and often have trouble escaping it. Even if Ng is operating within the bounds of the law, Northridge officials have an ethical problem they've yet to face, Foubert said. "Do they want to live with the blood on their hands of these girls that are being essentially raped by these men, who are going down and purchasing sex? I think that's a larger question," said Foubert, an associate professor of college student development. Ng said he allows anything to be written on his site, so long as it doesn't involve pedophilia or underage sex. He does, however, write about how difficult it is to effectively negotiate with a "half or sometimes fully naked teenage girl" when she's "expertly gyrating" on a man's lap. While his critics have been speaking out since fall, Ng said he has yet to hear from a student who expressed discomfort about his website. "The job of the university is to expose students to the world – not just a politically correct view of the world and not just the good parts of the world," he said. "If a student reads that [site], I personally think it's good for them. They learn about something out there; maybe they disapprove of it and they don't think it's good." You share in the USA TODAY community, so please keep your comments smart and civil. Don't attack other readers personally, and keep your language decent. Use the "Report Abuse" button to make a difference.

Professor Kenneth Ng 's website for men in Thailand 's sex tourism industry is a for California State University at Northridge administrators .

Kenneth Ng calls his website a primer for tourists headed to , but Fodor's it ain't. The California State University at Northridge professor's site is a one-stop shop for men drawn to the country's sex tourism industry. Dotted with pictures of scantily clad women, the website, BigBabyKenny, advises would-be Johns on the art of negotiating with prostitutes. "Start with a compliment," Ng advises. Needless to say, Ng's website is causing headaches for Northridge administrators. First publicized by the Los Angeles Daily News, the economics professor's site has drawn a wave of unwelcome attention, forcing administrators to at once criticize its content and defend Ng's right to publish freely on his own time without university resources. "Until we find representative evidence that it infringes upon the work he does at the university itself, there's not much we can do about it," said Harold Hellenbrand, Northridge's provost. There may be subtlety in Hellenbrand's words, but his message is clear: If BigBabyKenny infringes on Ng's ability to effectively do his job, then Northridge's position will change. Ng has already said his site is run through a separate server not connected to the university, but Northridge officials might still make a case that the site has interfered with his job. Asked if students complaining that they were no longer comfortable in Ng's class would compel Northridge to demand the site be taken down, Hellenbrand said "I'm not inviting complaints, but you just hit on the key issue." "If [running the site is] what he wants to do, and at the same time he wants to educate students and students flock away, then that would create a problem," Hellenbrand said. How Ng came to be identified as the author of BigBabyKenny is a story in itself. A frequent tourist of Thailand, Ng took to blogging on the website of a Bangkok bar called Big Mango Bar. In one controversial post, Ng advised men to seek women near a particular Buddhist shrine. "The naysayers will say its creepy to be hanging around the Muariti Shrine, hitting on the emotionally vulnerable girls desperately praying and paying Buddha for a better love life but I beg to differ. Buddha works in mysterious ways," he wrote. Perturbed by the post, the bar owners removed it. That led Ng to start his own site, prompting what Ng describes as a concerted effort by the owners to publicize his penchant for writing about prostitutes. They sent mass e-mails to faculty listed in Northridge's directory, and also posted on RateMyProfessor.com, warning students about Ng, he said. Ng readily defends the content of his site and says he has no intention of taking it down. "The university has no stake in this one way or the other, and besides, professors can say whatever they want," said Ng, a tenured associate professor of economics. Some question whether Ng has crossed a gray legal line, however, by advising men on sex tourism. Patrick Trueman, a former U.S. justice department official, notes that there are several federal statutes that could come into play. Within U.S. Code 18 are two sections – 2422 (a) and 2422 (b) – that specifically prohibit anyone from "enticing or coercing a person" to travel internationally in pursuit of prostitutes. Moreover, one section specifically prohibits the use of the Internet to lure people. While prostitution may be tolerated in Thailand, that's immaterial under the federal code, Trueman said. "Inducing and enticing? Isn't that what this guy's doing?" said Trueman, former chief of the Justice Department's Child Exploitation and Obscenity Section in the Criminal Division. Trueman, now a lawyer specializing in sex trafficking and child abuse cases, said there would likely be debate about whether talking about procuring prostitutes online and actually arranging prostitutes for a person should be treated differently under the law. "Given how lax the fed government is on these crimes, they may not charge somebody unless they are more directly involved," he said. "That's not to say this person couldn't be charged, and as I read it they could be charged." Beyond the legal implications, critics have already attacked Ng on moral grounds. John Foubert, an Oklahoma State University professor who researches sex trafficking, argues that women – often minors – are forced into the sex tourism industry and often have trouble escaping it. Even if Ng is operating within the bounds of the law, Northridge officials have an ethical problem they've yet to face, Foubert said. "Do they want to live with the blood on their hands of these girls that are being essentially raped by these men, who are going down and purchasing sex? I think that's a larger question," said Foubert, an associate professor of college student development. Ng said he allows anything to be written on his site, so long as it doesn't involve pedophilia or underage sex. He does, however, write about how difficult it is to effectively negotiate with a "half or sometimes fully naked teenage girl" when she's "expertly gyrating" on a man's lap. While his critics have been speaking out since fall, Ng said he has yet to hear from a student who expressed discomfort about his website. "The job of the university is to expose students to the world – not just a politically correct view of the world and not just the good parts of the world," he said. "If a student reads that [site], I personally think it's good for them. They learn about something out there; maybe they disapprove of it and they don't think it's good." You share in the USA TODAY community, so please keep your comments smart and civil. Don't attack other readers personally, and keep your language decent. Use the "Report Abuse" button to make a difference.

The California State University at Northridge professor 's site is a one - stop shop for men drawn to the country 's sex tourism industry . '' If a student reads that [ site ] , I personally think it 's good for them .

Kenneth Ng calls his website a primer for tourists headed to , but Fodor's it ain't. The California State University at Northridge professor's site is a one-stop shop for men drawn to the country's sex tourism industry. Dotted with pictures of scantily clad women, the website, BigBabyKenny, advises would-be Johns on the art of negotiating with prostitutes. "Start with a compliment," Ng advises. Needless to say, Ng's website is causing headaches for Northridge administrators. First publicized by the Los Angeles Daily News, the economics professor's site has drawn a wave of unwelcome attention, forcing administrators to at once criticize its content and defend Ng's right to publish freely on his own time without university resources. "Until we find representative evidence that it infringes upon the work he does at the university itself, there's not much we can do about it," said Harold Hellenbrand, Northridge's provost. There may be subtlety in Hellenbrand's words, but his message is clear: If BigBabyKenny infringes on Ng's ability to effectively do his job, then Northridge's position will change. Ng has already said his site is run through a separate server not connected to the university, but Northridge officials might still make a case that the site has interfered with his job. Asked if students complaining that they were no longer comfortable in Ng's class would compel Northridge to demand the site be taken down, Hellenbrand said "I'm not inviting complaints, but you just hit on the key issue." "If [running the site is] what he wants to do, and at the same time he wants to educate students and students flock away, then that would create a problem," Hellenbrand said. How Ng came to be identified as the author of BigBabyKenny is a story in itself. A frequent tourist of Thailand, Ng took to blogging on the website of a Bangkok bar called Big Mango Bar. In one controversial post, Ng advised men to seek women near a particular Buddhist shrine. "The naysayers will say its creepy to be hanging around the Muariti Shrine, hitting on the emotionally vulnerable girls desperately praying and paying Buddha for a better love life but I beg to differ. Buddha works in mysterious ways," he wrote. Perturbed by the post, the bar owners removed it. That led Ng to start his own site, prompting what Ng describes as a concerted effort by the owners to publicize his penchant for writing about prostitutes. They sent mass e-mails to faculty listed in Northridge's directory, and also posted on RateMyProfessor.com, warning students about Ng, he said. Ng readily defends the content of his site and says he has no intention of taking it down. "The university has no stake in this one way or the other, and besides, professors can say whatever they want," said Ng, a tenured associate professor of economics. Some question whether Ng has crossed a gray legal line, however, by advising men on sex tourism. Patrick Trueman, a former U.S. justice department official, notes that there are several federal statutes that could come into play. Within U.S. Code 18 are two sections – 2422 (a) and 2422 (b) – that specifically prohibit anyone from "enticing or coercing a person" to travel internationally in pursuit of prostitutes. Moreover, one section specifically prohibits the use of the Internet to lure people. While prostitution may be tolerated in Thailand, that's immaterial under the federal code, Trueman said. "Inducing and enticing? Isn't that what this guy's doing?" said Trueman, former chief of the Justice Department's Child Exploitation and Obscenity Section in the Criminal Division. Trueman, now a lawyer specializing in sex trafficking and child abuse cases, said there would likely be debate about whether talking about procuring prostitutes online and actually arranging prostitutes for a person should be treated differently under the law. "Given how lax the fed government is on these crimes, they may not charge somebody unless they are more directly involved," he said. "That's not to say this person couldn't be charged, and as I read it they could be charged." Beyond the legal implications, critics have already attacked Ng on moral grounds. John Foubert, an Oklahoma State University professor who researches sex trafficking, argues that women – often minors – are forced into the sex tourism industry and often have trouble escaping it. Even if Ng is operating within the bounds of the law, Northridge officials have an ethical problem they've yet to face, Foubert said. "Do they want to live with the blood on their hands of these girls that are being essentially raped by these men, who are going down and purchasing sex? I think that's a larger question," said Foubert, an associate professor of college student development. Ng said he allows anything to be written on his site, so long as it doesn't involve pedophilia or underage sex. He does, however, write about how difficult it is to effectively negotiate with a "half or sometimes fully naked teenage girl" when she's "expertly gyrating" on a man's lap. While his critics have been speaking out since fall, Ng said he has yet to hear from a student who expressed discomfort about his website. "The job of the university is to expose students to the world – not just a politically correct view of the world and not just the good parts of the world," he said. "If a student reads that [site], I personally think it's good for them. They learn about something out there; maybe they disapprove of it and they don't think it's good." You share in the USA TODAY community, so please keep your comments smart and civil. Don't attack other readers personally, and keep your language decent. Use the "Report Abuse" button to make a difference.

the capitals have announced the schedule and roster for next week ’s development camp .

Kenneth Ng calls his website a primer for tourists headed to , but Fodor's it ain't. The California State University at Northridge professor's site is a one-stop shop for men drawn to the country's sex tourism industry. Dotted with pictures of scantily clad women, the website, BigBabyKenny, advises would-be Johns on the art of negotiating with prostitutes. "Start with a compliment," Ng advises. Needless to say, Ng's website is causing headaches for Northridge administrators. First publicized by the Los Angeles Daily News, the economics professor's site has drawn a wave of unwelcome attention, forcing administrators to at once criticize its content and defend Ng's right to publish freely on his own time without university resources. "Until we find representative evidence that it infringes upon the work he does at the university itself, there's not much we can do about it," said Harold Hellenbrand, Northridge's provost. There may be subtlety in Hellenbrand's words, but his message is clear: If BigBabyKenny infringes on Ng's ability to effectively do his job, then Northridge's position will change. Ng has already said his site is run through a separate server not connected to the university, but Northridge officials might still make a case that the site has interfered with his job. Asked if students complaining that they were no longer comfortable in Ng's class would compel Northridge to demand the site be taken down, Hellenbrand said "I'm not inviting complaints, but you just hit on the key issue." "If [running the site is] what he wants to do, and at the same time he wants to educate students and students flock away, then that would create a problem," Hellenbrand said. How Ng came to be identified as the author of BigBabyKenny is a story in itself. A frequent tourist of Thailand, Ng took to blogging on the website of a Bangkok bar called Big Mango Bar. In one controversial post, Ng advised men to seek women near a particular Buddhist shrine. "The naysayers will say its creepy to be hanging around the Muariti Shrine, hitting on the emotionally vulnerable girls desperately praying and paying Buddha for a better love life but I beg to differ. Buddha works in mysterious ways," he wrote. Perturbed by the post, the bar owners removed it. That led Ng to start his own site, prompting what Ng describes as a concerted effort by the owners to publicize his penchant for writing about prostitutes. They sent mass e-mails to faculty listed in Northridge's directory, and also posted on RateMyProfessor.com, warning students about Ng, he said. Ng readily defends the content of his site and says he has no intention of taking it down. "The university has no stake in this one way or the other, and besides, professors can say whatever they want," said Ng, a tenured associate professor of economics. Some question whether Ng has crossed a gray legal line, however, by advising men on sex tourism. Patrick Trueman, a former U.S. justice department official, notes that there are several federal statutes that could come into play. Within U.S. Code 18 are two sections – 2422 (a) and 2422 (b) – that specifically prohibit anyone from "enticing or coercing a person" to travel internationally in pursuit of prostitutes. Moreover, one section specifically prohibits the use of the Internet to lure people. While prostitution may be tolerated in Thailand, that's immaterial under the federal code, Trueman said. "Inducing and enticing? Isn't that what this guy's doing?" said Trueman, former chief of the Justice Department's Child Exploitation and Obscenity Section in the Criminal Division. Trueman, now a lawyer specializing in sex trafficking and child abuse cases, said there would likely be debate about whether talking about procuring prostitutes online and actually arranging prostitutes for a person should be treated differently under the law. "Given how lax the fed government is on these crimes, they may not charge somebody unless they are more directly involved," he said. "That's not to say this person couldn't be charged, and as I read it they could be charged." Beyond the legal implications, critics have already attacked Ng on moral grounds. John Foubert, an Oklahoma State University professor who researches sex trafficking, argues that women – often minors – are forced into the sex tourism industry and often have trouble escaping it. Even if Ng is operating within the bounds of the law, Northridge officials have an ethical problem they've yet to face, Foubert said. "Do they want to live with the blood on their hands of these girls that are being essentially raped by these men, who are going down and purchasing sex? I think that's a larger question," said Foubert, an associate professor of college student development. Ng said he allows anything to be written on his site, so long as it doesn't involve pedophilia or underage sex. He does, however, write about how difficult it is to effectively negotiate with a "half or sometimes fully naked teenage girl" when she's "expertly gyrating" on a man's lap. While his critics have been speaking out since fall, Ng said he has yet to hear from a student who expressed discomfort about his website. "The job of the university is to expose students to the world – not just a politically correct view of the world and not just the good parts of the world," he said. "If a student reads that [site], I personally think it's good for them. They learn about something out there; maybe they disapprove of it and they don't think it's good." You share in the USA TODAY community, so please keep your comments smart and civil. Don't attack other readers personally, and keep your language decent. Use the "Report Abuse" button to make a difference.

university itself , there 's not much we can do about it , '' said harold hellenbrand , northridge . there may be subtlety in hellenbrand 's words , but his message is clear : if bigbabykenny infringes on ng 's ability to effectively do his job . asked if students complaining that they he comfortable in ng 's position will change . ng has already said his site is run through a separate server not connected to he wants to educate students and students flock away , then that would create a problem , '' hellenbrand the

Kenneth Ng calls his website a primer for tourists headed to , but Fodor's it ain't. The California State University at Northridge professor's site is a one-stop shop for men drawn to the country's sex tourism industry. Dotted with pictures of scantily clad women, the website, BigBabyKenny, advises would-be Johns on the art of negotiating with prostitutes. "Start with a compliment," Ng advises. Needless to say, Ng's website is causing headaches for Northridge administrators. First publicized by the Los Angeles Daily News, the economics professor's site has drawn a wave of unwelcome attention, forcing administrators to at once criticize its content and defend Ng's right to publish freely on his own time without university resources. "Until we find representative evidence that it infringes upon the work he does at the university itself, there's not much we can do about it," said Harold Hellenbrand, Northridge's provost. There may be subtlety in Hellenbrand's words, but his message is clear: If BigBabyKenny infringes on Ng's ability to effectively do his job, then Northridge's position will change. Ng has already said his site is run through a separate server not connected to the university, but Northridge officials might still make a case that the site has interfered with his job. Asked if students complaining that they were no longer comfortable in Ng's class would compel Northridge to demand the site be taken down, Hellenbrand said "I'm not inviting complaints, but you just hit on the key issue." "If [running the site is] what he wants to do, and at the same time he wants to educate students and students flock away, then that would create a problem," Hellenbrand said. How Ng came to be identified as the author of BigBabyKenny is a story in itself. A frequent tourist of Thailand, Ng took to blogging on the website of a Bangkok bar called Big Mango Bar. In one controversial post, Ng advised men to seek women near a particular Buddhist shrine. "The naysayers will say its creepy to be hanging around the Muariti Shrine, hitting on the emotionally vulnerable girls desperately praying and paying Buddha for a better love life but I beg to differ. Buddha works in mysterious ways," he wrote. Perturbed by the post, the bar owners removed it. That led Ng to start his own site, prompting what Ng describes as a concerted effort by the owners to publicize his penchant for writing about prostitutes. They sent mass e-mails to faculty listed in Northridge's directory, and also posted on RateMyProfessor.com, warning students about Ng, he said. Ng readily defends the content of his site and says he has no intention of taking it down. "The university has no stake in this one way or the other, and besides, professors can say whatever they want," said Ng, a tenured associate professor of economics. Some question whether Ng has crossed a gray legal line, however, by advising men on sex tourism. Patrick Trueman, a former U.S. justice department official, notes that there are several federal statutes that could come into play. Within U.S. Code 18 are two sections – 2422 (a) and 2422 (b) – that specifically prohibit anyone from "enticing or coercing a person" to travel internationally in pursuit of prostitutes. Moreover, one section specifically prohibits the use of the Internet to lure people. While prostitution may be tolerated in Thailand, that's immaterial under the federal code, Trueman said. "Inducing and enticing? Isn't that what this guy's doing?" said Trueman, former chief of the Justice Department's Child Exploitation and Obscenity Section in the Criminal Division. Trueman, now a lawyer specializing in sex trafficking and child abuse cases, said there would likely be debate about whether talking about procuring prostitutes online and actually arranging prostitutes for a person should be treated differently under the law. "Given how lax the fed government is on these crimes, they may not charge somebody unless they are more directly involved," he said. "That's not to say this person couldn't be charged, and as I read it they could be charged." Beyond the legal implications, critics have already attacked Ng on moral grounds. John Foubert, an Oklahoma State University professor who researches sex trafficking, argues that women – often minors – are forced into the sex tourism industry and often have trouble escaping it. Even if Ng is operating within the bounds of the law, Northridge officials have an ethical problem they've yet to face, Foubert said. "Do they want to live with the blood on their hands of these girls that are being essentially raped by these men, who are going down and purchasing sex? I think that's a larger question," said Foubert, an associate professor of college student development. Ng said he allows anything to be written on his site, so long as it doesn't involve pedophilia or underage sex. He does, however, write about how difficult it is to effectively negotiate with a "half or sometimes fully naked teenage girl" when she's "expertly gyrating" on a man's lap. While his critics have been speaking out since fall, Ng said he has yet to hear from a student who expressed discomfort about his website. "The job of the university is to expose students to the world – not just a politically correct view of the world and not just the good parts of the world," he said. "If a student reads that [site], I personally think it's good for them. They learn about something out there; maybe they disapprove of it and they don't think it's good." You share in the USA TODAY community, so please keep your comments smart and civil. Don't attack other readers personally, and keep your language decent. Use the "Report Abuse" button to make a difference.

until we find representative evidence that it infringes upon the work he does at the university itself , there 's not much we can do about it , '' said harold hellenbrand , northridge provost .

Kenneth Ng calls his website a primer for tourists headed to , but Fodor's it ain't. The California State University at Northridge professor's site is a one-stop shop for men drawn to the country's sex tourism industry. Dotted with pictures of scantily clad women, the website, BigBabyKenny, advises would-be Johns on the art of negotiating with prostitutes. "Start with a compliment," Ng advises. Needless to say, Ng's website is causing headaches for Northridge administrators. First publicized by the Los Angeles Daily News, the economics professor's site has drawn a wave of unwelcome attention, forcing administrators to at once criticize its content and defend Ng's right to publish freely on his own time without university resources. "Until we find representative evidence that it infringes upon the work he does at the university itself, there's not much we can do about it," said Harold Hellenbrand, Northridge's provost. There may be subtlety in Hellenbrand's words, but his message is clear: If BigBabyKenny infringes on Ng's ability to effectively do his job, then Northridge's position will change. Ng has already said his site is run through a separate server not connected to the university, but Northridge officials might still make a case that the site has interfered with his job. Asked if students complaining that they were no longer comfortable in Ng's class would compel Northridge to demand the site be taken down, Hellenbrand said "I'm not inviting complaints, but you just hit on the key issue." "If [running the site is] what he wants to do, and at the same time he wants to educate students and students flock away, then that would create a problem," Hellenbrand said. How Ng came to be identified as the author of BigBabyKenny is a story in itself. A frequent tourist of Thailand, Ng took to blogging on the website of a Bangkok bar called Big Mango Bar. In one controversial post, Ng advised men to seek women near a particular Buddhist shrine. "The naysayers will say its creepy to be hanging around the Muariti Shrine, hitting on the emotionally vulnerable girls desperately praying and paying Buddha for a better love life but I beg to differ. Buddha works in mysterious ways," he wrote. Perturbed by the post, the bar owners removed it. That led Ng to start his own site, prompting what Ng describes as a concerted effort by the owners to publicize his penchant for writing about prostitutes. They sent mass e-mails to faculty listed in Northridge's directory, and also posted on RateMyProfessor.com, warning students about Ng, he said. Ng readily defends the content of his site and says he has no intention of taking it down. "The university has no stake in this one way or the other, and besides, professors can say whatever they want," said Ng, a tenured associate professor of economics. Some question whether Ng has crossed a gray legal line, however, by advising men on sex tourism. Patrick Trueman, a former U.S. justice department official, notes that there are several federal statutes that could come into play. Within U.S. Code 18 are two sections – 2422 (a) and 2422 (b) – that specifically prohibit anyone from "enticing or coercing a person" to travel internationally in pursuit of prostitutes. Moreover, one section specifically prohibits the use of the Internet to lure people. While prostitution may be tolerated in Thailand, that's immaterial under the federal code, Trueman said. "Inducing and enticing? Isn't that what this guy's doing?" said Trueman, former chief of the Justice Department's Child Exploitation and Obscenity Section in the Criminal Division. Trueman, now a lawyer specializing in sex trafficking and child abuse cases, said there would likely be debate about whether talking about procuring prostitutes online and actually arranging prostitutes for a person should be treated differently under the law. "Given how lax the fed government is on these crimes, they may not charge somebody unless they are more directly involved," he said. "That's not to say this person couldn't be charged, and as I read it they could be charged." Beyond the legal implications, critics have already attacked Ng on moral grounds. John Foubert, an Oklahoma State University professor who researches sex trafficking, argues that women – often minors – are forced into the sex tourism industry and often have trouble escaping it. Even if Ng is operating within the bounds of the law, Northridge officials have an ethical problem they've yet to face, Foubert said. "Do they want to live with the blood on their hands of these girls that are being essentially raped by these men, who are going down and purchasing sex? I think that's a larger question," said Foubert, an associate professor of college student development. Ng said he allows anything to be written on his site, so long as it doesn't involve pedophilia or underage sex. He does, however, write about how difficult it is to effectively negotiate with a "half or sometimes fully naked teenage girl" when she's "expertly gyrating" on a man's lap. While his critics have been speaking out since fall, Ng said he has yet to hear from a student who expressed discomfort about his website. "The job of the university is to expose students to the world – not just a politically correct view of the world and not just the good parts of the world," he said. "If a student reads that [site], I personally think it's good for them. They learn about something out there; maybe they disapprove of it and they don't think it's good." You share in the USA TODAY community, so please keep your comments smart and civil. Don't attack other readers personally, and keep your language decent. Use the "Report Abuse" button to make a difference.

the university has no stake in this one way or the other , and besides , professors can say his site is run through a separate server not connected to the university itself , there 's not much we find representative evidence that it infringes upon the work he does at the university itself has already identified : if bigbabykenny infringes on ng 's ability to effectively do his job , then northridge until we find representative evidence that it wants to be identified as the author of bigbabykenny is a story in itself his penchant for the website of a bangkok bar called big mango bar .

Transportation Security Administration agents walk back to work at LAX. Photograph: Kevork Djansezian/Getty Images The man accused of carrying out a shooting rampage at Los Angeles international airport (LAX) remained too wounded to answer questions on Sunday, as investigators pieced together chilling details about the attack and its possible motive. Paul Ciancia, 23, an unemployed motorbike mechanic, shot a Transportation Security Administration (TSA) agent at point-blank range on Friday. He then rode up an escalator, seeking other targets, before looking back to see his first victim squirming on the ground. Ciancia returned and shot again, making Gerardo Hernandez, 39, a married father-of-two, the TSA's first fatality in the line of duty since the agency's creation after 9/11. The gunman carried a note which said he wished to kill as many TSA employees "and pigs" as possible, without racial discrimination, to "instill fear into their traitorous minds", FBI special agent in charge David Bowdich told reporters. The note singled out Janet Napolitano, a former head of homeland security, for abuse and cited "NWO", an apparent reference to a conspiracy theory about authoritarian government plotting a new world order. Ciancia also wrote that he intended to die after killing at least one security officer, Reuters quoted the head of a key congressional security committee as saying on Sunday. He also discussed weaknesses in airport security in the "suicide" note before Friday's attack, Michael McCaul, the Republican chair of the House committee on homeland security, told CNN. "The other thing he wanted to talk about was how easy it is to bring a gun into an airport and do something just like he did," McCaul said of the note. McCaul said the note allegedly written by Ciancia "talks a lot about killing TSA agents, and he said, 'If I just kill one, my mission is accomplished.'" It was not immediately clear whether McCaul was referring to the same note as the one mentioned by the FBI, Reuters reported. Ciancia, wearing an armoured vest, used a Smith & Wesson .223 caliber M&P-15 assault rifle to wound two other TSA agents and a passenger in a 10-minute shooting spree which spread panic through the world's sixth-busiest airport and disrupted thousands of flights. Airport police cornered him near a Burger King in Terminal 3 and shot him in the leg and mouth, reportedly smashing his teeth and tongue. Ciancia managed to tell officials at the scene that a friend had driven him to LAX but that he had acted alone, according to the Associated Press. A graphic photo in the New York Post showed Ciancia on the ground with a mangled face and beside pools of blood. By Saturday Ciancia, under guard at hospital, was "unresponsive" and could not be interviewed, said Bowdich. He was charged with first-degree murder and committing violence at an international airport and may face the death penalty. Authorities believe the friend who dropped Ciancia off in a black Hyundai on Friday morning was unaware of his plan. Ciancia had no ticket or reservation. Los Angeles police wore black armbands in tributes to Hernandez, the slain agent. He move to the US from El Salvador at the age of 15 and joined the TSA three years ago, routinely rising at 3am for his shift. His widow, Ana Hernandez, flanked by TSA chief John Pistole, told a press conference the family had lost a loving husband and father. "I am truly devastated," she said. Later she told NBC: "He was always excited to go to work. He was a joyful person, he took pride in his duty for the American public and for the TSA mission." The FBI said it had found no evidence that Ciancia consorted with radical groups but hoped to establish why he had a grudge against the TSA, said Bowdich. "We are really going to draw a picture of who this person was, his background, his history. That will help us explain why he chose to do what he did. At this point, I don't have the answer on that." Ciancia grew up in Pennsville, a blue-collar New Jersey suburb, and was described by former classmates as quiet and reserved. His father owned a successful garage. His mother died of multiple sclerosis in 2009. Two years later, Ciancia graduated from the Motorcycle Mechanics Institute in Orlando, which taught him to fix Harley-Davidsons. Soon after, he moved to Los Angeles. He struggled to find work. Last week he alarmed siblings with texts suggesting he would would harm himself.

Transportation Security Administration agents walk back to work at LAX . Photograph : Kevork Djansezian / Getty Images The man accused of carrying out a shooting rampage at Los Angeles international airport ( LAX ) remained too wounded to answer questions on Sunday , as investigators pieced together chilling details about the attack and its possible motive . Paul Ciancia , 23 , an unemployed motorbike mechanic , shot a Transportation Security Administration ( TSA ) agent at point - blank range on Friday .

Transportation Security Administration agents walk back to work at LAX. Photograph: Kevork Djansezian/Getty Images The man accused of carrying out a shooting rampage at Los Angeles international airport (LAX) remained too wounded to answer questions on Sunday, as investigators pieced together chilling details about the attack and its possible motive. Paul Ciancia, 23, an unemployed motorbike mechanic, shot a Transportation Security Administration (TSA) agent at point-blank range on Friday. He then rode up an escalator, seeking other targets, before looking back to see his first victim squirming on the ground. Ciancia returned and shot again, making Gerardo Hernandez, 39, a married father-of-two, the TSA's first fatality in the line of duty since the agency's creation after 9/11. The gunman carried a note which said he wished to kill as many TSA employees "and pigs" as possible, without racial discrimination, to "instill fear into their traitorous minds", FBI special agent in charge David Bowdich told reporters. The note singled out Janet Napolitano, a former head of homeland security, for abuse and cited "NWO", an apparent reference to a conspiracy theory about authoritarian government plotting a new world order. Ciancia also wrote that he intended to die after killing at least one security officer, Reuters quoted the head of a key congressional security committee as saying on Sunday. He also discussed weaknesses in airport security in the "suicide" note before Friday's attack, Michael McCaul, the Republican chair of the House committee on homeland security, told CNN. "The other thing he wanted to talk about was how easy it is to bring a gun into an airport and do something just like he did," McCaul said of the note. McCaul said the note allegedly written by Ciancia "talks a lot about killing TSA agents, and he said, 'If I just kill one, my mission is accomplished.'" It was not immediately clear whether McCaul was referring to the same note as the one mentioned by the FBI, Reuters reported. Ciancia, wearing an armoured vest, used a Smith & Wesson .223 caliber M&P-15 assault rifle to wound two other TSA agents and a passenger in a 10-minute shooting spree which spread panic through the world's sixth-busiest airport and disrupted thousands of flights. Airport police cornered him near a Burger King in Terminal 3 and shot him in the leg and mouth, reportedly smashing his teeth and tongue. Ciancia managed to tell officials at the scene that a friend had driven him to LAX but that he had acted alone, according to the Associated Press. A graphic photo in the New York Post showed Ciancia on the ground with a mangled face and beside pools of blood. By Saturday Ciancia, under guard at hospital, was "unresponsive" and could not be interviewed, said Bowdich. He was charged with first-degree murder and committing violence at an international airport and may face the death penalty. Authorities believe the friend who dropped Ciancia off in a black Hyundai on Friday morning was unaware of his plan. Ciancia had no ticket or reservation. Los Angeles police wore black armbands in tributes to Hernandez, the slain agent. He move to the US from El Salvador at the age of 15 and joined the TSA three years ago, routinely rising at 3am for his shift. His widow, Ana Hernandez, flanked by TSA chief John Pistole, told a press conference the family had lost a loving husband and father. "I am truly devastated," she said. Later she told NBC: "He was always excited to go to work. He was a joyful person, he took pride in his duty for the American public and for the TSA mission." The FBI said it had found no evidence that Ciancia consorted with radical groups but hoped to establish why he had a grudge against the TSA, said Bowdich. "We are really going to draw a picture of who this person was, his background, his history. That will help us explain why he chose to do what he did. At this point, I don't have the answer on that." Ciancia grew up in Pennsville, a blue-collar New Jersey suburb, and was described by former classmates as quiet and reserved. His father owned a successful garage. His mother died of multiple sclerosis in 2009. Two years later, Ciancia graduated from the Motorcycle Mechanics Institute in Orlando, which taught him to fix Harley-Davidsons. Soon after, he moved to Los Angeles. He struggled to find work. Last week he alarmed siblings with texts suggesting he would would harm himself.

Paul Ciancia wounded in leg and mouth , agents to together details of airport spree which TSA agent

Transportation Security Administration agents walk back to work at LAX. Photograph: Kevork Djansezian/Getty Images The man accused of carrying out a shooting rampage at Los Angeles international airport (LAX) remained too wounded to answer questions on Sunday, as investigators pieced together chilling details about the attack and its possible motive. Paul Ciancia, 23, an unemployed motorbike mechanic, shot a Transportation Security Administration (TSA) agent at point-blank range on Friday. He then rode up an escalator, seeking other targets, before looking back to see his first victim squirming on the ground. Ciancia returned and shot again, making Gerardo Hernandez, 39, a married father-of-two, the TSA's first fatality in the line of duty since the agency's creation after 9/11. The gunman carried a note which said he wished to kill as many TSA employees "and pigs" as possible, without racial discrimination, to "instill fear into their traitorous minds", FBI special agent in charge David Bowdich told reporters. The note singled out Janet Napolitano, a former head of homeland security, for abuse and cited "NWO", an apparent reference to a conspiracy theory about authoritarian government plotting a new world order. Ciancia also wrote that he intended to die after killing at least one security officer, Reuters quoted the head of a key congressional security committee as saying on Sunday. He also discussed weaknesses in airport security in the "suicide" note before Friday's attack, Michael McCaul, the Republican chair of the House committee on homeland security, told CNN. "The other thing he wanted to talk about was how easy it is to bring a gun into an airport and do something just like he did," McCaul said of the note. McCaul said the note allegedly written by Ciancia "talks a lot about killing TSA agents, and he said, 'If I just kill one, my mission is accomplished.'" It was not immediately clear whether McCaul was referring to the same note as the one mentioned by the FBI, Reuters reported. Ciancia, wearing an armoured vest, used a Smith & Wesson .223 caliber M&P-15 assault rifle to wound two other TSA agents and a passenger in a 10-minute shooting spree which spread panic through the world's sixth-busiest airport and disrupted thousands of flights. Airport police cornered him near a Burger King in Terminal 3 and shot him in the leg and mouth, reportedly smashing his teeth and tongue. Ciancia managed to tell officials at the scene that a friend had driven him to LAX but that he had acted alone, according to the Associated Press. A graphic photo in the New York Post showed Ciancia on the ground with a mangled face and beside pools of blood. By Saturday Ciancia, under guard at hospital, was "unresponsive" and could not be interviewed, said Bowdich. He was charged with first-degree murder and committing violence at an international airport and may face the death penalty. Authorities believe the friend who dropped Ciancia off in a black Hyundai on Friday morning was unaware of his plan. Ciancia had no ticket or reservation. Los Angeles police wore black armbands in tributes to Hernandez, the slain agent. He move to the US from El Salvador at the age of 15 and joined the TSA three years ago, routinely rising at 3am for his shift. His widow, Ana Hernandez, flanked by TSA chief John Pistole, told a press conference the family had lost a loving husband and father. "I am truly devastated," she said. Later she told NBC: "He was always excited to go to work. He was a joyful person, he took pride in his duty for the American public and for the TSA mission." The FBI said it had found no evidence that Ciancia consorted with radical groups but hoped to establish why he had a grudge against the TSA, said Bowdich. "We are really going to draw a picture of who this person was, his background, his history. That will help us explain why he chose to do what he did. At this point, I don't have the answer on that." Ciancia grew up in Pennsville, a blue-collar New Jersey suburb, and was described by former classmates as quiet and reserved. His father owned a successful garage. His mother died of multiple sclerosis in 2009. Two years later, Ciancia graduated from the Motorcycle Mechanics Institute in Orlando, which taught him to fix Harley-Davidsons. Soon after, he moved to Los Angeles. He struggled to find work. Last week he alarmed siblings with texts suggesting he would would harm himself.

Paul Ciancia , 23 , an unemployed motorbike mechanic , shot a Transportation Security Administration ( TSA ) agent at point - blank range on Friday . McCaul said the note allegedly written by Ciancia '' talks a lot about killing TSA agents , and he said , ' If I just kill one , my mission is accomplished .

Transportation Security Administration agents walk back to work at LAX. Photograph: Kevork Djansezian/Getty Images The man accused of carrying out a shooting rampage at Los Angeles international airport (LAX) remained too wounded to answer questions on Sunday, as investigators pieced together chilling details about the attack and its possible motive. Paul Ciancia, 23, an unemployed motorbike mechanic, shot a Transportation Security Administration (TSA) agent at point-blank range on Friday. He then rode up an escalator, seeking other targets, before looking back to see his first victim squirming on the ground. Ciancia returned and shot again, making Gerardo Hernandez, 39, a married father-of-two, the TSA's first fatality in the line of duty since the agency's creation after 9/11. The gunman carried a note which said he wished to kill as many TSA employees "and pigs" as possible, without racial discrimination, to "instill fear into their traitorous minds", FBI special agent in charge David Bowdich told reporters. The note singled out Janet Napolitano, a former head of homeland security, for abuse and cited "NWO", an apparent reference to a conspiracy theory about authoritarian government plotting a new world order. Ciancia also wrote that he intended to die after killing at least one security officer, Reuters quoted the head of a key congressional security committee as saying on Sunday. He also discussed weaknesses in airport security in the "suicide" note before Friday's attack, Michael McCaul, the Republican chair of the House committee on homeland security, told CNN. "The other thing he wanted to talk about was how easy it is to bring a gun into an airport and do something just like he did," McCaul said of the note. McCaul said the note allegedly written by Ciancia "talks a lot about killing TSA agents, and he said, 'If I just kill one, my mission is accomplished.'" It was not immediately clear whether McCaul was referring to the same note as the one mentioned by the FBI, Reuters reported. Ciancia, wearing an armoured vest, used a Smith & Wesson .223 caliber M&P-15 assault rifle to wound two other TSA agents and a passenger in a 10-minute shooting spree which spread panic through the world's sixth-busiest airport and disrupted thousands of flights. Airport police cornered him near a Burger King in Terminal 3 and shot him in the leg and mouth, reportedly smashing his teeth and tongue. Ciancia managed to tell officials at the scene that a friend had driven him to LAX but that he had acted alone, according to the Associated Press. A graphic photo in the New York Post showed Ciancia on the ground with a mangled face and beside pools of blood. By Saturday Ciancia, under guard at hospital, was "unresponsive" and could not be interviewed, said Bowdich. He was charged with first-degree murder and committing violence at an international airport and may face the death penalty. Authorities believe the friend who dropped Ciancia off in a black Hyundai on Friday morning was unaware of his plan. Ciancia had no ticket or reservation. Los Angeles police wore black armbands in tributes to Hernandez, the slain agent. He move to the US from El Salvador at the age of 15 and joined the TSA three years ago, routinely rising at 3am for his shift. His widow, Ana Hernandez, flanked by TSA chief John Pistole, told a press conference the family had lost a loving husband and father. "I am truly devastated," she said. Later she told NBC: "He was always excited to go to work. He was a joyful person, he took pride in his duty for the American public and for the TSA mission." The FBI said it had found no evidence that Ciancia consorted with radical groups but hoped to establish why he had a grudge against the TSA, said Bowdich. "We are really going to draw a picture of who this person was, his background, his history. That will help us explain why he chose to do what he did. At this point, I don't have the answer on that." Ciancia grew up in Pennsville, a blue-collar New Jersey suburb, and was described by former classmates as quiet and reserved. His father owned a successful garage. His mother died of multiple sclerosis in 2009. Two years later, Ciancia graduated from the Motorcycle Mechanics Institute in Orlando, which taught him to fix Harley-Davidsons. Soon after, he moved to Los Angeles. He struggled to find work. Last week he alarmed siblings with texts suggesting he would would harm himself.

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Transportation Security Administration agents walk back to work at LAX. Photograph: Kevork Djansezian/Getty Images The man accused of carrying out a shooting rampage at Los Angeles international airport (LAX) remained too wounded to answer questions on Sunday, as investigators pieced together chilling details about the attack and its possible motive. Paul Ciancia, 23, an unemployed motorbike mechanic, shot a Transportation Security Administration (TSA) agent at point-blank range on Friday. He then rode up an escalator, seeking other targets, before looking back to see his first victim squirming on the ground. Ciancia returned and shot again, making Gerardo Hernandez, 39, a married father-of-two, the TSA's first fatality in the line of duty since the agency's creation after 9/11. The gunman carried a note which said he wished to kill as many TSA employees "and pigs" as possible, without racial discrimination, to "instill fear into their traitorous minds", FBI special agent in charge David Bowdich told reporters. The note singled out Janet Napolitano, a former head of homeland security, for abuse and cited "NWO", an apparent reference to a conspiracy theory about authoritarian government plotting a new world order. Ciancia also wrote that he intended to die after killing at least one security officer, Reuters quoted the head of a key congressional security committee as saying on Sunday. He also discussed weaknesses in airport security in the "suicide" note before Friday's attack, Michael McCaul, the Republican chair of the House committee on homeland security, told CNN. "The other thing he wanted to talk about was how easy it is to bring a gun into an airport and do something just like he did," McCaul said of the note. McCaul said the note allegedly written by Ciancia "talks a lot about killing TSA agents, and he said, 'If I just kill one, my mission is accomplished.'" It was not immediately clear whether McCaul was referring to the same note as the one mentioned by the FBI, Reuters reported. Ciancia, wearing an armoured vest, used a Smith & Wesson .223 caliber M&P-15 assault rifle to wound two other TSA agents and a passenger in a 10-minute shooting spree which spread panic through the world's sixth-busiest airport and disrupted thousands of flights. Airport police cornered him near a Burger King in Terminal 3 and shot him in the leg and mouth, reportedly smashing his teeth and tongue. Ciancia managed to tell officials at the scene that a friend had driven him to LAX but that he had acted alone, according to the Associated Press. A graphic photo in the New York Post showed Ciancia on the ground with a mangled face and beside pools of blood. By Saturday Ciancia, under guard at hospital, was "unresponsive" and could not be interviewed, said Bowdich. He was charged with first-degree murder and committing violence at an international airport and may face the death penalty. Authorities believe the friend who dropped Ciancia off in a black Hyundai on Friday morning was unaware of his plan. Ciancia had no ticket or reservation. Los Angeles police wore black armbands in tributes to Hernandez, the slain agent. He move to the US from El Salvador at the age of 15 and joined the TSA three years ago, routinely rising at 3am for his shift. His widow, Ana Hernandez, flanked by TSA chief John Pistole, told a press conference the family had lost a loving husband and father. "I am truly devastated," she said. Later she told NBC: "He was always excited to go to work. He was a joyful person, he took pride in his duty for the American public and for the TSA mission." The FBI said it had found no evidence that Ciancia consorted with radical groups but hoped to establish why he had a grudge against the TSA, said Bowdich. "We are really going to draw a picture of who this person was, his background, his history. That will help us explain why he chose to do what he did. At this point, I don't have the answer on that." Ciancia grew up in Pennsville, a blue-collar New Jersey suburb, and was described by former classmates as quiet and reserved. His father owned a successful garage. His mother died of multiple sclerosis in 2009. Two years later, Ciancia graduated from the Motorcycle Mechanics Institute in Orlando, which taught him to fix Harley-Davidsons. Soon after, he moved to Los Angeles. He struggled to find work. Last week he alarmed siblings with texts suggesting he would would harm himself.

shooting rampage at los angeles international airport ( lax ) remained the wounded to answer questions on sunday , as investigators pieced together chilling details the rode up an escalator , seeking other targets , before looking back to see his first victim squirming on he

Transportation Security Administration agents walk back to work at LAX. Photograph: Kevork Djansezian/Getty Images The man accused of carrying out a shooting rampage at Los Angeles international airport (LAX) remained too wounded to answer questions on Sunday, as investigators pieced together chilling details about the attack and its possible motive. Paul Ciancia, 23, an unemployed motorbike mechanic, shot a Transportation Security Administration (TSA) agent at point-blank range on Friday. He then rode up an escalator, seeking other targets, before looking back to see his first victim squirming on the ground. Ciancia returned and shot again, making Gerardo Hernandez, 39, a married father-of-two, the TSA's first fatality in the line of duty since the agency's creation after 9/11. The gunman carried a note which said he wished to kill as many TSA employees "and pigs" as possible, without racial discrimination, to "instill fear into their traitorous minds", FBI special agent in charge David Bowdich told reporters. The note singled out Janet Napolitano, a former head of homeland security, for abuse and cited "NWO", an apparent reference to a conspiracy theory about authoritarian government plotting a new world order. Ciancia also wrote that he intended to die after killing at least one security officer, Reuters quoted the head of a key congressional security committee as saying on Sunday. He also discussed weaknesses in airport security in the "suicide" note before Friday's attack, Michael McCaul, the Republican chair of the House committee on homeland security, told CNN. "The other thing he wanted to talk about was how easy it is to bring a gun into an airport and do something just like he did," McCaul said of the note. McCaul said the note allegedly written by Ciancia "talks a lot about killing TSA agents, and he said, 'If I just kill one, my mission is accomplished.'" It was not immediately clear whether McCaul was referring to the same note as the one mentioned by the FBI, Reuters reported. Ciancia, wearing an armoured vest, used a Smith & Wesson .223 caliber M&P-15 assault rifle to wound two other TSA agents and a passenger in a 10-minute shooting spree which spread panic through the world's sixth-busiest airport and disrupted thousands of flights. Airport police cornered him near a Burger King in Terminal 3 and shot him in the leg and mouth, reportedly smashing his teeth and tongue. Ciancia managed to tell officials at the scene that a friend had driven him to LAX but that he had acted alone, according to the Associated Press. A graphic photo in the New York Post showed Ciancia on the ground with a mangled face and beside pools of blood. By Saturday Ciancia, under guard at hospital, was "unresponsive" and could not be interviewed, said Bowdich. He was charged with first-degree murder and committing violence at an international airport and may face the death penalty. Authorities believe the friend who dropped Ciancia off in a black Hyundai on Friday morning was unaware of his plan. Ciancia had no ticket or reservation. Los Angeles police wore black armbands in tributes to Hernandez, the slain agent. He move to the US from El Salvador at the age of 15 and joined the TSA three years ago, routinely rising at 3am for his shift. His widow, Ana Hernandez, flanked by TSA chief John Pistole, told a press conference the family had lost a loving husband and father. "I am truly devastated," she said. Later she told NBC: "He was always excited to go to work. He was a joyful person, he took pride in his duty for the American public and for the TSA mission." The FBI said it had found no evidence that Ciancia consorted with radical groups but hoped to establish why he had a grudge against the TSA, said Bowdich. "We are really going to draw a picture of who this person was, his background, his history. That will help us explain why he chose to do what he did. At this point, I don't have the answer on that." Ciancia grew up in Pennsville, a blue-collar New Jersey suburb, and was described by former classmates as quiet and reserved. His father owned a successful garage. His mother died of multiple sclerosis in 2009. Two years later, Ciancia graduated from the Motorcycle Mechanics Institute in Orlando, which taught him to fix Harley-Davidsons. Soon after, he moved to Los Angeles. He struggled to find work. Last week he alarmed siblings with texts suggesting he would would harm himself.

the man accused of carrying out a shooting rampage at los angeles international airport ( lax ) remained too wounded to answer questions on sunday , as investigators pieced together chilling details about the attack and its possible motive .

Transportation Security Administration agents walk back to work at LAX. Photograph: Kevork Djansezian/Getty Images The man accused of carrying out a shooting rampage at Los Angeles international airport (LAX) remained too wounded to answer questions on Sunday, as investigators pieced together chilling details about the attack and its possible motive. Paul Ciancia, 23, an unemployed motorbike mechanic, shot a Transportation Security Administration (TSA) agent at point-blank range on Friday. He then rode up an escalator, seeking other targets, before looking back to see his first victim squirming on the ground. Ciancia returned and shot again, making Gerardo Hernandez, 39, a married father-of-two, the TSA's first fatality in the line of duty since the agency's creation after 9/11. The gunman carried a note which said he wished to kill as many TSA employees "and pigs" as possible, without racial discrimination, to "instill fear into their traitorous minds", FBI special agent in charge David Bowdich told reporters. The note singled out Janet Napolitano, a former head of homeland security, for abuse and cited "NWO", an apparent reference to a conspiracy theory about authoritarian government plotting a new world order. Ciancia also wrote that he intended to die after killing at least one security officer, Reuters quoted the head of a key congressional security committee as saying on Sunday. He also discussed weaknesses in airport security in the "suicide" note before Friday's attack, Michael McCaul, the Republican chair of the House committee on homeland security, told CNN. "The other thing he wanted to talk about was how easy it is to bring a gun into an airport and do something just like he did," McCaul said of the note. McCaul said the note allegedly written by Ciancia "talks a lot about killing TSA agents, and he said, 'If I just kill one, my mission is accomplished.'" It was not immediately clear whether McCaul was referring to the same note as the one mentioned by the FBI, Reuters reported. Ciancia, wearing an armoured vest, used a Smith & Wesson .223 caliber M&P-15 assault rifle to wound two other TSA agents and a passenger in a 10-minute shooting spree which spread panic through the world's sixth-busiest airport and disrupted thousands of flights. Airport police cornered him near a Burger King in Terminal 3 and shot him in the leg and mouth, reportedly smashing his teeth and tongue. Ciancia managed to tell officials at the scene that a friend had driven him to LAX but that he had acted alone, according to the Associated Press. A graphic photo in the New York Post showed Ciancia on the ground with a mangled face and beside pools of blood. By Saturday Ciancia, under guard at hospital, was "unresponsive" and could not be interviewed, said Bowdich. He was charged with first-degree murder and committing violence at an international airport and may face the death penalty. Authorities believe the friend who dropped Ciancia off in a black Hyundai on Friday morning was unaware of his plan. Ciancia had no ticket or reservation. Los Angeles police wore black armbands in tributes to Hernandez, the slain agent. He move to the US from El Salvador at the age of 15 and joined the TSA three years ago, routinely rising at 3am for his shift. His widow, Ana Hernandez, flanked by TSA chief John Pistole, told a press conference the family had lost a loving husband and father. "I am truly devastated," she said. Later she told NBC: "He was always excited to go to work. He was a joyful person, he took pride in his duty for the American public and for the TSA mission." The FBI said it had found no evidence that Ciancia consorted with radical groups but hoped to establish why he had a grudge against the TSA, said Bowdich. "We are really going to draw a picture of who this person was, his background, his history. That will help us explain why he chose to do what he did. At this point, I don't have the answer on that." Ciancia grew up in Pennsville, a blue-collar New Jersey suburb, and was described by former classmates as quiet and reserved. His father owned a successful garage. His mother died of multiple sclerosis in 2009. Two years later, Ciancia graduated from the Motorcycle Mechanics Institute in Orlando, which taught him to fix Harley-Davidsons. Soon after, he moved to Los Angeles. He struggled to find work. Last week he alarmed siblings with texts suggesting he would would harm himself.

transportation security administration agents walk back to work at lax ) remained too wounded to answer questions on sunday , as investigators pieced kevork images the man accused of carrying out a shooting rampage at los angeles international airport ( lax ) remained too wounded .

updated 8:10 AM EDT, Tue July 29, 2014 Mike "The Situation" Sorrentino got into a fight inside a tanning salon he co-owns with his brother. (CNN) -- Former "Jersey Shore" star Mike "The Situation" Sorrentino will get anger management counseling to settle an assault charge connected to a tanning salon fight with a brother, his lawyer said. Sorrentino, 31, reached a plea deal with the Middletown, New Jersey, prosecutor allowing him to face a reduced municipal code charge if he completes 12 weeks of private counseling, attorney Edward Fradkin said. The reality show star appeared in court Monday, when the judge approved the deal, Fradkin said. He will return in three months and enter a plea to a non-criminal ordinance violation after the counseling, he said. The fight happened inside a tanning salon Sorrentino co-owns with his brother. "The Situation" told a photographer after his arrest that the fight happened because his brother "was not running the store correctly, so I had to go in there and clean house, in more ways than one." Sorrentino, who appeared in six seasons of the MTV reality series "Jersey Shore," emerged from a stint in drug rehab two years ago declaring that he was a changed man. The Situation: I'm not the same person I was before CNN's Jane Caffrey contributed to this report.

updated 8:10 AM EDT , Tue July 29 , 2014 Mike '' The Situation '' Sorrentino got into a fight inside a tanning salon he co - owns with his brother . ( CNN ) -- Former '' Jersey Shore '' star Mike '' The Situation '' Sorrentino will get anger management counseling to settle an assault charge connected to a tanning salon fight with a brother , his lawyer said . Sorrentino , 31 , reached a plea deal with the Middletown , New Jersey , prosecutor allowing him to face a reduced municipal code charge if he completes 12 weeks of private counseling , attorney Edward Fradkin said .

updated 8:10 AM EDT, Tue July 29, 2014 Mike "The Situation" Sorrentino got into a fight inside a tanning salon he co-owns with his brother. (CNN) -- Former "Jersey Shore" star Mike "The Situation" Sorrentino will get anger management counseling to settle an assault charge connected to a tanning salon fight with a brother, his lawyer said. Sorrentino, 31, reached a plea deal with the Middletown, New Jersey, prosecutor allowing him to face a reduced municipal code charge if he completes 12 weeks of private counseling, attorney Edward Fradkin said. The reality show star appeared in court Monday, when the judge approved the deal, Fradkin said. He will return in three months and enter a plea to a non-criminal ordinance violation after the counseling, he said. The fight happened inside a tanning salon Sorrentino co-owns with his brother. "The Situation" told a photographer after his arrest that the fight happened because his brother "was not running the store correctly, so I had to go in there and clean house, in more ways than one." Sorrentino, who appeared in six seasons of the MTV reality series "Jersey Shore," emerged from a stint in drug rehab two years ago declaring that he was a changed man. The Situation: I'm not the same person I was before CNN's Jane Caffrey contributed to this report.

'' Jersey Shore '' star Mike '' The Situation '' Sorrentino anger management counseling to settle an assault charge connected to a tanning salon fight .

updated 8:10 AM EDT, Tue July 29, 2014 Mike "The Situation" Sorrentino got into a fight inside a tanning salon he co-owns with his brother. (CNN) -- Former "Jersey Shore" star Mike "The Situation" Sorrentino will get anger management counseling to settle an assault charge connected to a tanning salon fight with a brother, his lawyer said. Sorrentino, 31, reached a plea deal with the Middletown, New Jersey, prosecutor allowing him to face a reduced municipal code charge if he completes 12 weeks of private counseling, attorney Edward Fradkin said. The reality show star appeared in court Monday, when the judge approved the deal, Fradkin said. He will return in three months and enter a plea to a non-criminal ordinance violation after the counseling, he said. The fight happened inside a tanning salon Sorrentino co-owns with his brother. "The Situation" told a photographer after his arrest that the fight happened because his brother "was not running the store correctly, so I had to go in there and clean house, in more ways than one." Sorrentino, who appeared in six seasons of the MTV reality series "Jersey Shore," emerged from a stint in drug rehab two years ago declaring that he was a changed man. The Situation: I'm not the same person I was before CNN's Jane Caffrey contributed to this report.

( CNN ) -- Former '' Jersey Shore '' star Mike '' The Situation '' Sorrentino will get anger management counseling to settle an assault charge connected to a tanning salon fight with a brother , his lawyer said .

updated 8:10 AM EDT, Tue July 29, 2014 Mike "The Situation" Sorrentino got into a fight inside a tanning salon he co-owns with his brother. (CNN) -- Former "Jersey Shore" star Mike "The Situation" Sorrentino will get anger management counseling to settle an assault charge connected to a tanning salon fight with a brother, his lawyer said. Sorrentino, 31, reached a plea deal with the Middletown, New Jersey, prosecutor allowing him to face a reduced municipal code charge if he completes 12 weeks of private counseling, attorney Edward Fradkin said. The reality show star appeared in court Monday, when the judge approved the deal, Fradkin said. He will return in three months and enter a plea to a non-criminal ordinance violation after the counseling, he said. The fight happened inside a tanning salon Sorrentino co-owns with his brother. "The Situation" told a photographer after his arrest that the fight happened because his brother "was not running the store correctly, so I had to go in there and clean house, in more ways than one." Sorrentino, who appeared in six seasons of the MTV reality series "Jersey Shore," emerged from a stint in drug rehab two years ago declaring that he was a changed man. The Situation: I'm not the same person I was before CNN's Jane Caffrey contributed to this report.

collection of all usatoday.com coverage of intuitive leaders . , including articles , videos , and quotes .

updated 8:10 AM EDT, Tue July 29, 2014 Mike "The Situation" Sorrentino got into a fight inside a tanning salon he co-owns with his brother. (CNN) -- Former "Jersey Shore" star Mike "The Situation" Sorrentino will get anger management counseling to settle an assault charge connected to a tanning salon fight with a brother, his lawyer said. Sorrentino, 31, reached a plea deal with the Middletown, New Jersey, prosecutor allowing him to face a reduced municipal code charge if he completes 12 weeks of private counseling, attorney Edward Fradkin said. The reality show star appeared in court Monday, when the judge approved the deal, Fradkin said. He will return in three months and enter a plea to a non-criminal ordinance violation after the counseling, he said. The fight happened inside a tanning salon Sorrentino co-owns with his brother. "The Situation" told a photographer after his arrest that the fight happened because his brother "was not running the store correctly, so I had to go in there and clean house, in more ways than one." Sorrentino, who appeared in six seasons of the MTV reality series "Jersey Shore," emerged from a stint in drug rehab two years ago declaring that he was a changed man. The Situation: I'm not the same person I was before CNN's Jane Caffrey contributed to this report.

mike `` sorrentino got into a fight inside a tanning salon he co-owns with his brother . ( cnn ) -- `` he situation '' sorrentino will get anger management counseling to settle an assault charge connected to a tanning salon fight with a brother , his lawyer said . sorrentino , 31 , reached a plea deal with the counseling , he said . he will return in three months and enter a plea to a non-criminal ordinance violation after the happened because his brother `` was not running he

updated 8:10 AM EDT, Tue July 29, 2014 Mike "The Situation" Sorrentino got into a fight inside a tanning salon he co-owns with his brother. (CNN) -- Former "Jersey Shore" star Mike "The Situation" Sorrentino will get anger management counseling to settle an assault charge connected to a tanning salon fight with a brother, his lawyer said. Sorrentino, 31, reached a plea deal with the Middletown, New Jersey, prosecutor allowing him to face a reduced municipal code charge if he completes 12 weeks of private counseling, attorney Edward Fradkin said. The reality show star appeared in court Monday, when the judge approved the deal, Fradkin said. He will return in three months and enter a plea to a non-criminal ordinance violation after the counseling, he said. The fight happened inside a tanning salon Sorrentino co-owns with his brother. "The Situation" told a photographer after his arrest that the fight happened because his brother "was not running the store correctly, so I had to go in there and clean house, in more ways than one." Sorrentino, who appeared in six seasons of the MTV reality series "Jersey Shore," emerged from a stint in drug rehab two years ago declaring that he was a changed man. The Situation: I'm not the same person I was before CNN's Jane Caffrey contributed to this report.

mike `` the situation '' sorrentino got into a fight inside a tanning salon he co-owns with his brother . '' sorrentino mike `` the situation '' sorrentino will get anger management counseling to settle an .

updated 8:10 AM EDT, Tue July 29, 2014 Mike "The Situation" Sorrentino got into a fight inside a tanning salon he co-owns with his brother. (CNN) -- Former "Jersey Shore" star Mike "The Situation" Sorrentino will get anger management counseling to settle an assault charge connected to a tanning salon fight with a brother, his lawyer said. Sorrentino, 31, reached a plea deal with the Middletown, New Jersey, prosecutor allowing him to face a reduced municipal code charge if he completes 12 weeks of private counseling, attorney Edward Fradkin said. The reality show star appeared in court Monday, when the judge approved the deal, Fradkin said. He will return in three months and enter a plea to a non-criminal ordinance violation after the counseling, he said. The fight happened inside a tanning salon Sorrentino co-owns with his brother. "The Situation" told a photographer after his arrest that the fight happened because his brother "was not running the store correctly, so I had to go in there and clean house, in more ways than one." Sorrentino, who appeared in six seasons of the MTV reality series "Jersey Shore," emerged from a stint in drug rehab two years ago declaring that he was a changed man. The Situation: I'm not the same person I was before CNN's Jane Caffrey contributed to this report.

new york judge approved that mike `` the situation '' sorrentino got into a fight inside a tanning salon he co-owns with his brother , star mike `` the situation '' sorrentino will get anger management counseling to settle an assault charge connected to a tanning salon fight with a photographer after his arrest that the fight happened because his brother `` was not running the store correctly , so i had to go in there and clean house , in more ways than one reduced municipal code charge if he completes 12 weeks of private counseling , fradkin said .

Jess Quinn is training for a 10km race. (Instagram) A young woman who lost her leg after a battle with bone cancer, has set her sights on stamping out beauty norms and expectations. Jess Quinn, 23, lost her right leg when she was just nine years old. "Growing up and not being able to do the things I wanted, it got me down. I've had to find new ways of doing things," Ms Quinn told the Daily Mail. Ms Quinn, who is now preparing for a 10km race at the end of the year, said getting used to prosthesis was overwhelming. "It was hard getting used to the prosthetic, I had expected to jump on it and be sweet. I didn't realise the amount of work going into it, it was quite shocking. "I'm still trying to figure it out now; it's one of those ongoing things." Having never run more than 600 metres, Ms Quinn is now undergoing intense training with her new blade runners in her quest to conquer the 10km race – challenging herself to "go big or go home". "I've always been really into health and fitness, even as a kid. After the surgery I wasn't sure whether I'd be able to run again." Ms Quinn now counts herself as a social media influencer, with more than 55,000 Instagram followers who throw their support behind her every step of the way. "I've never considered my cancer story any different but I am starting to realise how my outlook on life can help, people thrive on the real stories. "I want to reach out, not just people with disabilities but also anyone living with insecurities. "That's my goal, to help everyone from young and old to male or female. I don't want to put myself in a category."

Jess Quinn is training for a 10 km race . ( Instagram ) A young woman who lost her leg after a battle with bone cancer , has set her sights on stamping out beauty norms and expectations . Jess Quinn , 23 , lost her right leg when she was just nine years old . ''

Jess Quinn is training for a 10km race. (Instagram) A young woman who lost her leg after a battle with bone cancer, has set her sights on stamping out beauty norms and expectations. Jess Quinn, 23, lost her right leg when she was just nine years old. "Growing up and not being able to do the things I wanted, it got me down. I've had to find new ways of doing things," Ms Quinn told the Daily Mail. Ms Quinn, who is now preparing for a 10km race at the end of the year, said getting used to prosthesis was overwhelming. "It was hard getting used to the prosthetic, I had expected to jump on it and be sweet. I didn't realise the amount of work going into it, it was quite shocking. "I'm still trying to figure it out now; it's one of those ongoing things." Having never run more than 600 metres, Ms Quinn is now undergoing intense training with her new blade runners in her quest to conquer the 10km race – challenging herself to "go big or go home". "I've always been really into health and fitness, even as a kid. After the surgery I wasn't sure whether I'd be able to run again." Ms Quinn now counts herself as a social media influencer, with more than 55,000 Instagram followers who throw their support behind her every step of the way. "I've never considered my cancer story any different but I am starting to realise how my outlook on life can help, people thrive on the real stories. "I want to reach out, not just people with disabilities but also anyone living with insecurities. "That's my goal, to help everyone from young and old to male or female. I don't want to put myself in a category."

A young woman who lost her leg after a battle with bone cancer , has set her sights on stamping out beauty norms and .

Jess Quinn is training for a 10km race. (Instagram) A young woman who lost her leg after a battle with bone cancer, has set her sights on stamping out beauty norms and expectations. Jess Quinn, 23, lost her right leg when she was just nine years old. "Growing up and not being able to do the things I wanted, it got me down. I've had to find new ways of doing things," Ms Quinn told the Daily Mail. Ms Quinn, who is now preparing for a 10km race at the end of the year, said getting used to prosthesis was overwhelming. "It was hard getting used to the prosthetic, I had expected to jump on it and be sweet. I didn't realise the amount of work going into it, it was quite shocking. "I'm still trying to figure it out now; it's one of those ongoing things." Having never run more than 600 metres, Ms Quinn is now undergoing intense training with her new blade runners in her quest to conquer the 10km race – challenging herself to "go big or go home". "I've always been really into health and fitness, even as a kid. After the surgery I wasn't sure whether I'd be able to run again." Ms Quinn now counts herself as a social media influencer, with more than 55,000 Instagram followers who throw their support behind her every step of the way. "I've never considered my cancer story any different but I am starting to realise how my outlook on life can help, people thrive on the real stories. "I want to reach out, not just people with disabilities but also anyone living with insecurities. "That's my goal, to help everyone from young and old to male or female. I don't want to put myself in a category."

Jess Quinn is training for a 10 km race . Jess Quinn , 23 , lost her right leg when she was just nine years old . '' Growing up and not being able to do the things I wanted , it got me down .

Jess Quinn is training for a 10km race. (Instagram) A young woman who lost her leg after a battle with bone cancer, has set her sights on stamping out beauty norms and expectations. Jess Quinn, 23, lost her right leg when she was just nine years old. "Growing up and not being able to do the things I wanted, it got me down. I've had to find new ways of doing things," Ms Quinn told the Daily Mail. Ms Quinn, who is now preparing for a 10km race at the end of the year, said getting used to prosthesis was overwhelming. "It was hard getting used to the prosthetic, I had expected to jump on it and be sweet. I didn't realise the amount of work going into it, it was quite shocking. "I'm still trying to figure it out now; it's one of those ongoing things." Having never run more than 600 metres, Ms Quinn is now undergoing intense training with her new blade runners in her quest to conquer the 10km race – challenging herself to "go big or go home". "I've always been really into health and fitness, even as a kid. After the surgery I wasn't sure whether I'd be able to run again." Ms Quinn now counts herself as a social media influencer, with more than 55,000 Instagram followers who throw their support behind her every step of the way. "I've never considered my cancer story any different but I am starting to realise how my outlook on life can help, people thrive on the real stories. "I want to reach out, not just people with disabilities but also anyone living with insecurities. "That's my goal, to help everyone from young and old to male or female. I don't want to put myself in a category."

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Jess Quinn is training for a 10km race. (Instagram) A young woman who lost her leg after a battle with bone cancer, has set her sights on stamping out beauty norms and expectations. Jess Quinn, 23, lost her right leg when she was just nine years old. "Growing up and not being able to do the things I wanted, it got me down. I've had to find new ways of doing things," Ms Quinn told the Daily Mail. Ms Quinn, who is now preparing for a 10km race at the end of the year, said getting used to prosthesis was overwhelming. "It was hard getting used to the prosthetic, I had expected to jump on it and be sweet. I didn't realise the amount of work going into it, it was quite shocking. "I'm still trying to figure it out now; it's one of those ongoing things." Having never run more than 600 metres, Ms Quinn is now undergoing intense training with her new blade runners in her quest to conquer the 10km race – challenging herself to "go big or go home". "I've always been really into health and fitness, even as a kid. After the surgery I wasn't sure whether I'd be able to run again." Ms Quinn now counts herself as a social media influencer, with more than 55,000 Instagram followers who throw their support behind her every step of the way. "I've never considered my cancer story any different but I am starting to realise how my outlook on life can help, people thrive on the real stories. "I want to reach out, not just people with disabilities but also anyone living with insecurities. "That's my goal, to help everyone from young and old to male or female. I don't want to put myself in a category."

to , i had expected to jump on it and be sweet . i did n't realise the amount of work going into it got me down . i 've had to find new ways of doing things , '' ms quinn told the daily mail . ms quinn , who is now preparing for a 10km race at the real stories . `` i 'm still trying to figure it 's one of those ongoing things . '' having never run more than 600 metres , ms the

Jess Quinn is training for a 10km race. (Instagram) A young woman who lost her leg after a battle with bone cancer, has set her sights on stamping out beauty norms and expectations. Jess Quinn, 23, lost her right leg when she was just nine years old. "Growing up and not being able to do the things I wanted, it got me down. I've had to find new ways of doing things," Ms Quinn told the Daily Mail. Ms Quinn, who is now preparing for a 10km race at the end of the year, said getting used to prosthesis was overwhelming. "It was hard getting used to the prosthetic, I had expected to jump on it and be sweet. I didn't realise the amount of work going into it, it was quite shocking. "I'm still trying to figure it out now; it's one of those ongoing things." Having never run more than 600 metres, Ms Quinn is now undergoing intense training with her new blade runners in her quest to conquer the 10km race – challenging herself to "go big or go home". "I've always been really into health and fitness, even as a kid. After the surgery I wasn't sure whether I'd be able to run again." Ms Quinn now counts herself as a social media influencer, with more than 55,000 Instagram followers who throw their support behind her every step of the way. "I've never considered my cancer story any different but I am starting to realise how my outlook on life can help, people thrive on the real stories. "I want to reach out, not just people with disabilities but also anyone living with insecurities. "That's my goal, to help everyone from young and old to male or female. I don't want to put myself in a category."

a young woman who lost her leg after a battle with bone cancer , has set her sights on stamping out beauty norms and expectations . '' jess quinn , 23 , lost her right leg when she was just nine years old .

Jess Quinn is training for a 10km race. (Instagram) A young woman who lost her leg after a battle with bone cancer, has set her sights on stamping out beauty norms and expectations. Jess Quinn, 23, lost her right leg when she was just nine years old. "Growing up and not being able to do the things I wanted, it got me down. I've had to find new ways of doing things," Ms Quinn told the Daily Mail. Ms Quinn, who is now preparing for a 10km race at the end of the year, said getting used to prosthesis was overwhelming. "It was hard getting used to the prosthetic, I had expected to jump on it and be sweet. I didn't realise the amount of work going into it, it was quite shocking. "I'm still trying to figure it out now; it's one of those ongoing things." Having never run more than 600 metres, Ms Quinn is now undergoing intense training with her new blade runners in her quest to conquer the 10km race – challenging herself to "go big or go home". "I've always been really into health and fitness, even as a kid. After the surgery I wasn't sure whether I'd be able to run again." Ms Quinn now counts herself as a social media influencer, with more than 55,000 Instagram followers who throw their support behind her every step of the way. "I've never considered my cancer story any different but I am starting to realise how my outlook on life can help, people thrive on the real stories. "I want to reach out, not just people with disabilities but also anyone living with insecurities. "That's my goal, to help everyone from young and old to male or female. I don't want to put myself in a category."

jess quinn is training for a 10km race . '' instagram ) a young woman who lost her leg after a battle with bone cancer , has set her sights on stamping out beauty norms and expectations was just nine years old .

Disunion follows the Civil War as it unfolded. The Lincoln administration may not have gone to war in 1861 to end slavery, but no one bothered to tell that to the slaves. Within six weeks of the firing on Fort Sumter, Gen. Benjamin Butler was forced to decide what to do with three slaves who escaped to Fortress Monroe on the north shore of Virginia's James River. Butler, certainly no abolitionist, nonetheless refused to return the three to their owner, labeling them "contrabands of war." The term, suitably ambiguous for an administration that as yet had no policy on how to handle the fugitives, found immediate acceptance. As one Union officer wrote, "Never was a word so speedily adopted by so many people in so short a time." Within weeks hundreds of "contrabands" — men, women and children — flocked to Fortress Monroe and other Union Army positions. Unsure what might greet them, the escaped slaves were yet confident that life under federal control must surely represent an improvement. It took the federal government more than a year to devise a policy in answer to this thirst for freedom. In August 1861, the First Confiscation Act stripped slaveholders of their claim of ownership, but it failed to clarify whether the slaves were themselves free. The following March Congress prohibited the military from sending escaped slaves back into slavery, and in July the Second Confiscation Act decreed that all slaves that took refuge in Union areas were "captives of war" and would be set free. These legislative actions took on ever greater significance as Union forces moved deeper and deeper into Confederate territory. The growing number of contrabands reaching federal lines necessitated the establishment of dozens of impromptu contraband camps. A draft map compiled by the National Park Service illustrates how the network of these generally transitory camps mirrored the advance of the Union Army along the Mississippi, Tennessee and Cumberland River systems. Grant's Army of the Tennessee spent the summer of 1862 protecting supply lines in western Tennessee and northern Mississippi. Victories at the Battle of Iuka in September and the Battle of Corinth in early October solidified Union control of the area. Lincoln's announcement of the preliminary Emancipation Proclamation on Sept. 22, 1862, produced an even greater flood of refugees. How best to use and care for these contrabands proved particularly vexing for military leaders under Grant's command. "You have no idea of the consternation Old Abe's Proclamation is making," wrote Gen. Grenville Dodge to his brother in September. The contrabands "will not even wait until 1st January. I do not know what we shall do with them." Many of these fugitives arrived in an appalling condition. "There were men, women, and children in every stage of disease or decrepitude often nearly naked, with flesh torn by the terrible experiences of their escape," wrote one observer. "Often the slaves met prejudices against their color more bitter than any they had left behind." On Nov. 11, 1862, Grant took the first step toward addressing the crisis: he named John Eaton, a former high school principal and chaplain of the 27th Ohio Infantry, as superintendent of contrabands and set him at work "organizing them into suitable companies for working." A month later he went further. "The negroes will be clothed, and in every way provided for, out of their earnings" — about 12.5 cents for each pound of cotton picked — "so far as practicable," he ordered. "In no case will negroes be forced into the service of the Government, or be enticed away from their homes except when it becomes a military necessity." Grant's policies lent the contraband camps an official status and began to define what a freedman could and could not do once within the Union lines. Personally, Grant appears to have had no particular sympathy for the refugees. He seems to have recognized that, in the words of one observer, "The soldiers of our army were a good deal opposed to serving the Negro in any manner." Nevertheless, the Union commander unreservedly supported Eaton's work and in the process enabled the creation of one of the war's most successful contraband camps, located at Corinth, Miss. Although formally organized under the direction of General Dodge in early December 1862 and placed under the command of James M. Alexander, chaplain of the 66th Illinois, the Corinth camp likely came into existence as early as September. Initially housed in army tents no longer considered serviceable for Union troops, the freedmen were soon set to work downing trees and clearing land on which to build cabins and lay out streets, which were named for Union generals. Eventually the freedmen also built a four-room school, a commissary, a hospital, a church and an office. The entire camp was divided into wards, complete with ward masters and a police force. In late 1862 the American Missionary Association sent its first volunteers to Corinth to help care for, educate and minister to the freedmen. In a memoir written years after the war, one such missionary recalled her experience. "When brought face to face with the slaves," she wrote, "it was like the discovery of a new race." The men and women who came to Corinth generally shared a paternalistic optimism and viewed the freedmen as childlike in their enthusiasm for both education and salvation. The freedmen's thirst for knowledge was undeniable. "You will find them every hour of daylight, at their books," observed the Rev. Edward Pierce in March of 1863. "We cannot enter a cabin, or tent, but that we see from one to three with books." Within no time Pierce and his wife had more than 150 students, and by the end of the summer, the addition of more missionaries enabled the school to accommodate between 300 and 400 children as well as 60 adults at a night school. In August, one of the teachers estimated that as many as 1,000 freedmen had learned to read in the Corinth camp. Organized religion followed closely on the heels of formal education. Reverend Olds "saw an earnestness in reference to the Christian life that I have seldom seen. And as I saw their deep earnestness & heard their hearty responses," he said, "I was led to ask where can we find a more impressible people than these?" The population of the camp fluctuated between 1,500 and 6,000, as large groups undertook assignments for the Union Army or contracted to work on local plantations. In March 1863, for example, the camp was home to 658 men, 1,440 women and 1,559 children. Among the men were 36 blacksmiths, 48 carpenters, 180 teamsters and 200 cooks. The female ranks included 80 seamstresses, 150 laundresses and 600 cooks. Two-thirds of the men and three-quarters of the women were married, and seven in eight women had children. According to John Eaton's records, the camp had experienced 900 cases of illness, 189 deaths and 45 births. Life at Corinth changed dramatically after a May 1863 visit by Adj. Gen. Lorenzo Thomas, who was intent on recruiting thousands of contrabands for his newly formed black regiments. With the organization of the 1st Alabama Infantry of African Descent, later renamed the 55th United States Colored Troops, the camp lost most of its able-bodied men. Their departure to fight left only the women, the young, the old and the infirm to carry on Eaton's ambitious agricultural program, which rested on the cooperative farming of large tracts of abandoned and confiscated land. The program put 400 acres under cultivation, 300 for cotton and 100 for vegetables. Each cabin also had its own subsistence garden. By May 1863, the success of the agricultural program and the presence of a multitude of skilled artisans produced a clear monthly profit of $4,000 to $5,000 for the government, as well as an admirably independent community that Eaton hoped might serve as a model for other camps. Unfortunately, the success of the Corinth camp proved short-lived. Plans for a winter campaign by Union forces in January 1864 provided a grim reminder that the fate of the freedmen was always secondary to the triumph of the Union cause. The order to relocate the camp's inhabitants 93 miles westward, to Memphis, "fell like a bomb-shell among our contented people," lamented one missionary, "but military orders are preemptory," and they "must be obeyed." The freedmen left their "well-organized village," gardens and farms to tdiv> The move from Corinth destroyed the spirit that had animated the freedmen's success. Some of the new refugees found work on confiscated plantations or in Memphis, but most lived in one of several camps surrounding the city. "The destruction of the Corinth camp," noted one historian, "was one of the tragedies of the Civil War." Eaton's plan for large-scale cooperative farming fell victim to a bitter struggle between the War and Treasury departments over the leasing of plantations and was never implemented elsewhere. And no more than one or two other camps were able to replicate the strong civilian leadership, well-planned and policed living environment, and emphasis on education that made Corinth a success. Had the government learned from the model fashioned in northern Mississippi between the fall of 1862 and early 1864, the newly freed slaves might well have enjoyed a far easier transition to life in postwar America. Sources: Joseph E. Brent, "Occupied Corinth: The Contraband Camp and the First Alabama Regiment of African Descent, 1862-1864"; John Eaton, "Grant, Lincoln, and the Freedmen; Adam Goodheart, "How Slavery Really Ended in America" The New York Times Magazine, April 1, 2011; Timothy B. Smith, "Corinth 1862: Siege, Battle, Occupation"; Cam Walker, "Corinth: The Story of a Contraband Camp."

Disunion follows the Civil War as it unfolded . The Lincoln administration may not have gone to war in 1861 to end slavery , but no one bothered to tell that to the slaves . Within six weeks of the firing on Fort Sumter , Gen. Benjamin Butler was forced to decide what to do with three slaves who escaped to Fortress Monroe on the north shore of Virginia 's James River .

Disunion follows the Civil War as it unfolded. The Lincoln administration may not have gone to war in 1861 to end slavery, but no one bothered to tell that to the slaves. Within six weeks of the firing on Fort Sumter, Gen. Benjamin Butler was forced to decide what to do with three slaves who escaped to Fortress Monroe on the north shore of Virginia's James River. Butler, certainly no abolitionist, nonetheless refused to return the three to their owner, labeling them "contrabands of war." The term, suitably ambiguous for an administration that as yet had no policy on how to handle the fugitives, found immediate acceptance. As one Union officer wrote, "Never was a word so speedily adopted by so many people in so short a time." Within weeks hundreds of "contrabands" — men, women and children — flocked to Fortress Monroe and other Union Army positions. Unsure what might greet them, the escaped slaves were yet confident that life under federal control must surely represent an improvement. It took the federal government more than a year to devise a policy in answer to this thirst for freedom. In August 1861, the First Confiscation Act stripped slaveholders of their claim of ownership, but it failed to clarify whether the slaves were themselves free. The following March Congress prohibited the military from sending escaped slaves back into slavery, and in July the Second Confiscation Act decreed that all slaves that took refuge in Union areas were "captives of war" and would be set free. These legislative actions took on ever greater significance as Union forces moved deeper and deeper into Confederate territory. The growing number of contrabands reaching federal lines necessitated the establishment of dozens of impromptu contraband camps. A draft map compiled by the National Park Service illustrates how the network of these generally transitory camps mirrored the advance of the Union Army along the Mississippi, Tennessee and Cumberland River systems. Grant's Army of the Tennessee spent the summer of 1862 protecting supply lines in western Tennessee and northern Mississippi. Victories at the Battle of Iuka in September and the Battle of Corinth in early October solidified Union control of the area. Lincoln's announcement of the preliminary Emancipation Proclamation on Sept. 22, 1862, produced an even greater flood of refugees. How best to use and care for these contrabands proved particularly vexing for military leaders under Grant's command. "You have no idea of the consternation Old Abe's Proclamation is making," wrote Gen. Grenville Dodge to his brother in September. The contrabands "will not even wait until 1st January. I do not know what we shall do with them." Many of these fugitives arrived in an appalling condition. "There were men, women, and children in every stage of disease or decrepitude often nearly naked, with flesh torn by the terrible experiences of their escape," wrote one observer. "Often the slaves met prejudices against their color more bitter than any they had left behind." On Nov. 11, 1862, Grant took the first step toward addressing the crisis: he named John Eaton, a former high school principal and chaplain of the 27th Ohio Infantry, as superintendent of contrabands and set him at work "organizing them into suitable companies for working." A month later he went further. "The negroes will be clothed, and in every way provided for, out of their earnings" — about 12.5 cents for each pound of cotton picked — "so far as practicable," he ordered. "In no case will negroes be forced into the service of the Government, or be enticed away from their homes except when it becomes a military necessity." Grant's policies lent the contraband camps an official status and began to define what a freedman could and could not do once within the Union lines. Personally, Grant appears to have had no particular sympathy for the refugees. He seems to have recognized that, in the words of one observer, "The soldiers of our army were a good deal opposed to serving the Negro in any manner." Nevertheless, the Union commander unreservedly supported Eaton's work and in the process enabled the creation of one of the war's most successful contraband camps, located at Corinth, Miss. Although formally organized under the direction of General Dodge in early December 1862 and placed under the command of James M. Alexander, chaplain of the 66th Illinois, the Corinth camp likely came into existence as early as September. Initially housed in army tents no longer considered serviceable for Union troops, the freedmen were soon set to work downing trees and clearing land on which to build cabins and lay out streets, which were named for Union generals. Eventually the freedmen also built a four-room school, a commissary, a hospital, a church and an office. The entire camp was divided into wards, complete with ward masters and a police force. In late 1862 the American Missionary Association sent its first volunteers to Corinth to help care for, educate and minister to the freedmen. In a memoir written years after the war, one such missionary recalled her experience. "When brought face to face with the slaves," she wrote, "it was like the discovery of a new race." The men and women who came to Corinth generally shared a paternalistic optimism and viewed the freedmen as childlike in their enthusiasm for both education and salvation. The freedmen's thirst for knowledge was undeniable. "You will find them every hour of daylight, at their books," observed the Rev. Edward Pierce in March of 1863. "We cannot enter a cabin, or tent, but that we see from one to three with books." Within no time Pierce and his wife had more than 150 students, and by the end of the summer, the addition of more missionaries enabled the school to accommodate between 300 and 400 children as well as 60 adults at a night school. In August, one of the teachers estimated that as many as 1,000 freedmen had learned to read in the Corinth camp. Organized religion followed closely on the heels of formal education. Reverend Olds "saw an earnestness in reference to the Christian life that I have seldom seen. And as I saw their deep earnestness & heard their hearty responses," he said, "I was led to ask where can we find a more impressible people than these?" The population of the camp fluctuated between 1,500 and 6,000, as large groups undertook assignments for the Union Army or contracted to work on local plantations. In March 1863, for example, the camp was home to 658 men, 1,440 women and 1,559 children. Among the men were 36 blacksmiths, 48 carpenters, 180 teamsters and 200 cooks. The female ranks included 80 seamstresses, 150 laundresses and 600 cooks. Two-thirds of the men and three-quarters of the women were married, and seven in eight women had children. According to John Eaton's records, the camp had experienced 900 cases of illness, 189 deaths and 45 births. Life at Corinth changed dramatically after a May 1863 visit by Adj. Gen. Lorenzo Thomas, who was intent on recruiting thousands of contrabands for his newly formed black regiments. With the organization of the 1st Alabama Infantry of African Descent, later renamed the 55th United States Colored Troops, the camp lost most of its able-bodied men. Their departure to fight left only the women, the young, the old and the infirm to carry on Eaton's ambitious agricultural program, which rested on the cooperative farming of large tracts of abandoned and confiscated land. The program put 400 acres under cultivation, 300 for cotton and 100 for vegetables. Each cabin also had its own subsistence garden. By May 1863, the success of the agricultural program and the presence of a multitude of skilled artisans produced a clear monthly profit of $4,000 to $5,000 for the government, as well as an admirably independent community that Eaton hoped might serve as a model for other camps. Unfortunately, the success of the Corinth camp proved short-lived. Plans for a winter campaign by Union forces in January 1864 provided a grim reminder that the fate of the freedmen was always secondary to the triumph of the Union cause. The order to relocate the camp's inhabitants 93 miles westward, to Memphis, "fell like a bomb-shell among our contented people," lamented one missionary, "but military orders are preemptory," and they "must be obeyed." The freedmen left their "well-organized village," gardens and farms to tdiv> The move from Corinth destroyed the spirit that had animated the freedmen's success. Some of the new refugees found work on confiscated plantations or in Memphis, but most lived in one of several camps surrounding the city. "The destruction of the Corinth camp," noted one historian, "was one of the tragedies of the Civil War." Eaton's plan for large-scale cooperative farming fell victim to a bitter struggle between the War and Treasury departments over the leasing of plantations and was never implemented elsewhere. And no more than one or two other camps were able to replicate the strong civilian leadership, well-planned and policed living environment, and emphasis on education that made Corinth a success. Had the government learned from the model fashioned in northern Mississippi between the fall of 1862 and early 1864, the newly freed slaves might well have enjoyed a far easier transition to life in postwar America. Sources: Joseph E. Brent, "Occupied Corinth: The Contraband Camp and the First Alabama Regiment of African Descent, 1862-1864"; John Eaton, "Grant, Lincoln, and the Freedmen; Adam Goodheart, "How Slavery Really Ended in America" The New York Times Magazine, April 1, 2011; Timothy B. Smith, "Corinth 1862: Siege, Battle, Occupation"; Cam Walker, "Corinth: The Story of a Contraband Camp."

The story of the Corinth camp , where thousands of slaves found freedom - and .

Disunion follows the Civil War as it unfolded. The Lincoln administration may not have gone to war in 1861 to end slavery, but no one bothered to tell that to the slaves. Within six weeks of the firing on Fort Sumter, Gen. Benjamin Butler was forced to decide what to do with three slaves who escaped to Fortress Monroe on the north shore of Virginia's James River. Butler, certainly no abolitionist, nonetheless refused to return the three to their owner, labeling them "contrabands of war." The term, suitably ambiguous for an administration that as yet had no policy on how to handle the fugitives, found immediate acceptance. As one Union officer wrote, "Never was a word so speedily adopted by so many people in so short a time." Within weeks hundreds of "contrabands" — men, women and children — flocked to Fortress Monroe and other Union Army positions. Unsure what might greet them, the escaped slaves were yet confident that life under federal control must surely represent an improvement. It took the federal government more than a year to devise a policy in answer to this thirst for freedom. In August 1861, the First Confiscation Act stripped slaveholders of their claim of ownership, but it failed to clarify whether the slaves were themselves free. The following March Congress prohibited the military from sending escaped slaves back into slavery, and in July the Second Confiscation Act decreed that all slaves that took refuge in Union areas were "captives of war" and would be set free. These legislative actions took on ever greater significance as Union forces moved deeper and deeper into Confederate territory. The growing number of contrabands reaching federal lines necessitated the establishment of dozens of impromptu contraband camps. A draft map compiled by the National Park Service illustrates how the network of these generally transitory camps mirrored the advance of the Union Army along the Mississippi, Tennessee and Cumberland River systems. Grant's Army of the Tennessee spent the summer of 1862 protecting supply lines in western Tennessee and northern Mississippi. Victories at the Battle of Iuka in September and the Battle of Corinth in early October solidified Union control of the area. Lincoln's announcement of the preliminary Emancipation Proclamation on Sept. 22, 1862, produced an even greater flood of refugees. How best to use and care for these contrabands proved particularly vexing for military leaders under Grant's command. "You have no idea of the consternation Old Abe's Proclamation is making," wrote Gen. Grenville Dodge to his brother in September. The contrabands "will not even wait until 1st January. I do not know what we shall do with them." Many of these fugitives arrived in an appalling condition. "There were men, women, and children in every stage of disease or decrepitude often nearly naked, with flesh torn by the terrible experiences of their escape," wrote one observer. "Often the slaves met prejudices against their color more bitter than any they had left behind." On Nov. 11, 1862, Grant took the first step toward addressing the crisis: he named John Eaton, a former high school principal and chaplain of the 27th Ohio Infantry, as superintendent of contrabands and set him at work "organizing them into suitable companies for working." A month later he went further. "The negroes will be clothed, and in every way provided for, out of their earnings" — about 12.5 cents for each pound of cotton picked — "so far as practicable," he ordered. "In no case will negroes be forced into the service of the Government, or be enticed away from their homes except when it becomes a military necessity." Grant's policies lent the contraband camps an official status and began to define what a freedman could and could not do once within the Union lines. Personally, Grant appears to have had no particular sympathy for the refugees. He seems to have recognized that, in the words of one observer, "The soldiers of our army were a good deal opposed to serving the Negro in any manner." Nevertheless, the Union commander unreservedly supported Eaton's work and in the process enabled the creation of one of the war's most successful contraband camps, located at Corinth, Miss. Although formally organized under the direction of General Dodge in early December 1862 and placed under the command of James M. Alexander, chaplain of the 66th Illinois, the Corinth camp likely came into existence as early as September. Initially housed in army tents no longer considered serviceable for Union troops, the freedmen were soon set to work downing trees and clearing land on which to build cabins and lay out streets, which were named for Union generals. Eventually the freedmen also built a four-room school, a commissary, a hospital, a church and an office. The entire camp was divided into wards, complete with ward masters and a police force. In late 1862 the American Missionary Association sent its first volunteers to Corinth to help care for, educate and minister to the freedmen. In a memoir written years after the war, one such missionary recalled her experience. "When brought face to face with the slaves," she wrote, "it was like the discovery of a new race." The men and women who came to Corinth generally shared a paternalistic optimism and viewed the freedmen as childlike in their enthusiasm for both education and salvation. The freedmen's thirst for knowledge was undeniable. "You will find them every hour of daylight, at their books," observed the Rev. Edward Pierce in March of 1863. "We cannot enter a cabin, or tent, but that we see from one to three with books." Within no time Pierce and his wife had more than 150 students, and by the end of the summer, the addition of more missionaries enabled the school to accommodate between 300 and 400 children as well as 60 adults at a night school. In August, one of the teachers estimated that as many as 1,000 freedmen had learned to read in the Corinth camp. Organized religion followed closely on the heels of formal education. Reverend Olds "saw an earnestness in reference to the Christian life that I have seldom seen. And as I saw their deep earnestness & heard their hearty responses," he said, "I was led to ask where can we find a more impressible people than these?" The population of the camp fluctuated between 1,500 and 6,000, as large groups undertook assignments for the Union Army or contracted to work on local plantations. In March 1863, for example, the camp was home to 658 men, 1,440 women and 1,559 children. Among the men were 36 blacksmiths, 48 carpenters, 180 teamsters and 200 cooks. The female ranks included 80 seamstresses, 150 laundresses and 600 cooks. Two-thirds of the men and three-quarters of the women were married, and seven in eight women had children. According to John Eaton's records, the camp had experienced 900 cases of illness, 189 deaths and 45 births. Life at Corinth changed dramatically after a May 1863 visit by Adj. Gen. Lorenzo Thomas, who was intent on recruiting thousands of contrabands for his newly formed black regiments. With the organization of the 1st Alabama Infantry of African Descent, later renamed the 55th United States Colored Troops, the camp lost most of its able-bodied men. Their departure to fight left only the women, the young, the old and the infirm to carry on Eaton's ambitious agricultural program, which rested on the cooperative farming of large tracts of abandoned and confiscated land. The program put 400 acres under cultivation, 300 for cotton and 100 for vegetables. Each cabin also had its own subsistence garden. By May 1863, the success of the agricultural program and the presence of a multitude of skilled artisans produced a clear monthly profit of $4,000 to $5,000 for the government, as well as an admirably independent community that Eaton hoped might serve as a model for other camps. Unfortunately, the success of the Corinth camp proved short-lived. Plans for a winter campaign by Union forces in January 1864 provided a grim reminder that the fate of the freedmen was always secondary to the triumph of the Union cause. The order to relocate the camp's inhabitants 93 miles westward, to Memphis, "fell like a bomb-shell among our contented people," lamented one missionary, "but military orders are preemptory," and they "must be obeyed." The freedmen left their "well-organized village," gardens and farms to tdiv> The move from Corinth destroyed the spirit that had animated the freedmen's success. Some of the new refugees found work on confiscated plantations or in Memphis, but most lived in one of several camps surrounding the city. "The destruction of the Corinth camp," noted one historian, "was one of the tragedies of the Civil War." Eaton's plan for large-scale cooperative farming fell victim to a bitter struggle between the War and Treasury departments over the leasing of plantations and was never implemented elsewhere. And no more than one or two other camps were able to replicate the strong civilian leadership, well-planned and policed living environment, and emphasis on education that made Corinth a success. Had the government learned from the model fashioned in northern Mississippi between the fall of 1862 and early 1864, the newly freed slaves might well have enjoyed a far easier transition to life in postwar America. Sources: Joseph E. Brent, "Occupied Corinth: The Contraband Camp and the First Alabama Regiment of African Descent, 1862-1864"; John Eaton, "Grant, Lincoln, and the Freedmen; Adam Goodheart, "How Slavery Really Ended in America" The New York Times Magazine, April 1, 2011; Timothy B. Smith, "Corinth 1862: Siege, Battle, Occupation"; Cam Walker, "Corinth: The Story of a Contraband Camp."

Brent , '' Occupied Corinth : The Contraband Camp and the First Alabama Regiment of African Descent , 1862 - 1864 '' ; John Eaton , '' Grant , Lincoln , and the Freedmen ; Adam Goodheart , '' How Slavery Really Ended in America '' The New York Times Magazine , April 1 , 2011 ; Timothy B.

Disunion follows the Civil War as it unfolded. The Lincoln administration may not have gone to war in 1861 to end slavery, but no one bothered to tell that to the slaves. Within six weeks of the firing on Fort Sumter, Gen. Benjamin Butler was forced to decide what to do with three slaves who escaped to Fortress Monroe on the north shore of Virginia's James River. Butler, certainly no abolitionist, nonetheless refused to return the three to their owner, labeling them "contrabands of war." The term, suitably ambiguous for an administration that as yet had no policy on how to handle the fugitives, found immediate acceptance. As one Union officer wrote, "Never was a word so speedily adopted by so many people in so short a time." Within weeks hundreds of "contrabands" — men, women and children — flocked to Fortress Monroe and other Union Army positions. Unsure what might greet them, the escaped slaves were yet confident that life under federal control must surely represent an improvement. It took the federal government more than a year to devise a policy in answer to this thirst for freedom. In August 1861, the First Confiscation Act stripped slaveholders of their claim of ownership, but it failed to clarify whether the slaves were themselves free. The following March Congress prohibited the military from sending escaped slaves back into slavery, and in July the Second Confiscation Act decreed that all slaves that took refuge in Union areas were "captives of war" and would be set free. These legislative actions took on ever greater significance as Union forces moved deeper and deeper into Confederate territory. The growing number of contrabands reaching federal lines necessitated the establishment of dozens of impromptu contraband camps. A draft map compiled by the National Park Service illustrates how the network of these generally transitory camps mirrored the advance of the Union Army along the Mississippi, Tennessee and Cumberland River systems. Grant's Army of the Tennessee spent the summer of 1862 protecting supply lines in western Tennessee and northern Mississippi. Victories at the Battle of Iuka in September and the Battle of Corinth in early October solidified Union control of the area. Lincoln's announcement of the preliminary Emancipation Proclamation on Sept. 22, 1862, produced an even greater flood of refugees. How best to use and care for these contrabands proved particularly vexing for military leaders under Grant's command. "You have no idea of the consternation Old Abe's Proclamation is making," wrote Gen. Grenville Dodge to his brother in September. The contrabands "will not even wait until 1st January. I do not know what we shall do with them." Many of these fugitives arrived in an appalling condition. "There were men, women, and children in every stage of disease or decrepitude often nearly naked, with flesh torn by the terrible experiences of their escape," wrote one observer. "Often the slaves met prejudices against their color more bitter than any they had left behind." On Nov. 11, 1862, Grant took the first step toward addressing the crisis: he named John Eaton, a former high school principal and chaplain of the 27th Ohio Infantry, as superintendent of contrabands and set him at work "organizing them into suitable companies for working." A month later he went further. "The negroes will be clothed, and in every way provided for, out of their earnings" — about 12.5 cents for each pound of cotton picked — "so far as practicable," he ordered. "In no case will negroes be forced into the service of the Government, or be enticed away from their homes except when it becomes a military necessity." Grant's policies lent the contraband camps an official status and began to define what a freedman could and could not do once within the Union lines. Personally, Grant appears to have had no particular sympathy for the refugees. He seems to have recognized that, in the words of one observer, "The soldiers of our army were a good deal opposed to serving the Negro in any manner." Nevertheless, the Union commander unreservedly supported Eaton's work and in the process enabled the creation of one of the war's most successful contraband camps, located at Corinth, Miss. Although formally organized under the direction of General Dodge in early December 1862 and placed under the command of James M. Alexander, chaplain of the 66th Illinois, the Corinth camp likely came into existence as early as September. Initially housed in army tents no longer considered serviceable for Union troops, the freedmen were soon set to work downing trees and clearing land on which to build cabins and lay out streets, which were named for Union generals. Eventually the freedmen also built a four-room school, a commissary, a hospital, a church and an office. The entire camp was divided into wards, complete with ward masters and a police force. In late 1862 the American Missionary Association sent its first volunteers to Corinth to help care for, educate and minister to the freedmen. In a memoir written years after the war, one such missionary recalled her experience. "When brought face to face with the slaves," she wrote, "it was like the discovery of a new race." The men and women who came to Corinth generally shared a paternalistic optimism and viewed the freedmen as childlike in their enthusiasm for both education and salvation. The freedmen's thirst for knowledge was undeniable. "You will find them every hour of daylight, at their books," observed the Rev. Edward Pierce in March of 1863. "We cannot enter a cabin, or tent, but that we see from one to three with books." Within no time Pierce and his wife had more than 150 students, and by the end of the summer, the addition of more missionaries enabled the school to accommodate between 300 and 400 children as well as 60 adults at a night school. In August, one of the teachers estimated that as many as 1,000 freedmen had learned to read in the Corinth camp. Organized religion followed closely on the heels of formal education. Reverend Olds "saw an earnestness in reference to the Christian life that I have seldom seen. And as I saw their deep earnestness & heard their hearty responses," he said, "I was led to ask where can we find a more impressible people than these?" The population of the camp fluctuated between 1,500 and 6,000, as large groups undertook assignments for the Union Army or contracted to work on local plantations. In March 1863, for example, the camp was home to 658 men, 1,440 women and 1,559 children. Among the men were 36 blacksmiths, 48 carpenters, 180 teamsters and 200 cooks. The female ranks included 80 seamstresses, 150 laundresses and 600 cooks. Two-thirds of the men and three-quarters of the women were married, and seven in eight women had children. According to John Eaton's records, the camp had experienced 900 cases of illness, 189 deaths and 45 births. Life at Corinth changed dramatically after a May 1863 visit by Adj. Gen. Lorenzo Thomas, who was intent on recruiting thousands of contrabands for his newly formed black regiments. With the organization of the 1st Alabama Infantry of African Descent, later renamed the 55th United States Colored Troops, the camp lost most of its able-bodied men. Their departure to fight left only the women, the young, the old and the infirm to carry on Eaton's ambitious agricultural program, which rested on the cooperative farming of large tracts of abandoned and confiscated land. The program put 400 acres under cultivation, 300 for cotton and 100 for vegetables. Each cabin also had its own subsistence garden. By May 1863, the success of the agricultural program and the presence of a multitude of skilled artisans produced a clear monthly profit of $4,000 to $5,000 for the government, as well as an admirably independent community that Eaton hoped might serve as a model for other camps. Unfortunately, the success of the Corinth camp proved short-lived. Plans for a winter campaign by Union forces in January 1864 provided a grim reminder that the fate of the freedmen was always secondary to the triumph of the Union cause. The order to relocate the camp's inhabitants 93 miles westward, to Memphis, "fell like a bomb-shell among our contented people," lamented one missionary, "but military orders are preemptory," and they "must be obeyed." The freedmen left their "well-organized village," gardens and farms to tdiv> The move from Corinth destroyed the spirit that had animated the freedmen's success. Some of the new refugees found work on confiscated plantations or in Memphis, but most lived in one of several camps surrounding the city. "The destruction of the Corinth camp," noted one historian, "was one of the tragedies of the Civil War." Eaton's plan for large-scale cooperative farming fell victim to a bitter struggle between the War and Treasury departments over the leasing of plantations and was never implemented elsewhere. And no more than one or two other camps were able to replicate the strong civilian leadership, well-planned and policed living environment, and emphasis on education that made Corinth a success. Had the government learned from the model fashioned in northern Mississippi between the fall of 1862 and early 1864, the newly freed slaves might well have enjoyed a far easier transition to life in postwar America. Sources: Joseph E. Brent, "Occupied Corinth: The Contraband Camp and the First Alabama Regiment of African Descent, 1862-1864"; John Eaton, "Grant, Lincoln, and the Freedmen; Adam Goodheart, "How Slavery Really Ended in America" The New York Times Magazine, April 1, 2011; Timothy B. Smith, "Corinth 1862: Siege, Battle, Occupation"; Cam Walker, "Corinth: The Story of a Contraband Camp."

collection of all usatoday.com coverage of derrick barnett . including articles , videos , photos , and quotes .

Disunion follows the Civil War as it unfolded. The Lincoln administration may not have gone to war in 1861 to end slavery, but no one bothered to tell that to the slaves. Within six weeks of the firing on Fort Sumter, Gen. Benjamin Butler was forced to decide what to do with three slaves who escaped to Fortress Monroe on the north shore of Virginia's James River. Butler, certainly no abolitionist, nonetheless refused to return the three to their owner, labeling them "contrabands of war." The term, suitably ambiguous for an administration that as yet had no policy on how to handle the fugitives, found immediate acceptance. As one Union officer wrote, "Never was a word so speedily adopted by so many people in so short a time." Within weeks hundreds of "contrabands" — men, women and children — flocked to Fortress Monroe and other Union Army positions. Unsure what might greet them, the escaped slaves were yet confident that life under federal control must surely represent an improvement. It took the federal government more than a year to devise a policy in answer to this thirst for freedom. In August 1861, the First Confiscation Act stripped slaveholders of their claim of ownership, but it failed to clarify whether the slaves were themselves free. The following March Congress prohibited the military from sending escaped slaves back into slavery, and in July the Second Confiscation Act decreed that all slaves that took refuge in Union areas were "captives of war" and would be set free. These legislative actions took on ever greater significance as Union forces moved deeper and deeper into Confederate territory. The growing number of contrabands reaching federal lines necessitated the establishment of dozens of impromptu contraband camps. A draft map compiled by the National Park Service illustrates how the network of these generally transitory camps mirrored the advance of the Union Army along the Mississippi, Tennessee and Cumberland River systems. Grant's Army of the Tennessee spent the summer of 1862 protecting supply lines in western Tennessee and northern Mississippi. Victories at the Battle of Iuka in September and the Battle of Corinth in early October solidified Union control of the area. Lincoln's announcement of the preliminary Emancipation Proclamation on Sept. 22, 1862, produced an even greater flood of refugees. How best to use and care for these contrabands proved particularly vexing for military leaders under Grant's command. "You have no idea of the consternation Old Abe's Proclamation is making," wrote Gen. Grenville Dodge to his brother in September. The contrabands "will not even wait until 1st January. I do not know what we shall do with them." Many of these fugitives arrived in an appalling condition. "There were men, women, and children in every stage of disease or decrepitude often nearly naked, with flesh torn by the terrible experiences of their escape," wrote one observer. "Often the slaves met prejudices against their color more bitter than any they had left behind." On Nov. 11, 1862, Grant took the first step toward addressing the crisis: he named John Eaton, a former high school principal and chaplain of the 27th Ohio Infantry, as superintendent of contrabands and set him at work "organizing them into suitable companies for working." A month later he went further. "The negroes will be clothed, and in every way provided for, out of their earnings" — about 12.5 cents for each pound of cotton picked — "so far as practicable," he ordered. "In no case will negroes be forced into the service of the Government, or be enticed away from their homes except when it becomes a military necessity." Grant's policies lent the contraband camps an official status and began to define what a freedman could and could not do once within the Union lines. Personally, Grant appears to have had no particular sympathy for the refugees. He seems to have recognized that, in the words of one observer, "The soldiers of our army were a good deal opposed to serving the Negro in any manner." Nevertheless, the Union commander unreservedly supported Eaton's work and in the process enabled the creation of one of the war's most successful contraband camps, located at Corinth, Miss. Although formally organized under the direction of General Dodge in early December 1862 and placed under the command of James M. Alexander, chaplain of the 66th Illinois, the Corinth camp likely came into existence as early as September. Initially housed in army tents no longer considered serviceable for Union troops, the freedmen were soon set to work downing trees and clearing land on which to build cabins and lay out streets, which were named for Union generals. Eventually the freedmen also built a four-room school, a commissary, a hospital, a church and an office. The entire camp was divided into wards, complete with ward masters and a police force. In late 1862 the American Missionary Association sent its first volunteers to Corinth to help care for, educate and minister to the freedmen. In a memoir written years after the war, one such missionary recalled her experience. "When brought face to face with the slaves," she wrote, "it was like the discovery of a new race." The men and women who came to Corinth generally shared a paternalistic optimism and viewed the freedmen as childlike in their enthusiasm for both education and salvation. The freedmen's thirst for knowledge was undeniable. "You will find them every hour of daylight, at their books," observed the Rev. Edward Pierce in March of 1863. "We cannot enter a cabin, or tent, but that we see from one to three with books." Within no time Pierce and his wife had more than 150 students, and by the end of the summer, the addition of more missionaries enabled the school to accommodate between 300 and 400 children as well as 60 adults at a night school. In August, one of the teachers estimated that as many as 1,000 freedmen had learned to read in the Corinth camp. Organized religion followed closely on the heels of formal education. Reverend Olds "saw an earnestness in reference to the Christian life that I have seldom seen. And as I saw their deep earnestness & heard their hearty responses," he said, "I was led to ask where can we find a more impressible people than these?" The population of the camp fluctuated between 1,500 and 6,000, as large groups undertook assignments for the Union Army or contracted to work on local plantations. In March 1863, for example, the camp was home to 658 men, 1,440 women and 1,559 children. Among the men were 36 blacksmiths, 48 carpenters, 180 teamsters and 200 cooks. The female ranks included 80 seamstresses, 150 laundresses and 600 cooks. Two-thirds of the men and three-quarters of the women were married, and seven in eight women had children. According to John Eaton's records, the camp had experienced 900 cases of illness, 189 deaths and 45 births. Life at Corinth changed dramatically after a May 1863 visit by Adj. Gen. Lorenzo Thomas, who was intent on recruiting thousands of contrabands for his newly formed black regiments. With the organization of the 1st Alabama Infantry of African Descent, later renamed the 55th United States Colored Troops, the camp lost most of its able-bodied men. Their departure to fight left only the women, the young, the old and the infirm to carry on Eaton's ambitious agricultural program, which rested on the cooperative farming of large tracts of abandoned and confiscated land. The program put 400 acres under cultivation, 300 for cotton and 100 for vegetables. Each cabin also had its own subsistence garden. By May 1863, the success of the agricultural program and the presence of a multitude of skilled artisans produced a clear monthly profit of $4,000 to $5,000 for the government, as well as an admirably independent community that Eaton hoped might serve as a model for other camps. Unfortunately, the success of the Corinth camp proved short-lived. Plans for a winter campaign by Union forces in January 1864 provided a grim reminder that the fate of the freedmen was always secondary to the triumph of the Union cause. The order to relocate the camp's inhabitants 93 miles westward, to Memphis, "fell like a bomb-shell among our contented people," lamented one missionary, "but military orders are preemptory," and they "must be obeyed." The freedmen left their "well-organized village," gardens and farms to tdiv> The move from Corinth destroyed the spirit that had animated the freedmen's success. Some of the new refugees found work on confiscated plantations or in Memphis, but most lived in one of several camps surrounding the city. "The destruction of the Corinth camp," noted one historian, "was one of the tragedies of the Civil War." Eaton's plan for large-scale cooperative farming fell victim to a bitter struggle between the War and Treasury departments over the leasing of plantations and was never implemented elsewhere. And no more than one or two other camps were able to replicate the strong civilian leadership, well-planned and policed living environment, and emphasis on education that made Corinth a success. Had the government learned from the model fashioned in northern Mississippi between the fall of 1862 and early 1864, the newly freed slaves might well have enjoyed a far easier transition to life in postwar America. Sources: Joseph E. Brent, "Occupied Corinth: The Contraband Camp and the First Alabama Regiment of African Descent, 1862-1864"; John Eaton, "Grant, Lincoln, and the Freedmen; Adam Goodheart, "How Slavery Really Ended in America" The New York Times Magazine, April 1, 2011; Timothy B. Smith, "Corinth 1862: Siege, Battle, Occupation"; Cam Walker, "Corinth: The Story of a Contraband Camp."

hearty responses , '' i was led to ask where can we find a more impressible the union army or contracted to work on local plantations . march 1863 , for example , the camp was home to 658 men , 1,440 women and 1,559 children . among the

Disunion follows the Civil War as it unfolded. The Lincoln administration may not have gone to war in 1861 to end slavery, but no one bothered to tell that to the slaves. Within six weeks of the firing on Fort Sumter, Gen. Benjamin Butler was forced to decide what to do with three slaves who escaped to Fortress Monroe on the north shore of Virginia's James River. Butler, certainly no abolitionist, nonetheless refused to return the three to their owner, labeling them "contrabands of war." The term, suitably ambiguous for an administration that as yet had no policy on how to handle the fugitives, found immediate acceptance. As one Union officer wrote, "Never was a word so speedily adopted by so many people in so short a time." Within weeks hundreds of "contrabands" — men, women and children — flocked to Fortress Monroe and other Union Army positions. Unsure what might greet them, the escaped slaves were yet confident that life under federal control must surely represent an improvement. It took the federal government more than a year to devise a policy in answer to this thirst for freedom. In August 1861, the First Confiscation Act stripped slaveholders of their claim of ownership, but it failed to clarify whether the slaves were themselves free. The following March Congress prohibited the military from sending escaped slaves back into slavery, and in July the Second Confiscation Act decreed that all slaves that took refuge in Union areas were "captives of war" and would be set free. These legislative actions took on ever greater significance as Union forces moved deeper and deeper into Confederate territory. The growing number of contrabands reaching federal lines necessitated the establishment of dozens of impromptu contraband camps. A draft map compiled by the National Park Service illustrates how the network of these generally transitory camps mirrored the advance of the Union Army along the Mississippi, Tennessee and Cumberland River systems. Grant's Army of the Tennessee spent the summer of 1862 protecting supply lines in western Tennessee and northern Mississippi. Victories at the Battle of Iuka in September and the Battle of Corinth in early October solidified Union control of the area. Lincoln's announcement of the preliminary Emancipation Proclamation on Sept. 22, 1862, produced an even greater flood of refugees. How best to use and care for these contrabands proved particularly vexing for military leaders under Grant's command. "You have no idea of the consternation Old Abe's Proclamation is making," wrote Gen. Grenville Dodge to his brother in September. The contrabands "will not even wait until 1st January. I do not know what we shall do with them." Many of these fugitives arrived in an appalling condition. "There were men, women, and children in every stage of disease or decrepitude often nearly naked, with flesh torn by the terrible experiences of their escape," wrote one observer. "Often the slaves met prejudices against their color more bitter than any they had left behind." On Nov. 11, 1862, Grant took the first step toward addressing the crisis: he named John Eaton, a former high school principal and chaplain of the 27th Ohio Infantry, as superintendent of contrabands and set him at work "organizing them into suitable companies for working." A month later he went further. "The negroes will be clothed, and in every way provided for, out of their earnings" — about 12.5 cents for each pound of cotton picked — "so far as practicable," he ordered. "In no case will negroes be forced into the service of the Government, or be enticed away from their homes except when it becomes a military necessity." Grant's policies lent the contraband camps an official status and began to define what a freedman could and could not do once within the Union lines. Personally, Grant appears to have had no particular sympathy for the refugees. He seems to have recognized that, in the words of one observer, "The soldiers of our army were a good deal opposed to serving the Negro in any manner." Nevertheless, the Union commander unreservedly supported Eaton's work and in the process enabled the creation of one of the war's most successful contraband camps, located at Corinth, Miss. Although formally organized under the direction of General Dodge in early December 1862 and placed under the command of James M. Alexander, chaplain of the 66th Illinois, the Corinth camp likely came into existence as early as September. Initially housed in army tents no longer considered serviceable for Union troops, the freedmen were soon set to work downing trees and clearing land on which to build cabins and lay out streets, which were named for Union generals. Eventually the freedmen also built a four-room school, a commissary, a hospital, a church and an office. The entire camp was divided into wards, complete with ward masters and a police force. In late 1862 the American Missionary Association sent its first volunteers to Corinth to help care for, educate and minister to the freedmen. In a memoir written years after the war, one such missionary recalled her experience. "When brought face to face with the slaves," she wrote, "it was like the discovery of a new race." The men and women who came to Corinth generally shared a paternalistic optimism and viewed the freedmen as childlike in their enthusiasm for both education and salvation. The freedmen's thirst for knowledge was undeniable. "You will find them every hour of daylight, at their books," observed the Rev. Edward Pierce in March of 1863. "We cannot enter a cabin, or tent, but that we see from one to three with books." Within no time Pierce and his wife had more than 150 students, and by the end of the summer, the addition of more missionaries enabled the school to accommodate between 300 and 400 children as well as 60 adults at a night school. In August, one of the teachers estimated that as many as 1,000 freedmen had learned to read in the Corinth camp. Organized religion followed closely on the heels of formal education. Reverend Olds "saw an earnestness in reference to the Christian life that I have seldom seen. And as I saw their deep earnestness & heard their hearty responses," he said, "I was led to ask where can we find a more impressible people than these?" The population of the camp fluctuated between 1,500 and 6,000, as large groups undertook assignments for the Union Army or contracted to work on local plantations. In March 1863, for example, the camp was home to 658 men, 1,440 women and 1,559 children. Among the men were 36 blacksmiths, 48 carpenters, 180 teamsters and 200 cooks. The female ranks included 80 seamstresses, 150 laundresses and 600 cooks. Two-thirds of the men and three-quarters of the women were married, and seven in eight women had children. According to John Eaton's records, the camp had experienced 900 cases of illness, 189 deaths and 45 births. Life at Corinth changed dramatically after a May 1863 visit by Adj. Gen. Lorenzo Thomas, who was intent on recruiting thousands of contrabands for his newly formed black regiments. With the organization of the 1st Alabama Infantry of African Descent, later renamed the 55th United States Colored Troops, the camp lost most of its able-bodied men. Their departure to fight left only the women, the young, the old and the infirm to carry on Eaton's ambitious agricultural program, which rested on the cooperative farming of large tracts of abandoned and confiscated land. The program put 400 acres under cultivation, 300 for cotton and 100 for vegetables. Each cabin also had its own subsistence garden. By May 1863, the success of the agricultural program and the presence of a multitude of skilled artisans produced a clear monthly profit of $4,000 to $5,000 for the government, as well as an admirably independent community that Eaton hoped might serve as a model for other camps. Unfortunately, the success of the Corinth camp proved short-lived. Plans for a winter campaign by Union forces in January 1864 provided a grim reminder that the fate of the freedmen was always secondary to the triumph of the Union cause. The order to relocate the camp's inhabitants 93 miles westward, to Memphis, "fell like a bomb-shell among our contented people," lamented one missionary, "but military orders are preemptory," and they "must be obeyed." The freedmen left their "well-organized village," gardens and farms to tdiv> The move from Corinth destroyed the spirit that had animated the freedmen's success. Some of the new refugees found work on confiscated plantations or in Memphis, but most lived in one of several camps surrounding the city. "The destruction of the Corinth camp," noted one historian, "was one of the tragedies of the Civil War." Eaton's plan for large-scale cooperative farming fell victim to a bitter struggle between the War and Treasury departments over the leasing of plantations and was never implemented elsewhere. And no more than one or two other camps were able to replicate the strong civilian leadership, well-planned and policed living environment, and emphasis on education that made Corinth a success. Had the government learned from the model fashioned in northern Mississippi between the fall of 1862 and early 1864, the newly freed slaves might well have enjoyed a far easier transition to life in postwar America. Sources: Joseph E. Brent, "Occupied Corinth: The Contraband Camp and the First Alabama Regiment of African Descent, 1862-1864"; John Eaton, "Grant, Lincoln, and the Freedmen; Adam Goodheart, "How Slavery Really Ended in America" The New York Times Magazine, April 1, 2011; Timothy B. Smith, "Corinth 1862: Siege, Battle, Occupation"; Cam Walker, "Corinth: The Story of a Contraband Camp."

the population of the camp fluctuated between 1,500 and 6,000 , as large groups undertook assignments for the union army or contracted to work on local plantations [UNK] [UNK] saw an earnestness in reference to the christian life that i have seldom seen .

Disunion follows the Civil War as it unfolded. The Lincoln administration may not have gone to war in 1861 to end slavery, but no one bothered to tell that to the slaves. Within six weeks of the firing on Fort Sumter, Gen. Benjamin Butler was forced to decide what to do with three slaves who escaped to Fortress Monroe on the north shore of Virginia's James River. Butler, certainly no abolitionist, nonetheless refused to return the three to their owner, labeling them "contrabands of war." The term, suitably ambiguous for an administration that as yet had no policy on how to handle the fugitives, found immediate acceptance. As one Union officer wrote, "Never was a word so speedily adopted by so many people in so short a time." Within weeks hundreds of "contrabands" — men, women and children — flocked to Fortress Monroe and other Union Army positions. Unsure what might greet them, the escaped slaves were yet confident that life under federal control must surely represent an improvement. It took the federal government more than a year to devise a policy in answer to this thirst for freedom. In August 1861, the First Confiscation Act stripped slaveholders of their claim of ownership, but it failed to clarify whether the slaves were themselves free. The following March Congress prohibited the military from sending escaped slaves back into slavery, and in July the Second Confiscation Act decreed that all slaves that took refuge in Union areas were "captives of war" and would be set free. These legislative actions took on ever greater significance as Union forces moved deeper and deeper into Confederate territory. The growing number of contrabands reaching federal lines necessitated the establishment of dozens of impromptu contraband camps. A draft map compiled by the National Park Service illustrates how the network of these generally transitory camps mirrored the advance of the Union Army along the Mississippi, Tennessee and Cumberland River systems. Grant's Army of the Tennessee spent the summer of 1862 protecting supply lines in western Tennessee and northern Mississippi. Victories at the Battle of Iuka in September and the Battle of Corinth in early October solidified Union control of the area. Lincoln's announcement of the preliminary Emancipation Proclamation on Sept. 22, 1862, produced an even greater flood of refugees. How best to use and care for these contrabands proved particularly vexing for military leaders under Grant's command. "You have no idea of the consternation Old Abe's Proclamation is making," wrote Gen. Grenville Dodge to his brother in September. The contrabands "will not even wait until 1st January. I do not know what we shall do with them." Many of these fugitives arrived in an appalling condition. "There were men, women, and children in every stage of disease or decrepitude often nearly naked, with flesh torn by the terrible experiences of their escape," wrote one observer. "Often the slaves met prejudices against their color more bitter than any they had left behind." On Nov. 11, 1862, Grant took the first step toward addressing the crisis: he named John Eaton, a former high school principal and chaplain of the 27th Ohio Infantry, as superintendent of contrabands and set him at work "organizing them into suitable companies for working." A month later he went further. "The negroes will be clothed, and in every way provided for, out of their earnings" — about 12.5 cents for each pound of cotton picked — "so far as practicable," he ordered. "In no case will negroes be forced into the service of the Government, or be enticed away from their homes except when it becomes a military necessity." Grant's policies lent the contraband camps an official status and began to define what a freedman could and could not do once within the Union lines. Personally, Grant appears to have had no particular sympathy for the refugees. He seems to have recognized that, in the words of one observer, "The soldiers of our army were a good deal opposed to serving the Negro in any manner." Nevertheless, the Union commander unreservedly supported Eaton's work and in the process enabled the creation of one of the war's most successful contraband camps, located at Corinth, Miss. Although formally organized under the direction of General Dodge in early December 1862 and placed under the command of James M. Alexander, chaplain of the 66th Illinois, the Corinth camp likely came into existence as early as September. Initially housed in army tents no longer considered serviceable for Union troops, the freedmen were soon set to work downing trees and clearing land on which to build cabins and lay out streets, which were named for Union generals. Eventually the freedmen also built a four-room school, a commissary, a hospital, a church and an office. The entire camp was divided into wards, complete with ward masters and a police force. In late 1862 the American Missionary Association sent its first volunteers to Corinth to help care for, educate and minister to the freedmen. In a memoir written years after the war, one such missionary recalled her experience. "When brought face to face with the slaves," she wrote, "it was like the discovery of a new race." The men and women who came to Corinth generally shared a paternalistic optimism and viewed the freedmen as childlike in their enthusiasm for both education and salvation. The freedmen's thirst for knowledge was undeniable. "You will find them every hour of daylight, at their books," observed the Rev. Edward Pierce in March of 1863. "We cannot enter a cabin, or tent, but that we see from one to three with books." Within no time Pierce and his wife had more than 150 students, and by the end of the summer, the addition of more missionaries enabled the school to accommodate between 300 and 400 children as well as 60 adults at a night school. In August, one of the teachers estimated that as many as 1,000 freedmen had learned to read in the Corinth camp. Organized religion followed closely on the heels of formal education. Reverend Olds "saw an earnestness in reference to the Christian life that I have seldom seen. And as I saw their deep earnestness & heard their hearty responses," he said, "I was led to ask where can we find a more impressible people than these?" The population of the camp fluctuated between 1,500 and 6,000, as large groups undertook assignments for the Union Army or contracted to work on local plantations. In March 1863, for example, the camp was home to 658 men, 1,440 women and 1,559 children. Among the men were 36 blacksmiths, 48 carpenters, 180 teamsters and 200 cooks. The female ranks included 80 seamstresses, 150 laundresses and 600 cooks. Two-thirds of the men and three-quarters of the women were married, and seven in eight women had children. According to John Eaton's records, the camp had experienced 900 cases of illness, 189 deaths and 45 births. Life at Corinth changed dramatically after a May 1863 visit by Adj. Gen. Lorenzo Thomas, who was intent on recruiting thousands of contrabands for his newly formed black regiments. With the organization of the 1st Alabama Infantry of African Descent, later renamed the 55th United States Colored Troops, the camp lost most of its able-bodied men. Their departure to fight left only the women, the young, the old and the infirm to carry on Eaton's ambitious agricultural program, which rested on the cooperative farming of large tracts of abandoned and confiscated land. The program put 400 acres under cultivation, 300 for cotton and 100 for vegetables. Each cabin also had its own subsistence garden. By May 1863, the success of the agricultural program and the presence of a multitude of skilled artisans produced a clear monthly profit of $4,000 to $5,000 for the government, as well as an admirably independent community that Eaton hoped might serve as a model for other camps. Unfortunately, the success of the Corinth camp proved short-lived. Plans for a winter campaign by Union forces in January 1864 provided a grim reminder that the fate of the freedmen was always secondary to the triumph of the Union cause. The order to relocate the camp's inhabitants 93 miles westward, to Memphis, "fell like a bomb-shell among our contented people," lamented one missionary, "but military orders are preemptory," and they "must be obeyed." The freedmen left their "well-organized village," gardens and farms to tdiv> The move from Corinth destroyed the spirit that had animated the freedmen's success. Some of the new refugees found work on confiscated plantations or in Memphis, but most lived in one of several camps surrounding the city. "The destruction of the Corinth camp," noted one historian, "was one of the tragedies of the Civil War." Eaton's plan for large-scale cooperative farming fell victim to a bitter struggle between the War and Treasury departments over the leasing of plantations and was never implemented elsewhere. And no more than one or two other camps were able to replicate the strong civilian leadership, well-planned and policed living environment, and emphasis on education that made Corinth a success. Had the government learned from the model fashioned in northern Mississippi between the fall of 1862 and early 1864, the newly freed slaves might well have enjoyed a far easier transition to life in postwar America. Sources: Joseph E. Brent, "Occupied Corinth: The Contraband Camp and the First Alabama Regiment of African Descent, 1862-1864"; John Eaton, "Grant, Lincoln, and the Freedmen; Adam Goodheart, "How Slavery Really Ended in America" The New York Times Magazine, April 1, 2011; Timothy B. Smith, "Corinth 1862: Siege, Battle, Occupation"; Cam Walker, "Corinth: The Story of a Contraband Camp."

the population of the camp fluctuated between 1,500 and 6,000 , as large groups undertook assignments for the heels of formal education . the earnestness in reference to the christian life that i have seldom seen .

Termed a "man of enough words" recently by Jim Harbaugh, 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick needed just three syllables Sunday to explain why wide receiver Michael Crabtree has emerged as his favorite target. In San Francisco's past three games, Crabtree has been targeted 34 times, 20 more than wide receiver Randy Moss, who is second in targets over that span. Tight end Vernon Davis? He has eight targets in the past three games. It's hard to argue with Kaepernick's pecking order, given the results. In a 41-34 win over the Patriots on Sunday, Crabtree (7 catches, 107 yards, 2 TDs) was featured on the 49ers' first possession - a tone-setting 63-yard touchdown march - with drive-opening catches of 11 and 13 yards. Kaepernick also threw his final pass to Crabtree, a 38-yard game-winner on a play that wasn't designed for San Francisco's No. 1 wide receiver. In his past three games, Crabtree has 23 catches for 301 yards and two touchdowns with 90-plus receiving yards in each game. Prior to his streak, he had 90-plus receiving yards in five of the first 53 games of his four-year career. In his five starts, Kaepernick has a 113.6 rating when targeting Crabtree, who has helped earn his confidence with reliable hands. According to Pro Football Focus, Crabtree has three drops in Kaepernick's starts, an impressive figure given the heat the Howitzer-armed quarterback puts on his throws. On KNBR Tuesday, Harbaugh, who famously declared in the offseason Crabtree had the best hands he'd ever seen, crowed a bit when asked if there was a special Kaepernick-Crabtree chemistry. "Yeah, I think there is," Harbaugh said. "But Michael has been doing this all year now. Talked about it every week, the ability to catch, nobody catches the ball better than Michael Crabtree. I think back to last summer when we were talking about the same topic. It might have even been on this show. A lot of people 'What? The greatest hands you've ever seen?' Nobody mentions that any more. Boy, the evidence sure is there." With at least 10 catches and 132 yards over the final two regular-season games, Crabtree (73 catches, 868 yards) would become the 49ers' first 1,000-yard receiver since Terrell Owens in 2003 and will have the most receptions since Owens hauled in 100 in 2002. Davis, who had team-highs in targets (eight), receptions (six) and yards (83) in Kaepernick's first start against Chicago last month, has since become an afterthought. He had one catch for 10 yards against the Patriots, and four catches, 29 yards and nine targets over the last four games. Davis said he's yet to establish a chemistry with Kaepernick that matches the connection he had with former starter Alex Smith. "You have to develop that chemistry, that bond so you can be on the same page," Davis said. "That's something me and Kaep don't have right now. We don't have it. You have to expect it because he just stepped in. Me and Alex, we've been here." Asked why Crabtree has been quick to get on the same page, Davis said the red-hot wide receiver has been running shorter routes. However, he also noted, as Kaepernick did Sunday night, that Crabtree has earned his targets by breaking free from coverage. "Crab is a pretty good route runner," Davis said. "He's getting open and Kaep is finding him." Eric Branch is a San Francisco Chronicle staff writer. E-mail: ebranch@sfchronicle.com Twitter: @Eric_Branch

Termed a '' man of enough words '' recently by Jim Harbaugh , 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick needed just three syllables Sunday to explain why wide receiver Michael Crabtree has emerged as his favorite target . In San Francisco 's past three games , Crabtree has been targeted 34 times , 20 more than wide receiver Randy Moss , who is second in targets over that span . Tight end Vernon Davis ?

Termed a "man of enough words" recently by Jim Harbaugh, 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick needed just three syllables Sunday to explain why wide receiver Michael Crabtree has emerged as his favorite target. In San Francisco's past three games, Crabtree has been targeted 34 times, 20 more than wide receiver Randy Moss, who is second in targets over that span. Tight end Vernon Davis? He has eight targets in the past three games. It's hard to argue with Kaepernick's pecking order, given the results. In a 41-34 win over the Patriots on Sunday, Crabtree (7 catches, 107 yards, 2 TDs) was featured on the 49ers' first possession - a tone-setting 63-yard touchdown march - with drive-opening catches of 11 and 13 yards. Kaepernick also threw his final pass to Crabtree, a 38-yard game-winner on a play that wasn't designed for San Francisco's No. 1 wide receiver. In his past three games, Crabtree has 23 catches for 301 yards and two touchdowns with 90-plus receiving yards in each game. Prior to his streak, he had 90-plus receiving yards in five of the first 53 games of his four-year career. In his five starts, Kaepernick has a 113.6 rating when targeting Crabtree, who has helped earn his confidence with reliable hands. According to Pro Football Focus, Crabtree has three drops in Kaepernick's starts, an impressive figure given the heat the Howitzer-armed quarterback puts on his throws. On KNBR Tuesday, Harbaugh, who famously declared in the offseason Crabtree had the best hands he'd ever seen, crowed a bit when asked if there was a special Kaepernick-Crabtree chemistry. "Yeah, I think there is," Harbaugh said. "But Michael has been doing this all year now. Talked about it every week, the ability to catch, nobody catches the ball better than Michael Crabtree. I think back to last summer when we were talking about the same topic. It might have even been on this show. A lot of people 'What? The greatest hands you've ever seen?' Nobody mentions that any more. Boy, the evidence sure is there." With at least 10 catches and 132 yards over the final two regular-season games, Crabtree (73 catches, 868 yards) would become the 49ers' first 1,000-yard receiver since Terrell Owens in 2003 and will have the most receptions since Owens hauled in 100 in 2002. Davis, who had team-highs in targets (eight), receptions (six) and yards (83) in Kaepernick's first start against Chicago last month, has since become an afterthought. He had one catch for 10 yards against the Patriots, and four catches, 29 yards and nine targets over the last four games. Davis said he's yet to establish a chemistry with Kaepernick that matches the connection he had with former starter Alex Smith. "You have to develop that chemistry, that bond so you can be on the same page," Davis said. "That's something me and Kaep don't have right now. We don't have it. You have to expect it because he just stepped in. Me and Alex, we've been here." Asked why Crabtree has been quick to get on the same page, Davis said the red-hot wide receiver has been running shorter routes. However, he also noted, as Kaepernick did Sunday night, that Crabtree has earned his targets by breaking free from coverage. "Crab is a pretty good route runner," Davis said. "He's getting open and Kaep is finding him." Eric Branch is a San Francisco Chronicle staff writer. E-mail: ebranch@sfchronicle.com Twitter: @Eric_Branch

Termed a '' man of enough words '' recently by Jim Harbaugh , 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick needed just three syllables Sunday to explain why wide receiver Michael Crabtree has emerged as his favorite target . In a 41 - 34 win over the Patriots on Sunday , Crabtree ( 7 catches , 107 yards , 2 TDs ) was featured on the 49ers ' first possession - a tone - setting 63-yard touchdown march - with drive - opening catches of 11 and 13 yards . In his past three games , Crabtree has 23 catches for 301 yards and two touchdowns with 90-plus receiving yards in each game . Prior to his streak , he had 90-plus receiving yards in five of the first 53 games of his four - year career . According to Pro Football Focus , Crabtree has three drops in Kaepernick 's starts , an impressive figure given the heat the Howitzer - armed quarterback puts on his throws . With at least 10 catches and 132 yards over the final two regular - season games , Crabtree ( 73 catches , 868 yards ) would become the 49ers ' first 1,000-yard receiver since Terrell Owens in 2003 and will have the most receptions since Owens hauled in 100 in 2002 .

Termed a "man of enough words" recently by Jim Harbaugh, 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick needed just three syllables Sunday to explain why wide receiver Michael Crabtree has emerged as his favorite target. In San Francisco's past three games, Crabtree has been targeted 34 times, 20 more than wide receiver Randy Moss, who is second in targets over that span. Tight end Vernon Davis? He has eight targets in the past three games. It's hard to argue with Kaepernick's pecking order, given the results. In a 41-34 win over the Patriots on Sunday, Crabtree (7 catches, 107 yards, 2 TDs) was featured on the 49ers' first possession - a tone-setting 63-yard touchdown march - with drive-opening catches of 11 and 13 yards. Kaepernick also threw his final pass to Crabtree, a 38-yard game-winner on a play that wasn't designed for San Francisco's No. 1 wide receiver. In his past three games, Crabtree has 23 catches for 301 yards and two touchdowns with 90-plus receiving yards in each game. Prior to his streak, he had 90-plus receiving yards in five of the first 53 games of his four-year career. In his five starts, Kaepernick has a 113.6 rating when targeting Crabtree, who has helped earn his confidence with reliable hands. According to Pro Football Focus, Crabtree has three drops in Kaepernick's starts, an impressive figure given the heat the Howitzer-armed quarterback puts on his throws. On KNBR Tuesday, Harbaugh, who famously declared in the offseason Crabtree had the best hands he'd ever seen, crowed a bit when asked if there was a special Kaepernick-Crabtree chemistry. "Yeah, I think there is," Harbaugh said. "But Michael has been doing this all year now. Talked about it every week, the ability to catch, nobody catches the ball better than Michael Crabtree. I think back to last summer when we were talking about the same topic. It might have even been on this show. A lot of people 'What? The greatest hands you've ever seen?' Nobody mentions that any more. Boy, the evidence sure is there." With at least 10 catches and 132 yards over the final two regular-season games, Crabtree (73 catches, 868 yards) would become the 49ers' first 1,000-yard receiver since Terrell Owens in 2003 and will have the most receptions since Owens hauled in 100 in 2002. Davis, who had team-highs in targets (eight), receptions (six) and yards (83) in Kaepernick's first start against Chicago last month, has since become an afterthought. He had one catch for 10 yards against the Patriots, and four catches, 29 yards and nine targets over the last four games. Davis said he's yet to establish a chemistry with Kaepernick that matches the connection he had with former starter Alex Smith. "You have to develop that chemistry, that bond so you can be on the same page," Davis said. "That's something me and Kaep don't have right now. We don't have it. You have to expect it because he just stepped in. Me and Alex, we've been here." Asked why Crabtree has been quick to get on the same page, Davis said the red-hot wide receiver has been running shorter routes. However, he also noted, as Kaepernick did Sunday night, that Crabtree has earned his targets by breaking free from coverage. "Crab is a pretty good route runner," Davis said. "He's getting open and Kaep is finding him." Eric Branch is a San Francisco Chronicle staff writer. E-mail: ebranch@sfchronicle.com Twitter: @Eric_Branch

'' Asked why Crabtree has been quick to get on the same page , Davis said the red - hot wide receiver has been running shorter routes .

Termed a "man of enough words" recently by Jim Harbaugh, 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick needed just three syllables Sunday to explain why wide receiver Michael Crabtree has emerged as his favorite target. In San Francisco's past three games, Crabtree has been targeted 34 times, 20 more than wide receiver Randy Moss, who is second in targets over that span. Tight end Vernon Davis? He has eight targets in the past three games. It's hard to argue with Kaepernick's pecking order, given the results. In a 41-34 win over the Patriots on Sunday, Crabtree (7 catches, 107 yards, 2 TDs) was featured on the 49ers' first possession - a tone-setting 63-yard touchdown march - with drive-opening catches of 11 and 13 yards. Kaepernick also threw his final pass to Crabtree, a 38-yard game-winner on a play that wasn't designed for San Francisco's No. 1 wide receiver. In his past three games, Crabtree has 23 catches for 301 yards and two touchdowns with 90-plus receiving yards in each game. Prior to his streak, he had 90-plus receiving yards in five of the first 53 games of his four-year career. In his five starts, Kaepernick has a 113.6 rating when targeting Crabtree, who has helped earn his confidence with reliable hands. According to Pro Football Focus, Crabtree has three drops in Kaepernick's starts, an impressive figure given the heat the Howitzer-armed quarterback puts on his throws. On KNBR Tuesday, Harbaugh, who famously declared in the offseason Crabtree had the best hands he'd ever seen, crowed a bit when asked if there was a special Kaepernick-Crabtree chemistry. "Yeah, I think there is," Harbaugh said. "But Michael has been doing this all year now. Talked about it every week, the ability to catch, nobody catches the ball better than Michael Crabtree. I think back to last summer when we were talking about the same topic. It might have even been on this show. A lot of people 'What? The greatest hands you've ever seen?' Nobody mentions that any more. Boy, the evidence sure is there." With at least 10 catches and 132 yards over the final two regular-season games, Crabtree (73 catches, 868 yards) would become the 49ers' first 1,000-yard receiver since Terrell Owens in 2003 and will have the most receptions since Owens hauled in 100 in 2002. Davis, who had team-highs in targets (eight), receptions (six) and yards (83) in Kaepernick's first start against Chicago last month, has since become an afterthought. He had one catch for 10 yards against the Patriots, and four catches, 29 yards and nine targets over the last four games. Davis said he's yet to establish a chemistry with Kaepernick that matches the connection he had with former starter Alex Smith. "You have to develop that chemistry, that bond so you can be on the same page," Davis said. "That's something me and Kaep don't have right now. We don't have it. You have to expect it because he just stepped in. Me and Alex, we've been here." Asked why Crabtree has been quick to get on the same page, Davis said the red-hot wide receiver has been running shorter routes. However, he also noted, as Kaepernick did Sunday night, that Crabtree has earned his targets by breaking free from coverage. "Crab is a pretty good route runner," Davis said. "He's getting open and Kaep is finding him." Eric Branch is a San Francisco Chronicle staff writer. E-mail: ebranch@sfchronicle.com Twitter: @Eric_Branch

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Termed a "man of enough words" recently by Jim Harbaugh, 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick needed just three syllables Sunday to explain why wide receiver Michael Crabtree has emerged as his favorite target. In San Francisco's past three games, Crabtree has been targeted 34 times, 20 more than wide receiver Randy Moss, who is second in targets over that span. Tight end Vernon Davis? He has eight targets in the past three games. It's hard to argue with Kaepernick's pecking order, given the results. In a 41-34 win over the Patriots on Sunday, Crabtree (7 catches, 107 yards, 2 TDs) was featured on the 49ers' first possession - a tone-setting 63-yard touchdown march - with drive-opening catches of 11 and 13 yards. Kaepernick also threw his final pass to Crabtree, a 38-yard game-winner on a play that wasn't designed for San Francisco's No. 1 wide receiver. In his past three games, Crabtree has 23 catches for 301 yards and two touchdowns with 90-plus receiving yards in each game. Prior to his streak, he had 90-plus receiving yards in five of the first 53 games of his four-year career. In his five starts, Kaepernick has a 113.6 rating when targeting Crabtree, who has helped earn his confidence with reliable hands. According to Pro Football Focus, Crabtree has three drops in Kaepernick's starts, an impressive figure given the heat the Howitzer-armed quarterback puts on his throws. On KNBR Tuesday, Harbaugh, who famously declared in the offseason Crabtree had the best hands he'd ever seen, crowed a bit when asked if there was a special Kaepernick-Crabtree chemistry. "Yeah, I think there is," Harbaugh said. "But Michael has been doing this all year now. Talked about it every week, the ability to catch, nobody catches the ball better than Michael Crabtree. I think back to last summer when we were talking about the same topic. It might have even been on this show. A lot of people 'What? The greatest hands you've ever seen?' Nobody mentions that any more. Boy, the evidence sure is there." With at least 10 catches and 132 yards over the final two regular-season games, Crabtree (73 catches, 868 yards) would become the 49ers' first 1,000-yard receiver since Terrell Owens in 2003 and will have the most receptions since Owens hauled in 100 in 2002. Davis, who had team-highs in targets (eight), receptions (six) and yards (83) in Kaepernick's first start against Chicago last month, has since become an afterthought. He had one catch for 10 yards against the Patriots, and four catches, 29 yards and nine targets over the last four games. Davis said he's yet to establish a chemistry with Kaepernick that matches the connection he had with former starter Alex Smith. "You have to develop that chemistry, that bond so you can be on the same page," Davis said. "That's something me and Kaep don't have right now. We don't have it. You have to expect it because he just stepped in. Me and Alex, we've been here." Asked why Crabtree has been quick to get on the same page, Davis said the red-hot wide receiver has been running shorter routes. However, he also noted, as Kaepernick did Sunday night, that Crabtree has earned his targets by breaking free from coverage. "Crab is a pretty good route runner," Davis said. "He's getting open and Kaep is finding him." Eric Branch is a San Francisco Chronicle staff writer. E-mail: ebranch@sfchronicle.com Twitter: @Eric_Branch

colin kaepernick needed just three syllables sunday to explain why wide receiver michael crabtree has emerged as his favorite target . in san francisco 's past three games , crabtree has 34 times , he is second in targets over that span . tight end davis ? he has eight targets in past three games . it 's hard to argue with kaepernick 's pecking order , given the

Termed a "man of enough words" recently by Jim Harbaugh, 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick needed just three syllables Sunday to explain why wide receiver Michael Crabtree has emerged as his favorite target. In San Francisco's past three games, Crabtree has been targeted 34 times, 20 more than wide receiver Randy Moss, who is second in targets over that span. Tight end Vernon Davis? He has eight targets in the past three games. It's hard to argue with Kaepernick's pecking order, given the results. In a 41-34 win over the Patriots on Sunday, Crabtree (7 catches, 107 yards, 2 TDs) was featured on the 49ers' first possession - a tone-setting 63-yard touchdown march - with drive-opening catches of 11 and 13 yards. Kaepernick also threw his final pass to Crabtree, a 38-yard game-winner on a play that wasn't designed for San Francisco's No. 1 wide receiver. In his past three games, Crabtree has 23 catches for 301 yards and two touchdowns with 90-plus receiving yards in each game. Prior to his streak, he had 90-plus receiving yards in five of the first 53 games of his four-year career. In his five starts, Kaepernick has a 113.6 rating when targeting Crabtree, who has helped earn his confidence with reliable hands. According to Pro Football Focus, Crabtree has three drops in Kaepernick's starts, an impressive figure given the heat the Howitzer-armed quarterback puts on his throws. On KNBR Tuesday, Harbaugh, who famously declared in the offseason Crabtree had the best hands he'd ever seen, crowed a bit when asked if there was a special Kaepernick-Crabtree chemistry. "Yeah, I think there is," Harbaugh said. "But Michael has been doing this all year now. Talked about it every week, the ability to catch, nobody catches the ball better than Michael Crabtree. I think back to last summer when we were talking about the same topic. It might have even been on this show. A lot of people 'What? The greatest hands you've ever seen?' Nobody mentions that any more. Boy, the evidence sure is there." With at least 10 catches and 132 yards over the final two regular-season games, Crabtree (73 catches, 868 yards) would become the 49ers' first 1,000-yard receiver since Terrell Owens in 2003 and will have the most receptions since Owens hauled in 100 in 2002. Davis, who had team-highs in targets (eight), receptions (six) and yards (83) in Kaepernick's first start against Chicago last month, has since become an afterthought. He had one catch for 10 yards against the Patriots, and four catches, 29 yards and nine targets over the last four games. Davis said he's yet to establish a chemistry with Kaepernick that matches the connection he had with former starter Alex Smith. "You have to develop that chemistry, that bond so you can be on the same page," Davis said. "That's something me and Kaep don't have right now. We don't have it. You have to expect it because he just stepped in. Me and Alex, we've been here." Asked why Crabtree has been quick to get on the same page, Davis said the red-hot wide receiver has been running shorter routes. However, he also noted, as Kaepernick did Sunday night, that Crabtree has earned his targets by breaking free from coverage. "Crab is a pretty good route runner," Davis said. "He's getting open and Kaep is finding him." Eric Branch is a San Francisco Chronicle staff writer. E-mail: ebranch@sfchronicle.com Twitter: @Eric_Branch

termed a `` man of enough words '' recently by jim harbaugh , 49ers quarterback colin kaepernick needed just three syllables sunday to explain why wide receiver michael crabtree has emerged as his favorite target .

Termed a "man of enough words" recently by Jim Harbaugh, 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick needed just three syllables Sunday to explain why wide receiver Michael Crabtree has emerged as his favorite target. In San Francisco's past three games, Crabtree has been targeted 34 times, 20 more than wide receiver Randy Moss, who is second in targets over that span. Tight end Vernon Davis? He has eight targets in the past three games. It's hard to argue with Kaepernick's pecking order, given the results. In a 41-34 win over the Patriots on Sunday, Crabtree (7 catches, 107 yards, 2 TDs) was featured on the 49ers' first possession - a tone-setting 63-yard touchdown march - with drive-opening catches of 11 and 13 yards. Kaepernick also threw his final pass to Crabtree, a 38-yard game-winner on a play that wasn't designed for San Francisco's No. 1 wide receiver. In his past three games, Crabtree has 23 catches for 301 yards and two touchdowns with 90-plus receiving yards in each game. Prior to his streak, he had 90-plus receiving yards in five of the first 53 games of his four-year career. In his five starts, Kaepernick has a 113.6 rating when targeting Crabtree, who has helped earn his confidence with reliable hands. According to Pro Football Focus, Crabtree has three drops in Kaepernick's starts, an impressive figure given the heat the Howitzer-armed quarterback puts on his throws. On KNBR Tuesday, Harbaugh, who famously declared in the offseason Crabtree had the best hands he'd ever seen, crowed a bit when asked if there was a special Kaepernick-Crabtree chemistry. "Yeah, I think there is," Harbaugh said. "But Michael has been doing this all year now. Talked about it every week, the ability to catch, nobody catches the ball better than Michael Crabtree. I think back to last summer when we were talking about the same topic. It might have even been on this show. A lot of people 'What? The greatest hands you've ever seen?' Nobody mentions that any more. Boy, the evidence sure is there." With at least 10 catches and 132 yards over the final two regular-season games, Crabtree (73 catches, 868 yards) would become the 49ers' first 1,000-yard receiver since Terrell Owens in 2003 and will have the most receptions since Owens hauled in 100 in 2002. Davis, who had team-highs in targets (eight), receptions (six) and yards (83) in Kaepernick's first start against Chicago last month, has since become an afterthought. He had one catch for 10 yards against the Patriots, and four catches, 29 yards and nine targets over the last four games. Davis said he's yet to establish a chemistry with Kaepernick that matches the connection he had with former starter Alex Smith. "You have to develop that chemistry, that bond so you can be on the same page," Davis said. "That's something me and Kaep don't have right now. We don't have it. You have to expect it because he just stepped in. Me and Alex, we've been here." Asked why Crabtree has been quick to get on the same page, Davis said the red-hot wide receiver has been running shorter routes. However, he also noted, as Kaepernick did Sunday night, that Crabtree has earned his targets by breaking free from coverage. "Crab is a pretty good route runner," Davis said. "He's getting open and Kaep is finding him." Eric Branch is a San Francisco Chronicle staff writer. E-mail: ebranch@sfchronicle.com Twitter: @Eric_Branch

jim harbaugh , 49ers quarterback colin kaepernick needed just three syllables sunday to explain why wide receiver michael crabtree has emerged as his favorite target a `` man of enough words '' recently by jim harbaugh has been targeted 34 times , 20 more than wide receiver randy moss , who is second in targets over that vernon davis ? he has eight targets in the past three games , crabtree has emerged as san francisco 's past three games - a tone-setting quarterback puts on the 49ers ' first possession when targeting crabtree , who has helped earn his confidence with reliable hands you 've ever seen about the same topic .

Mortgage rates are still pretty cheap, even though they've risen a full percentage point since hitting record lows about a year ago. And with the stronger economy pulling housing along, "this is a good time to get into the market," Anika Khan, Wells Fargo Securities senior economist, told CNBC's "Squawk Box" on Friday. But many first-time homebuyers are being left on the sidelines, watching all that cheap money inch higher because lending requirements remain tight. The average rate on a 30-year loan ticked up to 4.41 percent from 4.40 percent last week. Fifteen-year mortgages increased to 3.47 percent from 3.42 percent. In this video, Khan gives three reasons why it's still so hard for would-be buyers to purchase their first home.

Mortgage rates are still pretty cheap , even though they 've risen a full percentage point since hitting record lows about a year ago . And with the stronger economy pulling housing along , '' this is a good time to get into the market , '' Anika Khan , Wells Fargo Securities senior economist , told CNBC 's '' Squawk Box '' on Friday . But many first - time homebuyers are being left on the sidelines , watching all that cheap money inch higher because lending requirements remain tight .

Mortgage rates are still pretty cheap, even though they've risen a full percentage point since hitting record lows about a year ago. And with the stronger economy pulling housing along, "this is a good time to get into the market," Anika Khan, Wells Fargo Securities senior economist, told CNBC's "Squawk Box" on Friday. But many first-time homebuyers are being left on the sidelines, watching all that cheap money inch higher because lending requirements remain tight. The average rate on a 30-year loan ticked up to 4.41 percent from 4.40 percent last week. Fifteen-year mortgages increased to 3.47 percent from 3.42 percent. In this video, Khan gives three reasons why it's still so hard for would-be buyers to purchase their first home.

Many first - time homebuyers are being left on the sidelines , watching all that cheap money inch higher because , reasons , lending requirements remain tight .

Mortgage rates are still pretty cheap, even though they've risen a full percentage point since hitting record lows about a year ago. And with the stronger economy pulling housing along, "this is a good time to get into the market," Anika Khan, Wells Fargo Securities senior economist, told CNBC's "Squawk Box" on Friday. But many first-time homebuyers are being left on the sidelines, watching all that cheap money inch higher because lending requirements remain tight. The average rate on a 30-year loan ticked up to 4.41 percent from 4.40 percent last week. Fifteen-year mortgages increased to 3.47 percent from 3.42 percent. In this video, Khan gives three reasons why it's still so hard for would-be buyers to purchase their first home.

Mortgage rates are still pretty cheap , even though they 've risen a full percentage point since hitting record lows about a year ago . The average rate on a 30-year loan ticked up to 4.41 percent from 4.40 percent last week . Fifteen - year mortgages increased to 3.47 percent from 3.42 percent .

Mortgage rates are still pretty cheap, even though they've risen a full percentage point since hitting record lows about a year ago. And with the stronger economy pulling housing along, "this is a good time to get into the market," Anika Khan, Wells Fargo Securities senior economist, told CNBC's "Squawk Box" on Friday. But many first-time homebuyers are being left on the sidelines, watching all that cheap money inch higher because lending requirements remain tight. The average rate on a 30-year loan ticked up to 4.41 percent from 4.40 percent last week. Fifteen-year mortgages increased to 3.47 percent from 3.42 percent. In this video, Khan gives three reasons why it's still so hard for would-be buyers to purchase their first home.

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Mortgage rates are still pretty cheap, even though they've risen a full percentage point since hitting record lows about a year ago. And with the stronger economy pulling housing along, "this is a good time to get into the market," Anika Khan, Wells Fargo Securities senior economist, told CNBC's "Squawk Box" on Friday. But many first-time homebuyers are being left on the sidelines, watching all that cheap money inch higher because lending requirements remain tight. The average rate on a 30-year loan ticked up to 4.41 percent from 4.40 percent last week. Fifteen-year mortgages increased to 3.47 percent from 3.42 percent. In this video, Khan gives three reasons why it's still so hard for would-be buyers to purchase their first home.

market , '' anika khan , wells fargo securities senior economist , told cnbc 's `` squawk box '' on friday . but many first-time homebuyers are being left on the 30-year loan ticked up to 4.41 percent from 4.40 percent last week . fifteen-year mortgages increased to 3.47 percent from 3.42 percent . in this video , khan gives three reasons why it 's still so hard for would-be buyers to purchase their first home . the average rate on a 30-year loan ticked up to 4.41 percent from 4.40 risen a full percentage point since hitting record lows about a year ago . and with the

Mortgage rates are still pretty cheap, even though they've risen a full percentage point since hitting record lows about a year ago. And with the stronger economy pulling housing along, "this is a good time to get into the market," Anika Khan, Wells Fargo Securities senior economist, told CNBC's "Squawk Box" on Friday. But many first-time homebuyers are being left on the sidelines, watching all that cheap money inch higher because lending requirements remain tight. The average rate on a 30-year loan ticked up to 4.41 percent from 4.40 percent last week. Fifteen-year mortgages increased to 3.47 percent from 3.42 percent. In this video, Khan gives three reasons why it's still so hard for would-be buyers to purchase their first home.

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