Datasets:

PiC

/

phrase_retrieval

like 5

13599-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=47604425

The sources for "Citizen Kane", the 1941 American motion picture that marked the feature film debut of Orson Welles, have been the subject of speculation and controversy since the project's inception. With a story spanning 60 years, the quasi-biographical film examines the life and legacy of Charles Foster Kane, played by Welles, a fictional character based in part upon the American newspaper magnate William Randolph Hearst and Chicago tycoons Samuel Insull and Harold McCormick. A rich incorporation of the experiences and knowledge of its authors, the film earned an Academy Award for Best Writing (Original Screenplay) for Herman J. Mankiewicz and Welles. Charles Foster Kane. Orson Welles never confirmed a principal source for the character of Charles Foster Kane. John Houseman, who worked with screenwriter Herman J. Mankiewicz on the early draft scripts, wrote that Kane is a synthesis of different personalities, with Hearst's life used as the main source. "The truth is simple: for the basic concept of Charles Foster Kane and for the main lines and significant events of his public life, Mankiewicz used as his model the figure of William Randolph Hearst. To this were added incidents and details invented or derived from other sources." Houseman adds that they "grafted anecdotes from other giants of journalism, including Pulitzer, Northcliffe and Mank's first boss, Herbert Bayard Swope." Welles said, "Mr. Hearst was quite a bit like Kane, although Kane isn't really founded on Hearst in particular, many people sat for it so to speak". He specifically acknowledged that aspects of Kane were drawn from the lives of two business tycoons familiar from his youth in Chicago — Samuel Insull and Harold Fowler McCormick. William Randolph Hearst. The film is commonly regarded as a fictionalized, unrelentingly hostile parody of William Randolph Hearst, in spite of Welles's statement that ""Citizen Kane" is the story of a wholly fictitious character." Film historian Don Kilbourne has pointed out that much of the film's story is derived from aspects of Hearst's life that had already been published and that "some of Kane's speeches are almost verbatim copies of Hearst's. When Welles denied that the film was about the still-influential publisher, he did not convince many people." The most identifiable anecdote from Hearst's life used in the film is his famous but almost certainly apocryphal exchange with illustrator Frederic Remington. In January 1897 Remington was sent to Cuba by Hearst's "New York Journal", to provide illustrations to accompany Richard Harding Davis's reporting about an uprising against Spain's colonial rule. Remington purportedly cabled Hearst from Havana that he wished to return since everything was quiet and there would be no war. Hearst is supposed to have replied, "Please remain. You furnish the pictures, and I'll furnish the war". Although Hearst denied the truth of the now legendary story, a milestone of yellow journalism, the ensuing Spanish–American War has been called "Mr. Hearst's War". Hearst biographer David Nasaw described Kane as "a cartoon-like caricature of a man who is hollowed out on the inside, forlorn, defeated, solitary because he cannot command the total obedience, loyalty, devotion, and love of those around him. Hearst, to the contrary, never regarded himself as a failure, never recognized defeat, never stopped loving Marion [Davies] or his wife. He did not, at the end of his life, run away from the world to entomb himself in a vast, gloomy art-choked hermitage." Arguing for the release of "Citizen Kane" before the RKO board, Welles pointed out the irony that it was Hearst himself who had brought so much attention to the film being about him, and that Hearst columnist Louella Parsons was doing the most to publicize Kane's identification with Hearst. Public denials aside, Welles held the view that Hearst was a public figure and that the facts of a public figure's life were available for writers to reshape and restructure into works of fiction. Welles's legal advisor, Arnold Weissberger, put the issue in the form of a rhetorical question: "Will a man be allowed in effect to copyright the story of his life?" Welles said that he had excised one scene from Mankiewicz's first draft that had certainly been based on Hearst. "In the original script we had a scene based on a notorious thing Hearst had done, which I still cannot repeat for publication. And I cut it out because I thought it hurt the film and wasn't in keeping with Kane's character. If I'd kept it in, I would have had no trouble with Hearst. He wouldn't have dared admit it was him. In her 1971 essay, "Raising Kane", film critic Pauline Kael wrote that a vestige of this abandoned subplot survives in a remark made by Susan Alexander Kane to the reporter interviewing her: "Look, if you're smart, you'll get in touch with Raymond. He's the butler. You'll learn a lot from him. He knows where all the bodies are buried." Kael observed, "It's an odd, cryptic speech. In the first draft, Raymond "literally" knew where the bodies were buried: Mankiewicz had dished up a nasty version of the scandal sometimes referred to as the Strange Death of Thomas Ince." Referring to the suspicious 1924 death of the American film mogul after being a guest on Hearst's yacht, and noting that Kael's principal source was Houseman, film critic Jonathan Rosenbaum wrote that "it seems safe to conclude, even without her prodding, that some version of the story must have cropped up in Mankiewicz's first draft of the script, which Welles subsequently edited and added to." One particular aspect of the character, Kane's profligate collecting of possessions, was directly taken from Hearst. "And it's very curious – a man who spends his entire life paying cash for objects he never looked at," Welles said. "He just acquired things, most of which were never opened, remained in boxes. It's really a quite accurate picture of Hearst to that extent." However Welles himself insisted that there were marked differences between his fictional creation and Hearst. Xanadu was modeled after Hearst’s large mansion Hearst Castle in San Simeon, California, which also had a private zoo and a large collection of art. Samuel Insull. As a model for the makeup design of the old Charles Foster Kane, Welles gave Maurice Seiderman a photograph of Chicago industrialist Samuel Insull, with mustache. A protégé of Thomas Edison, Insull was a man of humble origins who became the most powerful figure in the utilities field. He was married to a Broadway ingenue nearly 20 years his junior, spent a fortune trying to re-launch her career, and built the Chicago Civic Opera House. In 1925, after a 26-year absence, Gladys Wallis Insull returned to the stage in a charity revival of "The School for Scandal" that ran two weeks in Chicago. When the performance was repeated on Broadway in October 1925, Herman Mankiewicz — then the third-string theater critic for "The New York Times" — was assigned to review the production. In an incident that became infamous, Mankiewicz returned to the press room drunk and wrote only the first sentence of a negative review before passing out on his typewriter. Mankiewicz resurrected the experience in writing the screenplay for "Citizen Kane", incorporating it into the narrative of Jedediah Leland. In 1926 Insull took a six-year lease on Chicago's Studebaker Theatre and financed a repertory company in which his wife starred. Gladys Insull's nerves broke when her company failed to find success, and the lease expired at the same time Insull's $4 billion financial empire collapsed in the Depression. Insull died in July 1938, bankrupt and disgraced. Insull's life was also well known to Welles. Insull's publicity director John Clayton was a friend of Roger Hill, Welles's teacher at the Todd School and a lifelong friend. Harold McCormick. Like Kane, Harold McCormick was divorced by his aristocratic first wife, Edith Rockefeller, and lavishly promoted the opera career of his only modestly talented second wife, Ganna Walska. In 1920 McCormick arranged for her to play the lead in a production of "Zaza" at the Chicago Opera. She fled the country after her Italian vocal instructor told her that she was unprepared to perform the night before the sold-out premiere. Other sources. Another member of the powerful McCormick family who inspired the character of Kane was Robert R. McCormick, the crusading publisher of the "Chicago Tribune". According to composer David Raksin, Bernard Herrmann used to say that much of Kane's story was based on McCormick, but that there was also a good deal of Welles in the flamboyant character. Welles cited financier Basil Zaharoff as another inspiration for Kane. "I got the idea for the hidden-camera sequence in the Kane 'news digest' from a scene I did on "March of Time" in which Zaharoff, this great munitions-maker, was being moved around in his rose garden, just talking about the roses, in the last days before he died," Welles said. Film scholar Robert L. Carringer reviewed the December 3, 1936, script of the radio obituary in which Welles played Zaharoff, and found other similarities. In the opening scene, Zaharoff's secretaries are burning masses of secret papers in the enormous fireplace of his castle. A succession of witnesses testify about the tycoon's ruthless practices. "Finally, Zaharoff himself appears — an old man nearing death, alone except for his servants in the gigantic palace in Monte Carlo that he had acquired for his longtime mistress. His dying wish is to be wheeled out 'in the sun by that rosebush.'" The last name of Welles's friend, actor Whitford Kane, was used for Charles Foster Kane. Jedediah Leland. In 1940, Welles invited longtime friend and Mercury Theatre colleague Joseph Cotten to join a small group for an initial read-through at Mankiewicz's house. Cotten wrote: "I think I'll just listen," Welles said. "The title of this movie is "Citizen Kane", and I play guess who." He turned to me. "Why don't you think of yourself as Jedediah Leland? His name, by the way, is a combination of Jed Harris and your agent, Leland Hayward." "There all resemblance ceases," Herman reassured me. These afternoon garden readings continued, and as the Mercury actors began arriving, the story started to breathe. "I regard Leland with enormous affection," Welles told Bogdanovich, adding that the character of Jed Leland was based on drama critic Ashton Stevens, George Stevens's uncle and his own close boyhood friend. Regarded as the dean of American drama critics, Stevens began his journalism career in 1894 in San Francisco and started working for the Hearst newspapers three years later. In 1910 he moved to Chicago, where he covered the theater for 40 years and became a close friend of Dr. Maurice Bernstein, Welles's guardian. When Welles was a child Stevens used to tell him stories about Hearst, much like Leland tells Thompson about Kane in the film. Welles said that he learned most of what he knew about the life of Hearst from Stevens. Welles sent Stevens an advance copy of the "Citizen Kane" script, and took him to the set during filming. "Later he saw the movie and thought the old man would be thrilled by it," said Welles. "Ashton was really one of the great ones. The last of the dandies — he worked for Hearst for some 50 years or so, and adored him. A gentleman … very much like Jed. Mankiewicz incorporated an incident from his own early career as a theater critic into Leland. Mankiewicz was assigned to review the October 1925 opening of Gladys Wallis' production of "The School for Scandal". After her opening-night performance in the role of Lady Teazle, Mankiewicz returned to the press room "… full of fury and too many drinks …", wrote biographer Richard Meryman: He was outraged by the spectacle of a 56-year-old millionairess playing a gleeful 18-year-old, the whole production bought for her like a trinket by a man Herman knew to be an unscrupulous manipulator. Herman began to write: "Miss Gladys Wallis, an aging, hopelessly incompetent amateur, opened last night in ..." Then Herman passed out, slumped over the top of his typewriter. The unconscious Mankiewicz was discovered by his boss, George S. Kaufman, who composed a terse announcement that the "Times" review would appear the following day. Mankiewicz resurrected the incident for "Citizen Kane". After Kane's second wife makes her opera debut, critic Jed Leland returns to the press room drunk. He passes out over the top of his typewriter after writing the first sentence of his review: "Miss Susan Alexander, a pretty but hopelessly incompetent amateur …" Susan Alexander Kane. The assumption that the character of Susan Alexander Kane was based on Marion Davies was a major reason Hearst tried to destroy "Citizen Kane". Davies's nephew Charles Lederer insisted that Hearst and Davies never saw "Citizen Kane", but condemned it based on the outrage expressed by trusted friends. Lederer believed that any implication that Davies was a failure and an alcoholic distressed Hearst more than any unfavorable references to himself. In his foreword to Davies's posthumously published autobiography, Welles drew a sharp distinction between his fictional creation and Davies: "That Susan was Kane's wife and Marion was Hearst's mistress is a difference more important than might be guessed in today's changed climate of opinion. The wife was a puppet and a prisoner; the mistress was never less than a princess. … The mistress was never one of Hearst's possessions: he was always her suitor, and she was the precious treasure of his heart for more than 30 years, until his last breath of life. Theirs is truly a love story. Love is not the subject of "Citizen Kane"." Welles called Davies "an extraordinary woman—nothing like the character Dorothy Comingore played in the movie." He cited Insull's building of the Chicago Opera House, and McCormick's lavish promotion of the opera career of his second wife, Ganna Walska, as direct influences on the screenplay. Contemporaries said Walska had a terrible voice; "The New York Times" headlines of the day read, "Ganna Walska Fails as Butterfly: Voice Deserts Her Again When She Essays Role of Puccini's Heroine" and "Mme. Walska Clings to Ambition to Sing". "According to her 1943 memoirs, "Always Room at the Top," Walska had tried every sort of fashionable mumbo jumbo to conquer her nerves and salvage her voice," reported "The New York Times" in 1996. "Nothing worked. During a performance of Giordano's "Fedora" in Havana she veered so persistently off key that the audience pelted her with rotten vegetables. It was an event that Orson Welles remembered when he began concocting the character of the newspaper publisher's second wife for "Citizen Kane"." Lederer said that the script he read "didn't have any flavor of Marion and Hearst." Lederer noted that Davies drank and did jigsaw puzzles, but this behavior was exaggerated in the film to help define the characterization of Susan Alexander. Others thought to have inspired the character are film tycoon Jules Brulatour's second and third wives, Dorothy Gibson and Hope Hampton, both fleeting stars of the silent screen who later had marginal careers in opera. The interview with Susan Alexander Kane in the Atlantic City nightclub was based on a contemporary interview with Evelyn Nesbit Thaw in the run-down club where she was performing. Susan Alexander's last name was taken from Mankiewicz's secretary, Rita Alexander. Jim W. Gettys. The character of political boss Jim W. Gettys is based on Charles F. Murphy, a leader in New York City's infamous Tammany Hall political machine. Hearst and Murphy were political allies in 1902, when Hearst was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives, but became enemies in 1905 when Hearst ran for mayor of New York. Hearst turned his muckraking newspapers on Tammany Hall in the person of Murphy, who was called "... the most hungry, selfish and extortionate boss Tammany has ever known." Murphy ordered that under no condition was Hearst to be elected. Hearst ballots were dumped into the East River, and new ballots were printed favoring his opponent. Hearst was defeated by some 3,000 votes and his newspapers bellowed against the election fraud. A historic cartoon of Murphy in convict stripes appeared November 10, 1905, three days after the vote. The caption read, "Look out, Murphy! It's a Short Lockstep from Delmonico's to Sing Sing ... Every honest voter in New York wants to see you in this costume." In "Citizen Kane", Boss Jim W. Gettys (named "Edward Rogers" in the shooting script) admonishes Kane for printing a cartoon showing him in prison stripes:If I owned a newspaper and if I didn't like the way somebody else was doing things—some politician, say—I'd fight them with everything I had. Only I wouldn't show him in a convict suit with stripes—so his children could see the picture in the paper. Or his mother. As he pursues Gettys down the stairs, Kane threatens to send him to Sing Sing. As an inside joke, Welles named Gettys after the father-in-law of his mentor Roger Hill. Other characters. Houseman claimed that Walter P. Thatcher was loosely based on J. P. Morgan, but only in the general sense of Morgan being an old-fashioned 19th century capitalist with ties to Wall Street finances and railroad companies. When Welles was 15 he became the ward of Dr. Maurice Bernstein. Bernstein is the last name of the only major character in "Citizen Kane" who receives a generally positive portrayal. Although Dr. Bernstein was nothing like the character in the film (possibly based on Solomon S. Carvalho, Hearst's business manager), Welles said, the use of his surname was a family joke: "I used to call people 'Bernstein' on the radio, all the time, too – just to make him laugh." Composer David Raksin described Sloane's portrayal of Bernstein as "a compendium of the mannerisms of Bernard Herrmann: he looks like Benny, acts like him, and even talks like him." Herbert Carter, editor of "The Inquirer", was named for actor Jack Carter. "Rosebud". "The most basic of all ideas was that of a search for the true significance of the man's apparently meaningless dying words," Welles wrote in a January 1941 press statement about the forthcoming "Citizen Kane". He described the meaning of "Rosebud": "In his subconscious it represented the simplicity, the comfort, above all the lack of responsibility in his home, and also it stood for his mother's love which Kane never lost." Welles credited the "Rosebud" device to Mankiewicz. "Rosebud remained, because it was the only way we could find to get off, as they used to say in vaudeville," Welles said. "It manages to work, but I'm still not too keen about it, and I don't think that he was, either." Welles said that they attempted to diminish the importance of the word's meaning and "take the mickey out of it." As he began his first draft of the screenplay in early 1940, Mankiewicz mentioned "Rosebud" to his secretary. When she asked, "Who is rosebud?" he replied, "It isn't a who, it's an it." Biographer Richard Meryman wrote that the symbol of Mankiewicz's own damaged childhood was a treasured bicycle, stolen while he visited the public library and not replaced by his family as punishment. "He mourned that all his life," wrote Kael, who believed Mankiewicz put the emotion of that boyhood loss into the loss that haunted Kane. Hearst biographer Louis Pizzitola reports one historian's statement that "Rosebud" was a nickname given to Hearst's mother by portrait and landscape painter Orrin Peck, whose family were friends with the Hearsts. Another theory of the origin of "Rosebud" is the similarity with the dying wish of Zaharoff to be wheeled "by the rosebush". In 1989 author Gore Vidal stated that "Rosebud" was a nickname which Hearst had used for the clitoris of Davies. Vidal said that Davies had told this intimate detail to Lederer, who had mentioned it to him years later. Film critic Roger Ebert said, "Some people have fallen in love with the story that Herman Mankiewicz…happened to know that 'Rosebud' was William Randolph Hearst's pet name for an intimate part of Marion Davies' anatomy." Welles biographer Frank Brady traced the story back to newspaper articles in the late 1970s, and wrote, "How Orson (or Mankiewicz) could have ever discovered this most private utterance is unexplained and why it took over 35 years for such a suggestive rationale to emerge…[is] unknown. If this highly unlikely story is even partially true…Hearst may have become upset at the implied connotation, although any such connection seems to have been innocent on Welles's part." Houseman denied this rumor about "Rosebud"'s origins, claiming that he would have heard about something "so provocative" and that Welles could never "have kept such a secret for over 40 years." In 1991 journalist Edward Castle contended that Welles may have borrowed the name of Native American folklorist, educator and author Rosebud Yellow Robe for "Rosebud". Castle claimed to have found both of their signatures on the same sign-in sheets at CBS Radio studios in New York, where they both worked on different shows in the late 1930s. However, the word "Rosebud" appears in the first draft script written by Mankiewicz, not Welles. In his 2015 Welles biography, Patrick McGilligan reported that Mankiewicz himself stated that the word "Rosebud" was taken from the name of a famous racehorse, Old Rosebud. Mankiewicz had a bet on the horse in the 1914 Kentucky Derby, which he won, and McGilligan wrote that "Old Rosebud symbolized his lost youth, and the break with his family". In testimony for a 1947 plagiarism suit brought by Hearst biographer Ferdinand Lundberg, Mankiewicz said, "I had undergone psycho-analysis, and Rosebud, under circumstances slightly resembling the circumstances in ["Citizen Kane"], played a prominent part." "News on the March". "Although "Citizen Kane" was widely seen as an attack on William Randolph Hearst, it was also aimed at Henry R. Luce and his concept of faceless group journalism, as then practiced at his "Time" magazine and "March of Time" newsreels," wrote Roger Ebert. The "News on the March" sequence that begins the film satirizes "The March of Time", the news documentary and dramatization series presented in movie theaters by Time Inc. from 1935 to 1951. At its peak "The March of Time" was seen by 25 million U.S. moviegoers a month. Usually called a newsreel series, it was actually a monthly series of short feature films twice the length of standard newsreels. The films were didactic, with a subjective point of view. The editors of "Time" described it as "pictorial journalism". "The March of Time"s relationship to the newsreel was compared to the weekly interpretive news magazine's relationship to the daily newspaper. ""The March of Time" style was characterized by dynamic editing, gutsy investigative reporting, and hard-punching, almost arrogant, narration," wrote film historian Ephraim Katz — who added that it "was beautifully parodied by Orson Welles in "Citizen Kane"." From 1935 to 1938 Welles was a member of the prestigious and uncredited company of actors that presented the radio version of "The March of Time", which preceded the film version. He was well versed in what came to be called "Time-speak", described by "March of Time" chronicler Raymond Fielding as "a preposterous kind of sentence structure in which subjects, predicates, adjectives, and other components of the English language all ended up in unpredictable and grammatically unauthorized positions." In "News on the March", William Alland impersonated narrator Westbrook Van Voorhis: "Great imitation," Welles later said, "but he's pretty easy to imitate: 'This week, as it must to all men, death came to Charles Foster Kane.' We used to do that every day — five days a week!" Welles screened the film for Luce: "He was one of the first people to see the movie," Welles said. "He and Clare Luce loved it and roared with laughter at the digest. They saw it as a parody and enjoyed it very much as such — I have to hand it to them." Welles had met Luce through Archibald MacLeish, and financial support from the Luces helped open the Mercury Theatre in November 1937. Callow called the "News on the March" sequence "the single most impressive, most spoken-of element in the movie". Remarkably, critic Arthur Knight reported in 1969 that the sequence was excised from most prints presented on American television.

news studio

6451-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=34741346

The Ellipse Zenith is a French high-wing, single-place, hang glider that was designed and produced by La société Ellipse of Étuz. Design and development. The Zenith was designed as a competition hang glider and was built in only one size. With structural reinforcement it is also suitable for adding a motorized harness for powered hang glider operations. The Zenith is made from aluminum tubing, with the wing covered in Dacron sailcloth. Its span wing is cable braced from a single kingpost. The nose angle is 132° and the aspect ratio is 7.7:1.

one height and width

6592-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=57208815

Solid (Korean: 솔리드) is a South Korean R&B/Hip-Hop trio. They were formed in Orange County, California, in 1992, and made their debut in Seoul, South Korea, in 1993. The group consists of Johan Kim (김조한: George Kim), Jaeyoon Chong (정재윤: Jae Chong), and Joon Lee (이준: John Lee). The trio is dubbed as the "Kings of R&B" in South Korea for their contribution to establishing and popularizing the genre in Korea. They are considered to be one of the biggest influences in developing the current sound of K-pop – incorporating American styles and sounds, like R&B, rap, hip-hop, a cappella, beatboxing, and turntablism, into Korean music – with commercial hits in the mid-1990s. With Johan Kim's soulful vocal – often referred to as "R&B daddy," Jaeyoon Chong's song craftsmanship and producing ability, and Joon Lee's unique voice, rapping style and DJing skills, the trio have set themselves apart as pioneers in a country where the predominant soundtrack was residing in ballad and dance music. For their complementary set of skills, Solid has become one of the most beloved musical groups by Korean music critics, artists, and fans. As Joon Lee was inseparable from his eight-ball cane during the performances of Solid, it has quickly become the emblem of the group. Solid released four full-length studio albums and one live album during their four-year run in the '90s from 1993-1997 and sold over 4 million records in Korea. Their breakout hit, "Holding the End of the Night" (Korean: 이밤의 끝을 잡고), from the sophomore album, "The Magic of 8 Ball" (1995), sold over million copies reaching the number one position on major Korean music charts solidifying them as one of the biggest musical acts in the 1990s K-Pop history. Success followed with a string of hits, "My only friend" (Korean: 나만의 친구), "You are my first and last" (Korean: 처음이자 마지막이야), "Meant to be" (Korean: 천생연분), which allowed them to become a household name in a rotation of K-pop classic catalogue still to this day. Three members are also notable for being the first Korean Americans to have a success in the Korean music industry paving the way for more Koreans from abroad to enter into the Korean entertainment industry. Incidentally, this worked both ways: the industry began seeking talents from abroad proactively thereafter. The trio began an extensive break from the group in July 1997 and went on to pursue individual careers while continuing their friendship. Kim remained in Korea as a distinguished solo musician. Chong established himself as a renowned music producer abroad – Taiwan, Hong Kong, Asian music scene and the U.S. Lee became a successful business entrepreneur running a real estate development company with thirty or so employees in the U.S. After a twenty-one-year hiatus, the trio reunited and released the fifth studio album, "Into the Light" (2018), on March 22, 2018. May 18 through 20th 2018, Solid held the second concert tours of their career, Into the Light, in Seoul, Korea with packed audiences. History. Beginnings. Joon Lee and Jaeyoon Chong were childhood friends growing up in Orange County, California, whose families attended the same church. Johan Kim and Lee met at a public library in Fountain Valley, CA, Lee spotting Kim dancing by himself, and quickly formed a friendship thereafter. Lee invited Kim to their church where Kim met Chong and three teenage boys bonded through their common interests in b-boying and music, immersed in the 1980s and 1990s West-coast hip-hop culture. They had been friends with members of L.A. Boyz, whom the trio collaborated during the early days of L.A. Boyz album production. Chong had written songs, Lee took part as a turntable scratch DJ, and Kim was part of their chorus team. During their visit to L.A. Boyz recording studio, three started an impromptu singing session, which caught the attention of L.A. Boyz's manager. Subsequently, they were pursued by a Taiwanese management company to debut as a Taiwanese group adding an extra Taiwanese member. Members of Solid realizing that they had a potential to debut as a group, they also sent their demo tape to South Korea. The day before they signed onto a Taiwanese management company, Korean management company, IM Communications, got in contact with the group and the trio got to make their debut in their mother country. The group officially formed in late 1992. 1993–1994: Debut and "Give Me a Chance". May 1993, three members headed to Korea and Solid's first album, "Give Me a Chance," was released on December 15, 1993, produced by Ho-il Jang of 015B (). After struggling to even release their debut album, promotion or marketing was not an easy task for the young Korean Americans in a country where everything was foreign to them. Three members were students at the time, and they soon had to return to schools in California right after releasing the first album. By the time they came back to Korea to promote their debut album in May 1994, conflicts with management company ensued; marketing and promoting their album seemed almost impossible. The album was deemed "too American" at the time and didn't find much popularity with the Korean audience. With just word of mouth, "Give me a chance" was sold about 60,000 copies while they were back at schools in California. Even though the album was not a success at the time of release, the trio started getting recognition from musicians in the Korean music scene. They appeared as a guest artist at 015B's second concert tour, "Strikes Back" (1994), and collaborated with a number of prominent artists, such as Susie Kang, Hyejin Jang, Jongshin Yoon, and 015B. After a failed attempt to resuscitate their debut album, three members went back to the U.S. ending the contract with their management company. Because Chong wanted to give one last chance, he quickly began working on a new album, and the trio returned to the studio in California in September 1994. Being eager to make their presence known to the Korean audience, Chong got in contact with one of the most renowned music producer and composer Hyung-suk Kim () to make their sound more appealing and relevant to the Korean audience. 1995: "Holding the End of the Night", "The Magic of 8 Ball," breakthrough success. On March 1, 1995, they released their second full-length studio album, "The Magic of 8 Ball", under their new management SeoIn, by DaeHong Music. Hyungsuk Kim being the co-producer and director along with Chong, Solid focused on honing their American sound with the Korean twist. "Holding the End of the Night" (Korean: 이밤의 끝을 잡고) was an instant hit among the sea of dance singles within a month topping Korean charts catapulting the group from an up-and-coming R&B group into a mainstream music star. Soon after "Holding the End of the Night" (Korean: 이밤의 끝을 잡고) became a hit, "My only friend" (Korean: 나만의 친구), a hip-hop number, not only helped the group advance their popularity but also demonstrated their musical versatility. With a variety of musicality exhibited in "The Magic of 8 Ball", which includes a cappella, new jack swing, Latin house dance, R&B ballad, techno, house, and hip hop, Solid was not just an R&B ballad crooning trio but proved to be a group of musicians that weren't bound by a certain genre. Recognition from the wider audience, critics, and fellow musicians allowed the group to become a staple during award season at the end of 1995 winning the Golden Disc category at Korea Visual and Records Grand Prize Award. With the success of the second album, popularity soared and fans sought after now the defunct debut album, "Give me a chance". As Solid was returning to the studio for their third album, "Give Me a Chance" was re-issued later that year by King Record, putting both albums on top of music charts at the same time as steady sellers. 1996: "Light Camera Action!" and first concerts. April 1, 1996, highly anticipated third studio album, "Light Camera Action!," was released by World Music. As always, this album was entirely written and produced by the group newly adding Lee and Kim as songwriters on the album credit. Because their sophomore album was a mega hit, members admitted that the pressure was inevitable. However, trying not to dwell on the commercial success of "The Magic of 8 Ball", focus was to evolve and progress as musicians. Attempting to update their sound and styles and yet trying to stay true to themselves, the trio kept their fundamental characteristics and sound but wasn't afraid to deviate from what they were used to. Chong added electric guitar sound to their single, "You are my first and last" (Korean: 넌 나의 처음이자 마지막이야) producing a bigger and stronger impact on their R&B sound and filled the album with various genres like the second album, including hip hop, rave, funk, ballad covering wide range of music in hopes to reach broader audience. Some criticized the tracks were too similar to the ones from "the Magic of 8 Ball", but, critics, overall, agreed that this album even more strengthened their musical identity, sound, and styles of what only Solid could produce. Spring of 1996 in K-pop history was known as the Battle of Stars, as series of heavy hitters were releasing albums, including Gun-Mo Kim and Seung-Hoon Shin, Solid was still topping charts with "You are my first and last" (Korean: 넌 나의 처음이자 마지막이야) and the subsequent single "Happy ending" selling over a million copies validating their status as a top selling artist with hit-making songcraft. As they built a list of hits, the trio had their first concerts, "Deliverance", in July over the course of three days in Busan and Seoul, Korea. Both venues, Busan KBS Hall, on July 22–23, and Olympic Gymnastics Arena in Seoul, on July 28, were a full house. Because Chong and Kim were active members of Westcoast b-boying community before they became Solid, the trio was able to invite their close breakdancing friends and rappers from California to be part of the concert creating a party-like atmosphere. Lee treated the fans with his DJing skills, which wasn't easily seen on television. Hyungsuk Kim, who was a co-director for the group's sophomore album, was on keyboard leading the band. After wrapping up "Deliverance", the trio had planned on taking a break but, shortly after, "Meant to be" (Korean: 천생연분) climbed up the music charts almost forcing the group to shoot a music video and promote the single. As a Korean R&B icon, Disney chose Solid to record a Korean version of All-4-one’s ‘Someday’ for the Hunchback of Notre Dame original soundtrack. 1997: "Solidate" and hiatus. On April 24, 1997, Solid's fourth album, "Solidate," was released by World Music. Attempting to differentiate their new album from the previous ones, they decided their single to be a dance number, "Birds of a feather flock together" (Korean: 끼리끼리). Keeping their R&B roots yet not losing their desire to expand their musicianship was imperative, which resulted in filling the album with more elaborate sounds and arrangements, some critics noted. Like their previous album, Kim and Lee wrote several tracks on this album presenting more concrete musical characters of individual member. Chong later stated in an interview that this album was the group's most commercialized album losing their primary focus for the group and musical direction with an incessant busy schedule. Album sale was relatively a success but, behind the scene, the trio was in much need of a break after working tirelessly without a break since "Holding the End of the Night" became a mega hit. Also it was reported that the constant conflict with the management company was present. In July, the trio began taking on an extensive break in the midst of much speculations to why the group was put to a halt at the height of their career. They went onto pursue each member's interests and careers. Kim remained in Korea pursuing to be a solo artist. Chong continued to be a music producer – what he already had been doing before forming Solid – expanding his influences abroad, in the Asian music scene mainly in Taiwan and the U.S. Lee went back to California to finish his undergraduate degree at University of Southern California. 2018: Reunion and "Into the Light". After twenty-one-year hiatus, Solid announced their long-awaited comeback on their official social media and billboards at subway stations in Seoul, Korea in early March. There have always been rumors while they were out of the spotlight that the trio would reunite indicating that the Korean audience has yet to forget the group. On March 16 and 17, 2018, album teasers for "Into the Light" and "Memento" were released respectively on their official YouTube channel. On March 21, 2018, both press conference and album launch party with fans were held announcing their fifth studio album and concert dates, which were to be in May at Blue Square iMarket Hall, Seoul, Korea. Tickets were sold out within five minutes on March 22, 2018, prompting the group to add an additional day to thank their fans who have been eagerly waiting for their comeback for over two decades. "Into the Light" was released on March 22, 2018 peaking at number 1 on iTunes R&B/Soul album chart in Korea and number 5 on iTunes K-pop album charts in both Korea and the U.S. Both fans and critics welcomed the album with rave reviews agreeing on the fact that the forward and progressive sound of Solid has been intact after such long hiatus as a group. Critics and prominent musicians, like Chulsoo Bae and Jinmo Im, praise the new chapter of Solid for again presenting the kind of sound that no K-pop acts have ever taken part of – seemingly always ahead of their peers, which has always been the characteristics and the musical direction of the group. The trio states that the group has been the musicians who have been striving for constant evolution of their sound unbounded by a musical genre. May 18 through 20th, 2018, Solid began the second concert tour of their career, "Into the Light", in Seoul, Korea with packed audiences with a guest appearance from an acclaimed Canadian beatboxer, KRNFX. The setlist spanned from their '90s hits to the tracks from the latest album, which was highly praised for presenting the right balance between nostalgia and the next chapter of the group.

well-rounded collection

14452-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=23821416

Project Rover was a United States project to develop a nuclear-thermal rocket that ran from 1955 to 1973 at the Los Alamos Scientific Laboratory (LASL). It began as a United States Air Force project to develop a nuclear-powered upper stage for an intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM). The project was transferred to NASA in 1958 after the Sputnik crisis triggered the Space Race. It was managed by the Space Nuclear Propulsion Office (SNPO), a joint agency of the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC), and NASA. Project Rover became part of NASA's Nuclear Engine for Rocket Vehicle Application (NERVA) project and henceforth dealt with the research into nuclear rocket reactor design, while NERVA involved the overall development and deployment of nuclear rocket engines, and the planning for space missions. Nuclear reactors for Project Rover were built at LASL Technical Area 18 (TA-18), also known as the Pajarito Canyon Site. They were tested there at very low power and then shipped to Area 25 (known as Jackass Flats) at the AEC's Nevada Test Site. Testing of fuel elements and other materials science was done by the LASL N-Division at TA-46 using various ovens and later a custom test reactor, the Nuclear Furnace. Project Rover resulted in the development of three reactor types: Kiwi (1955 to 1964), Phoebus (1964 to 1969), and Pewee (1969 to 1972). Kiwi and Phoebus were large reactors, while Pewee was much smaller, conforming to the smaller budget available after 1968. The reactors were fueled by highly enriched uranium, with liquid hydrogen used as both a rocket propellant and reactor coolant. Nuclear graphite and beryllium were used as neutron moderators and neutron reflectors. The engines were controlled by drums with graphite or beryllium on one side and boron (a nuclear poison) on the other, and the energy level adjusted by rotating the drums. Because hydrogen also acts as a moderator, increasing the flow of propellant also increased reactor power without the need to adjust the drums. Project Rover tests demonstrated that nuclear rocket engines could be shut down and restarted many times without difficulty, and could be clustered if more thrust was desired. Their specific impulse (efficiency) was roughly double that of chemical rockets. The nuclear rocket enjoyed strong political support from the influential chairman of the United States Congress Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, Senator Clinton P. Anderson from New Mexico (where LASL was located), and his allies, Senators Howard Cannon from Nevada and Margaret Chase Smith from Maine. This enabled it to survive multiple cancellation attempts that became ever more serious in the cost cutting that prevailed as the Vietnam War escalated and after the space race ended with the Apollo 11 Moon landing. Projects Rover and NERVA were canceled over their objection in January 1973, and none of the reactors ever flew. Beginnings. Early concepts. During World War II, some scientists at the Manhattan Project's Los Alamos Laboratory, including Stan Ulam, Frederick Reines and Frederic de Hoffmann, speculated about the development of nuclear-powered rockets, and in 1947, Ulam and Cornelius Joseph "C. J." Everett wrote a paper in which they considered using atomic bombs as a means of rocket propulsion. This became the basis for Project Orion. In December 1945, Theodore von Karman and Hsue-Shen Tsien wrote a report for the United States Army Air Forces. While they agreed that it was not yet practical, Tsien speculated that nuclear-powered rockets might one day be powerful enough to launch satellites into orbit. In 1947, North American Aviation's Aerophysics Laboratory published a large paper surveying many of the problems involved in using nuclear reactors to power airplanes and rockets. The study was specifically aimed at an aircraft with a range of and a payload of , and covered turbopumps, structure, tankage, aerodynamics and nuclear reactor design. They concluded that hydrogen was best as a propellant and that graphite would be the best neutron moderator, but assumed an operating temperature of , which was beyond the capabilities of available materials. The conclusion was that nuclear-powered rockets were not yet practical. The public revelation of atomic energy at the end of the war generated a great deal of speculation, and in the United Kingdom, Val Cleaver, the chief engineer of the rocket division at De Havilland, and Leslie Shepard, a nuclear physicist at the University of Cambridge, independently considered the problem of nuclear rocket propulsion. They became collaborators, and in a series of papers published in the "Journal of the British Interplanetary Society" in 1948 and 1949, they outlined the design of a nuclear-powered rocket with a solid-core graphite heat exchanger. They reluctantly concluded that nuclear rockets were essential for deep space exploration, but not yet technically feasible. Bussard report. In 1953, Robert W. Bussard, a physicist working on the Nuclear Energy for the Propulsion of Aircraft (NEPA) project at the Oak Ridge National Laboratory, wrote a detailed study. He had read Cleaver and Shepard's work, that of Tsien, and a February 1952 report by engineers at Consolidated Vultee. He used data and analyses from existing chemical rockets, along with specifications for existing components. His calculations were based on the state of the art of nuclear reactors. Most importantly, the paper surveyed several ranges and payload sizes; Consolidated's pessimistic conclusions had partly been the result of considering only a narrow range of possibilities. The result, "Nuclear Energy for Rocket Propulsion", stated that the use of nuclear propulsion in rockets is not limited by considerations of combustion energy and thus low molecular weight propellants such as pure hydrogen may be used. While a conventional engine could produce an exhaust velocity of , a hydrogen-fueled nuclear engine could attain an exhaust velocity of under the same conditions. He proposed a graphite-moderated reactor due to graphite's ability to withstand high temperatures and concluded that the fuel elements would require protective cladding to withstand corrosion by the hydrogen propellant. Bussard's study had little impact at first, mainly because only 29 copies were printed, and it was classified as Restricted Data and therefore could only be read by someone with the required security clearance. In December 1953, it was published in Oak Ridge's "Journal of Reactor Science and Technology". While still classified, this gave it a wider circulation. Darol Froman, the Deputy Director of the Los Alamos Scientific Laboratory (LASL), and Herbert York, the director of the University of California Radiation Laboratory at Livermore, were interested, and established committees to investigate nuclear rocket propulsion. Froman brought Bussard out to Los Alamos to assist for one week per month. Approval. Robert Bussard's study also attracted the attention of John von Neumann, and he formed an "ad hoc" committee on Nuclear Propulsion of Missiles. Mark Mills, the assistant director at Livermore was its chairman, and its other members were Norris Bradbury from LASL; Edward Teller and Herbert York from Livermore; Abe Silverstein, the associate director of the National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics (NACA) Lewis Flight Propulsion Laboratory; and Allen F. Donovan from Ramo-Wooldridge. After hearing input on various designs, the Mills committee recommended that development proceed, with the aim of producing a nuclear upper stage for an intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM). York created a new division at Livermore, and Bradbury created a new one called N Division at Los Alamos under the leadership of Raemer Schreiber, to pursue it. In March 1956, the Armed Forces Special Weapons Project (AFSWP) recommended allocating $100 million ($ million in ) to the nuclear rocket engine project over three years for the two laboratories to conduct feasibility studies and construction of test facilities. Eger V. Murphree and Herbert Loper at the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC) were more cautious. The Atlas missile program was proceeding well, and if successful would have sufficient range to hit targets in most of the Soviet Union. At the same time, nuclear warheads were becoming smaller, lighter and more powerful. The case for a new technology that promised heavier payloads over longer distances seemed weak. However, the nuclear rocket had acquired a powerful political patron in Senator Clinton P. Anderson from New Mexico (where LASL was located), the deputy chairman of the United States Congress Joint Committee on Atomic Energy (JCAE), who was close to von Neumann, Bradbury and Ulam. He managed to secure funding. All work on the nuclear rocket was consolidated at Los Alamos, where it was given the codename Project Rover; Livermore was assigned responsibility for development of the nuclear ramjet, which was codenamed Project Pluto. Project Rover was directed by an active duty USAF officer on secondment to the AEC, Lieutenant Colonel Harold R. Schmidt. He was answerable to another seconded USAF officer, Colonel Jack L. Armstrong, who was also in charge of Pluto and the Systems for Nuclear Auxiliary Power (SNAP) projects. Design concepts. In principle, the design of a nuclear thermal rocket engine is quite simple: a turbopump would force hydrogen through a nuclear reactor, where it would be heated by the reactor to very high temperatures and then exhausted through a rocket nozzle to produce thrust. Complicating factors were immediately apparent. The first was that a means had to be found of controlling reactor temperature and power output. The second was that a means had to be devised to hold the propellant. The only practical way to store hydrogen was in liquid form, and this required a temperature below . The third was that the hydrogen would be heated to a temperature of around , and materials would be required that could withstand such temperatures and resist corrosion by hydrogen. Liquid hydrogen was theoretically the best possible propellant, but in the early 1950s it was expensive, and available only in small quantities. In 1952, the AEC and the National Bureau of Standards had opened a plant near Boulder, Colorado, to produce liquid hydrogen for the thermonuclear weapons program. Before settling on liquid hydrogen, LASL considered other propellants such as methane () and ammonia (). Ammonia, used in the tests conducted from 1955 to 1957, was inexpensive, easy to obtain, liquid at , and easy to pump and handle. It was, however, much heavier than liquid hydrogen, reducing the engine's impulse; it was also found to be even more corrosive, and had undesirable neutronic properties. For the fuel, they considered plutonium-239, uranium-235 and uranium-233. Plutonium was rejected because while it forms compounds easily, they could not reach temperatures as high as those of uranium. Uranium-233 was seriously considered, as compared to uranium-235 it is slightly lighter, has a higher number of neutrons per fission event, and a high probability of fission. It therefore held the prospect of saving some weight in fuel, but its radioactive properties make it more difficult to handle, and in any case it was not readily available. Highly enriched uranium was therefore chosen. For structural materials in the reactor, the choice came down to graphite or metals. Of the metals, tungsten emerged as the frontrunner, but it was expensive, hard to fabricate, and had undesirable neutronic properties. To get around its neutronic properties, it was proposed to use tungsten-184, which does not absorb neutrons. Graphite was chosen as it is cheap, gets stronger at temperatures up to , and sublimes rather than melts at . To control the reactor, the core was surrounded by control drums coated with graphite or beryllium (a neutron moderator) on one side and boron (a neutron poison) on the other. The reactor's power output could be controlled by rotating the drums. To increase thrust, it is sufficient to increase the flow of propellant. Hydrogen, whether in pure form or in a compound like ammonia, is an efficient nuclear moderator, and increasing the flow also increases the rate of reactions in the core. This increased reaction rate offsets the cooling provided by the hydrogen. As the hydrogen heats up, it expands, so there is less in the core to remove heat, and the temperature will level off. These opposing effects stabilize the reactivity and a nuclear rocket engine is therefore naturally very stable, and the thrust is easily controlled by varying the hydrogen flow without changing the control drums. LASL produced a series of design concepts, each with its own codename: Uncle Tom, Uncle Tung, Bloodhound and Shish. By 1955, it had settled on a 1,500 megawatt (MW) design called Old Black Joe. In 1956, this became the basis of a 2,700 MW design intended to be the upper stage of an ICBM. Transfer to NASA. By 1957, the Atlas missile project was proceeding well, and with smaller and lighter warheads becoming available, the need for a nuclear upper stage had all but disappeared. On 2 October 1957, the AEC proposed cutting Project Rover's budget, but the proposal was soon overtaken by events. Two days later, the Soviet Union launched Sputnik 1, the first artificial satellite. This fired fears and imaginations around the world and demonstrated that the Soviet Union had the capability to deliver nuclear weapons over intercontinental distances, and undermined American notions of military, economic and technological superiority. This precipitated the Sputnik crisis, and triggered the Space Race, a new area of competition in the Cold War. Anderson wanted to give responsibility for the US space program to the AEC, but US President Dwight D. Eisenhower responded by creating the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA), which absorbed NACA. Donald A. Quarles, the Deputy Secretary of Defense, met with T. Keith Glennan, the new administrator of NASA, and Hugh Dryden, his deputy on 20 August 1958, the day after they were sworn into office at the White House, and Rover was the first item on the agenda. Quarles was eager to transfer Rover to NASA, as the project no longer had a military purpose. Silverstein, whom Glennan had brought to Washington, D.C., to organize NASA's spaceflight program, had long had an interest in nuclear rocket technology. He was the first senior NACA official to show interest in rocket research, had initiated investigation into the use of hydrogen as a rocket propellant, was involved in the Aircraft Nuclear Propulsion (ANP) project, built NASA's Plum Brook Reactor, and had created a nuclear rocket propulsion group at Lewis under Harold Finger. Responsibility for the non-nuclear components of Project Rover was officially transferred from the United States Air Force (USAF) to NASA on 1 October 1958, the day NASA officially became operational and assumed responsibility for the US civilian space program. Project Rover became a joint NASA-AEC project. Silverstein appointed Finger from Lewis to oversee the nuclear rocket development. On 29 August 1960, NASA created the Space Nuclear Propulsion Office (SNPO) to oversee the nuclear rocket project. Finger was appointed as its manager, with Milton Klein from AEC as his deputy. A formal "Agreement Between NASA and AEC on Management of Nuclear Rocket Engine Contracts" was signed by NASA Deputy Administrator Robert Seamans and AEC General Manager Alvin Luedecke on 1 February 1961. This was followed by an "Inter-Agency Agreement on the Program for the Development of Space Nuclear Rocket Propulsion (Project Rover)", which they signed on 28 July 1961. SNPO also assumed responsibility for SNAP, with Armstrong becoming assistant to the director of the Reactor Development Division at AEC, and Lieutenant Colonel G. M. Anderson, formerly the SNAP project officer in the disbanded Aircraft Nuclear Propulsion Office (ANPO), became chief of the SNAP Branch in the new division. On 25 May 1961, President John F. Kennedy addressed a joint session of Congress. "First," he announced, "I believe that this nation should commit itself to achieving the goal, before this decade is out, of landing a man on the moon and returning him safely to the earth." He then went on to say: "Secondly, an additional 23 million dollars, together with 7 million dollars already available, will accelerate development of the Rover nuclear rocket. This gives promise of someday providing a means for even more exciting and ambitious exploration of space, perhaps beyond the Moon, perhaps to the very end of the Solar System itself." Test site. Nuclear reactors for Project Rover were built at LASL Technical Area 18 (TA-18), also known as the Pajarito Site. Fuel and internal engine components were fabricated in the Sigma complex at Los Alamos. Testing of fuel elements and other materials science was done by the LASL N Division at TA-46 using various ovens and later a custom test reactor, the Nuclear Furnace. Staff from the LASL Test (J) and Chemical Metallurgy Baker (CMB) divisions also participated in Project Rover. Two reactors were built for each engine; one for zero power critical experiments at Los Alamos and another used for full-power testing. The reactors were tested at very low power before being shipped to the test site. In 1956, the AEC allocated of an area known as Jackass Flats in Area 25 of the Nevada Test Site for use by Project Rover. Work commenced on test facilities there in mid-1957. All materials and supplies had to be brought in from Las Vegas. Test Cell A consisted of a farm of hydrogen gas bottles and a concrete wall thick to protect the electronic instrumentation from radiation from the reactor. The control room was located away. The plastic coating on the control cables was chewed by burrowing rodents and had to be replaced. The reactor was test-fired with its exhaust plume in the air so that any radioactive fission products picked up from the core could be safely dispersed. The reactor maintenance and disassembly building (R-MAD) was in most respects a typical hot cell used by the nuclear industry, with thick concrete walls, lead glass viewing windows, and remote manipulation arms. It was exceptional only for its size: long, and high. This allowed the engine to be moved in and out on a railroad car. The "Jackass and Western Railroad", as it was light-heartedly described, was said to be the world's shortest and slowest railroad. There were two locomotives: the electric L-1, which was remotely controlled, and the diesel-electric L-2, which was manually controlled, with radiation shielding around the cab. Test Cell C was supposed to be completed in 1960, but NASA and AEC did not request funds for additional construction that year; Anderson provided them anyway. Then there were construction delays, forcing him to personally intervene. In August 1961, the Soviet Union ended the nuclear test moratorium that had been in place since November 1958, so Kennedy resumed US testing in September. With a second crash program at the Nevada Test site, labor became scarce, and there was a strike. When that ended, the workers had to come to grips with the difficulties of dealing with hydrogen, which could leak through microscopic holes too small to permit the passage of other fluids. On 7 November 1961, a minor accident caused a violent hydrogen release. The complex finally became operational in 1964. SNPO envisaged the construction of a 20,000 MW nuclear rocket engine, so construction supervisor, Keith Boyer had the Chicago Bridge & Iron Company construct two gigantic cryogenic storage dewars. An engine maintenance and disassembly building (E-MAD) was added. It was larger than a football field, with thick concrete walls and shield bays where engines could be assembled and disassembled. There was also an engine test stand (ETS-1); two more were planned. There was also a radioactive material storage facility (RMSF). This was a site roughly equidistant from the E-MAD, Test Cell "C", and ETS-1. It was enclosed by a cyclone wire fence with quartz perimeter lighting. The single-track railroad that connected facilities carried one branch through a single main gate into the storage area, which then separated into seven spurs. Two spurs led into bunkers. The facility was used to store a wide variety of radioactively contaminated items. In February 1962, NASA announced the establishment of the Nuclear Rocket Development Station (NRDS) at Jackass Flats, and in June an SNPO branch was established at Las Vegas (SNPO-N) to manage it. Construction workers were housed in Mercury, Nevada. Later thirty trailers were brought to Jackass Flats to create a village named "Boyerville" after the supervisor, Keith Boyer. Kiwi. The first phase of Project Rover, Kiwi, was named after the flightless bird of the same name from New Zealand, as the Kiwi rocket engines were not intended to fly either. Their function was to verify the design and test the behavior of the materials used. The Kiwi program developed a series of non-flyable test nuclear engines, with the primary focus on improving the technology of hydrogen-cooled reactors. Between 1959 and 1964, a total of eight reactors were built and tested. Kiwi was considered to have served as a proof of concept for nuclear rocket engines. Kiwi A. The first test of the Kiwi A, the first model of the Kiwi rocket engine, was conducted at Jackass Flats on 1 July 1959. Kiwi A had a cylindrical core high and in diameter. A central island contained heavy water that acted both as a coolant and as a moderator to reduce the amount of uranium oxide required. The control rods were located inside the island, which was surrounded by 960 graphite fuel plates loaded with uranium oxide fuel particles and a layer of 240 graphite plates. The core was surrounded by of graphite wool moderator and encased in an aluminum shell. Gaseous hydrogen was used as a propellant, at a flow rate of . Intended to produce 100 MW, the engine ran at 70 MW for 5 minutes. The core temperature was much higher than expected, up to , due to cracking of the graphite plates, which was enough to cause some of the fuel to melt. A series of improvements were made for the next test on 8 July 1960 to create an engine known as Kiwi A Prime. The fuel elements were extruded into cylinders and coated with niobium carbide () to resist corrosion. Six were stacked end-to-end and then placed in the seven holes in the graphite modules to create long fuel modules. This time the reactor attained 88 MW for 307 seconds, with an average core exit gas temperature of 2,178 K. The test was marred by three core module failures, but the majority suffered little or no damage. The test was observed by Anderson and delegates to the 1960 Democratic National Convention. At the convention, Anderson added support for nuclear rockets to the Democratic Party platform. The third and final test of the Kiwi A series was conducted on 19 October 1960. The Kiwi A3 engine used long cylindrical fuel elements in niobium carbide liners. The test plan called for the engine to be run at 50 MW (half power) for 106 seconds, and then at 92 MW for 250 seconds. The 50 MW power level was achieved with a propellant flow of , but exit gas temperature was 1,861 K, which was over 300 K higher than expected. After 159 seconds, the power was increased to 90 MW. To stabilize the exit gas temperature at 2,173 K, the fuel rate was increased to . It was later discovered that the neutronic power measuring system was incorrectly calibrated, and the engine was actually run at an average of 112.5 MW for 259 seconds, well above its design capacity. Despite this, the core suffered less damage than in the Kiwi A Prime test. Kiwi A was considered a success as a proof of concept for nuclear rocket engines. It demonstrated that hydrogen could be heated in a nuclear reactor to the temperatures required for space propulsion, and that the reactor could be controlled. Finger went ahead and called for bids from industry for the development of NASA's Nuclear Engine for Rocket Vehicle Application (NERVA) based upon the Kiwi engine design. Rover henceforth became part of NERVA; while Rover dealt with the research into nuclear rocket reactor design, NERVA involved the development and deployment of nuclear rocket engines, and the planning of space missions. Kiwi B. LASL's original objective had been a 10,000 MW nuclear rocket engine capable of launching into a orbit. This engine was codenamed Condor, after the large flying birds, in contrast to the small flightless Kiwi. However, in October 1958, NASA had studied putting a nuclear upper stage on a Titan I missile, and concluded that in this configuration a 1,000 MW reactor upper stage could put into orbit. This configuration was used in studies of Nova, and became the goal of Project Rover. LASL planned to conduct two tests with Kiwi B, an intermediate 1,000 MW design, in 1961 and 1962, followed by two tests of Kiwi C, a prototype engine, in 1963, and have a reactor in-flight test (RIFT) of a production engine in 1964. For Kiwi B, LASL made several design changes to get the required higher performance. The central core was eliminated, the number of coolant holes in each hexagonal fuel element was increased from four to seven, and the graphite reflector was replaced with a thick beryllium one. Although beryllium was more expensive, more difficult to fabricate, and highly toxic, it was also much lighter, resulting in a saving of . Due to the delay in getting Test Cell C ready, some features intended for Kiwi C were also incorporated in Kiwi B2. These included a nozzle cooled by liquid hydrogen instead of water, a new Rocketdyne turbopump, and a bootstrap start, in which the reactor was started up under its own power only. The test of Kiwi B1A, the last test to use gaseous hydrogen instead of liquid, was initially scheduled for 7 November 1961. On the morning of the test, a leaking valve resulted in a violent hydrogen explosion that blew out the walls of the shed and injured several workers; many suffered ruptured eardrums, and one fractured a heel bone. The reactor was undamaged, but there was extensive damage to the test car and the instrumentation, resulting in the test being postponed for a month. A second attempt on 6 December was aborted when it was discovered that many of the diagnostic thermocouples had been installed backward. Finally, on 7 December, the test got under way. It was intended to run the engine at 270 MW for 300 seconds, but the test was scrammed after only 36 seconds at 225 MW because hydrogen fires started to appear. All the thermocouples performed correctly, so a great deal of useful data was obtained. The average hydrogen mass flow during the full power portion of the experiment was . LASL next intended to test Kiwi B2, but structural flaws were found that required a redesign. Attention then switched to B4, a more radical design, but when they tried to put the fuel clusters into the core, the clusters were found to have too many neutrons, and it was feared that the reactor might unexpectedly start up. The problem was traced to absorption of water from the normally dry New Mexico air during storage. It was corrected by adding more neutron poison. After this, fuel elements were stored in an inert atmosphere. N Division then decided to test with the backup B1 engine, B1B, despite grave doubts about it based on the results of the B1A test, in order to obtain more data on the performance and behavior of liquid hydrogen. On startup on 1 September 1962, the core shook, but reached 880 MW. Flashes of light around the nozzle indicated that fuel pellets were being ejected; it was later determined that eleven had been. Rather than shut down, the testers rotated the drums to compensate, and were able to continue running at full power for a few minutes before a sensor blew and started a fire, and the engine was shut down. Most but not all of the test objectives were met. The next test of the series was of Kiwi B4A on 30 November 1962. A flame flash was observed when the reactor reached 120 MW. Power was increased to 210 MW, and held there for 37 seconds. Power was then increased to 450 MW, but flashes then became frequent, and the engine was shut down after 13 seconds. After the test it was discovered that 97% of the fuel elements were broken. The difficulties of using liquid hydrogen were appreciated, and the cause of the vibration and failures was diagnosed as hydrogen leaking into the gap between the core and the pressure vessel. Unlike a chemical engine that would likely have blown up after suffering damage, the engine remained stable and controllable throughout. The tests demonstrated that a nuclear rocket engine would be rugged and reliable in space. Kennedy visited Los Alamos on 7 December 1962 for a briefing on Project Rover. It was the first time a US president had visited a nuclear weapons laboratory. He brought with him a large entourage that included Lyndon Johnson, McGeorge Bundy, Jerome Wiesner, Harold Brown, Donald Hornig, Glenn Seaborg, Robert Seamans, Harold Finger and Clinton Anderson. The next day, they flew to Jackass Flats, making Kennedy the only president to ever visit a nuclear test site. Project Rover had received $187 million in 1962, and AEC and NASA were asking for another $360 million in 1963. Kennedy drew attention to his administration's budgetary difficulties, and his officials and advisors debated the future of Project Rover and the space program in general. Finger assembled a team of vibration specialists from other NASA centers, and along with staff from LASL, Aerojet and Westinghouse, conducted a series of "cold flow" reactor tests using fuel elements without fissionable material. Nitrogen, helium and hydrogen gas was pumped through the engine to induce vibrations. It was determined that they were caused by instability in the way the liquid flowed through the clearance gaps between adjacent fuel elements. A series of minor design changes were made to address the vibration problem. In the Kiwi B4D test on 13 May 1964, the reactor was automatically started and briefly run at full power (990 MW) with no vibration problems. The test had to be terminated after 64 seconds when nozzle tubes ruptured and caused a hydrogen leak around the nozzle that started a fire. Cooldown was performed with both hydrogen and of nitrogen gas. On inspection after the test, no damaged fuel elements were found. The final test was the Kiwi B4E test on 28 August in which the reactor was operated for twelve minutes, eight of which were at full power (937 MW). This was the first test to use uranium carbide pellets instead of uranium oxide, with a niobium carbide coating. These were found to oxidize on heating, causing a loss of carbon in the form of carbon monoxide gas. To minimize this, the particles were made larger ( in diameter), and given a protective coating of pyrolytic graphite. On 10 September, Kiwi B4E was restarted, and run at 882 MW for two and a half minutes, demonstrating the ability of a nuclear rocket engine to be shut down and restarted. In September 1964, tests were conducted with a Kiwi B4 engine and PARKA, a Kiwi reactor used for testing at Los Alamos. The two reactors were run , and apart, and measurements taken of reactivity. These tests showed that neutrons produced by one reactor did indeed cause fissions in another, but that the effect was negligible: 3, 12 and 24 cents respectively. The tests demonstrated that adjacent nuclear rocket engines would not interfere with each other, and could therefore be clustered, just as chemical ones often were. Phoebus. The next step in LASL's research program was to build a larger reactor. The size of the core determines how much hydrogen, which is necessary for cooling, can be pushed through it; and how much uranium fuel can be loaded into it. In 1960, LASL began planning a 4,000 MW reactor with an core as a successor to Kiwi. LASL decided to name it Phoebe, after the Greek Moon goddess. Another nuclear weapon project already had that name, though, so it was changed to Phoebus, an alternative name for Apollo. Phoebus ran into opposition from SNPO, which wanted a 20,000 MW reactor. LASL thought that the difficulties of building and testing such a large reactor were being taken too lightly; just to build the 4,000 MW design required a new nozzle and improved turbopump from Rocketdyne. A prolonged bureaucratic conflict ensued. In March 1963, SNPO and the Marshall Space Flight Center (MSFC) commissioned Space Technology Laboratories (STL) to produce a report on what kind of nuclear rocket engine would be required for possible missions between 1975 and 1990. These missions included early manned planetary interplanetary round-trip expeditions (EMPIRE), planetary swingbys and flybys, and a lunar shuttle. The conclusion of this nine-volume report, which was delivered in March 1965, and of a follow-up study, was that these missions could be carried out with a 4,100 MW engine with a specific impulse of . This was considerably smaller than had originally been thought necessary. From this emerged a specification for a 5,000 MW nuclear rocket engine, which became known as NERVA II. LASL and SNPO came to an agreement that LASL would build two versions of Phoebus: the small Phoebus I, with an core for testing advanced fuels, materials and concepts, and the larger Phoebus II that would serve as a prototype for NERVA II. Both would be based on Kiwi. The focus was placed on achieving more power than was possible with Kiwi units and maintaining the maximum power for a longer duration. The work on Phoebus I was started in 1963, with a total of three engines being built, called 1A, 1B and 1C. Phoebus 1A was tested on 25 June 1965, and run at full power (1,090 MW) for ten and a half minutes. Unfortunately, the intense radiation environment caused one of the capacitance gauges to produce erroneous readings. When confronted by one gauge that said that the hydrogen propellant tank was nearly empty, and another that said that it was quarter full, and unsure which was correct, the technicians in the control room chose to believe the one that said it was quarter full. This was the wrong choice; the tank was indeed nearly empty, and the propellant ran dry. Without liquid hydrogen to cool it, the engine, operating at , quickly overheated and exploded. About a fifth of the fuel was ejected; most of the rest melted. The test area was left for six weeks to give highly radioactive fission products time to decay. A grader with a rubber squeegee on its plow was used to pile up contaminated dirt so it could be scooped up. When this did not work, a vacuum cleaner was used to pick up the dirt. Fragments on the test pad were initially collected by a robot, but this was too slow, and men in protective suits were used, picking up pieces with tongs and dropping then into paint cans surrounded by lead and mounted on small-wheeled dollies. That took care of the main contamination; the rest was chipped, swept, scrubbed, washed or painted away. The whole decontamination effort took four hundred people two months to complete, and cost $50,000. The average dose of radiation received by the clean up workers was , while the maximum was ; LASL limited its employees to per annum. The next test was of Phoebus 1B. It was powered up on 10 February 1967, and run at 588 MW for two and a half minutes. To avoid a repeat of the mishap that had occurred to Phoebus 1A, a , high pressure cryogenic storage dewar was installed to provide an emergency liquid hydrogen supply in the event that there was a failure of the primary propellant supply system. A second test was conducted on 23 February 1967, when it was run for 46 minutes, of which 30 minutes were above 1,250 MW, and a maximum power of 1,450 MW and gas temperature of was achieved. The test was a success, but some corrosion was found. This was followed by a test of the larger Phoebus 2A. A preliminary low power (2,000 MW) run was conducted on 8 June 1968, then a full power run on 26 June. The engine was operated for 32 minutes, 12.5 minutes of which was above 4,000 MW, and a peak power of 4,082 MW was reached. At this point the chamber temperature was , and total flow rate was . The maximum power level could not be reached because at this point the temperatures of the clamp band segments connecting the core to the pressure vessel reached their limit of . A third run was conducted on 18 July, reaching a power of 1,280 MW, a fourth later that day, with a power of around 3,500 MW. A puzzling anomaly was that the reactivity was lower than expected. The liquid hydrogen might have overchilled the beryllium reflector, causing it to somehow lose some of its moderating properties. Alternatively, there are two spin isomers of hydrogen: parahydrogen is a neutron moderator but orthohydrogen is a poison, and perhaps the high neutron flux had changed some of the parahydrogen to orthohydrogen. Pewee. Pewee was the third phase of Project Rover. LASL reverted to bird names, naming it after the North American pewee. It was small, easy to test, and a convenient size for uncrewed scientific interplanetary missions or small nuclear "tugs". Its main purpose was to test advanced fuel elements without the expense of a full-sized engine. Pewee took only nineteen months to develop from when SNPO authorized it in June 1967 to its first full-scale test in December 1968. Pewee had a core containing 402 fuel elements and 132 support elements. Of the 402 fuel elements, 267 were fabricated by LASL, 124 by the Westinghouse Astronuclear Laboratory, and 11 at the AEC's Y-12 National Security Complex. Most were coated with niobium carbide () but some were coated with zirconium carbide () instead; most also had a protective molybdenum coating. There were concerns that a reactor so small might not achieve criticality, so zirconium hydride (a good moderator) was added, and the thickness of the beryllium reflector was increased to . There were nine control drums. The whole reactor, including the aluminum pressure vessel, weighed . Pewee 1 was started up three times: for check out on 15 November 1968, for a short duration test on 21 November, and for a full power endurance test on 4 December. The full power test had two holds during which the reactor was run at 503 MW (1.2 MW per fuel element). The average exit gas temperature was , the highest ever recorded by Project Rover. The chamber temperature was , another record. The test showed that the zircon carbide was more effective at preventing corrosion than niobium carbide. No particular effort had been made to maximize the specific impulse, that not being the reactor's purpose, but Pewee achieved a vacuum specific impulse of , well above the target for NERVA. So too was the average power density of ; the peak density reached . This was 20% higher than Phoebus 2A, and the conclusion was that it might be possible to build a lighter yet more powerful engine still. LASL took a year to modify the Pewee design to solve the problem of overheating. In 1970, Pewee 2 was readied in Test Cell C for a series of tests. LASL planned to do twelve full-power runs at , each lasting for ten minutes, with a cooldown to between each test. SNPO ordered LASL to return Pewee to E-MAD. The problem was the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA), which President Richard Nixon had signed into law on 1 January 1970. SNPO believed that radioactive emissions were well within the guidelines, and would have no adverse environmental effects, but an environmental group claimed otherwise. SNPO prepared a full environmental impact study for the upcoming Nuclear Furnace tests. In the meantime, LASL planned a Pewee 3 test. This would be tested horizontally, with a scrubber to remove fission products from the exhaust plume. It also planned a Pewee 4 to test fuels, and a Pewee 5 to test afterburners. None of these tests were ever carried out. Nuclear Furnace. The Nuclear Furnace was a small reactor only a tenth of the size of Pewee that was intended to provide an inexpensive means of conducting tests. Originally it was to be used at Los Alamos, but the cost of creating a suitable test site was greater than that of using Test Cell C. It had a tiny core long and in diameter that held 49 hexagonal fuel elements. Of these, 47 were uranium carbide-zirconium carbide "composite" fuel cells and two contained a seven-element cluster of single-hole pure uranium-zirconium carbide fuel cells. Neither type had previously been tested in a nuclear rocket propulsion reactor. In all, this was about 5 kg of highly enriched (93%) uranium-235. To achieve criticality with so little fuel, the beryllium reflector was over thick. Each fuel cell had its own cooling and moderating water jacket. Gaseous hydrogen was used instead of liquid to save money. A scrubber was developed. The objectives of the Nuclear Furnace tests were to verify the design, and test the new composite fuels. Between 29 June and 27 July 1972, NF-1 was operated four times at full power (44 MW) and a fuel exit gas temperature of for a total of 108.8 minutes. The NF-1 was operated 121.1 minutes with a fuel exit gas temperature above . It also achieved an average power density with temperatures up to . The scrubber worked well, although some krypton-85 leaked. The Environmental Protection Agency was able to detect minute amounts, but none outside the test range. The tests indicated that composite fuel cells would be good for two to six hours operation at , which the carbide fuels would give similar performance at , assuming that problems with cracking could be overcome with improved design. For ten hours of operation, graphite-matrix would be limited to , the composite could go up to , and the pure carbide to . Thus, the test program ended with three viable forms of fuel cell. Safety tests. In May 1961, Kennedy gave his approval for reactor in-flight tests (RIFT). In response, LASL established a Rover Flight Safety Office, and SNPO created a Rover Flight Safety Panel, which supported RIFT. NASA's RIFT planning called for up to four reactors to fall into the Atlantic Ocean. LASL had to determine what would happen when a reactor hit the water at several thousand kilometers per hour. In particular, it needed to know whether it would go critical or explode when flooded with seawater, a neutron moderator. There was also concern about what would happen when it sank down to the bottom of the Atlantic, where it would be under a crushing pressure. The possible impact on marine life, and indeed what marine life was down there, all had to be considered. LASL started by immersing fuel elements in water. It then went on to conduct a simulated water entry test (SWET) during which a piston was used to force water into a reactor as fast as possible. To simulate an impact, a mock reactor was dropped onto concrete from a height of . It bounced in the air; the pressure vessel was dented and many fuel elements were cracked but calculations showed that it would neither go critical nor explode. However, RIFT involved NERVA sitting atop a Saturn V rocket high. To find out what would happen if the booster exploded on the launch pad, a mock reactor was slammed into a concrete wall using a rocket sled. The core was compressed by 5%, and calculations showed that the core would indeed go critical and explode, with a force equivalent to about of high explosive, which would likely be negligible compared to the damage caused by an exploding booster. Disturbingly, this was much lower than the that was predicted theoretically, indicating that the mathematical modeling was deficient. When it was determined that NERVA was not required for Apollo, and would therefore not be needed until the 1970s, RIFT was postponed, and then canceled entirely in December 1963. Although its reinstatement was frequently discussed, it never occurred. This eliminated the need for further SWET, but concerns remained about the safety of nuclear rocket engines. While an impact or an explosion could not cause a nuclear explosion, LASL was concerned about what would happen if the reactor overheated. A test was devised to create the most devastating catastrophe possible. A special test was devised known as Kiwi-TNT. Normally the control drums rotated at a maximum speed of 45° per second to the fully open position at 180°. This was too slow for the devastating explosion sought, so for Kiwi-TNT they were modified to rotate at 4,000° per second. The test was carried out on 12 January 1965. Kiwi-TNT was mounted on a flatbed railroad car, nicknamed the Toonerville Trolley, and parked from Test Cell C. The drums were rotated to the maximum setting at 4,000° per second and the heat vaporized some of the graphite, resulting in a colorful explosion that sent fuel elements flying through the air, followed by a highly radioactive cloud with radioactivity estimated at . Most of the radioactivity in the cloud was in the form of caesium-138, strontium-92, iodine-134, zirconium-97 and krypton-88, which have short half-lives measured in minutes or hours. The cloud rose into the air and drifted southwest, eventually blowing over Los Angeles and out to sea. It was tracked by two Public Health Service (PHS) aircraft which took samples. The PHS had issued film badge dosimeters to people living on the edge of the test area, and took milk samples from dairy farms in the cloud's path. They revealed that exposure to people living outside the Nevada Test Site was negligible. Radioactive fallout on the ground also dissipated rapidly. Search teams scoured the area collecting debris. The largest was a piece of the pressure vessel weighing which was found away; another, weighing was found away. The explosion was relatively small, estimated as being the equivalent of of black powder. It was far less violent than an explosion of TNT, and hence the large pieces that were found. The test showed that the reactor could not be destroyed in space by blowing it up into small pieces, so another method had to be found for disposing of it at the end of a space mission. LASL decided to take advantage of the engine's restartability to dispose of a nuclear rocket by firing it into a high orbit, so it either left the Solar System entirely or returned centuries later, by which time most of the radioactivity would have decayed away. The Soviet Union protested the test, claiming that it was a nuclear test in violation of the Partial Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, but the US replied that it was a subcritical test involving no explosion. However, the State Department was very unhappy with LASL's Kiwi-TNT designation, as this implied an explosion, and it made it harder to charge the Soviets with violating the treaty. There were three fatal accidents during Project Rover. One worker was killed in a motor vehicle accident. Another died from burns after tipping gasoline on classified computer tapes and setting them alight to dispose of them. A third entered a nitrogen tank and was asphyxiated. Cancelation. Rover was always a controversial project, and defending it from critics required a series of bureaucratic and political battles. In 1961, the Bureau of the Budget (BOB) and President's Science Advisory Committee (PSAC) mounted a challenge to Rover on the grounds of its cost, but this push was defeated by the JCAE, where Rover enjoyed the staunch support of Anderson and Howard Cannon in the Senate, and Overton Brooks and James G. Fulton in the House. PSAC and BOB tried again in 1964; NASA's budget requests were cut, but Rover emerged intact. In the late 1960s, the rising cost of the Vietnam War put increased pressure on budgets. Newly elected members of the House looked at Rover and NERVA with a critical eye, seeing it as a gateway to an expensive open-ended post-Apollo deep-space exploration program. But Rover retained influential support from Anderson, Cannon and Margaret Chase Smith from Maine in the Senate, and Fulton and George P. Miller (who replaced Brooks as chairman of the United States House Committee on Science, Space, and Technology on the latter's death in September 1961) in the House. Congress defunded NERVA II in the 1967 budget, but Johnson needed Anderson's support for his Medicare legislation, and on 7 February 1967 agreed to provide money for NERVA II from his own contingency fund. Klein, who had succeeded Finger as head of the SNPO in 1967, faced two hours of questioning on NERVA II before the House Committee on Science and Astronautics, which had cut the NASA budget. Defunding NERVA II saved $400 million, mainly in new facilities that would be required to test it. AEC and NASA acquiesced, because it had been demonstrated that NERVA I could perform the missions expected of NERVA II. NERVA had many potential missions. NASA considered using Saturn V and NERVA on a "Grand Tour" of the Solar System. A rare alignment of the planets that happens every 174 years occurred between 1976 and 1980, allowing a spacecraft to visit Jupiter, Saturn, Uranus and Neptune. With NERVA, that spacecraft could weigh up to . This was assuming NERVA had a specific impulse of only ; was more likely, and with that it could place a space station the size of Skylab into orbit around the Moon. Repeat trips to the Moon could be made with NERVA powering a nuclear shuttle. There was also the mission to Mars, which Klein diplomatically avoided mentioning, knowing that, even in the wake of the Apollo 11 Moon landing, the idea was unpopular with Congress and the general public. The cost-cutting pressure increased after Nixon replaced Johnson as president in 1969. NASA program funding was reduced in the 1969 budget, shutting down the Saturn V production line, but NERVA remained. Klein endorsed a plan whereby the Space Shuttle lifted a NERVA engine into orbit, then returned for the fuel and payload. This could be repeated, as the NERVA engine was restartable. NERVA retained the steadfast support of Anderson, Cannon and Smith, but Anderson was aging and tiring, and now delegated many of his duties to Cannon. NERVA received $88 million in fiscal year (FY) 1970 and $85 million in FY 1971, with funds coming jointly from NASA and the AEC. When Nixon tried to cancel NERVA in 1971, Anderson's and Smith's votes killed Nixon's pet project, the Boeing 2707 supersonic transport. It was a stunning defeat for the president. In the budget for FY 1972, funding for the shuttle was cut, but NERVA survived. Although its budget request was just $17.4 million, Congress allocated $69 million; Nixon spent only $29 million of it. In 1972, Congress again supported NERVA. A bi-partisan coalition headed by Smith and Cannon appropriated $100 million for it; a NERVA engine that would fit inside the shuttle's cargo bay was estimated to cost about $250 million over a decade. They added a stipulation that there would be no more reprogramming NERVA funds to pay for other NASA activities. The Nixon administration decided to cancel NERVA anyway. On 5 January 1973, NASA announced that NERVA (and therefore Rover) was terminated. Staff at LASL and the Space Nuclear Systems Office (SNSO), as SNPO had been renamed in 1970, were stunned; the project to build a small NERVA that could be carried on board the Space Shuttle had been proceeding well. Layoffs began immediately, and the SNSO was abolished in June. After 17 years of research and development, Projects Rover and NERVA had spent about $1.4 billion, but no nuclear-powered rocket has ever flown. Legacy. Nuclear rocket propulsion. In 1983, the Strategic Defense Initiative ("Star Wars") identified missions that could benefit from rockets more powerful than chemical rockets, and some that could only be undertaken by such rockets. A nuclear propulsion project, SP-100, was created in February 1983 with the aim of developing a 100 kW nuclear rocket system. The concept incorporated a pebble-bed reactor, a concept developed by James R. Powell at the Brookhaven National Laboratory, which promised higher temperatures and improved performance over NERVA. From 1987 to 1991 it was funded as a secret project codenamed Project Timber Wind. The proposed rocket was later expanded into a larger design after the project was transferred to the Space Nuclear Thermal Propulsion (SNTP) program at the Air Force Phillips Laboratory in October 1991. NASA conducted studies as part of its Space Exploration Initiative (SEI) but felt that SNTP offered insufficient improvement over the nuclear rockets developed by Project Rover, and was not required by any SEI missions. The SNTP program was terminated in January 1994, after about $200 million was spent. An engine for interplanetary travel from Earth orbit to Mars orbit, and back, was studied in 2013 at the MSFC with a focus on nuclear thermal rocket engines. Since they are at least twice as efficient as the most advanced chemical engines, they allow quicker transfer times and increased cargo capacity. The shorter flight duration, estimated at 3–4 months with nuclear engines, compared to 8–9 months using chemical engines, would reduce crew exposure to potentially harmful and difficult to shield cosmic rays. Nuclear engines like the Pewee of Project Rover, were selected in the Mars Design Reference Architecture (DRA), and on 22 May 2019, Congress approved $125 million in funding for the development of nuclear rockets. Site rehabilitation. With the closure of the SNPO, the Nevada Operations Office of Department of Energy assumed responsibility for Jackass Flats. A radiological survey was carried out in 1973 and 1974, followed by a cleanup of severe radioactive contamination at the RMSF, R-MAD, ETS-1, and Test Cells A and C. The E-MAD was still in use, and was not part of the effort. Between 1978 and 1984, $1.624 million was spent on clean up activities. Highly contaminated items removed included a Phoebus nozzle, and two and two reactor shields from the R-MAD. These were taken to radioactive waste management sites at Area 3 and Area 5. Some of contaminated soil and of contaminated metal and concrete were also removed for disposal. Another of clean metal and equipment were removed as salvage. Test Cell A was demolished between December 2004 and July 2005. This involved the removal of toxic and hazardous materials that included asbestos and foil surrounding electrical conduits that contained levels of cadmium above landfill limits. Paint was found to contain polychlorinated biphenyl (PCB), but not above landfill limits. About of lead bricks were found in various places and removed. There were also some traces of uranium and plutonium. The main challenge was the demolition of the concrete shield wall containing traces of europium-151, europium-153 and cobalt-59, which neutron absorption transforms into radioactive europium-152, europium-154 and cobalt-60. Care had to be taken to avoid creating hazardous radioactive dust during the demolition of the wall, which was carried out with explosives. Demolition of the R-MAD facility commenced in October 2009 and was completed in August 2010. Reactor test summary. Source:

ecological organization

340-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=42773398

is a Japanese raising simulation video game in "The Idolmaster" series developed and published by Bandai Namco Games. It was released in Japan on May 15, 2014 for the PlayStation 3. The story in "One For All" is told from the perspective of a producer in charge of leading and training a group of pop idols to stardom. Its gameplay, while most similar to its predecessor "The Idolmaster 2", features several improvements and differences, and allows players to produce all 13 idols from 765 Production, the main talent agency featured in the series. Planning for the game centered on the use of "all for one and one for all" as the game's theme. The office environment was redesigned to give it a more natural feeling, and a focus was put on "returning to the starting point" in "The Idolmaster" series with "One For All" centered on growing alongside novice idols in a small talent agency. "One For All" sold 83,395 copies in its first week of release in Japan, and ranked as the best-selling video game in Japan that week. Gameplay. "The Idolmaster One For All" is a raising simulation game in which the player assumes the role of a producer who works at 765 Production (765 Pro), a talent agency that represents 13 pop idols who recently made their debuts but have yet to make an impact in the industry. At the beginning of the game, the player meets Junjirō Takagi, 765 Pro's president, and is tasked with initially choosing to produce one of the agency's idols: Haruka Amami, Chihaya Kisaragi, Yukiho Hagiwara, Yayoi Takatsuki, Ritsuko Akizuki, Azusa Miura, Iori Minase, Makoto Kikuchi, Ami and Mami Futami, Miki Hoshii, Hibiki Ganaha, and Takane Shijou. The player and the selected idol are also tasked by Takagi to satisfy objectives over the course of 12-week long seasons, the first of which is spring. By the fourth week, the player is allowed to produce three idols together as an idol unit. Satisfying an objective by the end of a given season will increase the player's producer rank, which allows the player to produce additional idols and have access to more songs, among other features. The unit's vocal, dance, and visual competency is represented by three statistic points called image points. Each idol's level is tied to her experience points, but this is unrelated to an idol's individual rank. An idol earns experience points from doing promotional work or stage performances. The game depicts the idols' activities of each in-game week. At the beginning of each week, the player organizes the idols' schedule, which includes activities such as lessons, consultations, promotional work, stage performances and shopping for costumes and accessories. Each activity costs and reimburses the player varying amounts of in-game money, though only the promotional work or stage performances will result in the end an in-game week. The lessons are instructional sessions that idols partake to temporarily raise their image points for one in-game week, and are in the form of three minigames. Each lesson type corresponds to one of the three image categories: vocal, dance, and visual. Each lesson is timed, and the idols' overall performance in the lesson is ranked as bad, normal, good, or perfect. During consultations, the player is given multiple responses to choose from over the course of a conversation with an idol. The player's choices affect how well or poorly the communication is received—ranging from bad to normal, good, and perfect communication, and this in turn affects the idol's memory count. This communication aspect is also featured during promotional work, which are jobs that the producer and the idols can take to further their popularity in specific regions. The jobs can either compensate or cost the unit with in-game money, and earn the idols differing numbers of fans in the region the job is conducted in. The player can also shop for additional costumes and accessories. In addition to the auditions found in previous "Idolmaster" simulation games, the idols can also perform by participating in music festivals and live performances. These three types of performances are together referred to as stage performances, and share the same basic gameplay with differences in their conditions of completion. To successfully pass an audition, the player and idols must receive a passing ranking among the auditioning units, while a predetermined rating representing the audience's excitement must be achieved to successfully complete a live performance. In a festival, the player and idols compete against a computer-controlled opponent, and must obtain a higher score than the opponent to successfully complete the festival. Similar to games in the rhythm genre, stage performances' gameplay takes place as the player listens to the idols performing a song. During the performance, the player must guide the idols to appeal to the judge or audience in the three image categories by continuously pressing buttons that correspond to the categories along to the rhythm of the song. The player and the idols are scored by the accuracy of these presses in timing, for which he or she is given one of four ratings: Perfect, Good, Normal, and Bad. The points that each appeal rewards is dependent on the idols' statistics and the song's tempo. The points of each appeal are also multiplied by the category's interest rate, which represents the audience's interest in the image category and increases or decreases as the idols continue to appeal in other categories or the same category. The idols' performance are also represented by the voltage meter, which increases as the player successfully hits a note. The player also has the option to use memory appeals to reset each image's interest rate and receive a boost in the score and voltage. The player can use as many memory appeals as the idols' memory count. Once the voltage meter is completely filled, the player can choose an idol to activate a burst appeal. During a burst appeal, the player must follow a sequence of specific image appeals, which are given an adjusted, higher than average interest rate. This also halts the opponent's ability to use appeals, and causes a reduction in his or her voltage meter. After the burst appeal, the voltage meter is reset, and the voltage meter must be filled again before another burst can be used. Special items called amulets can also be purchased and used to adjust gameplay elements, such as reducing the interest rates' deterioration rate. If the idols pass an audition, the unit is chosen to do a televised performance of the song previously chosen, while an encore is given if a festival or live performance is successfully completed. The performances serve to increase the number of fans the unit has in the region it is held or in all regions in the case of national broadcasts. In addition to the normal live performances, all 13 idols hold an All Star Live concert at the end of the summer and winter seasons. The idols are split into three groups, two groups of five and one group of three, and if successfully completed, a pre-rendered encore performance is shown featuring a different song and costumes. If necessary conditions are met, the player is also allowed to take part in a Rank Up festival with the intention of increasing an idol's rank. While fundamentally similar to the normal festivals, the player must defeat the opponent twice using two different songs to successfully complete the festival. Once an idol achieves an idol rank of A3 or above, the player is allowed to take part in the Idol Extreme music festival; the highest idol rank is A1. Whenever an idol's level or idol rank increases, they receive skill points, which can be used to augment an idol's abilities by choosing from available skills on the skill board. This includes such actions as raising vocal, dance and visual parameters, increasing the speed at which the voltage meter is filled, and strengthening the effect of memory appeals. Development and release. "The Idolmaster One For All" was developed by Bandai Namco Games and directed by Akihiro Ishihara and Munehiro Koyanagi. Bandai Namco Games producer Yōzō Sakagami explains that planning for the game began with the decision to use "all for one and one for all" as the game's theme. In doing so, he wanted to put more of a focus on the 765 Production (765 Pro) headquarters, especially after hearing comments from fans who found it relaxing to watch the idols talk among themselves at the 765 Pro office. This led to the office environment to be redesigned to give it a more natural feeling. The game's opening menu screen also features the 765 Pro office to further immerse the player in the game's atmosphere. The development team attempted to focus on "returning to the starting point" in "The Idolmaster" series with "One For All". Sakagami explains that the true charm of "The Idolmaster" is to grow alongside novice idols centered on a small talent agency, and he goes on to say that the direction "One For All" took was in depicting the "warmth" that goes along with "765 Pro as the starting point". The gameplay in "One For All" was changed from previous "Idolmaster" installments to remove the restriction of only allowing the player to produce a given idol or idol unit for a period of one year, which is something Sakagami admits he had wanted to do something about for quite some time. Compared to the gameplay in "The Idolmaster 2" which is noted as not allowing the player much room to view the promotional work or communication aspects of the game, Sakagami wanted to design a game where players could take their time and take various detours throughout the game. Sakagami goes on to say that he wanted to remove the one year time limitation because of his strong desire to allow players the chance to produce the idols until they would be satisfied. Another focus for Sakagami was the desire for players to experience all of the idols instead of just their favorites, so the gameplay was adjusted to only allow the player to choose one of the 13 available idols to produce at the beginning of the game. Via more idols becoming available to produce as gameplay continues, Sakagami had the idea to let the player experience the fun of producing an idol group as it gradually grows and develops. In wanting to adopt a factor directly tied to an idol's growth, "One For All" was designed to show the amount of experience points earned from the idols doing jobs such as promotional work, auditions and live performances. "One For All" also introduces a skill board system, which gives skill points to idols whenever they level up. The idea for this system is derived from the use of amulets in "The Idolmaster 2" which adjust gameplay elements, and skill points work in a similar fashion. Sakagami also wanted to better convey the personal growth of the producer, leading to the creation of the season objective system, which grants the player additional functionality such as new songs or the ability to produce more idols simultaneously. Despite the new additions to the gameplay system, Sakagami believes the gameplay itself is simple enough that new fans to "The Idolmaster" series will still be able to enjoy it. "One For All" was released by Bandai Namco Games in Japan for the PlayStation 3 on May 15, 2014 in limited and regular editions, as well as for download through the PlayStation Store. The limited edition release comes in a specially made box containing the game itself, a drama CD, a product code to obtain original costumes as downloadable content (DLC), a business pamphlet for the 765 Pro idols, a 765 Pro calendar, a cleaning cloth featuring aphorisms from 765 Pro's president Junjirō Takagi, 13 posters featuring the 765 Pro idols, and two serial numbers to obtain one rare card each for use in the social network games "The Idolmaster Cinderella Girls" and "The Idolmaster Million Live!". Bandai Namco Games began releasing DLC updates on May 15, 2014 available through the PlayStation Store. The updates include things such as new songs, costumes, accessories, and special guest idols who perform songs in the Stage For You game mode. "One For All" features 21 songs written and composed by a variety of songwriters. As of September 2014, an additional 34 songs were released in DLC packs. Three songs were originally introduced in "One For All": , "Destiny" and "Only My Note". However, "Acceleration" is limited to being sung by the rival idol Leon. The songs were released on an album titled "The Idolmaster Master Artist 3: Only My Note" on August 27, 2014, which also includes songs released in DLC packs. Reception. "One For All" sold 83,395 copies in its first week of release in Japan, and ranked as the best-selling video game in Japan that week. The "Mainichi Shimbun" reported that one day after the game's release, both the limited and regular editions were already sold out of stores in Akihabara. Within the first week, the game sold through 92.56% of its initial shipment. By June 1, 2014, the game had sold 102,793 copies. The game received a score of 33 out of 40 from the Japanese video game magazine "Famitsu".

relaxed ambience

309-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=45374721

Many communities, governments, and organizations have established rules and regulations that specifically govern ridesharing companies. In some jurisdictions, for-profit ridesharing operations are completely illegal. Regulations can include requirements for driver background checks, fares, the number of drivers, and licensing. Taxi industry groups have argued that ridesharing companies are illegal taxicab operations which take away their business. Others have called for governments to relax legislation in favor of ridesharing companies. Ridesharing companies are banned from or have voluntary pulled out of, due to legal restrictions, the following jurisdictions: parts of Oregon, Bulgaria, Denmark, Hungary, and parts of Germany. The UberPop level of service is banned in Italy, France, Netherlands, and Finland. Legality by country. Australia. Requirement of drivers to pay GST. In May 2015, the Australian Taxation Office (ATO) issued a directive stating that drivers that generate income via a ridesharing company need to have an Australian Business Number and be registered to pay the Goods and Services Tax (GST). Uber filed suit in the Federal Court of Australia, arguing that the public issue by the ATO "unfairly targets Uber's driver-partners". In February 2017, a justice found in favor of the ATO, requiring drivers to register, collect and pay GST. The ATO ruling overrides the standard applied to other small Australian businesses, which only requires businesses grossing more than A$75,000 to collect and remit GST. Australian Capital Territory. Ridesharing was legalized in the Australian Capital Territory in September 2015. At the same time, fees for taxis and hire cars were reduced to enable them to compete against rideshare operators. Taxis will continue to have the exclusive right to work at taxi ranks or be hailed. New South Wales. On 30 April 2014, Transport for New South Wales clarified that ridesharing company services must be provided in a licensed taxi or hire car, by an appropriately accredited driver. In December 2014, the New South Wales government confirmed that in April 2014, it conducted an unannounced search of Uber's Sydney offices in April. In August 2015, the New South Wales government created a task force to look into regulating Uber. From 17 December 2015, taxi and ridesharing passengers pay a $1 levy per trip for five years to fund a $250 million compensation fund for taxi licence holders. Northern Territory. Ridesharing was legalized in the Northern Territory in January 2018, with a $1 levy being imposed on all taxi, minibus, private hire and ridesharing trips. Queensland. In mid-November 2014, the Taxi Council of Queensland (TCQ) launched an anti-Uber media campaign. Uber defended itself against the claims. Effective 5 September 2016, Uber was legalized in Queensland. South Australia. Ridesharing was legalised in South Australia on 1 July 2016, following a review that commenced in January 2015. As part of the reform package, compensation was offered for those in the taxi industry, and a $1 metropolitan ride levy was introduced to fund the compensation. Taxis will continue to have the exclusive right to work at ranks or be hailed. Tasmania. Ridesharing companies were legalized in Tasmania in December 2016. Victoria. On 6 May 2014, the Victorian Taxi Service Commission fined Uber drivers A$1,723. State officers said that they will review the state's Transport Act, while Uber said it will reimburse its drivers. On 4 December 2015, an Uber driver was found guilty of driving a hire car without a licence or registration. The case was the first of 12 brought against Uber drivers. On 18 May 2016, the judgement was overturned on appeal, effectively legalizing Uber in Victoria. On 25 August 2016, the government announced plans to legalize ridesharing in Victoria. From 2018, taxi licences were abolished and licence holders compensated by an 8-year A$1 levy on all taxi and ride-booking services in the state. Western Australia. From 18 December 2015, new regulations were introduced, including a requirement that ridesharing company apply for omnibus licences, as required by taxi services. Both Uber and the taxi industry supported the regulations, which provided certainty. Bangladesh. Uber was launched on November 22, 2016 in Dhaka, but within 36 hours of its launching, Bangladesh Road Transport Authority (BRTA) declared it illegal. Uber and other ridesharing companies lobbied the government to legalize ridesharing companies. Though the government ban was still on effect, the ridesharing companies operated in the city. On December 3, 2017, the BRTA formulated a guideline for ridesharing companies and most of the ridesharing companies were given operating licenses by February 2018. The CNG Auto-rickshaw Drivers of Dhaka and Chittagong implemented a strike action on December 27–28, 2017 with 8 demands that included a ban on ridesharing companies. They faced a huge backlash from general public as the CNG auto-rickshaw drivers are notoriously known for overcharging passengers, breaking traffic rules, and misconduct with passengers. In early 2018, a large faction CNG auto-rickshaw drivers decided to join Uber and the ridesharing companies, which operate auto-rickshaw service. Belgium. In April 2014, Uber was banned in Brussels, and the company was threatened with fines of €10,000 if it offers fares to drivers who are not in possession of a taxi license. Bruxelles-Mobilite, the city's federal region administration responsible for infrastructure and traffic, impounded 13 cars aligned with Uber after March 2014 and a spokesperson for the body described the service as "illegal" in June 2014. The spokesperson also said in a public statement that Bruxelles-Mobilite was generally addressing the issue of illegal taxi drivers in a sector that was difficult to regulate. Although already banned in Brussels, Uber advertised for a Brussels-based "General Manager" on the "LinkedIn" website in June 2014. The advertisement stated that the role was "by far the most demanding position Uber has to offer." In October 2015, Uber suspended its UberPOP service, but continued to operate its UberX service, which uses licensed drivers. In March 2018, taxi drivers protested, blocking roads, demanding the government drop plans to make it easier for ridesharing companies to operate. Brazil. On April 29, 2015, a Brazilian court banned Uber in response to complaints by a taxi drivers' union. The court also ordered Apple Inc., Google Inc., Microsoft, and Samsung Electronics to prevent installation and use of the Uber mobile app by Brazilian residents. A few weeks later, the order was revoked, allowing Uber to operate normally. On July 24, 2015, 1,000 taxi drivers in Rio de Janeiro blocked traffic during the morning rush hour. Lawmakers voted to ban Uber in São Paulo and Brasília. In October 2015, Fernando Haddad, the mayor of São Paulo, signed a bill to allow for a new category of "black taxis" which would operate in parallel to the city's existing licensed taxis but only be bookable via mobile phone apps. Uber rejected the proposal. In late 2015, an Uber driver was beaten by taxi drivers in Brazil, and similar attacks followed. Bulgaria. Uber began operations in Sofia in December 2014. In September 2015, a court upheld fines imposed on Uber for unfair trade practices and Uber subsequently stopped service in Bulgaria. Canada. Uber drivers in Canada are required "to register, collect and remit HST/GST from their fares to the government", regardless of their income. Toronto. On December 5, 2012, Toronto officials charged Uber with 25 municipal licensing infractions, including operation of an unlicensed taxi brokerage and unlicensed limousine service. Municipal officials said they had advised the company to comply with local regulations and that rival taxi dispatch apps had obtained licenses. Despite support from some quarters including mayor John Tory, Toronto Police Service launched a crackdown on Uber drivers. In July 2015, a $400M class-action lawsuit was filed against UberX and UberXL in Toronto on behalf of Ontario taxi and limo drivers, brokers, and owners, who alleged that Uber violated section 39.1 of the province's Highway Traffic Act by having unlicensed drivers picking up passengers and transporting them for compensation. In March 2016, Sukhvir Tehethi, a local taxi driver, filed an injunction against Uber to stop it from operating. A Toronto city councillor warned that passengers using UberX may be fined up to $20,000. On March 3, 2016, after hours of heated debate, the City Council of Toronto passed a bylaw allowing UberX to operate legally in the city with conditions, while also cutting regulations for taxis. Edmonton. Edmonton officials unveiled a proposed ridesharing bylaw on September 9, 2015 to permit Uber to operate legally in Edmonton. Uber opposed the accompanying regulations. Uber was legalized in Edmonton on Wednesday, January 27, 2016 effective as of March 1, 2016. However, Uber ceased operations in Edmonton on March 1, 2016, citing inability to obtain the necessary insurance. Uber continued to operate outside of Edmonton despite lack of insurance or proper licensing of their drivers. Uber pulled their cars off Edmonton streets until July 1 when the province approved an insurance policy specifically for ride-sharing companies. Calgary. In 2015, Calgary, Alberta charged at least 17 drivers illegally driving for Uber without insurance. Uber was given clearance to operate in Calgary in December 2016. Surrey. In 2020, mayor Doug McCallum gained criticism in the media when he refused to allow Uber drivers to operate in the city of Surrey. McCallum said that the reason for the ban on Uber drivers was done so in order to protect the jobs of the cab drivers working in Surrey. As part of the ban against Uber, any Uber driver that was caught driving within the Surrey city limits while driving a passenger would have to pay $500. Quebec. Uber continues to negotiate with the government of Quebec after the government issued regulations requiring drivers to undergo 35 hours of training and a background check. As of January 2019, in the same pilot project as Uber, the Government of Quebec authorizes Eva, a local cooperative alternative, to run in Montreal, Quebec and Gatineau. Eva launches the application in May 2019, becoming the second most used application in Quebec. Halifax. Following a bylaw change November 1, 2020, ridesharing companies were officially allowed to begin operating in Halifax, Nova Scotia. Uber launched in the city on December 3, 2020. New Brunswick. In November, 2020, the province of New Brunswick passed legislation that give ridesharing companies the right to operate, asking local municipalities to regulate their use. Costa Rica. On August 21, 2015, Uber started operations in Costa Rica and multiple Uber drivers were immediately attacked by taxi drivers. China. In December 2014, in Chongqing, police raided a training session organised by Uber that was attended by more than 20 drivers. In April 2015, Chinese authorities raided the offices of Uber in Guangzhou, Guangdong. On May 6, 2015, local police raided Uber's offices in Chengdu, in Sichuan province. In 2016, Uber sold its Chinese operations to Didi. Croatia. Before Uber began operations in Croatia, the Sustainable Development of Croatia party and major taxi service companies were against it, stating that the price of Uber service doesn't compensate the drivers enough for gas, car maintenance, passenger insurance, nor health and retirement insurance for the driver, and Uber prices also don't include VAT nor surtax. In October 2015, Uber initiated service in Zagreb. In June 2016, the Uber started operating in Split, Croatia and Dubrovnik. In September 2016, a group of taxi drivers attacked a Uber driver who was waiting for a passenger at Zagreb Airport. The Uber driver canceled the ride before the passenger arrived and drove away, with the attackers following him. The attack was filmed by the victim and reported to the Law enforcement in Croatia. Czech Republic. The biggest protests against Uber in Prague took place in February 2018, when the taxi drivers drove forth and back along the highway. This was repeated for several days. Roads in Prague was also occupied by taxi drivers in October 2017 when they protested near the airport. Uber's activity in Brno was preliminarily stopped by the regional court in July 2017, but in October 2017, a higher court canceled the measure. In March 2018, Uber concluded an agreement with the Czech government. Drivers under this agreement will have to be licensed as taxi drivers. Denmark. After Uber Black and UberPop were launched in Copenhagen in November 2014, the Danish Transport Authority filed a complaint accusing Uber of operating illegally. In January 2015, Denmark's transport minister stated that, although he was not opposed to Uber, the app was "contrary" to Danish law—consumer safety and employee training were identified as the key concerns. In July 2016, six Uber drivers were convicted for offering taxi services without license. Police also charged more than 48 Uber drivers for unlicensed taxi driving. On November 18, 2016, the Østre Landsret ruled that Uber is an illegal taxi service. Uber shut operations in Denmark in April 2017. Egypt. After several protests, sit-ins, and violent attacks by taxi operators in 2016 and a lawsuit filed in March 2018, the Egyptian government legalized Uber and Careem in May 2018. The regulations require the ridesharing companies to pay license fees and share user data with the government. European Union. On June 11, 2014, in a concerted action, taxis blocked roads in major European cities in protest against what they perceived as a threat to their livelihoods from ridesharing companies. The cabbies contended that Uber and similar smartphone app-based services have an unfair advantage because they are not subject to the same kinds of fees and regulations placed on taxis. In December 2017, the European Court of Justice ruled that Uber is a transport company, subject to local transport regulation in European Union member states, rather than an information society service as Uber had argued. Finland. Uber launched UberPop in Helsinki in 2014. In September 2016, the Helsinki Court of Appeal deemed Uber illegal, as the company did not have a taxi license. Drivers faced criminal prosecution. In 2018, Uber was legalized in Finland. France. On January 13, 2014, cab drivers in Paris attacked an Uber driver's car near Charles de Gaulle Airport, protesting competition. On October 17, 2014, a court ruled that Uber was illegal and stated that UberPop violated a pre-existent regulation that bans carpooling for profit and fined Uber €100,000. On December 12, 2014, a French court ruled that Uber could not advertise some of its services to the general public in France; if it did so, it would face a $25,000 daily fine. Effective January 1, 2015, UberPop was banned under the provisions of the Thévenoud Law, which requires anyone carrying passengers for hire to be licensed and have insurance. By February 23, 2015 about 100 drivers, mostly first-time offenders, had been ticketed. UberPool remained operational in Paris and continued to aggressively recruit French drivers and passengers. On June 25, 2015, cab drivers in Paris "locked down" Paris in an anti-Uber protest that became increasingly violent. Musician Courtney Love got caught in the protest and live tweeted as her Uber cab was violently attacked and she and her driver were held hostage. In June 2015, French authorities arrested two Uber managers on six charges, including "deceptive commercial practices", complicity in instigating an illegal taxi-driving activity, and the illegal stocking of personal information. On July 5, 2015, Uber suspended UberPop in the face of pressure by the French government while awaiting a court decision. On September 22, 2015, France's highest constitutional authority rejected Uber's appeal of a law banning UberPop. In June 2016, a Paris court fined Uber €800,000, half suspended, for illegally running its UberPop service in 2015. Germany. In early 2014, Berlin authorities ruled against Uber—which operated in the German cities of Berlin, Munich, Frankfurt, Hamburg, and Düsseldorf—on two occasions following a case filed by the Berlin Taxi Association. The first ruling, delivered by a court in April 2014, deemed Uber's limousine service to be in breach of local legislation, while an August 13, 2014 decision banned the service from operating in Berlin due to safety concerns—the latter decision, which included a €25,000 fine for non-compliance, cited issues pertaining to unregulated vehicles and unqualified drivers who are not properly insured. On August 28, 2014, a court in Frankfurt issued an immediate cease and desist order against Uber following an appeal from Taxi Deutschland. The preliminary injunction applied to all of Germany and included a fine of €250,000 per ride for non-compliance. If the injunction was breached, Uber's German-based employees could be jailed for up to 6 months and the company could be fined. UberBLACK was not affected by the ruling. On September 16, 2014, the district court of Frankfurt revoked the preliminary injunction, thereby re-allowing Uber to operate in Germany. The presiding judge wrote that the Taxi Deutschland case "would have had prospects for success", but the case was merely lodged too late, as any case needs to be filed within two months of a service's launch—Uber started in Germany in April 2014, but the case was filed in August 2014. Taxi Deutschland appealed the ruling. On March 18, 2015, a Frankfurt district court imposed a nationwide ban on UberPop, claiming that drivers do not have proper licensing and insurance. Each violation of this order would be subject to a €250,000 fine. In October 2015, Uber limited its operations to its UberX and UberBLACK services, which requires drivers that hold passenger transport licenses. In November 2018, Uber began operations in Düsseldorf, working with licensed drivers and taxi companies. Greece. In April 2018, Uber suspended service in Greece after regulations were implemented that require all rides to begin and end in the fleet partner's designated headquarters or parking area. Hong Kong. On August 11, 2015, Hong Kong Police raided Uber's office after arresting five drivers in a sting operation aimed at combating illegal taxis. Two more drivers were arrested on the next day. However, the Hong Kong government investment agency, InvestHK, had endorsed Uber as one of its "success stories" on its website, although the endorsement was later removed. On March 15, 2018, a group of local taxi drivers protested outside the Hong Kong Police Headquarters, requesting for actions to be taken on those "unlicensed taxis". They accused Uber from using false and misleading documents to lie to the public. On the same day, another group of taxi drivers protested by honking their horns for 30 seconds in Admiralty, Hong Kong at noon. They also threatened to flood the area with their vehicles if no actions are taken by the government. Hungary. In July 2016, Uber was ruled to be an illegal taxi service in Hungary and subsequently suspended operations. India. Hyderabad. The Hyderabad road transport authority banned Uber cabs a day after the Indian Ministry of Home Affairs advised all states to stop the operation of ridesharing companies. A spokesman for the authority said that Uber did not hold a license to operate in the city, and asked the public to cease using Uber. Karnataka. After Home Minister Rajnath Singh announced in Parliament on December 9, 2014 that he had advised all states and Union territories to ban unregistered and unlicensed cab services, the state government of Karnataka banned Uber on December 11, 2014. New Delhi. In December 2014, following allegations of rape against an Uber driver in New Delhi, Uber was banned from New Delhi for not following the city's compulsory police verification procedure. The driver had been charged, then acquitted, of a prior sexual assault in 2011. Within two days of the rape incident, almost 7,000 people signed a petition calling on Uber to conduct mandatory 7-year background checks on drivers, in line with its U.S. operations. Delhi's transport department banned Uber. Uber issued a statement stating that it would work with the Indian government "to establish clear background checks currently absent in their commercial transportation licensing programs." In banning Uber, Delhi's transport department cited several rules that Uber had broken. According to New Delhi's Radio Taxi Scheme, 2006, all taxi licensees must be either a company under the Companies Act, 2013 (or the 1956 Act), or a society under the Societies Registration Act, 1860. Furthermore, taxi services must provide adequate parking space for all taxis, as well as sufficiently sized office space to accommodate the control room, the maintenance of a minimum fleet size per license (500 vehicles), and all vehicles must be fitted with GPS/GPRS tracking systems (to be in constant communication with the control room while on duty). The rules also stipulate that the taxi licensee is responsible for ensuring the quality of drivers, including police verifications, supervision, and employee behaviour. Uber is faced with limits to the number of drivers that are allowed to operate. but now its operating in New Delhi. Indonesia. On March 22, 2016, thousands of taxi drivers in Jakarta demonstrated against Uber and a similar service, Grab. Several places were targeted during the protests, including the Istana Merdeka, the DPR/MPR Building, and the Ministry of Communication and Informatics central office. Taxi drivers accused that Grab and Uber were causing them to receive smaller daily incomes due to the rising number of app users. The demonstrators also demanded that the government ban the apps and issue a governmental decree concerning this problem. In January 2019, Indonesia announced plans to fix the rates charged by ridesharing companies such as Grab and Go-Jek. Israel. Uber first introduced a limited service in the Tel Aviv area in August 2014. However, in November 2017 the Tel Aviv District Court issued a permanent injunction against Uber's utilizing private cars in Israel on the grounds that these lacked the insurance coverage of regulated taxis. Uber was allowed to provide its service in licensed taxis as do other crowd-sourced ride-hailing companies such as Gett. Although Uber had the support of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the court ruled for the taxi companies and drivers who opposed Uber. Italy. On May 25, 2015, Italian judge dott. Claudio Marangoni banned the UberPop app for unfair competition practices. In February 2017, Italian taxi drivers implemented a strike action. On April 6, 2017, Italian judge dott. Alfredo Landi banned the UberBlack, Uber-Lux, Uber-SUV, Uber-X, Uber-XL, UberSelect and Uber-Van app throughout Italy for unfair competition practices. In November 2017, Italian taxi drivers implemented another nationwide strike action. Japan. In September 2018, Uber struck a deal with the Fuji Taxi Group to let users hail cabs through its app in Nagoya. Uber initially started with 350 cabs. Malaysia. On October 15, 2014, five Uber drivers were involved in a crackdown by the Road Transport Department (JPJ), under the Ops Teksi Uber 2014 operation—which began on October 1. The 4 other vehicles were returned to their respective owners—with their documents confiscated pending further investigation by the Land Public Transport Commission (SPAD). Due to a wide range of circumstances, the 4 vehicles could be returned to owners should proper documents and other factors correlate. On October 17, 2014, JPJ continued its crackdown on drivers. Between October 2014 and October 2015, the Land Public Transport Commission impounded 44 Uber vehicles, using many methods such as tracking the vehicles using Uber's app. It was also reported that some taxi drivers have taken it upon themselves to nab Uber drivers and turn them over to the police. In July 2017, legislation was passed to legalize Uber. Morocco. Uber began services in Casablanca in July 2015 but suspended service in Morocco in February 2018 after it was not clear that the service was legal. Netherlands. On December 8, 2014, Dutch judges banned UberPop and implemented a €100,000 fine and the €40,000 fine for drivers who are apprehended. At first Uber continued operating, but Uber shut down its service in November 2015 after office raids by Dutch authorities. New Zealand. In January 2015, several Uber vehicles were stopped by New Zealand police, claiming that Uber was in violation of the Land Transport Act. Two Uber drivers were charged with violating the Land Transport Act and face fines of up to NZ$10,000. On January 20, 2015, the Associate Transport Minister, Craig Foss, said that the rules covering taxis and private hire services, including Uber, will be reviewed by New Zealand officials by mid-2015. In April and May 2016 the New Zealand Transport Authority (NZTA) sent warnings to 17 Uber drivers who did not comply with current regulations. On August 3, 2017, Uber New Zealand GM, Richard Menzies, announced that Uber is formally recognized as part of the public transport mix, meaning it can legally operate in New Zealand. Uber Eats was later launched in New Zealand that year. Norway. Uber began operations in Norway in 2014. According to the Norwegian Professional Transport Act, a taxi license is required to charge for passenger transport "addressed to general public on public space" In 2015, an Uber driver was acquitted because the court found that communication through a mobile app was not to be regarded as "public space." On October 30, 2017, Uber suspended its UberPOP service in Oslo, continuing to operate UberBLACK and UberXL service. Philippines. On October 23, 2014, despite the recommendation of the Metropolitan Manila Development Authority, the Philippine Land Transportation Franchising and Regulatory Board (LTFRB) imposed a ₱120,000 (US$2,676) to ₱200,000 (US$4,460) fine for the use of the Uber app. A spokesperson for the board said that the fines were issued because Uber did not have an approved franchise to operate in the country. The LTFRB also remarked that Uber can still operate in Metro Manila if the House of Representatives of the Philippines grants the company a proper legislative franchise. On October 30, 2014, after an intervention from the Department of Transportation and Communications, the LTFRB temporarily suspended its campaign of apprehending Uber vehicles. Amid opposition from taxi companies, On May 10, 2015, ridesharing companies gained legal ground to operate. The country requires a GPS system installed, a young fleet of vehicles, and the appropriate permits. Taxis were also given a chance to compete by also giving them a sub-classification that matches features found in Uber and other similar services. On August 19, 2015, Uber complied and secured government registration to become the country's second ridesharing company after Grab. Individual vehicle operators however still need to undergo separate registrations with the LTFRB. Uber suspended service for a month on August 14, 2017 due to the defiance of LTFRB's order on not to accredit drivers in their systems starting July 26, 2017. In August 2018, the Philippines set additional regulations for ridesharing companies including fare transparency, acceptance rates for bookings and faster response time to complaints, with fines for non-compliance. At that time, Grab had a 93% market share. Poland. Following the commencement of Uber services in Warsaw in 2014, Jarosław Iglikowski, chief of the Union of Warsaw Taxi Drivers, said: "We will put pressure on politicians, and demand that they change the regulations [for firms offering taxi services]." In June 2017, after a protest by 2,000 taxi drivers, Deputy Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki announced that Poland may impose more regulations on Uber. In April 2018, Poland announced new licensing requirements for ridesharing companies such as Uber and Taxify. Portugal. On April 29, 2016, a protest including 2,000 taxi drivers took place in major cities in Portugal. In October 2016, thousands of Portuguese cab drivers blocked access to Lisbon International Airport to protest government plans to legalize and regulate ridesharing companies. In December 2017, Uber was ruled to be illegal in Portugal. In November 2018, Uber and ride sharing became legal again with the so-called 'Uber law'. Law 45/2018 established a legal framework for individual and paid passenger transport in 'ordinary' vehicles based on an electronic platform referred to as TVDE. This allowed ride sharing companies to operate again with licensed TVDE operators. TVDE operators would need to have held a driving license for a minimum of three years, and have completed a specific training course covering communication, interpersonal relationships, and professionalism. Romania. In May 2015, the Romanian Parliament adopted a law which banned transport services by unauthorized drivers, effectively making Uber illegal; however, Uber continues to operate in Romania as it battles in the courts. In June 2018, Uber was banned in Cluj. On June 25, 2019, the Romanian Government passed an emergency ordinance which regulates alternative transport servicies, such as Uber and Bolt. The law came into effect on February 1, 2020. Saudi Arabia. In March 2017, Saudi Arabia banned Uber and Careem from picking up at the airport, citing license requirements. Saudi Arabia had earlier banned the ridesharing companies from allowing non-Saudis to register as drivers. Singapore. On February 10, 2017, the Singapore Land Transport Authority (LTA)ruled that private hire cars who used Uber or Grab service are not exempted from the child seat requirement. For safety reasons, all vehicles in Singapore must have booster seats or child restraints for passengers under 1.35m in height. In March 2017, LTA introduced a new regulation for private hire cars called Private Hire Car Driver's Vocational Licence (PDVL) which took effect in July 2017. This is to ensure that commuter's interest is better protected. In September 2018, Singapore required that drivers cannot be exclusive to Grab, in an attempt to open the ridesharing market to competition. South Africa. Over 300 vehicles operating for the Uber service in Cape Town were impounded in 2015. Local transport officials claimed that the service was operating without suitable permits. In Cape Town, on June 3, 2016, metered taxi drivers blockaded the road to the city's airport and forced passengers out of vehicles whilst attacking Uber drivers. In July 2018, in Johannesburg, Uber and taxi drivers initiated a strike action, blocking roads and, in 3 cases, taking the phones of drivers that did not participate in the strike. In August 2018, Uber opposed a new law that would prohibit the company from allowing drivers to operate without a license, subject to a fine of up to R100,000, claiming that many drivers were facing delays in getting permits from government agencies. South Korea. The Seoul city government released an official statement in July 2014 expressing its intention to ban Uber. The government stated that South Korean law prohibits fee-paying transport services that use unregistered private or rented vehicles, and a Seoul driver received a one-million won (US$974) fine in April 2014 after using Uber to solicit customers in a rented car. The city government also initiated a police investigation of Uber in June 2014, but the request was suspended due to a lack of evidence; however, the July statement indicated that the investigation would be recommenced. In December 2014, Uber announced that the Seoul Central District Prosecutors' Office had issued an indictment against both the company and Kalanick in regard to the violation of a Korean law prohibiting individuals or firms without appropriate license from providing or facilitating transportation services. In March 2015, Uber suspended its UberX service in Korea after disputes with officials. Spain. On December 9, 2014, In the absence of any legal provision for private hire, a judge ordered Uber to cease all activities in Spain. In a statement after the ruling, the Spanish court stated that drivers "lack the administrative authorisation to carry out the job, and the activity they carry out constitutes unfair competition." The company suspended its operations in Spain on December 30, 2014. Uber restarted operations in Spain in March 2016, this time using only licensed drivers. In August 2018, Spanish drivers ended a 6-day strike after the government agreed to set limits on licenses for ridesharing companies. Switzerland. In August 2017, Uber suspended its UberPOP service in Zürich following controversy over its legality. It still operates the service in Basel and Geneva. Taiwan. As of December 6, 2014, Uber Taiwan had received over NT$1,000,000 in fines for operating illegally, including a cease and desist of the app, on December 5, 2014. Issues included failure to insure vehicles, operating like a business without a business license, metered fares unknown to passengers, metered fares not inspected by the Ministry of Transportation and Communication, and failure to report income and pay taxes. Many drivers had their licenses suspended for violations. In December 2014, the Ministry of Transportation and Communications announced that the company was operating unlicensed taxis in violation of national law, and that the government was considering blocking the service. Uber was fined 231 million Taiwan dollars ($7.4 million) over two weeks after new rules introduced on January 6, 2017. On February 2, 2017, Uber announced it will suspend its service in Taiwan after the fines. In April 2017, Uber restarted service in Taiwan. Turkey. On June 2, 2018, following pressure from Istanbul taxi drivers, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan declared that Uber is "finished" in Turkey. The company was banned from operation. Thailand. Following concerns raised by taxi drivers in Thailand over Uber's lower rates, Uber was declared illegal on November 28, 2014 under Thailand's Motor Vehicle Act B.E. 2522, claiming that Uber vehicles are not properly registered in Thailand, Thai Uber drivers are not properly licensed, and that Uber discriminates against people who do not possess credit cards. Following the announcement, Uber drivers faced a maximum 4,000-baht fine if caught by police. In May 2016, Uber was forced to shut its motorcycle taxi service. In March 2017, Thai transport authorities began a crackdown on ridesharing companies such as Grab and Uber and urged the government to ban them. United Arab Emirates. Abu Dhabi. Uber launched in Abu Dhabi in 2013. In August 2016, Uber and Careem were suspended in Abu Dhabi after some drivers were detained over regulation violations. Careem resumed operation in December 2016. Uber restarted service in Abu Dhabi in November 2018. Dubai. Dubai-based Careem launched in 2012. Uber launched in Dubai in 2013. In January 2017, after a long spat with regulators, Uber signed an agreement with the Roads and Transport Authority of Dubai and became fully regulated. Under this deal, Uber is entitled to deploy about 14,000 vehicles around the city per the law of transportation companies in Dubai. United Kingdom. On October 28, 2016, in the case of "Aslam v Uber BV", the Central London Employment tribunal ruled that Uber drivers are "workers", rather than self-employed individuals, and are entitled to the minimum wage under the National Minimum Wage Act 1998, paid holiday, and other normal worker entitlements. Two Uber drivers had brought the test case to the employment tribunal with the assistance of the GMB Union, on behalf of a group of drivers in London. Uber appealed the decision. Two Uber drivers had brought the case to the employment tribunal with the assistance of the GMB Union on 20 July 2016. On November 10, the court upheld the ruling against Uber's appeal. In December 2018, Uber lost an appeal at the Court of Appeal, but was granted permission to appeal to the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom. In November 2018, Uber was fined £385,000 under the Data Protection Act 1998 for a data breach affecting 35 million users worldwide, and more detailed data from 3.7 million drivers including their weekly pay. London. On 11 June 2014, London-based Hackney carriage (black cab) drivers, members of the Licensed Taxi Drivers Association, disrupted traffic as a protest against Transport for London's refusal to stop Uber's calculation of fares based on distance and time taken, as they claimed it infringes upon their right to be the sole users of taximeters in London. The following week, London mayor Boris Johnson stated it would be "difficult" for him to ban Uber "without the risk of a judicial review"; however, he expressed sympathy for the view of the black-cab drivers. On October 16, 2015, after Transport for London brought a case to the High Court of Justice to determine whether the way Uber's app calculates a fare falls under the definition of a taximeter, it was ruled that the app is legal in London. On September 22, 2017 Transport for London announced that it would not renew the license of Uber's local service provider, which was due to expire at the end of that month. Transport for London declared that Uber London Limited was not "fit and proper" to hold a private hire operator license, citing concerns over the company's approach to reporting serious criminal offences, obtaining medical certificates and Disclosure and Barring Service checks, and the use of Uber#Greyball. Uber indicated that it would appeal the decision. On June 26, 2018, Westminster Magistrates' Court granted a license for 15 months with additional conditions. Uber had applied for a 5-year license. York. On December 12, 2017 York's Gambling, Licensing & Regulatory Committee voted to deny the renewal of Uber's license due to a data breach in 2016 and several complaints against the company and drivers. Uber appealed with QC Philip Kolvin, taking City of York Council to the Magistrates. Uber withdrew from the appeal on March 14, 2018 with the plan to reapply for the license. In November 2018, the city looked into the legality of Uber after a legal expert claimed that Uber drivers are "acting as unlicensed operators". Brighton and Hove. On May 1, 2018, Brighton and Hove City Council's licensing panel refused to renew Uber's private hire operator license in the city. It cited "significant concerns" about the car hailing app's data breach in 2016, and whether the company was adhering to its commitment to use only Brighton and Hove licensed drivers in the city. In December 2018, Uber won an appeal of the case. United States. Alabama. In July 2018, ridesharing companies such as Uber and Lyft became legal across Alabama. Alaska. In September 2015, Uber paid the State of Alaska $77,925 and paused operations in Anchorage. The state argued that Uber was misclassifying drivers as contractors instead of employees, which was illegal. Arkansas. A 2015 Arkansas law requires ridesharing companies to each pay a $15,000 annual fee and to vet potential drivers. California. In May 2011, Uber received a cease-and-desist letter from the San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency, claiming it was operating an unlicensed taxi service, and another legal demand from the California Public Utilities Commission (CPUC) that it was operating an unlicensed limousine dispatch. Both claimed criminal violations and demanded that the company cease operations. In response, the company, among other things, changed its name from UberCab to Uber. In the fall of 2012, the CPUC issued a cease-and-desist letter to Uber, Lyft, and Sidecar, and fined each $20,000. However, an interim agreement was reached in 2013 reversing those actions. In June 2013, Lyft, Uber and Sidecar were served with cease and desist letters by the Los Angeles Department of Transportation. In September 2013, the CPUC unanimously voted to make the agreement permanent, creating a new category of service called "transportation network company" to cover Lyft, UberX, SideCar, and Summon, thereby making California the first jurisdiction to recognize such services. On September 17, 2014, California's Governor approved the "Assembly Bill No. 2293" bill that became effective on July 1, 2015. The bill amended "the Passenger Charter-party Carriers' Act to enact specified requirements for liability insurance coverage for transportation network companies, as defined, and their participating drivers." The driver under the law is defined as "any person who uses a vehicle in connection with a transportation network company's online-enabled application or platform to connect with passengers." The stated minimum insurance requirement ranges from US$50,000 to $100,000 for death and injuries per individual or incident, and stipulates US$30,000 for property damage. As a breach of the bill is classified as a criminal act, a corresponding "state-mandated local program" will be implemented. In April 2016, a case that was originally filed on December 9, 2014, by the district attorneys of both Los Angeles, and San Francisco was resolved. Prosecutors claimed that Uber made misleading statements about the background checks it performs on drivers and falsely charged a "safe ride fee." The case was resolved when Uber agreed to no longer claim to be the "safest ride on the road", change the name of the "safe ride fee" to "booking fee", and pay $10 million. San Francisco's city attorneys had previously settled out of court with Lyft over similar allegations. On December 14, 2016, the California Department of Motor Vehicles demanded that Uber cease its autonomous car program in San Francisco or obtain a licence, threatening legal action. Following the invitation of tech enthusiast and Arizona Governor Doug Ducey, Uber decided to move its fleet to Phoenix, Arizona. Colorado. In June 2014, Colorado became the first state to pass rules for ridesharing companies through the legislative process, when S 125 was signed into law. District of Columbia. In January 2012, an Uber driver's car was impounded as part of a sting by the Washington, D.C. taxicab commission. The commissioner said the company was operating an unlicensed taxicab service in the city. Following a social media campaign by Uber riders, the D.C. city council voted in July 2012 to formally legalize ridesharing companies, which led to protests by taxicab drivers. The Washington, D.C. City Council passed legislation in September 2013 to allow ridesharing companies to operate. Florida. In July 2017, a new law regulating ridesharing companies in Florida went into effect. The law requires background checks on all drivers. Georgia. In September 2014, a class-action lawsuit was filed by taxicab drivers claiming that Uber drivers were not properly licensed. The lawsuit was dismissed by the Georgia Supreme Court. Hawaii. Regulations affecting ridesharing companies in Hawaii were proposed in 2019. Idaho. In April 2015, a law was passed in Idaho that allows ridesharing companies to regulate themselves and not have to deal with regulations or laws imposed by city governments. The law was proposed by a lobbyist for Uber and had been opposed by certain local jurisdictions. Illinois. On October 5, 2012, Uber was sued by the taxi and livery companies in Chicago. Uber was accused of violating Chicago city laws and Illinois state laws designed to protect public safety, consumer protection, and fair practices. Regulations affecting ridesharing companies were approved in December 2014. Kansas. In May 2015, Uber was legalized in Kansas. Kentucky. In December 2014, Kentucky imposed regulations on ridesharing companies that include annual licensing application, driver background checks, and driver liability insurance coverage. Louisiana. In June 2019, Louisiana passed statewide regulations on ridesharing companies, permitting their operation statewide. Massachusetts. On August 1, 2012, the Massachusetts Division of Standards issued a cease-and-desist letter to Uber on the grounds that the GPS-based smartphone app was not a certified measurement device, but on August 15, the agency reversed its ruling after prodding by Governor Deval Patrick, saying that technique was satisfactory because it was under study by the National Institute of Standards and Technology. Uber worked out an arrangement with the city of Boston to share quarterly data on the duration, locations, and times of day in which riders used the app to travel in or out of the city. This information was first delivered to the city in February 2015, and the report kept all individual user data private. The legislature passed a law formally legalizing and regulating ridesharing companies in July 2016. The law requires background checks, vehicle decals and inspections, insurance, state certification of drivers; prohibits increased fares during a declared emergency or for passengers with disabilities; requires drivers to be 21 or older; and sets up a complaint process and commission to review the economics of the whole ride-for-hire industry. Unlike taxis, rideshare vehicles are prohibited from "cruising" for passengers on streets. The law also establishes a $0.20 per-ride charge, which is distributed to cities and towns for transportation and ride-for-hire economic development purposes. On July 14, 2020, the Massachusetts attorney general filed a lawsuit seeking a court ruling that Uber and Lyft drivers are employees under Massachusetts Wage and Hour Laws, a designation that will allow drivers access to critical labor rights and benefits, such as minimum wage, overtime, and earned sick time. Michigan. In December 2016, Michigan instituted regulations on ridesharing companies. Minnesota. In July 2014, the Minneapolis City Council voted almost unanimously to legalize ridesharing companies. Mississippi. In April 2016, statewide regulations governing ridesharing companies in Mississippi were implemented. In May 2017, officials in Jackson, Mississippi wanted more regulations on ridesharing companies. Missouri. In April 2017, ridesharing companies were legalized statewide in Missouri after a law was passed that requires ridesharing companies to institute driver background checks and pay a licensing fee. Nebraska. In July 2015, Uber received approval to legally operate in Nebraska. In October 2017, taxi drivers in Lincoln, Nebraska petitioned the government to require rideshare drivers to undergo background checks and physical exams. Nevada. On November 25, 2014, Washoe County, Nevada District Court Judge Scott Freeman, issued a preliminary injunction preventing Uber from operating statewide. The temporary injunction was based on the company's failure to file a certificate of public convenience and necessity, which is required for every transportation service in Nevada. The Government of Nevada also claimed that Uber's screening process was not rigorous enough to protect consumers, and failed to conform with the aforementioned regulations. Uber contested the ruling, arguing that it is an app-based technology company rather than a transportation company, but the company's management made the decision to temporarily shut down its Nevada operations. Nevada legalized ridesharing companies in May 2015. New Hampshire. Legislation passed in 2016 in New Hampshire requires each ridesharing company (not each driver) to pay an annual fee of $500. It also includes requirements that each company get a permit from the state, obtain a driver history report on each driver that meets the provisions of the law, and require their drivers to have liability insurance. New York. UberX was suspended in New York City in October 2012 after pressure from the New York City Taxi and Limousine Commission. Uber's premium sedan service was not affected. In February 2017, the New York State Senate approved legislation allowing ridesharing companies to expand operations to Upstate New York and Uber began service there in June 2017. North Carolina. In September 2015, Governor Pat McCrory signed a law regulating ridesharing companies. It also forbids the establishment by county and municipal governments of additional regulations upon ridesharing companies and drivers. Ohio. In December 2015, regulations governing ridesharing companies in Ohio were implemented. ridesharing companies must pay a $5,000 permit fee and conduct driver background checks. Oregon. On December 8, 2014, Portland, Oregon sued Uber, claiming that Uber violates the city's Private for Hire Transportation Regulations and Administrative Rules. The court was asked to stop Uber from operating in Portland. Uber suspended its operations in the city for 3 months, pending planned changes to local regulations. Oklahoma. In February 2016, regulators ratified new rules for ridesharing companies such as Uber and Lyft. Pennsylvania. On July 1, 2014, after implementing fines on Uber and Lyft, the Pennsylvania Public Utility Commission imposed a cease-and-desist order on the companies. Pittsburgh. In December 2014, Uber and Lyft received two-year experimental licenses. In June 2015, Uber drivers became eligible to pick up riders at Pittsburgh International Airport. Philadelphia. In December 2014, Checker Cab Philadelphia and 44 other taxi companies in Philadelphia filed a lawsuit alleging that Uber was operating illegally in the city. On March 3, 2015, U.S. District Judge Nitza I. Quinones Alejandro denied a motion for a preliminary injunction against Uber. In January 2016, a $1.5M lawsuit was filed against Uber in Philadelphia by Philadelphia taxicab medallion owners, claiming that Uber engaged in tortious interference and engaged in false advertising under the Lanham Act. The case was dismissed in August 2016. Philadelphia legalized ridesharing companies in November 2016. Texas. May 2017, Texas HB100 made the regulation of rideshare companies an exclusive power of the state of Texas. HB100 requires annual background checks of drivers but does not require fingerprinting. Austin. In March 2015, UberPOOL began operations in Austin, Texas in advance of the annual South by Southwest festival. On May 7, 2016, Uber and Lyft announced they would no longer provide service in Austin after city voters rejected a referendum backed by the ridesharing companies that would have repealed a city ordinance requiring their drivers to submit to fingerprint-based background checks. May 2017, regulations pertaining to Austin were overridden by Texas HB100, and Uber and Lyft resumed operations in Austin. Houston. In late 2016, Uber threatened to leave Houston ahead of Super Bowl LI, insisting various city regulations, including fingerprint background checks of drivers, were too burdensome. Houston officials and Uber reached a compromise in December 2016, whereby Houston would continue to require a fingerprint check for drivers but eliminate requirements for driver drug testing and physicals through at least February 5, 2017. May 2017, Regulations pertaining to Houston were overridden by Texas HB100. Tennessee. Regulations affecting ridesharing companies were implemented in December 2014. Virginia. On June 5, 2014, the Virginia Department of Motor Vehicles issued a cease-and-desist letter to both Uber and Lyft, demanding they halt operations within Virginia. In February 2015, ridesharing companies were legalized in Virginia. Washington. In March 2014, to appease taxi drivers, the Seattle City Council passed an ordinance in March 2014 that capped the number of drivers from any ridesharing company on the road at any given time to 150. However, on April 17, 2014, after a coalition obtained 36,000 signatures to put the question to voters in a referendum, Mayor Ed Murray announced a 45-day negotiation process to find an alternative approach. Uber donated over $613,000 to "Seattle Citizens to Repeal Ordinance 124441", a political group seeking to overturn the ordinance limiting the number of rideshare vehicles in Seattle. In June 2014, the mayor reached a deal to legalize ridesharing companies with no driver limits. The compromise was passed by the city council in July 2014. In December 2018, Spokane instituted licensing requirements that require drivers for ridesharing companies to pay license fees on par with those paid by taxicab drivers. Wisconsin. In May 2015, Governor Scott Walker signed legislation making it easier for ridesharing companies such as Uber and Lyft to operate without local regulation and oversight. In August 2017, state senators introduced a bill supported by the taxi industry that would require ridesharing companies to conduct criminal background checks including fingerprint checks on all drivers. Ukraine. In February 2016, taxi drivers protested in Kiev against the lack of licensing requirements for rideshare drivers. On March 30, 2017, taxi drivers protested against Uber and Yandex.Taxi in Lviv.

legal adjudication

7092-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=12744625

A workbench is a table used by woodworkers to hold workpieces while they are worked by other tools. There are many styles of woodworking benches, each reflecting the type of work to be done or the craftsman's way of working. Most benches have two features in common: they are heavy and rigid enough to keep still while the wood is being worked, and there is some method for holding the work in place at a comfortable position and height so that the worker is free to use both hands on the tools. The main thing that distinguishes benches is the way in which the work is held in place. Most benches have more than one way to do this, depending on the operation being performed. Holding the work. Planing stop. Probably the oldest and most basic method of holding the work is a planing stop or dog ear, which is simply a peg or small piece of wood or metal that stands just above the surface at the end of the bench top. The work is placed on the bench with the end pushed against the stop. The force of the planing keeps the board in place, so long as the force is always toward the stop. Planing against a stop gives the woodworker good feedback - they can tell a lot about what is going on just by the pressure, force and balance required. A stop can take the form of a batten attached to the end of the bench, or it can be adjustable, able to be moved up and down according to the size of the work - or pushed down below the surface when not needed. A simple bench dog can serve as a planing stop. Holdfast. Another ancient method of holding the work is the holdfast. A holdfast looks like a shepherd's crook. The shank goes into a hole in the bench top and the tip of the hook is pressed against the work from above. The holdfast is set by rapping the top with a mallet, and released by hitting the back side. A good holdfast works remarkably well, and is inexpensive and easy to install. The holdfast can also be used for clamping work to the side of the bench for jointing. If the legs on your base are not too far under the top, simply bore a hole in the side of the leg and use the holdfast horizontally. A woodworker can do just about anything they need on a bench with only a planing stop and a holdfast or two. Hardpoints. It is common to have holes in the benchtop that tools or jigs can be bolted to. In applications where repeated removal and reinstallation of the tool or jig is desirable, screwing into the wood of the benchtop with woodscrews or lag bolts is not an ideal solution, because the wooden threads don't lend themselves to repeated disassembly and reassembly. In such cases, it is useful to create hardpoints, which are metal threads embedded in the wood. These hardpoints make repeated disassembly and reassembly trouble-free. They are essentially nuts that are embedded into the wood in one way or another. T-nuts (aka tee nuts) are an easy way to create a hardpoint. Custom nuts similar to T-nuts but with holes for woodscrews in place of the spikes are sometimes machined for the purpose. Vises. Long ago, just as today, woodworkers required a more helpful way to keep the wood in place while it was being worked. A device was needed that could be used effectively on different sizes of wood. Probably the first such device used two stops - at least one of which was adjustable for position - and wedges between them and the work to fix it in place. This is still a cheap and effective method for holding the work. A screw is really just a wedge in the round. Today, most vises use a big screw to apply the clamping force. The vise is often used to hold objects in place when working on a piece. There are two main categories of vise ("vice" in UK English sp.) : vises on the end of the bench and vises on the front of the bench. End vises (also called 'tail vises') are usually mounted on the right side of the bench for right-handed workers. They can typically hold work in two ways: between the jaws and along the top of the bench using moveable 'dogs' in place of jaws. Not all benches have tail vises. A front vise (also called 'face vise' or 'shoulder vise') is typically mounted on the left front side of the bench. They may be used for holding a board to be edge jointed, or sometimes for sawing out dovetails and the like. Front vises. Leg vise. Probably the oldest front vise design is the leg vise. It's called a leg vise because one of the bench's legs is an integral part of it - usually forming the inside jaw. The outside jaw also goes all the way to the floor - or nearly so. There is a single screw mounted between a quarter and a third of the way down that goes through both jaws with the nut on the back of the leg. Finally, there is some sort of horizontal beam at the bottom to act as a fulcrum. This beam may take the form of a board that can be adjusted by means of holes and pegs, or it can even be another screw. The leg vise is probably the simplest and least expensive of the front vises, and it is very strong. Shoulder vise. Another old design is the shoulder vise. The best thing about this design is that it allows clamping directly behind the screw. This yields unobstructed vertical clamping for cutting dovetails and similar operations. There is also typically a little play in the screw/jaw attachment that provides for clamping of tapered work. This is one vise that should be designed into the bench from the beginning, as it is difficult to retrofit into an existing bench. The primary drawback of the shoulder vise is its fragility, unless the "arm" is attached to the "end cap" using a dovetail or finger joint, usually glued or "pinned" to eliminate rotative movement about the joint, otherwise it is fairly easy to break it with a big steel bench screw. But one should never really have to put "that" much force on it. Some woodworkers say that the big vise gets in the way of some jobs, others find it unobtrusive. Implicit in a shoulder vise is an integral planing stop, formed by the intersection of the jaw and the jaw spacer, and which allows the shoulder vise to perform multiple duties, such as jointing long boards with a "bench slave" to hold the opposite end. In earlier times, a "crochet" and a holdfast would perform the same function. Hybrid vise. Many of the commercial European benches have a front vise that uses a wooden jaw with a metal screw and built-in anti-racking hardware. These vises are also available as inexpensive kits that can be mounted on almost any bench. Quick-action vise. Perhaps the easiest face vise to install is the self-contained iron vise, sometimes called the 'quick-action' vise (except they are not all quick-action). This tool comes already assembled and only has to be mounted to the bench. Usually, auxiliary wooden jaws are added. The quick-action feature makes setting it much quicker and is quickly taken for granted. Not only are these vises easy to install and use, they are also robust. Their main drawback is the relatively high cost. Patternmaker's vise. The patternmaker's vise is sometimes used as a front vise. This style was originally designed for patternmakers, the folks who make the forms used in metal casting. Pattern making is exacting work using shapes not normally encountered by a cabinetmaker. The patternmaker's vise can hold odd shapes at various angles, and it can certainly hold simple shapes at regular angles. The drawbacks of this vise are the expense, the moderately complicated mounting, and a tendency to fragility. The most sought-after is an antique Emmert, but there are several clones on the market today, including one by Lee Valley Tools that is made of an aluminum alloy—which should be less likely to break—and several from Taiwan and which are clones of the smaller Emmert. A possible disadvantage of the patternmaker's vise is it usually requires installation on a bench which is at least 1-3/4" thick Twin-screw vise. This is another old design making a comeback thanks to Lee Valley's Veritas Toolworks. The twin-screw vise was popular during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, particularly with chair makers. The updated Veritas design uses a chain to connect the two screws, keeping them slaved to each other. There is also a provision for decoupling the screws so that tapered work can be held. This design has many of the advantages of the classic shoulder vise and single screw face vise, with few of the disadvantages. It can also be used effectively as an end vise. The main drawbacks of the twin-screw vise are the expense and the relatively difficult installation. End vises. Traditional tail vise. The traditional tail vise uses one large screw, either wooden or metal. It is made in the form of a frame, with the back part of the frame fitting under the bench, and the movement of that frame located and restrained by a complex system of sliding tongues and grooves, and runners, such that smooth left and right movements of the frame are possible, but forward and backward movements, or rotative movements of the frame are impossible. The jaw has a face that contacts the bench top, and it has one or more dog holes on the top—often 3 to 4, each spaced 5 inches apart—that are in line with the dog holes located on the front face (apron) of the bench—numerous holes, each also spaced 5 inches apart. This is the least expensive option for a tail vise, but it is by far the most complex to design, construct and maintain. Tage Frid and Frank Klausz popularized this type of tail vise in North America, although its origin dates back to northern Europe (most probably Germany) in the 18th century. Wagon or Enclosed Tail vise. This traditional tail vise also uses one large screw, either wooden or metal. It consists of a movable block with one or more dog holes in it, the movable block rides in a large mortise in the workbench. The jaw has a face that contacts the bench top, and the dog holes are in line with the dog holes on the bench top. The two main varieties of this vise depend on whether the screw nut is mounted in the bench or on the dog hole block. When the screw nut is mounted on the dog hole block the installation is more complicated and expensive, but the screw does not move in and out as the vise is used. Modern tail vise. A newer form of tail vise does away with the need of a frame. It uses steel plates for its structure - one steel plate with the nut is mounted on the side of the bench, two others are built into a sliding jaw along with the bench screw. This is a robust design and it's easier to install and adjust than the older style. However, only a few sizes are commercially available (although larger sizes have been custom made). Face vises as end vises. Some bench designers have adapted face vises for use as tail vises - with differing levels of success. Unfortunately, we are most likely to find the continental style vise used this way, and it's really least suited to the task. When used as a tail vise it has a strong tendency to "wrack" (twist or distort) because of the side forces. It isn't long before the hardware begins to show wear. The steel quick-action vise doesn't suffer so much from this problem. With one exception, it functions well on the end of the bench. Its main drawback as a tail vise is the distance of the dog from the edge of the vise. Ideally, the dog hole strip should be fairly close to the edge of the bench. This puts your weight more directly over the work and behind the plane, enabling you to put more power and control into the operation with less strain. It is also important to keep the dog holes near the edge so that fenced planes can easily be used. With even a small quick-action vise the dog hole strip is still pretty far from the edge. So if you decide to use a quick-action vise as a tail vise, get the smallest good one you can find. The twin-screw vise marketed by Lee Valley works well as a tail vise - that's really what it's designed for. The old wooden twin-screw design isn't suited for this task because there is no facility for holding the offside jaw open. Construction materials. Most workbenches are made from solid wood; the most expensive and desirable are made of solid hardwood. Benches may also be made from plywood and Masonite or hardboard, and bases of treated pine and even steel. There are trade offs with the choice of construction material. Solid wood has many advantages including strength, workability, appearance. A plywood or hardboard bench top has the advantage of being stable, relatively inexpensive, and in some ways it's easier to work with—particularly for a woodworker who doesn't yet have hand tools. The practical drawbacks of a plywood or composite bench top are that they don't hold their corners and edges well, and they can't be resurfaced with a plane—something that is needed from time to time. Workbenches are fairly forgiving in the choice of wood. Maple, cherry, mahogany, or pine rarely give problems. Beech, oak, walnut, and fir make good benches. Benches are occasionally made using more exotic woods like purpleheart and teak, though the cost is high. The choice of wood is not as important as the integrity of the design—cross grain construction and inadequate joinery typically have a more destructive effect than the use of a less-than-ideal wood. One popular and cheap source for bench top material is old bowling alley lanes. These are usually made from thick, high-quality laminated maple. Two problems present themselves with bowling alley wood: first, the waxes used on the surface for bowling frequently contain silicone and other substances that can play havoc with work pieces at finishing time—a little silicone on a project will cause trouble with many finishes, and won't manifest itself until it's too late. The other problem with bowling alley wood is nails. Most pieces have loads of nails buried in them, which do not mix well with woodworking tools. Such nails may be mitigated by using a metal detecting wand during stock preparation. Many benches use different species of woods together. Small business woodworkers who work in a store-front sometimes use various species so that their clients can see examples of the different woods in a finished state. If this is done, it is important to use woods that are compatible with each other, particularly in the area of relative movement. Otherwise changes in temperature and humidity will stress the structure out of shape or it may even break. The most common use for exotic woods in bench construction is for auxiliary parts such as oil cups, bench dogs, vise handles, sawing stops and the parts of wooden vises. Size and positioning. The optimum size of a bench depends on the work to be done, space considerations, and budget. In general, bigger is better - though most woodworkers find that most work is done on the front few inches of the top, and then mostly in the front vise or right around the tail vise. So a smaller, narrow bench isn't as much of a drawback as might be expected - and it is far better than no bench at all. Tage Frid's classic bench is relatively small and it is one of the most copied designs. A big disadvantage of a smaller bench is that they are usually too light to resist heavy work without skidding around - but this problem can be overcome by attaching the bench to the floor. Woodworkers seem to be evenly divided on the subject of bench positioning. Some like to be able to access their benches from all sides, while others like their bench against a wall. The advantage of wall placement - besides the saved space - is that tools can be stored on the wall over the bench, within easy reach. This keeps the tool storage out of the way, and the tools can still be reached without turning around or bending down. The base. A workbench base should support the top so that it doesn't move, while at the same time keeping clear of the work. There are two main types: open bases and bases with built in storage. Open bases are easier to build and there is less chance of the base hindering the work - plus, it is usually necessary to compromise the strength and rigidity of a base in order to accommodate storage. Probably the most popular style is the sled-foot trestle base. With this design, each pair of legs is put together in the form of an 'I' with two vertical bars. The leg pairs are connected by a pair of stretchers. These stretchers can be permanently fixed to the leg-pairs, or they can be made removable with tusk tenons or a bed-bolt arrangement. One of the advantages of this style is that there is no end-grain resting on the floor, so the legs are not as prone to wick-up moisture and rot. Another popular style is a simple post and rail table structure. This is probably best implemented in heavy gauge steel, as wood doesn't really give enough resistance to the side forces that develop during heavy work. Most woodworkers who use this style with wood end up making another base before very long. A hybrid design of the sled-foot trestle and the post and rail styles can work well. Instead of an 'I' structure, the sled foot is moved up to become a rail - sort of an 'H' with a bar across the top. This puts end-grain on the floor, but it is otherwise a strong design and somewhat easier to build. Plus, the feet don't get in the way of the work as sled-feet sometimes do. Cast iron leg kits are available for woodworkers who do not want to design and build their own base.

design creation

9482-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=193671

The Hostage Rescue Team (HRT) is the elite tactical unit of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). The HRT was formed to provide a full-time federal law enforcement tactical capability to respond to major terrorist incidents throughout the United States. Today, the HRT performs a number of tactical law enforcement and national security functions in high-risk environments and conditions and has deployed overseas. The HRT, along with the Crisis Negotiation Unit (CNU), the SWAT Operations Unit that manages the field office SWAT program, and the Tactical Helicopter Unit (THU), comprise the Tactical Section of the FBI's Critical Incident Response Group (CIRG). The Hostage Rescue Team was founded in 1982 by Danny Coulson, former Deputy Assistant Director of the FBI, and completed its final certification exercise in October 1983. It was originally composed of 50 operators, later increased to over 90. History. The HRT was originally conceived during the late 1970s and was set up after FBI director William H. Webster witnessed a demonstration by the U.S. Army's Delta Force. When Webster reviewed the equipment used by the Delta Force and noticed there were no handcuffs, he inquired about it. An operator grimly replied, "We put two rounds in their forehead. The dead don't need handcuffs." The HRT was originally to be an augmented SWAT and counter-terrorist team, capable of handling extraordinary hostage situations, large-scale counter-terrorist operations, situations involving nuclear or biological agents, or operations that local law enforcement or the regional FBI field office were not trained or equipped to handle. Final approval for the HRT was given in early 1982, and formal planning began in March that year. The initial HRT selection course was held in June 1982 and consisted of three groups of 30 candidates each. Most candidates were experienced SWAT team members. Of this group, 50 candidates were selected to continue to more advanced training. Upon completing its initial selection, the newly formed HRT began acquiring the equipment it considered necessary and upgrading training facilities at Quantico. One of its first projects was the construction of a "shoot house", built entirely out of old tires, to allow the team to conduct live-fire training exercises. The final touches were added to the facilities just before Thanksgiving 1982 and, after a short holiday break, the team began its initial training program. After receiving tactical SWAT instruction, each individual was given expertise to research, such as explosives and door breaching tactics. Each operator also served as a liaison to one of the existing elite counter-terrorism teams from around the world. As part of their liaison duties, the men attended training exercises held by their assigned counter-terrorism unit and shared their experiences with the team. The team spent most of January 1983 honing their shooting and tactical skills at Quantico, and then traveled to Fort Bragg, North Carolina, in February for a month of training and instruction with the US Army's Delta Force. The team returned to Quantico for further training. It became operational in August 1983. The team's final certification exercise, code-named Operation Equus Red, was held in October 1983 at Kirtland Air Force Base, New Mexico. During the exercise, the HRT, a local SWAT team, and a United States Department of Energy Nuclear Emergency Search Team (NEST) were tasked with assaulting a terrorist stronghold. The "terrorist" group was also believed to be in possession of a simulated nuclear device, which was at a separate location and had to be recovered or neutralized. After the NEST aircraft confirmed the location of the device, HRT operators infiltrated the terrorist safe house, secured the device, and managed to "kill" the terrorist involved in approximately 30 seconds. The FBI's senior leadership viewed the exercise as a complete success and granted final approval for the team to become fully operational. Upon completion of the certification exercise, the HRT began to expand its capabilities by sending small teams of operators out for more specialized training courses. Approximately a dozen operators visited Naval Amphibious Base Coronado to receive combat diver, maritime operations, and tactics (such as visit, board, search, and seizure—VBSS) training from the United States Navy SEALs. Other team members conducted helicopter operations and aerial insertion training with the US Army's Task Force 160. Every operator also received 80 hours of medical training. The HRT traveled to Camp Peary, near Williamsburg, Virginia, for counter-terrorism training courses to develop skills in breaching barricades, running roadblocks, and defensive driving. Over time, HRT operators studied with the U.S. military, along with local, federal, and foreign tactical teams, and attended private courses to learn more about air assault tactics, rappelling, close quarters combat, chemical agents, terrorist psychology, surveillance methods, sniping/counter-sniping, communications and more. Tactics learned during training were shared with the team. Eventually, for close quarter battle training, the HRT decided to make things more realistic on advice from SEAL Team Six (later known as the United States Naval Special Warfare Development Group or DEVGRU) commander Richard Marcinko, and the HRT introduced blood bags and wax bullets. The wax bullets were used for team-versus-team drills. The HRT became part of the Critical Incident Response Group upon its formation in 1994, due to the need to consolidate the assets necessary to respond to a critical incident in one group. Since being added to Critical Incident response group, HRT has been used to conduct law enforcement operations and counterterrorism operations globally, often deploying with military special operations forces and intelligence units. Capabilities. The HRT's equipment and tactics are the most advanced of the FBI's 56 SWAT teams and the 14 enhanced SWAT teams. The HRT's capabilities are distinguished because the HRT operators (assault and sniper teams) serve full-time and train daily. While never advertised as such, HRT operators are fully trained commandos on par with Department of Defense special operations units. The HRT has the ability "to deploy within four hours, with part or all of its personnel and resources, to any location within the United States or its territories". The unit is able to operate in a variety of environments (chemical, extreme cold, night and low-light, or rural environments). The HRT's tactical teams have the ability to fast-rope, a technique in which the team rapidly descends a rope from the side of a helicopter. This technique is useful for deploying troops into an area where a helicopter cannot touch down. Even more advanced capabilities are possessed by the HRT, including High Altitude Low Opening (HALO) parachute operations, to name just one. The HRT's capabilities include advanced ground tactics, advanced maritime operations, and advanced tactical aviation operations. Maritime capabilities. The HRT, as a whole, possesses enhanced capabilities in the maritime domain, including advanced "breaching" capabilities (the ability to circumvent locked doors aboard a ship) and ship-boarding capabilities. The HRT has vessels that are outfitted for maritime assaults, most of which have been upgraded since 2004. HRT also has a specialized maritime team with additional maritime capabilities including subsurface diving, closed-circuit diving (scuba gear that does not emit bubbles), and combat swimming. All operators on the maritime team are military trained in closed-circuit diving and combat swimming. In addition, an operator of the maritime assault team element is qualified to pilot and operate a freighter. Aviation capabilities. The HRT's Tactical Aviation Unit is staffed by FBI special agents. The Tactical Helicopter Unit, a sub-unit of the Tactical Aviation Unit, contains a variety of specially modified helicopters. These include military converted tactical Sikorsky UH-60 Black Hawks and tactically enhanced Bell 412s and Bell 407s. Unlike the military, whose aircraft are not always in the same location as their tactical operators, the HRT's Tactical Helicopter Unit is in the vicinity of HRT central command. The HRT's tactical aviators are required to fly daily. Roles. The primary roles of the HRT are hostage rescue and counter-terrorism. Secondary roles of the HRT include: To a lesser extent, the HRT may deploy teams or individual operators to act as snipers, or to provide protective service details for certain high-profile federal witnesses or dignitaries. Teams provide support for missions overseas and support Joint Terrorism Task Forces. Teams at home and abroad perform typical law enforcement activities, such as making arrests, processing scenes for evidence recovery, and testifying in court. The HRT has provided traditional law enforcement during hurricane relief operations, tactical surveys, and special events such as the Olympic Games, presidential inaugurations, and political conventions. Selection and training. Prospective HRT operators are selected based upon their background and experience, as well as their demonstrated performance during the HRT selection course. The rigorous two-week selection process includes long-distance runs, forced marches, obstacle courses, and other tests of physical and mental stamina. Throughout the entire selection process, candidates are evaluated on their ability to think under pressure and to perform whilst physically exhausted. After a six-month initial training period known as "New Operator Training School" ("NOTS"), they are headquartered at the FBI Academy in Quantico, Virginia. Both the selection course and NOTS are near mirror images of the 1st SFOD-D ("Delta Force") selection and training courses, with some minor adjustments for mission differences. Experienced HRT operators assigned to observer/sniper teams are sent to the United States Marine Corps Scout Sniper Basic Course. After successfully completing the course, they receive further instruction from HRT snipers. Maritime HRT operators are sent to a variety of maritime special operations courses, including Phase II of U.S. Navy BUD/S at Naval Amphibious Base, Coronado, California. When not operationally deployed, the HRT conducts full-time training for its members at various locations throughout the country. Two to three hours each day are set aside for physical training, a defensive tactics session, and combative training. One day a week is devoted to maintaining either perishable skills (such as fast roping, breaching, and photography) or specialized skills (such as mobile assaults, manhunt and rural operations), maritime operations, helicopter operations, parachuting, weapons of mass destruction training (provided by the United States Department of Energy), and cold weather operations. Three days are spent honing sniping or close quarters combat skills on the various training ranges available to the team. Biweekly, one day is allotted for gear maintenance. Discretionary time to be used by team leaders is built into the schedule. During a routine week of training, it is not unusual for HRT operators to fire thousands of rounds to keep their shooting skills honed. Every 12 to 18 months, the HRT also participates in at least one major combined exercise that may involve a variety of governmental entities, such as the FBI and the Departments of Defense, State, Energy, and Homeland Security. Three teams rotate through three 120-day cycles: training, operations, and support. During the training cycle, the team refreshes its skills and takes part in exercises, attends other courses, or trains with foreign and domestic units. During the operations cycle, the team is available for deployment (domestic or foreign). During the support cycle, the team works on special projects, maintains the HRT's equipment, and conducts research. The HRT is known to conduct joint training exercises and participate in exchange programs with some U.S. military units such as the Army's Combat Applications Group (otherwise known as 1st SFOD-D or Delta Force) or the Navy's DEVGRU (SEAL Team Six). The HRT routinely trains with other federal tactical teams such as the DEA's FAST Team, the United States Border Patrol's BORTAC unit or the United States Capitol Police's CERT. Occasionally the HRT trains with French GIGN, British Special Air Service and Special Boat Service, Irish ERU, the Australian SAS, German GSG 9, Italian GIS (Gruppo di Intervento Speciale), and other international units as well as assist in the formation of corresponding units within the NATO framework such as the Hellenic Coast Guard "Special Missions Echelons" ("ΚΕΑ" ΛΣ/ΕΛ.ΑΚΤ.). In addition to the HRT's own facilities, the HRT routinely uses private and 1st SFOD-D Delta Force shoot houses and ranges. The HRT has also been known to train at Camp Peary and Harvey Point. Operations. Since its inception, the HRT has been involved in many of the FBI's most high-profile cases, executing numerous operations involving domestic militant groups, terrorists, and violent criminals. The first test of the team's capabilities came in the summer of 1984 when the team deployed to Los Angeles as part of the security buildup prior to the 1984 Summer Olympic Games. Some cases have brought the HRT a lot of attention. The HRT came under increased public and Congressional scrutiny, along with federal law enforcement in general, due to what some saw as heavy-handed tactics used at Waco and Ruby Ridge. On the other hand, the HRT has been involved in over 200 successful missions, both in the US and abroad. Many of these operations have received little or no attention from the world press. HRT has been deployed to and conducted combat operations in both Iraq and Afghanistan, for example. Some higher-profile cases include the Waco siege; Ruby Ridge; the capture of the suspected masterminds of the 1998 bombings of the US embassies in Africa; the rescue following the 2013 abduction of a five-year-old boy in Alabama; the hostage rescue operations of prison guards at Talladega, Alabama, and St. Martinville, Louisiana; and the January 29, 2016 confrontation with militants involved in the occupation of the Malheur National Wildlife Refuge. On April 19, 2013, the Hostage Rescue Team arrested a man in Watertown, Massachusetts, after a manhunt for Dzhokhar Tsarnaev, one of two perpetrators of the Boston Marathon bombing of April 15. HRT rescued a teenager by killing her abductor on August 10, 2013. HRT rescued kidnap victim Frank Arthur Janssen. The HRT assisted in the capture of Eric Frein, the sole suspect in the 2014 Pennsylvania State Police barracks attack. The FBI HRT was deployed to the 2016 Republican National Convention and the 2016 Democratic National Convention. Casualties. The HRT has suffered four known fatalities, all training related. The first was James K. McAllister, who died during a fast rope training exercise in 1986. The second known fatality was Gregory J. Rahoi, who died in a live fire exercise in 2006. In May 2005, an FBI HRT McDonnell Douglas 530 helicopter crashed while conducting a fast rope exercise. Crew members sustained injuries, but none were life-threatening. On May 17, 2013, HRT suffered two fatalities, Christopher Lorek and Stephen Shaw, involving a helicopter while training off the coast of Virginia Beach. Equipment. The Hostage Rescue Team uses a wide variety of equipment. Firearms. Pistols Sub-machine guns Assault rifles Battle rifles Shotguns Machine guns Sniper rifles Grenade launchers Grenades Aircraft. The HRT's helicopters are operated by their Tactical Helicopter Unit. The HRT can also make use of aircraft belonging to the Critical Incident Response Group's Aviation Special Operations Unit.

complete choice procedure

4734-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1138813

The Georgia Southern Eagles are the athletic teams of Georgia Southern University. The Eagles compete in the Division I Football Bowl Subdivision (FBS) (formerly I-A) and are members of the NCAA Division I Sun Belt Conference. Prior to joining the Sun Belt Conference in 2014, the Eagles were members of the Trans America Athletic Conference (presently known as the Atlantic Sun Conference) and the Southern Conference. During their time at the Football Championship Subdivision (FCS/I-AA) level, the Eagles won six national championships. Sports sponsored. Baseball. The baseball team is led by head coach Rodney Hennon, who is in his seventeenth year at Georgia Southern. Georgia Southern played its first year of baseball in 1933. The team went to the College World Series in 1973 and 1990 and has appeared in 11 NCAA regionals. The team was also crowned the National Association of Intercollegiate Athletics National Champions in 1962, sweeping Portland State. The team won the 2009 Southern Conference Baseball Tournament with a 7 to 3 victory over top seeded Elon and clinch its first SoCon title since 2002. They also won the 2011 SoCon Tournament after Chris Beck pitched a complete game shutout against Samford University. They lost two games against future national champion South Carolina, losing a 2-1 decision, and NC State, coming short by three runs in a 5-2 game. Men's basketball. The head coach of the Georgia Southern men's basketball squad is Mark Byington. The team participated in the NCAA Division I Tournament in 1983, 1987 and 1992, and the NIT in 1988, 1989 and 2006. The first year of men's basketball at Georgia Southern was 1926, and the first year the school played in Division I was 1971. Georgia Southern basketball player Roger Moore was the first African-American athlete to receive a scholarship in the University System of Georgia. Football. The head coach of the Eagles is Chad Lunsford. The Eagles have won six NCAA FCS (I-AA) National Championships (1985, 1986, 1989, 1990, 1999, and 2000). In addition, the Eagles have won ten Southern Conference championships (1993, 1997, 1998, 1999, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2004, 2011, and 2012) and one Sun Belt Conference championship (2014); with the Eagles' first Sun Belt title, they became only the third team, after Nevada in 1992 and Marshall in 1997, to win their conference championship in their first year at the FBS level. Home football games are played at Allen E. Paulson Stadium, known as "The Prettiest Little Stadium in America." Georgia Southern fielded its first football team in 1910; however, the sport was suspended for World War II and was not restarted until 1982. Erk Russell. In 1981, former University of Georgia Defensive Coordinator Erk Russell was hired to restart the football program at Georgia Southern College (as the university was called at the time), a program that had not competed in forty years. Erk Russell became America's winningest coach, leading to the Eagles to three national championships. The Eagles extended Division I's longest home win streak from 26 to 37 games, gaining distinction as the only 15-0 college team of the twentieth century. Russell's final record at Georgia Southern, after his retirement in 1989, was 83-22-1 (.788). Erk Russell addressed the team the night before his shocking and sudden death on September 8, 2006. Georgia Southern University and thousands of friends, family, and fans gathered at Paulson Stadium to mourn the passing of Erk Russell, one of America's most exciting and successful college football coaches. Since Russell's departure, football has continued to be prominent at Georgia Southern. Head coach Tim Stowers succeeded Russell and won the 1990 national title, while Paul Johnson added two more in 1999 and 2000 with teams led by all-time Division I rushing leader Adrian Peterson. Beautiful Eagle Creek. When Georgia Southern resurrected football in 1981, it lacked tradition. A drainage ditch that the team had to cross several times a day during football practice came to be called Beautiful Eagle Creek by popular Head Football Coach Erk Russell. When the Eagles traveled to Northern Iowa during the 1985 playoffs, Coach Russell brought along a jug of Eagle Creek water to sprinkle on the field. The Eagles were victorious and went on to win many national championships with the help of that magical water. Today, the jug is on display at Georgia Southern University and signs have been erected along the creek. The Hugo Bowl. In 1989, ESPN was to broadcast a "Thursday Night Football" game between the Georgia Southern Eagles and the Middle Tennessee State Blue Raiders. However, Hugo, a category 4 hurricane, was headed straight towards the coast of Georgia. At the time of landfall, Hugo ranked as the eleventh most intense hurricane to strike U.S. this century, and it delivered the highest ever recorded storm surge on the East Coast. Nevertheless, the decision was made to continue with the game. For safety purposes, an open line was kept between the press box at Paulson Stadium and the National Hurricane Center in Florida. The Eagles went on to defeat MTSU by a score of 26-0 in a game known as the Hugo Bowl. Traditions. Nickname. Eagles is the third nickname of Georgia Southern University. From 1924 to 1941, the nickname was the Blue Tide. After World War II, athletic teams were referred to as the Professors, as the school was a teachers college. However, in 1959, when the school was renamed Georgia Southern College, a student vote was held to determine the new mascot. Eagles was chosen over Colonels by a narrow margin. Plain uniforms. When the football program was revived in 1982, the school did not have a large budget and coach Erk Russell ordered solid blue helmets and asked the players to put a white strip of tape down the middle. The uniforms consisted of plain white pants and blue jerseys without names. With the subsequent success of the Eagles, the basic simple design of the uniforms has remained the same.

mystical liquid

4167-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=151604

Deception or falsehood is an act or statement which misleads, hides the truth, or promotes a belief, concept, or idea that is not true. It is often done for personal gain or advantage. Deception can involve dissimulation, propaganda and sleight of hand as well as distraction, camouflage or concealment. There is also self-deception, as in bad faith. It can also be called, with varying subjective implications, beguilement, deceit, bluff, mystification, ruse, or subterfuge. Deception is a major relational transgression that often leads to feelings of betrayal and distrust between relational partners. Deception violates relational rules and is considered to be a negative violation of expectations. Most people expect friends, relational partners, and even strangers to be truthful most of the time. If people expected most conversations to be untruthful, talking and communicating with others would require distraction and misdirection to acquire reliable information. A significant amount of deception occurs between some romantic and relational partners. Deceit and dishonesty can also form grounds for civil litigation in tort, or contract law (where it is known as misrepresentation or fraudulent misrepresentation if deliberate), or give rise to criminal prosecution for fraud. It also forms a vital part of psychological warfare in denial and deception. Types. Deception includes several types of communications or omissions that serve to distort or omit the whole truth. Examples of deception range from false statements to misleading claims in which relevant information is omitted, leading the receiver to infer false conclusions. For example, a claim that 'sunflower oil is beneficial to brain health due to the presence of omega-3 fatty acids' may be misleading, as it leads the receiver to believe sunflower oil will benefit brain health more so than other foods. In fact, sunflower oil is relatively low in omega-3 fatty acids and is not particularly good for brain health, so while this claim is technically true, it leads the receiver to infer false information. Deception itself is intentionally managing verbal or nonverbal messages so that the message receiver will believe in a way that the message sender knows is false. Intent is critical with regard to deception. Intent differentiates between deception and an honest mistake. The Interpersonal Deception Theory explores the interrelation between communicative context and sender and receiver cognitions and behaviors in deceptive exchanges. Some forms of deception include: Buller and Burgoon (1996) have proposed three taxonomies to distinguish motivations for deception based on their Interpersonal Deception Theory: Detection. Deception detection between relational partners is extremely difficult unless a partner tells a blatant or obvious lie or contradicts something the other partner knows to be true. While it is difficult to deceive a partner over a long period of time, deception often occurs in day-to-day conversations between relational partners. Detecting deception is difficult because there are no known completely reliable indicators of deception and because people often reply on a truth-default state. Deception, however, places a significant cognitive load on the deceiver. He or she must recall previous statements so that his or her story remains consistent and believable. As a result, deceivers often leak important information both verbally and nonverbally. Deception and its detection is a complex, fluid, and cognitive process that is based on the context of the message exchange. The interpersonal deception theory posits that interpersonal deception is a dynamic, iterative process of mutual influence between a sender, who manipulates information to depart from the truth, and a receiver, who attempts to establish the validity of the message. A deceiver's actions are interrelated to the message receiver's actions. It is during this exchange that the deceiver will reveal verbal and nonverbal information about deceit. Some research has found that there are some cues that may be correlated with deceptive communication, but scholars frequently disagree about the effectiveness of many of these cues to serve as reliable indicators. Noted deception scholar Aldert Vrij even states that there is no nonverbal behavior that is uniquely associated with deception. As previously stated, a specific behavioral indicator of deception does not exist. There are, however, some nonverbal behaviors that have been found to be correlated with deception. Vrij found that examining a "cluster" of these cues was a significantly more reliable indicator of deception than examining a single cue. Many people believe that they are good at deception, though this confidence is often misplaced. Mark Frank proposes that deception is detected at the cognitive level. Lying requires deliberate conscious behavior, so listening to speech and watching body language are important factors in detecting lies. If a response to a question has a lot disturbances, less talking time, repeated words, and poor logical structure, then the person may be lying. Vocal cues such as frequency height and variation may also provide meaningful clues to deceit. Fear specifically causes heightened arousal in liars, which manifests in more frequent blinking, pupil dilation, speech disturbances, and a higher pitched voice. The liars that experience guilt have been shown to make attempts at putting distance between themselves and the deceptive communication, producing “nonimmediacy cues” These can be verbal or physical, including speaking in more indirect ways and showing an inability to maintain eye contact with their conversation partners. Another cue for detecting deceptive speech is the tone of the speech itself. Streeter, Krauss, Geller, Olson, and Apple (1977) have assessed that fear and anger, two emotions widely associated with deception, cause greater arousal than grief or indifference, and note that the amount of stress one feels is directly related to the frequency of the voice. Camouflage. The camouflage of a physical object often works by breaking up the visual boundary of that object. This usually involves colouring the camouflaged object with the same colours as the background against which the object will be hidden. In the realm of deceptive half-truths, camouflage is realized by 'hiding' some of the truths. Military camouflage as a form of visual deception is a part of military deception. Some Allied navies during World War II used dazzle camouflage painting schemes to confuse observers regarding a naval vessel's speed and heading, by breaking up the ship's otherwise obvious silhouette. In nature, the defensive mechanisms of most octopuses to eject black ink in a large cloud to aid in escape from predators is a form of camouflage. Disguise. A disguise is an appearance to create the impression of being somebody or something else; for a well-known person this is also called incognito. Passing involves more than mere dress and can include hiding one's real manner of speech. The fictional detective Sherlock Holmes often disguised himself as somebody else to avoid being recognized. In a more abstract sense, 'disguise' may refer to the act of disguising the nature of a particular proposal in order to hide an unpopular motivation or effect associated with that proposal. This is a form of political spin or propaganda, covering the matters of rationalisation and transfer within the techniques of propaganda generation. For example, depicting an act of war (an attack) as a "peace" mission or "spinning" a kidnapping as a protective custody. Use by governments. The term "deception" as used by a government is typically frowned upon unless it's in reference to military operations. These terms refer to the means by which governments employ deception: Simulation. Simulation consists of exhibiting false information. There are three simulation techniques: mimicry (copying another model or example, such as non-poisonous snakes which have the colours and markings of poisonous snakes), fabrication (making up a new model), and distraction (offering an alternative model) Mimicry. In the biological world, mimicry involves "unconscious" deception by similarity to another organism, or to a natural object. Animals for example may deceive predators or prey by visual, auditory or other means. Fabrication. To make something that appears to be something that it is not, usually for the purpose of encouraging an adversary to reveal, endanger, or divert that adversary's own resources ("i.e. ", as a decoy). For example, in World War II, it was common for the Allies to use hollow tanks made out of wood to fool German reconnaissance planes into thinking a large armor unit was on the move in one area while the real tanks were well hidden and on the move in a location far from the fabricated "dummy" tanks. Mock airplanes and fake airfields have also been created. Distraction. To get someone's attention from the truth by offering bait or something else more tempting to divert attention away from the object being concealed. For example, a security company publicly announces that it will ship a large gold shipment down one route, while in reality take a different route. A military unit trying to maneuver out of a dangerous position may make a feint attack or fake retreat, to make the enemy think they are doing one thing while in fact they have another goal. A seventeenth-century story collection, Zhang Yingyu's "The Book of Swindles" (ca. 1617), offers multiple examples of the bait-and-switch and fraud techniques involving the stimulation of greed in Ming-dynasty China. Negotiation. Can be described as a way to use words or actions to mislead into getting what you want. People who negotiate feel more tempted to use deceit. In negotiation, it includes both parties to trust and respect one another. In negotiations, one party is unaware of what is going on in the other side of the thing that needs to be negotiated. Deception in negotiation comes in many forms, and each has its reaction (Gaspar et al.,2019). In romantic relationships. Deception is particularly common within romantic relationships, with more than 90% of individuals admitting to lying or not being completely honest with their partner at one time. There are three primary motivations for deception in relationships. Deception impacts the perception of a relationship in a variety of ways, for both the deceiver and the deceived. The deceiver typically perceives less understanding and intimacy from the relationship, in that they see their partner as less empathetic and more distant. The act of deception can also result in feelings of distress for the deceiver, which become worse the longer the deceiver has known the deceived, as well as in longer-term relationships. Once discovered, deception creates feelings of detachment and uneasiness surrounding the relationship for both partners; this can eventually lead to both partners becoming more removed from the relationship or deterioration of the relationship. In general, discovery of deception can result in a decrease in relationship satisfaction and commitment level, however, in instances where a person is successfully deceived, relationship satisfaction can actually be positively impacted for the person deceived, since lies are typically used to make the other partner feel more positive about the relationship. In general, deception tends to occur less often in relationships with higher satisfaction and commitment levels and in relationships where partners have known each other longer, such as long-term relationships and marriage. In comparison, deception is more likely to occur in casual relationships and in dating where commitment level and length of acquaintanceship is often much lower. Infidelity. Unique to exclusive romantic relationships is the use of deception in the form of infidelity. When it comes to the occurrence of infidelity, there are many individual difference factors that can impact this behavior. Infidelity is impacted by attachment style, relationship satisfaction, executive function, sociosexual orientation, personality traits, and gender. Attachment style impacts the probability of infidelity and research indicates that people with an insecure attachment style (anxious or avoidant) are more likely to cheat compared to individuals with a secure attachment style, especially for avoidant men and anxious women. Insecure attachment styles are characterized by a lack of comfort within a romantic relationship resulting in a desire to be overly independent (avoidant attachment style) or a desire to be overly dependent on their partner in an unhealthy way (anxious attachment style). Those with an insecure attachment style are characterized by not believing that their romantic partner can/will support and comfort them in an effective way, either stemming from a negative belief regarding themselves (anxious attachment style) or a negative belief regarding romantic others (avoidant attachment style). Women are more likely to commit infidelity when they are emotionally unsatisfied with their relationship whereas men are more likely to commit infidelity if they are sexually unsatisfied with their current relationship. Women are more likely to commit emotional infidelity than men while men are more likely to commit sexual infidelity than women; however, these are not mutually exclusive categories as both men and women can and do engage in emotional or sexual infidelity. Executive control is a part of executive functions that allows for individuals to monitor and control their behavior through thinking about and managing their actions. The level of executive control that an individual possesses is impacted by development and experience and can be improved through training and practice. Those individuals that show a higher level of executive control can more easily influence/control their thoughts and behaviors in relation to potential threats to an ongoing relationship which can result in paying less attention to threats to the current relationship (other potential romantic mates). Sociosexual orientation is concerned with how freely individuals partake in casual sex outside of a committed relationship and their beliefs regarding how necessary it is to be in love in order to engage in sex with someone. Individuals with a less restrictive sociosexual orientation (more likely to partake in casual sex) are more likely to engage in infidelity. Individuals that have personality traits including (high) neuroticism, (low) agreeableness, and (low) conscientiousness are more likely to commit infidelity. Men are generally speculated to cheat more than women, but it is unclear if this is a result of socialization processes where it is more acceptable for men to cheat compared to women or due to an actual increase in this behavior for men. Research conducted by Conley and colleagues (2011) suggests that the reasoning behind these gender differences stems from the negative stigma associated with women who engage in casual sex and inferences about the sexual capability of the potential sexual partner. In their study, men and women were equally likely to accept a sexual proposal from an individual who was speculated to have a high level of sexual prowess. Additionally, women were just as likely as men to accept a casual sexual proposal when they did not anticipate being subjected to the negative stigma of sexually permissible women as slutty. In online dating. Research on the use of deception in online dating has shown that people are generally truthful about themselves with the exception of physical attributes to appear more attractive. According to the Scientific American, "nine out of ten online daters will fib about their height, weight, or age" such that men were more likely to lie about height while women were more likely to lie about weight. In a study conducted by Toma and Hancock, "less attractive people were found to be more likely to have chosen a profile picture in which they were significantly more attractive than they were in everyday life". Both genders used this strategy in online dating profiles, but women more so than men. Additionally, less attractive people were more likely to have "lied about objective measures of physical attractiveness such as height and weight". In general, men are more likely to lie on dating profiles the one exception being that women are more likely to lie about weight. In social research. Some methodologies in social research, especially in psychology, involve deception. The researchers purposely mislead or misinform the participants about the true nature of the experiment. In an experiment conducted by Stanley Milgram in 1963 the researchers told participants that they would be participating in a scientific study of memory and learning. In reality the study looked at the participants' willingness to obey commands, even when that involved inflicting pain upon another person. After the study, the subjects were informed of the true nature of the study, and steps were taken in order to ensure that the subjects left in a state of well-being. Use of deception raises many problems of research ethics and it is strictly regulated by professional bodies such as the American Psychological Association. In psychological research. Psychological research often needs to deceive the subjects as to its actual purpose. The rationale for such deception is that humans are sensitive to how they appear to others (and to themselves) and this self-consciousness might interfere with or distort from how they actually behave outside of a research context (where they would not feel they were being scrutinized). For example, if a psychologist is interested in learning the conditions under which students cheat on tests, directly asking them, "how often do you cheat?," might result in a high percent of "socially desirable" answers and the researcher would, in any case, be unable to verify the accuracy of these responses. In general, then, when it is unfeasible or naive to simply ask people directly why or how often they do what they do, researchers turn to the use of deception to distract their participants from the true behavior of interest. So, for example, in a study of cheating, the participants may be told that the study has to do with how intuitive they are. During the process, they might be given the opportunity to look at (secretly, they think) another participant's [presumably highly intuitively correct] answers before handing in their own. At the conclusion of this or any research involving deception, all participants must be told of the true nature of the study and why deception was necessary (this is called debriefing). Moreover, it is customary to offer to provide a summary of the results to all participants at the conclusion of the research. Though commonly used and allowed by the ethical guidelines of the American Psychological Association, there has been debate about whether or not the use of deception should be permitted in psychological research experiments. Those against deception object to the ethical and methodological issues involved in its use. Dresser (1981) notes that, ethically, researchers are only to use subjects in an experiment after the subject has given informed consent. However, because of its very nature, a researcher conducting a deception experiment cannot reveal its true purpose to the subject, thereby making any consent given by a subject misinformed (p. 3). Baumrind (1964), criticizing the use of deception in the Milgram (1963) obedience experiment, argues that deception experiments inappropriately take advantage of the implicit trust and obedience given by the subject when the subject volunteers to participate (p. 421). From a practical perspective, there are also methodological objections to deception. Ortmann and Hertwig (1998) note that "deception can strongly affect the reputation of individual labs and the profession, thus contaminating the participant pool" (p. 806). If the subjects in the experiment are suspicious of the researcher, they are unlikely to behave as they normally would, and the researcher's control of the experiment is then compromised (p. 807). Those who do not object to the use of deception note that there is always a constant struggle in balancing "the need for conducting research that may solve social problems and the necessity for preserving the dignity and rights of the research participant" (Christensen, 1988, p. 670). They also note that, in some cases, using deception is the only way to obtain certain kinds of information, and that prohibiting all deception in research would "have the egregious consequence of preventing researchers from carrying out a wide range of important studies" (Kimmel, 1998, p. 805). Additionally, findings suggest that deception is not harmful to subjects. Christensen's (1988) review of the literature found "that research participants do not perceive that they are harmed and do not seem to mind being misled" (p. 668). Furthermore, those participating in experiments involving deception "reported having enjoyed the experience more and perceived more educational benefit" than those who participated in non-deceptive experiments (p. 668). Lastly, it has also been suggested that an unpleasant treatment used in a deception study or the unpleasant implications of the outcome of a deception study may be the underlying reason that a study using deception is perceived as unethical in nature, rather than the actual deception itself (Broder, 1998, p. 806; Christensen, 1988, p. 671). In philosophy. Deception is a recurring theme in modern philosophy. In 1641 Descartes published his meditations, in which he introduced the notion of the Deus deceptor, a posited being capable of deceiving the thinking ego about reality. The notion was used as part of his hyperbolic doubt, wherein one decides to doubt everything there is to doubt. The Deus deceptor is a mainstay of so-called skeptical arguments, which purport to put into question our knowledge of reality. The punch of the argument is that all we know might be wrong, since we might be deceived. Stanley Cavell has argued that all skepticism has its root in this fear of deception. In religion. Deception is a common topic in religious discussions. Some sources focus on how religious texts deal with deception. But, other sources focus on the deceptions created by the religions themselves. For example, Ryan McKnight is the founder of an organization called FaithLeaks. He stated that the organizations "goal is to reduce the amount of deception and untruths and unethical behaviors that exist in some facets of religion". Islam. Taqiya is an Islamic juridical term for the cases in which a Muslim is allowed, under Sharia law, to lie. The main case is to deny their faith when faced with persecution. The concept varies "significantly among Islamic sects, scholars, countries, and political regimes", and has been evoked by critics of Islam to portray the faith as dishonest. In law. For legal purposes, deceit is a tort that occurs when a person makes a factual misrepresentation, knowing that it is false (or having no belief in its truth and being reckless as to whether it is true) and intending it to be relied on by the recipient, and the recipient acts to his or her detriment in reliance on it. Deceit may also be grounds for legal action in contract law (known as misrepresentation, or if deliberate, fraudulent misrepresentation), or a criminal prosecution, on the basis of fraud. Further reading. Town Porsche of Englewood, New Jersey 07631 - also known as a new Perspective on Human Deceit.

cognitive behavioral processes

8336-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=33211402

Also known as the 13th Stoke Mandeville Games, the 1964 Summer Paralympics was the 2nd Paralympic Games. Hosted in Tokyo, the games ran from 8 to 12 November. Australia won a total of 30 medals (12 gold, 11 silver, and 7 bronze) and finished fourth on the medal tally behind Italy (3rd), Great Britain (2nd) and the United States (1st). Australia competed in 6 of the 9 sports at the Games, winning medals in each of those sports, but was most successful in the pool, winning a majority of their medals in swimming events. Background. Prior to the 1964 Paralympic Games, some of the athletes competed in the 1962 Commonwealth Paraplegic Games in Perth whilst others competed in the Third 'National Paraplegic Games' in Adelaide in order to qualify for the Paralympic Games. There was no selection process for the venue of the 1964 Paralympic Games, it simply went to the city that had hosted the Olympics as it had 4 years ago in Rome (1960). Also there is no record of a Paralympic flame or mascot at these games. The Australian team left Sydney for Tokyo on 5 November 1964, comprising 25 athletes, staff and others, having conducted final preparations and briefing at Prince Henry's Hospital. On 7 November, the team attended a reception hosted by the Governor of Tokyo Dr Royotaro Ayuimo. The opening ceremony was held the following day, involving 375 competitors and 144 medal events in 9 sports. Australians encountered two issues at the games, the first being the weather and the second was the timing of the games. On the first day athletes faced bitterly cold headwinds which effected the discus, shot put and javelin events causing the events to be restarted. Timing was also tight, as the games only lasted a total of four and a half days. This made for a very busy schedule for athletes competing in multiple events. However, despite these issues the games were given a glowing review by members of the Australian Paralympic team. The events were well organised and the athletes were treated with a sense of legitimacy and professionalism that had so far been absent from disability sport. One Australian athlete recalls, "At the village we [were] halted by a magnificent entrance welcoming us with flags, banners and posters for the Paralympics. It was clear that Japan had decided to show their visitors the hospitality and efficiency that she had shown the Olympic Visitors". Team. Australia sent 15 athletes to the 1964 Summer Paralympics. The team members were: Accompanying the team were 8 escorts, all with specific roles to play within the team: <br> – Dr George Bedbrook (Team Leader & Medical Officer) <br> – Johnno Johnston (Manager & Remedial Gymnast) <br> – Margaret Buzacott (Nurse) <br> – Kevin Betts (Attendant) <br> – Bill Gibbs (Attendant) <br> – K. Pinschers (Coach) <br> – Tim Timmermans (Coach) <br> – Cyril Thomas (Baggage Master) Events. Archery. Daphne Ceeney won bronze in the Women's Albion Round open with a score of 538. Roy Fowler won silver in the Men's St. Nicholas Round open with a score of 700. Lionel Cousins, Roy Fowler and John Martin won silver in the Men's St. Nicholas Round Team open with a score of 1995. Athletics. Bill (William) Mather-Brown (60m, Club Throw, Discus Throw, Precision Javelin, Javelin Throw, Shot Put, Slalom), 4x40m Relay? Frank Ponta (Club Throw, Discus Throw, Precision Javelin, Javelin Throw, Shot Put) 4x40m? Mike Dow (60m, Club Throw, Discus Throw, Javelin Throw, Shot Put, Slalom), 4x40m? John Martin (Club Throw, Shot Put) Vic Renalson (Discus Throw) Marion O'Brien won a silver medal in the Women's Javelin C with a throw of 10.27 metres. Elaine Schreiber won a gold medal in the Women's Club Throw A with a throw of 17.31 metres and won a silver medal in the Women's Javelin A with a throw of 9.26 metres. Gary Hooper won a gold medal in the Men's Wheelchair Dash above T10. Australia won a silver medal in the Men's Wheelchair Relay above T10. Dartchery. Australia was represented by Roy Farmer and his partner with Lionel Cousens and Trevor French and his partner with John Martin. Snooker. Australia did not compete in Snooker at the 1964 Summer Paralympics. Swimming. Trevor French won a silver medal in the Men's 25 m Freestyle Supine complete class 2 with a time of 31.6 seconds. Daphne Ceeney won a silver medal in the Women's 50 m Freestyle Prone complete class 5 with a time of 40.1 seconds and she won a bronze medal in the Women's 50 m Freestyle Supine cauda equina with a time of 56.4 seconds. Michael Dow won a gold medal in the Men's 50 m Freestyle Supine incomplete class 3 with a time of 49.7 seconds. He won another gold medal in the Men's 50 m Breaststroke incomplete class 3 with a time of 59.6 seconds. He also won a bronze medal in the Men's 50 m Freestyle Prone incomplete class 3 with a time of 50.9 seconds. Frank Ponta won a gold medal in the Men's 25 m Freestyle Supine complete class 2 with a time of 30.0 seconds. Elizabeth Edmondson was the youngest competitor at the games at the age of just 14 years old. Edmondson won a gold medal in the Women's 50 m Breaststroke cauda equina with a time of 1:04.6, a world record. She won a second gold medal in the Women's 50 m Freestyle Prone complete class 5 with a time of 39.7 seconds, a world record. And she won a third gold medal in the Women's 50 m Freestyle Supine cauda equina with a time of 50.8 seconds, another world record. At the conclusion of the 1964 Games, Edmondson's parents acknowledged that swimming had greatly helped their daughter, but felt that she needed to quit the sport and concentrate on her education because swimming would not provide her with standing in life. After the 1964 games, Edmondson returned home and prepared for school exams. Roy Fowler won a gold medal in the Men's 25 m Breaststroke complete class 1 with a time of 45.6 seconds. He won a second gold medal in the Men's 25 m Freestyle Prone complete class 1 with a time of 38.3 seconds. He won a third gold medal in the Men's 25 m Freestyle Supine complete class 1 with a time of 41.0 seconds. Table Tennis. Allan McLucas won a bronze medal in the Men's Singles A2. Elaine Schreiber won a bronze medal in the Women's Singles B. Marion O'Brien won a bronze medal in the Women's Singles C. Daphne Ceeney and Marion O'Brien won a gold medal in the Women's Doubles C. Weightlifting. Gary Hooper won a silver medal in the Men's Lightweight. Vic Renalson won a silver medal in the Men's Heavyweight with a lift of 155 kg. Vic went on to compete in weightlifting and medal in 1968, 1972 and 1976 representing Australia in 4 consecutive Paralympic games. Wheelchair basketball. Australia did not field a wheelchair basketball team at the 1964 Summer Paralympics. Wheelchair fencing. Daphne Ceeney won a bronze medal in the Women's Foil Individual. Frank Ponta won a silver medal in the Men's Foil Novice Individual. Competition Venues. Although the games used the same village from the Olympic Games, most of the sporting facilities differed from those used in the Olympic Games. The National gymnasium and the National Gymnasium Annexe were the only venues used for both games. Overall, the sports were spread across seven venues. These included: Opening ceremony. The opening ceremony was held on Sunday 8 November at 10.00 am on the 'Oda' Track and Field stadium. Emperor Akihito (who was the Japanese Crown Prince in 1964) and his wife Empress Michiko (who was the Japanese Crown Princess) attended the opening ceremony and officially opened the Games. The ceremony began with a colourful, flag-waving procession of 375 athletes across the represented 21 countries. This procession was led by a marching band of young Japanese girls. Speeches from the Crown Prince and other representatives transpired before Japanese swimmer Shigeo Aono took the athlete's oath. What followed was the release of hundreds of pigeons into the air. To conclude the opening ceremony, a demonstration of traditional Japanese fencing was undertaken by members of the Defence Force. Closing Ceremony. Before 1964, the Paralympics had not held an official closing ceremony in accordance with the tradition of the Stoke Mandeville Games, however Tokyo was the first to stage a formal closing ceremony setting a new tradition for subsequent events. The ceremony was held on Thursday 12 November at 5.00pm in the Olympic Gymnasium Annexe, "a grand amphitheatre", according to "Australian Paraplegic". Once again it was attended by the Crown Prince and Princess who gave out numerous special prizes to the outstanding athletes of the Games in front of over 5000 spectators. Sir Ludwig Guttmann attended and gave a speech thanking the Japanese people and the organising committee for putting on such a wonderful event. "Everybody present collectively sang Auld Lang Syne and as the sound of thousands of people joining together rang out, the atmosphere was unforgettable and truly celebratory". The impact of the Games was felt when Japanese students and children raced to catch the hats of the athletes and participants who tossed them into the gathering crowds. Athlete's Reflection of the Games. Wheelchair Fencer Bill Mather-Brown: "Tokyo was way above Stoke Mandeville of ’57 and the previous 1960 Rome Paralympics." "Athletes were far more highly trained and the Japanese conducted the whole affair in a most business-like manner". Swimmer and Weightlifter Michael Dow: "I went there with absolutely no idea of how competitive the events would be". "I was quite chuffed with the two gold medals". Swimmer Elizabeth Edmondson: "At the time I didn’t know how much the Paralympic Movement would grow because not much of a fuss was made". "My parents couldn’t come with me and there wasn’t much coverage of what happened". "Without the Paralympic Games being accessible to the general public and without results being readily available, families and friends of athletes would eagerly await telegrams to hear the results of their loved ones", Edmondson recalls. "My parents received a telegram about my gold medals when I was in Tokyo and my sister remembers being called out of class as an eight year old to be told the news". Edmondson also recalls the tight schedule and the events she competed in during the games. "I swam all three events on one night with no heats and there were only 25m and 50m events". Further reading. Several oral histories are available online from Australian athletes who competed at the Games.

professional way

5140-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=7392872

The ensemble interpretation of quantum mechanics considers the quantum state description to apply only to an ensemble of similarly prepared systems, rather than supposing that it exhaustively represents an individual physical system. The advocates of the ensemble interpretation of quantum mechanics claim that it is minimalist, making the fewest physical assumptions about the meaning of the standard mathematical formalism. It proposes to take to the fullest extent the statistical interpretation of Max Born, for which he won the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1954. On the face of it, the ensemble interpretation might appear to contradict the doctrine proposed by Niels Bohr, that the wave function describes an individual system or particle, not an ensemble, though he accepted Born's statistical interpretation of quantum mechanics. It is not quite clear exactly what kind of ensemble Bohr intended to exclude, since he did not describe probability in terms of ensembles. The ensemble interpretation is sometimes, especially by its proponents, called "the statistical interpretation", but it seems perhaps different from Born's statistical interpretation. As is the case for "the" Copenhagen interpretation, "the" ensemble interpretation might not be uniquely defined. In one view, the ensemble interpretation may be defined as that advocated by Leslie E. Ballentine, Professor at Simon Fraser University. His interpretation does not attempt to justify, or otherwise derive, or explain quantum mechanics from any deterministic process, or make any other statement about the real nature of quantum phenomena; it intends simply to interpret the wave function. It does not propose to lead to actual results that differ from orthodox interpretations. It makes the statistical operator primary in reading the wave function, deriving the notion of a pure state from that. In the opinion of Ballentine, perhaps the most notable supporter of such an interpretation was Albert Einstein: Nevertheless, one may doubt as to whether Einstein, over the years, had in mind one definite kind of ensemble. Meaning of "ensemble" and "system". Perhaps the first expression of an ensemble interpretation was that of Max Born. In a 1968 article, he used the German words 'gleicher Haufen', which are often translated into English, in this context, as 'ensemble' or 'assembly'. The atoms in his assembly were uncoupled, meaning that they were an imaginary set of independent atoms that defines its observable statistical properties. Born did not mean an ensemble of instances of a certain kind of wave function, nor one composed of instances of a certain kind of state vector. There may be room here for confusion or miscommunication. An example of an ensemble is composed by preparing and observing many copies of one and the same kind of quantum system. This is referred to as an ensemble of systems. It is not, for example, a single preparation and observation of one simultaneous set ("ensemble") of particles. A single body of many particles, as in a gas, is not an "ensemble" of particles in the sense of the "ensemble interpretation", although a repeated preparation and observation of many copies of one and the same kind of body of particles may constitute an "ensemble" of systems, each system being a body of many particles. The ensemble is not in principle confined to such a laboratory paradigm, but may be a natural system conceived of as occurring repeatedly in nature; it is not quite clear whether or how this might be realized. The members of the ensemble are said to be in the same state, and this defines the term 'state'. The state is mathematically denoted by a mathematical object called a statistical operator. Such an operator is a map from a certain corresponding Hilbert space to itself, and may be written as a density matrix. It is characteristic of the ensemble interpretation to define the state by the statistical operator. Other interpretations may instead define the state by the corresponding Hilbert space. Such a difference between the modes of definition of state seems to make no difference to the physical meaning. Indeed, according to Ballentine, one can define the state by an ensemble of identically prepared systems, denoted by a point in the Hilbert space, as is perhaps more customary. The link is established by making the observing procedure a copy of the preparative procedure; mathematically the corresponding Hilbert spaces are mutually dual. Since Bohr's concern was that the specimen phenomena are joint preparation-observation occasions, it is not evident that the Copenhagen and ensemble interpretations differ substantially in this respect. According to Ballentine, the distinguishing difference between the Copenhagen interpretation (CI) and the ensemble interpretation (EI) is the following: CI: A pure state formula_1 provides a "complete" description of an individual system, in the sense that a dynamical variable represented by the operator formula_2 has a definite value (formula_3, say) if and only if formula_4. EI: A pure state describes the statistical properties of an ensemble of identically prepared systems, of which the statistical operator is idempotent. Ballentine emphasizes that the meaning of the "Quantum State" or "State Vector" may be described, essentially, by a one-to-one correspondence to the probability distributions of measurement results, not the individual measurement results themselves. A mixed state is a description only of the probabilities, formula_5 and formula_6 of positions, not a description of actual individual positions. A mixed state is a mixture of probabilities of physical states, not a coherent superposition of physical states. Ensemble interpretation applied to single systems. The statement that the quantum mechanical wave function itself does not apply to a single system in one sense does not imply that the ensemble interpretation itself does not apply to single systems in the sense meant by the ensemble interpretation. The condition is that there is not a direct one-to-one correspondence of the wave function with an individual system that might imply, for example, that an object might physically exist in two states simultaneously. The ensemble interpretation may well be applied to a single system or particle, and predict what is the probability that that single system will have for a value of one of its properties, on repeated measurements. Consider the throwing of two dice simultaneously on a craps table. The system in this case would consist of only the two dice. There are probabilities of various results, e.g. two fives, two twos, a one and a six etc. Throwing the pair of dice 100 times, would result in an ensemble of 100 trials. Classical statistics would then be able predict what typically would be the number of times that certain results would occur. However, classical statistics would not be able to predict what definite single result would occur with a single throw of the pair of dice. That is, probabilities applied to single one off events are, essentially, meaningless, except in the case of a probability equal to 0 or 1. It is in this way that the ensemble interpretation states that the wave function does not apply to an individual system. That is, by individual system, it is meant a single experiment or single throw of the dice, of that system. The Craps throws could equally well have been of only one dice, that is, a single system or particle. Classical statistics would also equally account for repeated throws of this single dice. It is in this manner, that the ensemble interpretation is quite able to deal with "single" or individual systems on a probabilistic basis. The standard Copenhagen Interpretation (CI) is no different in this respect. A fundamental principle of QM is that only probabilistic statements may be made, whether for individual systems/particles, a simultaneous group of systems/particles, or a collection (ensemble) of systems/particles. An identification that the wave function applies to an individual system in standard CI QM, does not defeat the inherent probabilistic nature of any statement that can be made within standard QM. To verify the probabilities of quantum mechanical predictions, however interpreted, inherently requires the repetition of experiments, i.e. an ensemble of systems in the sense meant by the ensemble interpretation. QM cannot state that a single particle will definitely be in a certain position, with a certain momentum at a later time, irrespective of whether or not the wave function is taken to apply to that single particle. In this way, the standard CI also "fails" to completely describe "single" systems. However, it should be stressed that, in contrast to classical systems and older ensemble interpretations, the modern ensemble interpretation as discussed here, does not assume, nor require, that there exist specific values for the properties of the objects of the ensemble, prior to measurement. Preparative and observing devices as origins of quantum randomness. An isolated quantum mechanical system, specified by a wave function, evolves in time in a deterministic way according to the Schrödinger equation that is characteristic of the system. Though the wave function can generate probabilities, no randomness or probability is involved in the temporal evolution of the wave function itself. This is agreed, for example, by Born, Dirac, von Neumann, London & Bauer, Messiah, and Feynman & Hibbs. An isolated system is not subject to observation; in quantum theory, this is because observation is an intervention that violates isolation. The system's initial state is defined by the preparative procedure; this is recognized in the ensemble interpretation, as well as in the Copenhagen approach. The system's state as prepared, however, does not entirely fix all properties of the system. The fixing of properties goes only as far as is physically possible, and is not physically exhaustive; it is, however, physically complete in the sense that no physical procedure can make it more detailed. This is stated clearly by Heisenberg in his 1927 paper. It leaves room for further unspecified properties. For example, if the system is prepared with a definite energy, then the quantum mechanical phase of the wave function is left undetermined by the mode of preparation. The ensemble of prepared systems, in a definite pure state, then consists of a set of individual systems, all having one and the same the definite energy, but each having a different quantum mechanical phase, regarded as probabilistically random. The wave function, however, does have a definite phase, and thus specification by a wave function is more detailed than specification by state as prepared. The members of the ensemble are logically distinguishable by their distinct phases, though the phases are not defined by the preparative procedure. The wave function can be multiplied by a complex number of unit magnitude without changing the state as defined by the preparative procedure. The preparative state, with unspecified phase, leaves room for the several members of the ensemble to interact in respectively several various ways with other systems. An example is when an individual system is passed to an observing device so as to interact with it. Individual systems with various phases are scattered in various respective directions in the analyzing part of the observing device, in a probabilistic way. In each such direction, a detector is placed, in order to complete the observation. When the system hits the analyzing part of the observing device, that scatters it, it ceases to be adequately described by its own wave function in isolation. Instead it interacts with the observing device in ways partly determined by the properties of the observing device. In particular, there is in general no phase coherence between system and observing device. This lack of coherence introduces an element of probabilistic randomness to the system–device interaction. It is this randomness that is described by the probability calculated by the Born rule. There are two independent originative random processes, one that of preparative phase, the other that of the phase of the observing device. The random process that is actually observed, however, is neither of those originative ones. It is the phase difference between them, a single derived random process. The Born rule describes that derived random process, the observation of a single member of the preparative ensemble. In the ordinary language of classical or Aristotelian scholarship, the preparative ensemble consists of many specimens of a species. The quantum mechanical technical term 'system' refers to a single specimen, a particular object that may be prepared or observed. Such an object, as is generally so for objects, is in a sense a conceptual abstraction, because, according to the Copenhagen approach, it is defined, not in its own right as an actual entity, but by the two macroscopic devices that should prepare and observe it. The random variability of the prepared specimens does not exhaust the randomness of a detected specimen. Further randomness is injected by the quantum randomness of the observing device. It is this further randomness that makes Bohr emphasize that there is randomness in the observation that is not fully described by the randomness of the preparation. This is what Bohr means when he says that the wave function describes "a single system". He is focusing on the phenomenon as a whole, recognizing that the preparative state leaves the phase unfixed, and therefore does not exhaust the properties of the individual system. The phase of the wave function encodes further detail of the properties of the individual system. The interaction with the observing device reveals that further encoded detail. It seems that this point, emphasized by Bohr, is not explicitly recognized by the ensemble interpretation, and this may be what distinguishes the two interpretations. It seems, however, that this point is not explicitly denied by the ensemble interpretation. Einstein perhaps sometimes seemed to interpret the probabilistic "ensemble" as a preparative ensemble, recognizing that the preparative procedure does not exhaustively fix the properties of the system; therefore he said that the theory is "incomplete". Bohr, however, insisted that the physically important probabilistic "ensemble" was the combined prepared-and-observed one. Bohr expressed this by demanding that an actually observed single fact should be a complete "phenomenon", not a system alone, but always with reference to both the preparing and the observing devices. The Einstein–Podolsky–Rosen criterion of "completeness" is clearly and importantly different from Bohr's. Bohr regarded his concept of "phenomenon" as a major contribution that he offered for quantum theoretical understanding. The decisive randomness comes from both preparation and observation, and may be summarized in a single randomness, that of the phase difference between preparative and observing devices. The distinction between these two devices is an important point of agreement between Copenhagen and ensemble interpretations. Though Ballentine claims that Einstein advocated "the ensemble approach", a detached scholar would not necessarily be convinced by that claim of Ballentine. There is room for confusion about how "the ensemble" might be defined. "Each photon interferes only with itself". Niels Bohr famously insisted that the wave function refers to a single individual quantum system. He was expressing the idea that Dirac expressed when he famously wrote: "Each photon then interferes only with itself. Interference between different photons never occurs.". Dirac clarified this by writing: "This, of course, is true only provided the two states that are superposed refer to the same beam of light, "i.e." all that is known about the position and momentum of a photon in either of these states must be the same for each." Bohr wanted to emphasize that a superposition is different from a mixture. He seemed to think that those who spoke of a "statistical interpretation" were not taking that into account. To create, by a superposition experiment, a new and different pure state, from an original pure beam, one can put absorbers and phase-shifters into some of the sub-beams, so as to alter the composition of the re-constituted superposition. But one cannot do so by mixing a fragment of the original unsplit beam with component split sub-beams. That is because one photon cannot both go into the unsplit fragment and go into the split component sub-beams. Bohr felt that talk in statistical terms might hide this fact. The physics here is that the effect of the randomness contributed by the observing apparatus depends on whether the detector is in the path of a component sub-beam, or in the path of the single superposed beam. This is not explained by the randomness contributed by the preparative device. Measurement and collapse. Bras and kets. The ensemble interpretation is notable for its relative de-emphasis on the duality and theoretical symmetry between bras and kets. The approach emphasizes the ket as signifying a physical preparation procedure. There is little or no expression of the dual role of the bra as signifying a physical observational procedure. The bra is mostly regarded as a mere mathematical object, without very much physical significance. It is the absence of the physical interpretation of the bra that allows the ensemble approach to by-pass the notion of "collapse". Instead, the density operator expresses the observational side of the ensemble interpretation. It hardly needs saying that this account could be expressed in a dual way, with bras and kets interchanged, "mutatis mutandis". In the ensemble approach, the notion of the pure state is conceptually derived by analysis of the density operator, rather than the density operator being conceived as conceptually synthesized from the notion of the pure state. An attraction of the ensemble interpretation is that it appears to dispense with the metaphysical issues associated with reduction of the state vector, Schrödinger cat states, and other issues related to the concepts of multiple simultaneous states. The ensemble interpretation postulates that the wave function only applies to an ensemble of systems as prepared, but not observed. There is no recognition of the notion that a single specimen system could manifest more than one state at a time, as assumed, for example, by Dirac. Hence, the wave function is not envisaged as being physically required to be "reduced". This can be illustrated by an example: Consider a quantum die. If this is expressed in Dirac notation, the "state" of the die can be represented by a "wave" function describing the probability of an outcome given by: Where the "+" sign of a probabilistic equation is not an addition operator, it is a standard probabilistic or Boolean logical OR operator. The state vector is inherently defined as a probabilistic mathematical object such that the result of a measurement is one outcome OR another outcome. It is clear that on each throw, only one of the states will be observed, but this is not expressed by a bra. Consequently, there appears to be no requirement for a notion of collapse of the wave function/reduction of the state vector, or for the die to physically exist in the summed state. In the ensemble interpretation, wave function collapse would make as much sense as saying that the number of children a couple produced, collapsed to 3 from its average value of 2.4. The state function is not taken to be physically real, or be a literal summation of states. The wave function, is taken to be an abstract statistical function, only applicable to the statistics of repeated preparation procedures. The ket does not directly apply to a single particle detection, but only the statistical results of many. This is why the account does not refer to bras, and mentions only kets. Diffraction. The ensemble approach differs significantly from the Copenhagen approach in its view of diffraction. The Copenhagen interpretation of diffraction, especially in the viewpoint of Niels Bohr, puts weight on the doctrine of wave–particle duality. In this view, a particle that is diffracted by a diffractive object, such as for example a crystal, is regarded as really and physically behaving like a wave, split into components, more or less corresponding to the peaks of intensity in the diffraction pattern. Though Dirac does not speak of wave–particle duality, he does speak of "conflict" between wave and particle conceptions. He indeed does describe a particle, before it is detected, as being somehow simultaneously and jointly or partly present in the several beams into which the original beam is diffracted. So does Feynman, who speaks of this as "mysterious". The ensemble approach points out that this seems perhaps reasonable for a wave function that describes a single particle, but hardly makes sense for a wave function that describes a system of several particles. The ensemble approach demystifies this situation along the lines advocated by Alfred Landé, accepting Duane's hypothesis. In this view, the particle really and definitely goes into one or other of the beams, according to a probability given by the wave function appropriately interpreted. There is definite quantal transfer of translative momentum between particle and diffractive object. This is recognized also in Heisenberg's 1930 textbook, though usually not recognized as part of the doctrine of the so-called "Copenhagen interpretation". This gives a clear and utterly non-mysterious physical or direct explanation instead of the debated concept of wave function "collapse". It is presented in terms of quantum mechanics by other present day writers also, for example, Van Vliet. For those who prefer physical clarity rather than mysterianism, this is an advantage of the ensemble approach, though it is not the sole property of the ensemble approach. With a few exceptions, this demystification is not recognized or emphasized in many textbooks and journal articles. Criticism. David Mermin sees the ensemble interpretation as being motivated by an adherence ("not always acknowledged") to classical principles. "[...] the notion that probabilistic theories must be about ensembles implicitly assumes that probability is about ignorance. (The 'hidden variables' are whatever it is that we are ignorant of.) But in a non-deterministic world probability has nothing to do with incomplete knowledge, and ought not to require an ensemble of systems for its interpretation". However, according to Einstein and others, a key motivation for the ensemble interpretation is not about any alleged, implicitly assumed probabilistic ignorance, but the removal of "…unnatural theoretical interpretations…". A specific example being the Schrödinger cat problem stated above, but this concept applies to any system where there is an interpretation that postulates, for example, that an object might exist in two positions at once. Mermin also emphasises the importance of "describing" single systems, rather than ensembles. "The second motivation for an ensemble interpretation is the intuition that because quantum mechanics is inherently probabilistic, it only needs to make sense as a theory of ensembles. Whether or not probabilities can be given a sensible meaning for individual systems, this motivation is not compelling. For a theory ought to be able to describe as well as predict the behavior of the world. The fact that physics cannot make deterministic predictions about individual systems does not excuse us from pursuing the goal of being able to describe them as they currently are." Single particles. According to proponents of this interpretation, no single system is ever required to be postulated to exist in a physical mixed state so the state vector does not need to collapse. It can also be argued that this notion is consistent with the standard interpretation in that, in the Copenhagen interpretation, statements about the exact system state prior to measurement cannot be made. That is, if it were possible to absolutely, physically measure say, a particle in two positions at once, then quantum mechanics would be falsified as quantum mechanics explicitly postulates that the result of any measurement must be a single eigenvalue of a single eigenstate. Criticism. Arnold Neumaier finds limitations with the applicability of the ensemble interpretation to small systems. "Among the traditional interpretations, the statistical interpretation discussed by Ballentine in Rev. Mod. Phys. 42, 358-381 (1970) is the least demanding (assumes less than the Copenhagen interpretation and the Many Worlds interpretation) and the most consistent one. It explains almost everything, and only has the disadvantage that it explicitly excludes the applicability of QM to single systems or very small ensembles (such as the few solar neutrinos or top quarks actually detected so far), and does not bridge the gulf between the classical domain (for the description of detectors) and the quantum domain (for the description of the microscopic system)". However, the "ensemble" of the ensemble interpretation is not directly related to a real, existing collection of actual particles, such as a few solar neutrinos, but it is concerned with the ensemble collection of a virtual set of experimental preparations repeated many times. This ensemble of experiments may include just one particle/one system or many particles/many systems. In this light, it is arguably, difficult to understand Neumaier's criticism, other than that Neumaier possibly misunderstands the basic premise of the ensemble interpretation itself. Schrödinger's cat. The ensemble interpretation states that superpositions are nothing but subensembles of a larger statistical ensemble. That being the case, the state vector would not apply to individual cat experiments, but only to the statistics of many similar prepared cat experiments. Proponents of this interpretation state that this makes the Schrödinger's cat paradox a trivial non-issue. However, the application of state vectors to individual systems, rather than ensembles, has claimed explanatory benefits, in areas like single-particle twin-slit experiments and quantum computing (see Schrödinger's cat applications). As an avowedly minimalist approach, the ensemble interpretation does not offer any specific alternative explanation for these phenomena. The frequentist probability variation. The claim that the wave functional approach fails "to apply" to single particle experiments cannot be taken as a claim that quantum mechanics fails in describing single-particle phenomena. In fact, it gives correct results within the limits of a probabilistic or stochastic theory. Probability always requires a set of multiple data, and thus single-particle experiments are really part of an ensemble — an ensemble of individual experiments that are performed one after the other over time. In particular, the interference fringes seen in the double-slit experiment require repeated trials to be observed. The quantum Zeno effect. Leslie Ballentine promoted the ensemble interpretation in his book "Quantum Mechanics, A Modern Development". In it, he described what he called the "Watched Pot Experiment". His argument was that, under certain circumstances, a repeatedly measured system, such as an unstable nucleus, would be prevented from decaying by the act of measurement itself. He initially presented this as a kind of reductio ad absurdum of wave function collapse. The effect has been shown to be real. Ballentine later wrote papers claiming that it could be explained without wave function collapse. Classical ensemble ideas. These views regard the randomness of the ensemble as fully defined by the preparation, neglecting the subsequent random contribution of the observing process. This neglect was particularly criticized by Bohr. Einstein. Early proponents, for example Einstein, of statistical approaches regarded quantum mechanics as an approximation to a classical theory. John Gribbin writes: But hopes for turning quantum mechanics back into a classical theory were dashed. Gribbin continues: In 1936 Einstein wrote a paper, in German, in which, amongst other matters, he considered quantum mechanics in general conspectus. He asked "How far does the -function describe a real state of a mechanical system?" Following this, Einstein offers some argument that leads him to infer that "It seems to be clear, therefore, that the Born statistical interpretation of the quantum theory is the only possible one." At this point a neutral student may ask do Heisenberg and Bohr, considered respectively in their own rights, agree with that result? Born in 1971 wrote about the situation in 1936: "All theoretical physicists were in fact working with the statistical concept by then; this was particularly true of Niels Bohr and his school, who also made a vital contribution to the clarification of the concept." Where, then, is to be found disagreement between Bohr and Einstein on the statistical interpretation? Not in the basic link between theory and experiment; they agree on the Born "statistical" interpretation". They disagree on the metaphysical question of the determinism or indeterminism of evolution of the natural world. Einstein believed in determinism while Bohr (and it seems many physicists) believed in indeterminism; the context is atomic and sub-atomic physics. It seems that this is a fine question. Physicists generally believe that the Schrödinger equation describes deterministic evolution for atomic and sub-atomic physics. Exactly how that might relate to the evolution of the natural world may be a fine question. Objective-realist version. Willem de Muynck describes an "objective-realist" version of the ensemble interpretation featuring counterfactual definiteness and the "possessed values principle", in which values of the quantum mechanical observables may be attributed to the object as objective properties the object possesses independent of observation. He states that there are "strong indications, if not proofs" that neither is a possible assumption.

binary method

470-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=20825543

High-level radioactive waste management concerns how radioactive materials created during production of nuclear power and nuclear weapons are dealt with. Radioactive waste contains a mixture of short-lived and long-lived nuclides, as well as non-radioactive nuclides. There was reportedly some of high-level nuclear waste stored in the United States in 2002. The most troublesome transuranic elements in spent fuel are neptunium-237 (half-life two million years) and plutonium-239 (half-life 24,000 years). Consequently, high-level radioactive waste requires sophisticated treatment and management to successfully isolate it from the biosphere. This usually necessitates treatment, followed by a long-term management strategy involving permanent storage, disposal or transformation of the waste into a non-toxic form. Radioactive decay follows the half-life rule, which means that the rate of decay is inversely proportional to the duration of decay. In other words, the radiation from a long-lived isotope like iodine-129 will be much less intense than that of short-lived isotope like iodine-131. Governments around the world are considering a range of waste management and disposal options, usually involving deep-geologic placement, although there has been limited progress toward implementing long-term waste management solutions. This is partly because the timeframes in question when dealing with radioactive waste range from 10,000 to millions of years, according to studies based on the effect of estimated radiation doses. Thus, engineer and physicist Hannes Alfvén identified two fundamental prerequisites for effective management of high-level radioactive waste: (1) stable geological formations, and (2) stable human institutions over hundreds of thousands of years. As Alfvén suggests, no known human civilization has ever endured for so long, and no geologic formation of adequate size for a permanent radioactive waste repository has yet been discovered that has been stable for so long a period. Nevertheless, avoiding confronting the risks associated with managing radioactive wastes may create countervailing risks of greater magnitude. Radioactive waste management is an example of policy analysis that requires special attention to ethical concerns, examined in the light of uncertainty and "futurity": consideration of 'the impacts of practices and technologies on future generations'. There is a debate over what should constitute an acceptable scientific and engineering foundation for proceeding with radioactive waste disposal strategies. There are those who have argued, on the basis of complex geochemical simulation models, that relinquishing control over radioactive materials to geohydrologic processes at repository closure is an acceptable risk. They maintain that so-called "natural analogues" inhibit subterranean movement of radionuclides, making disposal of radioactive wastes in stable geologic formations unnecessary. However, existing models of these processes are empirically underdetermined: due to the subterranean nature of such processes in solid geologic formations, the accuracy of computer simulation models has not been verified by empirical observation, certainly not over periods of time equivalent to the lethal half-lives of high-level radioactive waste. On the other hand, some insist deep geologic repositories in stable geologic formations are necessary. National management plans of various countries display a variety of approaches to resolving this debate. Researchers suggest that forecasts of health detriment for such long periods "should be examined critically". Practical studies only consider up to 100 years as far as effective planning and cost evaluations are concerned. Long term behaviour of radioactive wastes remains a subject for ongoing research. Management strategies and implementation plans of several representative national governments are described below. Geologic disposal. The International Panel on Fissile Materials has said: It is widely accepted that spent nuclear fuel and high-level reprocessing and plutonium wastes require well-designed storage for periods ranging from tens of thousands to a million years, to minimize releases of the contained radioactivity into the environment. Safeguards are also required to ensure that neither plutonium nor highly enriched uranium is diverted to weapon use. There is general agreement that placing spent nuclear fuel in repositories hundreds of meters below the surface would be safer than indefinite storage of spent fuel on the surface. The process of selecting appropriate permanent repositories for high level waste and spent fuel is now under way in several countries with the first expected to be commissioned some time after 2017. The basic concept is to locate a large, stable geologic formation and use mining technology to excavate a tunnel, or large-bore tunnel boring machines (similar to those used to drill the Channel Tunnel from England to France) to drill a shaft below the surface where rooms or vaults can be excavated for disposal of high-level radioactive waste. The goal is to permanently isolate nuclear waste from the human environment. However, many people remain uncomfortable with the immediate stewardship cessation of this disposal system, suggesting perpetual management and monitoring would be more prudent. Because some radioactive species have half-lives longer than one million years, even very low container leakage and radionuclide migration rates must be taken into account. Moreover, it may require more than one half-life until some nuclear materials lose enough radioactivity to no longer be lethal to living organisms. A 1983 review of the Swedish radioactive waste disposal program by the National Academy of Sciences found that country’s estimate of several hundred thousand years—perhaps up to one million years—being necessary for waste isolation "fully justified." The proposed land-based subductive waste disposal method would dispose of nuclear waste in a subduction zone accessed from land, and therefore is not prohibited by international agreement. This method has been described as a viable means of disposing of radioactive waste, and as a state-of-the-art nuclear waste disposal technology. In nature, sixteen repositories were discovered at the Oklo mine in Gabon where natural nuclear fission reactions took place 1.7 billion years ago. The fission products in these natural formations were found to have moved less than 10 ft (3 m) over this period, though the lack of movement may be due more to retention in the uraninite structure than to insolubility and sorption from moving ground water; uraninite crystals are better preserved here than those in spent fuel rods because of a less complete nuclear reaction, so that reaction products would be less accessible to groundwater attack. Horizontal drillhole disposal describes proposals to drill over one kilometer vertically, and two kilometers horizontally in the earth’s crust, for the purpose of disposing of high-level waste forms such as spent nuclear fuel, Caesium-137, or Strontium-90. After the emplacement and the retrievability period, drillholes would be backfilled and sealed. A series of tests of the technology were carried out in November 2018 and then again publicly in January 2019 by a U.S. based private company. The test demonstrated the emplacement of a test-canister in a horizontal drillhole and retrieval of the same canister. There was no actual high-level waste used in this test. Materials for geological disposal. In order to store the high level radioactive waste in long-term geological depositories, specific waste forms need to be used which will allow the radioactivity to decay away while the materials retain their integrity for thousands of years. The materials being used can be broken down into a few classes: glass waste forms, ceramic waste forms, and nanostructured materials. The glass forms include borosilicate glasses and phosphate glasses. Borosilicate nuclear waste glasses are used on an industrial scale to immobilize high level radioactive waste in many countries which are producers of nuclear energy or have nuclear weaponry. The glass waste forms have the advantage of being able to accommodate a wide variety of waste-stream compositions, they are easy to scale up to industrial processing, and they are stable against thermal, radiative, and chemical perturbations. These glasses function by binding radioactive elements to nonradioactive glass-forming elements. Phosphate glasses while not being used industrially have much lower dissolution rates than borosilicate glasses, which make them a more favorable option. However, no single phosphate material has the ability to accommodate all of the radioactive products so phosphate storage requires more reprocessing to separate the waste into distinct fractions. Both glasses have to be processed at elevated temperatures making them unusable for some of the more volatile radiotoxic elements. The ceramic waste forms offer higher waste loadings than the glass options because ceramics have crystalline structure. Also, mineral analogues of the ceramic waste forms provide evidence for long term durability. Due to this fact and the fact that they can be processed at lower temperatures, ceramics are often considered the next generation in high level radioactive waste forms. Ceramic waste forms offer great potential, but a lot of research remains to be done. National management plans. Finland, the United States and Sweden are the most advanced in developing a deep repository for high-level radioactive waste disposal. Countries vary in their plans on disposing used fuel directly or after reprocessing, with France and Japan having an extensive commitment to reprocessing. The country-specific status of high-level waste management plans are described below. In many European countries (e.g., Britain, Finland, the Netherlands, Sweden and Switzerland) the risk or dose limit for a member of the public exposed to radiation from a future high-level nuclear waste facility is considerably more stringent than that suggested by the International Commission on Radiation Protection or proposed in the United States. European limits are often more stringent than the standard suggested in 1990 by the International Commission on Radiation Protection by a factor of 20, and more stringent by a factor of ten than the standard proposed by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) for Yucca Mountain nuclear waste repository for the first 10,000 years after closure. Moreover, the U.S. EPA’s proposed standard for greater than 10,000 years is 250 times more permissive than the European limit. The countries that have made the most progress towards a repository for high-level radioactive waste have typically started with public consultations and made voluntary siting a necessary condition. This consensus seeking approach is believed to have a greater chance of success than top-down modes of decision making, but the process is necessarily slow, and there is "inadequate experience around the world to know if it will succeed in all existing and aspiring nuclear nations". Moreover, most communities do not want to host a nuclear waste repository as they are "concerned about their community becoming a de facto site for waste for thousands of years, the health and environmental consequences of an accident, and lower property values". Asia. China. In China (People's Republic of China), ten reactors provide about 2% of electricity and five more are under construction. China made a commitment to reprocessing in the 1980s; a pilot plant is under construction at Lanzhou, where a temporary spent fuel storage facility has been constructed. Geological disposal has been studied since 1985, and a permanent deep geological repository was required by law in 2003. Sites in Gansu Province near the Gobi desert in northwestern China are under investigation, with a final site expected to be selected by 2020, and actual disposal by about 2050. Taiwan. In Taiwan (Republic of China), nuclear waste storage facility was built at the Southern tip of Orchid Island in Taitung County, offshore of Taiwan Island. The facility was built in 1982 and it is owned and operated by Taipower. The facility receives nuclear waste from Taipower's current three nuclear power plants. However, due to the strong resistance from local community in the island, the nuclear waste has to be stored at the power plant facilities themselves. India. India adopted a closed fuel cycle, which involves reprocessing and recycling of the spent fuel. The reprocessing results in 2-3% of the spent fuel going to waste while the rest is recycled. The waste fuel, called high level liquid waste, is converted to glass through vitrification. Vitrified waste is then stored for a period of 30-40 years for cooling. Sixteen nuclear reactors produce about 3% of India’s electricity, and seven more are under construction. Spent fuel is processed at facilities in Trombay near Mumbai, at Tarapur on the west coast north of Mumbai, and at Kalpakkam on the southeast coast of India. Plutonium will be used in a fast breeder reactor (under construction) to produce more fuel, and other waste vitrified at Tarapur and Trombay. Interim storage for 30 years is expected, with eventual disposal in a deep geological repository in crystalline rock near Kalpakkam. Japan. In 2000, a Specified Radioactive Waste Final Disposal Act called for creation of a new organization to manage high level radioactive waste, and later that year the Nuclear Waste Management Organization of Japan (NUMO) was established under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry. NUMO is responsible for selecting a permanent deep geological repository site, construction, operation and closure of the facility for waste emplacement by 2040. Site selection began in 2002 and application information was sent to 3,239 municipalities, but by 2006, no local government had volunteered to host the facility. Kōchi Prefecture showed interest in 2007, but its mayor resigned due to local opposition. In December 2013 the government decided to identify suitable candidate areas before approaching municipalities. The head of the Science Council of Japan’s expert panel has said Japan's seismic conditions makes it difficult to predict ground conditions over the necessary 100,000 years, so it will be impossible to convince the public of the safety of deep geological disposal. Europe. Belgium. Belgium has seven nuclear reactors that provide about 52% of its electricity. Belgian spent nuclear fuel was initially sent for reprocessing in France. In 1993, reprocessing was suspended following a resolution of the Belgian parliament; spent fuel is since being stored on the sites of the nuclear power plants. The deep disposal of high-level radioactive waste (HLW) has been studied in Belgium for more than 30 years. Boom Clay is studied as a reference host formation for HLW disposal. The Hades underground research laboratory (URL) is located at in the Boom Formation at the Mol site. The Belgian URL is operated by the Euridice Economic Interest Group, a joint organisation between SCK•CEN, the Belgian Nuclear Research Centre which initiated the research on waste disposal in Belgium in the 1970s and 1980s and ONDRAF/NIRAS, the Belgian agency for radioactive waste management. In Belgium, the regulatory body in charge of guidance and licensing approval is the Federal Agency of Nuclear Control, created in 2001. Finland. In 1983, the government decided to select a site for permanent repository by 2010. With four nuclear reactors providing 29% of its electricity, Finland in 1987 enacted a Nuclear Energy Act making the producers of radioactive waste responsible for its disposal, subject to requirements of its Radiation and Nuclear Safety Authority and an absolute veto given to local governments in which a proposed repository would be located. Producers of nuclear waste organized the company Posiva, with responsibility for site selection, construction and operation of a permanent repository. A 1994 amendment to the Act required final disposal of spent fuel in Finland, prohibiting the import or export of radioactive waste. Environmental assessment of four sites occurred in 1997–98, Posiva chose the Olkiluoto site near two existing reactors, and the local government approved it in 2000. The Finnish Parliament approved a deep geologic repository there in igneous bedrock at a depth of about in 2001. The repository concept is similar to the Swedish model, with containers to be clad in copper and buried below the water table beginning in 2020. An underground characterization facility, Onkalo spent nuclear fuel repository, was under construction at the site in 2012. France. With 58 nuclear reactors contributing about 75% of its electricity, the highest percentage of any country, France has been reprocessing its spent reactor fuel since the introduction of nuclear power there. Some reprocessed plutonium is used to make fuel, but more is being produced than is being recycled as reactor fuel. France also reprocesses spent fuel for other countries, but the nuclear waste is returned to the country of origin. Radioactive waste from reprocessing French spent fuel is expected to be disposed of in a geological repository, pursuant to legislation enacted in 1991 that established a 15-year period for conducting radioactive waste management research. Under this legislation, partition and transmutation of long-lived elements, immobilization and conditioning processes, and long-term near surface storage are being investigated by the Commissariat à l’Energie Atomique (CEA). Disposal in deep geological formations is being studied by the French agency for radioactive waste management, L'Agence Nationale pour la Gestion des Déchets Radioactifs, in underground research labs. Three sites were identified for possible deep geologic disposal in clay near the border of Meuse and Haute-Marne, near Gard, and at Vienne. In 1998 the government approved the Meuse/Haute Marne Underground Research Laboratory, a site near Meuse/Haute-Marne and dropped the others from further consideration. Legislation was proposed in 2006 to license a repository by 2020, with operations expected in 2035. Germany. Nuclear waste policy in Germany is in flux. German planning for a permanent geologic repository began in 1974, focused on salt dome Gorleben, a salt mine near Gorleben about northeast of Braunschweig. The site was announced in 1977 with plans for a reprocessing plant, spent fuel management, and permanent disposal facilities at a single site. Plans for the reprocessing plant were dropped in 1979. In 2000, the federal government and utilities agreed to suspend underground investigations for three to ten years, and the government committed to ending its use of nuclear power, closing one reactor in 2003. Within days of the March 2011 Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster, Chancellor Angela Merkel "imposed a three-month moratorium on previously announced extensions for Germany's existing nuclear power plants, while shutting seven of the 17 reactors that had been operating since 1981". Protests continued and, on 29 May 2011, Merkel's government announced that it would close all of its nuclear power plants by 2022. Meanwhile, electric utilities have been transporting spent fuel to interim storage facilities at Gorleben, Lubmin and Ahaus until temporary storage facilities can be built near reactor sites. Previously, spent fuel was sent to France or the United Kingdom for reprocessing, but this practice was ended in July 2005. Netherlands. COVRA ("Centrale Organisatie Voor Radioactief Afval") is the Dutch interim nuclear waste processing and storage company in Vlissingen, which stores the waste produced in their only remaining nuclear power plant after it is reprocessed by Areva NC in La Hague, Manche, Normandy, France. Until the Dutch government decides what to do with the waste, it will stay at COVRA, which currently has a license to operate for one hundred years. As of early 2017, there are no plans for a permanent disposal facility. Russia. In Russia, the Ministry of Atomic Energy (Minatom) is responsible for 31 nuclear reactors which generate about 16% of its electricity. Minatom is also responsible for reprocessing and radioactive waste disposal, including over of spent nuclear fuel in temporary storage in 2001. Russia has a long history of reprocessing spent fuel for military purposes, and previously planned to reprocess imported spent fuel, possibly including some of the of spent fuel accumulated at sites in other countries who received fuel from the U.S., which the U.S. originally pledged to take back, such as Brazil, the Czech Republic, India, Japan, Mexico, Slovenia, South Korea, Switzerland, Taiwan, and the European Union. An Environmental Protection Act in 1991 prohibited importing radioactive material for long-term storage or burial in Russia, but controversial legislation to allow imports for permanent storage was passed by the Russian Parliament and signed by President Putin in 2001. In the long term, the Russian plan is for deep geologic disposal. Most attention has been paid to locations where waste has accumulated in temporary storage at Mayak, near Chelyabinsk in the Ural Mountains, and in granite at Krasnoyarsk in Siberia. Spain. Spain has five active nuclear plants with seven reactors which produced 21% of the country's electricity in 2013. Furthermore, there is legacy high-level waste from another two older, closed plants. Between 2004 and 2011, a bipartisan initiative of the Spanish Government promoted the construction of an interim centralized storage facility (ATC, ), similar to the Dutch COVRA concept. In late 2011 and early 2012 the final green light was given, preliminary studies were being completed and land was purchased near Villar de Cañas (Cuenca) after a competitive tender process. The facility would be initially licensed for 60 years. However, soon before groundbreaking was slated to begin in 2015, the project was stopped because of a mix of geological, technical, political and ecological problems. By late 2015, the Regional Government considered it "obsolete" and effectively "paralyzed." As of early 2017, the project has not been shelved but it stays frozen and no further action is expected anytime soon. Meanwhile, the spent nuclear fuel and other high-level waste is being kept in the plants' pools, as well as on-site dry cask storage ("almacenes temporales individualizados") in Garoña and Trillo. As of early 2017, there are no plans for a permanent high-level disposal facility either. Low- and medium-level waste is stored in the facility (Province of Cordoba.) Sweden. In Sweden, as of 2007 there are ten operating nuclear reactors that produce about 45% of its electricity. Two other reactors in Barsebäck were shut down in 1999 and 2005. When these reactors were built, it was expected their nuclear fuel would be reprocessed in a foreign country, and the reprocessing waste would not be returned to Sweden. Later, construction of a domestic reprocessing plant was contemplated, but has not been built. Passage of the Stipulation Act of 1977 transferred responsibility for nuclear waste management from the government to the nuclear industry, requiring reactor operators to present an acceptable plan for waste management with "absolute safety" in order to obtain an operating license. In early 1980, after the Three Mile Island meltdown in the United States, a referendum was held on the future use of nuclear power in Sweden. In late 1980, after a three-question referendum produced mixed results, the Swedish Parliament decided to phase out existing reactors by 2010. On 5 February 2009, the Government of Sweden announced an agreement allowing for the replacement of existing reactors, effectively ending the phase-out policy. In 2010, the Swedish government opened up for construction of new nuclear reactors. The new units can only be built at the existing nuclear power sites, Oskarshamn, Ringhals or Forsmark, and only to replace one of the existing reactors, that will have to be shut down for the new one to be able to start up. The Swedish Nuclear Fuel and Waste Management Company. (Svensk Kärnbränslehantering AB, known as SKB) was created in 1980 and is responsible for final disposal of nuclear waste there. This includes operation of a monitored retrievable storage facility, the Central Interim Storage Facility for Spent Nuclear Fuel at Oskarshamn, about south of Stockholm on the Baltic coast; transportation of spent fuel; and construction of a permanent repository. Swedish utilities store spent fuel at the reactor site for one year before transporting it to the facility at Oskarshamn, where it will be stored in excavated caverns filled with water for about 30 years before removal to a permanent repository. Conceptual design of a permanent repository was determined by 1983, calling for placement of copper-clad iron canisters in granite bedrock about underground, below the water table in what is known as the KBS-3 method. Space around the canisters will be filled with bentonite clay. After examining six possible locations for a permanent repository, three were nominated for further investigation, at Osthammar, Oskarshamn, and Tierp. On 3 June 2009, Swedish Nuclear Fuel and Waste Co. chose a location for a deep-level waste site at Östhammar, near Forsmark Nuclear Power plant. The application to build the repository was handed in by SKB 2011. Switzerland. Switzerland has five nuclear reactors that provide about 43% of its electricity around 2007 (34% in 2015). Some Swiss spent nuclear fuel has been sent for reprocessing in France and the United Kingdom; most fuel is being stored without reprocessing. An industry-owned organization, ZWILAG, built and operates a central interim storage facility for spent nuclear fuel and high-level radioactive waste, and for conditioning low-level radioactive waste and for incinerating wastes. Other interim storage facilities predating ZWILAG continue to operate in Switzerland. The Swiss program is considering options for the siting of a deep repository for high-level radioactive waste disposal, and for low and intermediate level wastes. Construction of a repository is not foreseen until well into this century. Research on sedimentary rock (especially Opalinus Clay) is carried out at the Swiss Mont Terri rock laboratory; the Grimsel Test Site, an older facility in crystalline rock is also still active. United Kingdom. Great Britain has 19 operating reactors, producing about 20% of its electricity. It processes much of its spent fuel at Sellafield on the northwest coast across from Ireland, where nuclear waste is vitrified and sealed in stainless steel canisters for dry storage above ground for at least 50 years before eventual deep geologic disposal. Sellafield has a history of environmental and safety problems, including a fire in a nuclear plant in Windscale, and a significant incident in 2005 at the main reprocessing plant (THORP). In 1982 the Nuclear Industry Radioactive Waste Management Executive (NIREX) was established with responsibility for disposing of long-lived nuclear waste and in 2006 a Committee on Radioactive Waste Management (CoRWM) of the Department of Environment, Food and Rural Affairs recommended geologic disposal underground. NIREX developed a generic repository concept based on the Swedish model but has not yet selected a site. A Nuclear Decommissioning Authority is responsible for packaging waste from reprocessing and will eventually relieve British Nuclear Fuels Ltd. of responsibility for power reactors and the Sellafield reprocessing plant. North America. Canada. The 18 operating nuclear power plants in Canada generated about 16% of its electricity in 2006. A national Nuclear Fuel Waste Act was enacted by the Canadian Parliament in 2002, requiring nuclear energy corporations to create a waste management organization to propose to the Government of Canada approaches for management of nuclear waste, and implementation of an approach subsequently selected by the government. The Act defined management as "long term management by means of storage or disposal, including handling, treatment, conditioning or transport for the purpose of storage or disposal." The resulting Nuclear Waste Management Organization (NWMO) conducted an extensive three-year study and consultation with Canadians. In 2005, they recommended Adaptive Phased Management, an approach that emphasized both technical and management methods. The technical method included centralized isolation and containment of spent nuclear fuel in a deep geologic repository in a suitable rock formation, such as the granite of the Canadian Shield or Ordovician sedimentary rocks. Also recommended was a phased decision making process supported by a program of continuous learning, research and development. In 2007, the Canadian government accepted this recommendation, and NWMO was tasked with implementing the recommendation. No specific timeframe was defined for the process. In 2009, the NWMO was designing the process for site selection; siting was expected to take 10 years or more. United States. The Nuclear Waste Policy Act of 1982 established a timetable and procedure for constructing a permanent, underground repository for high-level radioactive waste by the mid-1990s, and provided for some temporary storage of waste, including spent fuel from 104 civilian nuclear reactors that produce about 19.4% of electricity there. The United States in April 2008 had about of spent fuel and 20,000 canisters of solid defense-related waste, and this is expected to increase to by 2035. The U.S. opted for Yucca Mountain nuclear waste repository, a final repository at Yucca Mountain in Nevada, but this project was widely opposed, with some of the main concerns being long distance transportation of waste from across the United States to this site, the possibility of accidents, and the uncertainty of success in isolating nuclear waste from the human environment in perpetuity. Yucca Mountain, with capacity for of radioactive waste, was expected to open in 2017. However, the Obama Administration rejected use of the site in the 2009 United States Federal Budget proposal, which eliminated all funding except that needed to answer inquiries from the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, "while the Administration devises a new strategy toward nuclear waste disposal." On March 5, 2009, Energy Secretary Steven Chu told a Senate hearing "the Yucca Mountain site no longer was viewed as an option for storing reactor waste." Starting in 1999, military-generated nuclear waste is being entombed at the Waste Isolation Pilot Plant in New Mexico. Since the fraction of a radioisotope's atoms decaying per unit of time is inversely proportional to its half-life, the relative radioactivity of a quantity of buried human radioactive waste would diminish over time compared to natural radioisotopes; such as the decay chains of of thorium and of uranium which are at relatively trace concentrations of parts per million each over the crust's mass. For instance, over a timeframe of thousands of years, after the most active short half-life radioisotopes decayed, burying U.S. nuclear waste would increase the radioactivity in the top of rock and soil in the United States () by ≈ 1 part in 10 million over the cumulative amount of natural radioisotopes in such a volume, although the vicinity of the site would have a far higher concentration of artificial radioisotopes underground than such an average. In a Presidential Memorandum dated January 29, 2010, President Obama established the Blue Ribbon Commission on America’s Nuclear Future (the Commission). The Commission, composed of fifteen members, conducted an extensive two-year study of nuclear waste disposal, what is referred to as the "back end" of the nuclear energy process. The Commission established three subcommittees: Reactor and Fuel Cycle Technology, Transportation and Storage, and Disposal. On January 26, 2012, the Commission submitted its final report to Energy Secretary Steven Chu. In the Disposal Subcommittee’s final report the Commission does not issue recommendations for a specific site but rather presents a comprehensive recommendation for disposal strategies. During their research the Commission visited Finland, France, Japan, Russia, Sweden, and the UK. In their final report the Commission put forth seven recommendations for developing a comprehensive strategy to pursue: International repository. Although Australia does not have any nuclear power reactors, Pangea Resources considered siting an international repository in the outback of South Australia or Western Australia in 1998, but this stimulated legislative opposition in both states and the Australian national Senate during the following year. Thereafter, Pangea ceased operations in Australia but reemerged as Pangea International Association, and in 2002 evolved into the Association for Regional and International Underground Storage with support from Belgium, Bulgaria, Hungary, Japan and Switzerland. A general concept for an international repository has been advanced by one of the principals in all three ventures. Russia has expressed interest in serving as a repository for other countries, but does not envision sponsorship or control by an international body or group of other countries. South Africa, Argentina and western China have also been mentioned as possible locations. In the EU, COVRA is negotiating a European-wide waste disposal system with single disposal sites that can be used by several EU-countries. This EU-wide storage possibility is being researched under the SAPIERR-2 program.

even bigger consequence

8612-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=26534334

Anorexia nervosa, often referred to simply as anorexia, is an eating disorder, characterized by low weight, food restriction, fear of gaining weight and an overpowering desire to be thin. Many people with anorexia see themselves as overweight although they are, in fact, underweight. They also often deny that they have a problem with low weight. They may weigh themselves frequently, eat small amounts, and/or only eat certain foods. Some exercise excessively, force themselves to vomit, or use laxatives to lose weight. Complications may include osteoporosis, infertility and heart damage, among others. Women will often stop having menstrual periods. In extreme cases, people with anorexia who continually refuse significant dietary intake and weight restoration interventions, and are declared incompetent to make decisions by a psychiatrist, may be fed by force under restraint via nasogastric tube after asking their parents or proxies to make the decision for them. The cause is currently unknown. There appear to be some genetic components with identical twins more often affected than fraternal twins. Cultural factors also appear to play a role, with societies that value thinness having higher rates of the disease. Additionally, it occurs more commonly among those involved in activities that value thinness, such as high-level athletics, modeling and dancing. Anorexia often begins following a major life-change or stress-inducing event. The diagnosis requires a significantly low weight. The severity of disease is based on body mass index (BMI) in adults with mild disease having a BMI of greater than 17, moderate a BMI of 16 to 17, severe a BMI of 15 to 16, and extreme a BMI less than 15. In children, a BMI for age percentile of less than the 5th percentile is often used. Treatment of anorexia involves restoring the patient back to a healthy weight, treating their underlying psychological problems, and addressing behaviors that promote the problem. While medications do not help with weight gain, they may be used to help with associated anxiety or depression. Different therapy methods may be useful, such as cognitive behavioral therapy or an approach where parents assume responsibility for feeding their child known as Maudsley family therapy. Sometimes people require admission to a hospital to restore weight. Evidence for benefit from nasogastric tube feeding, however is unclear; such an intervention may be highly distressing for both anorexia patients and healthcare staff when administered against the patient's will under restraint. Some people with anorexia will just have a single episode and recover while others may have recurring episodes over years. Many complications improve or resolve with regaining of weight. Globally, anorexia is estimated to affect 2.9 million people . It is estimated to occur in 0.9% to 4.3% of women and 0.2% to 0.3% of men in Western countries at some point in their life. About 0.4% of young women are affected in a given year and it is estimated to occur ten times more commonly among women than men. Rates in most of the developing world are unclear. Often it begins during the teen years or young adulthood. While anorexia became more commonly diagnosed during the 20th century it is unclear if this was due to an increase in its frequency or simply better diagnosis. In 2013 it directly resulted in about 600 deaths globally, up from 400 deaths in 1990. Eating disorders also increase a person's risk of death from a wide range of other causes, including suicide. About 5% of people with anorexia die from complications over a ten-year period, a nearly six times increased risk. The term "anorexia nervosa" was first used in 1873 by William Gull to describe this condition. Signs and symptoms. Anorexia nervosa is an eating disorder characterized by attempts to lose weight, to the point of starvation. A person with anorexia nervosa may exhibit a number of signs and symptoms, the type and severity of which may vary and may be present but not readily apparent. Anorexia nervosa, and the associated malnutrition that results from self-imposed starvation, can cause complications in every major organ system in the body. Hypokalaemia, a drop in the level of potassium in the blood, is a sign of anorexia nervosa. A significant drop in potassium can cause abnormal heart rhythms, constipation, fatigue, muscle damage and paralysis. Signs and symptoms may include: Interoceptive. Interoception involves the conscious and unconscious sense of the internal state of the body, and it has an important role in homeostasis and regulation of emotions. Aside from noticeable physiological dysfunction, interoceptive deficits also prompt individuals with anorexia to concentrate on distorted perceptions of multiple elements of their body image. This exists in both people with anorexia and in healthy individuals due to impairment in interoceptive sensitivity and interoceptive awareness. Aside from weight gain and outer appearance, people with anorexia also report abnormal bodily functions such as indistinct feelings of fullness. This provides an example of miscommunication between internal signals of the body and the brain. Due to impaired interoceptive sensitivity, powerful cues of fullness may be detected prematurely in highly sensitive individuals, which can result in decreased calorie consumption and generate anxiety surrounding food intake in anorexia patients. People with anorexia also report difficulty identifying and describing their emotional feelings and the inability to distinguish emotions from bodily sensations in general, called alexithymia. Interoceptive awareness and emotion are deeply intertwined, and could mutually impact each other in abnormalities. Anorexia patients also exhibit emotional regulation difficulties that ignite emotionally-cued eating behaviors, such as restricting food or excessive exercising. Impaired interoceptive sensitivity and interoceptive awareness can lead anorexia patients to adapt distorted interpretations of weight gain that are cued by physical sensations related to digestion (e.g., fullness). Combined, these interoceptive and emotional elements could together trigger maladaptive and negatively reinforced behavioral responses that assist in the maintenance of anorexia. In addition to metacognition, people with anorexia also have difficulty with social cognition including interpreting others’ emotions, and demonstrating empathy. Abnormal interoceptive awareness and interoceptive sensitivity shown through all of these examples have been observed so frequently in anorexia that they have become key characteristics of the illness. Associated problems. Other psychological issues may factor into anorexia nervosa; some fulfill the criteria for a separate Axis I diagnosis or a personality disorder which is coded Axis II and thus are considered comorbid to the diagnosed eating disorder. Some people have a previous disorder which may increase their vulnerability to developing an eating disorder and some develop them afterwards. The presence of Axis I or Axis II psychiatric comorbidity has been shown to affect the severity and type of anorexia nervosa symptoms in both adolescents and adults. Obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) and obsessive-compulsive personality disorder (OCPD) are highly comorbid with AN. OCPD is linked with more severe symptomatology and worse prognosis. The causality between personality disorders and eating disorders has yet to be fully established. Other comorbid conditions include depression, alcoholism, borderline and other personality disorders, anxiety disorders, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, and body dysmorphic disorder (BDD). Depression and anxiety are the most common comorbidities, and depression is associated with a worse outcome. Autism spectrum disorders occur more commonly among people with eating disorders than in the general population. Zucker "et al." (2007) proposed that conditions on the autism spectrum make up the cognitive endophenotype underlying anorexia nervosa and appealed for increased interdisciplinary collaboration. Causes. There is evidence for biological, psychological, developmental, and sociocultural risk factors, but the exact cause of eating disorders is unknown. Genetic. Anorexia nervosa is highly heritable. Twin studies have shown a heritability rate of between 28 and 58%. First-degree relatives of those with anorexia have roughly 12 times the risk of developing anorexia. Association studies have been performed, studying 128 different polymorphisms related to 43 genes including genes involved in regulation of eating behavior, motivation and reward mechanics, personality traits and emotion. Consistent associations have been identified for polymorphisms associated with agouti-related peptide, brain derived neurotrophic factor, catechol-o-methyl transferase, SK3 and opioid receptor delta-1. Epigenetic modifications, such as DNA methylation, may contribute to the development or maintenance of anorexia nervosa, though clinical research in this area is in its infancy. A 2019 study found a genetic relationship with mental disorders, such as schizophrenia, obsessive–compulsive disorder, anxiety disorder and depression; and metabolic functioning with a negative correlation with fat mass, type 2 diabetes and leptin. Environmental. Obstetric complications: prenatal and perinatal complications may factor into the development of anorexia nervosa, such as preterm birth, maternal anemia, diabetes mellitus, preeclampsia, placental infarction, and neonatal heart abnormalities. Neonatal complications may also have an influence on harm avoidance, one of the personality traits associated with the development of AN. Neuroendocrine dysregulation: altered signalling of peptides that facilitate communication between the gut, brain and adipose tissue, such as ghrelin, leptin, neuropeptide Y and orexin, may contribute to the pathogenesis of anorexia nervosa by disrupting regulation of hunger and satiety. Gastrointestinal diseases: people with gastrointestinal disorders may be more at risk of developing disorders of eating practices than the general population, principally restrictive eating disturbances. An association of anorexia nervosa with celiac disease has been found. The role that gastrointestinal symptoms play in the development of eating disorders seems rather complex. Some authors report that unresolved symptoms prior to gastrointestinal disease diagnosis may create a food aversion in these persons, causing alterations to their eating patterns. Other authors report that greater symptoms throughout their diagnosis led to greater risk. It has been documented that some people with celiac disease, irritable bowel syndrome or inflammatory bowel disease who are not conscious about the importance of strictly following their diet, choose to consume their trigger foods to promote weight loss. On the other hand, individuals with good dietary management may develop anxiety, food aversion and eating disorders because of concerns around cross contamination of their foods. Some authors suggest that medical professionals should evaluate the presence of an unrecognized celiac disease in all people with eating disorder, especially if they present any gastrointestinal symptom (such as decreased appetite, abdominal pain, bloating, distension, vomiting, diarrhea or constipation), weight loss, or growth failure; and also routinely ask celiac patients about weight or body shape concerns, dieting or vomiting for weight control, to evaluate the possible presence of eating disorders, especially in women. Studies have hypothesized the continuance of disordered eating patterns may be epiphenomena of starvation. The results of the Minnesota Starvation Experiment showed normal controls exhibit many of the behavioral patterns of AN when subjected to starvation. This may be due to the numerous changes in the neuroendocrine system, which results in a self-perpetuating cycle. Anorexia nervosa is more likely to occur in a person's pubertal years. Some explanatory hypotheses for the rising prevalence of eating disorders in adolescence are "increase of adipose tissue in girls, hormonal changes of puberty, societal expectations of increased independence and autonomy that are particularly difficult for anorexic adolescents to meet; [and] increased influence of the peer group and its values." Psychological. Early theories of the cause of anorexia linked it to childhood sexual abuse or dysfunctional families; evidence is conflicting, and well-designed research is needed. The fear of food is known as "sitiophobia" or "cibophobia", and is part of the differential diagnosis. Other psychological causes of anorexia include low self-esteem, feeling like there is lack of control, depression, anxiety, and loneliness. Anorexic people are, in general, highly perfectionistic and most have an obsessive compulsive personality traits which may facilitate sticking to a restricted diet. It has been suggested that anorexic patients are rigid in their thought patterns, and place a high level of importance upon being thin. Sociological. Anorexia nervosa has been increasingly diagnosed since 1950; the increase has been linked to vulnerability and internalization of body ideals. People in professions where there is a particular social pressure to be thin (such as models and dancers) were more likely to develop anorexia, and those with anorexia have much higher contact with cultural sources that promote weight loss. This trend can also be observed for people who partake in certain sports, such as jockeys and wrestlers. There is a higher incidence and prevalence of anorexia nervosa in sports with an emphasis on aesthetics, where low body fat is advantageous, and sports in which one has to make weight for competition. Family group dynamics can play a role in the cause of anorexia including negative expressed emotion in overprotective families where blame is frequently experienced among its members. When there is a constant pressure from people to be thin, teasing and bullying can cause low self-esteem and other psychological symptoms. Media effects. Persistent exposure to media that presents body ideals may constitute a risk factor for body dissatisfaction and anorexia nervosa. The cultural ideal for body shape for men versus women continues to favor slender women and athletic, V-shaped muscular men. A 2002 review found that, of the magazines most popular among people aged 18 to 24 years, those read by men, unlike those read by women, were more likely to feature ads and articles on shape than on diet. Body dissatisfaction and internalization of body ideals are risk factors for anorexia nervosa that threaten the health of both male and female populations. Websites that stress the importance of attainment of body ideals extol and promote anorexia nervosa through the use of religious metaphors, lifestyle descriptions, "thinspiration" or "fitspiration" (inspirational photo galleries and quotes that aim to serve as motivators for attainment of body ideals). Pro-anorexia websites reinforce internalization of body ideals and the importance of their attainment. The media portray a false view of what people truly look like. In magazines and movies and even on billboards most of the actors/models are digitally altered in multiple ways. People then strive to look like these "perfect" role models when in reality they are not near perfection themselves. Mechanisms. Evidence from physiological, pharmacological and neuroimaging studies suggest serotonin (also called 5-HT) may play a role in anorexia. While acutely ill, metabolic changes may produce a number of biological findings in people with anorexia that are not necessarily causative of the anorexic behavior. For example, abnormal hormonal responses to challenges with serotonergic agents have been observed during acute illness, but not recovery. Nevertheless, increased cerebrospinal fluid concentrations of 5-hydroxyindoleacetic acid (a metabolite of serotonin), and changes in anorectic behavior in response to acute tryptophan depletion (tryptophan is a metabolic precursor to serotonin) support a role in anorexia. The activity of the 5-HT2A receptors has been reported to be lower in patients with anorexia in a number of cortical regions, evidenced by lower binding potential of this receptor as measured by PET or SPECT, independent of the state of illness. While these findings may be confounded by comorbid psychiatric disorders, taken as a whole they indicate serotonin in anorexia. These alterations in serotonin have been linked to traits characteristic of anorexia such as obsessiveness, anxiety, and appetite dysregulation. Neuroimaging studies investigating the functional connectivity between brain regions have observed a number of alterations in networks related to cognitive control, introspection, and sensory function. Alterations in networks related to the dorsal anterior cingulate cortex may be related to excessive cognitive control of eating related behaviors. Similarly, altered somatosensory integration and introspection may relate to abnormal body image. A review of functional neuroimaging studies reported reduced activations in "bottom up" limbic region and increased activations in "top down" cortical regions which may play a role in restrictive eating. Compared to controls, recovered anorexics show reduced activation in the reward system in response to food, and reduced correlation between self reported liking of a sugary drink and activity in the striatum and anterior cingulate cortex. Increased binding potential of 11C radiolabelled raclopride in the striatum, interpreted as reflecting decreased endogenous dopamine due to competitive displacement, has also been observed. Structural neuroimaging studies have found global reductions in both gray matter and white matter, as well as increased cerebrospinal fluid volumes. Regional decreases in the left hypothalamus, left inferior parietal lobe, right lentiform nucleus and right caudate have also been reported in acutely ill patients. However, these alterations seem to be associated with acute malnutrition and largely reversible with weight restoration, at least in nonchronic cases in younger people. In contrast, some studies have reported increased orbitofrontal cortex volume in currently ill and  in recovered patients, although findings are inconsistent. Reduced white matter integrity in the fornix has also been reported. Diagnosis. A diagnostic assessment includes the person's current circumstances, biographical history, current symptoms, and family history. The assessment also includes a mental state examination, which is an assessment of the person's current mood and thought content, focusing on views on weight and patterns of eating. DSM-5. Anorexia nervosa is classified under the Feeding and Eating Disorders in the latest revision of the "Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders" (DSM 5). There is no specific BMI cutoff that defines low weight required for the diagnosis of anorexia nervosa. The diagnostic criteria for anorexia nervosa (all of which needing to be met for diagnosis) include: Relative to the previous version of the DSM (DSM-IV-TR), the 2013 revision (DSM5) reflects changes in the criteria for anorexia nervosa, most notably that of the amenorrhea criterion being removed. Amenorrhea was removed for several reasons: it does not apply to males, it is not applicable for females before or after the age of menstruation or taking birth control pills, and some women who meet the other criteria for AN still report some menstrual activity. Subtypes. There are two subtypes of AN: Levels of severity. Body mass index (BMI) is used by the DSM-5 as an indicator of the level of severity of anorexia nervosa. The DSM-5 states these as follows: Investigations. Medical tests to check for signs of physical deterioration in anorexia nervosa may be performed by a general physician or psychiatrist, including: Differential diagnoses. A variety of medical and psychological conditions have been misdiagnosed as anorexia nervosa; in some cases the correct diagnosis was not made for more than ten years. The distinction between the diagnosis of anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa and eating disorder not otherwise specified (EDNOS) is often difficult to make as there is considerable overlap between people diagnosed with these conditions. Seemingly minor changes in people's overall behavior or attitude can change a diagnosis from anorexia: binge-eating type to bulimia nervosa. A main factor differentiating binge-purge anorexia from bulimia is the gap in physical weight. Someone with bulimia nervosa is ordinarily at a healthy weight, or slightly overweight. Someone with binge-purge anorexia is commonly underweight. People with the binge-purging subtype of AN may be significantly underweight and typically do not binge-eat large amounts of food, yet they purge the small amount of food they eat. In contrast, those with bulimia nervosa tend to be at normal weight or overweight and binge large amounts of food. It is not unusual for a person with an eating disorder to "move through" various diagnoses as their behavior and beliefs change over time. Treatment. There is no conclusive evidence that any particular treatment for anorexia nervosa works better than others; however, there is enough evidence to suggest that early intervention and treatment are more effective. Treatment for anorexia nervosa tries to address three main areas. Although restoring the person's weight is the primary task at hand, optimal treatment also includes and monitors behavioral change in the individual as well. There is some evidence that hospitalisation might adversely affect long term outcome. Psychotherapy for individuals with AN is challenging as they may value being thin and may seek to maintain control and resist change. Some studies demonstrate that family based therapy in adolescents with AN is superior to individual therapy. Due to the nature of the condition, treatment of people with AN can be difficult because they are afraid of gaining weight. Initially developing a desire to change is important. Diet. Diet is the most essential factor to work on in people with anorexia nervosa, and must be tailored to each person's needs. Food variety is important when establishing meal plans as well as foods that are higher in energy density. People must consume adequate calories, starting slowly, and increasing at a measured pace. Evidence of a role for zinc supplementation during refeeding is unclear. Therapy. Family-based treatment (FBT) has been shown to be more successful than individual therapy for adolescents with AN. Various forms of family-based treatment have been proven to work in the treatment of adolescent AN including conjoint family therapy (CFT), in which the parents and child are seen together by the same therapist, and separated family therapy (SFT) in which the parents and child attend therapy separately with different therapists. Proponents of family therapy for adolescents with AN assert that it is important to include parents in the adolescent's treatment. A four- to five-year follow up study of the Maudsley family therapy, an evidence-based manualized model, showed full recovery at rates up to 90%. Although this model is recommended by the NIMH, critics claim that it has the potential to create power struggles in an intimate relationship and may disrupt equal partnerships. There is tentative evidence that family therapy is as effective as treatment as usual and it is unclear if family therapy is more effective than educational interventions. Cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) is useful in adolescents and adults with anorexia nervosa; acceptance and commitment therapy is a type of CBT, which has shown promise in the treatment of AN. Cognitive remediation therapy (CRT) is used in treating anorexia nervosa. Medication. Pharmaceuticals have limited benefit for anorexia itself. There is a lack of good information from which to make recommendations concerning the effectiveness of antidepressants in treating anorexia. Admission to hospital. AN has a high mortality and patients admitted in a severely ill state to medical units are at particularly high risk. Diagnosis can be challenging, risk assessment may not be performed accurately, consent and the need for compulsion may not be assessed appropriately, refeeding syndrome may be missed or poorly treated and the behavioural and family problems in AN may be missed or poorly managed. Guidelines published by the Royal College of Psychiatrists recommend that medical and psychiatric experts work together in managing severely ill people with AN. Nutrition. The rate of refeeding can be difficult to establish, because the fear of refeeding syndrome (RFS) can lead to underfeeding. It is thought that RFS, with falling phosphate and potassium levels, is more likely to occur when BMI is very low, and when medical comorbidities such as infection or cardiac failure, are present. In those circumstances, it is recommended to start refeeding slowly but to build up rapidly as long as RFS does not occur. Recommendations on energy requirements vary, from 5–10 kcal/kg/day in the most medically compromised patients, who appear to have the highest risk of RFS, to 1900 kcal/day. Prognosis. AN has the highest mortality rate of any psychological disorder. The mortality rate is 11 to 12 times greater than in the general population, and the suicide risk is 56 times higher. Half of women with AN achieve a full recovery, while an additional 20–30% may partially recover. Not all people with anorexia recover completely: about 20% develop anorexia nervosa as a chronic disorder. If anorexia nervosa is not treated, serious complications such as heart conditions and kidney failure can arise and eventually lead to death. The average number of years from onset to remission of AN is seven for women and three for men. After ten to fifteen years, 70% of people no longer meet the diagnostic criteria, but many still continue to have eating-related problems. Alexithymia influences treatment outcome. Recovery is also viewed on a spectrum rather than black and white. According to the Morgan-Russell criteria, individuals can have a good, intermediate, or poor outcome. Even when a person is classified as having a "good" outcome, weight only has to be within 15% of average, and normal menstruation must be present in females. The good outcome also excludes psychological health. Recovery for people with anorexia nervosa is undeniably positive, but recovery does not mean a return to normal. Complications. Anorexia nervosa can have serious implications if its duration and severity are significant and if onset occurs before the completion of growth, pubertal maturation, or the attainment of peak bone mass. Complications specific to adolescents and children with anorexia nervosa can include the following: Growth retardation may occur, as height gain may slow and can stop completely with severe weight loss or chronic malnutrition. In such cases, provided that growth potential is preserved, height increase can resume and reach full potential after normal intake is resumed. Height potential is normally preserved if the duration and severity of illness are not significant or if the illness is accompanied by delayed bone age (especially prior to a bone age of approximately 15 years), as hypogonadism may partially counteract the effects of undernutrition on height by allowing for a longer duration of growth compared to controls. Appropriate early treatment can preserve height potential, and may even help to increase it in some post-anorexic subjects, due to factors such as long-term reduced estrogen-producing adipose tissue levels compared to premorbid levels. In some cases, especially where onset is before puberty, complications such as stunted growth and pubertal delay are usually reversible. Anorexia nervosa causes alterations in the female reproductive system; significant weight loss, as well as psychological stress and intense exercise, typically results in a cessation of menstruation in women who are past puberty. In patients with anorexia nervosa, there is a reduction of the secretion of gonadotropin releasing hormone in the central nervous system, preventing ovulation. Anorexia nervosa can also result in pubertal delay or arrest. Both height gain and pubertal development are dependent on the release of growth hormone and gonadotropins (LH and FSH) from the pituitary gland. Suppression of gonadotropins in people with anorexia nervosa has been documented. Typically, growth hormone (GH) levels are high, but levels of IGF-1, the downstream hormone that should be released in response to GH are low; this indicates a state of “resistance” to GH due to chronic starvation. IGF-1 is necessary for bone formation, and decreased levels in anorexia nervosa contribute to a loss of bone density and potentially contribute to osteopenia or osteoporosis. Anorexia nervosa can also result in reduction of peak bone mass. Buildup of bone is greatest during adolescence, and if onset of anorexia nervosa occurs during this time and stalls puberty, low bone mass may be permanent. Hepatic steatosis, or fatty infiltration of the liver, can also occur, and is an indicator of malnutrition in children. Neurological disorders that may occur as complications include seizures and tremors. Wernicke encephalopathy, which results from vitamin B1 deficiency, has been reported in patients who are extremely malnourished; symptoms include confusion, problems with the muscles responsible for eye movements and abnormalities in walking gait. The most common gastrointestinal complications of anorexia nervosa are delayed stomach emptying and constipation, but also include elevated liver function tests, diarrhea, acute pancreatitis, heartburn, difficulty swallowing, and, rarely, superior mesenteric artery syndrome. Delayed stomach emptying, or gastroparesis, often develops following food restriction and weight loss; the most common symptom is bloating with gas and abdominal distension, and often occurs after eating. Other symptoms of gastroparesis include early satiety, fullness, nausea, and vomiting. The symptoms may inhibit efforts at eating and recovery, but can be managed by limiting high-fiber foods, using liquid nutritional supplements, or using metoclopramide to increase emptying of food from the stomach. Gastroparesis generally resolves when weight is regained. Cardiac complications. Anorexia nervosa increases the risk of sudden cardiac death, though the precise cause is unknown. Cardiac complications include structural and functional changes to the heart. Some of these cardiovascular changes are mild and are reversible with treatment, while others may be life-threatening. Cardiac complications can include arrhythmias, abnormally slow heart beat, low blood pressure, decreased size of the heart muscle, reduced heart volume, mitral valve prolapse, myocardial fibrosis, and pericardial effusion. Abnormalities in conduction and repolarization of the heart that can result from anorexia nervosa include QT prolongation, increased QT dispersion, conduction delays, and junctional escape rhythms. Electrolyte abnormalities, particularly hypokalemia and hypomagnesemia, can cause anomalies in the electrical activity of the heart, and result in life-threatening arrhythmias. Hypokalemia most commonly results in anorexic patients when restricting is accompanied by purging (induced vomiting or laxative use). Hypotension (low blood pressure) is common, and symptoms include fatigue and weakness. Orthostatic hypotension, a marked decrease in blood pressure when standing from a supine position, may also occur. Symptoms include lightheadedness upon standing, weakness, and cognitive impairment, and may result in fainting or near-fainting. Orthostasis in anorexia nervosa indicates worsening cardiac function and may indicate a need for hospitalization. Hypotension and orthostasis generally resolve upon recovery to a normal weight. The weight loss in anorexia nervosa also causes atrophy of cardiac muscle. This leads to decreased ability to pump blood, a reduction in the ability to sustain exercise, a diminished ability to increase blood pressure in response to exercise, and a subjective feeling of fatigue. Some individuals may also have a decrease in cardiac contractility. Cardiac complications can be life-threatening, but the heart muscle generally improves with weight gain, and the heart normalizes in size over weeks to months, with recovery. Atrophy of the heart muscle is a marker of the severity of the disease, and while it is reversible with treatment and refeeding, it is possible that it may cause permanent, microscopic changes to the heart muscle that increase the risk of sudden cardiac death. Individuals with anorexia nervosa may experience chest pain or palpitations; these can be a result of mitral valve prolapse. Mitral valve prolapse occurs because the size of the heart muscle decreases while the tissue of the mitral valve remains the same size. Studies have shown rates of mitral valve prolapse of around 20 percent in those with anorexia nervosa, while the rate in the general population is estimated at 2–4 percent. It has been suggested that there is an association between mitral valve prolapse and sudden cardiac death, but it has not been proven to be causative, either in patients with anorexia nervosa or in the general population. Relapse. Rates of relapse after treatment range from 9–52% with many studies reporting a relapse rate of at least 25%. Relapse occurs in approximately a third of people in hospital, and is greatest in the first six to eighteen months after release from an institution. Epidemiology. Anorexia is estimated to occur in 0.9% to 4.3% of women and 0.2% to 0.3% of men in Western countries at some point in their life. About 0.4% of young females are affected in a given year and it is estimated to occur three to ten times less commonly in males. Rates in most of the developing world are unclear. Often it begins during the teen years or young adulthood. The lifetime rate of atypical anorexia nervosa, a form of ED-NOS in which the person loses a significant amount of weight and is at risk for serious medical complications despite having a higher body-mass index, is much higher, at 5–12%. While anorexia became more commonly diagnosed during the 20th century it is unclear if this was due to an increase in its frequency or simply better diagnosis. Most studies show that since at least 1970 the incidence of AN in adult women is fairly constant, while there is some indication that the incidence may have been increasing for girls aged between 14 and 20. According to researcher Ben Radford who wrote in "Skeptical Inquirer" "I found many examples of flawed, misleading, and sometimes completely wrong information and data being copied and widely disseminated among eating disorder organizations and educators without anyone bothering to consult the original research to verify its accuracy". Radford states that misleading statistics and data have been ignored by organizations like the National Eating Disorder Association who has not released data for "incidence of anorexia from 1984–2017" he states that each agency continues to report incorrect numbers assuming that someone else has checked the accuracy. Underrepresentation. Eating disorders are less reported in preindustrial, non-westernized countries than in Western countries. In Africa, not including South Africa, the only data presenting information about eating disorders occurs in case reports and isolated studies, not studies investigating prevalence. Data shows in research that in westernized civilizations, ethnic minorities have very similar rates of eating disorders, contrary to the belief that eating disorders predominantly occur in white people. Men (and women) who might otherwise be diagnosed with anorexia may not meet the DSM IV criteria for BMI since they have muscle weight, but have very little fat. Male and female athletes are often overlooked as anorexic. Research emphasizes the importance to take athletes' diet, weight and symptoms into account when diagnosing anorexia, instead of just looking at weight and BMI. For athletes, ritualized activities such as weigh-ins place emphasis on gaining and losing large amounts of weight, which may promote the development of eating disorders among them. While women use diet pills, which is an indicator of unhealthy behavior and an eating disorder, men use steroids, which contextualizes the beauty ideals for genders. In a Canadian study, 4% of boys in grade nine used anabolic steroids. Anorexic men are sometimes referred to as "manorexic". History. The term "anorexia nervosa" was coined in 1873 by Sir William Gull, one of Queen Victoria's personal physicians. The history of anorexia nervosa begins with descriptions of religious fasting dating from the Hellenistic era and continuing into the medieval period. The medieval practice of self-starvation by women, including some young women, in the name of religious piety and purity also concerns anorexia nervosa; it is sometimes referred to as "anorexia mirabilis." The earliest medical descriptions of anorexic illnesses are generally credited to English physician Richard Morton in 1689. Case descriptions fitting anorexic illnesses continued throughout the 17th, 18th and 19th centuries. In the late 19th century anorexia nervosa became widely accepted by the medical profession as a recognized condition. In 1873, Sir William Gull, one of Queen Victoria's personal physicians, published a seminal paper which coined the term "anorexia nervosa" and provided a number of detailed case descriptions and treatments. In the same year, French physician Ernest-Charles Lasègue similarly published details of a number of cases in a paper entitled "De l'Anorexie hystérique". Awareness of the condition was largely limited to the medical profession until the latter part of the 20th century, when German-American psychoanalyst Hilde Bruch published "The Golden Cage: the Enigma of Anorexia Nervosa" in 1978. Despite major advances in neuroscience, Bruch's theories tend to dominate popular thinking. A further important event was the death of the popular singer and drummer Karen Carpenter in 1983, which prompted widespread ongoing media coverage of eating disorders. Etymology. The term is of Greek origin: "an-" (ἀν-, prefix denoting negation) and "orexis" (ὄρεξις, "appetite"), translating literally to a nervous loss of appetite.

reliable data

9064-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=44093769

Childhood blindness is an important cause contributing to the burden of blindness. Blindness in children can be defined as a visual acuity of <3/60 in the eye with better vision of a child under 16 years of age. This generally means that the child cannot see something 10 feet (about 3 meter) away, that another child could see if it was 200 feet (about 60 meters) away. Causes. There are many causes of blindness in children. Blindness may be due to genetic mutations, birth defects, premature birth, nutritional deficiencies, infections, injuries, and other causes. Severe retinopathy of prematurity (ROP), cataracts, Vitamin A deficiency and refractive error are also causes. The most frequently affected parts of the eyes are: Mechanism. Childhood blindness has many causes, and each cause has its own method of damaging the eyes. Leber congenital amaurosis primarily affects the retina, and typically severe visual impairment begins in infancy. Mutations in Aryl hydrocarbon receptor interacting protein like-1 have been linked to Leber congenital amaurosis (LCA). Diagnosis. The diagnosis of childhood blindness is done via methods to ascertain the degree of visual impairment in the affected child doing so via "dilating eye drops" and the proceeding eye exam. Prevention. Vitamin A deficiency is a top cause of preventable childhood blindness. For children who have measles, there is insufficient evidence to determine if vitamin A is effective at reducing the risk of vision loss. Treatment. Whether blindness is treatable depends upon the cause. Surgical intervention can be performed in cases of primary congenital glaucoma. A 2020 review found no difference between combined trabeculotomy and trabeculectomy (CTT) and routine conventional trabeculotomy, or between viscotrabeculotomy and routine conventional trabeculotomy. The review also found that the 360-degree circumferential trabeculotomy may show greater surgical success than conventional trabeculotomy but that further research with one year follow-up was needed. Management. Braille is a universal way to learn how to read and write, for the blind. A refreshable braille display is an assistive learning device that can help such children in school. Schools for the blind are a form of management, however the limitations of using studies done in such schools has been recognized. Children that are enrolled presently, usually, had developed blindness 5 or more years prior to enrollment, consequently not reflecting current possible causes. About 66% of children with visual impairment also have one other disability (comorbidity), be it, intellectual disabilities, cerebral palsy, or hearing loss. Eye care/screening for children within primary health care is important as catching ocular disease issues can lead to better outcomes. Epidemiology. The number of children who suffer from blindness worldwide is approximately 1.4 million. 75% of the world’s blind children live in Africa and Asia. A 2014 review indicated that an estimated 238,500 children with bilateral blindness (rate 1.2/1,000) live in the Eastern Mediterranean region. Society and culture. VISION 2020 is a program launched by the International Agency for the Prevention of Blindness (IAPB) and is supported by the WHO in 1999 that has made controlling blindness in children a high priority.

general-purpose practice

3352-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=39884449

All genres of music can be heard in Paris, from opera and symphonic music to musical theater, jazz, rock, rap, hip-hop, the traditional Bal-musette and gypsy jazz, and every variety of world music, particularly music from Africa and North Africa. such as the Algerian-born music known as Raï. Leading musical institutions include the Paris Opera, the Orchestre de Paris, and the Paris Conservatory, the first state music conservatory in Europe. The Cité de la Musique at La Villette is home of the new Paris Symphony Hall, the Conservatory, a museum of musical instruments, and Le Zenith, a major venue for popular music. Many of the churches in Paris have magnificent historic organs, and often host concerts. The city is also known for its music halls and clubs. Paris Opera. The Paris Opera, officially called the "Opéra National de Paris" founded in 1669, is the oldest and most famous opera company of France. It mainly produces operas at its modern 2700-seat theatre Opéra Bastille which opened in 1989, and ballets and some classical operas at the older 1970-seat Palais Garnier which opened in 1875. Small scale and contemporary works are also staged in the 500-seat Amphitheatre under the Opéra Bastille. The company's annual budget is in the order of 200 million euros, of which 100 million come from the French state and 70 million from box office receipts. With this money, the company runs the two houses and supports a large permanent staff, which includes the orchestra of 170, a chorus of 110 and the "corps de ballet" of 150. Each year, the Opéra presents about 380 performances of opera, ballet and other concerts, to a total audience of about 800,000 people (of whom 17% come from abroad), which is a very good average seat occupancy rate of 94%. In the 2012/13 season, the Opéra presented 18 opera titles (two in a double bill), 13 ballets, 5 symphonic concerts and two vocal recitals, plus 15 other programmes. The company's training bodies are also active, with 7 concerts from the Atelier Lyrique and 4 programmes from the École de Danse. Paris Opera Ballet. The Paris Opera Ballet (French: Ballet de l'Opéra de Paris) is the oldest national ballet company in the world, founded in 1669, just after the Opera; and many European and international ballet companies, can trace their origins to it. Many famous romantic ballets, including "Giselle" and "Le Corsaire", were first danced by the Paris Opera company. The Paris Opera has had many different official names during its long history but since 1994 has been called the Opéra National de Paris (Paris National Opera). The company presents ballet primarily at the Palais Garnier. The director of the Paris Opera Ballet until his resignation in February 2016 was Benjamin Millepied. Orchestre de Paris. The Orchestre de Paris was established in 1967, following the dissolution of the Orchestre de la Société des Concerts du Conservatoire, when conductor Charles Munch was called on by the Minister of Culture, André Malraux to create a new orchestra in Paris. Previous musical directors included and Herbert von Karajan was hired as an interim music advisor from 1969 to 1971. Later musical directors music include Sir Georg Solti, Daniel Barenboim, and Semyon Bychkov. The main venue of the Orchestre de Paris is the Philharmonie de Paris in the Cité de la Musique, in the Parc de la Villette in the 19th arrondissement. The hall, designed by Jean Nouvel, was inaugurated in 2015. The orchestra has 119 musicians, and will be giving fifty concerts during the 2015-2016 season. The musical director since 2010 is Paavo Järvi. He will be replaced in September 2016 by Daniel Harding. Classical music and dance. Paris has several other important orchestras and venues for classical music and dance. The Lamoureux Orchestra, officially known as the Société des Nouveaux-Concerts, founded by Claude Lamoureux in 1881, has had an illustrious role in Paris music. It gave the first performances of Claude Debussy's "Nocturnes" (1900 and 1901) and "La mer" (1905). The current artistic director is Pierre Thilloy, and it performs both classical and new works. Performances are held at the Théâtre du Châtelet, the Théâtre des Champs-Élysées, and sometimes at the Grand Rex movie theater, an art deco landmark in the city. Radio France is the home of two professional symphony orchestras. The Orchestre National de France, founded in 1934, specializes in French music and tours frequently abroad. It plays regularly at the Théâtre des Champs-Élysées, and its concerts are broadcast on French national radio. Its music director since 2008 is Daniele Gatti. The Orchestre Philharmonique de Radio France, founded in 1937, performs both contemporary and classical music. It has 141 members, and performs at the auditorium of the Maison de la Radio France. Its musical director is Mikko Franck. Its concerts are broadcast on radio and television throughout Europe. Radio France also has a choral group, the Choeur de Radio France, the only professional symphonic choir in France, which performs classical, traditional and modern choral works, and also broadcasts regularly on French radio and TV. It is directed by Sofi Jeannin. The Salle Pleyel is another important concert venue for classical music. It was home of the Orchestre de Paris until 2015. "Cité de la Musique". The Cité de la Musique (City of Music), is a complex of musical institutions that was created beginning in the 1990s in the Parc de la Villette in, the 19th arrondissement, a former industrial area near the edge of the city. The project was conceived by President François Mitterrand as a means to create a new cultural center in a working-class neighborhood outside the city center. It was designed by the architect Christian de Portzamparc and opened in 1995. The Paris Conservatory of Music was transferred there in September 1990. and a large hall for rock concerts and other events, Le Zenith, was opened in . The jewel of the ensemble, the Philharmonie de Paris, the home of the Orchestre de Paris, designed by architect Jean Nouvel, was inaugurated in 2015. Music in the cathedral and churches. The most famous organ in Paris is that of the Cathedral of Notre-Dame de Paris. It was made in the 18th century by the noted builder François-Henri Clicquot. Some of Clicquot's original pipework in the pedal division continues to sound from the organ today. The organ was almost completely rebuilt and expanded in the 19th century by Aristide Cavaillé-Coll. The position of titular organist ("head" or "chief" organist) at Notre-Dame is one of the most prestigious organist posts in France, along with the post of titular organist of Saint Sulpice in Paris, Cavaillé-Coll's largest instrument. The organ has 7,374 pipes, with ca 900 classified as historical. It has 110 real stops, five 56-key manuals and a 32-key pedalboard. In December 1992, a two-year restoration of the organ was completed that fully computerized the organ under three LANs (Local Area Networks). The restoration also included a number of additions, notably two further horizontal reed stops "en chamade" in the Cavaille-Coll style. The Notre-Dame organ is therefore unique in France in having five fully independent reed stops "en chamade". The church of St-Gervais-et-St-Protais is one of the great shrines of organ music, thanks to the Couperin family; eight members of the family were organists there from 1656 until 1826. They included Louis Couperin (1626-1661), and François Couperin (1668-1733) authors of celebrated masses and other compositions for the instrument. The grand organ of Couperin is still in place on the Tribune above the entrance at the back of the church. The first organ was constructed by Mathis Languhedul of Flanders in 1601; followed by new organ made by the French dynasty of Pierre, Alexandre and François Thierry, between 1649 and 1714; then rebuilt by François-Henri Cliquot in 1769, with many restorations over the following years. The organ itself is a registered historic landmark. Another well-known organ in Paris is the organ of the American Cathedral in Paris on Avenue George V. Built in 1887 by the prestigious French firm Aristide Cavaillé-Coll, it was inaugurated on October 5, 1887, by Alexandre Guilmant. It has been suggested that Marcel Dupré is the person most responsible for the evolution of the instrument, which is still one of the largest in Paris: it was Dupré who acted as consultant, first in 1922, again in 1930, then again in the 1950s, with Maurice Duruflé. The latest restoration was completed in 1993 by the organ firm of Bernard Dargassies with the generous support of the Paulé Foundation and other Cathedral members. The organ was re-dedicated on February 21, 1993, and re-inaugurated on May 18, 1993, by Marie-Madeleine Duruflé, and on May 30, 1993, by Marilyn Keiser. African-American gospel musicians are well known in Paris and some of them have taken permanent residence here. Many churches in Paris host free concerts on Sunday afternoons. A few well-known examples include the Sunday "Les Dimanches Musicaux" concerts at the American Cathedral in Paris, an English speaking church located on Avenue George V, and similar programs at other churches around Paris including La Madeleine. The Opéra-Comique. The Opéra-Comique theater has a long and illustrious history; founded in 1753, it hosted the first performances of Bizet's "Carmen" and of "Pelléas et Mélisande" by Claude Debussy, and the French premieres of the operas of Puccini. In recent years the historic theater went through economic difficulties, and the permanent company was disbanded in 1972, but the theater continues to present productions by several different companies of both classical and new works of opera and musical theater. The building was closed in 2015 for eighteen months of extensive renovations. Musical theater. Musical theater became very popular in Paris in the mid-19th century, largely because of the witty and well-crafted musical works of Jacques Offenbach, but the genre nearly disappeared in the 20th century, due in large part to high costs and to competition from motion pictures. In the 1980s and 1990s, Paris reversed the trend hosted the premieres of two mega-musicals, "Les Miserables", based on the novel by Victor Hugo, with music by Claude-Michel Schönberg and original French lyrics by Alain Boublil and Jean-Marc Natel, opened in Paris in 1980, and "Notre Dame de Paris", also based on a novel by Victor Hugo, with music composed by Riccardo Cocciante and lyrics by Luc Plamondon, which opened on September 16, 1998. Both musicals started in Paris and went on to success in London, New York and around the world. Today the main venue for musicals is the Théatre du Châtelet, which regularly brings Broadway musicals from New York to Paris. In 2015, the musical "An American in Paris" was previewed first at the Chatelet before going to New York for a successful run. The theater is presenting "Passion" by Stephen Sondheim in its 2016 season Music halls. The music hall was first imported to Paris from London in 1862, and became enormously popular, with dancers, singers, acrobats, magicians trained animals. In the 1920s and 1930s they focused on music, and introduced many famous singers including Mistinguett, Josephine Baker, and Edith Piaf. The traditional clubs include the Folies-Bergere, founded in 1869, followed by the Moulin Rouge founded in 1889, which first presented the dance known as the French Cancan. The Olympia, founded in 1893, in 1911 became the first music hall to stage its shows on a huge stairway. The Moulin Rouge, Folies-Bergere and Casino de Paris continue to present spectacular musical reviews, though their clientele now is mainly tourists. The Olympia Music Hall has been transformed into a concert hall, presenting well-known singers and bands. A few new music halls have appeared, including the Crazy Horse Saloon, which feature music and chorus lines of dancers. Bal-musette. Bal-musette is a style of French music and dance that first became popular in Paris in the 1870s and 1880s; by 1880 Paris had some 150 dance halls in the working-class neighbourhoods of the city. Patrons danced the bourrée to the accompaniment of the cabrette (a bellows-blown bagpipe locally called a "musette") and often the vielle à roue (hurdy-gurdy) in the cafés and bars of the city. French and Italian musicians who played the accordion adopted the style and established themselves in Auvergnat bars, especially in the 19th arrondissement. It evolved into several different musical and dance styles, i tango-musette, pas-musette, and valse-musette, all designed to be danced by partners close together in a small space. Its popularity declined after World War ii, faced with competition from rock and roll and other forms of entertainment. A few jazz and dance clubs present the music, and a few authentic balls are still held in the neighborhoods of the city. One club, the Vieux Belleville at 12 rue des Envierges in the 20th arrondissement, is devoted to reviving Bal-Musette music and dancing. Rock and popular music. Paris offers concerts by French and international rock groups of all genres of rock and popular music. The largest concerts take place in the Stade de France, the national sports stadium located just outside Paris in Saint Denis. It seats eighty-one thousand persons. In 2015 it was the venue for concerts by AC/DC and Paul McCartney, and in 2016 hosted concerts by Beyoncé and Rihanna. The largest concert venue within the city itself is the AccorHotels Arena. (formerly known as Palais Omnisports de Paris-Bercy and the Bercy Arena) which can seat up to twenty thousand persons. Madonna U2, Celine Dion and Phil Collins have performed there, and Johnny Hallyday made videos of four of his concerts in the arena. Janet Jackson and Adele are scheduled to perform there in 2016. Another major concert venue is Le Zenith at the Cité de la Musique, which opened in 1983 and seats 6,293 persons. Over the years, the venue has played host to many French artists including: Jenifer, Jean-Jacques Goldman, Vanessa Paradis, Johnny Hallyday and Michel Sardou. Also, international artists including: Britney Spears, Christina Aguilera, Bruce Springsteen, the Grateful Dead, Alicia Keys, Amy Winehouse, Several former musical theaters now present regular concerts of rock music. These include the Bobino Music Hall, founded in 1873, which hosted many of France's most famous singers, including Josephine Baker and Juliette Greco. It closed in 1983, but reopened in 1991. In 2007, it was turned into a cabaret named Bobin'o, located in Montparnasse, at 20 rue de la Gaieté in the 14th arrondissement. The Bataclan, founded in 1864, presented musical comedy. It was transformed into a rock club in the 1960s. The Bataclan was the scene of a notorious terrorist attack on November 13, 2015 which killed eighty-nine people. The theater was closed after the attacks; the interior was rebuilt, and it reopened with a performance by Sting on November 12, 2016. Concentrations of music clubs are found in the streets between Chatelet, Les Halles and the Pompidou Center, and around Bastille, while others are found in the outer arrondissements. Popular music clubs uncle "Le Klub" at 14 rue Saint-Denis in the 1st arrondissement; " La Mechanique Ondulatoire", at 8 Passage Thiéré, near Bastille, known for punk and metal. Clubs in the outer arrondissements include "LaPlage de Glazart", a former bus station turned tint an underground music venue, at 1915 Avenue de la Porte de la Villette in the 19th arrondissement; "Le Batofar", a former Irish floating lighthouse that now has a small concert hall, at Porte de la Gare in the 13th arrondissement, known for reggae, heavy metal, and aerobe; and "L'Alimentation Générale", a large club which features an assortment of Brazilian, Cuban, West African High Life, East European jazz, and French hip-hop and electro-funk. Other well-known clubs include the "Flèche d'Or", in a former train station at 102 rue de Bagndet in the 20th arrondissement; "Le China", a Chinese restaurant and rock club at 50 rue Chareton, known for Manouche, R&B, funk and soul music; "Le Pompon", at 5 Avenue de l'Opera, known for independent bands and electro-pop DJs, and "Les Trois Baudets", a venerable club and concert hall where musicians including Georges Brassens, Jacques Brel, Juliette Gréco and Serge Gainsbourg once played, which now presents French pop, electro and rap music, located at 64 Boulevard de Clichy in the 18th arrondissement. Jazz clubs. Jazz was introduced to Paris during World War I by a black American army band led by James Reese Europe, and took by storm the Paris music halls of the 1920s. It had a resurgence of popularity after World War II, where jazz clubs flourished in the cellars of the quarter of Saint-Germain-des-Prés. Today a wide variety of jazz is played in Paris clubs, which often have two performances at night and stay open until four in the morning. Notable clubs cited in a March 2015 survey of the best Paris jazz clubs by the "Washington Post" include the 'Caveau de la Huchette', the last survivor of the cellar clubs of the 1950s, located in the basement of a 16th-century building in the 5th arrondissement; the 'Improviste', located on a barge on the Seine, known for Bebop music; the 'Bab-Ilo' next to Montmartre, known for Brazilian and Caribbean jazz; the 'Café Universel' on Rue Saint Jacques, popular with students and noted for vocal music. Three jazz clubs cited by the " Washington Post", all in existence since the 1980s, are in the same neighborhood on Rue des Lombards near Les Halles; the 'Duc des Lombards', 'Sunset-Sunside', which feature well-known French and international groups, and 'Le Baiser Sale', which features fusion and world music, and many groups from West Africa. Manouche, or gypsy jazz, a more traditional style made famous by jazz musicians Django Reinhardt and Stéphane Grappelli in the 1930s, is the speciality of some clubs, notably the 'Atelier Charonne' near Place de la Bastille, and the 'New Morning' in the 10th arrondissement, which also features rock and funk groups. Paris hosts several notable jazz festivals, including the Jazz sur Seine festival in October, and the more traditional Jazz Musette des Puces in June. Music schools. The city of Paris has several important academic institutions devoted to musical education. The first and most famous is the Conservatoire de Paris, founded in 1795 shortly after the French Revolution, formally known as the "Conservatoire national supérieur de musique et de danse de Paris" or CNSMDP. It was the first state music conservatory in Europe; famous students and faculty included composers Hector Berlioz, Maurice Ravel, Gabriel Fauré, Claude Debussy and Nadia Boulanger. The school now located within the Cité de la Musique, near the Philharmonic Hall, in the 19th arrondissement. The first and most famous ballet school in France, the "École de danse de l'Opéra national de Paris", the school of dance of the Paris opera, was founded in 1669 for adult dancers, and began taking children as students beginning in 1776. Virtually all of the main dancers of the Paris ballet are graduates of the school. In 1987 the ballet school was relocated from the Opera house to the suburb of Nanterre. The Schola Cantorum de Paris was founded in 1896 as a rival to the Conservatory; it put an emphasis on technique, and on the study of late Baroque and early Classical works, Gregorian chant, and Renaissance polyphony. Famous students included composers Darius Milhaud, Olivier Messiaen and Albert Roussel. The school is located in a former convent in the 5th arrondissement. The École Normale de Musique de Paris was founded in 1919 by Auguste Mangeot and pianist Alfred Cortot, and today is under the patronage of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Famous faculty members of the school include Nadia Boulanger, Pablo Casals, Paul Dukas (composer of "The Sorcerer's Apprentice"), composer Arthur Honegger, harpsichordist Wanda Landowska, and conductor Charles Munch. The school has a small art deco concert hall, the Salle Cortot, designed by the architect Auguste Perret, which is notable for its excellent acoustics. The Conservatoire Rachmaninoff is a private music school was which established between 1923 and 1931 by emigres fleeing the Russian Revolution, including Feodor Chaliapin and Alexander Glazunov. It's honorary president was composer Sergei Rachmaninoff. Today it provides music instruction in both French and Russian languages. Military music. The French military in Paris has several musical ensembles, bands and choral groups. The most famous is the band of the Garde Republicaine, some of whose musicians perform on horseback. They are a traditional part of the annual parade on the Champs-Élyseés celebrating Bastille Day on July 14. The band, and a string orchestra belonging to the Garde Republicaine, play for presidential receptions at the Élysée Palace and other official occasions. The Ministry of Defense has a music school, the Conservatory of Military Music of the Army, located in Versailles. The gendarmerie, or national police force, formally part of the French military, has its own band and orchestra. The prefecture of police in Paris, separate from the Gendarmerie, has its own orchestra called the "Musique des Gardiens de la Paix", which belongs to the "Compagnies Républicaines de Sécurité" or CRS, best known as the Paris riot police. It is based at Vélizy, in the Paris suburbs. The brigade of Paris firemen, also formally members of the military, has a musical unit, called the "Musique de la brigade de sapeurs-pompiers de Paris". It includes an orchestra, a band, a small jazz-rock band, and several smaller ensembles. Street and subway musicians. The profession of street musician has existed in Paris since the Middle Ages- street singers and musicians had their own professional guild. Beginning in the 17th century, the most popular venue for musicians was the Pont Neuf. (See History of music in Paris). Today street musicians of every variety can be found on the squares and steers in the center of Paris, wherever people gather. The musicians who perform in the tunnels of the Paris Metro belong to a special category; because of limited space, they must audition and are selected for assignment to particular locations. Festivals. A number of musical festivals take place annually in Paris, including the Paris Jazz Festival and the rock festival Rock en Seine. The Fete de la Musique, held annually on 21 June (Summer Solstice), features free performances of classical, rock, jazz and world music at venues all over Paris.

play schedule from 2015-2016

11610-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=58080945

The 2018 presidential campaign of Jair Bolsonaro was announced on 3 March 2016. Brazilian federal deputy and former military officer Jair Bolsonaro became the official nominee of the Social Liberal Party during their convention on 22 July 2018. The running mate decision came later on 8 August, when General Hamilton Mourão was chosen to compose the ticket with Bolsonaro. By choosing Mourão as running mate Bolsonaro secured a coalition with the Brazilian Labour Renewal Party. Jair Bolsonaro was the first candidate for the presidency that was able to raise over $1 million reais in donations from the public during the 2018 campaign. In the first 59 days, he amassed an average of $17,000 reais per day in donations. Bolsonaro was stabbed on 6 September while he was campaigning in Juiz de Fora. He recovered, and was the leading candidate in the first round on 7 October, with 46% of the vote. On 28 October, Bolsonaro won the general election with 55.13% of the popular vote. Running mate selection process. Numerous politicians were mentioned as potential vice presidential running mates for Bolsonaro. In addition to General Hamilton Mourão, who was eventually chosen, figures mentioned as possible running mates for Bolsonaro included: Primary elections. The National Executive Committee of Social Liberal Party, and the National Executive Committee of the Brazilian Labour Renewal Party, elected the candidate for office of vice-president and the National Directory of PSL, elected the candidate to President of republic. Karina Rodrigues Fidelix da Cruz (PRTB), appointed by PRTB, and Gulliem Charles Bezerra Lemos (PSL), appointed by PSL, were the delegates of the coalition. Gustavo Bebiano Rocha was the representative of the slate for the Supreme Electoral Court. Janaína Paschoal refused to be the vice-president candidate together Bolsonaro. Campaign background. Before his campaign, Bolsonaro desired that the senator Magno Malta (from the Party of Republic) or Augusto Heleno,(from the Progressive Republican Party) become the vice-president in his slate, but their parties did not allow the two of them to compete together. During his campaign, Bolsonaro has praised the two-decade (1964-1985) military dictatorship in Brazil and has praised foreign autocrats such as Alberto Fujimori of Peru and Augusto Pinochet of Chile. Bolsonaro has promised to give police permission to shoot first and ask questions later. His platform also promotes liberalizing gun laws and repressive tactics against urban criminality and drug trafficking, along with the advocation of rolling back affirmative action for black-Brazilians and reversing legislation which increases sentences for murdering women because of their gender (femicide). Despite earlier calls for massive policy shifts in environmentalism, Bolsonaro backed away from calls to pull Brazil out of the Paris Agreements, and the elimination of Brazil's Environmental Ministry. However he told international non-profit groups such as the World Wildlife Fund, that he would not allow their agendas in Brazil, strongly protested against lands reserved for indigenous tribes, and plans to expand nuclear and hydroelectric power into the Amazon. Some supporters of Bolsonaro have compared him to US President Donald Trump, and believe that he, like Trump, will bring the radical change that they feel is needed in response to the "lawlessness" of Brazil, with many nicknaming Bolsonaro "the legend." Steve Bannon (chief executive officer of Trump's 2016 presidential bid) has advised Bolsonaro's campaign. Social media. Social media is believed to have made a large impact on Bolsonaro's campaign and at the time of the election he had over 4.3 million followers and many support pages on Facebook along with over 400 thousand followers on Instagram, making him one of the candidates with the largest support on social media. He made daily posts related to army topics and aimed at the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) and also interacted with many supporters through posts, replies, and groups on WhatsApp. During the election Bolsonaro faced allegations that some of his important financial supporters illegally used WhatsApp as means to spread fake news about his opponent Haddad, prompting the company to ban thousands of active accounts during the election period. His supporters have been credited as being extremely active on social media and disseminate most content throughout WhatsApp as almost 93% of them claim to have accounts where almost 43% are politically active in the App. Voter Demographic. Bolsonaro's supporters were primarily aged between 16 and 34 years old at about 60% of his voters, almost 30% of which were 24 years old or younger. Polls. As of late September, Bolsonaro led the polls with 28% of polled voters, with an Ibope poll (22-24 September) stating that 36% of men surveyed said they would vote for him, while only 18% of women backing his policies. A Datafolha poll released on 10 September showed that Bolsonaro was rejected by 49% of female voters, but supported by 17%. In the first round of elections on 7 October, Bolsonaro received 46.03% of the vote, the most of any candidate. The day before the election, polls gave Bolsonaro an 8-10% advantage over Fernando Haddad. Attack during campaign event. Bolsonaro was stabbed on 6 September 2018 while campaigning and interacting with supporters in the city of Juiz de Fora, Minas Gerais. Bolsonaro's son, Flávio, has stated that his father's wounds were only superficial and he was recovering in hospital. Police arrested and identified the attacker as Adelio Bispo de Oliveira, who claimed that he was "ordered by God to carry out the attack". Flávio Bolsonaro later stated that the wounds inflicted seem worse than initially thought. He tweeted about his father's condition, explaining that the perforation reached part of the liver, the lung and part of the intestine. He also stated that Bolsonaro had lost a large amount of blood, arriving at the hospital with a pressure of 10/3, but had since stabilized. Most of the other candidates in the presidential race (from both sides of the political spectrum), and the then Brazilian president, Michel Temer, condemned the attack. After the end of the elections, Bolsonaro decided to donate the rest of the money collected in the campaign, to the Santa Casa de Misericórdia Hospital, where he got hospital treatment after the assassination attempt. Protests and rallies. Protests. Hundreds of thousands of women across Brazil staged protests on September 29, against Bolsonaro's candidacy. One protester told reporters "I'm part of a portion of society that is greatly affected by the types of things [Bolsonaro] says and thinks. This conservative wave, which has really always existed in Brazil, needs to come to an end." Protesters in São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro and Brasilia chanted "Ele Não (Not him!)" which has become a slogan to protest Bolsonaro, emphasizing that the groups aims are for the undecided voters to vote "for anyone else, but not him." Many protesters have expressed outrage over past statements by Bolsonaro that homosexuality was equated with paedophilia, and that he once told Congresswoman Maria do Rosario that she wasn't worth raping, citing these events as reasons to protest his campaign. Bolsomito. "Bolsomito 2K18" (later renamed "Bolsomito"), is a 2D beat 'em up video game by Brazilian developer BS Studios, released for Microsoft Windows in October 2018. The game reportedly promotes the ideology of Brazilian politician Jair Bolsonaro (who is also referred to as "Bolsomito"). The game and Bolsonaro's ideology have been criticized by the press for being racist, misogynistic and homophobic. The game's availability on Steam caused Brazil's Public Ministry of Federal Districts and Territories to investigate BS Studios and Valve for potentially harming the 2018 general election Rallies. There were also rallies in support of the candidate in sixteen states. Achievements. The campaign receipts were R$4.001.413,01 while the costs summed R$2.456.215,03. Bolsonaro had the cheapest campaign among the main candidates. The cost per vote was R$0,03 against R$0,73 of his opponent Haddad. At the end, he tried to donate the remaining value to Santa Casa de Misericórdia Hospital but was not possible according to the election laws. About R$1.300.000,00 was raised by people in social medias to thanks Santa Casa Hospital.

patriarch's health

14838-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=38274014

Wildcat Comic Con was a comic book convention held in Williamsport, Pennsylvania, United States, at the Pennsylvania College of Technology. The conventions name came from the mascot of the Pennsylvania College of Technology. Wildcat Comic Con placed extra value with educators and librarians and how comic books and graphic novels can be used in the educational fields. Programming. Wildcat Comic Con typically featured an animation film festival, artist alley, author book-signings, author luncheons, cosplay competition, exhibitors, drawing sessions, fan presentations, LAN party, masquerade ball, portfolio reviews, professional presentations, Star Wars impersonators, vendors, video game contests and demonstrations, and workshops. History. The convention was the first large scale Comic Con to be held in Central Pennsylvania and the first to be held by a college. The idea for the convention came from John Weaver, a high school teacher. It was primarily organized by Lisette Ormsbee (director of the Madigan Library) and John Shableski (former comics distributor), neither of which had previous experience hosting an comic convention. The convention evolved from lectures hosted with the local high school to promote Penn College's video game program. Early in the planning of the convention, discussions were held about naming the convention Millionaire Comic-Con (the high schools mascots name), and holding it at Williamsport High School. Several comic book nights "ComiXnite" were held during the fall at Penn College on Wednesday nights to build interest in the convention. In the first year the convention provided eighty hours of content. In 2014, the convention held post event programming that included game shows and gaming. The convention received financial support from the community in 2013 including a $9,000 grant from the Lycoming County Visitors Bureau (Lycoming County Travel and Tourism Initiative) and $2,250 from the Pennsylvania Army National Guard (Heroes 4 Higher group). The Lycoming County Visitors Bureau raised its funding from $5,000 in 2012. In 2013 the convention had 38 vendors, an increase from 10 in 2012. The Lycoming County Visitors Bureau granted $10,000 to Wildcat Comic Con in 2014 for advertising.

additional merit

11445-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=436946

On Usenet, the Usenet Death Penalty (UDP) is a final penalty that may be issued against Internet service providers or single users who produce too much spam or fail to adhere to Usenet standards. It is named after the Death-penalty, as it causes the banned user or provider to be unable to use Usenet, essentially killing their service. Messages that fall under the jurisdiction of a Usenet Death Penalty will be cancelled. Cancelled messages are deleted from Usenet servers and not allowed to propagate. This causes users on the affected ISP to be unable to post to Usenet, and it puts pressure on the ISP to change their policies. Notable cases include actions taken against UUNET, CompuServe, and Excite@Home. Types. There are three types of Usenet Death Penalty: To be effective, the UDP must be supported by a large number of servers, or the majority of the major transit servers. Otherwise, the articles will propagate throughout the smaller, slower peerings. UDPs are not casual acts. They are announced beforehand, only after the owner of the offending server has been contacted and given several chances to correct the perceived problem. Since the effects on the users of a server under a UDP can be significant, if the users want to post, the impact of a UDP can induce the operators of an offending server to address problems quickly. UDPs have been issued against America Online, BBN Planet, CompuServe, Erols Internet, Netcom, TIAC and UUNET. History. The first UDP software was written by Karl Kleinpaste in 1990, though there is disagreement when the term itself was coined: the Net Abuse FAQ claims 1993, but a message posted on 18 August of that year claims that it was coined "years earlier" by Eliot Lear. A UDP was implemented against UUNET on 1 August 1997 after it became a host for many spammers and was unresponsive to abuse complaints. It forced the provider to implement antispam policies and tools and close their open relays. Executives called the UDP "digital terrorism", threatened legal action, and asserted they had been planning to move against spammers anyway. As the volume of spam from UUNET decreased, the organizers called off the penalty on August 6, though their announcement was stifled by cancel messages from UDP opponents. An active UDP was implemented against CompuServe on 18 November 1997, which was lifted the following day after the company implemented anti-spamming measures and instituted a new acceptable use policy addressing spamming. A UDP scheduled to begin against Excite@Home on 19 January 2000 was lifted the day before it was scheduled to begin after the ISP began scanning for the misconfigured proxy servers on home users' computers which it blamed for spam originating from its network.

recognized issue

12234-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=30631120

Educational equity, also referred to as "Equity in education", is a measure of achievement, fairness, and opportunity in education. The study of education equity is often linked with the study of excellence and equity. Educational equity depends on two main factors. The first is fairness, which implies that factors specific to one's personal conditions should not interfere with the potential of academic success. The second important factor is inclusion, which refers to a comprehensive standard that applies to everyone in a certain education system. These two factors are closely related and depend on each other for an educational system's success. This is one of the targets of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 4 in recognition of the importance of education equity. The growing importance of education equity is based on the premise that an individual's level of education directly correlates to future quality of life. Therefore, an academic system that practices educational equity is a strong foundation of a society that is fair and thriving. However, inequity in education is challenging to avoid, and can be broken down into inequity due to socioeconomic standing, race, gender or disability. Educational equity is also based in the historical context of the location, people and structure. History shapes the outcome of individuals within the education system. Equity vs. equality. Often, the terms "equity" and "equality" are interchanged when referring to educational equity. Although similar, there can be important distinctions between the two. Equity. Equity recognizes that some are at a larger disadvantage than others and aims at compensating for these peoples misfortunes and disabilities to ensure that everyone can attain the same type of healthy lifestyle. Examples of this are: "When libraries offer literacy programs, when schools offer courses in English as a second language, and when foundations target scholarships to students from poor families, they operationalize a belief in equity of access as fairness and as justice". Equity recognizes this uneven playing field and aims to take extra measures by giving those who are in need more than others who are not. Equity aims at making sure that everyone's lifestyle is equal even if it may come at the cost of unequal distribution of access and goods. Social justice leaders in education strive to ensure equitable outcomes for their students. Equality. The American Library Association defines equality as: "access to channels of communication and sources of information that is made available on even terms to all--a level playing field--is derived from the concept of fairness as uniform distribution, where everyone is entitled to the same level of access and can avail themselves if they so choose." In this definition of equality no one person has an unfair advantage. Everyone is given equal opportunities and accessibility and are then free to do what they please with it. However, this is not to say that everyone is then inherently equal. Some people may choose to seize these open and equal opportunities while others let them pass by. Educational Tracking. Tracking and Equity. Tracking systems, are selective measures to locate students in different educational levels. They are created to increase the efficiency of education. It allows to make more or less homogeneous groups of students to perceive education that suits their educational skills. However, tracking can affect educational equity if the selection process is biased and children with a certain background are structurally located to lower tracks. The effects of tracking are that students are both viewed and treated differently depending on which track they take. It can generate unequal achievement levels between individual students and it can restrict access to higher tracks and higher education. The quality of teaching and curricula vary between tracks and as a result, those of the lower track are disadvantaged with inferior resources, teachers, etc. In many cases, tracking stunts students who may develop the ability to excel past their original placement. Tracking systems. The type of tracking has impact on the level of educational equity, which is especially determined by the degree in which the system is differentiated. Less differentiated systems, such as standardized comprehensive schools, reach higher levels of equity in comparison to more differentiated, or tracked, systems. Within the tracked systems, the kind of differentiation matters as well for educational equity. Differentiation of schools could be organized externally or internally. External differentiation means that tracks are separated in different schools. Certain schools follow a certain track, which prepares students for academic or professional education, or for career or vocational education. This form is less beneficial for educational equity than internal differentiation or course-by-course tracking. Internal tracking means that, within a single school, courses are instructed at different levels, which is a less rigid kind of tracking that allows for more mobility. The organization of the tracking systems themselves is also important for its effect on educational equity. For both differentiation systems, a higher number of tracks and a smaller number of students per track is granting more educational equity. In addition, the effects of tracking are less rigid and have a smaller impact on equity if the students are located in tracks when they are older. The earlier the students undergo educational selection, the less mobile they are to develop their abilities and the less they can benefit from peer effects. Socio-economic equity in education. Income and class. Income has always played an important role in shaping academic success. Those who come from a family of a higher socioeconomic status (SES) are privileged with more opportunities than those of lower SES. Those who come from a higher SES can afford things like better tutors, rigorous SAT/ACT prep classes, impressive summer programs, and so on. Parents generally feel more comfortable intervening on behalf of their children to acquire better grades or more qualified teachers (Levitsky). Parents of a higher SES are more willing to donate large sums of money to a certain institution to better improve their child's chances of acceptance, along with other extravagant measures. This creates an unfair advantage and distinct class barrier. Costs of education. The extraordinarily high cost of the many prestigious high schools and universities in the United States makes an attempt at a "level playing field" for all students not so level. High-achieving low-income students do not have the means to attend selective schools that better prepare a student for later success. Because of this, low-income students do not even attempt to apply to the top-tier schools for which they are more than qualified. In addition, neighborhoods generally segregated by class leave lower-income students in lower-quality schools. For higher-quality schooling, students in low-income areas would have to take public transport which they can't pay for. Fewer than 30 percent of students in the bottom quarter of incomes even enroll in a four-year school and among that group, fewer than half graduate. Racial equity in education. From a scientific point of view, the human species is a single species. Nevertheless, the term racial group is enshrined in legislation, and phrases such as race equality and race relations are in widespread official use. Racial equity in education means the assignment of students to public schools and within schools without regard to their race. This includes providing students with a full opportunity for participation in all educational programs regardless of their race. The educational system and its response to racial concerns in education vary from country to country. Below are some examples of countries that have to deal with racial discrimination in education. The struggle for equality of access to formal education and equality of excellent educational outcomes is part of the history of education in this country and is tied up with the economic, political, social history of the peoples who are part of it. From the beginning of this nation, there were many barriers to the schooling and education of girls and racial, national origin, and language groups not from the dominant culture. Approaches and resources for achieving equality and equity in the public schooling of girls and ethnic, racial, and language minority groups are still evolving. Higher education. Higher education plays a vital role in preparing students for the employment market and active citizenship both nationally and internationally. By embedding race equality in teaching and learning, institutions can ensure that they acknowledge the experiences and values of all students, including minority ethnic and international students. Universities Scotland first published the Race Equality Toolkit: learning and teaching in 2006 in response to strong demand from the universities in Scotland for guidance on meeting their statutory obligations. Gender equity in education. Gender equity in practicality refers to both male and female concerns, yet most of the gender bias is against women in the developing world. Gender discrimination in education has been very evident and underlying problem in many countries, especially in developing countries where cultural and societal stigma continue to hinder growth and prosperity for women. Global Campaign for Education (GCE) followed a survey called "Gender Discrimination in Violation of Rights of Women and Girls" states that one tenth of girls in primary school are 'unhappy' and this number increases to one fifth by the time they reach secondary schools. Some of the reasonings that girls provided include harassment, restorations to freedom, and an inherent lack of opportunities, compared to boys. United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) understands Education as a " fundamental human right and essential for the exercise of all other human rights. It promotes individual freedom and empowerment and yields important development benefits." UN Special Rapporteur Katarina Tomasevki developed the '4A' framework on the Right to Education. The '4A' framework encompasses availability, accessibility, acceptability and adaptability as fundamental to the institution of education. And yet girls in many underdeveloped countries are denied secondary education. Figure on the right shows the discrepancies in secondary education in the world. Countries such as Sudan, Somalia, Thailand and Afghanistan face the highest of inequity when it comes to gender bias. Gender-based inequity in education is not just a phenomenon in developing countries. An article in "The New York Times" highlighted how education systems, especially the public school system, tend to cause segregation between genders. Boys and girls are often taught with different approaches, which programs children to think they are different and deserve different treatment. However, studies show that boys and girls learn differently, and therefore should be taught differently. Boys learn better when they keep moving, while girls learn better sitting in one place with silence. Therefore—in this reasoning—segregating the genders "promotes" gender equity in education, as both boys and girls have optimized learning. Causes of gender discrimination in education. VSO, an independent international development organization that works towards eliminating poverty, published a paper that categorizes the obstacles (or causes) into: Impact of gender discrimination on the economy. Education is universally acknowledged as an essential human right because it highly impacts the socio-economic and cultural aspects of a country. Equity in education increases the work force of the nation, therefore increasing national income, economic productivity, and [gross domestic product]. It reduces fertility and infant mortality, improves child health, increases life expectancy and increases standards of living. These are factors that allow economic stability and growth in the future. Above all, female education can increase output levels and allow countries to attain sustainable development. Equity in education of women also reduces the possibilities of trafficking and exploitation of women. UNESCO also refers gender equity as a major factor that allows for sustainable development. "Looking at recently-published UN statistics on gender inequality in education, one observes that the overall picture has improved dramatically over the last decade, but progress has not been even (see chart). Although the developing world on average looks likely to hit the UN's gender-inequality target, many parts of Africa are lagging behind. While progress is being made in sub-Saharan Africa in primary education, gender inequality is in fact widening among older children. The ratio of girls enrolled in primary school rose from 85 to 93 per 100 boys between 1999 and 2010, whereas it fell from 83 to 82 and from 67 to 63 at the secondary and tertiary levels." Notable publications and reports. Providing opportunities for students to consider racial equality as well as matters of racism as part of their study will help them to develop confidence to engage with these concepts as part of future practice, thinking, and life skills. Race, social class, and gender as issues related to schooling have received major attention from educators and social scientists over the last two decades. Race equality in education - a survey report by England. The local authorities in England gave a survey report Race equality in education in November 2005. This report is based on visits by Her Majesty.s Inspectors (HMIs) and additional inspectors to 12 LEAs and 50 schools in England between summer term 2003 to spring term 2005. This report illustrates good practice on race equality in education in a sample of schools and local education authorities (LEAs) surveyed between the summer of 2003 and the spring of 2005. The survey focused on schools and LEAs that were involved effectively in race equality in education. Four areas were examined by inspectors: improving standards and achievement amongst groups of pupils, with reference to the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000 (RRAA); the incorporation of race equality concepts into the curriculum in schools; the handling and reporting of race-related incidents in schools; the work of schools and LEAs in improving links with local minority ethnic communities. Race equality and education – by UK educational system. The Association of Teachers and Lecturers (ATL) (ATL promotes and protects the interests of its members – teachers, lecturers, support staff and other education professionals) introduced a practical resource for the school workforce Race equality and education in the UK educational system. The publication sets out to examine the racial, religious or cultural terminology regularly used in today's society, in an attempt to combat prejudice based on colour, ethnicity, religion or culture. The equity and excellence commission - US education. Carol D. Lee described the rationale for a special theme issue, "Reconceptualizing Race and Ethnicity in Educational Research." The rationale includes the historical and contemporary ways that cultural differences have been positioned in educational research and the need for more nuanced and complex analyses of ethnicity and race. Racial equity in education: how far has South Africa come? A major task of South Africa's new government in 1994 was to promote racial equity in the state education system. This paper evaluates progress towards this goal using three distinct concepts: equal treatment, equal educational opportunity, and educational adequacy. The authors find that the country has succeeded in establishing racial equity defined as equal treatment, primarily through race-blind policies for allocating state funds for schools. Progress measured by the other two criteria, however, has been constrained by the legacy of apartheid, including poor facilities and lack of human capacity in schools serving black students, and by policies such as school fees. Race in education: an argument for integrative analysis. Education literature tends to treat race, social class, and gender as separate issues. A review of a sample of education literature from four academic journals, spanning ten years, sought to determine how much these status groups were integrated. The study found little integration. The study then provided a research example on cooperative learning to illustrate how attention to only one status group oversimplifies the analysis of student behavior in school. From findings of studies integrating race and class, and race and gender, the study argues that attending only to race, in this example, oversimplifies behavior analysis and may help perpetuate gender and class biases. To determine to what extent race, social class, and gender are integrated in the education literature, the study examined a sample of literature published over a ten-year period and 30 articles focused primarily on race, or on school issues related directly to race, such as desegregation. Equity and quality in education: supporting disadvantaged students and schools–from OECD. The report is by the OECD Education Directorate with support from the Asia Society as a background report for the first Asia Society Global Cities Network Symposium, Hong Kong, May 10–12, 2012. Asia Society organized the Global Cities Education Network, a network of urban school systems in North America and Asia to focus on challenges and opportunities for improvement common to them, and to virtually all city education systems. This report presents the key recommendations of the OECD publication Equity and Quality in Education: Supporting Disadvantaged Students and Schools (2012a), which maps out policy levers that can help build high quality and equitable education systems, with a particular focus on North American and Asia-Pacific countries. Challenges in educational equity. The long-term social and economic consequences of having little education are more tangible now than ever before. Those without the skills to participate socially and economically in society generate higher costs of healthcare, income support, child welfare and social security. Societal structure and costs. While both basic education and higher education have both been improved and expanded in the past 50 years, this has not translated to a more equal society in terms of academics. While the feminist movement has made great strides for women, other groups have not been as fortunate. Generally, social mobility has not increased, while economic inequality has. So, while more students are getting a basic education and even attending universities, a dramatic divide is present and many people are still being left behind. Increase migration and diversity. As increased immigration causes problems in educational equity for some countries, poor social cohesion in other countries is also a major issue. In countries where continued migration causes an issue, the ever-changing social structure of different races makes it difficult to propose a long-term solution to educational equity. On the other hand, many countries with consistent levels of diversity experience long-standing issues of integrating minorities. Challenges for minorities and migrants are often exacerbated as these groups statistically struggle more in terms of lower academic performance and lower socio-economic status.

research statement

11030-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1073594

A gull-wing door, also known as a falcon-wing door or an up-door, is an automotive industry term describing car doors that are hinged at the roof rather than the side, as pioneered by the 1952 Mercedes-Benz 300SL race car (W194) and its road-legal version (W198) introduced in 1954. Opening upwards, the doors evoke the image of a seagull's wings. In French they are "portes papillon" (butterfly doors). The papillon door was designed by Jean Bugatti for the 1939 Type 64, 14 years before Mercedes-Benz produced its similar, famous 300SL gullwing door. The papillon door is a precursor to the gullwing door, and is slightly different in its architecture, but is often overlooked when discussing gull-wing design. Conventional car doors are typically hinged at the front-facing edge of the door, with the door swinging outward horizontally. Apart from the Mercedes-Benz 300SL of the mid-1950s and the experimental Mercedes-Benz C111 of the early 1970s, the best-known examples of road-cars with gull-wing doors are the Bricklin SV-1 from the 1970s, the DMC DeLorean from the 1980s, and the Tesla Model X of the 2010s. Gull-wing doors have also been used in aircraft designs, such as the four-seat single-engine Socata TB series built in France. Practical considerations. The design is a very practical one in a tight urban parking space. When properly designed and counterbalanced, they require little side-clearance to open (about 27.5 cm, or 11" in the DeLorean and allow much better entrance/egress than conventional doors. The most obvious downside to having gull-wing doors is that, were the car to roll over and come to rest on its roof, exit by the doors would be impossible, requiring a large windscreen opening to escape. The Mercedes SLS solved this problem by fitting explosive bolts in the hinges, that would blow up if the car rolled over. The Volvo YCC, a concept car designed by and for women, had gull-wing doors as part of its design. Gull-wing doors to make it easier to lift a bag to store it behind the driver's seat, increase visibility over the driver's shoulder, and make it easier to get in and out of the car. The Tesla Model X, first introduced in 2015, has double hinged gull-wing doors, called falcon-wing doors by Tesla. The Model X has several design considerations to make the doors more practical. Being double hinged allows them to open with less clearance (horizontal and vertical) than would otherwise be required. The vehicle also has sensors to determine ceiling height and the presence of potential obstacles and to determine how the hinges will operate to open the doors and avoid obstacles, if possible. Design challenges. Gull-wing doors have a somewhat questionable reputation because of early examples like the Mercedes and the Bricklin. The 300 SL needed the door design, as its tubular frame race car chassis design had a very high door sill, which in combination with a low roof would make a standard door opening very low and small. The Mercedes engineers solved the problem by also opening a part of the roof. The Bricklin was a more conventionally sized door but the actuation system was problematic in day-to-day use and led to unreliable operation until an aftermarket air-door upgrade was installed in all Bricklins. In addition, there was some concern that in making the doors as light as possible they wouldn't provide adequate protection in side-impact accidents. There was, however, no indication that this concern was justified. The DeLorean solved these problems by using a patented cryogenically-set stainless steel torsion bar spring (manufactured by Grumman Aircraft Engineering Corporation) to partially counterbalance a full-sized door, and then added a gas-pressurized (pneumatic) strut similar to those found in hatchback cars. The combination of the torsion spring and strut provided the correct torque variation necessary to offset the variable torque of the door as it opened through a rotational angle of about 80 degrees. The torsion bar is most important in the first foot of movement from the bottom, where the geometry of the strut is pointed at the hinge and therefore at a mechanical disadvantage. As the spring relaxes through the door's rotation open, the strut gains a better moment arm and gradually takes over the effort. A correctly balanced door opens fully on its own by simply activating the door latch from the interior, exterior, or from an aftermarket wireless release. Other disadvantages of the system were not so easy to address. For example, the gull-wing design makes creating a convertible version of the car harder, as the hinges would be removed with the roof, and standard doors would be needed for the convertible. Mercedes did so when replacing the gullwing coupe altogether with the 300SL roadster in 1958. It was never a concern for DeLorean since no convertible version was ever planned. It also makes sealing the car against water leaks and snow intrusion more difficult because of the shape and movement path of the door itself. List of automobiles. The following is a (partial) list of production and kit automobiles with gull-wing doors: Production cars. Kit cars. Gullwing doors are common in kit cars and many were made that are not included on this list. They were almost always one of the most mechanically problematic parts of these vehicles.

functional design

10747-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=12126324

A Tricam is a type of climbing protection equipment. A versatile nut/cam hybrid, the Tricam was invented by Greg Lowe in 1973, and came to market in 1981. They are currently manufactured by C.A.M.P. of Premana Italy. Design. The Tricam is a passive camming device consisting of a carefully shaped aluminium-alloy cam attached to a length of webbing tape. Most sizes are produced as a solid forged unit, but the larger sizes are made from riveted sheet metal. The device is inserted into a crack so that pulling on the tape makes the piece cam outward against the sides of the crack, gripping the rock tighter. Camming action is achieved by the position of the pointed fulcrum or pivot of the cam relative to the attachment of the tape. As the webbing is pulled, the downward force is pivoted onto the point, which can bite into soft rock or ice and increases the holding power of the tricam. Benefits. Tricams are not as easy to place or remove as spring-loaded camming devices (SLCDs) but are cheaper and lighter. Some cracks and pods too shallow to protect with SLCDs are easily protected with tricams. They have no moving parts to freeze, making them an excellent choice for a mountaineer's rack. They can also be used as nuts. Drawbacks. Placing a Tricam takes practice to achieve proficiency. Care must be taken so the Tricam does not loosen while climbing above it due to rope drag. Typically, this additional safety is provided by clipping a longer sling to the tricam. Tricams can "weld" into the placement after being subjected to a hard fall, making them hard to clean and likely to be left behind. Specifications. Tricams are available in a range of sizes to suit cracks from 10–140 mm wide. They are especially useful in horizontal cracks, quarry drill holes, and limestone pockets, where they may be the only type of protection that works. The smallest size can also work well in old piton scars. As manufactured they come in size numbers 0.125 to 7, with strength 2–22 kN, width 10–140 mm, and weight 9–264 g.

tough plunge

4823-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=17616859

The Conference USA Baseball Tournament is the conference championship tournament in baseball for Conference USA (C-USA). The winner of the tournament receives an automatic bid to the NCAA Division I Baseball Tournament. The tournament format, which has changed several times, currently consists of an eight-team double-elimination tournament format, in which the winners of two four-team brackets play in a single-game final. Rice, which has won the tournament seven times, is the most successful team in the tournament's history. History. The tournament was first held in 1996, the first season after Conference USA was formed from the merger of the Metro Conference and the Great Midwest Conference. 1996–1999. From 1996 to 1999, the tournament format consisted of an eight-team double-elimination tournament preceded by a single-game play-in round. The play-in round determined which of the lowest seeds (by regular season conference record) would qualify for the eight-team bracket. In 1996, when the league had nine baseball-sponsoring schools, the play-in round included the 8th and 9th seeds. When Houston joined from the Southwest Conference prior to the 1997 season, the play-in round featured the 7th–10th seeds. The eight-team double-elimination tournament consisted of two four-team double-elimination brackets, the winners of which met in a single-game final. 2000–2009. In the 2000 tournament, the play-in round was eliminated, and the top eight seeds qualified for the eight-team double-elimination tournament automatically. The eight-team bracket followed the same format as it had from 1996 to 1999. 2010. In 2010, the tournament format was changed from double-elimination to round robin. The top six regular season finishers qualified for the tournament field, which consisted of two three-team "pods." Pod 1 included the 1st, 4th, and 5th seeds, and Pod 2 included the 2nd, 3rd, and 6th seeds. Each team played three preliminary games, two against its podmates and one against a team from the opposite group. The cross-group games matched up the seeds as follows: 1st vs. 6th, 2nd vs. 5th, and 3rd vs. 4th. The winner of each round robin pod advanced to a single-game final. 2011–2013. In 2011, the round robin format was expanded to the top eight regular season finishers. The tournament field consisted of two four-team pods. Pod 1 included the 1st, 4th, 5th, and 8th seeds, and Pod 2 included the 2nd, 3rd, 6th, and 7th seeds. Each team played three preliminary games, one against each member of its pod. The winner of each pod advanced to a single game. 2014–Present. Beginning in 2014, the format returned to the eight team double-elimination format used from 1996 through 2009. Champions. By school. "Updated as of 05/28/2021, after game 8."

opposing team

773-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=154825

Technophobia (from Greek τέχνη "technē", "art, skill, craft" and φόβος "phobos", "fear"), also known as technofear, is the fear or dislike of advanced technology or complex devices, especially computers. Although there are numerous interpretations of technophobia, they become more complex as technology continues to evolve. The term is generally used in the sense of an irrational fear, but others contend fears are justified. It is the opposite of technophilia. Larry Rosen, a research psychologist, computer educator, and professor at California State University, Dominguez Hills, suggests that there are three dominant subcategories of technophobes – the "uncomfortable users", the "cognitive computerphobes", and "anxious computerphobes". First receiving widespread notice during the Industrial Revolution, technophobia has been observed to affect various societies and communities throughout the world. This has caused some groups to take stances against some modern technological developments in order to preserve their ideologies. In some of these cases, the new technologies conflict with established beliefs, such as the personal values of simplicity and modest lifestyles. Examples of technophobic ideas can be found in multiple forms of art, ranging from literary works such as "Frankenstein" to films like "Metropolis". Many of these works portray a darker side to technology, as perceived by those who are technophobic. As technologies become increasingly complex and difficult to understand, people are more likely to harbor anxieties relating to their use of modern technologies. Prevalence. A study published in the journal "Computers in Human Behavior" was conducted between 1992 and 1994 surveying first-year college students across various countries. The overall percentage of the 3,392 students who responded with high-level technophobic fears was 29%. In comparison, Japan had 58% high-level technophobes and Mexico had 53%. A published report in 2000 stated that roughly 85-90% of new employees at an organization may be uncomfortable with new technology, and are technophobic to some degree. History. Technophobia began to gain attention as a movement in England with the dawn of the Industrial Revolution. With the development of new machines able to do the work of skilled craftsmen using unskilled, underpaid men, women, and children, those who worked a trade began to fear for their livelihoods. In 1675, a group of weavers destroyed machines that replaced their jobs. By 1727, the destruction had become so prevalent that Parliament made the demolition of machines a capital offense. This action, however, did not stop the tide of violence. The Luddites, a group of anti-technology workers, united under the name "Ludd" in March 1811, removing key components from knitting frames, raiding houses for supplies, and petitioning for trade rights while threatening greater violence. Poor harvests and food riots lent aid to their cause by creating a restless and agitated population for them to draw supporters from. The 19th century was also the beginning of modern science, with the work of Louis Pasteur, Charles Darwin, Gregor Mendel, Michael Faraday, Henri Becquerel, and Marie Curie, and inventors such as Nikola Tesla, Thomas Edison and Alexander Graham Bell. The world was changing rapidly, too rapidly for many, who feared the changes taking place and longed for a simpler time. The Romantic movement exemplified these feelings. Romantics tended to believe in imagination over reason, the "organic" over the mechanical, and a longing for a simpler, more pastoral time. Poets like William Wordsworth and William Blake believed that the technological changes that were taking place as a part of the industrial revolution were polluting their cherished view of nature as being perfect and pure. After World War II, a fear of technology continued to grow, catalyzed by the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. With nuclear proliferation and the Cold War, people began to wonder what would become of the world now that humanity had the power to manipulate it to the point of destruction. Corporate production of war technologies such as napalm, explosives, and gases during the Vietnam War further undermined public confidence in technology's worth and purpose. In the post-WWII era, environmentalism also took off as a movement. The first international air pollution conference was held in 1955, and in the 1960s, investigations into the lead content of gasoline sparked outrage among environmentalists. In the 1980s, the depletion of the ozone layer and the threat of global warming began to be taken more seriously. Luddites. Several societal groups are considered technophobic, the most recognisable of which are the Luddites. Many technophobic groups revolt against modern technology because of their beliefs that these technologies are threatening their ways of life and livelihoods. The Luddites were a social movement of British artisans in the 19th century who organized in opposition to technological advances in the textile industry. These advances replaced many skilled textile artisans with comparatively unskilled machine operators. The 19th century British Luddites rejected new technologies that impacted the structure of their established trades, or the general nature of the work itself. Resistance to new technologies did not occur when the newly adopted technology aided the work process without making significant changes to it. The British Luddites protested the application of the machines, rather than the invention of the machine itself. They argued that their labor was a crucial part of the economy, and considered the skills they possessed to complete their labor as property that needed protection from the destruction caused by the autonomy of machines. Selective use of modern technologies among Old Order Anabaptists. Groups considered by some people to be technophobic are the Amish and other Old Order Anabaptists. The Amish follow a set of moral codes outlined in the Ordnung, which rejects the use of certain forms of technology for personal use. Donald B. Kraybill, Karen M. Johnson-Weiner and Steven M. Nolt state in their book "The Amish": What the Amish do, is selective use of modern technologies in order to maintain their belief and culture. Technophobia in arts. An early example of technophobia in fiction and popular culture is Mary Shelley's "Frankenstein". It has been a staple of science fiction ever since, exemplified by movies like Fritz Lang's "Metropolis", which offer examples of how technophobia can occur, and Charlie Chaplin's "Modern Times", in which people are reduced to nothing but cogs in the machinery, a product of new industrial techniques like the assembly line. This persisted through the 1960s, with the fears of nuclear weapons and radiation leading to giant insects in monster movies, cautionary tales like "The Day the Earth Stood Still", and "The Hulk". This was joined by fears of superintelligent machines, and rebellion amongst them, which was a recurring theme of "Star Trek", from the original series to ' to ' in the 1990s. A 1960 episode of "The Twilight Zone" called "A Thing About Machines", deals with a man's hatred for modern things such as electric razors, televisions, electric typewriters and clocks. The 1971 film "The Omega Man" (loosely based on the Richard Matheson novel "I am Legend") showed a world scarred by biological warfare and only a handful of humans and a cult of mutants remain alive. Charlton Heston's character is a scientist who is being targeted by the mutants who wish to destroy all science and machinery due to their technophobic beliefs. Technophobia is also thematic in Walter M. Miller's novel "A Canticle for Leibowitz", in which nuclear war produces an attempt to stamp out science itself, which is held to be responsible. In the 1970s, films such as "" and "Demon Seed" offered samples of domination by computers. The film "Westworld", released in 1973, revolves around world of entertainment humanoids going completely wrong when they turn against humans. Also in the 1970s, Rich Buckler created Deathlok, a cyborg revivified by a madman as a slave killing machine, a dark twist on "Frankenstein". Technophobia achieved commercial success in the 1980s with the movie "The Terminator", in which a computer becomes self-aware, and decides to kill all humans. "Blade Runner" shows us how human replicas were able to live on Earth, portraying technology gone wrong in "replicants" unhappy with their man-made limitations which demand they be "modified". "Star Trek: Voyager" introduced another twist, when "surplus" EMHs, such sophisticated expert systems as to be almost indistinguishable from human, being , while , similar systems were turned into sentient prey. More recently there have been movies like "I, Robot", "The Matrix Trilogy", "WALL-E", and the "Terminator" sequels. Shows such as "Doctor Who"—most specifically in the episode "Robots of Death"—have also tackled the issue of technophobia, with a character in "Robots of Death" displaying a great fear of robots due to their lack of body language, described by the Fourth Doctor as giving them the appearance of "dead men walking". Series consultant Kit Pedler also used this fear as a basis for the inspiration of classic "Doctor Who" monsters the Cybermen, with the creatures being inspired by his own fear of artificial limbs becoming so common that it would become impossible to know when someone had stopped being a man and become simply a machine. "Virtuosity" speaks of a virtual serial killer who manages to escape to the real world. He goes on a rampage before he is inevitably stopped. This is a true technophobic movie in that its main plot is about technology gone wrong. It introduces a killer who blatantly destroys people. "Avatar" is exemplary of technology's hold on humans who are empowered by it and visually demonstrates the amount of terror it instills upon those native to the concept. It enforces the notion that foreign creatures from Pandora are not only frightened by technology, but it is something they loathe; its potential to cause destruction could exceed their very existence. In contrast, the film itself used advanced technology such as the stereoscope in order to give viewers the illusion of physically taking part in an experience that would introduce them to a civilization struggling with technophobia. The 2009 animated film "9" opens with the line, "We had such potential, such promise; but we squandered our gifts, our intelligence. Our blind pursuit of technology only sped us quicker to our doom. Our world is ending." Godfrey Reggio's Qatsi trilogy also deals heavily with issues of technophobia. The idea of keeping the "thinkers" and "workers" separate shows us that even the people who embraced technology feared the potential of it in some way. In the PC game "", a fanatical quasi-religious group, called the Retros, wishes to overthrow all forms of technology, even if doing so, they themselves have to use it in order to fulfill their goal. They play a central role in the "Righteous Fire" expansion game, wherein a new mysterious leader leads the group in an attempt to destroy all non-adherents of their religion. In The Mitchells vs. the Machines, Katie's father Rick is a technophobe.

crusade in the dark

1997-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=19766453

Turks in Saudi Arabia also referred to as Turkish Arabians, Turkish Saudi Arabians, Saudi Arabian Turks, Arabian Turks or Saudi Turks () refers to ethnic Turkish people living in Saudi Arabia. The majority of Arabian Turks descend from Ottoman settlers who arrived in the region during the Ottoman rule of Arabia. Most Ottoman Turkish descendants in Saudi Arabia trace their roots to Anatolia; however, some ethnic Turks also came from the Balkans, Cyprus, the Levant, North Africa and other regions which had significant Turkish communities. In addition to Ottoman settlement policies, Turkish pilgrims to Mecca and Medina often settled down in the area permanently. There has also been modern migration to Saudi Arabia from the Republic of Turkey as well as other modern nation-states which were once part of the Ottoman Empire. History. Ottoman Turkish migration. Turks have had a presence in the western Arabian peninsula for hundreds of years, culminating in the Ottoman conquest of the Hejaz in 1517. After the Great Arab Revolt and the decline of the Ottoman Empire, a Turkish minority remained in the newly founded Saudi Kingdom. Modern Turkish migration. Starting in the 1970s, economic relations between Turkey and Saudi Arabia grew. In 1977, there was 6,500 Turks in Saudi Arabia, 5,000 of which were officially reported workers. Business. There are some 2,100 Turkish-operated hairdresser shops, 3,200 restaurants, and 1,900 furniture stores in Saudi Arabia. Politics. During the 2017 Turkish constitutional referendum, more than 8 thousand Turkish expats from Saudi Arabia cast votes whether Turkey should abolish it's parliamentary system and become a presidential republic. 58.34% of the Turkish expatriates in Saudi Arabia opted for "No", while 41.66% voted for "Yes". The yes vote was concentrated in Jeddah and the Western Region, while in Riyadh no was the dominant choice. The no vote was significantly higher compared to votes of several European Turkish expat communities. Religion. Turkish people living in Saudi Arabia are Sunni Muslims. Turkish laborers returning from Riyadh seem to be less likely to espouse Shariah (Islamic law) than those living in European countries.

superior selection

14704-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=2046617

Metro-North Railroad's New Haven Line runs from New Haven, Connecticut, southwest to Mount Vernon, New York. There it joins the Harlem Line, where trains continue south to Grand Central Terminal in Manhattan. The New Haven Line carries 125,000 passengers every weekday and 39 million passengers a year. The busiest intermediate station is , with 8.4 million passengers, or 21% of the line's ridership. The line was originally part of the New York, New Haven and Hartford Railroad, forming the southern leg of the New Haven's main line. It is colored red on Metro-North system maps and timetables; the New Haven used red in its paint scheme for much of the last decade of its history. The section from Grand Central to the New York-Connecticut border is owned by Metro-North, and the section from the state line to New Haven is owned by the Connecticut Department of Transportation (CTDOT). From west to east in Connecticut, three branches split off: the New Canaan Branch, Danbury Branch, and Waterbury Branch, all owned by CTDOT. The New Haven Line is part of the Northeast Corridor; its share of the Northeast Corridor is the busiest rail line in the United States. Amtrak's "Northeast Regional" and "Acela Express" use the line between New Rochelle, New York and New Haven. Shore Line East (SLE), a commuter service operated by Amtrak for CTDOT, also operates over the New Haven Line from its normal terminus at New Haven, with limited express service to Stamford with a single stop in . History. Before Metro-North. The rail line from New York to New Haven was completed by 1849, and commuters started using the trains soon afterward. The line was part of the New York and New Haven Railroad — after 1872, the New York, New Haven and Hartford Railroad — which had trackage rights over the New York Central Railroad's New York and Harlem Railroad into Grand Central. The Great Blizzard of 1888 blocked the rail line in Westport, between the Saugatuck and Green's Farms stations. It took eight days to restore service, as snow was dug out by hand. The line was grade separated into a cut in Mount Vernon in 1893 as a result of multiple collisions between trains and horsecars. As part of the construction of Grand Central Terminal in the early 1900s, all of New York Central's lines that ran into the terminal were electrified. Third rail was installed on the Hudson and Harlem Divisions, while the New Haven Division received overhead wires on the segments that were not shared with the Harlem and Hudson Division. Steam locomotives on the New Haven Division were replaced with electric locomotives, and later electric multiple units. New Haven Division electric trains started running to Grand Central in October 1907. The New Haven was merged into Penn Central in 1969. On November 25, 1969, Penn Central, the Metropolitan Transportation Authority, and the states of New York and Connecticut agreed that New York would buy its section of the line and Connecticut would lease its section as far as New Haven. The acquisition took place on January 1, 1971, and included the three branches. After Penn Central went bankrupt, the Consolidated Rail Corporation (Conrail) took over operations in 1976. The MTA took over operations in 1983, and merged Conrail's former commuter rail lines in the New York area into Metro-North. The MTA undertook to rebuild the railroad, upgrading signals, tracks, ties, roadbeds, and rolling stock. New and closed infrastructure. Over the years, some stations have been abandoned or closed, and some characteristics of the line have changed. The Columbus Avenue station in Mount Vernon was closed in the Penn Central era, due to its proximity to Mt. Vernon station and the expense of converting it to high-level platforms. It had previously been a transfer station to the overhead viaduct station of the New York, Westchester and Boston Railway; an impressive ruin remains and is easily visible from passing trains. Other stations abandoned along the mainline include Devon, at the junction of the Waterbury Branch, and Norwalk, replaced by South Norwalk. The changeover from catenary to third rail was moved from Woodlawn to just west of in the early 1990s. The catenary poles are still intact as they carry several communications lines. There is an abandoned rail yard just east of Port Chester station. The New Haven's Harlem River and Port Chester Railroad, diverging from the main line below New Rochelle, ran local passenger service to the Harlem River Terminal in the South Bronx until 1931, and has several abandoned stations. It was a major freight route for the New Haven to Queens, where it interchanged with the Long Island Rail Road and the Pennsylvania Railroad. Four new stations are planned along this route as part of Metro-North's Penn Station Access. As a largely four-track electrified mainline, the New Haven Line is capable of supporting a mix of local and express service, allowing for a higher density of stations than many other commuter rail lines. By the beginning of the 20th century, there were stations in every population center along the line. Although some of these were dropped over the years due to low ridership, no new stations were added to the New Haven Line mainline for over 100 years ( station on the Danbury Branch opened in 1985). opened in December 2011 to support a new commercial development. After a decade-long process choosing between locations in West Haven and Orange, West Haven station opened in August 2013, filling the longest gap on the line. Currently, a study is being undertaken to detail the costs and benefits of implementing more frequent service on the line. The line would have to be upgraded to accommodate additional service. Incidents and accidents. Fatal accidents. An accident occurred at the Norwalk River bridge in Norwalk, Connecticut on May 6, 1855. Another occurred in Westport, Connecticut in 1895, and another in that town on October 3, 1912. Another fatality occurred in August 1969 on the New Canaan branch. There was also a collision in Mount Vernon in 1988 that killed an engineer. More recently, in 2012 two people were killed by a train-car collision at an ungated grade crossing on the Danbury Branch in Redding, Connecticut, and in 2013 a track worker was struck and killed in West Haven. Non-fatal incidents. The May 2013 Fairfield train crash resulted in 72 injuries after two trains collided following a derailment near . On September 25, 2013, a Con Edison failure required the use of diesel locomotives and bus service between Mount Vernon and Harrison for 12 days. Operations. Passenger service. Main Line. New Haven Line trains primarily use electric multiple unit (EMU) consists of Kawasaki M8 railcars. Stamford Transportation Center divides the line into two zones. Most trains either operate in an "inner" zone from Grand Central Terminal to Stamford; and an "outer" zone from Stamford to New Haven. Outer zone trains generally originate in New Haven, running local to Stamford and making most stops. They then run express to Grand Central with a single stop at Harlem–125th Street and sometimes Greenwich as well. Trains from the inner zone generally originate in Stamford, running local to Grand Central and making most stops, also stopping at station. Passengers heading from one zone to another can make cross-platform interchanges at Stamford. During peak hours, trains generally run in shorter, express zones, making limited stops as they fill faster, with some overlap in start and end stations to allow for intra-zone transfers for those traveling locally. Many of these trains begin their runs at intermediate stations within their zones, and then run express to Grand Central or vice versa. All New Haven Line electric trains change over between third rail and overhead catenary between Mount Vernon East and Pelham, at normal track speed. Inbound trains to Grand Central lower their pantographs in this area, while outbound trains raise them; the third rail shoes stay in the same position both in and out of third rail territory. Both catenary and third rail overlap for a quarter-mile between Mount Vernon East and Pelham to facilitate this changeover. The entire mainline is grade-separated with no grade crossings, although there are several privately marked-pedestrian crossings in many of the storage yards such as the East Side Yard in Bridgeport. Branches. Within the Metro-North system, the New Haven Line is the only line with operating branches. The New Haven Railroad, Metro-North's predecessor, had an extensive branch network in Connecticut, including: a branch off the Danbury Branch at the appropriately named Branchville, CT to Ridgefield, CT; another branch off the main line for freight at Bridgeport known as the Berkshire (a never-used bridge spans the Merritt Parkway in Trumbull that would have accommodated this branch under potential reactivation scenarios); and the Maybrook line, which connected the Waterbury Branch with the Danbury Branch, with several branches of its own. Branch lines generally operate as their own zones, with the first main line station as a terminus rather than Grand Central, providing transfers to other main line stations or Grand Central. During peak hours, some of these trains run express on the main line through to Grand Central, but generally remain as local service on the branch itself. The New Canaan Branch is electrified, while the Danbury and Waterbury branches use train consists powered by diesel locomotives. Some main line trains will occasionally use diesel equipment in revenue runs for positioning or due to equipment shortages. In contrast with the main line, the branches operate almost entirely at grade, with frequent crossings. Sports special services. Yankee Stadium. Yankees–East 153rd Street station opened on May 23, 2009. Although it is a Hudson Line commuter station, it offers New Haven and Harlem Line commuters direct game-day service on weekends and after weeknight games, and shuttle service from station during peak periods. The Yankee Stadium station, 125th Street and are the three Metro-North stations that serve New Haven Line customers without being located on the Line itself. Meadowlands game day service. The "Train to the Game" service on the New Haven Line to the Meadowlands Sports Complex operated only for Sunday 1 pm New York Giants and New York Jets NFL games. The first game scheduled was on September 20, 2009, when the New York Jets hosted the New England Patriots, following a successful test of trains in non-revenue service on August 23. The service was operated using New Jersey Transit (NJT) equipment under an operating agreement among NJT, Metro-North, and Amtrak. NJT equipment was required as its electric locomotive power was capable of running under the various catenary systems over three separate railroads using different power supplies. The program was only offered for the early afternoon games so that the NJT equipment could be moved back in place for the Monday morning rush hour. The service made limited stops on New Haven Line, and used the Hell Gate Line to access New York Penn Station and Secaucus Junction. At Secaucus, riders transferred to a shuttle on the Meadowlands Rail Line. Stops included New Haven, West Haven, Bridgeport, Fairfield, Westport, South Norwalk, Stamford, Greenwich, Rye, Larchmont, Penn Station, and Secaucus. Shared trackage and operating agreements. Although the New Haven Line shares track with the Harlem Line in the Bronx, along this line it stops only at , due to an 1848 agreement with the Harlem Line's predecessor railroad, the New York Central. This agreement granted the New Haven predecessor New York, New Haven and Hartford Railroad trackage rights over the Harlem Line to Grand Central Terminal, but restricted its service in the Bronx to discharge service only (i.e. no boarding revenue passengers). This agreement continued until 2019, due to the operating agreement between Metro-North and the Connecticut Department of Transportation (CTDOT), which means passengers traveling between Fordham and Manhattan could not ride on a New Haven Line train. Beginning April 14, 2019, passengers heading to and from Grand Central can also travel on New Haven Line trains. This was a result of an agreement reached with CDOT, under which revenue from tickets between Fordham and Manhattan would be split between Metro-North and CDOT. While the New Haven Line's one stop in the Bronx is currently at Fordham, from 1848 until the 1920s that stop was instead at . The New Haven Line is also operated in Connecticut under an agreement between Metro-North and the CTDOT, in which costs for main line operation are shared (currently 65% CTDOT and 35% Metro-North) and costs for branch service are borne 100% by CTDOT. Infrastructure. Control points/signals. Since 1996, the New Haven main line and New Canaan branch have used Automatic Train Control (ATC) in conjunction with cab signals, a safety feature used in routing trains, keeping safe distances, and moderating train speeds. Signals are controlled from a centralized location, the Operations Control Center in New York City. Until the 1980s, the New Haven Line had a decentralized signaling system, and each section of track was controlled by a separate switch tower. The switch towers themselves did not get radio communication with each other until the late 1960s, when Penn Central took over the New Haven Line. Track interlockings are governed within Control Point boundaries, or CPs. The New Haven Line is unique in that the CPs are known (informally) by nicknames for their region. Signals on the New Haven Line had once been mounted on the catenary bridges; these were all replaced throughout the 1990s and into the early 2000s with wayside "dwarf" signals at track level along the right-of-way. The form of signalization known as Centralized Traffic Control, or CTC, is used on the main line and the New Canaan Branch, as well as on the Danbury Branch starting in 2013. The Waterbury Branch is currently "manual block", or unsignaled, territory. Traction power substations. The New Haven's traction power system was originally constructed to operate at 11 kV, 25 Hz, using power supplied by the Cos Cob Power Station. The power station was shut down around 1986 and Metro-North converted the traction power system to 60 Hz operation. Traction power is converted from utility-supplied 115 kV (single phase) to 27 kV (single phase with center tap), which is distributed using an auto-transformer system. Power is supplied to the catenary at 12.5 kV, 60 Hz. Stations. The following connecting rail services are available from Amtrak, Metro-North Railroad and Shore Line East. Milepost Zero on the New Haven Line is at the north property line of 42nd Street (i.e. 200–300 ft south of the ends of the tracks). Rolling stock. Electric. Since the main line and the New Canaan Branch are equipped with 12.5 kV 60 Hz overhead catenary, as opposed to just the 750 V DC third rail of the Hudson and Harlem Lines, different rolling stock that can operate with either power system runs on the New Haven Line. This rolling stock, originally produced by General Electric in two batches (144 in 1972–73 and 100 in 1975–77), was initially branded as the M2 Cosmopolitan, with later versions being made on license by Tokyu Car (model M4, 1988) and Morrison-Knudsen (model M6, 1994). Cosmopolitans can be easily spotted by their red stripe along the side, the presence of pantographs on the lead cars in each set, and a dynamic braking grid on the roof. M2s operate in married pairs, differentiating them from their predecessor equipment of Pullman Standard and 4400-series washboard MU's (retired since the late 1970s and early 1980s). M4s and M6s also operate in triplets, with the middle "D" car not having a cab. Many M2s were reconditioned to extend their useful life beyond the expected 25 years (as of 2014 most are over or approaching 40 years old), undergoing a Critical Systems Repair (CSR) program. To replace its aging M2 fleet and increase its total fleet size, Metro-North and CTDOT have undertaken to purchase from Kawasaki Rail Car an initial order of 300 M8 EMUs. The initial order consists of a "base order" of 210 and a "first option" of 90 cars. This order is estimated to cost $760 million. The base order cost is to be split as per the CTDOT/MTA operating agreement (65%/35%, respectively). Although the cost sharing is to conform with the operating agreement, due to Metro-North's capital budgeting process, Metro-North will initially pay only the first $100 million of the order, and CTDOT will pay the remaining $660 million. Metro-North will bring its contribution to the required 35% upon passage of its 2010–2014 capital budget. Until then, CTDOT will retain title to any rail cars which exceed its 65% share. M8s are similar to the M7As running on the Harlem and Hudson lines. They each have two single-leaf doors on each side and a full-width operator's cab, eliminating the so-called "railfan" windows at the front and rear of each train and restricting passengers' ability to walk between car pairs. M8s have the additional capability of running east of New Haven and along the Hell Gate Line west of New Rochelle to Penn Station over the former Harlem River and Port Chester Railroad. In order to run east of New Haven, the M8s are equipped with Advanced Civil Speed Enforcement System (ACSES) as required by Amtrak. In order to run from New Rochelle to Penn Station, the cars will be equipped with third rail shoes that can operate on both over- and under-running third rail systems. Third rail will have to be extended in Queens for the M8s to overcome a gap between suitable catenary (Amtrak's catenary supply changes in Queens from the compatible system to the incompatible , the M8s would need to have extensive modifications in order to support the electrical system) and the third rail utilized by the Long Island Rail Road. Originally, delivery of the first six cars for testing was to be in July 2009, but was delayed until December 2009 for varied reasons such as design revisions and production delays. The contract allows for additional options for CTDOT of an additional 80 cars, which may be used for Cafe Cars or for use on Shore Line East at CTDOT's sole expense, an option that has since been exercised. Procurement of more than 380 cars would require additional authorization (PA 05-4 JSS provides funds to acquire at least 342 rail cars at slightly under $900 million). On July 20, 2011, the Connecticut Department of Transportation announced the order of 25 unpowered M8 railcars, with options for up to 25 more, at a cost of US$93 million to replace the 48-car M6 fleet. The CSR program was modified in 2008 as the delivery of M8s neared. Cars that underwent CSR earlier in the program were undergoing additional renovation. Funding was identified in the MTA's 2010 capital program to continue the CSR program if the M4 and M6 cars were not retired. The M2's are slated for retirement as sufficient numbers of the Kawasaki-made M8s enter service and alleviate current equipment shortages. A new rail car facility to accommodate the new M8 cars is being built in New Haven. Although the project itself is not controversial, the building of it is. Originally estimated at $300 million, the facility is now expected to cost in excess of $1 billion. Diesel. As with the Harlem and Hudson Lines, diesel-powered trains are driven by Brookville BL20GH and dual-mode GE Genesis P32AC-DM locomotives, paired with Shoreliner coaches. While some peak-period trains operate directly to and from Grand Central Terminal with Genesis P32AC-DM dual-mode locomotives only, most New Haven Line diesel-only territory is operated as shuttle service between Danbury and South Norwalk, or between Waterbury and Bridgeport. Pool service. Rolling stock used for Metro-North diesel service is in pool service, meaning that diesel consists feature both CTDOT-owned red-striped and Metro-North-owned blue-striped coaches operating on any of Metro-North's three lines, along with diesel power in either Metro-North or CTDOT paint schemes. Service expansions. Planned and proposed stations. Devon. A 2010 study of the New Canaan and Waterbury branches considered the construction of a station at Devon Wye in Milford, Connecticut, where the Waterbury Branch joins the New Haven mainline. The station would allow service to be increased on the branch by running some trains to the new station with connections to New Haven trains, rather than taking up slots on the busy mainline. The two station alternatives would have cost $73 to $114 million. For six months in 2015, a temporary Devon Transfer station served as the transfer point between mainline service and Waterbury Branch trains. The first phase of repairs to the adjacent Housatonic River Railroad Bridge over the Housatonic River prevented Waterbury Branch trains from accessing the normal transfer point at Bridgeport, necessitating the temporary transfer station. The Devon Transfer station was re-activated in 2016 from April until October to accommodate additional repairs and catenary wire work. Barnum. On July 16, 2014, Connecticut Governor Malloy approved $2.75 million for the planning of a station in the East End of Bridgeport, Connecticut. The new station, was to be called after showman and former Bridgeport mayor P.T. Barnum, and was planned to open in 2021. The station would have had two island platforms, allowing for improved express service on the New Haven Line, increasing capacity. As of 2019, the project has been cancelled by the Connecticut DOT after determining they were not in the financial position to undertake the project. Orange. After several years of contention, West Haven was chosen over Orange in December 2001 as the site for a new station, which opened in 2013. However, local advocates continued to push for an additional station in . In July 2011, Governor Malloy signed a bill that sought a funding source, but that committed no funds to the project. On February 1, 2017, the Connecticut State Bond Commission authorized $21 million for design work for the station, in addition to funding for the upgrade of a station on the Danbury Branch. Design on the station began in January 2017, and construction of the station was to begin in spring 2019, before being completed in fall 2021. In November 2017, the Connecticut DOT announced that it would halt funding for the construction of Orange station and the accompanying transit-oriented development as the state was running out of funds for transportation projects. Georgetown. In connection with the planned redevelopment of the Gilbert & Bennett Wire Mill as a residential neighborhood, reopening a Georgetown station on the Danbury Branch has been approved, though not yet scheduled or funded. The previous station was abandoned in the 1970s due to low ridership. Wilbur Cross Parkway. The Waterbury and New Canaan Branch study also considered a new station on the Waterbury Branch as a park-and-ride station off the Wilbur Cross Parkway near where it meets the Merritt Parkway in Milford. The station was estimated to cost $41 million to construct. Danbury Branch study. Although not yet past the Draft Environment Impact Statement stage, a study of enhancing service on and extending the Danbury Branch would include additional stations in North Danbury (Federal Road), , and New Milford. The draft EIS was due by 2010, and the final EIS by 2011. The Spring 2009 Update for the first time held out the possibility of extension all the way to Pittsfield, MA, the original route of the New Haven Berkshire Division. Trackage rights would have to be negotiated with the Housatonic Railroad, which owns the line beyond Danbury to New Milford. Enhancements to the Danbury Branch being studied also include re-electrification of the branch (the branch was electrified from 1925 to 1961), addition of passing sidings, realignment and/or super-elevation of track to eliminate or alleviate curvature and enhance speeds, and installation of automated train control signalling. The new signal system finally began operation in 2013, but extensive work was still ongoing in 2014 because of unresolved problems with the drop gates at grade crossings. Earlier versions of the study examined service to Newtown and Brewster along the Beacon/Maybrook line, as additional branches off the Danbury Branch. These options were not recommended due to limited ridership potential versus additional cost. Penn Station Access. As part of the 2015–2019 MTA Capital Program, additional service from the New Haven Line will be provided to New York Penn Station over the Hell Gate Line of the Northeast Corridor, owned by Amtrak. Trackage rights and union agreements would have to be negotiated for this service. Commuter service over this line, formerly the Harlem River Branch of the predecessor New Haven, ended in 1931. New stations will be built at Hunts Point, Parkchester–Van Nest, Morris Park, and Co-Op City. This project was dormant from approximately 2002 to 2009, but an environmental assessment was announced by Metro-North, to be completed by 2011. The study was in conjunction with ongoing studies for the best uses of Penn Station. The study advances a single option of full (both peak and off-peak) service to Penn on the New Haven and Hudson Lines. Separate options for off-peak service are still being considered separate from the study, as implementation could take place with existing infrastructure and equipment. However, the project was delayed, so environmental and federal reviews are to be completed by 2017. On January 8, 2014, New York Governor Andrew Cuomo voiced support for the project in his 2014 State of the State address. In its 2015–2019 Capital Program, the MTA budgeted $695 million for New Haven Line Penn Station Access work, including track, structures, signal, power and communications work along the Hell Gate Line, specifications for rolling stock for the line, and construction of the four new stations. New track will be installed between the Parkchester/Van Nest station and north of the Co-Op City station. Three bridges along the route will be rehabilitated or replaced. The MTA plans to complete necessary environmental and federal reviews by 2017. Service will begin after East Side Access service commences. The opening of that project would divert some Long Island Rail Road trains to Grand Central Terminal, therefore opening up slots at Penn Station for Metro-North service. During peak hours there will be between six and ten trains to Penn Station. There will be four trains per hour to Connecticut in the reverse peak direction, and there will be two trains per hour to and from Penn Station during off-peak and weekends. In a limited form, it already takes place with the Jets/Giants game-day service to the Meadowlands, although it is not intended as service to Penn. Waterbury–Bristol–New Britain–Hartford. As of February 2009, Connecticut legislators were discussing service on an old New Haven passenger line that ceased passenger service decades prior known as the Highland Line, part of the original New England Railroad, also known as the Central New England Railway, both eventual subsidiaries of The New York, New Haven and Hartford Railroad. Currently, this is a freight-only line operated by Pan Am Railways. Station stops would include two in Bristol, as well as in New Britain, between Waterbury and Hartford. The next step is a preliminary scoping study, which would be followed by environmental studies. It is unknown if this will be a Metro-North extension of the Waterbury Branch. Tappan Zee Bridge / I-287 Corridor. The New York State Department of Transportation, the New York State Thruway Authority, and Metro-North conducted extensive studies concerning the replacement of the deteriorated Tappan Zee Bridge. Proposals for rail connections to the New Haven Line were ultimately rejected as too expensive.

internal territories

13006-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=32389204

United Nations Security Council Resolution 1711, adopted unanimously on September 29, 2006, after recalling all previous resolutions concerning the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, including resolutions 1565 (2004), 1592 (2005), 1596 (2005), 1621 (2005), 1628 (2005), 1635 (2005), 1671 (2006) and 1693 (2006), and resolutions 1650 (2005), 1669 (2006), 1692 (2006) on the situation in Burundi and the African Great Lakes region, the Council extended the mandate of the United Nations Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUC) until February 15, 2007. Resolution. Observations. The preamble of the resolution praised the citizens of the Democratic Republic of the Congo who participated in general elections on July 30, 2006, underlining their importance as a foundation for long term peace and stability in the country. Furthermore, the Council commended MONUC, the United Nations Development Programme, the EUFOR RD Congo and African partners, particularly South Africa, for their roles in the election process. It stressed the role of the Congolese government for ensuring security during the election period. Meanwhile, the resolution condemned violence from August 20–22, 2006, between security forces loyal to two opposing presidential candidates, as well as continuing hostilities by militias and foreign groups in the east of the country. It deplored violations of human rights and international humanitarian law in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the need for the crimes to be brought to justice. The illegal flow of weapons into and within the country—in contravention of resolutions 1493 (2003) and 1596 (2005)—was also condemned. Acts. The Chapter VII resolution extended the mandate of MONUC until February 15, 2007 at its current strength. The temporary redeployment of one infantry battalion, medical hospital and 50 military observers from the United Nations Operation in Burundi (ONUB) to MONUC was renewed until December 31, 2006. The Secretary-General Kofi Annan was asked to take steps towards the downsizing of the additional strength by February 15, 2007. MONUC's mandate would be reviewed after the completion of the electoral process. The Council called on the Congolese authorities to ensure free, fair and transparent elections, where security forces had to remain impartial throughout. It reiterated the importance of the cantonment of non-police security forces in the capital Kinshasa. Furthermore, the authorities were urged to refrain from using violence or threat of the use of force in order to prevent elections.

extra power

6404-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=35592772

Jole Blon or Jolie Blonde is a traditional Cajun waltz, often called "the Cajun national anthem" because of the popularity it has in Cajun culture. The song was popularized on a nationwide scale by a series of renditions and references in late 1940s country songs. It has been the subject of occasional covers later in the 20th century by Cajun and classic country revival bands. McNeese State University adopted "Joli Blon" as their official fight song in 1970, having been a part of the university band's repertoire since 1951. It is played by the "Pride of McNeese" band upon scoring at athletic events. Music. Origins. The original Cajun version is a brief address to a "pretty girlfriend" who had left the singer and moved back in with her family, and is also now in the arms of another man. The singer concludes that plenty of other pretty women are around. The fiddle-based melody dates to before the 1900s. The earliest recording of the song is believed to be a 1929 version by the family trio Breaux Brothers entitled "Ma blonde est partie", recorded in Atlanta. Some mystery exists to its origin. While Amedée Breaux is credited with writing the song, his sister Cleoma actually wrote the lyrics and Amedée sang the song. Dennis McGee claims the original song was written by Angelas Lejeune as "La Fille de la Veuve" ("The Widow's Daughter") during World War I and Cleoma rewrote the lyrics, allegedly about Amedée's first wife. Lejeune and Ernest Fruge eventually recorded this song on November 19, 1929, in New Orleans (Brunswick 558, Melotone M18052). In 1934, Alan Lomax traveled to Louisiana, recording artists including the Segura Brothers and their version of "La Fille de la Veuve". In January 1929, John Bertrand and Milton Pitre travelled to Chicago and recorded ""La Valse de Gueydan" for Paramount Records (12748A), using the same melody. It appeared again in a 1930 recording of "La Valse de Gueydan"" (Brunswick 513) by Amade Ardoin. Dennis McGee and he traveled to New Orleans and recorded this song discussing a "small young girl". This version was re-recorded with slightly different lyrics by Leo Soileau and his Three Aces. The title was ""La Valse Gueydan" ["Jolie Fille"]", recorded by Bluebird (B-2086) on January 18, 1935. The following year, the song appeared with the title "Jolie Blonde" for the first time on two records. Both the Hackberry Ramblers and J. B. Fuselier and his Merrymakers traveled to New Orleans and recorded the song on October 17, 1936, for Bluebird Records. J.B. Fuselier named the song "Te Ma Lessa Jolie Blonde" (Bluebird B-2006) and the Hackberry Ramblers simplified the name to "Jolie Blonde" (Bluebird B-2003). By 1937, the melody was popular among very small regions of Louisiana. On Feb 21, the Jolly Boys of Lafayette traveled to Dallas and recorded "Jolie (Brunette)" for Decca (#17032), a similar take on the song with different lyrics. Later in the year, Happy Fats traveled to New Orleans and recorded "Nouveau Grand Gueyan" for Bluebird (B-2024). In 1951, Amede Breaux formed the band Acadian Aces and recorded the song with the title "Jole Blonde" for J. D. "Jay" Miller's Feature Records (F-1023). Rod Bernard recorded an English-language adaptation of the song in 1964 on the Tear Drop label. Country popularization. During the late 1940s, as country's nationwide market had solidified, a number of country artists popularized the song "Jole Blon". The popularization began in 1946 with Harry Choates and his French version of "Jole Blon" for Goldstar records. Later, he recorded an English version and several different versions for different labels. As is not infrequent in country music, once a song is popularized, several other contemporaries covered it. In this case, covers commonly were not so much reproductions as they were songs in the same spirit, making use of the same subject, melody, or Cajun theme. Several of them used "Jole Blon" as the name of subject of the song, instead of using the original “Jollie blonde” meaning pretty girlfriend. Many of the covers included self-referential humor in regard to the production context of the song. A popular rendition, first published by Moon Mullican (and Moon Mullican's first major hit), consists of a purposeful mix of unrelated English, French, and nonsense words: a joke attempt at "translation" of the original. Johnny Bond's "The Daughter of Jole Blon" exemplifies this contextual humor, describing the titular character as "so round, so firm, so fully packed" (itself the title of a popular country song at the time), and "Jole's only daughter... but she knows all the tricks that Jole taught her." The following contemporary artists' renditions or songs make reference to "Jole Blon". Listed next to each song is if, and the year when, that version reached the "Billboard" 100 for country at the time (The country "Billboard" charts began in 1946). Late 20th century and recent covers. Some recent covers of the song have been made by Cajun revival and popular artists, though these have not enjoyed the same widespread popularity. The following are some of the artists who have covered "Jole Blon": In 2002, Bear Family records released "Jole Blon: 23 Artists One Theme". In 2009, an unknown publisher, T. Basco, released a three-volume set called "Peepin' Thru the Keyhole" which contains virtually every version of "Jolie Blonde" that has ever been recorded and popularized. In 2013, Goldenlane Records released "Jole Blon & The Cajun Music Story" compilation CD with many of the popular versions. The title of the song is referenced in Mary Chapin Carpenter's 1991 song "Down at the Twist and Shout" and Adam Carroll's 2000 song "Errol's Song". Art. In 1974, artist George Rodrigue painted several iconic portraits of his vision of what Jolie Blonde would have looked like. His paintings can be found in "Jolie's Louisiana Bistro" in Lafayette, Louisiana. Rodrigue claims the origins of "Jolie Blonde" stem from a prisoner in Port Arthur, Texas, whose lover left him for someone else.

widespread public range

4091-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=11062628

Censorship in the United States involves the suppression of speech or public communication and raises issues of freedom of speech, which is protected by the First Amendment to the United States Constitution. Interpretation of this fundamental freedom has varied since its enshrinement. For instance, restraints increased during the 1950s period of widespread anti-communist sentiment, as exemplified by the hearings of the House Committee on Un-American Activities. In "Miller v. California" (1973), the U.S. Supreme Court found that the First Amendment's freedom of speech does not apply to obscenity, which can, therefore, be censored. While certain forms of hate speech are legal so long as they do not turn to action or incite others to commit illegal acts, more severe forms have led to people or groups (such as the Ku Klux Klan) being denied marching permits or the Westboro Baptist Church being sued, although the initial adverse ruling against the latter was later overturned on appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court case "Snyder v. Phelps". The First Amendment protects against censorship imposed by law, but does not protect against corporate censorship, the restraint of speech of spokespersons, employees, or business associates by threatening monetary loss, loss of employment, or loss of access to the marketplace. Legal expenses can be a significant hidden restraint where there is fear of suit for libel. Many people in the United States are in favor of restricting censorship by corporations, citing a slippery slope that if corporations do not follow the Bill of Rights, the government will be influenced. Analysts from Reporters Without Borders ranked the United States 80th in the world out of 180 countries in their 2020 Press Freedom Index. Certain forms of speech, such as obscenity and defamation, are restricted in communications media by the government or by the industry on its own. History. Colonial government. Censorship came to British America with the "Mayflower" "when the governor of Plymouth, Massachusetts, William Bradford learned [in 1629] that Thomas Morton of Merrymount, in addition to his other misdeed, had 'composed sundry rhymes and verses, some tending to lasciviousness' the only solution was to send a military expedition to break up Morton's high-living." A celebrated legal case in 1734–1735 involved John Peter Zenger, a New York newspaper printer who regularly published material critical of the corrupt Governor of New York, William Cosby. He was jailed eight months before being tried for seditious libel. Andrew Hamilton defended him and was made famous for his speech, ending in "nature and the laws of our country have given us a right to liberty of both exposing and opposing arbitrary power ... by speaking and writing the truth." Zenger's lawyers attempted to establish the precedent that a statement, even if defamatory, is not libelous if it can be proved. While the judge ruled against his arguments, Hamilton urged jury nullification in the cause of liberty and won a not guilty verdict. The Zenger case paved the way for freedom of the press to be adopted in the U.S. Constitution. As Founding Father Gouverneur Morris stated, "The trial of Zenger in 1735 was the germ of American freedom, the morning star of that liberty which subsequently revolutionized America." 1800s. Beginning in the 1830s and until the American Civil War, the US Postmaster General refused to allow mailmen to carry abolitionist pamphlets to the South. On March 3, 1873, significant censorship legislation, the "Comstock Law", was passed by the United States Congress under the Grant administration; an Act for the "Suppression of Trade in, and Circulation of, Obscene Literature and Articles of Immoral Use." The Act criminalized usage of the U.S. Postal Service to send any of the following items: erotica; contraceptives; abortifacients; sex toys; personal letters alluding to any sexual content or information; or any information regarding the above items. The law was named after Anthony Comstock, U.S. Postal Inspector and founder of the New York Society for the Suppression of Vice, who was known for his crusades against sexual expression and education. Comstock's name became a byword for censorship, inspiring terms such as "comstockery" and "comstockism" to refer to such activities. He opposed the distribution of information about abortion and birth control, and he is credited with having destroyed 15 tons of books, almost 4,000,000 pictures and 284,000 pounds of printing plates for making "objectionable" books. 1900s. Wilson administration. The Sedition Act of 1918 () was an Act of the United States Congress that extended the Espionage Act of 1917 to cover a broader range of offenses, notably speech and the expression of opinion that cast the government or the war effort in a negative light or interfered with the sale of government bonds. It forbade the use of "disloyal, profane, scurrilous, or abusive language" about the United States government, its flag, or its armed forces or that caused others to view the American government or its institutions with contempt. Those convicted under the act generally received sentences of imprisonment for five to 20 years. The act also allowed the Postmaster General to refuse to deliver mail that met those same standards for punishable speech or opinion. It applied only to times "when the United States is in war." The U.S. was in a declared a state of war at the time of passage, the First World War. The law was repealed on December 13, 1920. Though the legislation enacted in 1918 is commonly called the Sedition Act, it was actually a set of amendments to the Espionage Act. Franklin D. Roosevelt administration. The Office of Censorship, an emergency wartime agency, heavily censored reporting during World War II. During World War I, and to a greater extent during World War II, war correspondents accompanied military forces, and their reports were subject to advance censorship to preserve military secrets. The extent of such censorship was not generally challenged, and no major court case arose from this issue, and even the Supreme Court found it constitutional on the grounds that it "protected free speech from tyranny." On December 19, 1941, President Franklin Roosevelt signed Executive Order 8985, which established the Office of Censorship and conferred on its director the power to censor international communications in "his absolute discretion." Byron Price was selected as the Director of Censorship. However, censorship was not limited to reporting; postal censorship also took place. "Every letter that crossed international or U.S. territorial borders from December 1941 to August 1945 was subject to being opened and scoured for details." Truman administration. McCarthyism is the term describing a period of intense anti-Communist suspicion in the United States that lasted roughly from the late 1940s to the late 1950s when the Smith Act trials of communist party leaders occurred. The Alien Registration Act or Smith Act of 1940 made it a criminal offense for anyone to "knowingly or willfully advocate, abet, advise or teach the ... desirability or propriety of overthrowing the Government of the United States or of any State by force or violence, or for anyone to organize any association which teaches, advises or encourages such an overthrow, or for anyone to become a member of or to affiliate with any such association." Hundreds of Communists were prosecuted under this law between 1941 and 1957. Eleven leaders of the Communist Party were charged and convicted under the Smith Act in 1949. Ten defendants were given sentences of five years and the eleventh was sentenced to three years. All of the defense attorneys were cited for contempt of court and were also given prison sentences. In 1951, twenty-three other leaders of the party were indicted including Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, a founding member of the American Civil Liberties Union, who was removed from the board of the ACLU in 1940 for membership in a political organization which supported totalitarian dictatorship. By 1957 over 140 leaders and members of the Communist Party had been charged under the law. In 1952, the Immigration and Nationality, or McCarran-Walter, Act was passed. This law allowed the government to deport immigrants or naturalized citizens engaged in subversive activities and also to bar suspected subversives from entering the country. Eisenhower administration. The Communist Control Act of 1954 was passed with overwhelming support in both houses of Congress after very little debate. Jointly drafted by Republican John Marshall Butler and Democrat Hubert Humphrey, the law was an extension of the Internal Security Act of 1950, and sought to outlaw the Communist Party by declaring that the party, as well as "Communist-Infiltrated Organizations" were "not entitled to any of the rights, privileges, and immunities attendant upon legal bodies." John W. Powell, a journalist who reported the allegations that US was carrying out germ warfare in the Korean War in an English language journal in Shanghai, the "China Monthly Review", was indicted with 13 counts of sedition, along with his 2 editors. All defendants were acquitted of all charges over the next six years, but Powell was blackballed from the journalism industry for the rest of his life. The book-burning of Wilhelm Reich's work took place in 1956, which has been cited as the worst example of censorship in the United States. "The Guardian" called it "the only federally sanctioned book burning on American soil." Nixon administration. In later conflicts, the degree to which war reporting was subject to censorship varied, and in some cases, it has been alleged that the censorship was as much political as military in purpose. This was particularly true during the Vietnam War. The executive branch of the federal government attempted to prevent "The New York Times" from publishing the top-secret Pentagon Papers during the Vietnam War, warning that doing so would be considered an act of treason under the Espionage Act of 1917. The newspaper prevailed in the famous "New York Times Co. v. United States" case. Clinton administration. The Child Online Protection Act, passed in 1998 and signed by Bill Clinton, was criticized and legally challenged by civil liberties groups, claiming that it "reduces the Internet to what is fit for a six-year-old. Through legal actions and permanent injunction, the act never took effect. 2000s. George W. Bush administration. Press censorship issues arose again during the administration of President George W. Bush during the 2003 Invasion of Iraq. Journalists who were embedded within the armed forces had to accept certain terms and restrictions on what they were reporting and additionally were required to make their reports available to media operations staff prior to publication. This process was put in place to not compromise security nor endanger troops by revealing exact locations. President Bush's administration also attempted to censor results of climate studies, "nearly half of 1,600 government scientists at seven agencies ranging from NASA to the EPA had been warned against using terms like 'global warming' in reports or speeches, throughout Bush’s eight-year presidency." Obama administration. In July 2014, the Society of Professional Journalists published an open letter signed by 38 journaliss organizations to Barack Obama, criticizing efforts to "stifle or block" coverage, despite his 2008 campaign promises to provide transparency. The letter cited several examples in which the administration blocked reporters from speaking directly to specific staff without obtaining prior approval from the head of their department. Obama's use the Espionage Act was criticized as aggressive by CNN journalist, Jake Tapper. Tapper would later clarified that he was not implying such use was towards actual whistleblowers. Trump administration. Following the election of former president Donald Trump, his administration pursued means of preventing federal staff from speaking publicly, with the American Association for the Advancement of Science, "the largest scientific society in the world", warning of possible "censorship and intimidation" of the American scientific community. The Trump administration "issued "de facto" gag orders to government science agencies like the EPA and USDA, ordered that the EPA take down its climate webpage, and have mandated that any studies or data from EPA scientists must undergo review by political appointees before they can be released to the public." The White House had also denied access to a select group of media outlets including "The New York Times", CNN, BBC and "The Guardian" during a press "gaggle" while allowing right-wing outlets and blogs to participate, with the National Press Club describing the move as "unconstitutional censorship." In 2017, Trump suggested challenging NBC and other TV news networks' network licenses on the grounds of allegedly propagating "fake news." On October 11, 2017, Donald Trump posted a tweet saying, "With all of the Fake News coming out of NBC and the Networks, at what point is it appropriate to challenge their License? Bad for country!" In December 2017, "The Washington Post" said that the Trump administration had potentially banned the use of certain words by the Centers for Disease Control in its written budget proposal for FY2018. The Director of the CDC, Dr. Brenda Fitzgerald, refuted this in a statement saying, "I want to assure you there are no banned words at CDC. We will continue to talk about all our important public health programs." Some conservative speakers and media personalities, such as Tucker Carlson and Sean Hannity, have said that former President Trump has been the target of social media censorship, as well as alleged censorship by privately owned social media companies Facebook and Twitter of conservative talking points. Many prominent conservative political figures have claimed that social media sites such as Twitter removed posts with conservative leanings, but these sites have claimed this is due to a removal of hateful and inflammatory rhetoric and misinformation. On January 8th, 2021, two days after the January 6th storming of the U.S. Capitol by Trump's supporters, the official Twitter account of Donald Trump was permanently banned by Twitter. Twitter, in an official statement, announced the reasons, saying "After close review of recent Tweets from the @realDonaldTrump account and the context around them — specifically how they are being received and interpreted on and off Twitter — we have permanently suspended the account due to the risk of further incitement of violence. " The riot at the United States Capitol left at least 5 dead, including a Capitol Hill police officer. Twitter also purged more than 70,000 other far-right accounts, linked to the conspiracy theory Q-Anon. Following this, many conservative speakers and politicians claimed the President was the target of organized social media censorship. In the Second Impeachment of Donald Trump, his social media activity was presented as evidence by impeachment managers. Medium. Art. A widely publicized case of prosecuting alleged obscenity occurred in 1990 when the Contemporary Arts Center in Cincinnati agreed to hold an art exhibition featuring the work of photographer Robert Mapplethorpe. His work included several artistic nude photographs of males and was deemed offensive by some for this reason. This resulted in the prosecution of the CAC director, Dennis Barrie who was later acquitted. Broadcasting. The Federal Communications Commission (FCC) regulates "indecent" free-to-air broadcasting (both television and radio). Satellite, cable television, and Internet outlets are not subject to content-based FCC regulation. It can issue fines if, for example, the broadcaster employs certain profane words. The Supreme Court in 1978 in "FCC v. Pacifica Foundation" upheld the commission's determination that George Carlin's classic "seven dirty words" monologue, with its deliberate, repetitive and creative use of vulgarities, was indecent. But the court at that time left open the question of whether the use of "an occasional expletive" could be punished. Radio personality Howard Stern has been a frequent target of fines. This led to his leaving broadcast radio and signing on with Sirius Satellite Radio in 2006. The Super Bowl XXXVIII halftime show controversy increased the political pressure on the FCC to vigorously police the airwaves. In addition, Congress increased the maximum fine the FCC may levy from US$268,500 to US$375,000 per incident. The Supreme Court, in its 5-4 decision in "FCC v. Fox Television Stations, Inc." (2009), said it did not find the FCC's policy on so-called fleeting expletives either "arbitrary or capricious", thus dealing a blow to the networks in their efforts to scuttle the policy. But the case brought by Fox to the high court was a narrow challenge on procedural grounds to the manner in which the FCC handled its decision to toughen up its policy on fleeting expletives. Fox, with the support of ABC, CBS, and NBC, argued that the commission did not give enough notice of nor properly explain the reasons for clamping down on fleeting expletives after declining to issue penalties for them in decades past. The issue first arose in 2004, when the FCC sanctioned but did not fine, NBC for Bono's use of the phrase "fucking brilliant" during the Golden Globes telecast. The present case arose from two appearances by celebrities on the Billboard Music Awards. The first involved Cher, who reflected on her career in accepting an award in 2002: "I've also had critics for the last forty years saying I was on my way out every year. Right. So fuck 'em." The second passage came in an exchange between Paris Hilton and Nicole Richie in 2003 in which Richie asked, "Have you ever tried cleaning cow shit off a Prada purse? It's not so fucking simple." The majority decision, written by Justice Antonin Scalia, reversed the lower appellate court's decision that the FCC's move was "arbitrary and capricious." "The commission could reasonably conclude," he wrote, "that the pervasiveness of foul language, and the coarsening of public entertainment in other media such as cable, justify more stringent regulation of broadcast programs so as to give conscientious parents a relatively safe haven for their children." Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, dissenting, wrote that "there is no way to hide the long shadow the First Amendment casts over what the commission has done. Today's decision does nothing to diminish that shadow." Justice John Paul Stevens, dissenting, wrote that not every use of a swear word connoted the same thing: "As any golfer who has watched his partner shank a short approach knows," Justice Stevens wrote, "it would be absurd to accept the suggestion that the resultant four-letter word uttered on the golf course describes sex or excrement and is therefore indecent... It is ironic, to say the least, that while the FCC patrols the airwaves for words that have a tenuous relationship with sex or excrement, commercials broadcast during prime-time hours frequently ask viewers whether they are battling erectile dysfunction or are having trouble going to the bathroom... The FCC's shifting and impermissibly vague indecency policy only imperils these broadcasters and muddles the regulatory landscape." For 30 years, the FCC has had the power to keep "indecent" material off the airwaves from 6 a.m. to 10 p.m., and those rules "have not proved unworkable" Stevens added. Justice Breyer, dissenting, wrote that the law "grants those in charge of independent administrative agencies broad authority to determine relevant policy," he observed. "But it does not permit them to make policy choices for purely political reasons nor to rest them primarily upon unexplained policy preferences." Scalia's majority opinion was joined by Chief Justice John G. Roberts and Justices Thomas and Samuel A. Alito Jr. and (for the most part) by Justice Anthony M. Kennedy. Justices Stevens, Ginsburg, Souter, and Breyer dissented. Four justices wrote concurrences or dissents speaking only for themselves. But the decision was limited to a narrow procedural issue and also sent the case back to the 2nd Court of Appeals in New York to directly address the constitutionality of the FCC's policy. The 2nd Court of Appeals is already on record in its 2007 ruling that it was "skeptical" that the policy could "pass constitutional muster." Scalia said that the looming First Amendment question "will be determined soon enough, perhaps in this very case." The decision provided hints that the court might approach the constitutional question differently. Some dissenting justices and Justice Clarence Thomas, who was in the majority, indicated that they might be receptive to a First Amendment challenge. Thomas, in a concurrence, said he was "open to reconsideration" of the two cases that gave television broadcasters far less First Amendment protection than books, newspapers, cable programs and Web sites have. The FCC is also responsible for permitting transmitters, to prevent interference between stations from obscuring each other's signals. Denial of the right to transmit could be considered censorship. Restrictions on low-power broadcasting stations have been particularly controversial, and the subject of legislation in the 1990s and 2000s (decade). "The Guardian" reported U.S. censorship of U.S. media regarding Raymond Allen Davis, a CIA employee implicated in murder in that "A number of US media outlets learned about Davis's CIA role but have kept it under wraps at the request of the Obama administration." Colorado station KUSA censored an online report indicating Davis worked for the CIA when the station "removed the CIA reference from its website at the request of the US government." On July 26, 2018, two WKXW radio show hosts were suspended for calling New Jersey attorney general Gurbir Grewal "turban man" on air. Journalism in warzones. Reporters are often obliged to "embed" themselves with a squad or unit of soldiers before being granted official access to fields of battle. Reporters are limited in what they may report by means of contracts, punishment or forced relocation, and the inherent nature of being tied to and reliant upon a military unit for protection and presence. Wartime censorship often involves forms of mass surveillance. For international communications, like those done by Western Union and ITT, this mass surveillance continued after the wars were over. The Black Chamber received the information after World War I. After World War II NSA's Project SHAMROCK performed a similar function. Film. The first act of movie censorship in the United States was an 1897 statute of the State of Maine that prohibited the exhibition of prizefight films. Maine enacted the statute to prevent the exhibition of the 1897 heavyweight championship between James J. Corbett and Robert Fitzsimmons. Some other states followed Maine. In 1915, the US Supreme Court decided the case "Mutual Film Corporation v. Industrial Commission of Ohio" in which the court determined that motion pictures were purely commerce and not an art, and thus not covered by the First Amendment. This decision was not overturned until the Supreme Court case, "Joseph Burstyn, Inc. v. Wilson" in 1952. Popularly referred to as the "Miracle Decision", the ruling involved the short film "The Miracle", part of Roberto Rossellini's anthology film "L'Amore" (1948). Between the "Mutual Film" and the "Joseph Burstyn" decisions local, state, and city censorship boards had the power to edit or ban films. City and state censorship ordinances are nearly as old as the movies themselves, and such ordinances banning the public exhibition of "immoral" films proliferated. Public outcry over perceived immorality in Hollywood and the movies, as well as the growing number of city and state censorship boards, led the movie studios to fear that federal regulations were not far off; so they created, in 1922, the Motion Pictures Producers and Distributors Association (which became the Motion Picture Association of America in 1945), an industry trade and lobby organization. The association was headed by Will H. Hays, a well-connected Republican lawyer who had previously been United States Postmaster General; and he derailed attempts to institute federal censorship over the movies. In 1927 Hays compiled a list of subjects, culled from his experience with the various US censorship boards, which he felt Hollywood studios would be wise to avoid. He called this list "the formula" but it was popularly known as the "don'ts and be carefuls" list. In 1930, Hays created the Studio Relations Committee (SRC) to implement his censorship code, but the SRC lacked any real enforcement capability. The advent of talking pictures in 1927 led to a perceived need for further enforcement. Martin Quigley, the publisher of a Chicago-based motion picture trade newspaper, began lobbying for a more extensive code that not only listed material that was inappropriate for the movies, but also contained a moral system that the movies could help to promote—specifically, a system based on Catholic theology. He recruited Father Daniel Lord, a Jesuit priest and instructor at the Catholic St. Louis University, to write such a code and on March 31, 1930 the board of directors of the Motion Picture Producers and Distributors Association adopted it formally. This original version especially was once popularly known as the Hays Code, but it and its later revisions are now commonly called the Production Code. However, Depression economics and changing social mores resulted in the studios producing racier fare that the Code, lacking an aggressive enforcement body, was unable to redress. This era is known as Pre-Code Hollywood. An amendment to the Code, adopted on June 13, 1934, established the Production Code Administration (PCA), and required all films released on or after July 1, 1934 to obtain a certificate of approval before being released. For more than thirty years following, virtually all motion pictures produced in the United States and released by major studios adhered to the code. The Production Code was not created or enforced by federal, state, or city government. In fact, the Hollywood studios adopted the code in large part in the hopes of avoiding government censorship, preferring self-regulation to government regulation. The enforcement of the Production Code led to the dissolution of many local censorship boards. Meanwhile, the US Customs Department prohibited the importation of the Czech film "Ecstasy" (1933), starring an actress soon to be known as Hedy Lamarr, an action which was upheld on appeal. In 1934, Joseph I. Breen (1888–1965) was appointed head of the new Production Code Administration (PCA). Under Breen's leadership of the PCA, which lasted until his retirement in 1954, enforcement of the Production Code became rigid and notorious. Breen's power to change scripts and scenes angered many writers, directors, and Hollywood moguls. The PCA had two offices, one in Hollywood, and the other in New York City. Films approved by the New York PCA office were issued certificate numbers that began with a zero. The first major instance of censorship under the Production Code involved the 1934 film "Tarzan and His Mate", in which brief nude scenes involving a body double for actress Maureen O'Sullivan were edited out of the master negative of the film. Another famous case of enforcement involved the 1943 western "The Outlaw", produced by Howard Hughes. "The Outlaw" was denied a certificate of approval and kept out of theaters for years because the film's advertising focused particular attention on Jane Russell's breasts. Hughes eventually persuaded Breen that the breasts did not violate the code and the film could be shown. Some films produced outside the mainstream studio system during this time did flout the conventions of the code, such as "Child Bride" (1938), which featured a nude scene involving 12-year-old actress Shirley Mills. Even cartoon sex symbol Betty Boop had to change from being a flapper, and began to wear an old-fashioned housewife skirt. In 1952, in the case of "Joseph Burstyn, Inc. v. Wilson", the U.S. Supreme Court unanimously overruled its 1915 decision and held that motion pictures were entitled to First Amendment protection, so that the New York State Board of Regents could not ban "The Miracle", a short film that was one half of "L'Amore" (1948), an anthology film directed by Roberto Rossellini. Film distributor Joseph Burstyn released the film in the U.S. in 1950, and the case became known as the "Miracle Decision" due to its connection to Rossellini's film. That in turn reduced the threat of government regulation that justified the Production Code, and the PCA's powers over the Hollywood industry were greatly reduced. At the forefront of challenges to the code was director Otto Preminger, whose films violated the code repeatedly in the 1950s. His 1953 film "The Moon is Blue", about a young woman who tries to play two suitors off against each other by claiming that she plans to keep her virginity until marriage, was the first film to use the words "virgin", "seduce", and "mistress", and it was released without a certificate of approval. He later made "The Man with the Golden Arm" (1955), which portrayed the prohibited subject of drug abuse, and "Anatomy of a Murder" (1959) which dealt with rape. Preminger's films were direct assaults on the authority of the Production Code and, since they were successful, hastened its abandonment. In 1954, Joseph Breen retired and Geoffrey Shurlock was appointed as his successor. "Variety" noted "a decided tendency towards a broader, more casual approach" in the enforcement of the code. Billy Wilder's "Some Like It Hot" (1959) and Alfred Hitchcock's "Psycho" (1960) were also released without a certificate of approval due to their themes and became box office hits, and as a result further weakened the authority of the code. "The Pawnbroker" and the end of the Code. In the early 1960s, British films such as "Victim" (1961), "A Taste of Honey" (1961), and "The Leather Boys" (1963) offered social commentary about gender roles and homophobia that violated the Hollywood Production Code, yet the films were still released in America. The American gay rights, civil rights, and youth movements prompted a reevaluation of the depiction of themes of race, class, gender, and sexuality that had been restricted by the Code. In 1964 "The Pawnbroker", directed by Sidney Lumet and starring Rod Steiger, was initially rejected because of two scenes in which the actresses Linda Geiser and Thelma Oliver fully expose their breasts; and a sex scene between Oliver and Jaime Sánchez, which it described as "unacceptably sex suggestive and lustful." Despite the rejection, the film's producers arranged for Allied Artists to release the film without the Production Code seal and the New York censors licensed "The Pawnbroker" without the cuts demanded by Code administrators. The producers also appealed the rejection to the Motion Picture Association of America. On a 6–3 vote, the MPAA granted the film an "exception" conditional on "reduction in the length of the scenes which the Production Code Administration found unapprovable." The exception to the code was granted as a "special and unique case", and was described by The New York Times at the time as "an unprecedented move that will not, however, set a precedent." The requested reductions of nudity were minimal, and the outcome was viewed in the media as a victory for the film's producers. "The Pawnbroker" was the first film featuring bare breasts to receive Production Code approval. In his 2008 study of films during that era, "Pictures at a Revolution", author Mark Harris wrote that the MPAA's action was "the first of a series of injuries to the Production Code that would prove fatal within three years." When Jack Valenti became President of the MPAA in 1966, he was immediately faced with a problem regarding language in the film version of Edward Albee's play "Who's Afraid of Virginia Woolf?" (1966). Valenti negotiated a compromise: The word "screw" was removed, but other language, including the phrase "hump the hostess", remained. The film received Production Code approval despite having language that was clearly prohibited. The British-produced, but American-financed film "Blowup" (1966) presented a different problem. After the film was denied Production Code approval, MGM released it anyway, the first instance of an MPAA member company distributing a film that didn't have an approval certificate. There was little the MPAA could do about it. Enforcement had become impossible, and the Production Code was abandoned entirely. Internet. Private Internet connections in the United States are not overtly subject to censorship imposed by the government, but there is evidence of search related restrictions being imposed through certain predominant search engines, along other intentionally narrowed parameters related to censorship as "blocked access" that seems to indicate intentional governmental restrictions where search providers seem complicit with "open internet searches." However, private businesses, schools, libraries, and government offices may use filtering software to censor at their discretion, and in such cases courts have ruled the use of such censoring software does not violate the First Amendment. US v. ALA (2003) 539 U.S. 194 is limited to its facts. It only holds that libraries may filter internet content. That does not include private businesses, such as internet platforms Facebook, Google, YouTube, Wikipedia, etc. See: Marsh v. Alabama (1946) 326 U.S. 501;;. The U.S. Communications Decency Act of 1996 (CDA) sought to regulate pornography on the Internet, making it a crime to transmit "obscene or indecent" material to anyone under the age of 18. In 1997, the U.S. Supreme Court struck down the anti-indecency provisions of the law in "Reno v. American Civil Liberties Union." Left unaffected by the decision was Section 230, sometimes referred to as the "First Amendment of the Internet." It is often credited with the subsequent explosion of social media. It states that, "No provider or user of an interactive computer service shall be treated as the publisher or speaker of any information provided by another information content provider." Section 230 also shields interactive computer services from civil liability and state criminal laws for policing user-generated content, as long as it is done in "good faith." According to the Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF), Section 230 "does not apply to federal criminal law, intellectual property law, and electronic communications privacy law." In 2018, Congress passed bill known variously as the Stop Enabling Sex Traffickers Act (SESTA), Allow States and Victims to Fight Online Sex Trafficking Act (FOSTA) or simply FOSTA/SESTA, which made it illegal for an interactive computer service to either promote or facilitate prostitution, which could include advertisements for prostitution. It also lifted civil and state criminal immunity for the facilitation of sex trafficking. President Trump signed FOSTA/SESTA into law on April 11, 2018. Though backers of the legislation had argued that it was necessary to go after the website Backpage.com for sex trafficking that allegedly took place on the site, the U.S. Department of Justice seized and took down the website three days before, on April 8, 2018, indicting seven former owners and executives of the company in Phoenix, Arizona on 93 counts related to violations of the U.S. Travel Act. The pertinent section of the Travel Act makes it illegal to "promote, manage, establish, carry on, or facilitate the promotion, management, establishment, or carrying on, of any unlawful activity" across state lines, including prostitution. Critics of FOSTA/SESTA claim the law is actually an attack on sex workers. And some research suggests that the law has endangered sex workers and made them more vulnerable to being trafficked. Other critics say that FOSTA/SESTA led to outlets censoring themselves online for fear of being seen as promoting prostitution. The chief example given is that of Craigslist.org removing its personals section to avoid civil and criminal liability from the law. FOSTA/SESTA is currently being challenged on First Amendment grounds in federal court by the Woodhull Freedom Foundation and Human Rights Watch. Literature. Banning books is a part of American history. The first book censorship took place in the 1620s. Pornography. U.S. courts have ruled that the First Amendment protects "indecent" pornography from regulation, but not "obscene" pornography. People convicted of distributing obscene pornography face long prison terms and asset forfeiture. However, in "State v. Henry" (1987), the Oregon Supreme Court ruled that obscenity was an unconstitutional restriction of free speech under the free speech provision of the Oregon Constitution and abolished the offense of obscenity in that state, although it remains an offense on the federal level. In 1996, the Congress passed the Communications Decency Act, with the aim of restricting Internet pornography. However, court rulings later struck down many provisions of the law. In 1994 Mike Diana became the first American artist to receive a conviction for obscenity for drawing cartoons that were judged legally obscene. Child pornography is illegal in the United States. The U.S. Supreme Court has held that it is not protected by the First Amendment, and even if not obscene, it is not considered protected speech, according to "New York v. Ferber". Governmental. National Security. Information leaks. Since Wikileaks' inception, the topic of censorship has been widely discussed. Being a "non-profit media organization" that strives to create more transparency in the government, WikiLeaks releases sensitive files and information to the public. Amazon.com removed WikiLeaks from its servers on 1 December 2010 at 19:30 GMT. U.S. Senator Joe Lieberman, among the members of the U.S. Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee who had questioned Amazon in private communication on the company's hosting of WikiLeaks and the illegally obtained documents, commended Amazon for the action. WikiLeaks, however, responded by stating on its official Twitter page that "WikiLeaks servers at Amazon ousted. Free speech the land of the free—fine our $ are now spent to employ people in Europe", and later that "If Amazon is so uncomfortable with the first amendment, they should get out of the business of selling books." Official efforts by the U.S. government to limit access to, a conversation about, and the general spread of the cables leaked by WikiLeaks were revealed by leading media organizations. A 4 December 2010 article by "MSNBC", reported that the Obama administration has warned federal government employees and students in educational institutions studying towards careers in public service that they must refrain from downloading or linking to any WikiLeaks documents. However, State Department spokesman P.J. Crowley denied ordering students, stating, "We do not control private networks. We have issued no authoritative instructions to people who are not employees of the Department of State." He said the warning was from an "overzealous employee." According to a 3 December 2010 article in "The Guardian", access to WikiLeaks has been blocked for federal workers. The U.S. Library of Congress, the U.S. Commerce Department and other government agencies have confirmed that the ban is already in place. Some Department of Homeland Security staff say the ban is hampering their work: "More damage will be done by keeping the federal workforce largely in the dark about what other interested parties worldwide are going to be reading and analyzing." One official says that the ban apparently covers personal computers as well. A spokesman for Columbia University confirmed on 4 December that its Office of Career Services sent an e-mail warning students at Columbia's School of International and Public Affairs to refrain from accessing WikiLeaks cables and discussing this subject on the grounds that "discourse about the documents would call into question your ability to deal with confidential information." However, this was quickly retracted on the following day. SIPA Dean John Henry Coatsworth wrote that "Freedom of information and expression is a core value of our institution, ... thus, SIPA's position is that students have a right to discuss and debate any information in the public arena that they deem relevant to their studies or to their roles as global citizens, and to do so without fear of adverse consequences." "The New York Times" reported on 14 December 2010 that the U.S. Air Force bars its personnel from access to news sites (such as those of "The New York Times" and "The Guardian", "Le Monde", "El País", and "Der Spiegel") that publish leaked cables. On 18 December, the Bank of America stopped handling payments for WikiLeaks. Bank of America is also blocking access to WikiLeaks from its internal network preventing employees from accessing WikiLeaks. "The Monterey Herald" reported on June 27, 2013, that the United States Army bars its personnel from access to parts of the website of "The Guardian" after their revelations of whistleblower Edward Snowden's information about global surveillance. The entire "Guardian" website is blocked for personnel stationed throughout Afghanistan, the Middle East, and South Asia. Technology. The export of cryptography software is regulated as a munition under the International Traffic in Arms Regulations, although in recent years the regulations have relaxed, due in part to industry lobbying. In 1995, Daniel J. Bernstein challenged the regulations (see "Bernstein v. United States") on First Amendment grounds. The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that software source code was speech protected by the First Amendment and that the government's regulations preventing its publication were unconstitutional. However, some regulations remain. War on Terrorism. The NSA electronic surveillance program and DARPA's Total Information Awareness were two examples of post–September 11 government monitoring programs. Though intended to target terrorist behavior, critics worried fears about government monitoring might lead people to self-censorship. A controversy also erupted concerning National Security Letters, issued by the federal government and not subject to prior judicial review. These letters demanded information the government asserted was relevant to a terrorism investigation, but also contained a gag order preventing recipients from revealing the existence of the letter. Critics contend this prevents public oversight of government investigations, and allows unreasonable search and seizure to go unchecked. The American Civil Liberties Union complained that Section 505 of the USA PATRIOT Act removed the need for the government to connect recipients to a terrorism investigation, widening the possibility for abuse. On November 7, 2005 the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) reported: On February 17, 2006 former U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld stated, that: The Protect America Act of 2007 was also controversial for its lack of judicial review. The war on terrorism also affects US policy towards journalists in other states. In 2011, U.S. President Barack Obama asked Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh to stop the release of journalist Abdulelah Haider Shaye, who reported U.S. involvement in the bombings. Weapons. On March 15, 1950, "Scientific American" published an article by Hans Bethe about thermonuclear fusion, but the United States Atomic Energy Commission successfully ordered printed copies of the magazine destroyed, and a redacted version was published. The censorship was not disputed by Bethe. Under the Invention Secrecy Act of 1951 and the Atomic Energy Act of 1954, patents may be withheld and kept secret on grounds of national security. In 1979, the magazine "The Progressive" was sued by the U.S. government ("United States v. The Progressive") and temporarily blocked from publishing an article that purported to reveal the "secret" of the hydrogen bomb. The article was eventually published after "Fusion" magazine, published by the Fusion Energy Foundation, published similar information and the government dropped the charges. In 1997, Congress voted unanimously to add an amendment to a Department of Defense spending bill (known as the Feinstien amendment) forbidding the distribution of instructions that teach "the making or use of an explosive, a destructive device, or a weapon of mass destruction" if those instructions are intended to assist in the actual building and use of such a device. Political. In 1987, an article appeared in "The Scientist" which alleged that the U.S. government improperly suppressed two science magazines put out by the Fusion Energy Foundation. The article quotes scientists Winston Bostick, who said that "the Department of Justice wants to crush the magazines before they publish information which could send quite a few officials of the department to jail," and former Department of Energy official Stephen Dean, who said that the government's actions were "a gross abuse of the legal system—a violation of due process." Under Florida Governor Rick Scott, the usage of the term 'climate change' was limited in state government publications. Ban on material support for foreign boycotts. A law passed by the U.S. Congress in 1977 penalizes all U.S. persons, defined to include individuals and companies located in the United States and their foreign affiliates, from supporting the boycott of Israel and provides penalties for those who willingly comply with the boycott. The B.I.S. website states: On this basis, some American businesses have been punished for answering their customers' question about origin of their products. Some pro-Israeli activists have construed the law as forbidding speech and expression that supports any boycott of Israel (as opposed to actions taken to comply with the requests of foreign entities to boycott Israel) whether foreign in origin or domestic, and asked the US Anti-Boycott Office to prosecute divestment campaigners against Israel. However, the law only forbids material participation in or material support of a boycott originated by a foreign nation or organization, not with a domestic boycott campaign, nor can the law be construed as forbidding speech that politically or morally (as opposed to materially) supports any boycott, whether foreign, or domestic. The law only prevents US organizations from being used by alien entities as agents of their foreign policy, when that foreign policy includes the pursuit of boycotting arrangements; it does not prevent US organizations or individuals from choosing how to spend or invest their money based on business or ethical considerations; it only forbids doing so as the result of a foreign entity's request. Material attempts to suppress speech through induction of state action under false pretenses, such as by claiming a domestic boycott campaign is foreign in origin may be unlawful, and may constitute conspiracy against civil rights, a federal crime, punishable by fine and imprisonment. (Such speech is considered to be core political speech under the US Constitution, and any state actions interfering with core political speech are subject to the strictest Constitutional scrutiny.) In May 2020 during the George Floyd protests, CNN reporter Omar Jimenez and camera crew were arrested by Minnesota State Patrol officers as Jimenez reported live on television. Jimenez identified himself and the crew as journalists. The police officers stated that the news crew did not follow orders and detained them. CNN released a statement saying that the arrest violated the First Amendment rights of the reporters, and calling for their immediate release. The crew were released later that day, after an intervention from the Governor of Minnesota, Tim Walz. Corporate. In 1969 Nicholas Johnson, United States Federal Communications Commission (FCC) commissioner, put forward in an article in "TV Guide" entitled "The Silent Screen" that "Censorship is a serious problem" in the United States, and that he agreed with the statements by various network officials that television was subject to it, but disputed "just who is doing most of the censoring." He stated that most television censorship is corporate censorship, not government censorship. Croteau and Hoynes discuss corporate censorship in the news publishing business, observing that it can occur as self-censorship. They note that it is "virtually impossible to document", because it is covert. Jonathan Alter states that "In a tight job market, the tendency is to avoid getting yourself or your boss in trouble. So an adjective gets dropped, a story skipped, a punch pulled ... It's like that Sherlock Holmes story—the dog that didn't bark. Those clues are hard to find." The head of the Media Access Project notes that such self-censorship is not misreporting or false reporting, but simply "not" reporting at all. The self-censorship is not the product of "dramatic conspiracies", according to Croteau and Hoynes, but simply the interaction of many small daily decisions. Journalists want to keep their jobs. Editors support the interests of the company. These many small actions and inactions accumulate to produce (in their words) "homogenized, corporate-friendly media." Croteau and Hoynes report that such corporate censorship in journalism is commonplace, reporting the results of studies revealing that more than 40% of journalists and news executives stating that they had deliberately engaged in such censorship by avoiding newsworthy stories or softening the tones of stories. Nichols and McChesney opine that "the maniacal media baron as portrayed in James Bond films or profiles of Rupert Murdoch is far less a danger than the cautious and compromised editor who seeks to 'balance' a responsibility to readers or viewers with a duty to serve his boss and the advertisers." They state that "even among journalists who entered the field for the noblest of reasons" there is a tendency to avoid any controversial journalism that might embroil the news company in a battle with a powerful corporation or a government agency. Self-censorship. Self-censorship is not the only form of corporate censorship in the news and entertainment businesses. Croteau and Hoynes also describe examples of managers censoring their employees, subdivisions of conglomerates applying pressure upon one another, and pressure applied upon corporations by external entities such as advertisers. One of the incidents of corporate censorship that Croteau and Hoynes find to be "the most disturbing" in their view is the news reporting in the U.S. of the Telecommunications Act of 1996, which made fundamental changes to the limitations on ownership of media conglomerates within the U.S. and which was heavily lobbied for by media interests, and yet which was subject to, in Croteau and Hoynes words, "remarkably little coverage" by U.S. news media. Law. Copyright. The United States has strong copyright laws, which result in the inability to republish copyrighted material without permission from the copyright owner, subject to criminal and civil penalties. Digital Millennium Copyright Act. The Digital Millennium Copyright Act (DMCA) is an extension to United States copyright law passed unanimously on May 14, 1998, which criminalizes the production and dissemination of technology that allows users to circumvent technical copy-restriction methods. Under the Act, circumvention of a technological measure that effectively controls access to a work is illegal if done with the primary intent of violating the rights of copyright holders. Although the Act contains an exception for research, the DMCA has affected the worldwide cryptography research community, because many fear that their cryptanalytic research violates, or might be construed to violate the law. The arrest of Russian programmer Dmitry Sklyarov in 2001, for alleged infringement of the DMCA, was a highly publicized example of the law's use to prevent or penalize development of anti-digital rights management measures. Sklyarov was arrested in the United States after a presentation at DEF CON, and subsequently spent several months in jail. The DMCA has also been cited as chilling to non-criminal inclined users, such as students of cryptanalysis (including, in a well-known instance, Professor Felten and students at Princeton), and security consultants such as the Netherlands-based Niels Ferguson, who has declined to publish information about vulnerabilities he discovered in an Intel secure-computing scheme because of his concern about being arrested under the DMCA when he travels to the United States. Free speech lawsuits have resulted surrounding the publication of DeCSS and the AACS encryption key, both dealing with the "cracking" of copy-protected movies (on DVD and Blu-ray Disc/HD DVD, respectively). Freedom of speech. Free speech zone. Free speech zones (also known as First Amendment Zones, Free speech cages, and Protest zones) are areas set aside in public places for citizens of the United States engaged in political activism to exercise their right of free speech. The First Amendment to the United States Constitution states that "Congress shall make no law... abridging... the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances." The existence of free speech zones is based on court decisions that stipulate the government may regulate the time, place, and manner—but not content—of expression. TPM restrictions, as these are known, are only lawful when: All TPM restrictions are subject to judicial review. Unreasonable and unconstitutional TPM restrictions are and have been repeatedly vacated by various courts, and/or subjected to injunction, restraining order, and consent decree. Unconstitutional TPM restrictions allow citizens whose freedom of speech has been violated to personally sue state agents acting under color of law responsible for the violations at hand in their individual capacity, e.g. as private citizens, stripping them of any official capacity defense or defenses of sovereign immunity. TPM restrictions related to core political speech are subject to the highest possible level of Constitutional scrutiny. Free speech zones have been used at a variety of political gatherings. The stated purpose of free speech zones is to protect the safety of those attending the political gathering, or for the safety of the protesters themselves. Critics, however, suggest that such zones are "Orwellian", and that authorities use them in a heavy-handed manner to censor protesters by putting them literally out of sight of the mass media, hence the public, as well as visiting dignitaries. Though authorities generally deny specifically targeting protesters, on a number of occasions, these denials have been contradicted by subsequent court testimony. The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) has filed a number of lawsuits on the issue. The most prominent examples are those created by the United States Secret Service for President George W. Bush and other members of his administration. While free speech zones existed in limited forms prior to the Presidency of George W. Bush, it has been during Bush's presidency that their scope has been greatly expanded. Free speech zones are and have been used in the past and in the present by institutions of higher education in the United States, which has led to organizations like the ACLU and the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education (FIRE) to object to these as infringements of freedom of speech, and of academic freedom. Libel. Libel and slander are generally considered "civil" wrongs which can constitute the basis of a private lawsuit. However, as of 2019, "criminal" libel laws are on the books in twenty-four states. Each of them makes an arrest about once per year on average. In 2018, the American Civil Liberties Union sued one such state, New Hampshire after Exeter resident Robert Frese was arrested for insulting two police officers on Facebook. His comment called the police chief "a coward" and stated that his most recent traffic citation had been issued by "a dirty cop." The case against Frese was later dropped. Since the 1964 decision in "New York Times Co. v. Sullivan", public figures like entertainers and politicians must prove actual malice was intended as opposed to simple negligence to win a libel or slander suit. For instance, public officials cannot file a lawsuit if someone makes a caricature of them or insults them. Although it is difficult to win a libel case in the United States, it can still be an effective means of intimidation and deterrence, since defending oneself against a lawsuit is expensive and time-consuming. Persons engaged in legislative debate in Congress are granted complete immunity from libel and slander suits so long as they are speaking from the floor of the Senate or House of Representatives. Local censorship. Until "Gitlow v. New York" in 1925, the First Amendment was not held to apply to states and municipalities. Entities without any prohibition in their own charters were free to censor newspapers, magazines, books, plays, movies, comedy shows, and so on, as exemplified by the phrase "banned in Boston." Despite this decision, censorship continued under this additional First Amendment scrutiny into the 1950s and 1960s. In New York, litigation on a local ban upon the book "Ulysses" by James Joyce in 1933 played a pivotal role in an eventual set of rules determining what is and is not obscene. The standard of the effect upon "l'homme moyen sensuel" (the reasonable person), when reading or viewing of material, became the legal standard. The ruling instructed the Court to not consider the impression of the "little old lady" or most "pious member of the community" rather to the general community as a whole. The book's publisher, despite only receiving a ruling in New York, took the risk of publishing the book nationally despite local bans still being in place. The publisher reasoned the ruling in New York would be seen by local efforts to ban books as protection. The free speech decisions of the United States Supreme Court under Chief Justice Earl Warren, which served from 1953 to 1969, extended the protections of the First Amendment to local government, and brought much stricter standards of review for what government actions were acceptable. The state of Maryland retained its movie ratings board an unusually long time, abandoning it in the 1980s in favor of the private MPAA's voluntary ratings scheme. In 2017, California prosecutors interpreted hateful posts on the Facebook page of the Islamic Center of Southern California as a violation of the California Penal Code. The provision criminalizing "repeated contact... with intent to annoy or harass" was used to charge Mark Feigin who was previously suspected of making a death threat to the center by telephone. Although the LAPD later recommended charges against a different caller, CNN reported that "in the criminal complaint against [Feigin], the Facebook posts, which Det. Bryant repeatedly told Feigin were not criminal in nature, have replaced that phone call and another one made in 2015 that also was falsely attributed to him." In 2019, two friends at the University of Connecticut were heard taunting each other with offensive words including "nigger." They were subsequently arrested and charged under Title 53 of the Connecticut General Statutes. The relevant section, which criminalizes "ridicule on account of creed, religion, color, denomination, nationality or race" was described as unconstitutional by law professor Steve Sanders. In 2021, left wing podcaster Ryan Wentz made a tweet which criticized Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez based on a comment she had made about Israel and Palestine. Wentz subsequently received a visit from police officers who accused him of making threats against Ocasio-Cortez. Capitol police later revealed that they had acted alone in alerting the California Highway Patrol due to a different person's tweet which had simply tagged Wentz. Wentz subsequently called on Ocasio-Cortez "to publicly condemn the draconian security measures that were carried out in her name." Judicial orders. Individual judges have the power to order parties in their jurisdictions not to disclose certain information. A gag order might be issued to prevent someone from disclosing information that would interfere with an ongoing court case. Though court documents are generally public information, record sealing is sometimes used to prevent sensitive information (such as personal information, information about minors, or classified information) exposed by a court case from becoming public. Such powers are subject to strict review by higher courts, and generally have been narrow compared to countries such as the United Kingdom and Canada. The 1971 case "Nebraska Press Assn. v. Stuart" established a high standard that must be met for courts to prevent media organizations from publishing information about an ongoing trial to preserve the defendant's right to a fair trial. On January 4, 2007, US District Court Judge Jack B. Weinstein issued a temporary restraining order forbidding a number of activists and their organizations in the psychiatric survivors movement, including MindFreedom International and the Alliance for Human Research Protection from disseminating ostensibly leaked documents purporting to show that Eli Lilly and Company knowingly concealed information on potentially lethal side-effects of Zyprexa for years. The "Zyprexa documents" had been sealed by an earlier court order in a mass tort case; they were widely disseminated after Alaska attorney James Gottstein issued a subpoena for them in an unrelated case. The Electronic Frontier Foundation came to the defense of one of the parties silenced by the restraining order to defend the First Amendment right of Internet journalists to post links to relevant documents on wikis, blogs, and other web pages. While Eli Lilly maintains that the documents were obtained unlawfully and should not be part of the public domain, critics cite the leaked Pentagon Papers as precedent for the right of individuals to report on the existence and contents of such documents, and in this particular case, maintain that court sealing of documents should never be allowed to protect individuals or corporations from criminal liability. Prior restraint. The 1931 "Near v. Minnesota" case was the first to establish the doctrine that prior restraint was in most cases unconstitutional. Prior restraint is censorship which prevents material from being published in the first place. The alternative form of censorship occurs as punishment for unlawful or harmful material already published, usually after having the opportunity to dispute the charge in court. Sedition. There have been a number of attempts in the United States to forbid speech that has been deemed "seditious." In 1798, President John Adams signed into law the Alien and Sedition Acts, the fourth of which, the "Sedition Act" or "An Act for the Punishment of Certain Crimes against the United States" set out punishments of up to two years' imprisonment for "opposing or resisting any law of the United States" or writing or publishing "false, scandalous, and malicious writing" about the President or Congress (but specifically not the Vice-President). The act was allowed to expire in 1801 after the election of Thomas Jefferson, Vice President at the time of the Act's passage. The Sedition Act of 1918, an extension of the Espionage Act of 1917 which had passed in connection with the United States joining the Allied Powers in the First World War, was a controversial law that led to imprisonment of many prominent individuals for opposing the war or the draft. State laws prohibiting "sedition" were also passed and used to prosecute and persecute alleged "seditionists" during this period, including many people guilty only of being "Wobblies", or members of the Industrial Workers of the World. In "Schenck v. United States", the Supreme Court upheld the Espionage Act and banned speaking against the draft during World War I. This case led to the "clear and present danger" test. In 1969, "Brandenburg v. Ohio" established the "imminent lawless action" test. State sedition acts, if in place, are likely unconstitutional under the Brandenburg doctrine of "imminent lawless action" or the older doctrine of "clear and present danger." Smith Act. The Alien Registration Act or Smith Act () of 1940 is a United States federal statute that made it a criminal offense for anyone to It also required all non-citizen adult residents to register with the government; within four months, 4,741,971 non-citizens had registered under the Act's provisions. The Act is best known for its use against political organizations and figures, mostly on the left. From 1941 to 1957, hundreds of socialists were prosecuted under the Smith Act. The first trial, in 1941, focused on Trotskyists, the second trial in 1944 prosecuted alleged fascists and, beginning in 1949, leaders and members of the Communist Party USA were targeted. Prosecutions continued until a series of Supreme Court decisions in 1957 threw out numerous convictions under the Smith Act as unconstitutional. The statute itself, often amended, has not been repealed.

private internet system

7305-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=5490803

Pandit Vishnu Narayan Bhatkhande (10 August 1860 – 19 September 1936) was an Indian musicologist who wrote the first modern treatise on Hindustani classical music, an art which had been propagated for acenturies mostly through oral traditions. During those earlier times, the art had undergone several changes, rendering the raga "grammar" documented in scant old outdated texts. Ragas used to be classified into Raga (male), Ragini (female), and Putra (children). Bhatkhande reclassified them into the currently used thaat system. He noted that several ragas did not conform to their description in ancient Sanskrit texts. He explained the ragas in an easy-to-understand language and composed several "bandishes" which explained the grammar of the ragas. He borrowed the idea of "lakshan geet" from the Carnatic music scholar Venkatamakhin. Early life. Pandit Vishnu Narayan Bhatkhande was born on 10 August 1860 into a Chitpavan Brahmin family in Walkeshwar, Bombay. While not a professional musician himself, his father, who worked for an affluent businessman, ensured that Bhatkhande and his siblings received an education in classical music. After turning fifteen, Bhatkhande became a student of the sitar and subsequently began studying Sanskrit texts that dealt with music theory. He completed a BA degree at Elphinstone College in Bombay in 1885. In 1887, Bhatkhande graduated with a degree in law from Bombay University and briefly pursued a career in criminal law. In 1884, Bhatkhande became a member of "Gayan Uttejak Mandali", a music appreciation society in Bombay, which broadened his experience with music performance and teaching. He studied at the Mandali for six years and learned a variety of compositions in both khayal and dhrupad forms under musicians such as Shri Raojibua Belbagkar and Ustad Ali Hussain. Music was still something of a leisurely pursuit for Bhatkhande until 1900 when his wife died, followed, in 1903, by the death of his daughter. This led to him abandoning his law practice and devoting his full attention to music. Career. Research in music. Bhatkhande traveled throughout India, meeting with ustads and pandits, and researching music. He began the study of ancient texts such as the "Natya Shastra" and "Sangeet Ratnakara". After the death of his wife and his daughter, Bhatkhande abandoned his legal practice and devoted the rest of his life to systematising the prevailing forms of Hindustani music and building on that system a coordinated theory and practice of music. During his travels in India, he spent time in the then princely states of Baroda, Gwalior, and Rampur. In Rampur he was the disciple of legendary veena Player Ustad Wazir Khan, a descendant of Miyan Tansen. Bhatkhande's first published work, "Swar Malika", was a booklet containing detailed descriptions of all prevalent ragas. In 1909, he published "Shri Mallakshaya Sangeetam", in Sanskrit, under the pseudonym 'Chatur-pandit'. To make this cultural heritage accessible to the common man, he published commentary on his own Sanskrit grantha in Marathi over a span of several years; it was published over four volumes bearing the title: "Hindustani Sangeet Paddhati". These volumes form today the standard text on Hindustani music, an indispensable starting point for any student of Hindustani Classical Music. His disciple S N Ratanjankar, famous musician Shri. Dilip Kumar Roy, Ratanjankar's disciple K. G. Ginde, S.C.R. Bhatt, Ram Ashrey Jha 'Ramrang', Sumati Mutatkar and Krishna Kumar Kapoor are among the notable scholars who followed in the footsteps of Bhatkhande. His notation system became standard and though later scholars like Pandit V. D. Paluskar, Pandit Vinayakrao Patwardhan and Pandit Omkarnath Thakur introduced their improved versions, it remained a publisher's favourite. It suffered a setback with onset of desktop publishing, which found inserting marks above and below Devanagari text cumbersome; as a result, books carrying compositions yielded to theoretical texts. A recently developed notation system Ome Swarlipi follows the logical structure introduced by Pt. Bhatkhande but uses symbols instead of Devanagari alphabets. After travelling widely and having discussions with practitioners of various schools, Bhatkhande arranged all the ragas of Hindustani classical music across 10 musical scales, called thaats. Though the thaats do not encompass all possible ragas, they do cover the vast majority, and are a key contribution to Indian musical theory. The thaat structure corresponds to the melakarta system of raga arrangement in Carnatic music, the south Indian variety of Indian classical music. Bhatkhande wrote all of his works under one of the two pseudonyms, Vishnu Sharma and Chaturpandit. Institutions. Bhatkhande started schools and colleges in India for systematic teaching of Hindustani music. In 1916, he reorganized the Baroda state music school, and later, with the help of the Maharaja of Gwalior, established the Madhav Music College in Gwalior. In 1926, Rai Umanath Bali and his nephew Dr. Rai Rajeshwar Bali, then education minister of United Provinces, established Marris College of Music in Lucknow, Bhatkhande preparing the course material. The college was later renamed Bhatkhande College of Hindustani Music, and is now known as Bhatkhande Music Institute (Deemed University). Preparation of that course material was a landmark achievement of Bhatkhande since musical knowledge used to be passed on orally in earlier times from Gurus and Ustads to their disciples. Bhatkhande prepared the "Hindustani Sangeet Kramik Pustak Maalika" as a series of textbooks. He also started the tradition of the All India Music Conferences to provide a common platform for discussion between Hindustani and Carnatic classical musicians. Death. Bhatkhande suffered paralysis and a thigh fracture in 1933. He died on 19 September 1936, during Ganeshotsav in Mumbai.

major addition

3616-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=17968151

The mineral industry of Africa is the largest mineral industry in the world. Africa is the second largest continent, with 11.73 million miles of land, which implies large quantities of resources. With a population of 1.216 billion living there. For many African countries, mineral exploration and production constitute significant parts of their economies and remain keys to economic growth. Africa is richly endowed with mineral reserves and ranks first or second in quantity of world reserves of bauxite, cobalt, industrial diamond, phosphate rock, platinum-group metals (PGM), vermiculite, and zirconium. The Central African Mining and Exploration Company (CAMEC), one of Africa's primary mining enterprises, is criticized for its unregulated environmental impact and minimal social stewardship. In the spring of 2009, retired British cricket player Phil Edmonds' assets were seized by the United Kingdom's government due to CAMEC's illicit association with former self-appointed Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe. CAMEC recently sold 95.4% of its shares to the Eurasian Natural Resources Corporation. It is under restructuring and is no longer trading under the CAMEC brand. African mineral reserves rank first or second for bauxite, cobalt, diamonds, phosphate rocks, platinum-group metals (PGM), vermiculite and zirconium. Many other minerals are present in quantity. The 2012 share of world production from African soil was bauxite 7%; aluminium 5%; chromite 38%; cobalt 60%; copper 9%; gold 20%; iron ore 2%; steel 1%; lead (Pb) 2%; manganese 38%; zinc 1%; cement 4%; natural diamond 56%; graphite 2%; phosphate rock 21%; coal 4%; mineral fuels (including coal) - 13% and petroleum 8%; uranium 18%; and platinum 69.4%. Key producers. As of 2005, strategic minerals and key producers were: Estimates for production of major mineral commodities for 2005 and beyond have been based upon supply-side assumptions, such as announced plans for increased production, new capacity construction and bankable feasibility studies. The outlook sections were based on projected trends that could affect year 2005 producing facilities and on planned new facilities that operating companies, consortia, or governments have projected to come online within indicated timeframes. Forward-looking information, which includes estimates of future production, exploration and mine development, cost of capital projects, and timing of the start of operations, are subject to a variety of risks and uncertainties that could cause actual events or results to differ significantly from expected outcomes. Economics. Organizations promoting exports. The mineral industry is a significantly important source of export earnings for many African nations. To promote exports, groups of African countries have formed numerous trade blocs, which included the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, the Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa, the Economic Community of Central African States, the Economic Community of West African States, the Mano River Union, the Southern African Development Community, and the West African Economic and Monetary Union. Algeria, Libya, and Nigeria were members of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). The African Union was formally launched as a successor to the Organization of African Unity in 2002 to accelerate socioeconomic integration and promote peace, security, and stability on the continent. Dependence of African countries. Many African countries are highly and dangerously dependent on mineral exports. Mineral fuels (coal, petroleum) account for more than 90% of the export earnings for Algeria, Equatorial Guinea, Libya, and Nigeria. Minerals account for 80% for Botswana (led by, in order of value, diamond, copper, nickel, soda ash, and gold), Congo (Brazzaville) (petroleum), Congo (Kinshasa) (diamond, petroleum, cobalt, and copper), Gabon (petroleum and manganese), Guinea (bauxite, alumina, gold, and diamond), Sierra Leone (diamond), and Sudan (petroleum and gold). Minerals and mineral fuels accounted for more than 50% of the export earnings of Mali (gold), Mauritania (iron ore), Mozambique (aluminium), Namibia (diamond, uranium, gold, and zinc), and Zambia (copper and cobalt). The mineral industry's exports make up an important part of the African gross income. Ongoing mining projects of more than US$1 billion are taking place in South Africa (PGM 69%; gold:31%), Guinea (bauxite and aluminium), Madagascar (nickel), Mozambique (coal), Congo (Kinshasa) and Zambia (cobalt and copper), Nigeria and Sudan (crude petroleum), Senegal (iron), and many others. Investment. The Department of Mineral Resources of South Africa reported that investment in newly committed precious metals projects in South Africa—those for which funds had already been committed or were being expended—was $8.26 billion in 2005. An additional $9.56 billion was reported for potential precious metals projects in South Africa (that is, feasibility-level projects for which funds had not yet been committed). PGM accounted for 69% of the investment and gold 31%. Potential investments in iron ore projects was at least $950 million. Investment in newly committed processed minerals projects amounted to $681 million, and potential processed minerals projects is $584 million. By 2008, capital expenditure for the heavy mineral sands project at Mandena in Madagascar was expected to total $585 million; at Moma in Mozambique, $348 million; and at Kwale in Kenya, $178 million. By 2010, capital expenditures for bauxite and alumina in Guinea were likely to total more than $2.35 billion; nickel in Madagascar, $2.25 billion; and coal in Mozambique, $1 billion. Substantial capital expenditures were also likely for aluminum in Mozambique and South Africa, cobalt and copper in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Congo-Kinshasa) and Zambia, crude petroleum in Nigeria and Sudan, iron ore in Senegal, and natural gas in Nigeria. However, commercial investment in mining in Africa has been shown to increase the likelihood of protests in the surrounding area. Exploration. Exploration activity, as defined by African exploration budgets reported by the MEG, increased to $807 million in 2005 from $572 million in 2004. Africa's share of the world exploration budget increased slightly to 16.5% in 2005 from 16.1% in 2004. In 2005, the principal mineral targets in Africa were copper, diamond, gold, and platinum group metals (PGM). African countries that experienced the highest levels of exploration activity in 2005 were, in descending order based on the number of exploration sites as compiled by the USGS, South Africa, Burkina Faso, Ghana, and Zambia, but activity took place in a number of other countries. Gold accounted for approximately 51% of reported African exploration projects, diamond accounted for about 14%, copper and PGM each accounted for about 11%, and nickel accounted for 5%. Early stage projects accounted for about 77% of the 2005 activity, and feasibility stage projects accounted for about 12%. Australian and Canadian junior companies continued to invest time and money to explore Africa. South African companies continued to expend a sizable amount of their exploration resources outside of South Africa. Trade. Africa's current account surplus amounted to 2.3% of its GDP in 2005 versus 0.1% of GDP in 2004. In 2005, sub-Saharan countries ran an average deficit of 0.6% of the GDP, and countries in the Arab Maghreb Union ran an average surplus of 12.2% of GDP. Trade surpluses in oil-exporting countries more than offset trade deficits in oil-importing countries. Oil-importing countries had an average current account deficit of 3.3% of the GDP in 2005, and oil-exporting countries had an average current account surplus of 12.2% of GDP. Out of 33 African nations for which information was available, 20 countries experienced a decline in their terms of trade between 2002 and 2005 and 13 experienced an improvement. Oil importers experienced the worst decline. However, Botswana's terms of trade improved because higher prices for oil imports were more than offset by higher prices for diamond exports. Similar reasoning held for Mozambique because of higher prices for aluminum; in Niger, for uranium; and in Zambia, for copper. The average current account deficit for oil-importing countries is expected to increase to 4.1% of the GDP in 2006 and to 3.8% of the GDP in 2007. For oil-exporting countries, the surplus is predicted to rise to 15.4% of the GDP in 2006 and 15.8% of the GDP in 2007. Africa was expected to run a current account surplus of 3.6% of the GDP in 2006 and 4.2% of the GDP in 2007. In 2004 or 2005, mineral fuels accounted for more than 90% of the export earnings of Algeria, Equatorial Guinea, Libya, and Nigeria. Minerals and mineral fuels accounted for more than 80% of the export earnings of Botswana (led by, in order of value, diamond, copper, nickel, soda ash, and gold), Congo (Brazzaville) (petroleum), Congo (Kinshasa) (diamond, petroleum, cobalt, and copper), Gabon (petroleum and manganese), Guinea (bauxite, alumina, gold, and diamond), Sierra Leone (diamond), and Sudan (petroleum and gold). Minerals and mineral fuels accounted for more than 50% of the export earnings of Mali (gold), Mauritania (iron ore), Mozambique (aluminum), Namibia (diamond, uranium, gold, and zinc), and Zambia (copper and cobalt). Gold was a significant source of export earnings in Ghana, South Africa, and Tanzania. Diamond was a significant source of export earnings in the Central African Republic and South Africa, as was uranium in Niger. Africa's natural gas exporters included Algeria, which had 72% of the continent's natural gas exports, Nigeria, 13%, Egypt, 9%, and Libya, 6%. Europe received 91% of African total natural gas exports and was the destination of 95% of Africa's natural gas exports by pipeline and 88% of Africa's liquefied natural gas (LNG) exports. The United States received 11% of Africa's LNG exports, and countries of the Asia and the Pacific region, 1%. In 2005, Europe received 35% of Africa's petroleum exports; the United States, 32%; China, 10%; Japan, 2%; and other countries in the Asia and the Pacific region, 12%. West African countries sent 45% of their exports to the United States and 32% to China, Japan, and other countries in the Asia and the Pacific region. North African countries sent 64% of their exports to Europe and 18% to the United States. Intraregional exports to African countries amounted to only 2% of total African petroleum exports. Intraregional minerals trade was however significant in the case of gold. South Africa imported 142,000 kilograms per year of gold, mostly from West African countries, to supply its gold refinery. A majority of African gold mine production was refined in South Africa before export to other regions. Most of Africa's copper and platinum group metals PGM production was exported in refined form. The majority of Africa's chromite production was processed into ferrochromium before export. For other commodities, which included bauxite, colored gemstones, diamond, iron ore, petroleum, and uranium, most of or all the continent's production was exported before downstream processing. Legislation. In September 2004, the Eritrean government ordered a halt to all mineral exploration activity in the country while it reviewed its Mining Act. The government suspension was lifted in January 2005. The government increased the maximum possible equity interest that it may hold in a project through an option agreement from 20% to 30%. Effective February 28, 2005, platinum producers could no longer hold proceeds from Zimbabwean mining activity in foreign accounts to fund exploration and development in that country. The loss of direct access to these earnings may make it more difficult for foreign companies to fund exploration in Zimbabwe. At the end of 2004, the government of Liberia passed legislation providing for controls on the export, import, and transit of rough diamond. In addition, the government suspended the issuance of all permits for diamond mining and placed a moratorium on alluvial diamond prospecting. On December 15, 2005, the Parliament of Ghana passed a new Minerals and Mining Law (law number 703). The new law provides for access to mineral rights on a first-come, first-considered basis; a specific time frame within which all applications should be granted; the right for applicants to demand written reasons from the Minister if an application is rejected; the government's right to acquire land or authorize its occupation and use if the land is required for mining purposes; the establishment of a cadastral system for the administration of mineral rights; the establishment of the permissible range of royalty rates at not less than 3% or more than 6% of total mining revenues; the government's right to obtain a 10% free-carried interest in mining leases; and the establishment of the period of duration of a mining lease, which is not to exceed 30 years and which may be renewed once for a period not to exceed an additional 30 years. In South Africa, the Government's Black Economic Empowerment program required that black ownership of the mining industry reach 15% by 2009 and 26% by 2014. Recent actions to increase black ownership included the acquisition of 20% of Gold Fields by black-owned Mvelaphanda Resources Ltd. by 2009; the transfer of mines held by AngloGold Ashanti to black-owned African Rainbow Minerals; and the acquisition of 30% of Sallies Ltd. by African Renaissance Investments (Pty) Ltd. Environment. Deforestation for fuel use and land-intensive agricultural production continued to be a significant environmental issue in many African countries. Other causes of deforestation included artisanal production of gemstones, lime, and sand and gravel. The West African Gas Pipeline, which was expected to start regular operations in the end of 2008, could help mitigate the effects of deforestation in Benin, Ghana, and Togo and reduce emissions of greenhouse gases. In 2005 natural gas was being flared by Nigeria; in the future, Nigeria expected to export natural gas to Benin, Ghana, and Togo. The government of Nigeria had committed to ending the flaring of natural gas, which would lead to decreased pollution. The use of mercury by artisanal gold miners has led to serious air and water pollution in Ghana, Kenya, Mozambique, South Africa, Sudan, Tanzania, and Zimbabwe. The Global Environment Facility, the United Nations Development Programme, and the United Nations Industrial Development Organization began the Global Mercury Project in August 2002 to alleviate these problems. The Global Mercury Project has been providing cleaner technologies and training for miners, conducting health assessments, and helping institute government regulatory capacities. Metals. Aluminium, bauxite, and alumina. From 2000 to 2005, African production of refined aluminium increased by 54%. In Mozambique, the Mozal smelter was completed in 2000, and the Mozal 2 smelter, in 2003. South Africa's production increased because of the expansion of the Hillside smelter in December 2003. Output also increased in Cameroon and Egypt. In Ghana, the Valco smelter was shut down because of droughts that reduced the country's effective hydropower capacity. South Africa accounted for about 48% of African aluminium output; Mozambique, 32%; and Egypt, 14%. Kenya was the only African producer of secondary refined aluminium. Africa accounted for 5% of the world's aluminium production in 2005. African bauxite production declined by about 3% from 2000 to 2005. From 1990 to 2005, Africa's share of world bauxite production decreased to 9% from 16%. Guinea accounted for about 95% of African bauxite production; Ghana accounted for most of the remainder. In 2005, Guinea was the only African producer of alumina. In 2005, world aluminium consumption amounted to 31.6 million metric tons (t) compared with 29.9 t in 2004. African consumption of aluminium increased by 3.4% in 2005. In South Africa, aluminium consumption increased to 374,000 t in 2005 from 342,000 t in 2004. The production of refined aluminium is expected to rise by an average of about 10% per year from 2005 to 2011. The Mozal 3 smelter in Mozambique and the Coega smelter in South Africa are expected to open in mid-2009 and late 2010, respectively. In Cameroon, Alcan Inc. plans to triple production from its smelter by 2010. Aluminium Smelter Co. of Nigeria Ltd. could reopen its smelter at Ikot Abasi by 2009 and reach full capacity by 2011. In Ghana, Alcoa Inc. plans to increase production at the Valco smelter starting in 2006. African bauxite production was likely to increase by an average of about 10% per year from 2005 to 2011. In Guinea, planned increases in alumina refining capacity of about 5 million metric tons per year in 2008 and 2009 are expected to lead to higher bauxite production. The Sangarédi and the Kamsar refineries are likely to start production in late 2008 and 2009, respectively, and the expansion of the Friguia refinery could be completed in 2009. The reopening of the Sierra Mineral Holdings bauxite mine in 2006 and the restart of mining in the Kambia District in 2010 could increase Sierra Leone's bauxite production to 2.7 Mt in 2011. Copper. Africa's mine production of copper increased by 48% from 2000 to 2005. Zambia was the leading producer in Africa; the country's increasing production was attributable to higher output from the Mufulira and the Nkana Mines and the reopening of the Chambishi Mine. The production increase in Congo (Kinshasa) was mostly attributable to the opening of the Lonshi Mine and the Dikulushi Mine in 2001 and 2002, respectively. South Africa's output declined because of lower production from the Palabora Mine and the closure of the Maranda Mine in 2004. In 2005, Zambia accounted for 65% of African copper mine production; South Africa, 15%; and Congo (Kinshasa), 13%. Africa's share of world copper mine production was 5% in 2005 compared with 14% in 1990. Africa's refined copper production rose by 40% from 2000 to 2005; increased production from the Bwana Mkubwa and the Mufulira plants in Zambia more than offset lower South African output. In South Africa, production declined because of lower output from the Palabora refinery. In 2005, Zambia accounted for 77% of African refined copper production; South Africa, 19%; and Egypt, 3%. Congo (Kinshasa), which accounted for 37% of continental refined copper output in 1990, had ceased production by 2000. Egypt was the only producer of secondary refined copper; primary production accounted for most African production. In 2005, world refined copper consumption increased to 16.8 Metric tonnes from 16.7 t in 2004; African consumption of copper amounted to about 170,000 t in 2005. South Africa's consumption declined to 82,000 t in 2005 from 84,000 t in 2004. African copper mine production was expected to rise by an average of about 16% per year from 2005 to 2011. Congo (Kinshasa) could account for about one-half of the increase in output. Nikanor plc planned to open the Kananga and the Tilwezembe mines in 2006 and 2007, respectively, and to restart production at the Kamoto-Oliveira-Virgule (KOV) Mine in late 2009. Central African Mining and Exploration Company plc (CAMEC) was expected to open a new mine during the first quarter of 2008 and to reach full capacity in 2009. Tenke Mining planned to start the Tenke Fungurume project in late 2008. Anvil Mining Ltd. planned to increase production at Kulu in 2006 and to open the Mutoshi Mine in early 2007. Metorex Ltd. is likely to start the Ruashi Tailings project in mid-2006 and the Ruashi Mine in July 2008. Other new sources of production include the Kolwezi Tailings project in 2008 and the Etoile Mine in 2009. The Ruashi Tailings project and the Lonshi Mine were expected to be shut down in 2010. Output was likely to rise sharply in Zambia because of higher production from the Kansanshi mine in 2006 and the opening of the Chingola and the Lumwana mine in 2007 and 2009, respectively. Expansions are planned for the Mufulira, the Mufulira South, and the Nkana Mines in 2007. In Botswana, the Dukwe mine was expected to open in 2009 and to reach full capacity by 2011; production from the Phoenix Mine was likely to triple by 2011. Nevsun Resources Ltd. planned to start mining from a copper-rich zone at Bisha in Eritrea in 2010. In Mauritania, the Guelb Moghrein Mine started to produce refined copper in late 2006. South Africa's production could increase because of the expansion of the Limpopo PGM mine. The production of refined copper was expected to rise by an average of 17% per year from 2005 to 2011. Zambia's production is expected to increase because of higher output from the Mufulira refinery and the Bwana Mkubwa and the Kansanshi solvent extraction-electrowinning (SX-EW) plants in 2006 and the Konkola SX-EW plants by 2007. In Congo (Kinshasa), new SX-EW plants could open at the Kolwezi Tailings project and the Mutoshi Mine in early 2008, and at the KOV Mine in late 2009. CAMEC planned to start production at the Luita plant in 2008. Congo (Kinshasa), which did not produce refined copper in 2000, could account for more than 25% of Africa's refined copper output by 2011. Gold. Africa's gold mine production was 522,000 kilograms/1,148,400 pounds in 2005, which was a decrease of 14% compared with that of 2000. Production was considerably less than that of 1990 because of the long-term decline in South African production. From 1990 to 2005, Africa's share of world gold mine production decreased from 32% to about 21%. In South Africa, the decrease in production since 2000 was broad based, with output declining at the Great Noligwa Mine, the , the Kloof mine, the Mponeng, the Savuka Mine, and the TauTona Mines. The Ergo mine, the North West, and the St. Helena Mines have been closed. The decline in Ghana's production was partially attributable to lower output at the Bibiani Mine. Output also decreased in Zimbabwe. In Tanzania, production increased in recent years because of the opening of the Geita Mine in 2000; the Bulyanhulu Mine in 2001; the North Mara Gold Mine in 2002; the Buhemba Mine in 2003; and the Tulawaka Mine in 2005. The Bulyanhulu Mine, the North Mara Gold Mine, and the Tulawaka Mine are all owned or operated by Barrick Gold. Output increased since 2000 in Mali because of the opening of the Loulo, the Morila, and the Yatela Mines. The Mupane and the Samira Hill Gold Mines were opened in Botswana and Niger, respectively; these countries had only artisanal gold production before 2004. In 2005, South Africa accounted for 56% of African gold production; Ghana, 13%; Tanzania, 10%; and Mali, 8%. South Africa's share of continental gold production continued to decline from 89% in 1990 because of rising production costs associated with deeper underground operations and increased production in Ghana, Guinea, Mali, and Tanzania. Gold mine production in Africa is expected to increase by 17% from 2005 to 2009. The long-term decline in South Africa's production could be reversed because of the expected completion of the Moab Khotsong mine in 2006, the Dominion Mine in 2007, the Tshepong Decline project in 2008, the Phakisa Shaft in 2009, and the planned expansion of the Masimong Mine in 2010. By 2011, these projects could more than offset the shutdown of the Ergo and the North West Mines in 2005, the planned closure of the Crown Mine in 2009, and lower production from the Great Noligwa, the Kopanang, and the Tau Lekoa Mines. In Ghana, the outlook is for a substantial increase in output because of the expected opening of the Ahafo mine in the second half of 2006 and the Akyem Mine in 2008 and higher production from the Chirano Gold Mine and the Wassa Mines. Output is expected to decline at the Bibiani Mine. Tanzania's production was likely to rise to 60 tonnes by 2009 with the opening of the Buckreef Mine in 2007 and the Buzwagi Gold Mine in 2008 and the increased capacity at the North Mara Mine; these increases could more than offset the decreased production at the Geita Gold Mine. Production in Tanzania was expected to decline to 56 t by 2011 because of the planned closure of the Tulawaka Gold Mine in 2010. In Mali, the opening of the Tabakoto Mine in 2006 and the reopening of the Syama Mine in 2008 are likely to be offset by the shutdown of the Yatela Mine in 2007 and lower production at the Morila Gold Mine. Several African countries that had only artisanal gold production in 2005 are likely to open large-scale gold mines in the near future. By January 2008, production was expected to start at the Bonikro gold deposit in Côte d'Ivoire. In Mauritania, Rio Narcea Gold Mines Ltd. plans to start production at the Tasiast Gold Mine by mid-2007. The Youga and the Taparko Mines are expected to open in Burkina Faso by 2007 and 2009, respectively. Gold-rich zones in the Bisha Mine in Eritrea are planned to be mined from 2008 to 2010. In Congo (Kinshasa), the Kilo Moto Mine could open in 2009. Sudan's only large-scale gold mine is expected to shut down in 2010. Iron and steel. African production of crude steel increased by 27% from 2000 to 2005. The majority of the increase was attributable to Egypt. South Africa accounted for 54% of regional crude steel production; Egypt, 32%; Libya, 7%; and Algeria, 6%. Africa's share of world crude steel production amounted to 2% in 2005. South Africa produced about 7.1 t of hot-rolled steel products in 2005, and Libya, 1.67 t Other African producers of hot-rolled steel products included Algeria, Egypt, Morocco, and Tunisia. Africa accounted for 2% of the world's finished steel consumption. Africa consumed 18 t of finished steel products in 2005 compared with 17.5 t in 2004 and 15 t in 2000. Crude steel production was expected to rise by an average of about 5% per year from 2005 to 2011. Nigeria, which accounted for less than 1% of African crude steel output in 2005, could increase its share to 10% by 2011 with the opening of the Ajaokuta plant in 2006 and higher production at the Delta plant. In South Africa, the expansion of the Vanderbijlpark plant was scheduled to take place from 2006 to 2009. In Algeria, increased use of existing capacity was expected to raise national steel production to 2.5 t by 2011. Production could increase in Zimbabwe as Zimbabwe Iron and Steel Company restores its capacity; improvement in this company's situation depends upon the restoration of economic and political stability. African consumption of finished steel is expected to rise to 19 t by 2008. Iron ore. In 2005, the iron content of ore produced in Africa amounted to 34.8 tonnes compared with 32.1 tonnes in 2000. Higher production from the Sishen and the Thabazimbi Mines in South Africa more than offset lower output in Egypt and Mauritania. South Africa was the leading iron ore producer in Africa and accounted for 72% of continental output; Mauritania, 21%; and Egypt, 5%. The iron content of ore produced in Africa is expected to increase to almost 62 tonnes in 2011. In South Africa, the expansion of the Sishen Mine is likely to be completed in 2009; a further expansion of the mine could be completed by 2011. Production at the Bruce, the King, and the Mokaning Mines (BKM) could start in 2008; a proposed expansion of the mines could be completed in 2010. The opening of BKM would more than offset the expected decline in output from the Beeshok Mine after 2008. The F Faleme iron ore project in Senegal could start production in 2011. In Nigeria, mining is expected to restart at the Ajaybanko and the I Itakpe iron ore deposits in 2006 or 2007 and to reach full production by 2009. Output was also expected to increase in Algeria. Lead. From 2000 to 2005, African lead mine production decreased by nearly 39%. South Africa's production declined because of lower production at the Black Mountain Mine and the closure of the Pering Mine in 2003. The decrease in Morocco's output was attributable to the closure of the Touissit Mine in 2002 and technical problems experienced by Compagnie Minière de Guemassa. In Tunisia, the Bouhabeur and the Fej Lahdoum Mines were closed in 2004, and the Bougrine Mine, in 2005. In Namibia, output increased at the Rosh Pinah mine. In 2005, Morocco and South Africa accounted for 39% each of African lead mine production, and Namibia, 13%. Africa's share of the world's lead mine production was about 3% in 2005. African production of primary refined lead declined by 45% compared with that of 2000; the decrease may have been attributable to lower lead mine production in Morocco. Production also declined in Algeria. Morocco, which was the leading African producer of primary refined lead, accounted for 88% of continental output. From 2000 to 2005, Africa's production of secondary refined lead increased by 34%. South Africa accounted for 86% of African secondary refined lead output; Kenya, Morocco, and Nigeria accounted for the remainder. The share of primary lead in total refined lead production in Africa declined to 35% in 2005 from 64% in 1995 and 72% in 1990. In 2004, world refined lead consumption was about 7.08 t compared with 6.8 Mt in 2003. South African lead consumption increased to 80,700 t in 2004 from 78,700 t in 2003. The decline in African lead mine production is likely to continue, with output expected to decline by 22% from 2005 to 2011. Most of the decrease would be attributable to the closure of the Bougrine Mine in Tunisia in 2005 and the Rosh Pinah Mine in Namibia by 2010. Secondary refined lead production is expected to increase in South Africa in 2006. Nickel. African mine production of nickel increased by nearly 9% from 2000 to 2005. South Africa accounted for most of the increase in production; output also increased in Botswana and Zimbabwe. The majority of South Africa's nickel output was a coproduct of platinum metals group mining. Higher South African production was partially attributable to increased output from the Nkomati mine. In 2005, South Africa accounted for 47% of African nickel mine output; Botswana, 43%; and Zimbabwe, 9%. Minor tonnages of nickel were recovered as a byproduct of cobalt operations in Morocco. In 2004, South Africa's consumption of nickel increased to 25,000 tonnes from 24,000 tonnes in 2003. The stainless steel industry accounted for most of South Africa's nickel demand. Nickel mine production is likely to double from 2005 to 2011. The startup of the Ambatovy nickel and cobalt mine in 2009 in Madagascar is expected to account for the majority of the increase. Madagascar, which did not mine nickel in 2005, could have a 33% share of African nickel mine production by 2011. South Africa's output is expected to nearly double by 2011 because of increased capacity at the Nkomati nickel mine and the Limpopo and the Marikana PGM mines. In Zambia, Albidon Ltd. planned to start production from the Munali project in 2008. Production could increase at the Mimosa PGM mine in Zimbabwe. Botswana's production is likely to decline because of the closure of the Selebi-Phikwe mine in 2011 or 2012. Platinum-group metals. From 2000 to 2005, Africa's production of palladium and platinum increased by 55% and 47%, respectively. South African production increased because of higher output from the Bafokeng mine, the Impala mine, the Kroondal mine, the Marikana, and the Rustenburg Mines, and the opening of the Modikwa mine in 2002. Production increased in Zimbabwe because of higher output from the Mimosa mine and the opening of the Ngezi mine in 2001. South Africa, which was the continent's dominant producer of platinum group metals (PGM) in Africa, accounted for 97% and 96% of the production of platinum and palladium, respectively. African mine production of palladium is expected to increase by an average of between 4% and 5% per year from 2005 to 2011, and platinum, by between 3% and 4% per year. In South Africa, the increase is likely to be attributable to the opening of the Mototolo mine in late 2006 and the Two Rivers mine in 2007; the expansions of the Marula mine in 2007 and 2009, the Limpopo Mine in 2007 and 2010, the Rustenburg Mine in 2008, and the Nkomati mine by the end of 2009; and higher production from the Everest, the Kroondal, the Marikana, and the Modikwa Mines. Higher output in Zimbabwe is likely to result from the expansion of the Mimosa and the Ngezi Mines and the opening of the Unki mine in 2009. Zinc. From 2000 to 2005, Africa's mine production of zinc declined by about 17%. The decrease in Morocco's output was attributable to technical problems experienced by Compagnie Minère de Guemassa. In South Africa, the closure of the Pering mine in 2003 and the Maranda Mine in 2004 more than offset higher output from the Black Mountain Mine. In Tunisia, the Bouhabeur and the Fej Lahdoum Mines were closed in 2004, and the Bougrine Mine, in 2005. Algerian output declined because of the shutdown of El Abed and the Kherzet Youcef Mines. Namibia's production increased because of the opening of the Skorpion Zinc mine; production also restarted at Slag Treatment Plant Lubumbashi in Congo (Kinshasa). In 2005, Morocco accounted for 36% of African zinc mine production; Namibia, 32%; South Africa, 15%; and Tunisia, 7%. Africa's share of world zinc mine production was about 2% in 2005. African production of zinc metal increased by 85% compared with that of 2000. In Namibia, the Skorpion smelter was opened in 2003. Production declined in Algeria and South Africa. Namibia, which did not produce zinc metal before 2003, accounted for 48% of continental zinc metal production in 2005. South Africa's share declined to 40% in 2005 from 75% in 2000, and Algeria's share, to 12% from 25%. In 2005, world refined zinc consumption remained nearly unchanged at about 10.3 Mt. South African zinc consumption increased to 103,000 t in 2005 from 91,000 t in 2004. The decline in African zinc mine production was likely to continue, with output declining by 13% from 2005 to 2011. Most of the decrease would be attributable to the closure of the Bougrine Mine in Tunisia in 2005 and the Rosh Pinah mine in Namibia by 2010. In Congo (Kinshasa), the proposed reopening of the Kipushi Mine and the reprocessing of zinc and germanium tailings near Kolwezi could lead to further increases in production, but whether these projects will be implemented by the end of 2011 is uncertain. Higher production from the Skorpion smelter in Namibia could increase regional production of zinc metal by nearly 8% by 2007. This increase would more than offset the decreased output expected from the Zincor Mine in South Africa. Titanium. Although there have been many problems with titanium mining in Africa, it has not been halted by environmental problems due to the polluting nature of processing rutile, a principal titanium ore. There are now titanium mining mines open in a few countries in Africa ( Kenya, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, South Africa ). Industrial minerals. Diamond. In 2005, Africa's share of world diamond production, by volume, was 46%. African diamond production increased by nearly 51% in 2005 compared with that of 2000. The increase in output was broadly based, with production rising in Angola, Botswana, Congo (Kinshasa), Ghana, Guinea, Lesotho, Namibia, Sierra Leone, South Africa, and Zimbabwe. Production declined in the Central African Republic and Tanzania. Congo (Kinshasa) accounted for nearly one-half of the increase in production, by volume. Increased political stability and the Kimberley Process led to higher production by artisanal miners. Societé Minière de Bakwanga (MIBA) increased its output. In addition, and Midamines SPRL started mining operations in 2001 and 2005, respectively. In Botswana, production increased at the Jwaneng diamond mine, the Letlhakane diamond mine, and the Orapa diamond mine, and the Damtshaa diamond mine opened. In South Africa, production increased at the Finsch diamond mine, the Kimberley diamond mine, the Namaqualand, and the Venetia Diamond Mine. In Namibia, higher production was attributable to Namdeb Diamond Corporation (Pty) Ltd. The Murowa diamond mine commenced production in Zimbabwe in 2004. Botswana accounted for 35% of African diamond output by volume; Congo (Kinshasa), 34%; South Africa, 17%; and Angola, 8%. In 2005, the global value of rough diamond production amounted to $12.7 billion, of which Africa accounted for about 60%. Botswana accounted for 24% of the value of global rough diamond output; South Africa, 12%; Angola, 11%; Congo (Kinshasa), 8%; and Namibia, 5%. In November 2002, the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme was established to reduce the trade of conflict diamonds, particularly diamonds originating from Angola, Congo (Kinshasa), and Sierra Leone. The establishment of the Kimberley Process involved officials from more than 50 countries that produced, processed, and imported diamond as well as representatives from the European Union, the World Diamond Council, the African Diamond Council and nongovernmental organizations. As of 2005, the following African countries had met the minimum requirements of the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme: Angola, Botswana, Central African Republic, Congo (Kinshasa), Côte d'Ivoire, Guinea, Lesotho, Mauritius, Namibia, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, Togo, and Zimbabwe. Illicit diamond production controlled by the Kimberley Process focused on Côte d'Ivoire and Liberia in 2005. At the Kimberley Process plenary session held in Moscow in November, the Chair called for action to be taken to help provide technical assistance to countries neighboring Côte d'Ivoire to strengthen controls on diamond trade. The production of rough diamond is expected to increase by an average of nearly 3% per year from 2005 to 2011. In Angola, the Fucauma Diamond Mine, the Kamachia-Kamajiku, the Luarica diamond mine, and the Rio Lapi Garimpo Mines are expected to contribute to higher output. Production could rise in Congo (Kinshasa) because of the possible expansion of MIBA's facilities by 2010. European Diamonds plc started production in Lesotho in 2005; the company planned to reach full capacity in 2006. Zimbabwe's production could increase because of higher production from Murowa diamond mine. Output was expected to rise in Namibia and Tanzania because of expansions at mines operated by DeBeers Group. Phosphate rock. In 2005, the diphosphorous pentoxide (P2O5) content of African phosphate rock production amounted to about 14.6 Mt compared with 12.5 Mt in 2000. The majority of the increase in output was attributable to higher production by Office Cherifien des Phosphates in Morocco; Egypt's production also increased. Morocco, which was the leading producer of phosphate rock in Africa, accounted for 60% of continental phosphate rock output in 2004; Tunisia, 16%; and South Africa, 7%. The P2O5 content of African phosphate rock production is expected to remain nearly unchanged through 2011. In Morocco, Office Cherifien des Phosphates could complete an expansion by 2009. Production is expected to decline in Algeria and Tunisia. Mineral fuels. Coal. African coal production increased by 9% from 2000 to 2005; most of the increase was attributable to South Africa. The Goedgevonden mine, the Mafube, and the Isibonelo Mines opened in 2003, 2004, and 2005, respectively, and production increased at a number of other mines. Output also increased in Botswana, Egypt, Malawi, Niger, Swaziland, and Zambia and decreased in Morocco and Zimbabwe. South Africa, which was the dominant coal producer in Africa, accounted for 98% of regional coal output; Zimbabwe, 1%; and others, less than 1%. More than 99% of South Africa's coal production was bituminous coal. Africa accounted for about 5% of total world anthracite and bituminous coal production in 2005. Africa accounted for about 3% of world coal consumption in 2005. Within the region, South Africa accounted for 92% of African coal consumption. Nearly 71% of South Africa's coal production was consumed domestically. From 2000 to 2005, Africa's consumption of coal increased by about 12%. African coal production is expected to increase by an average of 3% per year from 2005 to 2011. South Africa is likely to be responsible for the majority of the increase; its production could increase to 276 Mt by 2011. Higher output would be attributable to the opening of the Kriel South Mine in 2005, the Forzando South Mine in 2006, the Mooikraal Mine in mid-2007, and the Inyanda Mine in 2008; and the expansions of the Goedgevonden and the Leeuwpan coal mine in 2006, the Syferfontein Mine in 2007, the Mafube Mine in 2008, and the Grootegeluk Mine in 2010. Mozambique is expected to become the second-ranked coal producer in Africa with the development of the Moatize Project in 2010. Botswana is likely to become the third-ranked producer because of the expansion of the Morupule Colliery in 2008 and the start of production at the Mmamabula project in 2011. In Zimbabwe, output could increase at Hwange Colliery by 2011 if economic and political stability are restored. Production is also expected to rise in Malawi, Nigeria, and Tanzania. Uranium. In 2005, African uranium mine production increased by 7% compared to 2000. Most of the increase was attributable to higher production at the Rossing uranium mine in Namibia; Niger's output also increased. South Africa's production declined because of lower gold mine output. Namibia accounted for 46% of African uranium production; Niger, 44%; and South Africa, less than 10%. In 1990, Niger's and South Africa's shares of continental production were 30% and 27%, respectively. Africa accounted for about 16% of the world's uranium production in 2005. South Africa was the only regional consumer of uranium in 2005. Africa accounted for less than 1% of the electricity generated worldwide by nuclear power. Continental uranium mine production is expected to rise by 10% per year from 2005 to 2011. Namibia's uranium production is likely to increase substantially with the opening of the Langer Heinrich mine in late 2006 and its planned expansion, which could be completed by 2010 or 2011. In South Africa, the Dominion mine is expected to open in 2007 and to produce more than 1,800 t/yr of uranium oxide (U3O8) in 2010. AngloGold Ashanti Ltd. plans to increase uranium production from its South African gold mines by 40% by 2009. Paladin Energy of Australia plans to produce about 1,500 t/yr of U3O8 from the Kayelekera Project in Malawi starting in the third quarter of 2008. Oil. In 2005, exported African oil was distributed as 35% to the EU, 32% to the US, 10% to China, and 1% of African gas goes to Asia. North African preferentially exporting its oil to western countries was EU 64%; US 18%; all others 18%.

territorial creation

12447-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=2359422

Clay Dyer (born May 23, 1978 in Hamilton, Alabama) is a professional sport bass fisherman. Dyer was born without any lower limbs, no arm on the left side and a partial arm on the right. His motto for life is "If I can, you can." Professional career. Dyer's physical limitations have not dampened his determination and positive spirit. He started fishing at age 5 and began tournament fishing at age 15. He refuses to use special equipment, wanting to cast with one hand as others do with two. He casts by tucking the rod under his jaw and whipping it around with a quick left-to-right twist. He reels fish in while holding the end of the rod under his chin. He ties knots with his tongue and unhooks fish with his teeth. Dyer fishes on the Bassmaster Open Series. He has fished in more than 200 bass tournaments and placed first in approximately 20 state bass tournaments. He is sponsored by O.R.C.A. coolers, Strike King Lure Co., Ranger Boats and Mercury Marine. Other activities. In addition to his competitive fishing, Dyer is also a motivational speaker for corporations, churches, and charitable organizations. Biography. Dyer's biography, "The View From Down Here is Just Fine", was written by Scot Laney. Dyer is also the subject of chapters in three other books: "Living Life in the Zone", "Performance Intelligence at Work", and "Dance Until it Rains". Clay currently fishing the Bassmaster Southern Open series. He makes 60+ speaking appearances each year. Clay is married to the love of his life, Kim, who ironically had the same love for Bass fishing as Clay. The two married on November 9, 2013. They are known as a powerful ministry team.

alive today

6754-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=34351601

Quebec (AG) v Lacombe, 2010 SCC 38, [2010] 2 SCR 453, is a decision of the Supreme Court of Canada on the nature of the ancillary powers that arise from the doctrine of pith and substance in Canadian constitutional law. The facts. Lac Gobeil Water Aerodrome has been conducting a business of air excursions on Lac Gobeil in the municipality of Sacré‑Coeur since 2005. It was licensed under the "Aeronautics Act" to conduct such a business, and registered its aerodrome pursuant to the "Canadian Aviation Regulations". Until 1995, the municipality's zoning by-law did not allow for water aerodromes or aeronautics in general to be conducted on Lac Gobeil. The by-law was amended to allow such activity for part of the lake, but not the part in which the aerodrome in question was operating. The municipality applied for an injunction ordering the company to cease its aviation activities on Lac Gobeil on the ground that operation of the aerodrome and the associated business in that zone violated the by‑law. The courts below. The Superior Court of Quebec found that the legislation at issue was a valid municipal zoning by‑law, with only incidental effects on the federal subject of aeronautics. The Quebec Court of Appeal set aside that decision, concluding that the by‑law, though valid, could not apply to the aerodrome because of the doctrine of interjurisdictional immunity. Judgment of the Supreme Court. The appeal was dismissed. The evidence revealed that the real object of the by‑law was not related to zoning and did not fall under any provincial head of power. Rather, its essence was to regulate the location of water aerodromes in the municipality, a matter within the exclusive federal jurisdiction over aeronautics. Since the by‑law was, in pith and substance, about the regulation of aeronautics, it fell outside provincial jurisdiction. The by‑law was not saved by the ancillary powers doctrine. Under that doctrine, a provision which is, in pith and substance, outside the competence of its enacting body will be saved where it is an important part of a broader legislative scheme that is within the competence of the enacting body. The amendment was passed to protect the use of Lac Gobeil and similar areas by vacationers. However, it did not confine its ban on aerodromes to vacation areas. Rather, it banned aerodromes throughout the municipality, which spans a variety of land uses. It did not function as zoning legislation, but rather, as a stand‑alone prohibition. It treated similar parcels differently, and different parcels the same, belying the first principle of zoning legislation. In any event, if the zoning by‑law did have the effect of prohibiting water aerodromes, it would be inapplicable to the extent it did so, under the doctrine of interjurisdictional immunity. A prohibition on aerodromes, even as part of a broad class of land uses, would result in an unacceptable narrowing of Parliament’s legislative options. This would have the effect of impairing the core of the federal power over aeronautics. Impact. This case, together with the concurrent case of "Quebec (Attorney General) v. Canadian Owners and Pilots Association", has further added to the Court's jurisprudence on Canadian federalism in a significant manner. There has been discussion as to the consistency of these rulings in comparison to previous jurisprudence.

administrative commander

290-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=10703299

Maximum Ride. Maximum "Max" Ride is the leader of the 'flock'. In the first book, she is 14 but turns 15 in Fang. She has sun-streaked blond hair and chocolate brown eyes. She is 5'8", a little over 100lbs with a wingspan of 13 feet. Her wings are tan with brown spots, and her primary feathers are streaked black and white. She strives to make the flock happy, and when they face challenges, she feels as if she has to protect them. They are all often viewed as her children, though Max sometimes forgets that she is not much older than the rest of them. She, like the other members in the flock, is 98% human and 2% avian (bird), giving her wings, lighter bones, stronger muscles, and faster healing time. In "" Max talks with Fang in a hotel after talking to him about Nudge wanting to cut her wings off, she holds her fear and stays. Later the Flock meets Dylan who, according to Dr. Gunther-Hagen, is Max's "perfect other half". Max begins to feel an attraction for Dylan. In "Angel", she and Dylan grow closer, confusing her feelings about Fang, who begins to grow closer with Maya, who is Max's clone. Max is one of the two members of the Flock who found her parents; Iggy is the other. Yet she is the only one to love her parents, Iggy leaving his after only a week or so because he thought they were using him. She was stunned when she learned that Jeb Batchelder (a "white coat" who helped them escape from the school and then raised them) is her father. Dr. Valencia Martinez is her biological mother. Max trusts Dr. Martinez completely, but remains wary of Jeb. She is also close to her half-sister, Dr. Martinez' daughter Ella. Max dislikes and feels pity for Ari (Jeb's son), with whom she is constantly fighting until he joins her "mini-flock" that was created in Saving the World and Other Extreme Sports for a short time after rescuing them from the School. A short while after Ari is rescued from the School, he expires ("white coat" word for died). After Ari's "death" the two mini-flocks created by Max and Fang come back together. It is then that Jeb is revealed as Max's father, making Ari her half-brother; however, she'd already considered him as her "brother-in-law" while trapped in the dungeon with man-eating monsters. Max has a Voice in her head, which gives her cryptic messages that she sometimes disregards. She initially feared that it was an enemy inside her, or someone from the School tracking the Flock. At one point Max believes the Voice to be Jeb Batchelder's; she is later disappointed when he assures her he is not the voice, but he can be. In "Nevermore", it is revealed that Angel is Max's voice, and doesn't believe it. In "Angel", Max lets Dylan replace Fang. She was angry that Fang replaced her with her clone, and she figured out the clone's name was Maya. Also, Fang created a new "flock" with all kinds of new talents. This deeply pains Max. There is also the doomsday group. They put a strange spell-like hypnosis on people so they act like zombies and believe in nothing but the "One Light". So, Max's flock and Fang's gang are forced to work together. Max and Fang fight almost nonstop, so this plan was not a success. In the end, Angel goes missing after a huge explosion, which pains Max a great deal. Nonetheless, Max and Fang end up kissing each other passionately at the end of Nevermore. Throughout a few of the books before this one, Max and Angel were somewhat at odds; after Angel goes missing and then is found in "Nevermore", she and Max's relationship is stronger and better. Max also has the ability to fly extremely fast, her top speed at roughly 240–250 miles per hour (verified by the Director through a microchip in her arm), or over 350 miles per hour in a fast dive. Unlike any other member of the Flock except for Fang - this may be because in "", Max donated her blood to Fang; afterwards, he says he is experiencing the same heat waves that Max suffered from before she gained her supersonic flight abilities. In "MAX", it turns out she also has gills like Angel. Her bird DNA is from a hawk, as confirmed in the excerpt from "Nevermore", found in the Deluxe paperback of "ANGEL". Fang. Fang is a 14-year-old avian-human hybrid (turns 15 in ""), and second-in-command of the Flock. He is tall, with olive skin, dark eyes, and black hair. Fang has black feathers and a wingspan of about 14 feet. He is generally quiet, rarely showing his emotions (the "strong and silent type") Fang has the ability to seemingly "disappear" by blending in with dark backgrounds (camouflage) or just in a regular area (invisibility) as long as he stays quiet and makes no sudden movements. His good-looking features and past relationship with Max help her fall in love with him. (This happens in "Max") Dr. Hans Gunther Hagen has his sights set on Fang because Fang's DNA holds the key to immortality, thus the Dr. sends Dylan to kill him in "Nevermore". After Fang ends up in a hospital from a loss of blood during a fight with Ari, he is injected with Max's blood. This gives him super-speed like Max, but not as fast. Fang is a very strong character too. He is less strict on the kids than Max is. Fang has romantic feelings for Max, as shown when they a couple of times, which makes Max confused. Max keeps pushing Fang away but he never gives up on her. Finally, Max doesn't run away from Fang when they make-out in the desert, and they become an item. She kisses Fang before she goes underwater to save Dr. Martinez, expressing her love for him. He was taken by the School as a baby shortly after he was born. Fang eventually learns that his mother was a teenager when he was born and that she had been told he had died prior to being taken. In "", Fang was furious when Max rescued Ari from the School and invited him to join them. As a result, the Flock split, with Fang, Iggy, and Gazzy traveling to the West Coast of the United States and Max, Nudge, Angel, Total, and Ari going to Europe. Later, at the end of the book, the Flock regrouped. "Angel" correctly predicts that Fang will be the first to die in ', but Max revives him by injecting his heart with adrenaline. He leaves in the second epilogue because he thinks he is endangering the Flock by distracting Max from her role as the leader. He lets her know numerous times in a letter that he loves her more than anything, and leaves Max a promise ring. He says to her that if they are both still alive in 20 years and the world was still in one piece, he will meet her at the top of the cliff where they met the hawks in '. In "" Fang "tries" to defeat the Doomsday Group with the help of some Gen 77 kids and a clone of Max named Maya. When Maya first arrives, he thinks this is a bad idea, making it even harder to be apart from Max, but he soon starts to notice differences and recognizes Maya as a unique individual. He also mentions several times that he has felt attracted to her. "He had to force himself to keep his breathing regular" and "had to force himself not to kiss her", though it's never clear that he has these thoughts because he truly likes Maya, or she just reminds him of Max. Meanwhile, he is jealous of Dylan, who loves Max. He almost accepts him toward the end, saying that "he is trying to be a team player." In Maximum Ride Forever, Fang leaves when the flock decided to split up. He travels to North America, trying to find a girl who posted something on his blog. Fang soon has to fight erasers and comes across Dylan. Dylan tries to save him, but blacks out. Fang then has to fight off a few erasers. They tear off his left wing before being killed. In the end, Dylan brings Fang back to life by killing himself. We also learn that Max and Fang slept with each other, leading to Max's pregnancy. Iggy. Iggy is a 14-year-old avian-human hybrid (turns 15 in '). He is blind but has adjusted well. Like all the others [except for Max, Fang, and Angel] he has not developed gills, and thus cannot breathe underwater. In ', Iggy is described as six feet tall and skinny. He has really pale skin, strawberry-blonde hair, and light blue eyes. His wings span over fourteen feet and are the same color as his hair, sometimes being considered as white when Angel once compares him to an albatross. He is sarcastic by nature. Iggy is blind because the Whitecoats at the School experimented on his eyes. He can distinguish the Flock members by their voice and foot steps. He is described as being a good cook. He loves explosives and is a skilled bomb-maker, usually working with the Gasman to destroy a target. In "", he and Gazzy build a bomb they call "Big Boy" to protect their home and get rid of the Erasers. He is described as being very smart. In ' Iggy learns about his past; his real name is James Griffiths and he was kidnapped by the School when he was four months old. He finds his parents and decides to leave the Flock; However, he soon returns after he learns that his parents were only interested in making money off his story. In ', he leaves the Flock and joins Fang and Gazzy's "mini flock". When the Flock members reunite, they go to Dr. Martinez. In ', Iggy is brainwashed by the Doomsday Group. Max, Dylan, and Angel snap him out of it by forcing him under cold water. In ', Iggy and Ella kiss. In "" Iggy learns that Ella is dead. He travels with Gazzy to America and finds survivors there, but then Dylan tracks them down and seemingly kills them both. It is later revealed that he is alive and helps take down the Remedy. Nudge. Nudge is an 11-year-old avian-human hybrid ( turns 12 in ). She is fairly tall with curly brown hair, mocha colored skin, and dark-brown eyes. She is African American, as Max describes. Nudge is a "motormouth" which Max says repeatedly, the flock calls her the Nudge channel because when she's awake it's all Nudge all the time. Nudge's wings are a tawny brown, sometimes described as cream in coloration. She doesn't like rats. Her real name is Monique; Tiffany-Krystal is her alternate name (she likes it better than her real name), and her code is N88034gnh. Nudge can sense old emotions, attract metal to her hand, and hack into almost any computer system. Sensing old emotions has its disadvantages; she feels great distress when touching something which has seen great sadness, as she did at the Vietnam Memorial. Of all the Flock, Nudge is the one most determined to find her biological parents and exhibits a strong desire to be normal, up to the point where she even wishes to get rid of her wings (which never happens). She is feminine, loves fashion, and is concerned with her appearance. Nudge is the most agreeable character, usually allied with Max. In ", s"he uncharacteristically stays behind at The Day and Night School while the rest of the Flock leaves. She soon finds she misses them and returns. The Gasman (Gazzy). The Gasman is a 8-year-old avian-human hybrid ( turns 9 in ) who really likes to fart. He does not get trapped in Maximum Ride 4 but sadly Fang, Max, Angel, Total and Akila do. Gazzy is a kid. His wings resemble a barn owl's in color, and his wingspan is . He earned his name because he frequently passes gas. Gazzy is Angel's older brother; they are the only members of the Flock who are blood relatives and share the same blue eyes and blond hair (Gazzy has a cowlick). When Angel told him that their parents had sold them to the School for $10,000 each he was horrified, complaining for hours that they were "sick jerks". Gazzy has a fear of spiders. His code at the School was F28246Jeff and while the Flock attends school in Virginia, he is known as Zephyr. Gazzy is skilled in mimicry and ventriloquism. He can pass gas at will, giving off a mushroom cloud of green gas. He, along with Iggy, is skilled at making bombs and has a lot of knowledge about them, as Max states, "You could lock the Gasman in a padded cell with some dental floss and a bowl of Jell-O, and he'd find a way to make something explode." For example, when he and Iggy had to escape from their original house in they created a bomb to distract and, hopefully, rid themselves of the Erasers for the time being. In he and Iggy turned the "dumb-bots" into "popcorn" at the Flock's safe house by shooting a lightning rod at a crowd of them. They dub this the "Gaz-Ig-Nart" technique, using it once more against a nuclear submarine when Dumb-bots attacked it. Gazzy also knows a lot of information about guns, which is briefly shown in when he and the rest of the flock are training at the Navy Base in Hawaii. In "", Gazzy is traumatized after nearly allowing Jeb to die after a plane crash. Afterwards, he and Angel join the Doomsday Group as spies for the Flock. At the end of the book, Gazzy has seven minutes to disarm an arsenal of bombs and poison gas in Paris and is mostly successful. Angel. Angel is the youngest of the flock, a 6-year-old avian-human hybrid ( has a birthday, her seventh, with the rest of the Flock in , but said that she turned seven in ). She has curly blonde hair, blue eyes, and white wings that make her look angelic. According to Max, Angel "hit the genetic jackpot", developing a variety of powers throughout the series. She is telepathic and can influence most people to do her will. Angel can breathe underwater, talk to animals, send animals mental messages, and change her appearance at will, although this power is mentioned only once or twice throughout the series. Angel is also a prophet, she foresees Fang's "death" and the end of the world. Angel owns a small black Scottish Terrier named Total, whom she stole from the Institute for Higher Living, and a small stuffed bear dressed as an angel named Celeste. Although she is somewhat claustrophobic unlike the rest of the Flock, she also likes small cozy spaces. Max describes Angel's bed in their original house as "like a nest—full of stuffed animals, books, most of her clothes". She wants to replace Max and is more likely to disobey her than the others. Angel disappeared after the explosion in ; Max and the others mistakenly assume she is dead. In Nevermore, she was being held captive by the School. She was eventually rescued by the rest of the flock. In Forever, she ends up leading the mutant army to destroy the Remedy. Angel also is Max's favorite. Angel is around 12 in the last book of the series. Total. Total is a black Scottie, who joined the Flock after their visit to the Institute of Higher Living. They found him there on a little table and Angel wanted to keep him, so the flock adopted him. He has the ability to leap great heights of up to fifteen feet or more and he can talk in English and French, and he could probably talk in more languages if he learned them. Total seems to know more about recent history than the Flock does; he can identify Brad Pitt in Madame Tussauds, and opines that there were two shooters in the JFK assassination. He is refined, expressing disgust when Max refuses to stop and enjoy the sights of Paris. Total is devoted to Angel at first, gravitating towards Max as the series progresses. Angel never leaves Total behind; in the second book, the Flock returned to Anne's house for Total, although it was swarming with Erasers. In the fourth book, Total falls in love with a white Malamute named Akila, who nearly dies in a hurricane. When he discovers she survived he licks her face, which she enjoys. However, Akila is a normal dog; she cannot understand Total when he speaks to her in English or French. Max talks to Total about this; Total says he can talk to Akila in his "native language" (dog language). Total and Akila marry at the end of '. He reappears as a minor character in ', staying with Dr. Martinez and Ella while Akila visits her family after their honeymoon. His small black wings, developed in ", have grown to their full size, and he can fly without difficulty. Phoenix. Phoenix, nicknamed Fifi and Ninja Nix, is the child of Max and Fang born at the end of Maximum Ride Forever. She is also almost 5 years old. Like her parents, she is a human-avian hybrid with wings. She is seen to be agile and smart, although exactly what abilities she inherited from her parents are currently unknown. Phoenix has brown eyes like Max and raven black hair and wings like Fang. Max says that although her name is Phoenix, she plans on giving her the ability to choose her own name like she did. She is only briefly spoken of in the last book of the series as she begins her first flying lessons with her family. In Hawk Phoenix is 17. She is all alone and she doesn’t know she is and has forgotten who her parents were. Characters from the School. Dr. Jeb Batchelder. He is the mentor and teacher of the Flock, after helping the Flock escape, he leaves, supposedly dead. When Angel is captured, the Flock sees him again, but as a whitecoat. Throughout the next few books, he is seen as one of the enemy whitecoats; at the end ", it becomes clear that Jeb is working as a sort of double agent for the Flock, though Max and her gang still see him as untrustworthy. He is the father of Ari, who was turned into an Eraser when his father took the Flock from the School. Relations between the two become strained after this episode. However, Jeb still demonstrates that although he may not be the best of fathers, he still loves his son. Also at the end of the third book, it is revealed that Jeb is Max's father: this explains how after Max killed Ari in the first book, Jeb called out, "You killed your own brother!" He and Dr. Martinez, Max's mom, did not have a personal relationship - they made Max through IVF; he is not Ella's father. He and Max both had dirty blond hair (as well as Ari), but Jeb, unlike Max, has blue eyes. Ari Batchelder. Jeb’s son, who was force-growed into an Eraser. The School made him hunt the Flock against his own will. He is the most wolf-like of the Erasers—always in a partially morphed state, he was once mistaken for Wolverine by a young boy at Disney World. Ari is illiterate; he, like Max, hears a Voice in his head too. As the son of Jeb Batchelder, he is Max's half-brother. When he was three years old his father disappeared with the Flock, leaving Ari in the care of the School's genetic scientists. They experimented with Ari, incorporating his original DNA with wolf DNA and transforming him into an Eraser; the change causes him burning pain. His features before the transformation were dirty blond hair and blue eyes. Despite his desire for Max's death (a desire that he was given when transformed into an Eraser), Ari admires her. He is willing to do anything to kill the entire group, especially Fang. During the fight in "", Max kills Ari by breaking his neck. The School saves him by realigning his spine and grafts a pair of wings onto his back. Ari also appears in "School’s Out Forever" when he plans to kidnap Max in order to win her approval and attention. Ari's greatest desire is to have Jeb be proud of him; he is jealous of how his father dotes on Max. He expresses a desire to choke his father, and Jeb realizes he ought to pay more attention to him. He doesn't talk much, "as if he didn't think he had a right to an opinion." Ari tries to support Max during her tests against Omega and later, when a mutant riot breaks out, uses his strength to "toss smaller mutants into the mosh pit of death". In the middle of the fight, he suddenly dies. Jeb and the Flock attend Ari's makeshift funeral, each tossing dirt onto the casket; most say a few words. Max, Nudge, Total and Angel break down and cry. In the fifth book the Flock's new enemy, Mr. Chu, creates an Ari lookalike robot in an attempt to frighten Max; it is destroyed in Iggy and Gazzy's explosion. In Nevermore, a clone of Ari that Jeb creates because he felt he could try to go back and correct his mistakes with Ari, brutally beats up Maya and she dies while in Fang's arms. Ari had dirty blonde hair and blue eyes. He originally had a round face and glasses as a normal boy, but as an Eraser he had pointy ears and messed up, much longer hair. Maya (formerly Max II). At the beginning of the series, Max II is an evil clone of the original Max who attempts to destroy the Flock by killing her predecessor. In "School's Out Forever", Max is kidnapped and replaced by Max II; however, she is exposed by announcing she was going to cook (despite the fact that Max doesn't like to cook or can't cook), by her ignorance of the Flock, and by Angel's mind-reading (Angel very conveniently forgot that she could read minds until both Maxes were in the same room). She had been spying on the Flock (aided by Ari) because they annoyed her. At the end of "School's Out Forever", Max II fights what is supposed to be a death match with the original Max, who spares her because she regards her clone as another person. Max II seems convinced that the original Max is self-confident, but speaks with empathy when observing her. In ', the Flock finds her at the headquarters of Itex in Germany with other mutants preparing for termination. She warns the original Max about how fast Itex is killing the mutants and says that they have a day before they too are terminated. There are also clones of Nudge and Angel, but they are never mentioned again. She returns in ' where she has changed her name to Maya, gained a tolerance for teenage antics and a romantic interest in Fang, taken a pixie cut, added a magenta streak to her hair, and joined Fang's new group. Fang, at first, has some problems with Maya due to her resemblance to Max; he has to force himself not to kiss her. Throughout the book, she tries to establish that despite being Max's clone, she has her own personality and feelings. Fang eventually appreciates this. In "Nevermore", Maya falls while fighting Clone Ari; Fang catches her, but Ari suddenly elbows her in the rib cage, killing her in Fang's arms. As she dies, she tells Fang that she loves him. Fang simply responds with, "I know," not reciprocating her love due to his true feelings of loving Max. Anne Walker. Anne pretends to be (and maybe is) an FBI agent, whom the Flock meets shortly after an attack which forces Fang to be taken to a hospital for treatment. She offers the Flock (who are disguised as children of missionaries) protection in exchange for a chance to study them in "non-painful, noninvasive" ways. Anne brings them to her country château and treats them with parental kindness and generosity. Anne also enrolls the Flock in a school without their knowledge. When Iggy and Gazzy set off bombs in their new home she gives them hot chocolate and cookies, annoying Max. Living alone, she is unaccustomed to domesticity and struggles to cook and make her new guests comfortable. Her greatest success was the Flock's first Thanksgiving meal and she offers to adopt them—unsettling Max, who is jealous of Anne's position with the Flock. Soon after Thanksgiving Max is cornered by the school's manner and several whitecoats, which convinces her it is time to leave. The Flock escapes from the school, returning to the house to get Total. Erasers arrive at Anne's house; she does not resist their search. After retrieving Total, Max flies down to talk to Jeb, Ari, and Anne; Jeb reveals that Anne is his boss. Heartbroken, the Flock leaves quickly. In "", the Flock is captured and taken back to the School. According to Max, Anne acts "in an un-adoptive Mom way" and tries to convince the Flock that they had dreamed their adventure away from the School. When the Flock is caged in preparation for termination, she tells them "You know what's really sad? ... We gave you every chance"; this leads Max to angrily point out that they only gave them "some" chances—giving them every chance would include letting them out of the cage. Dr. Roland ter Borcht. Roland ter Borcht is a brilliant, controversial German geneticist who was notorious for sinister experiments he performed on humans. He is one of the leading scientists at Itex, although he appears to also play an important role at the School. Ter Borcht is first mentioned in "", when Max finds his name in some documents she stole from Itex and then finds out more about him through an online search engine. Later when the Flock breaks into an Itex plant for information, they see that Nudge's parents supposedly signed a document allowing ter Borcht to "treat" their baby. However, the signature on the document is in Jeb Batchelder's handwriting. Ter Borcht meets the Flock in person in "". He tries to examine the Flock when they are recaptured and brought back to the School in an attempt to see if they are worth sparing. Instead, the Flock becomes angry at the way he treats them; they are rude and refuse to cooperate. Later ter Borcht gasses them and moves them into a cage to be executed since he said that they have no reason why they should be spared. Angel (spying for the Flock) knocks him unconscious. Max, Nudge, Angel, Ari and Total encounter him again in Europe when he tries to force them to answer questions posed by Chinese scientists interested in buying the Flock as weapons. Ter Borcht is firmly against allowing the Flock to live. He is described as having an Arnold Schwarzeneggeresque accent and is fat, in stark contrast with the Flock (who are skeletal avian-human recombinants). Dr. Marian Janssen (the Director). The Director pulls the strings for the School and Itex and claims to be one of the few successful Itex species combinations. She plans the Re-Evolution and By-Half Plans. The Director claims to be a hybrid human—Galápagos tortoise, 107 years old. She is the reason Max had a chip implanted in her arm. The chip recorded Max's flight speed and height, giving the Director information to relay to the Chinese scientists. Max, Nudge, Angel, Total and Ari meet the Director in the Itex headquarters in Europe when they are caught by the Flyboys and brought to her. When she first appears, Max is surprised that she is a female. The Director further shocks the mini-Flock by announcing that she is Max's mother. Because they look and act similarly this is assumed to be true, to Max's horror. However, the Director has no problem with submitting Max to horrible "tests". She also urges Max to work for the Chinese as a weapon, saying it is her only chance to survive. Jeb wonders why Max hates the Director since she can give Max power. He tells Max that she passed the test of being incorruptible by way of power and that the Director is not really her mother; she only supervised Max's development as an embryo. Shortly after learning this, Max is summoned to a gathering by the Director; she is instructed to submit to three tests and a battle to the death against Itex's best creation, a boy named Omega. Although Max wins the first test (a race), the Director disqualifies her because Max flew; it was "a race on the ground". She fails the other test, and the Director ignores her protests that the tests are a waste of time and have nothing to do with being able to survive. Shortly before the fight Angel causes a mutant riot with her mind, and the Director orders the Flyboys to break up the fighting. After the riot is over and the Flyboys destroyed, Max and Nudge capture the Director and fly away; they demand to know who Max's real mother is. After the Director answers their questions Max drops her, intending to let her die in the fall. Jeb (as the Voice) convinces them to catch her instead. Omega. The Director considers Omega Itex's most-successful experiment. He looks human but is superhuman in his speed, strength, sight, intelligence, obedience and flawless immune system. His only known weakness is slow sight reactions and tracking (despite the Director's claim that he is perfect). Omega's only appearance is in "". He is introduced by the Director (at the story's end) to a group of scientists as the new "perfect human", who could survive if they blew up the world. She forces Max to compete with Omega in several challenges to demonstrate Omega's superior skills. At first, Max defeats him in battle, saying to him,"You should change your name to Theta. Or Epsilon." Max wins the first challenge (a race), but he is declared the winner (the Director insists that Max cheated by flying). He defeats Max in contests of strength and intelligence. The Director instructs them to fight to the death; Angel incites a riot, which the Flyboys attempt to quell. During the riot, Omega finds Max and insists that they must still fight. Max points out that he can choose to not fight; he looks confused, saying "I don't know how to...not." He nearly defeats her, but she uses her knowledge of his inferior sight tracking to overcome him. Max refuses to kill him, although she knows that Omega would kill "her" if he could. Erasers. Erasers are human-lupine mutants, trained to return the Flock to Itex. Designed as guards and killers, they are trained to be ruthless in addition to their bloodthirsty nature. The Erasers appear as supermodel-like humans, but they assume a wolf-like appearance for killing. They are considered useful, but generally unsuccessful. Erasers have a short lifespan, usually living for only a few years, so the scientists designed them to reach maturity in about four years. Erasers have increased muscle density in both human and lupine form; they usually weigh over . The Eraser version 6.5 has wings. The graft does not work as well as the Flock's, so their flying is awkward and painful. Ari is changed into an Eraser in the first book, so the whitecoats could see what would happen if lupine DNA was not grafted in infancy. In the second book Ari receives wings, which makes him envy the Flock; his wings are clumsier and do not fold as neatly as theirs do. The Erasers were killed by the white coats at the beginning of the third book because they were unsuccessful; although replaced by the Flyboys, they reappear in ". Also, in Nevermore, Fang's gang is shown to be fighting them. Gozen. Gozen is a malevolent cyborg who serves the Über-Director by leading the Director's personal army. He has great strength but is clumsy and stupid. Gozen appears in " to capture the Flock like the Erasers; he was merely programmed as an unsympathetic military commander who would execute orders without question and remain absolutely loyal to the Über-Director. Gozen captures the Flock; during their transport, he breaks Angel's arm to frighten them. After he brings the Flock to the Director he watches the auction, during which a hurricane tears through the building. Gozen and the Über-Director escape; when he begs Max for help she kicks his arm, forcing him to release his grip on the Über-Director. The Über-Director. The Über-Director heads an unnamed company, possibly Itexicon (as his name implies he is the replacement for the Director.) He is composed of organs in glass cases connected by metal limbs (making him half-machine and half-human) and uses a wheelchair. It is implied that the Über-Director is one of the experiments Max saw when Ari gave her a tour of the school's experiments. Max calls him "the ÜD" to annoy him. In "", he captures the Flock and auctions them. During the auction, a hurricane tears through the building, and the Über-Director is killed. He is the only person Max has ever killed; she justifies it with the claim that "(Über-Director) was a machine, someone's consciousness hooked up to a biomechanical body", and rarely dwells on it. Dumb-bots. The "Dumb-bots," as the Flock refers to them, are humanoid robots (serving the Über-Director) who became flawed during their development. They shoot laser beams from their eyes and are addicted to rewarding shocks from the Über-Director. Flyboys. Flyboys are the Erasers' robotic replacements; some have guns attached to their hands. Flyboys are strong, fast and nimble both in the air and on the ground. They do not adapt well to change and are slow-witted. Fang, Iggy, and Gazzy fight off the Flyboys in the third book at an abandoned airplane hangar after the Flock splits up. They are nearly shot, but Fang returns fire with a gun stolen from a Flyboy. They cause the Flyboys to fly into the Hollywood Sign; later they lure them into the water, shorting them out. Allies. Ella Martinez. Ella is the 12-year-old (possibly 13 by the final book) daughter of Dr. Martinez. Ella has a crush on Iggy, which makes Max uncomfortable because she "feels like a mom to Iggy". Max first meets Ella in ', when she stopped a group of bullies (who beat up Ella’s boyfriend) from beating Ella up. While defending her, Max is shot by the boys. She asks Ella for help and spends two days recuperating at Ella's house. Ella appears twice in ': once when Max asks to see Dr. Martinez (Ella comes with her) and again at the end of the story. She appears once in "" when she attends a ribbon-cutting at the new school intended for the Flock. She has blond hair and hazel eyes. In ', Ella is hysterical when her mother is kidnapped; they are both in tears when they are reunited. In ', Ella is brainwashed by the Doomsday Group and programmed to "save the planet, kill the humans". Max and the Flock free her by soaking her in a desert hot spring, while Angel repairs her memory. When she discovers her mother and Jeb are missing, she wants to go with the Flock to find them; she expresses a wish to stay with them and Max sadly tells her she cannot because they will be flying. Ella leaves, writing in the sand "I was meant to have wings." At the end of , Ella kisses Iggy, which may have kindled a relationship between them. She is killed in the final book, Forever, by the flood. Dr. Valencia Martinez. Dr. Martinez is a veterinarian, the mother of Ella and (as is later revealed to the readers) Max as well. In ' she meets Max, treating her bullet wound. Dr. Martinez bakes cookies and cares for her; she also reveals Max's chip. She removes Max's chip in ' and is horrified when she learns Max has temporarily lost the use of her hand; however, she regains its use after her kidnapping by the white coats. Max's mother is at the first meeting with the Flock and the government, and she introduces the Flock to Dr. Brigid Dwyer in '. The last time she is seen is at the ribbon-cutting for the new school intended for the Flock. She has dirty blond hair and brown eyes. In ', Dr. Martinez is kidnapped by Mr. Chu and his M-Geeks. They torture her, trying to force her to denounce her environmentalism and fearing that their illegal dumping of radioactive material will be uncovered. Dr. Martinez refuses to denounce the CSM; she is starved, electrocuted, and nearly killed by Mr. Chu's second-in-command when she is rescued by Max and Angel. She is last seen convalescing in a United States Navy infirmary. Nudge asks Dr. Martinez to care for Max in '. She allows Jeb and Dr. Hans into her home and agrees with most of their ideas, except for "breeding" Max. Dr. Martinez agrees to visit Gen-77 and is in the plane which explodes. Max catches her, and she treats the Flock's injuries; Total sees her leaving the house with Jeb. She is killed by the flood in Forever. Akila. Akila is a malamute with whom Total falls in love in '. She is with the Flock when they are taken by Gozen to the Über-Director's auction when the hurricane kills the Über-Director. In ', Total muses about leaving the Flock to marry Akila. In the first epilogue of "," she and Total are married, with the Flock in attendance. She later dies in Forever. Celeste. Celeste is Angel's teddy bear, an angel bear with a halo. Angel uses post-hypnotic suggestion to encourage a woman to buy it for her in '. She nearly loses it in New York when they are surrounded by scientists disguised as police officers. Ari took Celeste, using it to lure Angel into a trap, but she uses her mind power to make him drop Celeste and gets her bear back. She carries Celeste tucked either under her shirt or in the waistband of her pants. Angel does her best to take good care of Celeste but, due to the nature of their missions, she usually ends up looking like a mess. By ', Angel no longer carries Celeste. Harry. Harry is a bird-kid that Max meets in "Maximum Ride Forever". He is described to be more bird than human, being completely covered by feathers (except his head), and able to fly perfectly and effortlessly. He can not talk, and when Max asks him, "Who are you?" he repeats, "Huryu"! When Max introduces herself as Maximum Ride, he introduces himself as Huryu, which Max changes to Harry. He becomes part of the flock and calls Max "Max Mum". Other characters. Mike. Mike is the boy with the laptop, featured three times all in very different places. He is a genius who is Schizophrenic, and went to MIT, but got kicked out for not taking his medicine. In the end, he gives up with the computer, and he becomes part of the doomsday group and the leave him to die in the desert. Dylan. Dylan is an avian-human hybrid who is introduced to the Flock in "". He claims to have been raised in a lab in Canada, and to be eight months old. Dylan is tall and bulkier than Fang (which makes Max think he has regular access to food); he is tan, with longish blond sun-streaked hair, blue eyes and white with a tint of black and brown wings. Dylan was cloned from another Dylan, who "died in a car wreck" eight months before the present Dylan's introduction to the Flock. He has keen sight, and hints that he can "see things happening far away, can see people across oceans – maybe even across time". Dylan can also heal minor wounds with his saliva. Max's Voice told her that Dylan was "designed for her", describing him as her "perfect another half"; for his part, he acts as if this were true. Dylan's wings resemble Max's, but she notes that while her wings have been designed for speed, his are designed for strength. Dylan claims that while he has only been alive for eight months, he is a fighting machine. He tries to convince Fang that he is endangering Max and the others, since Dylan was obviously designed to protect and love Max. After many failures to gain Max's attention, he attempts suicide at the end of "Fang" but fails. In "", Max and Dylan's relationship begins to warm. At first, Max feels uncomfortable, but as more affection is shared she feels as though it is "right" and "beautiful". When Fang's group and Max's Flock unite against the Doomsday Group, Fang begins to be jealous of Dylan. His jealousy pleases Dylan and he continues to try to make Fang jealous so that he can have Max to himself so while Fang is gone he builds a tree house and tells Max it's a gift. Max and Dylan are having a date in a tree house that Dylan built. Their candlelit dinner is interrupted by Nudge, Iggy and Gazzy spying on them. Their Voices have told them to record everything so they have a video camera which they filmed Max and Dylan's kiss with. Max is angry so she kicks the table causing the candle to fall over. This sets fire to the tree and the tree house. Once the Flock gets to safety she apologizes to Dylan saying that the treehouse was the most beautiful thing that she had ever seen. Dylan tells her that she's the most beautiful thing he has ever seen. In Maximum Ride Forever, Dylan pretends to work with his father as he attempts to kill off the flock. But unfortunately, he blacked out when trying to save Fang from an eraser attack. Fang dies. But at the end of the book, Dylan makes a scheme to bring Fang back to life. Max later finds a note that states Dylan knew she didn't love him, but he wanted her to be happy. When Dylan saves Fang he kills himself. Dylan's note to Max says that if he can't live with her he'll gladly die for her. Dr. Hans Gunther-Hagen. A wealthy German philanthropist, Gunther-Hagen is introduced to Max in ' during the Flock's visit to Africa; he later introduces Max to Dylan. He has written a book advocating genetic engineering for humans and wants Max to join him in his genetic studies. He hopes Max will agree willingly (accepting Max's initial demand of $1 million), but seems willing to use force if necessary. Gunther-Hagen accidentally causes Fang's death near the end of '; claiming he did not expect his genetic accelerator to kill Fang, he is the first to try to revive him. Mr. Chu works for Gunther-Hagen. He returns in "", offering to take Max and Dylan to Germany where they could have children and establish a post-apocalyptic dynasty. Later, he is presumed dead when the Flock cannot find him after a plane crash. Max considers Gunther-Hagen an enemy, despite the ambiguity of his actions. He is apparently in communication with Jeb Batchelder, and they try to convince Max to go with Dylan to Germany. She ridicules him, calling him various nicknames such as "Dr. Hans", "Dr. God", "Dr. Häagen-Dazs", "Dr. G-H", and "disgusting supremacist". He is also revealed to be the Remedy in "Maximum Ride Forever". Mark. Mark is a member of the Doomsday Group, which attempts to blow up Paris. He is greedy, with a lust for power; in battle he is strong. Mark is defeated when Max and Maya unite to overcome him. Holden charged him, making him look like "Swiss cheese," and depleting Mark's ammunition. He is presumed dead at the end of when Max sees his body on the ground with wires protruding from it. He is also very mean but in where he makes an appearance when the school burns down, he seemed oddly happy, even though his body is covered with burn marks and cuts. He then hysterically throws himself out a window and dies from an iron rod through his throat. William Pruitt. Pruitt is the principal of the school Max and the Flock attends. He is hateful, and loathes children; this causes Max to question his career choice. He has a bald head, profuse nose hair and wet, plump dark-pink lips. He has a British accent and is not a white coat, but is associated with the School. While spying at recess, Iggy and Gazzy find files indicating that the school was an insane asylum for the incurably ill; they also discover a tunnel in the school basement. Based on this information, they theorize that Pruitt was a patient who killed everyone else in the asylum and founded the school. When they escape from the school and the Flock realizes his connection to the School, Pruitt threatens Max with a taser and tries to catch them with scientists posing as teachers. As they escape, he shouts that they are "accidents, stains, mistakes". Lissa, Tess and Sam. Lissa is a 14-year-old student at the school temporarily attended by the Flock, and a minor love interest for Fang. Maximum calls her the "Red-Haired Wonder", and is immensely jealous of her. Tess is a tall girl, also 14, who appears in "School's Out Forever". She is an unexplored love interest for Iggy. Sam is a 14-year-old boy, also a student at the school, who is a minor love interest for Max. She finds him attractive, describing his tortoiseshell eyes and his chestnut hair that "kind of fell across his forehead" as pleasant. Fang is jealous and mocks the budding relationship. Dr. Brigid Dwyer. Dr. Dwyer is quite young (21 years old); she works in Antarctica and escorts the Flock there in a small research boat. She is petite, "pretty and blonde" (however, she has red hair in the fifth book). Max is jealous of her friendship with Fang, despite their seven-year age difference. Fang seems to ignore Max when he is around Brigid, who is unaware of this tension (and of Max's feelings for Fang). Max also resents the fact that Fang writes about Brigid in his blog, but not about her. Max compares her with Lissa (The Red-Haired Wonder) since she thinks that Fang has a "thing for red hair". She calls Brigid sarcastic mental names, such as "Dr. Amazing". At the end of "," Brigid interacts with Mr. Chu, which Max and her Voice find suspicious. The Voice. The Voice is in Max's head and appeared halfway through the first book. It gives her advice and directs her in a cryptic way. The voice is also very skeptical of Max's choices. Max once said that the Voice "has been watching too much "Oprah" again," and "has been reading Hallmark cards" due to its riddles and clues. Max originally thought the Voice originated in her arm chip, but it remained after Dr. Martinez removed the chip. There have been long periods without the Voice. It insists that Max can save the world by whatever means necessary; she says she cannot tell if the Voice is "male or female. Friend or Foe. Human or not". The Voice was once thought to be Jeb, but he explained to Max that while he "can do the Voice", he is not the Voice. Similarly, in the first book, Max can "see" the Institute for Higher Living. In "School's Out Forever", it is revealed that Ari has a Voice. Angel also has a Voice in ; Max thinks Angel's voice is imaginary because she wants to emulate Max and take over the Flock. When Dylan joins the Flock Angel finally takes it over, later returning it to Max. In the 8th book, Nevermore, Angel reveals that she is actually the Voice, saying "Max! I am your Voice!". Mr. Chu. Mr. Chu is an Asian man who tries to force the Flock to "sever all ties with the CSM or be killed". When his mask of false skin is removed at the end of "Fang", he is lizard-like in appearance; his real name is Robert. He is also seen in the beginning of "Fang", when found to be experimenting with refugees in Chad, Africa. He kidnaps Dr. Valencia Martinez, in an attempt to stop the CSM permanently. Max brings down Mr. Chu's underwater base with Angel and the Krelp, and rescues her mother. M-Geeks. M-Geeks are humanoid robots who serve Mr. Chu in "". They are stronger and faster than humans but have several weaknesses (their ankles, the tops of their heads—which split like an orange—and their spines). The first version has no weapons, but later versions have Uzi machine guns attached to their arms. The M-Geeks have little difficulty operating in difficult environments, such as 1  km below sea level. Some display emotions, like pride in their abilities. The M-Geeks appear originally human, but with cyborg bodies inside their flesh. Although they are mechanical Angel could order them away during an attack, indicating that some organic components remain in their bodies. Generation-77. Mentioned by Fang in the epilogue of ' and later clarified by Jeb and Dr. Hans in ', Gen-77 have powers either given to them by laboratories or developed naturally. The only kids from Generation 77 that we know are in Fang's Gang. Star. Fang's second recruit in "Angel", Star is also part of Generation-77 (along with the rest of Fang's group). Star is from an upper-class family; she is often depicted in her school uniform, and her ability is super-speed (she can run extremely fast). However, as a result, her body burns energy quickly and she must eat a lot to compensate. She eats even more than the rest of the flock. She and Ratchet often quarrel, with Kate (Star's friend when they both attended a Catholic school) mediating. Star received her powers when she was abducted from a school field trip and subjected to experiments. Another of her abilities is emitting a high-pitched sound, similar to a hummingbird's (demonstrated when she spun around in a circle), which un-hypnotizes members of the Doomsday group in seconds—which takes Angel hours with water. She also becomes useful when the gang needed Doomsday group information and is "transporting from one place to another." In Nevermore, she is revealed to be a traitor on the Erasers' side. Kate. Kate Tan Wei Ying is the third member of Fang's flock, who appears at a hotel where the rest of the gang is waiting. She has hair that Max would "kill for" and a nice figure; her powers include strength and quick reflexes. A pacifist and vegan, Kate breaks up fights between Ratchet and Star. She is an old friend of Star's; Ratchet flirts with her. Kate also becomes useful when the gang needed Doomsday group information and is juggling heavy things to show off. In Nevermore, she is revealed to be a traitor on the Erasers' side. Holden. The final recruit for Fang's Flock, Holden was experimented on and has scars on his arms as a legacy. He can regrow limbs, heal quickly and breathe underwater. The other members (and Holden himself) call him "Starfish" because he has starfish DNA. He is 15 but looks more like a 10-year-old. Ratchet. The first recruit for Fang's Flock. Has extraordinary senses. Can see a post-it note at 300 yards, can hear whispers at a distance of a mile, and is very macho. Beth. Organizer of a Doomsday Group rally in Paris during "", Beth attempts to exert mind control on Fang and others through a television news channel but the attempt fails when Moon changes the channel. Beth is described as "the Queen of the Doomsday Group" when she asserts herself against Mark, ordering him not to kill Max.

individual male from the East

9079-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=20927392

My Name Is Khan is a 2010 Indian Hindi-language drama film directed by Karan Johar, written by Shibani Bathija and Niranjan Iyengar, produced by Hiroo Yash Johar under Dharma Productions and Gauri Khan under Red Chillies Entertainment, and starring Shah Rukh Khan and Kajol in the lead roles. Set in India and the United States, the film centers upon Rizwan Khan, an autistic Muslim man married to a woman, Mandira, who has a child, Sameer, in her previous relationship. Sameer is killed in an assault of prejudicial nature following the September 11 attacks, and Mandira blames Rizwan, telling him not to come back until he can convince the President of the United States that he is not a terrorist. Rizwan takes Mandira's words literally and tries to meet the President so as to win her back. "My Name Is Khan" marks the debut film for distributor and co-producer Fox Star Studios, which had bought the rights for the film for a sum of , making it the most expensive Bollywood film of 2010. It is also the highest buy over for any Indian film, surpassing "Ghajini" of . "My Name Is Khan" premiered on 12 February 2010. It was also screened as part of the 60th Berlin International Film Festival's official selection. The film was released in India on DVD on 21 April 2010, Blu-ray in India, plus a DVD release worldwide followed on 17 August 2010. Prior, the film generated a great deal of publicity due to the political controversies surrounding the film and its lead actor: Khan's presence in the film (he was last seen in a leading actor role in December 2008, when "Rab Ne Bana Di Jodi" was released); and the reunion and sixth collaboration of Khan and Kajol, who last appeared together in the film "Kabhi Khushi Kabhie Gham..." in 2001. The film received positive reviews from critics, broke many box office records, and received various accolades. Plot. Rizwan Khan is an autistic Muslim child who grew up with his brother Zakir and his mother Razia in a middle-class family in Borivali, Mumbai. His autism leads to special tutoring from a reclusive scholar and extra attention from Razia, all which leads to a heightened level of jealousy from Zakir, who eventually leaves his family for a life in San Francisco. Despite this, Zakir sponsors Rizwan to come and live with him after Razia's death. Zakir's wife Haseena diagnoses Rizwan as having Asperger’s syndrome. Rizwan also begins to work for Zakir's company, and meets a Hindu woman Mandira Rathore and her young son Sameer "Sam" Rathore, born from a previous marriage. Despite Zakir's uncertainty, they marry and live in the fictional locality of Banville, where Mandira and Sam surname themselves with "Khan." They also live next door to the Garrick family, comprising Mark and his wife. Sam is close to their young son Reese. The Khans' perfect existence gets disrupted after the September 11 attacks. Mark goes to cover the war in Afghanistan and dies there. The Khan family begins to experience post 9/11 prejudice and Reese begins to turn against Sam, who finds himself in a prejudicial fight against older students. Reese tries to stop the fight but is held back as he witness Sam suffering and dies. Shocked beyond belief, Mandira blames Rizwan, stating that Sam "died only because of his surname." She then declares an unofficial divorce, sarcastically saying that to be back together, he has to tell the people and President of the United States that his name is Khan and he is not a terrorist. Rizwan, being naïve, takes Mandira's jibe to heart and thus sets out on a road trip to first meet President George W. Bush and later President-elect Barack Obama. He travels to the fictional town of Wilhemina in Georgia and befriends Mama Jenny and her son Joel. While at a mosque in Los Angeles, he overhears violent rhetoric from a doctor named Faisal Rahman and tries to report this to the FBI but no response is given. While waiting in a crowd to meet President Bush, he repeats "My name is Khan and I am not a terrorist!" He is arrested due to misinterpretation as "I am a terrorist." Rizwan is interrogated as a terrorist suspect and meets the psychiatrist Radha who believes he is innocent. He is later released after a media campaign by some Indian student reporters Raj Burman, Komal and Bobby Ahuja, who prove his innocence by unearthing his attempts to inform the FBI about Faisal Rahman. After his release, he returns to hurricane-hit Wilhemina to help Mama Jenny, Joel, and everyone there, attracting attention. Meanwhile, Reese finally confesses to Mandira and reveals the identity of the boys who murdered Sam. She informs Detective Garcia who has been assisting her on the case, and the boys are arrested. Mandira joins Rizwan in Georgia. At the moment she arrives, Rizwan is stabbed by Faisal's follower and is hospitalized. Rizwan survives and meets Obama who tells him: "Your name is Khan and you are not a terrorist." Production. Themes. According to director Karan Johar, "My Name Is Khan" is about a multitude of perspectives of the various opinions, facts, and propaganda that comes with the global issue of discrimination and intolerance towards a race of people completely unassociated with the evils of terrorism. In an August 2009 interview, Shah Rukh Khan stated that "My Name Is Khan" is "not about terrorism, or 9/11. It's about a relationship between two people, between an individual and the State, and between an individual and the country. In short, there are the three important components: a love story, Islam, and a mild form of autism." In an earlier July 2009 interview, Khan also noted that the film focuses on themes concerning "the relationship between the Western world and Islam and how that has changed over the past few years." He describes the film as about "the journey of one family and how it changes because of 9/11" and suggests "we touch upon that in a very unbiased and educated way." In another early interview, he also stated that, "it's not about a disabled man's fight against disability. It's a disabled man's fight against the disability that exists in the world—terrorism, hatred, fighting ... "My Name Is Khan" is also about Islam and the way the world looks at Islam but we are not taking any sides. We are only trying to say that there are only good people and bad people. There are no good Hindus, bad Hindus, good Christians, bad Christians. Either you are a good person or a bad person. Religion is not the criterion, humanity is." Johar said in an interview with Bollywood Hungama: ""MNIK" is an unusual Bollywood film, if at all, and doesn't have those quintessential pre-requisite elements that any Bollywood film has. It's telling a story with a strong message, professing humanity and goodness and putting it out on a big cinematic scale. So all put together it is definitely a different experience for mainstream India ... All I can say is that "MNIK" is going to open windows and doors to many people who have stories to tell and are shy to put their story on the celluloid". When asked about comparisons between the film and the 2009 release "Kurbaan", noting that both have dealt with similar topics, he added: "I'd say that Kurbaan didn't have 'hope', whereas MNIK had 'hope'. "Kurbaan" was more darker, grittier and a grey look at a situation, whereas "MNIK" is a hopeful, far more positive and a lot more positivity in its finishing reels with a triumph to the human spirit. "Kurbaan" was very cinematic and interesting in its approach but it didn't offer a solution. Rather it just tells the problem. "MNIK" offers you that solution." Casting and filming. Production of the film took place in India and the United States. Filming began in Los Angeles during December 2008 and one of the locations used was UCLA. Johar next continued production in Mumbai during April 2009. During June 2009, production moved to San Francisco and the Bay Area, where they filmed a key scene at the Children's Discovery Museum of San Jose. Khan and Kajol were cast in the lead roles, reuniting them after many years. The film faced a temporary setback in late December when actor Aamir Bashir was denied a visa to the United States. He was eventually replaced by Jimmy Sheirgill as Khan's younger brother. Although Shabana Azmi was originally cast as Khan's mother she left the production after his shoulder injury delayed the filming schedule, and was replaced in the role by Zarina Wahab; child actor Tanay Chheda portrayed a younger Rizwan as a child living in the Borivali section of Mumbai. Chheda was chosen because he resembles Khan and because he is recognizable to an international audience after portraying "middle Jamal" in "Slumdog Millionaire". He had earlier worked with Khan in the remake of the 1970s film "", while American actor Christopher B. Duncan was chosen to portray President Barack Obama in a special appearance. Duncan is known for his impression of Obama on "The Tonight Show with Jay Leno". Johar had difficulties finding a mosque to film in. According to actor Arif Zakaria, who plays an important minor character, "I don't know if Karan tried to get permission in Mumbai. But we were to shoot in a mosque in Los Angeles and hard as Karan tried to convince the authorities that his film would not propagate anti-social values, he was denied permission ... We finally shot the two-day scene with Shah Rukh Khan on the set of a mosque constructed at "The Club" in Andheri." Johar also shot for an important scene inside of the studio of CBS 5. San Francisco's Film Commission Director Stephanie Coyote was responsible for giving permission to the crew to shoot in the film studio. While shooting for the film, Khan suffered from severe pain in the neck and headaches which were caused by the expressions and posture of Rizwan Khan. His character in the film who has Asperger's Syndrome, has a way of jutting his neck out at a particular angle and wears an expression which has his eyebrows raised in every scene. As he would shoot for hours, he'd get severe migraines. Johar admitted that "Shah Rukh's character Rizwan had to arch his eyebrows and focus his eyes on a certain place before every take. Halfway through the shooting of the film, Shah Rukh developed severe headaches as result of all the pressure it would put on his head so he had to see a neurosurgeon for that." Varun Dhawan and Siddharth Malhotra, who worked as assistant directors to Johar on the film, made their acting debut two years later alongside Alia Bhatt in Johar's next directorial venture, "Student of the Year", co-produced by Khan's production company Red Chillies Entertainment. After filming in Los Angeles was completed, Johar stated that "in all my 11 years as a filmmaker, I've never felt the experience to be so different. The content of "My Name Is Khan" is diametrically opposite to whatever I've done in the past." He described working with both Khan and Kajol again as "magic. They build an inexplicable energy on screen." Johar also stated that he was "blown away by Shah Rukh who had done monumental research on his autistic character in the film. I was zapped by how much he knew about the subject." Johar also asked Khan to co-produce the film under Red Chillies Entertainment, Talking about the initiative, he said: We were both passionate about the subject, we said why not co-produce the film? We've known each other so long ... that this new initiative is just an extension of our emotions. Besides, I can never make a film without Shah Rukh. Release. "My Name Is Khan" debuted in Abu Dhabi, UAE on 10 February 2010. It released globally in cinemas on 12 February 2010. "MNIK" had a two phase release. To begin with, it had a mainstream release in India coupled with a regular Diaspora release in UK, US, Gulf, Australia and various other countries. "After that in the months of April and May, we would be looking at a mainstream theatrical release in countries like Germany, Poland and other parts of North America," detailed Johar. Marketing. "My Name Is Khan" was screened as part of 60th Berlin International Film Festival's Official Selection in February 2010, out of competition. The website eBay auctioned the tickets for the film's screening at the Berlin Film Festival for a record price of £1,000 (60,000) each. All the tickets were sold out in five seconds. The first look of "My Name Is Khan" unveiled at a grand function at Mumbai by Johar, Khan and Kajol and was then beamed across 70 countries worldwide on the Star TV Network. Johar was excited and noted, "This is a first in the history of Bollywood – that the promos of a film will play across such a wide platform. And, this has mainly been made possible because of our synergy with Fox Star Studios ... and also the first time a Bollywood company is tying up with a mainstream Hollywood studio. So, there are many firsts to this venture." The trailer of the film was released at the premiere of the Hollywood film, "Avatar". "My Name Is Khan" marked the first instance of a film using the roadblock advertising technique to market a film, in which the three-minute trailer was aired on all leading television channels simultaneously. The makers of the film made various brand tie-ups to for the promotion of the film. Dish TV entered into a strategic marketing alliance with Fox Star and spent approximately in a month-long 360-degree integrated marketing campaign which ran across all India to co-promote the brand and the film. Reebok created an entire "MNIK footwear and apparel collection" to promote the film. On 1 February 2010, Khan and Kajol became the first Indian film stars to ring the opening bell of the New York stock exchange NASDAQ. They were invited by Fox Searchlight Pictures to do so as part of their promotion for "My Name Is Khan." Khan also appeared on "Friday Night with Jonathan Ross" as part of its promotion in the UK, becoming only the second Indian after Shilpa Shetty to do so. Pre-release revenues. On 7 August 2009, Johar signed a deal for with Fox Searchlight Pictures, who will market and distribute it in India (Fox Star) and worldwide (Fox Searchlight). It covers all rights except music, which has been secured by Sony Music. Reception. India. The film received highly positive reviews. Subhash K. Jha (film critic and author of "The Essential Guide to Bollywood") gave "My Name Is Khan" a rave review arguing that Rizwan Khan "repairs almost anything, including irreparably damaged relationships. But this film about damaged lives needs no repairing. "My Name Is Khan" is a flawless work, as perfect in content, tone and treatment as any film can get ... "My Name Is Khan" is no ordinary film. Long after the wary-of-physical-touch Rizwan has finally shaken hands with President Obama, long after the heat and dust of racial and communal hatred has settled down the core of humanism that the film secretes stays with you. Yes, we finally know what they mean by a feelgood film." Nikhat Kazmi of "The Times of India" also gave it five stars, describing "My Name Is Khan" as, "indubitably one of the most meaningful and moving films to be rolled out from the Bollywood mills in recent times." Taran Adarsh of Bollywood Hungama gave "My Name Is Khan" four and a half out of five stars and argues, "When a film stars two of the finest talents of the country, you expect nothing but the best. SRK, well, how does one describe his performance? To state that this is his best work so far would be cutting short the praise he truly deserves ... Kajol is pure dynamite and casting her for this character was the most appropriate decision. No other actress could've matched SRK in histrionics the way Kajol has. In fact, SRK and Kajol complement each other wonderfully well and this film only proves it yet again. It's a powerhouse performance from this supremely talented actress." Sarita Tanwar of "Mid-Day" gave the film four and a half out of five stars and described it as "near-perfect", concluding that "The Karan-Shah Rukh-Kajol combo strikes once more." Rajeev Masand of "CNN-IBN" gave "My Name Is Khan" three and a half out of five stars, arguing that "the film shamelessly tugs at your heartstrings and on more than one occasion wallops you to weep. Aided by solid camerawork, tight editing and a layered story, Johar crafts an engaging, stirring saga that is earnest and noble. With this message movie in the mainstream format, the director takes a step in the right direction." Sudhish Kamath from "The Hindu" wrote, "My Name Is Khan is populist, yet layered with rich political subtext. It's all about types, yet every character feels real. It's about generalisations and yet it chooses to dwell on the specifics. It's all heart and spirit that you can't help but overlook the flaws and admire it." According to BBC critic Manish Gajjar, who gave the film four out of five stars, the film is "a fiction-based film refreshingly told with realism of racial profiling on American soil. It's a rare treat for Hindi commercial cinema and a crossover audience." Pratim D. Gupta from "The Telegraph" in a positive review concluded, ""My Name Is Khan" has conscience and courage and two heartfelt performances. It can try your patience a bit but it will not leave you untouched." Namrata Joshi from "Outlook", giving the film 3.5 out of 4 stars, described it as "a gentle, affecting and heart-warming film that makes you smile through your tears. It looks at contentious issues but offers overwhelming hope and renewal." United States. Rotten Tomatoes lists an approval rating of 85%, with 23 positive and 4 negative reviews. As of 21 February 2010, the film has a score of 50 out of a scale of 100 on the review aggregate website Metacritic, based on 7 reviews. Rachel Saltz of "The New York Times" states, ""Khan" is one of a handful of Hindi films ("New York," "Kurbaan") about Indians living in a paranoid, post-9/11 America, and there's something fascinating about looking at this country through a Bollywood lens, even when the story is a kind of fairy tale. (Most interesting here is the link made between black Americans and Indians, especially Muslims.) Skilfully directed by Karan Johar and with an evocative score by Shankar, Ehsaan & Loy, "Khan" jerks tears with ease, while teaching lessons about Islam and tolerance." According to Kirk Honeycutt of "The Hollywood Reporter", "My Name Is Khan" is, "a film that delves compellingly into Americans' anti-Muslim hysteria" as it tackles "a subject American movies have mostly avoided – that of racial profiling and the plight of Muslim-Americans. It also allows Shah Rukh Khan to display his talent to an even wider audience. It's well worth the 162-minute journey." Jay Wesissberg of "Variety" describes "My Name Is Khan" as a "riotously overstuffed and enormously enjoyable drama" with "confident camerawork [which] is matched by exceptional production design" He also states that Shah Rukh Khan and Kajol are a "delight together and her natural warmth makes the relationship even more believable." "My Name Is Khan" was not India's official entry to the Oscars as best foreign language film, but it was eligible for other nominations at the 83rd Academy Awards. Box office. "My Name Is Khan" opened very well in most places across the world, and set many records in the process. However, the performance of the film could not sustain beyond the first or second week in some places, including India and USA. The film's performance in India was quite good but still is generally regarded as "below expectations" due to the high price, while the overseas performance of the film has been record breaking. By 4 April 2010, the worldwide gross revenue for "My Name Is Khan" from the box office was US$36,145,870. Domestically in India, "My Name Is Khan" generated a net of and a gross of . The film's final worldwide gross was , including () overseas. India. In India, the film opened with a massive (US$6,356,688), which was the third-highest weekend net for a Bollywood film, behind "3 Idiots" and "Ghajini". It recorded the third-highest first day business across India, behind "3 Idiots" and "Ghajini" at the time of release. The film broke the record of "Race" for the biggest opening weekend in the first quarter of the year. The film was reported to have done very well in multiplexes, but comparatively on the lower side in single screens. The film managed to net in its first week. In rankings based on distributor share, My Name Is Khan comes in fifth behind "Dabangg", "Raajneeti", "Golmaal 3" and "Housefull"; in a way bearing out Sajid Khan's boast that "Housefull" will surpass MNIK in India. The film managed to retain the No. 1 spot at the Indian box office for two consecutive weeks, and remained in the top five for six consecutive weeks. At the end of its theatrical run, the film earned in India. Overseas. "My Name Is Khan" grossed US$23.5 million in the overseas markets, making it the highest-grossing Indian film overseas at the time, the first Indian film to gross over overseas. The film grossed the biggest opening day overseas, taking an estimated , beating the overseas opening day collections of "3 Idiots". The film also grossed the biggest opening weekend overseas, taking an estimated , again beating the overseas opening weekend collections of "3 Idiots" which grossed . In its first week, it grossed . As of August 2010, the film has grossed $4,018,771 in the United States and $37,001,087 elsewhere for a worldwide total of $41,019,858. In the UK, it made £123,000 on its opening day, which was more than the combined total of "3 Idiots" in its first two days (£121,000). By the end of the second week, MNIK became only the third Bollywood film to cross the £2 million mark in the UK, after "Kabhi Alvida Naa Kehna" and "Veer-Zaara", according to the exchange rates prevailing at their respective times of release. "My Name Is Khan" debuted in USA in 120 theatres, breaking the record set by "3 Idiots" which debuted in 119 theatres. The film broke the record for an opening weekend in the US, earning US$1,994,027. The film debuted at No. 13 at the American box office. By the end of the first week, the film grossed US$2,552,283, second only to "3 Idiots" which had a Christmas holiday week. By the fourth week, the film earned US$3,868,891 (193,820,016), breaking Shah Rukh Khan's previous record set by "Om Shanti Om". On the 51st day of screening in the US, "My Name Is Khan" broke the US$4 million barrier, and became only the second Bollywood film ever to cross this mark, after "3 Idiots". In Australia, the film earned A$39,000 (1610,000) on its opening day, and was ranked No. 11 in the market. By the first weekend, the film earned US$437,687, defeating the previous record set by 3 Idiots (US$350,000). In New Zealand and Fiji, the film earned NZ$13,627 on its opening day, and earned NZ$144,831 (US$100,698) in its first week. By the end of its theatrical run, the film earned NZ$232,586. In the Middle East, the response to the film has been described as "huge" and it earned approximately US$300,000 on its opening day. In Egypt it earned one million Egyptian pounds. By the end of its theatrical run, the film grossed US$517,018. "My Name Is Khan" also opened well in Sri Lanka, Pakistan and the Far East. The film is the highest-grossing film in Pakistan, breaking the records set by "Avatar", "3 Idiots" and "Wanted". By its third week, "MNIK" became the highest-grossing Bollywood film in the Middle East, earning US$3.3 million. In South Africa, the film earned US$85,214 (39.28 lakh) in its opening weekend. In Malaysia, it earned RM 105,527 (US$31,106) in its opening weekend, and by the second weekend, the film had earned RM 410,864 (US$120,452). In Nigeria, the film earned an "impressive" ₦2,310,137 (US$15,362) in its opening weekend. In Ghana, the film earned GH₵10,599 (US$7,443) by the second weekend. In Indonesia, the film grew from 6 to 14 screens and saw a jump of 300 percent in week three. The film has also grossed $425,825 in 7 weeks at the Bahrain box office. The film has also grossed an impressive $55,073 in Poland in its opening weekend. The film grossed $270,698 in South Africa. In South Korea, the film grossed $2,618,866. The film also made $58,683 in Lebanon. "My Name is Khan" released in Hong Kong on 5 January 2012 and collected US$107,197. Box office records. "My Name Is Khan" created several records, both in India and around the world. In India, the film smashed the record for a Bollywood release in the month of February, breaking the previous two-year record held by "Jodhaa Akbar". The film also broke the record for a Bollywood release in the first quarter of the year, breaking the previous two-year record held by "Race". In the UK, the film broke the four-year record of "Kabhi Alvida Naa Kehna", and became the highest-grossing Bollywood film in the UK. In the Middle East it is also the highest grossing Bollywood film. Performance analysis. The film faced considerable falls in collections after its first week. The drops in collections became evident from the fact that 63% of the film's net collections came from the first week, as compared to 54% for "Race", 56% for "Ghajini", 49% for "Rab Ne Bana Di Jodi" and 39% for "3 Idiots". In spite of this, the film managed to retain the No. 1 position at the box office for two consecutive weeks. It was in the top 5 list of the Indian box office for six consecutive weeks. Though the mid-week collections saw a drop of 60% from the opening weekend, it held up well against other major releases and secured the highest first quarter collections, a record previously held by the 2008 film "Race". Thus, the film is a financial success owing to its record-breaking overseas collections and healthy domestic collections. Awards. In 2017, Khan was honoured at the San Francisco Film festival for his role in the film, seven years after the release of MNIK. Music. The soundtrack is composed by the critically acclaimed Shankar-Ehsaan-Loy, who previously teamed up with Johar to give hit music for his previous films "Kal Ho Naa Ho" (2003) and "Kabhi Alvida Naa Kehna" (2006). The lyrics are penned by Niranjan Iyengar. The audio rights of the film were purchased by Sony Music Entertainment, which had also previously released music for all of Johar's past releases, which gained global musical success. The album was released on 1 January 2010. The musical soundtrack consists of 6 original songs and 4 bonus tracks that are taken from Johar's previous successful films featuring Khan. The soundtrack includes one instrumental called "Khan Theme", composed by Indrajit Sharma and the strings for the song are performed by the Bombay Film Orchestra. The songs such as "Noor-e-Khuda" blend western bar blues and techno sounds with Indian classical styles such as Sufi and Hindustani. The song "Allah hi Rahem" sung by Ustad Rashid Khan is another example of Sufi thematic song. The soundtrack is thus representative of the "indie fusion genre". Unlike all of Johar's other films, none of the songs plays in lip-sync format, instead playing in the background. Although Iyengar is alone credited for writing the lyrics for the songs, he penned the only two Sufi songs in the film, "Sajda" and "Allah Hi Rahem". Shankar-Ehsaan-Loy's previous collaborator Javed Akhtar was approached to write the lyrics for the remaining three songs. Earlier it was reported that Akhtar refused to write lyrics because he did not want to share credits with another lyricist. Later, Johar confirmed that Akhtar penned the remaining songs, but did not want to be credited as lyricist when the soundtrack released. Akhtar confirmed this and said, "I don't like to share the credits. I would have got the publicity but the other person, who has done a fine job, wouldn't have. I have read the songs penned by Niranjan and I think he has done a great job." Reception. Upon its release, the album received generally positive reviews from most music critics. Gianysh Toolsee of "Planet Bollywood" stated that the soundtrack was "very much about transcending the boundaries set by Bollywood by venturing into an emotional state through Sufism and spirituality." and gave the album 8/10. Joginder Tuteja of Bollywood Hungama gave the album a three out of five stars, suggesting that Johar along with musicians Shankar-Ehsaan-Loy and lyricist Niranjan Iyengar "have brought not a partial but a substantial difference to the way music in [Johar's] films is being looked at." Hindustan Times rated the album 3.5 out of 5 and stated "Every song in the album is above average. The composers have stuck to the theme of the film and the soundtrack has the potential to rock the charts." Sukanya Verma of Rediff gave the album 3 out of 5 stating, "As for the soundtrack, it's neither fancy nor groundbreaking but warm enough to make us like it." Glamsham rated the album 4/5 with a statement "Karan has crafted a beautiful film, while SRK has authored a marketing strategy that will be hard for even Aamir Khan to beat!" The BBC review stated, "With four bonus songs taken from the director's box office successes that have featured Shah Rukh and Kajol together (plus a theatrical trailer for My Name Is Khan), there are plenty of extras goodies for hardcore Bollywood fans. But placed side by side, Shankar, Ehsaan and Loy's latest soundtrack may not seem as memorable as past collaborations." Controversies. Airport security. Khan has stated that due to his last name and religion, he (like Rizwan Khan) is frequently subject to excess security checks at airports. On 14 August 2009, Khan arrived in the United States to promote "My Name Is Khan" and to participate in South Asian-related events around the country (including Indian Independence Day). Upon arriving at Newark Airport in New Jersey, he was pulled aside by immigration officers after his name popped up on their computers, questioned for over an hour (Khan claims it was at least two hours) about the nature of his visit, and was later released. According to the "Times Online", "In Delhi, Timothy J. Roemer, the American Ambassador to India, said that the embassy was trying to 'ascertain the facts of the case.' He added: 'Shah Rukh Khan, the actor and global icon, is a welcome guest in the United States.'" Khan said he was told that it was because "they said my name was common to some name that popped up on the computer." The officials asked if he could provide names of people to vouch for him. Khan noted that he "had all the documents; they were asking me where I was going to be staying. I gave the name of FOX people with whom I had finalised a deal a few days ago as contacts." However, because they wanted to check his luggage which the airline had lost, Khan said that he "was taken to a room where many people were awaiting a secondary check on visa, most were South Asians. In fact many officers were reluctantly vouching for me, some people were asking for autographs and a Pakistani fan even said he knew who I was. But the officers said it was procedure and kept taking numbers from me." While he was not allowed to use his own phone, Khan was permitted one phone call. He was thus released after officials from the Indian Consulate intervened. Civil Aviation Minister Praful Patel stated that the event will be further explored with U.S. officials. According to the BBC, "Elmer Camacho, a spokesman for the US Bureau of Customs and Border Protection, said the questioning was part of the agency's routine process to screen foreign travellers." When asked if he would demand an apology, Khan replied that he would not. The director of "My Name Is Khan", Karan Johar, was asked during an August 2009 interview with "MiD DAY" if the event was a publicity stunt for the film. Johar denied that it was and responded: "It's upsetting because I got a text message this morning asking me if it was a publicity plug for my movie. (Sarcastically) I mean, if I had that much power over the Homeland Security, why would I allow Shah Rukh to go through something like this? ... What's really shocking is the fact that when I was writing the film, I never thought that what happened to the protagonist of the film would happen to Shah Rukh." During a January 2010 interview, Khan referred to the implication that the event was a publicity stunt for the film as "lowdown and cheap." Christopher B. Duncan, who portrays President Obama in "My Name Is Khan," also commented on the incident stating: "I was very disappointed with what SRK experienced at the airport. We're living in times where the levels of fear can sometimes spill over into paranoia. Here's a man who is an international superstar, being detained for an excessive amount of time at an airport in the United States. It had to be very upsetting for him. Imagine Oprah (Winfrey) being detained at an airport in India for a long time, during a kind of interrogation." In addition, the incident sparked debate and commentary among Indian politicians, actors, and others. It also led to demonstrations in India. California Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger later invited Khan to have dinner with him "in a bid to diffuse what has become a slight diplomatic row." In another event, on 5 February 2010, while promoting "My Name Is Khan" on the British talk show "Friday Night with Jonathan Ross", Khan claimed that female security staff at Heathrow Airport in London had printed a naked image of him taken using the newly installed body scanner that he was asked to go through. He said that he autographed it for them, though it is not clear if his comments were intended as a joke. In relation to Khan's comments, "The Economic Times" has raised concerns over the new body scanners and the possibilities of it being abused to distribute naked pictures of celebrities. His comments have restarted the debate in Britain over whether the new scanners violate individual privacy. Shiv Sena controversy. After Shah Rukh Khan (who owns the Kolkata Knight Riders cricket team) criticised the fact that members of the Pakistani Cricket Team were not bought by the clubs competing in the 2010 Indian Premier League (IPL), he was condemned by Shiv Sena, a Hindu nationalist political party. There were consequent protests and demonstrations against him and demands that cinemas in India refuse to screen "My Name Is Khan". Khan responded by stating, "What did I say that was wrong? All I said was that I wanted people to come to my country." Khan continued by stating that: "I have no idea what I am supposed to apologise for ... If I am in wrong I would like to apologise but someone needs to explain to me what is wrong." He also stated that he does "not want any confrontation. I am trying to explain myself on every platform ... I have not said anything that is anti-national." Khan said that he was willing to meet with Bal Thackeray to discuss the issue. Initially, Shiv Sena rescinded its demand to block release of "My Name Is Khan" after it was announced that Khan would be allowed to release it "in as many theatres" as he would like. However, on 17 February 2010, when cinemas opened for advanced bookings, individuals disguised as "cinegoers" began to attack cinemas and booking centres. Director Karan Johar and distributors met with police to ask for additional security. In response, Chief Minister of Maharashtra Ashok Chavan threatened to withdraw security cover for party leader Uddhav Thackeray. Later, some security was withdrawn and the Maharashtra government has "called in five battalions of the State Reserve Police Force to protect 63 cinemas in the city that will screen the film directed by Karan Johar from this Friday." There were multiple arrests and leave of all police officials were cancelled. The distributor, Fox Star, stated that the film would still be released on its scheduled opening date, 12 February. It opened to full cinema houses across India.

specific area

12551-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=2652073

Carina is a suburb of Brisbane, Australia. It is located east of the CBD, and borders Carindale, Carina Heights, Cannon Hill and Camp Hill. Carina is a mostly residential suburb. The Clem Jones Centre (a large sporting complex) is located in Zahel street, and a Brisbane City Council bus depot is situated on Creek Road Carina. The suburb is home to the Carina Tigers Rugby League Football Club. Toponymy. Carina took its name from an estate on Creek Road constructed in the 1850s. The property belonged to Ebenezer Thorne, and was itself named after Thorne's daughter Kate Carina. History. Carina was originally inhabited by Murris; most likely the Jagera. The area was first settled by Europeans in the 1850s, with the land mainly used for farming and timber-getting. Growth occurred during the 1880s and early 1900s, when it was the main place of settlement in the Shire of Belmont. However the area remained mostly rural until after World War II, when the construction of public housing contributed to a rapid population increase in the 1950s and 1960s. In May 1889, (on what was then known as Coorparoo), 275 subdivided allotments of "Stanley Street Extended Estate" were advertised to be auctioned by James R. Dickson & Company. A map advertising the auction mentions free waggonettes from the Mart. One of the public housing projects in 1952 involved the use of prefabricated houses from Italy. Unfortunately one of the shipments was found to have infestations of the sirex woodwasp and all the timber on board had to be sprayed and fumigated before it could be used. Between 1954 and 1969 the suburb was served by trolleybuses operated by the Brisbane City Council, which ran along Stanley Road, terminating at the intersection of Creek Road. Trams ran along Old Cleveland Road with the service terminating at Carina. The Old Cleveland Road Tramway Tracks are still visible and are listed on the Queensland Heritage Register. The Carina Library opened in 1966 with a major refurbishment in 2016. Carina Police Station opened on 16 December 2011, the day after the closure of Camp Hill Police Station on 15 December 2011. Public Transport. There has been no railway station in Carina since the closure of the Belmont Tramway in 1926. However, the suburb is served effectively by three radial bus corridors; Richmond Road along its northern border, Meadowlands Road-Stanley Road centrally, and Old Cleveland Road along its southern border. Richmond East is an express bus stop on Richmond Road that is serviced relatively frequently by two alternating, direct routes between Cannon Hill bus station and Brisbane's central business district. Numerous stops on Stanley Road are serviced relatively frequently by two alternating, direct all-stops routes between Fortitude Valley, and Cannon Hill bus station and Carindale bus station respectively. These routes largely follow the corridor of the former trolleybus routes that closed in 1969. A peak period limited-stops route also services Stanley Road. Old Cleveland Road has numerous stops, the most significant being Carina bus stop at Carina's shopping precinct, which is serviced by a regular all-stops route that largely follows the corridor of the former tram route that closed in 1969, along with two alternating, high frequency express routes that travel between Brisbane's central business district and Carindale, and an express route that travels between The University of Queensland and Carindale bus station. Additional peak-only routes service Old Cleveland Road. Carina is also serviced by three limited-stops bus routes along the Creek Road corridor, which strategically connect key metropolitan centres across Brisbane including Carindale shopping centre and Cannon Hill shopping centre. These routes service Meadowlands, Carina Depot, Carina North, and Old Stockyards express stops. One route operates frequently, seven days per week between Brisbane's north east and south east suburbs. The other two operate less frequently and not at all on Sunday, but circumnavigate Brisbane's outer suburbs, one clockwise and the other anti-clockwise. The suburb straddles TransLink Zones 2 and 3 from west to east. The western portion of the suburb is marginally more attractive to city commuters with respect to relatively cost effective transit travel. Walking and Cycling. Carina's terrain varies from flat on the Bulimba Creek floodplain in the suburb's east, to hilly in the suburb's west towards Seven Hills and Camp Hill. Traffic conditions are busy along its major roads including Old Cleveland Road, Meadowlands Road and Stanley Road, Richmond Road, and Creek Road. Recreational cycling opportunities are consequently limited on the west side of the suburb. However, the presence of Porter's Paddock parkland including the Bulimba Creek Cycleway provides for good opportunities on its east side. As at February 2016 several citywide, on-road cycle routes pass through Carina. Old Cleveland Road is a radial route that includes intermittent, formal bicycle lanes. Meadowlands Road is a radial route that contains paved shoulders that serve as informal cycle lanes, while Stanley Road is line-marked as a Bicycle Awareness Zone (yellow stencil stylized bicycle marked on edge of vehicle travel lane). Richmond road contains a formal bicycle lane westbound and a Bicycle Awareness Zone eastbound, while parts of Creek Road have paved shoulders that serve as informal cycle lanes. Packs of cyclists are commonplace along Old Cleveland Road early on weekend mornings. The hilly terrain in the suburb's west side and busy traffic conditions also impose some impediment to local walking opportunities. However, the grid structure of the road and street network and the presence of urban borders (verges) on almost all roadways promote relatively direct and safe walking conditions. The higher order local streets and the major roads mostly have paved footpaths on one or both sides. The major roads contain numerous signalised intersections with pedestrian control, which are typically located adjacent to bus stops. Refuge islands support safe crossing of certain other roads and streets. In addition to local pocket parks, nearby recreational walking attractions include Seven Hills Bushland Reserve to the northwest, and Potter's Paddock parkland in the suburb's east. Demographics. The 2011 Census recorded 10,301 residents in Carina, of whom 52.7% were female and 47.3% were male. The median age of the population was 34; 3 years younger than the Australian average. 71.6% of people living in Carina were born in Australia, with the next most common countries of birth being New Zealand (4.8%), England (3.3%), India (1.3%), South Africa (0.9%), and the Philippines (0.7%). 81.4% of people spoke English as their first language, while the other most common responses were Spanish (1.3%), Cantonese (1%), Italian (0.9%), Mandarin (0.8%), and Greek (0.6%). Education. Mayfield State School opened on 27 August 1956. The school is coeducational, caters from Prep -Year 6 and has 315 enrolled students. Amenities. The Brisbane City Council operates a public library at 41 Mayfield Road. The library facility opened in 1966, and has publicly accessible Wi-Fi. Sports. Carina has a soccer club called AC Carina. The main team plays in Vilic Law Capital League 1 and the main women’s team plays in the Brisbane Women’s Premier League.

couple directions

11002-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=2459771

Carbapenems are a class of highly effective antibiotic agents commonly used for the treatment of severe or high-risk bacterial infections. This class of antibiotics is usually reserved for known or suspected multidrug-resistant (MDR) bacterial infections. Similar to penicillins and cephalosporins, carbapenems are members of the beta lactam class of antibiotics, which kill bacteria by binding to penicillin-binding proteins, thus inhibiting bacterial cell wall synthesis. However, these agents individually exhibit a broader spectrum of activity compared to most cephalosporins and penicillins. Furthermore, carbapenems are typically unaffected by emerging antibiotic resistance, even to other beta-lactams. Carbapenem antibiotics were originally developed at Merck & Co. from the carbapenem thienamycin, a naturally derived product of "Streptomyces cattleya". Concern has arisen in recent years over increasing rates of resistance to carbapenems, as there are few therapeutic options for treating infections caused by carbapenem-resistant bacteria (such as "Klebsiella pneumoniae" and other carbapenem-resistant Enterobacteriaceae). Medical uses. Intra-abdominal infections. The carbapenem ertapenem is one of several first-line agents recommended by the Infectious Disease Society of America for the empiric treatment of community-acquired intra-abdominal infections of mild-to-moderate severity. Agents with anti-pseudomonal activity, including doripenem, imipenem, and meropenem are not recommended in this population. Doripenem, imipenem, and meropenem are recommended for high-risk community-acquired abdominal infections and for abdominal infections that are hospital-acquired. Complicated urinary tract infections. A 2015 systematic review found little evidence that would support the identification of a best antimicrobial regimen for complicated urinary tract infections, but identified three high-quality trials supporting high cure rates with doripenem, including in patients with levofloxacin-resistant "E. coli" infections. Pneumonia. The carbapenems imipenem and meropenem are recommended by the American Thoracic Society and the Infectious Disease Society of America as one of several first-line therapy options for people with late-onset hospital-acquired or ventilator-associated pneumonia, especially when "Pseudomonas", "Acinetobacter", or extended spectrum beta-lactamase producing "Enterobacteriaceae" are suspected pathogens. Combination therapy, typically with an aminoglycoside, is recommended for "Pseudomonas" infections to avoid resistance development during treatment. Carbapenems are less commonly used in the treatment of community-acquired pneumonia, as community-acquired strains of the most common responsible pathogens ("Streptococcus pneumoniae", "Haemophilus influenazae", atypical bacteria, and Enterobactericeace) are typically susceptible to narrower spectrum and/or orally administered agents such as fluoroquinolones, amoxicillin, or azithromycin. Imipenem and meropenem are useful in cases in which "P. aeruginosa" is a suspected pathogen. Bloodstream Infections. A 2015 meta analysis concluded that the anti-pseudomonal penicillin-beta lactamase inhibitor combination piperacillin-tazobactam gives results equivalent to treatment with a carbapenem in patients with sepsis. In 2015, the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence recommended piperacillin-tazobactam as first line therapy for the treatment of bloodstream infections in neutropenic cancer patients. For bloodstream infections known to be due to extended spectrum beta-lactamase producing "Enterobacteriaceace", carbapenems are superior to alternative treatments. Spectrum of activity. Carbapenems exhibit broad spectrum activity against gram-negative bacteria and somewhat narrower activity against gram-positive bacteria. For empiric therapy (treatment of infections prior to identification of the responsible pathogen) they are often combined with a second drug having broader spectrum gram-positive activity. Gram-negative pathogens. The spectrum of activity of the carbapenems imipenem, doripenem, and meropenem includes most "Enterobacteriaceace" species, including "Escherichia coli", "Klebsiella pneumoniae", "Enterobacter cloacae", "Citrobacter freundii", "Proteus mirabilis", and "Serratia marcescens". Activity is maintained against most strains of "E. coli" and "K. pneumoniae" that are resistant to cephalosporins due to the production of extended spectrum beta-lactamases. Imipenem, doripenem, and meropenem also exhibit good activity against most strains of "Pseudomonas aeruginosa" and "Acinetobacter" species. The observed activity against these pathogens is especially valued as they are intrinsically resistant to many other antibiotic classes. Gram-positive pathogens. The spectrum of activity of the carbapenems against gram-positive bacteria is fairly broad, but not as exceptionally so as in the case of gram-negative bacteria. Good activity is seen against methicillin-sensitive strains of "Staphylococcus" species, but many other antibiotics provide coverage for such infections. Good activity is also observed for most "Streptococcus" species, including penicillin-resistant strains. Carbapenems are not highly active against methicillin-resistant "Staphylococcus aureus" or most "enterococcal" infections because carbapenems do not bind to the penicillin-binding protein used by these pathogens. Other. Carbapenems generally exhibit good activity against anaerobes such as "Bacteroides fragilis". Like other beta lactam antibiotics, they lack activity against atypical bacteria, which do not have a cell wall and are thus not affected by cell wall synthesis inhibitors. Contraindications. Carbapenems are contraindicated in patients with prior allergic reactions to beta lactam antibiotics. In addition, as the intramuscular formulations of ertapenem and imipenem are formulated with lidocaine, the intramuscular formulation of these two drugs are contraindicated in patients with prior adverse reactions to lidocaine. Furthermore, carbapenems are also contraindicated in patients who are taking valproic acid for seizures, as it has been shown to decrease valproic acid concentrations by as much as 90%. Adverse effects. Serious and occasionally fatal allergic reactions can occur in people treated with carbapenems. Seizures are a dose-limiting toxicity for both imipenem and meropenem. "Clostridium difficile"-related diarrhea may occur in people treated with carbapenems or other broad spectrum antibiotics. Those with an allergy to penicillin may develop a cross sensitivity to carbapenems. Bacterial resistance. Enterobacteriaceae. "Enterobacteriaceae" are common pathogens responsible for urinary tract infections, abdominal infections, and hospital-acquired pneumonia. Beta lactam resistance in these pathogens is most commonly due to the expression of beta lactamase enzymes. Between 2007 and 2011, the percentage of "Escherichia coli" isolates from Canadian hospitals that produce extended spectrum beta lactamases (ESBL) increased from 3.4% to 4.1%; among "Klebsiella pneumoniae" isolates ESBL producers increased from 1.5% to 4.0%. These strains are resistant to third generation cephalosporins that were developed for the treatment of beta lactamase-producing ‘’Enterobacteriaceae’’ and carbapenems are generally regarded as the treatment of choice. More recently, many countries have experienced a dramatic upswing in the prevalence of "Enterobacteriaceae" that produce both ESBLs and carbapenemases such as the Klebsiella pneumoniae carbapenemase (KPC). As of 2013, 70% of Greek "Klebsiella pneumoniae" isolates are resistant to third generation cephalosporins and 60% are resistant to carbapenems. The growing prevalence and difficulty of treating such multi-drug resistant "Enterobacteriaceae" has led to a renaissance of the use of antibiotics such as colistin, which was discovered in the 1950s but rarely used until recently due to unattractive levels of toxicity. Prevalence of carbapenem-resistant "Enterobacteriaceae" in paediatric intensive care units (Cairo, Egypt) was 24% and various genes of carbapenemases were detected in 80% of carbapenem-resistant "Enterobacteriaceae" with dominance of "bla"OXA-48. "Pseudomonas aeruginosa" and "Acinetobacter baumannii". Infections caused by the non-fermenting gram-negative bacteria "Pseudomonas aeruginosa" and "Acinetobacter baumanni" are most commonly encountered in hospitalized people. These bacteria exhibit an unusually high level of intrinsic resistance to antibiotics due to their expression of a wide range of resistance mechanisms. Antibiotics cross the outer membrane of "Pseudomonas" and "Acinetobacter" approximately 100 times more slowly than they cross the outer membrane of "Enterobacteriaceae", due in part to their use of porins that can adopt a conformation having a very restricted entry channel. Further, the porin levels may be down-regulated in response to antibiotic exposure. Antibiotic molecules that successfully traverse the porin channels may be removed by efflux pumps. Downregulation of the porin OprD2 is an important contributor to imipenem resistance. Like the "Enterobacteriaceae", "Pseudomonas" and "Acinetobacter" can express a wide range of antibiotic-deactivitating enzymes, including beta lactamases. "Pseudomonas" produces an inducible broad spectrum beta lactamase, AmpC, that is produced in response to beta lactam exposure. The combination of inducible AmpC expression, poor membrane permeability, and efflux pumps make "Pseudomonas" resistant to most beta lactams. The clinical efficacy of carbapenems in "Pseudomonas" infection arises in part because, while they are strong inducers of AmpC, they are poor substrates. The identification of "Pseudomonas" strains that produce beta lactamases capable of cleaving carbapenems, such as the New Delhi metallo beta lactamase has raised increasing concern regarding the potential for an era of untreatable "Pseudomonas" infections. Structure. In terms of structure, the carbapenems are very similar to the penicillins (penams), but the sulfur atom in position 1 of the structure has been replaced with a carbon atom, and an unsaturation has been introduced—hence the name of the group, the carbapenems. Groups. Carbapenems are further broken down into groups with ertapenem being the lone member of group 1. Group 2 carbapenems (imipenem, meropenem, and doripenem) are identified by their efficacy with respect to multiresistant gram-negative bacteria (MDRGN) such as Pseudomonas and Acinetobacter species. Biosynthesis. The carbapenems are thought to share their early biosynthetic steps in which the core ring system is formed. Malonyl-CoA is condensed with glutamate-5-semialdehyde with concurrent formation of the five-membered ring. Next, a β-lactam synthetase uses ATP to form the β-lactam and the saturated carbapenam core. Further oxidation and ring inversion provides the basic carbapenem . Administration. Due to their expanded spectra, the desire to avoid generation of resistance and the fact that, in general, they have poor oral bioavailability, they are administered intravenously in hospital settings for more serious infections. However, research is underway to develop an effective oral carbapenem.

synchronous production

4795-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=20691052

Dala is a two-player abstract strategy board game from Sudan, and played especially by the Baggara tribes. The game is also called Herding the Cows (or Herding the Bulls). It is an alignment game with captures similar to that of the game Dara. Players first drop their pieces onto the board, and then move them (herding the cows) orthogonally in an attempt to form 3 in-a-rows which allows a player to capture any of their opponent's piece on the board. Goal. The player who reduces their opponent's number of pieces to two is the winner. The opponent can no longer form a 3-in-a-row with two pieces or fewer. Equipment. A 6x6 square board is used. Each player has a set of 12 pieces of which one set is black, and the other is white. Traditionally, the board was played on a raised soft mud, and the lines of the board were drawn onto it and marked by holes called "Nugar". Each player had 12 sharpened sticks that would be placed into the holes during play. To differentiate the sticks, the bark was removed on one set of the sticks, while the other set would retain its bark. Game play. Players decide who will play the black and white pieces, and who will start first. A 3 in-a-row is defined as exactly three pieces of the same color adjacent to one another in an orthogonal direction. The player who forms the 3 in-a-row is allowed to capture one of their opponent's piece from anywhere "on the board". This is known as a "ta'na". 4 in-a-rows or more are allowed to be created, but do "not" allow the player forming it to capture a piece from their opponent. The 3 in-a-row must be in an orthogonal direction, and therefore, diagonal 3 in-a-rows do not count also. Two or more 3 in-a-rows can be formed in a single move by a player, however, it may only allow that player to capture a single piece from their opponent. No source clearly clarifies this matter. The Drop Phase is the first stage of the game. Players alternate their turns placing each of their 12 pieces, one piece per turn, onto the board. However, the four central squares of the board must first be filled. Afterwards, players may place their pieces on any vacant square on the board. During the Drop Phase, players can form 3 in-a-rows which allows for that player to capture an enemy piece from anywhere on the board. After each player has dropped their 12 pieces, the Movement Phase begins. Players alternate their turns moving one piece orthogonally onto a vacant adjacent square. The piece can form a 3 in-a-row by either moving onto a row or column of two adjacent pieces of its color, or leaving a row or column of four adjacent pieces of its color and thus leaving behind three adjacent pieces in-a-row. A special situation exist when a player has three of their pieces (that are adjacent to each other) on a row next to another row of two adjacent pieces (of the player's also) whereby one of the pieces of the former row can move back and forth between the two rows to form a 3 in-a-row on every turn, and thus capture a piece from the opponent on every turn. This situation is known as a "bull".

a single object

9390-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=2856535

It Pays to Be Ignorant was a 1942–1951 radio comedy show which maintained its popularity during a nine-year run on three networks for such sponsors as Philip Morris, Chrysler, and DeSoto. The series was a spoof on the academic discourse on such authoritative panel series as "Quiz Kids" and "Information Please", while the beginning of the program parodied the popular quiz show "Doctor I.Q." With announcers Ken Roberts and Dick Stark, the program was broadcast on Mutual from June 25, 1942 to February 28, 1944, on CBS from February 25, 1944 to September 27, 1950 and finally on NBC from July 4, 1951 to September 26, 1951. The series typically aired as a summer replacement. Panelists. The satirical series featured "a board of experts who are dumber than you are and can prove it". The show's creator, Tom Howard, was also the quizmaster who asked questions of panelists Harry McNaughton, Lulu McConnell and George Shelton. The Irish-born Howard (1885–1955) and Shelton (1885–1972) had previously worked together as a team in vaudeville and comedy film shorts, while McConnell (1882–1962) and British comic McNaughton (1896–1967) had both appeared in many Broadway musical comedies and revues between 1920 and the late 1930s. Q&A. Each episode would start with some jokes ("Do married men live longer than single men?"... "No, it only seems longer.") and an introduction of the experts. After this, three or four questions would be discussed in detail: some posed by Howard, some picked at random by a guest from the audience. These questions often had the answer obvious in the query ("What town in Massachusetts had the Boston Tea Party?") or were common knowledge: Even so, the panelists would inevitably get the answer wrong, providing outrageously funny answers instead, followed by an even more uproarious rationale for their answer, a conversation that goes off on a tangent, and/or insults at each other. The show had a number of running gags which became catchphrases with listeners such as McNaughton's "Now we're back to Miss McConnell again" and Shelton's "I used to woik in that town." Television. The original radio cast brought the show to television. It was first seen on CBS from June 6 to September 19, 1949. After two years, the series returned on NBC from July 5 to September 27, 1951; by this point, Howard (who appeared in this version in an elaborate cap and gown outfit) did not acknowledge that the 1949 episodes ever happened (a surviving episode from the 1951 run implied that the show had never appeared on television before). A spoof of this version was done in the mid-1950s by Jackie Gleason. The series was revived by Stefan Hatos-Monty Hall Productions as a weekly syndicated series from September 10, 1973 to September, 1974. In this version, host Joe Flynn queried panelists Jo Anne Worley, Billy Baxter and Charles Nelson Reilly (Worley and Reilly appeared concurrently as semi-regulars on the TV show "Match Game"; Reilly became a regular panelist on that show by the time "It Pays to Be Ignorant" ended this run). Not long after this version discontinued production, Flynn died from drowning in his swimming pool. Episode status. At least 69 radio episodes are known to exist. These include those listed below and three held by the UCLA Film and Television Archive. One 1951 television episode and two syndicated TV episodes are known to exist; the latter two are held by the UCLA Film and Television Archive. Further, two films also exist at the Library of Congress in the J. Fred and Leslie W. MacDonald Collection: a CBS kinescope from 1949, and an NBC installment from June 14, 1951 with all the DeSoto automobile commercials

backyard wading bath

10034-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=680772

A pedometer is a device, usually portable and electronic or electromechanical, that counts each step a person takes by detecting the motion of the person's hands or hips. Because the distance of each person's step varies, an informal calibration, performed by the user, is required if presentation of the distance covered in a unit of length (such as in kilometers or miles) is desired, though there are now pedometers that use electronics and software to automatically determine how a person's step varies. Distance traveled (by walking or any other means) can be measured directly by a GPS receiver. Used originally by sports and physical fitness enthusiasts, pedometers are now becoming popular as an everyday exercise counter and motivator. Often worn on the belt and kept on all day, it can record how many steps the wearer has walked that day, and thus the kilometers or miles (distance = number of steps × step length). Some pedometers will also erroneously record movements other than walking, such as bending to tie one's shoes, or road bumps incurred while riding a vehicle, though the most advanced devices record fewer of these 'false steps'. Step counters can give encouragement to compete with oneself in getting fit and losing weight. A total of 10,000 steps per day, equivalent to , is recommended by some to be the benchmark for an active lifestyle, although this point is debated among experts. Thirty minutes of moderate walking are equivalent to 3,000-4,000 steps as determined by a pedometer. Step counters are being integrated into an increasing number of portable consumer electronic devices such as music players, smartphones, mobile phones and watches (called activity trackers) Usage. Pedometers can be a motivation tool for people wanting to increase their physical activity. Various websites exist to allow people to track their progress; however, many will also find entering their daily step count and a heart-beat count onto a calendar to be motivational as well. Pedometers have been shown in clinical studies to increase physical activity, and reduce blood pressure levels and Body Mass Index. A study published in the Journal of The American Medical Association Nov. 2007 concluded, “The results suggest that the use of a pedometer is associated with significant increases in physical activity and significant decreases in body mass index and blood pressure.” A daily target of 10,000 steps was first proposed. The target has been recommended by the US Surgeon General and by the UK Department of Health. The main criticisms of setting a universal target are that it is not achievable for older persons with mobility problems or people with chronic diseases, but on the other hand, the target is probably too low for children. One criticism of the pedometer is that it does not record intensity, but this can be done by making step goals time limited (for example, 1000 steps in 10 minutes counts as moderate exercise). History. Leonardo da Vinci envisioned a mechanical pedometer as a device with military applications. In 1780 Abraham-Louis Perrelet of Switzerland created the first pedometer, measuring the steps and distance while walking; it was based on a 1770 mechanism of his to power a self-winding watch. A mechanical pedometer obtained from France was introduced in the US by Thomas Jefferson. It is not known if he modified the design; although this pedometer is widely attributed to Jefferson, proof is difficult to obtain as he did not apply for patents on any of his inventions. In 1965 a pedometer called a manpo-kei (meaning "10,000 steps meter" ) was marketed in Japan by Y. Hatano, who claimed that 10,000 steps a day was ideal. In 2015, the Japanese Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare also recommended 10,000 steps per day. However, this recommendation is not based on solid evidence. Technology. The technology for a pedometer includes a mechanical sensor and software to count steps. Early forms used a mechanical switch to detect steps together with a simple counter. If one shakes these devices, one hears a lead ball sliding back and forth, or a pendulum striking stops as it swings. Today advanced step counters rely on MEMS inertial sensors and sophisticated software to detect steps. These MEMS sensors have either 1-, 2- or 3-axis detection of acceleration. The use of MEMS inertial sensors permits more accurate detection of steps and fewer false positives. The software technology used to interpret the output of the inertial sensor and "make sense of accurate steps" varies widely. The problem is compounded by the fact that in modern day-to-day life, such step-counters are expected to count accurately on locations where users frequently carry their devices (attached to the belt, shirt/pants pocket, hand bag, backpack). In recent years more advanced approaches to measure steps have been made with the use of computer vision. Accuracy. The accuracy of step counters varies widely between devices. Typically, step counters are reasonably accurate at a walking pace on a flat surface if the device is placed in its optimal position (usually vertically on the belt clip). Although traditional step counters are affected dramatically when placed at different angles and locations, recent advances have made them more robust to those non-ideal placements. Still, most step counters falsely count steps when a user is driving a car or makes other habitual motions that the device encounters throughout the day. This error accumulates for users with moderate commutes to work. Accuracy of distance measurement also depends on the user entered step-length. The best pedometers are accurate to within ± 5% error. Integration in personal electronic devices. Apple products. Apple iPod Nano. The 5th and 6th generation iPod Nano by Apple features an integrated accelerometer. Nike&iPod. Apple and Nike, Inc. offer the Nike+iPod Sports Kit, which uses a motion sensor that fits into a Nike shoe or in a pocket worn on the laces of other brands of shoes. The sensor communicates with an iPhone (3GS or higher), iPod touch (2nd generation or higher), iPod nano (4th generation or higher), or dedicated adapter to transmit workout information such as elapsed time, distance traveled, and calories burned. Apple iPhone 5s. The iPhone 5s was the first iPhone to contain an Apple Motion Coprocessor which was denoted the M7 chip paired with the first 64-bit ARM-based Apple processor, the Apple A7 SoC (System on a Chip). The addition of the separate always on coprocessor allows the main CPU to snooze while it tracks the motion of the phone, through the use of an inertial measurement unit (IMU) consisting of an accelerometer, MEMS gyroscope and digital compass. This means that it will know when you're jogging or when you're in the car, and can take that information and store it without needing to drain the battery by having the main CPU run. It can retrofit the data to apps that you download at a later date, meaning any M7-enabled app that uses the new CoreMotion API will be able to give you information on recent training. Apple iPhone 6. The iPhone 6 and 6 Plus contains the next generation of the Apple Motion Coprocessors with the M8 motion coprocessor, this chip was paired with the vastly improved Apple A8 SoC processor and gained the added sensor input of a Bosch Sensortech Barometer allowing the M8 to sense changes in elevation by the change in barometric pressure. Apple iPhone 6s. The iPhone 6s and 6s Plus improved the Apple Motion Coprocessors by adding integrating it into the die of the new Apple A9 SoC processor. This saves space allowing for the reduction of the logic board size as well as reduced power usage within the phone. This chip is also at the heart of the first-generation iPhone SE. A variant of the Apple A9, the Apple A9X also incorporates the M9 processor on-die and drives the Apple iPad Pro. Apple Watch. The Apple Watch extended step-counting capability to Apple's first wearable device using the accelerometer and gyroscope integrated in the Apple S1 SIP (System in package). Apple Watch works in parallel with a connected iPhone to improve accuracy of the user's step count. Fitbit. The Fitbit is an always-on electronic pedometer, that in addition to counting steps also displays distance traveled, altitude climbed (via a number of flights of steps count), calories burned, current intensity, and time of day. Worn in an armband at night, it also purports to measure the length and quality of a user's sleep. Inbuilt is a daily target, of 10,000 steps and 10 flights of stairs. Connected by USB with a computer, the user's data is automatically uploaded and displayed via a web-based profile page, that keeps track of historical data, to which can be added food consumption data. Based on activity users are awarded badges for daily step and climbing targets, as well as 'lifetime' awards for same. In the US and UK users can also download an iOS or Android app for recording and display of data. Most Fitbit devices estimate distance traveled based on steps counted, the intensity of the steps and the user's profile data (specifically gender and height). Individuals can improve the accuracy of their stride length settings by measuring and calibrating their average stride length. Some higher-end Fitbit models include additional features such as heart rate monitoring and GPS tracking. Pedometers for Smartphones/MP3 players. Since most smartphones, iPod Touches and some MP3 players are enhanced with an integrated accelerometer it is possible to introduce pedometer functionality to these devices. This option was successfully realized by a number of smartphone application developers, enabling any fitness savvy smartphone owner to track the number of steps taken as well as distance traveled and calories used. NTT DoCoMo Fujitsu Pedometer Phone. This is the first integrated phone with an always-on pedometer which counts steps like a traditional pedometer. The sensor is made by ADI. This handset was introduced in Japan in 2004 and has sold over 3 million units. Nokia products. Nokia 5500 Sports Phone. The Nokia 5500 Sports Phone uses an embedded 3 axis MEMS inertial sensor to detect the steps a user takes. The pedometer application tracks steps taken, time elapsed and distance traveled. However the application cannot run continuously as it drains the phone's battery and is therefore of limited use. Nokia Sports Tracker. Nokia Sports Tracker features pedometer for Nokia Symbian phones with an Accelerometer. Accelerometers are included in phones to save correct orientation on photos and to improve the GPS positioning feature. Nokia Step Counter. Nokia Step Counter is a free application available at Nokia Beta Labs which works on a wide range of N-Series Nokia phones. The pedometer application tracks steps taken, time elapsed and distance traveled. This application can be left running all day as it is not a huge drain on the battery. Sony Ericsson W710 Walkman phone, W580 Walkman phone. The Sony Ericsson W710 and W580 Walkman phones use embedded 2 axis MEMS inertial sensors to detect the steps a user takes. The W710 is a clamshell phone and displays the user's steps on the external display. The W710 must be closed in order for it to count steps. When the step counter is activated, it counts detected steps during the day, and at midnight it stores the counter in a day-by-day history and resets it to zero. Nintendo DS/Nintendo 3DS/Wii U. On November 1, 2008, Nintendo released the Nintendo DS title , which includes two pedometers. They connect to the game card via infrared signals. On September 12, 2009, Nintendo released "Pokémon HeartGold" and "SoulSilver" in Japan. Each game comes bundled with a device called a Pokéwalker, which functions as a pedometer and allows players to transfer one Pokémon from their game to the Pokéwalker via infrared signals. Unlike the "Personal Trainer: Walking" pedometers, the Pokéwalker features a small LCD screen and multiple buttons. Walking with the Pokéwalker earns experience points for the Pokémon. The Nintendo 3DS, released March 27, 2011, features an internal pedometer that counts and records daily step counts while in sleep mode. Every hundred steps earns a Play Coin, which can be spent on a variety of extras and bonuses. This pedometer is easily fooled, however, and 'steps' can be created by simply lifting the device up and down in the hand with a motion similar to walking. On October 31, 2013, Nintendo released Wii Fit U, which was able to interface with the Fit Meter, which was a pedometer with similar hardware to the Pokéwalker, but instead themed around Wii Fit U and with the ability to store and display the user's Mii. It could be checked into the game via the infrared transceiver on top of the Wii U Gamepad, and could track the altitude of the player while walking. Philips Activa Workout Monitoring MP3 Player. Released May 2010, by Philips. This MP3 capable pedometer measures aerobic intensity and matches songs on the playlist to keep the user engaged and motivated. Tractivity. Tractivity is a group of health-related services that include a sensor that is worn on a shoe. The Tractivity sensor logs the distance a person walks or runs, the calories burned and the time the person was active, which they can then view on a private web page. Tractivity's online web application provides a graphical experience and motivational resource to encourage people to lead healthier lifestyles. Tractivity accounts for the variation in a walker's or runner’s stride length that occurs as pace changes. The sensors wirelessly transfer activity data to a secure server for viewing on an individual's computer. Android. Android integrates a step counter with version 4.4 (KitKat). A device already supporting this sensor is the Nexus 5. Another smartphone is the Samsung Galaxy S5, which features a built-in pedometer that uses the S Health software to display your daily step counts.

accurate location

7300-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=9790552

Byzantine Iconoclasm (, literally, "image struggle" or "war on icons") refers to two periods in the history of the Byzantine Empire when the use of religious images or icons was opposed by religious and imperial authorities within the Orthodox Church and the temporal imperial hierarchy. The First Iconoclasm, as it is sometimes called, existed between about 726 and 787. The Second Iconoclasm was between 814 and 842. According to the traditional view, Byzantine Iconoclasm was started by a ban on religious images by Emperor Leo III and continued under his successors. It was accompanied by widespread destruction of images and persecution of supporters of the veneration of images. The pope remained firmly in support of the use of images throughout the period, and the whole episode widened the growing divergence between the Byzantine and Carolingian traditions in what was still a unified church, as well as facilitating the reduction or removal of Byzantine political control over parts of Italy. Iconoclasm is the deliberate destruction within a culture of the culture's own religious icons and other symbols or monuments, usually for religious or political motives. People who engage in or support iconoclasm are called "iconoclasts", Greek for "breakers of icons" (), a term that has come to be applied figuratively to any person who breaks or disdains established dogmata or conventions. Conversely, people who revere or venerate religious images are derisively called "iconolaters" (). They are normally known as "iconodules" (), or "iconophiles" (). These terms were, however, not a part of the Byzantine debate over images. They have been brought into common usage by modern historians (from the seventeenth century) and their application to Byzantium increased considerably in the late twentieth century. The Byzantine term for the debate over religious imagery, "iconomachy," means "struggle over images" or "image struggle". Iconoclasm has generally been motivated theologically by an Old Covenant interpretation of the Ten Commandments, which forbade the making and worshipping of "graven images" (Exodus 20:4, Deuteronomy 5:8, see also Biblical law in Christianity). The two periods of iconoclasm in the Byzantine Empire during the 8th and 9th centuries made use of this theological theme in discussions over the propriety of images of holy figures, including Christ, the Virgin (or Theotokos) and saints. It was a debate triggered by changes in Orthodox worship, which were themselves generated by the major social and political upheavals of the seventh century for the Byzantine Empire. Traditional explanations for Byzantine iconoclasm have sometimes focused on the importance of Islamic prohibitions against images influencing Byzantine thought. According to Arnold J. Toynbee, for example, it was the prestige of Islamic military successes in the 7th and 8th centuries that motivated Byzantine Christians to adopt the Islamic position of rejecting and destroying devotional and liturgical images. The role of women and monks in supporting the veneration of images has also been asserted. Social and class-based arguments have been put forward, such as that iconoclasm created political and economic divisions in Byzantine society; that it was generally supported by the Eastern, poorer, non-Greek peoples of the Empire who had to constantly deal with Arab raids. On the other hand, the wealthier Greeks of Constantinople and also the peoples of the Balkan and Italian provinces strongly opposed Iconoclasm. Re-evaluation of the written and material evidence relating to the period of Byzantine Iconoclasm by scholars including John Haldon and Leslie Brubaker has challenged many of the basic assumptions and factual assertions of the traditional account. Background. Christian worship by the sixth century had developed a clear belief in the intercession of saints. This belief was also influenced by a concept of hierarchy of sanctity, with the Trinity at its pinnacle, followed by the Virgin Mary, referred to in Greek as the Theotokos ("birth-giver of God") or "Meter Theou" ("Mother of God"), the saints, living holy men, women, and spiritual elders, followed by the rest of humanity. Thus, in order to obtain blessings or divine favour, early Christians, like Christians today, would often pray or ask an intermediary, such as the saints or the Theotokos, or living fellow Christians believed to be holy, to intercede on their behalf with Christ. A strong sacramentality and belief in the importance of physical presence also joined the belief in intercession of saints with the use of relics and holy images (or icons) in early Christian practices. Believers would, therefore, make pilgrimages to places sanctified by the physical presence of Christ or prominent saints and martyrs, such as the site of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. Relics, or holy objects (rather than places), which were a part of the claimed remains of, or had supposedly come into contact with, Christ, the Virgin or a saint, were also widely utilized in Christian practices at this time. Relics, a firmly embedded part of veneration by this period, provided physical presence of the divine but were not infinitely reproducible (an original relic was required), and still usually required believers to undertake pilgrimage or have contact with somebody who had. The use of images had greatly increased during this period, and had generated a growing opposition among many in the church, although the progress and extent of these views is now unclear. Images in the form of mosaics and paintings were widely used in churches, homes and other places such as over city gates, and had since the reign of Justinian I been increasingly taking on a spiritual significance of their own, and regarded at least in the popular mind as capable of possessing capacities in their own right, so that "the image acts or behaves as the subject itself is expected to act or behave. It makes known its wishes ... It enacts evangelical teachings, ... When attacked it bleeds, ... [and] In some cases it defends itself against infidels with physical force ...". Key artefacts to blur this boundary emerged in c. 570 in the form of miraculously created "acheiropoieta" or "images not made by human hands". These sacred images were a form of contact relic, which additionally were taken to prove divine approval of the use of icons. The two most famous were the Mandylion of Edessa (where it still remained) and the Image of Camuliana from Cappadocia, by then in Constantinople. The latter was already regarded as a palladium that had won battles and saved Constantinople from the Persian-Avar siege of 626, when the Patriarch paraded it around the walls of the city. Both were images of Christ, and at least in some versions of their stories supposedly made when Christ pressed a cloth to his face (compare with the later, western Veil of Veronica and Turin shroud). In other versions of the Mandylion's story it joined a number of other images that were believed to have been painted from the life in the New Testament period by Saint Luke or other human painters, again demonstrating the support of Christ and the Virgin for icons, and the continuity of their use in Christianity since its start. G. E. von Grunebaum has said "The iconoclasm of the eighth and ninth centuries must be viewed as the climax of a movement that had its roots in the spirituality of the Christian concept of the divinity." The events of the seventh century, which was a period of major crisis for the Byzantine Empire, formed a catalyst for the expansion of the use of images of the holy and caused a dramatic shift in responses to them. Whether the "acheiropoieta" were a symptom or cause, the late sixth to eighth centuries witnessed the increasing thinning of the boundary between images not made by human hands, and images made by human hands. Images of Christ, the Theotokos and saints increasingly came to be regarded, as relics, contact relics and "acheiropoieta" already were, as points of access to the divine. By praying before an image of a holy figure, the believer's prayers were magnified by proximity to the holy. This change in practice seems to have been a major and organic development in Christian worship, which responded to the needs of believers to have access to divine support during the insecurities of the seventh century. It was not a change orchestrated or controlled by the Church. Although the Quinisext council did not explicitly state that images should be prayed to, it was a legitimate source of Church authority that stated images of Christ were acceptable as a consequence of his human incarnation. Because Jesus manifested himself as human it was acceptable to make images of him just like it was acceptable to make images of the saints and other humans. The events which have traditionally been labelled 'Byzantine Iconoclasm' may be seen as the efforts of the organised Church and the imperial authorities to respond to these changes and to try to reassert some institutional control over popular practice. The rise of Islam in the seventh century had also caused some consideration of the use of holy images. Early Islamic belief stressed the impropriety of iconic representation. Earlier scholarship tried to link Byzantine Iconoclasm directly to Islam by arguing that Byzantine emperors saw the success of the early Caliphate and decided that Byzantine use of images (as opposed to Islamic aniconism) had angered God. This does not seem entirely plausible however. The use of images had probably been increasing in the years leading up to the outbreak of iconoclasm. One notable change came in 695, when Justinian II put a full-faced image of Christ on the obverse of his gold coins. The effect on iconoclast opinion is unknown, but the change certainly caused Caliph Abd al-Malik to break permanently with his previous adoption of Byzantine coin types to start a purely Islamic coinage with lettering only. This appears more like two opposed camps asserting their positions (pro and anti images) than one empire seeking to imitate the other. More striking is the fact that Islamic iconoclasm rejected any depictions of living people or animals, not only religious images. By contrast, Byzantine iconomachy concerned itself only with the question of the holy presence (or lack thereof) of images. Thus, although the rise of Islam may have created an environment in which images were at the forefront of intellectual question and debate, Islamic iconoclasm does not seem to have had a direct causal role in the development of the Byzantine image debate, in fact Muslim territories became havens for iconophile refugees. However, it has been argued that Leo III, because of his Syrian background, could have been influenced by Islamic beliefs and practises, which could have inspired his first removal of images. The goal of the iconoclasts was to restore the church to the strict opposition to images in worship that they believed characterized at the least some parts of the early church. Theologically, one aspect of the debate, as with most in Christian theology at the time, revolved around the two natures of Jesus. Iconoclasts believed that icons could not represent both the divine and the human natures of the Messiah at the same time, but only separately. Because an icon which depicted Jesus as purely physical would be Nestorianism, and one which showed Him as both human and divine would not be able to do so without confusing the two natures into one mixed nature, which was Monophysitism, all icons were thus heretical. Leo III did preach a series of sermons in which he drew attention to the excessive behaviour of the iconodules, which Leo III stated was in direct opposition to Mosaic Law as shown in the Second Commandment. However, no detailed writings setting out iconoclast arguments have survived; we have only brief quotations and references in the writings of the iconodules and the nature of Biblical law in Christianity has always been in dispute. Sources. A thorough understanding of the Iconoclast period in Byzantium is complicated by the fact that most of the surviving sources were written by the ultimate victors in the controversy, the iconodules. It is thus difficult to obtain a complete, objective, balanced, and reliably accurate account of events and various aspects of the controversy. The period was marked by intensely polarized debate amongst at least the clergy, and both sides came to regard the position of the other as heresy, and accordingly made efforts to destroy the writings of the other side when they had the chance. Leo III is said to have ordered the destruction of iconodule texts at the start of the controversy, and the records of the final Second Council of Nicaea record that books with missing pages were reported and produced to the council. Many texts, including works of hagiography and historical writing as well as sermons and theological writings, were undoubtedly "improved", fabricated or backdated by partisans, and the difficult and highly technical scholarly process of attempting to assess the real authors and dates of many surviving texts remains ongoing. Most iconoclastic texts are simply missing, including a proper record of the council of 754, and the detail of iconoclastic arguments have mostly to be reconstructed with difficulty from their vehement rebuttals by iconodules. Major historical sources for the period include the chronicles of Theophanes the Confessor and the Patriarch Nikephoros, both of whom were ardent iconodules. Many historians have also drawn on hagiography, most notably the "Life of St. Stephen the Younger", which includes a detailed, but highly biased, account of persecutions during the reign of Constantine V. No account of the period in question written by an iconoclast has been preserved, although certain saints' lives do seem to preserve elements of the iconoclast worldview. Major theological sources include the writings of John of Damascus, Theodore the Studite, and the Patriarch Nikephoros, all of them iconodules. The theological arguments of the iconoclasts survive only in the form of selective quotations embedded in iconodule documents, most notably the Acts of the Second Council of Nicaea and the "Antirrhetics" of Nikephoros. The first iconoclast period: 730–787. An immediate precursor of the controversy seems to have been a large submarine volcanic eruption in the summer of 726 in the Aegean Sea between the island of Thera (modern Santorini) and Therasia, probably causing tsunamis and great loss of life. Many, probably including Leo III, interpreted this as a judgement on the Empire by God, and decided that use of images had been the offence. The classic account of the beginning of Byzantine Iconoclasm relates that sometime between 726 and 730 the Byzantine Emperor Leo III the Isaurian ordered the removal of an image of Christ, prominently placed over the Chalke Gate, the ceremonial entrance to the Great Palace of Constantinople, and its replacement with a cross. Fearing that they intended sacrilege, some of those who were assigned to the task were murdered by a band of iconodules. Accounts of this event (written significantly later) suggest that at least part of the reason for the removal may have been military reversals against the Muslims and the eruption of the volcanic island of Thera, which Leo possibly viewed as evidence of the Wrath of God brought on by image veneration in the Church. Leo is said to have described mere image veneration as "a craft of idolatry." He apparently forbade the veneration of religious images in a 730 edict, which did not apply to other forms of art, including the image of the emperor, or religious symbols such as the cross. "He saw no need to consult the Church, and he appears to have been surprised by the depth of the popular opposition he encountered". Germanos I of Constantinople, the iconophile Patriarch of Constantinople, either resigned or was deposed following the ban. Surviving letters Germanos wrote at the time say little of theology. According to Patricia Karlin-Hayter, what worried Germanos was that the ban of icons would prove that the Church had been in error for a long time and therefore play into the hands of Jews and Muslims. This interpretation is now in doubt, and the debate and struggle may have initially begun in the provinces rather than in the imperial court. Letters survive written by the Patriarch Germanos in the 720s and 730s concerning Constantine, the bishop of Nakoleia, and Thomas of Klaudioupolis. In both sets of letters (the earlier ones concerning Constantine, the later ones Thomas), Germanos reiterates a pro-image position while lamenting the behaviour of his subordinates in the church, who apparently had both expressed reservations about image worship. Germanos complains "now whole towns and multitudes of people are in considerable agitation over this matter". In both cases, efforts to persuade these men of the propriety of image veneration had failed and some steps had been taken to remove images from their churches. Significantly, in these letters Germanos does not threaten his subordinates if they fail to change their behaviour. He does not seem to refer to a factional split in the church, but rather to an ongoing issue of concern, and Germanos refers to the Emperor Leo III, often presented as the original Iconoclast, as a friend of images. Germanos' concerns are mainly that the actions of Constantine and Thomas should not confuse the laity. At this stage in the debate there is no clear evidence for an imperial involvement in the debate, except that Germanos says he believes that Leo III supports images, leaving a question as to why Leo III has been presented as the arch-iconoclast of Byzantine history. Almost all of the evidence for the reign of Leo III is derived from textual sources, the majority of which post-date his reign considerably, most notably the Life by Stephen the Younger and the Chronicle of Theophanes the Confessor. These important sources are fiercely iconophile and are hostile to the Emperor Constantine V (741–775). As Constantine's father, Leo also became a target. Leo's actual views on icon veneration remain obscure, but in any case may not have influenced the initial phase of the debate. During this initial period, concern on both sides seems to have had little to do with theology and more with practical evidence and effects. There was initially no church council, and no prominent patriarchs or bishops called for the removal or destruction of icons. In the process of destroying or obscuring images, Leo is said to have "confiscated valuable church plate, altar cloths, and reliquaries decorated with religious figures", but he took no severe action against the former patriarch or iconophile bishops. In the West, Pope Gregory III held two synods at Rome and condemned Leo's actions, and in response Leo confiscated papal estates in Calabria and Sicily, detaching them as well as Illyricum from Papal governance and placing them under the governance of the Patriarch of Constantinople. Ecumenical councils. Leo died in 741, and his son and heir, Constantine V (741–775), was personally committed to an anti-image position. Despite his successes as an emperor, both militarily and culturally, this has caused Constantine to be remembered unfavourably by a body of source material which is preoccupied by his opposition to image veneration. For example, Constantine is accused of being obsessive in his hostility to images and monks; because of this he burned monasteries and images and turned churches into stables, according to the surviving iconophile sources. In 754 Constantine summoned the Council of Hieria in which some 330 to 340 bishops participated and which was the first church council to concern itself primarily with religious imagery. Constantine seems to have been closely involved with the council, and it endorsed an iconoclast position, with 338 assembled bishops declaring, "the unlawful art of painting living creatures blasphemed the fundamental doctrine of our salvation--namely, the Incarnation of Christ, and contradicted the six holy synods. ... If anyone shall endeavour to represent the forms of the Saints in lifeless pictures with material colours which are of no value (for this notion is vain and introduced by the devil), and does not rather represent their virtues as living images in himself, etc. ... let him be anathema." This Council claimed to be the legitimate "Seventh Ecumenical Council", but its legitimacy is disregarded by both Orthodox and Catholic traditions as no patriarchs or representatives of the five patriarchs were present: Constantinople was vacant while Antioch, Jerusalem and Alexandria were controlled by Muslims, and Rome did not send a representative. The iconoclast Council of Hieria was not the end of the matter, however. In this period complex theological arguments appeared, both for and against the use of icons. Constantine himself wrote opposing the veneration of images, while John of Damascus, a Syrian monk living outside of Byzantine territory, became a major opponent of iconoclasm through his theological writings. It has been suggested that monasteries became secret bastions of icon-support, but this view is controversial. A possible reason for this interpretation is the desire in some historiography on Byzantine Iconoclasm to see it as a preface to the later Protestant Reformation in western Europe, in which monastic establishments suffered damage and persecution. In opposition to this view, others have suggested that while some monks continued to support image veneration, many others followed church and imperial policy. The surviving sources accuse Constantine V of moving against monasteries, having relics thrown into the sea, and stopping the invocation of saints. Monks were forced to parade in the Hippodrome, each hand-in-hand with a woman, in violation of their vows. In 765 St Stephen the Younger was killed, and was later considered a martyr to the Iconophile cause. A number of large monasteries in Constantinople were secularised, and many monks fled to areas beyond effective imperial control on the fringes of the Empire. Constantine's son, Leo IV (775–80), was less rigorous, and for a time tried to mediate between the factions. When he died, his wife Irene took power as regent for her son, Constantine VI (780–97). Though icon veneration does not seem to have been a major priority for the regency government, Irene called an ecumenical council a year after Leo's death, which restored image veneration. This may have been an effort to secure closer and more cordial relations between Constantinople and Rome. Irene initiated a new ecumenical council, ultimately called the Second Council of Nicaea, which first met in Constantinople in 786 but was disrupted by military units faithful to the iconoclast legacy. The council convened again at Nicaea in 787 and reversed the decrees of the previous iconoclast council held at Constantinople and Hieria, and appropriated its title as Seventh Ecumenical Council. Thus there were two councils called the "Seventh Ecumenical Council," the first supporting iconoclasm, the second supporting icon veneration. Unlike the iconoclast council, the iconophile council included papal representatives, and its decrees were approved by the papacy. The Orthodox Church considers it to be the last genuine ecumenical council. Icon veneration lasted through the reign of Empress Irene's successor, Nikephoros I (reigned 802–811), and the two brief reigns after his. Decree of the Second council of Nicaea. On October 13, 787 the Second Council of Nicaea decreed that 'venerable and holy images are to be dedicated in the holy churches of God, namely the image of our Lord and God and Saviour Jesus Christ, of our immaculate Lady the holy Theotokos, and of the angels and all the saints. They are to be accorded the veneration of honour, not indeed the true worship paid to the divine nature alone, but in the same way as this is accorded to the life-giving cross, the holy gospels, and other sacred offerings' (trans. Price, The Acts of the Second Council of Nicaea [Liverpool 2018], 564-5, abbreviated). The second iconoclast period: 814–843. Emperor Leo V the Armenian instituted a second period of Iconoclasm in 815, again possibly motivated by military failures seen as indicators of divine displeasure, and a desire to replicate the military success of Constantine V. The Byzantines had suffered a series of humiliating defeats at the hands of the Bulgarian Khan Krum, in the course of which emperor Nikephoros I had been killed in battle and emperor Michael I Rangabe had been forced to abdicate. In June 813, a month before the coronation of Leo V, a group of soldiers broke into the imperial mausoleum in the Church of the Holy Apostles, opened the sarcophagus of Constantine V, and implored him to return and save the empire. Soon after his accession, Leo V began to discuss the possibility of reviving iconoclasm with a variety of people, including priests, monks, and members of the senate. He is reported to have remarked to a group of advisors that: all the emperors, who took up images and venerated them, met their death either in revolt or in war; but those who did not venerate images all died a natural death, remained in power until they died, and were then laid to rest with all honors in the imperial mausoleum in the Church of the Holy Apostles. Leo next appointed a "commission" of monks "to look into the old books" and reach a decision on the veneration of images. They soon discovered the acts of the Iconoclastic Synod of 754. A first debate followed between Leo's supporters and the clerics who continued to advocate the veneration of icons, the latter group being led by the Patriarch Nikephoros, which led to no resolution. However, Leo had apparently become convinced by this point of the correctness of the iconoclast position, and had the icon of the Chalke gate, which Leo III is fictitiously claimed to have removed once before, replaced with a cross. In 815 the revival of iconoclasm was rendered official by a Synod held in the Hagia Sophia. Leo was succeeded by Michael II, who in an 824 letter to the Carolingian emperor Louis the Pious lamented the appearance of image veneration in the church and such practices as making icons baptismal godfathers to infants. He confirmed the decrees of the Iconoclast Council of 754. Michael was succeeded by his son, Theophilus. Theophilus died leaving his wife Theodora regent for his minor heir, Michael III. Like Irene 50 years before her, Theodora presided over the restoration of icon veneration in 843, on the condition that Theophilus not be condemned. Since that time the first Sunday of Great Lent has been celebrated in the Orthodox Church and in Byzantine Rite Catholicism as the feast of the "Triumph of Orthodoxy". Arguments in the struggle over icons. Iconoclast arguments. What accounts of iconoclast arguments remain are largely found in quotations or summaries in iconodule writings. It is thus difficult to reconstruct a balanced view of the popularity or prevalence of iconoclast writings. The major theological arguments, however, remain in evidence because of the need in iconophile writings to record the positions being refuted. Debate seems to have centred on the validity of the depiction of Jesus, and the validity of images of other figures followed on from this for both sides. The main points of the iconoclast argument were: Iconophile arguments. The chief theological opponents of iconoclasm were the monks Mansur (John of Damascus), who, living in Muslim territory as advisor to the Caliph of Damascus, was far enough away from the Byzantine emperor to evade retribution, and Theodore the Studite, abbot of the Stoudios monastery in Constantinople. John declared that he did not worship matter, "but rather the creator of matter." He also declared, "But I also venerate the matter through which salvation came to me, as if filled with divine energy and grace." He includes in this latter category the ink in which the gospels were written as well as the paint of images, the wood of the Cross, and the body and blood of Jesus. This distinction between worship and veneration is key in the arguments of the iconophiles. The iconophile response to iconoclasm included: Emperors had always intervened in ecclesiastical matters since the time of Constantine I. As Cyril Mango writes, "The legacy of Nicaea, the first universal council of the Church, was to bind the emperor to something that was not his concern, namely the definition and imposition of orthodoxy, if need be by force." That practice continued from beginning to end of the Iconoclast controversy and beyond, with some emperors enforcing iconoclasm, and two empresses regent enforcing the re-establishment of icon veneration. In art. The iconoclastic period has drastically reduced the number of survivals of Byzantine art from before the period, especially large religious mosaics, which are now almost exclusively found in Italy and Saint Catherine's Monastery in Egypt. Important works in Thessaloniki were lost in the Great Thessaloniki Fire of 1917 and the Greco-Turkish War (1919–1922). A large mosaic of a church council in the Imperial Palace was replaced by lively secular scenes, and there was no issue with imagery per se. The plain Iconoclastic cross that replaced a figurative image in the apse of St Irene's is itself an almost unique survival, but careful inspection of some other buildings reveals similar changes. In Nicaea, photographs of the Church of the Dormition, taken before it was destroyed in 1922, show that a pre-iconoclasm standing Theotokos was replaced by a large cross, which was itself replaced by the new Theotokos seen in the photographs. The Image of Camuliana in Constantinople appears to have been destroyed, as mentions of it cease. Reaction in the West. The period of Iconoclasm decisively ended the so-called Byzantine Papacy under which, since the reign of Justinian I a century before, the popes in Rome had been initially nominated by, and later merely confirmed by, the emperor in Constantinople, and many of them had been Greek-speaking. By the end of the controversy the pope had approved the creation of a new emperor in the West, and the old deference of the Western church to Constantinople had gone. Opposition to icons seems to have had little support in the West and Rome took a consistently iconodule position. When the struggles flared up, Pope Gregory II had been pope since 715, not long after accompanying his Syrian predecessor Pope Constantine to Constantinople, where they successfully resolved with Justinian II the issues arising from the decisions of the Quinisext Council of 692, which no Western prelates had attended. Of the delegation of 13 Gregory was one of only two non-Eastern; it was to be the last visit of a pope to the city until 1969. There had already been conflicts with Leo III over his very heavy taxation of areas under Roman jurisdiction.

strong faith

715-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8491848

"Final Grades" is the 13th and last episode of the fourth season of the HBO original series "The Wire". Written by David Simon from a story by David Simon & Ed Burns and directed by Ernest Dickerson, it originally aired on December 10, 2006. With a running time of 78 minutes, it is the second longest episode of the whole series and received critical acclaim. Plot Summary. Homicide. Sergeant Jay Landsman walks into the homicide unit office humming a carol. His Christmas spirit is rapidly dispelled when he sees several red names being added to the case board. He quizzes Detective Ed Norris about the board; Norris tells him that Lester Freamon is responsible, having received the go-ahead to search vacant houses for concealed bodies. Landsman is angry at the sudden drop in his squad clearance rate and calls Freamon a Hun, a Vandal and a Visigoth. Landsman next asks what Norris is working on and is dismayed to find out that he is also working a new case: that of a deliberate killing using poisoned narcotics. Landsman is somewhat forgiving when Norris tells him that he has the perpetrator in custody as he came in and voluntarily confessed to the crime. Accompanied by Landsman, Norris returns to the interview room to discuss Bubbles' confession. Bubbles is distraught and is undergoing withdrawal. He vomits all over the detectives and they leave the room to clean up. When they return Bubbles has attempted to hang himself from the ceiling. The detectives cut him down. Later, Landsman is pleased to learn that Bubbles survived. He spots Detective Crutchfield leaving the unit office and is downcast once again when he learns that Freamon has found yet another body. Landsman checks with the paramedics and then quizzes Bubbles about his actions and motives in confessing to the crime. Bubbles tells him the entire story behind Sherrod's death. Bubbles is filled with remorse and regret and pleads with Landsman to lock him up. Landsman orders Norris to let Bubbles go. Norris worries about losing the clearance and about Bubbles's safety. Landsman tells him to send Bubbles to rehab. Later, Kima Greggs and Walon visit Bubbles at the rehab center. Walon comforts Bubbles, but Greggs cannot bring herself to go in. Major Crimes. Freamon marshals his team as they search vacant houses in the Western District. They have uncovered nine bodies so far in clusters around certain blocks. Greggs is there from homicide. Freamon remarks to her that the scary part of the investigation is that they are only searching a single district. He telephones Colonel Cedric Daniels, who is at a staging area set up in the gym of a disused school. Daniels answers the call leaving ASA Rhonda Pearlman alone to field questions from Deputy Commissioner William Rawls and Commissioner Ervin Burrell. She reports that forensics teams are attending each crime scene and they are recovering 9 mm bullet casings, vacuuming for hair and fiber and laser printing for footprints. Daniels returns and is asked to confirm that the bodies are linked to one organization. He tells Burrell that Marlo Stanfield's drug organization is their prime focus and is then asked what they have on Stanfield. He explains that Major Crimes was building a case against Stanfield until three months ago when their wiretaps were pulled by Lieutenant Marimow. Burrell offers Daniels whatever support he needs. Daniels tells Burrell that he needs the patrol division to begin searching for houses. Daniels leaves to begin organizing a citywide search. Rawls remarks to Burrell that if Daniels manages to solve this case then he will be closer to the commissioner position. Burrell tells Rawls that Daniels is a long way from his "throne" and that he is too. He taunts Rawls by saying that he made his move against him too soon. Rawls admits to the mistake and Burrell warns him never to cross him again, following their confrontation earlier in the season. Freamon receives word from Daniels and assigns Leander Sydnor and Kenneth Dozerman to introduce the specifics of the search to the patrol division. Greggs asks what she can do and Freamon asks her to raise Sergeant Thomas "Herc" Hauk, who is currently suspended from duty pending the results of an internal investigation. Greggs finds Herc drinking in the morning and reluctant to become involved while suspended. She goads him into accompanying her by questioning whether he is police or not. She takes him to the site of his recent traffic stop of Chris Partlow and Felicia "Snoop" Pearson, as he told Freamon that he fired a nail from their nail gun into the road. They find the mark but are unable to locate the nail. Herc spends the whole time questioning why IID is investigating him when Marimow has been transferred away and Daniels had already given him a mild punishment for the incident with the minister. Tired of Herc's complaints, Greggs asks what he did in order to reassure him that he will have an easier hearing. When Herc admits the falsified paperwork and stolen camera, Greggs and her partner Bunk Moreland shake their heads in disbelief. Herc experiences further dismay, concerned that he may lose more than just his sergeant's rank. Each patrol officer is given orders to search his post for vacant houses sealed with non-HCD materials. They are instructed to report any such houses to their sector sergeant and told that they can enter, but upon finding a body, they are not to disturb the scene further. Daniels convenes a meeting with the detectives. Bunk and Greggs report that Herc identified the nail gun as the same one used to nail the vacant houses shut, but that they were unable to recover the nail. Freamon suggests that their next move is to seize Chris's truck and take hair and blood samples from both Chris and Snoop. Pearlman interjects, telling the detectives that they do not have the probable cause for these actions. Bunk suggests using Randy Wagstaff as a witness because he is able to link Chris and Snoop to the death of Curtis "Lex" Anderson, but Freamon insists that Randy is simply a source. Bunk becomes impatient and says that he will provide the necessary probable cause within an hour. He visits Lex's mother and pressures her into speaking up. She states that she has heard that Chris and a girl, possibly named Snoop, were responsible. With their warrant Greggs, Freamon and Bunk perform a stop-and-search of Chris and Snoop. Greggs finds the wiring for the hidden glove box compartment and discovers the concealed firearms within. They arrest them for the weapons charge and then have the grand jury serve a warrant for blood and hair samples once they are in custody. Back at the staging area Daniels relays the ballistics report to Freamon. The guns found in the car are clean of prints and do not match to any shootings. Freamon suggests that a trace DNA match or a witness could break the case, but that they are probably facing a lengthy investigation. Freamon asks Daniels how he chose the staging area and learns that he once went to school there. Omar Little. Omar Little and his crew divide up the spoils of their robbery. Kimmy is pleased with their success and tells Omar that she is going back into retirement. Omar's adviser Butchie asks how much of the shipment is left. Omar tells him that there is more than he could ever sell on his own. Butchie suggests selling it back to Proposition Joe for a profit; it is initially taken as a joke, but Renaldo and Omar begin to see the idea's potential. Omar returns to his hideout, having met with Joe and received payment for their stolen shipment. He gives Butchie a percentage for himself and tells him that he will now act as his own bank. Omar leaves the shipment in a locked garage and calls Joe to advise him. As he leaves, Butchie warns Omar that the theft will have further repercussions. New Day Co-Op. Proposition Joe hosts a meeting with the heads of the New Day Co-Op consortium of drug dealers. He is in an awkward position, having had an entire shipment of narcotics stolen by Omar. He tries to convince his colleagues that they should pay for a replacement shipment while they work on recovering the stolen drugs. The rest of the Co-Op members are dubious and tell Joe that as the drugs were in the possession of his people when they were stolen, he will have to make up for the loss. Joe threatens to cut them off from his supplier in the future if they insist on this course and this quiets their protests. Marlo Stanfield quizzes Joe about which of his people was there when the shipment was taken. Joe admits that it was his nephew Cheese, but tells Marlo that he will protect Cheese from any retribution. He offers to put Marlo in touch with his connection so he can reassure him that Cheese did not steal the drugs for himself. Joe discusses this course with his lieutenants Cheese and Slim Charles. Both are dubious of the wisdom in letting Marlo meet their supplier, as they believe he will try to circumvent them. Omar arrives at the store and faces hostility from Cheese and Slim Charles. Joe is more pragmatic and listens to Omar's sales pitch of returning the heroin at "twenty cents on the dollar". Cheese threatens to torture Omar, but Joe sees the futility in this and agrees to buy the drugs. Omar collects the clock that he gave Joe to fix and pays him for the work. Joe chaperones Marlo to his meeting with Spiros "Vondas" Vondopoulos. Vondas guarantees Joe's word on the stolen shipment of drugs and leaves. Marlo instructs Monk to have Vondas followed. Monk informs Marlo that Chris and Snoop have been arrested and Marlo tells him to call their bondsman. Dukie. Duquan "Dukie" Weems arrives home and overhears his friend Michael Lee having sex with a girl. He goes to attend his first day of high school, but changes his mind on the way there. Dukie visits Roland "Prez" Pryzbylewski at school and gives him a gift. Prez tells him that he can stop by any time, although later sees him dealing on a corner. School. Prez supervises his class while they take the statewide tests. Calvin refuses to begin the test, but most students are working hard. In the special class, the majority of the students are not participating, but Namond, Zenobia, and Darnell Tyson are attempting the test. Howard "Bunny" Colvin announces the cessation of the special class to the students. The majority are pleased, but Zenobia is reluctant to return. Prez receives the test results and is pleased to learn that over a third of his students are classified as proficient. Miss Sampson grounds him by explaining that a score of proficient means reading at a level two grades below the student's age. Prez admits that he is still learning and Sampson tells him that he is going to be fine. Prez welcomes the special students back to class. Only Albert makes a disruptive comment, but apologizes after none of the other students laugh. Randy. Sergeant Ellis Carver desperately tries to find somewhere suitable for Randy Wagstaff to stay following the firebombing of his previous home and serious injuries to his foster mother. He is insistent that Randy cannot go back to a group home. Lieutenant Mello is unsympathetic and tells Carver to take what is on offer. Carver visits the social services offices personally and tries to convince them to put Randy at the top of the list for foster placement. Carver offers to foster Randy himself and the department tells him that he needs to go through three months of screening before he can take custody. At day's end Randy is still sleeping on the bench in Carver's office. The next morning Mello gives Carver an angry tirade when he discovers Randy and orders him to hand him over to DSS. Randy offers Carver his savings to bribe someone for a foster place. Carver drops Randy off at a group home and Randy offers him forgiveness and gratitude for his attempts to help. Carver leaves completely frustrated and vents his anger in his car. Randy, discovering that all of his savings have been stolen and his bunk bed is covered in graffiti, is beaten up by several roommates, though he shows his newfound toughness by punching one of his attackers right before being beaten down. Namond. Dennis "Cutty" Wise is recuperating following a fracture of his leg in a shooting. The nurse believes that Cutty is a gangster, having reviewed his medical records. Colvin arrives and asks Cutty for help with Namond. They meet again later and Cutty reports that Wee-Bey Brice has agreed to meet with Colvin. Cutty tells Colvin that Carver now owes him a favor. On his way out the nurse, who presumes Colvin is on police duty, asks him when they are arresting Cutty and he relays that Cutty runs a community gym and that Cutty was shot trying to convince a kid to leave the corners. Colvin visits Wee-Bey in prison. Wee-Bey recognizes him from his time as a patrol officer. Colvin tells him that he is now a sort of teacher rather than a police officer. Colvin tells Wee-Bey that Namond is a bright boy with a lot of potential, but that he will not survive life on the streets. Wee-Bey believes the risks of the game will determine Namond's fate, but Colvin convinces him that Namond's nature has a large part to play. He asks Wee-Bey to give him custody of his son. Colvin picks Namond up from school where he is being watched by Miss Duquette and Dr. Parenti. He tells his colleagues that he believes that Wee-Bey will return Namond to his mother. Parenti states that they have a meeting at City Hall. Colvin is nervous about meeting with the mayor because of his history with the police force, but finds that Carcetti will not be in the meeting due to his meeting with the governor in Annapolis. Steintorf and Gerry are skeptical about the technique, characterizing it as tracking of students and leaving a subgroup behind. Colvin claims that the children are already being left behind and laughs about the system's refusal to admit its failings. Steintorf brings the meeting to a swift close. As they leave Colvin berates his shortcomings in the political arena. Parenti blames the failure on the process and seeks consolation in his academic findings. Meanwhile, Wee-Bey tells De'Londa Brice that if she has thrown Namond out then he will stay out of her care. De'Londa claims that she is trying to harden Namond and Wee-Bey threatens that if she does not let their son go, he will use his reputation against her. She asks Wee-Bey if he is cutting her off, but he reassures her that their relationship is not over. Politics. Carcetti watches a news report about the exhumed bodies and discusses the political implications with his staff. Norman Wilson remarks that the bodies are attributable to the Royce administration and Michael Steintorf, the new chief of staff, states that the silver lining of the story is that it draws attention away from the massive school deficit. Steintorf counsels that they should use this as cover to avoid dealing with the deficit as it would hamstring Carcetti's plans to run for governor and that Carcetti will have the funds to address the city's education problems when he becomes governor. Wilson is disappointed to see that Carcetti is willing to trade fulfilling his responsibilities as mayor with increasing his chances of becoming governor. At home by the Christmas tree, Carcetti discusses his options with his wife Jen. She tells him that she believes he will do the right thing. Later, Wilson and Carcetti return from a second meeting with the governor. Wilson is enraged that Carcetti could not swallow his pride to rescue the school system. Carcetti is angry that the governor was going to call a press conference belittling him if he took the money. Steintorf consoles Carcetti, again telling him that he can do more good as governor himself. Wilson meets with Coleman Parker in a bar. He confides his disappointment in Carcetti and Parker tells him that all politicians disappoint. Wilson asks who Parker is working with next; Parker says he might stay with Royce or back a young politician. Western District. Poot Carr and Bodie Broadus visit the site where one of the bodies was found. They have heard that Little Kevin's body was found inside. Bodie becomes increasingly agitated about the unjustifiable nature of the killing of his friend. Officer Jimmy McNulty recognizes Bodie when he vandalizes a patrol car as he is being arrested by other officers. McNulty visits the staging area and asks Pearlman how many bodies have been recovered. She reports that 17 corpses have been discovered so far. He asks Pearlman to sign off on releasing Bodie without charge. McNulty quizzes his colleagues about the case they are building. They affectionately taunt him by saying that a real police officer would feel compelled to help them. McNulty waits for Bodie as he is released from jail and offers to buy him lunch. As they leave, Monk arrives with the bondsman and notices Bodie getting into McNulty's car. McNulty takes Bodie to Cylburn Arboretum. Bodie tells him that he is not an informant, but admits his frustration with his life as a drug dealer and Marlo's leadership. He states that Marlo expects his people to stand behind him, yet he himself does not stand behind people who work for him. He tells McNulty that the game is rigged and that he feels like a pawn on a chessboard, showing that some of D'Angelo Barksdale's teachings were not lost on him. He offers McNulty information to bring down Marlo, but openly tells McNulty that he will not give any information on any former Barksdale associate. McNulty, out of genuine respect, tells Bodie that he is a soldier. Stanfield Organization. Monk reports sighting Bodie to Marlo and a newly released Chris. Marlo instructs Chris to have Michael kill Bodie on the chance of him being an informant. Chris tells Marlo that Michael worked for Bodie so the task should go to someone else, as Michael's first kill should be a stranger. Marlo relays the latest news about the theft of their shipment and Omar's offer to sell it back to them. Marlo mentions that Proposition Joe said Omar offered to sell it back at 30 cents to the dollar, 10 cents more than what Omar actually told Joe. Bodie returns to work on his corner with Poot and Spider. He notices someone approaching in the shadows and Poot sees someone coming from the other direction. Recognizing Chris and Snoop in the darkness Bodie and Poot realize that the pair have arrived to kill Bodie. Poot urges him to flee, but Bodie refuses to run from his own territory. Spider runs while Bodie fires into the darkness. Poot makes a final plea and then takes flight himself. Bodie, refusing to back down from Marlo and the Stanfield Organization any longer, stands his ground and fires at Chris and Snoop, yelling to them that he isn't running away from them and that they won't put his body in an empty row house as they have with their other victims. As Bodie is distracted by Chris and Snoop, O-Dog steps from a doorway and shoots him in the back of the head. Bodie falls, and O-Dog fires another shot at the back of Bodie's head, finishing him. Marlo, Chris and Snoop visit Michael at home. Marlo questions him about the ring he is wearing on a chain around his neck and Michael reports that he took it from someone. Marlo is shocked, as the ring, which he initially took from Old Face Andre as part of a punishment for his stash house being robbed by Omar, had been stolen from Marlo by Omar several weeks ago in the poker game robbery, and then by Officer Walker from Omar when he was falsely arrested for murder, and then by Michael from Walker when the schoolboys ambushed him and covered him with yellow paint in an alley. Michael offers to give him the ring, unaware of its past, but Marlo allows him to keep it. Dukie descends and offers to ready Bug for school. Marlo tells Michael that he is putting him in charge of Bodie's corner and that he has another task for him. Snoop asks Michael who they killed for him and he reveals that it was Bug's father. Michael kills a drug dealer in a close-range shooting as Chris and Monk look on. McNulty. Carver reports Bodie's death to McNulty as he arrives for work. McNulty rushes to read the report and throws the sheet across the room in despair. McNulty searches Poot at his corner and asks him who killed Bodie. Poot refuses to offer him anything beyond blaming the murder on the police for talking with Bodie. McNulty lets him go. McNulty discusses Bodie's murder with Beadie in bed. He tells her about the new major case investigation and she immediately realizes that he wants to get involved. McNulty tells her that he feels that he owes it to Bodie. He speculates that he will be different with fewer vices and less anger now that he is with Beadie. McNulty meets with Daniels to request a transfer. Daniels asks if he is certain and McNulty tells him that he is optimistic about his ability to keep himself separate from his work. They make a joke of strategy for the case by quoting their initial conversation about the Barksdale case from "The Target", but with the roles reversed. Chapter closes. As Paul Weller's cover of Dr. John's "Walk On Gilded Splinters" plays, a montage of scenes unfolds: Wee-Bey tells Namond that he is still his father and passes him into Colvin's custody; McNulty is welcomed back to Major Crimes, where Michael's picture is already on the board (although he is labeled as an "unknown" for the time being); Herc faces an internal investigations trial board, where he appears to fear for his job, with the words "conduct unbecoming" heard from the investigators; Vondas and Joe meet while Marlo watches them undetected from a distance; Parenti presents his findings to an academic audience, and a disenchanted Colvin walks out in frustration during his presentation; Bunk briefs the homicide unit on the corpses found in vacant buildings; Landsman is distraught at the state of his homicides board; Daniels and Pearlman eat lunch with Carcetti while Burrell and Clay Davis look on; Prez tracks Dukie down, working on Michael's corner with Poot and Kenard, but drives away without approaching him; Randy's bed is daubed with the words "Snitch Bitch", his money is stolen, and he is assaulted by his roommates; Cutty shows the newly adoring nurse his gym; Carcetti suffers through a budget meeting; Carver moves a group of children on from Randy, Dukie, Michael and Namond's old hangout; and in what might be a dream or a memory, Michael tutors Bug, only to be roused by Chris—he is still in the back of the car after his first murder and is instructed to drop his gun down a storm drain. Namond is sent to a new day of school by Colvin and his wife. As he readies himself he sees Donut in yet another stolen car and they share a nod. Donut drives away and the street is peaceful again. The season ends with a lingering shot of a crossroads. Production. Title reference. Although most obviously referring to the test grades received by the school's students, the title also refers to the final evaluation of Parenti and Colvin's pilot program, Chris and Snoop's evaluations of O-Dog and Michael's skills, and to the end-of-year statistics which Carcetti leaves in Royce's name. Epigraph. This is printed on the wooden doors used to close off the vacant houses in West Baltimore. The text has appeared several times in past seasons. The quote references many of the season's characters, who appear hopelessly trapped by their environment. At the time of the episode the number connected with an automated message giving the local Baltimore time. That number was disconnected in June 2011. Music. Paul Weller's cover version of "I Walk On Gilded Splinters" plays over the episode's closing montage. Credits. Starring cast. Although credited, Glynn Turman does not appear in this episode. Reception. Critical response. The episode received unanimous acclaim from television critics. The Futon Critic named it the second best episode of 2006, saying "David Simon did it again. He made us think these four boys—Namond (Julito McCullum), Michael (Tristan Wilds), Randy (Maestro Harrell) and Duquan (Jermaine Crawford)—could have at the very least a future and ripped the rug out from under nearly all of them. He gave us a voice in Bodie (JD Williams), who rallied against the current state of "the game," only to silence it. He gave us a saintly mayor (Aidan Gillen), only to muzzle him with bureaucracy. In the end however he did give us the "old" McNulty (Dominic West) back and the promise to fight the good fight once again. And I'm sure he'll make us believe again—and rip the rug out from under us again. And I wouldn't have it any other way." Awards and nominations. The episode's writers, David Simon and Ed Burns, were nominated for a Writers Guild of America Award for their work. In 2009, TV Guide ranked "Final Grades" #26 on its list of the 100 Greatest Episodes.

unexpected decrease

7671-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1971453

"Walking on Thin Ice" is a song by Yoko Ono, released in 1981. She and John Lennon concluded the recording of the song on December 8, 1980. It was upon their return from the recording studio to The Dakota (their home in New York City) that Lennon was murdered by Mark David Chapman. Lennon was clutching a tape of a final mix when he was shot. The song was both a critical and commercial success. Background. Lennon's lead guitar work on the track, which he recorded on 4 December 1980, was his final creative act. He used his famous Beatles era 1958 Rickenbacker 325 to record all the guitar parts. This is the first time that he used the guitar on a studio recording since 1964/65. At the end of January 1981, "Walking on Thin Ice" was released as a single and became Ono's first chart success, peaking at number 58 in the US and gaining major club/underground airplay. The single was released in February 1981 in the UK and reached number 35 on the chart. The critical reception was favorable: "NME" rated it in the best tracks of year 1981 at number 10. The lyrics talk of the unpredictability of life and death — of "throwing the dice in the air" — and reach the conclusion, "when our hearts return to ashes, it will be just a story...". On the version included on 1992's "Onobox", a new intro was added, where John Lennon can be heard remarking "I think you just cut your first number one, Yoko." The B-side, "It Happened", was a slower, mellow track about acceptance from Ono's vaults that was originally recorded for "A Story" and had already seen limited release in Japan as the B-side to "Yume O Moto", but was remixed for inclusion on the single. Much like the A-side, the lyrics have a new haunting quality given Lennon's murder: "It happened at a time of my life/When I least expected... And I know there's no return, no way". In the essay on the back of the single, Ono talks about how Lennon picked out this track from her old tapes and marked it as a hit. She said "No way!" to which he responded "I'll make it a hit". He was murdered hours later. The song is also included on the experimental compilation album called "Disco Not Disco" (2000). In 2003, riding on the success of several Ono club remixes including "Open Your Box" and "Kiss Kiss Kiss", "Walking on Thin Ice" was released as a maxi-single with remixes by dance artists including the Pet Shop Boys, Danny Tenaglia and Felix Da Housecat. It spent many weeks on the US dance chart before reaching number one, beating Madonna and Justin Timberlake. In the UK, it reached number 35 on the chart, exactly the same position as the original reached in 1981. Music videos. Yoko Ono herself directed a music video for "Walking on Thin Ice" which was released in February 1981. In 2003 Mike Mills and Arya Senboutaraj (one half of the directing duo Rainbows & Vampires) directed an animated black and white video featuring the "Pet Shop Boys Electro Mix Edit" of the song. Track listings. 1981. Promo 7" single 7" / 12" single Promo 12" / Cassingle 2003. CD Maxi 2×12" single UK 12" single US 12" single UK CD1 UK CD2 UK CD promo iTunes single 2013. Pt. 1 Pt. 2 Pt. 3 Pt. 4 Soundcloud exclusive

just the identical ranking

291-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=253074

The Governor of the Commonwealth of Kentucky is the head of Kentucky's executive branch of government. 62 men and one woman have served as Governor of Kentucky. The governor's term is four years in length; since 1992, incumbents have been able to seek re-election once before becoming ineligible for four years. Throughout the state's history, four men have served two non-consecutive terms as governor, and two others have served two consecutive terms. Kentucky is one of only five U.S. states that hold gubernatorial elections in odd-numbered years. The current governor is Andy Beshear, who was first elected in 2019. The governor's powers are enumerated in the state constitution. There have been four constitutions of Kentucky—adopted in 1792, 1799, 1850, and 1891, respectively—and each has enlarged the governor's authority. Among the powers appropriated to the governor in the constitution are the ability to grant pardons, veto legislation, and call the legislature into session. The governor serves as commander-in-chief of the state's military forces and is empowered to enforce all laws of the state. The officeholder is given broad statutory authority to make appointments to the various cabinets and departments of the executive branch, limited somewhat by the adoption of a merit system for state employees in 1960. Because Kentucky's governor controls so many appointments to commissions, the office has been historically considered one of the most powerful state executive positions in the United States. Additionally, the governor's influence has been augmented by wide discretion in awarding state contracts and significant influence over the legislature, although the latter has been waning since the mid-1970s. The history of the office of Governor is largely one of long periods of domination by a single party, though different parties were predominant in different eras. Federalists were rare among Kentuckians during the period of the First Party System, and Democratic Republicans won every gubernatorial election in the state until 1828. The Second Party System began when the Democratic-Republicans split into Jacksonian Democrats (the predecessor of the modern Democratic Party) and National Republicans (later to become Whigs). Beginning with the election of Thomas Metcalfe in 1828, the Whigs dominated the governorship until 1851, with John Breathitt being the only Democrat elected during that period. With the collapse of the Whig Party in the 1850s, Democrats took control of the governorship for the duration of the Third Party System, with Charles S. Morehead of the Know Nothing Party being the only exception. The election of Republican William O'Connell Bradley in 1895 began the only period of true 2-party competition for the governorship; from Bradley's election through 1931, 5 Republicans and 6 Democrats held the office of governor of Kentucky. Since 1931, only 4 Republicans have served as governor of Kentucky, and no Republican governor has ever been re-elected; the most recent past Governor, Matt Bevin, lost re-election. Powers and responsibilities. In all four Kentucky constitutions, the first power enumerated to the governor is to serve as commander-in-chief of the state's militia and military forces. In 1799, a stipulation was added that the governor would not personally lead troops on the battlefield unless advised to do so by a resolution of the General Assembly. Such a case occurred in 1813 when Governor Isaac Shelby, a veteran of the Revolutionary War, was asked to lead a band of Kentucky troops to aid William Henry Harrison at the Battle of the Thames. For his service, Shelby received the Thanks of Congress and the Congressional Gold Medal. Among the other powers and responsibilities of the governor that appear in all four constitutions are the power to enforce all laws, the power to fill vacancies in elected offices until the next meeting of the General Assembly, and the power to remit fines and grant pardons. The power to pardon is not applicable to cases of impeachment, and in cases of treason, a gubernatorial pardon is only effective until the end of the next session of the General Assembly, which can grant a full pardon for treason. The 1891 constitution further required that, with each application for a pardon, the governor file "a statement of the reasons for his decision thereon, which ... shall always be open to public inspection." This requirement was first proposed by a delegate to the 1850 constitutional convention, but it was rejected at that time. Historically, power in Kentucky's executive has been split amongst a variety of elected positions—including Lieutenant Governor, Attorney General, Auditor of Public Accounts, Treasurer, and several commissioners—but in the late 20th century, political power has centralized in the office of Governor. Convening and adjourning the legislature. The power of the governor to adjourn the General Assembly for a period of up to four months if the two houses cannot agree on a time to adjourn appears in all four constitutions. The governor is also empowered to convene the General Assembly "on extraordinary occasions". Since the 1799 constitution, the governor has been permitted to call the legislature into session somewhere other than the state capital if the capital had, since the last legislative session, "become dangerous from an enemy or from contagious diseases." This was an important provision in the early days of the Commonwealth, when epidemics like smallpox posed a danger to the populace. One notable example of an attempt to employ this power was in 1900 when Republican Governor William S. Taylor attempted to adjourn the legislature and re-convene it in heavily Republican London, Kentucky following the shooting of William Goebel. Taylor claimed a state of insurrection existed in the capital, but defiant Democrats refused to heed the call to adjourn or to convene in London. The 1891 constitution added a provision that the governor must specify the reason for any specially called legislative session, and that no other business could be considered during the session. There is, however, no constitutional requirement that the legislature conduct any business during the called session. In 2007, Republican governor Ernie Fletcher called the Assembly into session to consider a long list of items. The Democratically controlled House of Representatives maintained that none of the items were urgent enough that they could not wait until the regular session convened; they claimed that Fletcher was calling the session only to boost his sagging poll numbers before the upcoming election in which he faced a challenge from Democrat Steve Beshear. The House convened on the day appointed and adjourned an hour later without transacting any business. Veto. Unlike the U.S. President, the governor does not have the option of a pocket veto. If the governor does not make a decision to sign or veto a bill, it automatically becomes law after 10 days. In the event that the legislature adjourns to prevent the return of a bill by veto, the bill becomes law three days after the commencement of the next legislative session unless the governor explicitly vetoes it. (With the federal pocket veto, the bill is considered vetoed after ten days if the legislature adjourns.) The 1799 constitution contained, for the first time, the power of the governor to veto legislation; this power was substantially similar to, and probably based upon, that found in the 1792 New Hampshire Constitution and the 1798 Georgia Constitution. The 1891 constitution empowered the governor with a line-item veto, but its use was forbidden on constitutional amendments and laws related to the classification of property for tax purposes. The governor's veto can be overridden by roll-call majority votes of both houses of the legislature; unlike in most states where a supermajority is required to override a veto. Budget. Although setting the state budget is a legislative function in many states, Kentucky governors are required by statute to present a proposed biennial budget to the General Assembly for approval shortly after the beginning of its even-year sessions. The governor's budget has often been approved with few changes, but since the Republicans took control of the state senate for the first time in 1999, approval has become a much more contentious process. The General Assembly failed to pass a budget before the end of its session in both 2002 and 2004. In both cases, the state operated under an executive spending plan drafted by the governor until the legislature could re-convene and pass a budget. In 2005 the Kentucky Supreme Court ruled that the governor had no authority to expend funds without legislative approval, and that if legislators failed to pass a budget in the future, only expenditures explicitly authorized in the state constitution could be made. Administration and appointments. Although the Kentucky constitution designates the governor as the head of the executive branch of state government, it does not specify the means of carrying out that role. Empowered to nominate all constitutional officers by the state's first constitution, that power of the office of the governor has been reduced in subsequent constitutions, as more of those offices became elective. Because the governor is not explicitly authorized by the constitution to conduct many of the functions necessary to administer the state government, the officeholder has had to rely on empowering legislation enacted by the General Assembly. With this in mind, Kentucky historian Thomas D. Clark wrote in 2004 that extensive executive powers had been granted through the creation of a large number of commissions that reported to the governor: During the past century and a half, and especially in the later 20th century, it would have been impossible for state government to operate efficiently without a broadening of executive powers. Through the years the General Assembly has created a myriad of commissions and turned them over to the governor to exercise administrative oversight. ... All of these commissions extended the influence of the governor into every phase of human life in the commonwealth, well beyond the limitations of executive power envisioned by delegates to the constitutional convention in 1891. By 1934, the executive branch consisted of sixty-nine boards, commissions, and agencies in addition to the constitutional officers, although the members of these commissions were often the constitutional officers themselves. Governor Ruby Laffoon proposed the Administrative Reorganization Act of 1934 to organize these boards and commissions into seventeen executive departments and seven independent agencies. The General Assembly passed this legislation, giving the executive branch some semblance of structure for the first time. Laffoon's successor, A. B. "Happy" Chandler, called a special legislative session in 1936 seeking passage of another reorganization act. This act abolished several commissions and organized those remaining into ten statutory departments: Finance, Revenue, Highways, Health, Welfare, Industrial Relations, Business Regulation, Conservation, Libraries and Archives, and Mines and Minerals. The Act also created the Executive Cabinet, consisting of the constitutional officers and the heads of each of the ten statutory departments. The efficiencies created by Chandler's reorganization allowed him to pay off more than three-quarters of the state's $28.5 million debt. Besides effecting the reorganization of the executive branch, the Reorganization Act of 1936 also explicitly empowered the governor to appoint executive department heads and establish, combine, or divide departments as necessary. Later statutes gave the governor the power to appoint advisory committees on reorganization, appoint deputy heads of divisions, transfer employees and change their responsibilities within the executive branch, and establish general rules of conduct for executive branch members. In the 35 years between the time of Chandler's reorganization and the election of Wendell H. Ford as governor in 1971, the executive branch had again become unwieldy. 60 departments and 210 boards reported directly to the governor by 1972, and duplication of services between departments had created inefficiencies. On January 1, 1973, a plan that Ford had issued in late 1972 took effect, consolidating the departments reporting to him into six program cabinets: Consumer Protection and Regulation, Development, Education and the Arts, Human Resources, Safety and Justice, and Transportation. Ford continued merging departments and reorganizing the executive branch throughout 1973 to the extent that, by the end of the year, there were only three program cabinets (Development, Education and the Arts, and Consumer Protection and Regulation) and four additional departments (Human Resources, Justice, Natural Resources and Environmental Protection, and Transportation). By 2002, the executive branch had again grown to fourteen cabinets, but had no additional departments. Shortly after his election in 2003, Governor Ernie Fletcher undertook the last major reorganization of the executive branch to date, reducing the number of cabinets to nine—Justice and Public Safety, Education and Workforce Development, Environmental and Public Protection, Transportation, Economic Development, Health and Family Services, Finance and Administration, Tourism, Arts and Heritage, and Personnel. Because the governor controls so many appointments to commissions—approximately 2,000 according to a 1992 estimate—the office has been historically considered one of the most powerful state executive positions in the United States. Additionally, the governor is given wide discretion in awarding state contracts, further augmenting his influence. In the second half of the 20th century, attempts were made to curb the use of the governor's appointment power for political patronage. During his second term in office, Happy Chandler issued an executive order creating a merit system that forbade the hiring or firing of state employees for political reasons; his successor, Bert T. Combs, pushed a new merit system through the legislature, protecting it from abolition by executive order. Despite the presence of the merit system, many governors have been criticized for abusing their appointment power. In 2005, Ernie Fletcher and several members of his administration were indicted for violating the merit system in their hiring practices; the charges were later dropped as part of an agreement with the prosecutor, Attorney General Greg Stumbo. Unofficial powers. In "The Kentucky Encyclopedia", Eastern Kentucky University professor Paul Blanchard writes that "Many observers consider the governor's informal powers—those derived from tradition, custom, and precedent—as important as the formal powers." Frequently the leaders of their political parties at the state level, Kentucky governors usually control the party's delegations to state and national party conventions. Though given few powers with regard to the legislature, Kentucky governors can exercise a great deal of influence over the General Assembly, often hand-selecting the leadership of both chambers. A move toward a more independent legislature began in the last quarter of the 20th century, particularly during the administration of Governor John Y. Brown Jr. from 1979 to 1983. Brown was much less engaged in legislative affairs than his predecessors; he did not seek to influence the selection of the legislature's leadership, and he left on vacation during one of the two legislative sessions of his term. The trend toward a coequal legislature continued under the administrations of Brown's two immediate successors, Martha Layne Collins and Wallace Wilkinson, neither of whom was considered a strong executive. The governor is also the most visible state officer and is the center of political attention in the Commonwealth. The official host of the state when dignitaries visit, the governor frequently delivers addresses at various dedications and ceremonies, and appears on national television with the winner of the annual Kentucky Derby. The state constitution requires the governor to address the legislature periodically regarding the state of the Commonwealth. This address, traditionally given annually, is often targeted directly at the state's citizens as much as, or more so than, the legislature. The governor can use the address to extol the accomplishments of his or her term and lay out a specific plan for the upcoming legislative session; the contents of the address often shape the agenda of the session. The state's media outlets devote significant coverage to the governor's actions, and many strong governors have used the media to win support for their agendas and criticize political enemies. Qualifications and term. Candidates for the office of governor of Kentucky must be at least thirty years of age and have resided in the state for at least six years preceding the general election. The residency requirement was increased from two years to six years in the constitution of 1799 and all subsequent constitutions. The 1792 constitution—the state's first—also included an exception for candidates who had been absent from the state "on the public business of the United States or of this State." The age requirement was raised from thirty years to thirty-five years in the 1799 constitution and was returned to thirty years in the 1891 constitution. A prohibition against any person concurrently holding the office of governor and a federal office appears in the first three state constitutions, but is absent in the state's current charter. Additionally, the 1799 constitution barred a "minister of any religious society" from holding the office. This language was possibly aimed at the sitting governor, James Garrard, who was an ordained Baptist minister and had frequently clashed with the legislature. The prohibition against ministers holding the office remained in the 1850 constitution, but was removed from the 1891 constitution. In the 1891 constitution, a section was included that forbade anyone from holding any state office—including the office of governor—who had "either directly or indirectly, give[n], accept[ed] or knowingly carr[ied] a challenge to any person or persons to fight in single combat, with a citizen of this State, with a deadly weapon, either in or out of the State". This provision reflected the prevalence of duelling in the South at the time. The gubernatorial oath of office states: The governor's term has been for four years in all four state constitutions. The governor was not term-limited in the 1792 constitution, but in the 1799 constitution, the governor was made ineligible for re-election for seven years following the expiration of his term. The provision did not apply to then-sitting governor James Garrard, who was re-elected in 1799. In the 1850 constitution, the period of ineligibility following the expiration of the governor's term was shortened to four years, and it remained so in the 1891 constitution. In 1953, Governor Lawrence Wetherby lamented the challenges presented by the term limit coupled with biennial legislative sessions: A Kentucky governor is elected under our constitution for four years without legal opportunity, regardless of how acceptable his program has been, to put it before the public for approval or rejection. In practical application he must successfully run the legislative gauntlet during the first hurried ninety days he is in office if he is to adopt a program and have an administration worthy of history's harsh pen. The remaining general assembly two years hence is invariably plagued with vicissitudes common to 'lame duck' tenures. The idea of removing the gubernatorial term limit was first proposed in the 1850 constitutional convention, but was vigorously opposed by some of the state's best known statesmen of the day, including Archibald Dixon, Garrett Davis, Benjamin Hardin, and Charles A. Wickliffe. Not until 1992 was an amendment to the state constitution passed to help ameliorate the situation by making the governor eligible to succeed himself one time before becoming ineligible for four years. Succession amendments had been proposed and defeated during the administrations of John Y. Brown, Jr. and Wallace Wilkinson, but then-Governor Brereton Jones was able to see it passed because, unlike Brown and Wilkinson, he was willing to exempt the present incumbents, including himself, from the succession provision. Paul E. Patton, with victories in the elections of 1995 and 1999, was the first governor to be elected to consecutive terms since the 1992 amendment. Another constitutional amendment, passed in November 2000, called for a 30-day legislative session to be held in odd-numbered years between the longer 60-day sessions held in even-numbered years. Election. In the 1792 constitution, the governor and state senators were chosen by electors, in a manner similar to the operation of the United States Electoral College. In the 1795 gubernatorial election, Benjamin Logan received 21 electoral votes, James Garrard received 17, Thomas Todd received 14, and John Brown received 1. The constitution did not specify whether election required a plurality or a majority of the electoral votes cast; in the absence of any instruction, the electors held a runoff vote, wherein most of Todd's electors voted for Garrard, giving him a majority. The secretary of state certified Garrard's election, though Attorney General John Breckinridge questioned the legality of the second vote and Logan formally protested it. Ultimately, Breckinridge determined that he was not empowered by the state constitution to intervene, and Logan gave up the challenge. The 1799 constitution changed the method of selecting the governor to direct election by majority vote and prescribed that, in the event of a tie vote, the governor would be chosen by lot in the Kentucky General Assembly. This provision has remained since 1799. After the development of the party system, it became commonplace for political parties to choose their nominees for the office of governor via a nominating convention. Thomas Metcalfe was the first gubernatorial candidate chosen by a nominating convention; he was nominated by the National Republican Party at their convention in December 1827. Governor Ruby Laffoon, elected in 1931, was the last governor of Kentucky nominated by a convention. Laffoon's lieutenant governor, Happy Chandler, pushed the legislature to mandate party primaries, which they did in 1935. Party primaries remain required by law today. In 1992, the state constitution was amended to require candidates for governor and lieutenant governor to be nominated and elected as a ticket. Kentucky is one of only five U.S. states to hold gubernatorial elections in odd-numbered years—commonly called an off-year election. Louisiana, Mississippi, Virginia, and New Jersey also hold off-year gubernatorial elections. The general election for governor and lieutenant governor is held on the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November. The governor and lieutenant governor are inaugurated on the fifth Tuesday after their election. This was changed from the fourth Tuesday after the election by the 1850 constitution. Succession. Under Kentucky's first constitution (1792), the Speaker of the Kentucky Senate became acting governor upon the death, resignation, or removal of the sitting governor from office, until a new election could be held. The 1799 constitution created the office of lieutenant governor, who acted as Speaker of the Senate, but was not otherwise considered a member of that body. The lieutenant governor was to become governor in the event of the sitting governor's death, resignation, or removal from office and was to act in a gubernatorial capacity any time the governor was out of the state. Whenever the lieutenant governor became the new governor, the Senate was to elect one of its members to act as Speaker; that individual then became next in the line of gubernatorial succession. A provision of the 1850 constitution added that, if the governor's term had more than two years remaining at the time of his death, resignation, or removal from office, a special election would be called to fill the office; the lieutenant governor would become the new governor and serve in the interim. In the 1891 constitution, the chain of succession was extended. It mandated that, if the Senate was not in session and therefore did not have an elected Speaker, the secretary of state, or in the event of his inability to qualify, the attorney general, would become acting governor in the event of the death, resignation, or removal from office of the sitting governor and lieutenant governor. The secretary of state or attorney general would then be required to call the Senate into session to elect a Speaker, who would subsequently become governor. A 1992 amendment to the state constitution removed the provision under which the lieutenant governor became acting governor when the sitting governor was out of the state. It also relieved the lieutenant governor of his duties in the Senate and created the office of President of the Kentucky Senate, chosen from among the state senators, who presides over the Senate. The amendment also modified the chain of succession again—it is now as follows: If the office devolves upon the Attorney General or State Auditor, that individual is required to call the Senate into session to elect a president, who would subsequently become governor. The first instance of gubernatorial succession in Kentucky's history occurred upon the death of Governor George Madison in 1816. Madison was extremely popular as a twice-wounded war hero. He died of tuberculosis just three weeks into his term. His lieutenant governor, Gabriel Slaughter, ascended to the governorship and immediately made two very unpopular appointments. These moves engendered much animosity toward Slaughter, and a movement began in the House of Representatives to hold a new election for governor. Leaders of the movement, including a young John C. Breckinridge, claimed that Slaughter was only the "acting governor" until a new governor was elected. The call for a new election failed in the House in 1815, but was approved by the House in 1817 only to fail in the Senate. Slaughter served out the rest of Madison's term and in so doing, established the precedent that the lieutenant governor would be the permanent successor to the governor upon the latter's death, resignation, or removal from office. Besides Madison, four other governors have died while in office—John Breathitt, James Clark, John L. Helm, and William Goebel. All died of natural causes except Goebel, who is the only governor of any U.S. state to have been assassinated. Goebel lost the contentious 1899 gubernatorial election to William S. Taylor, but challenged the results. While the General Assembly was considering the challenge, Goebel was shot. Days later, the General Assembly decided in favor of Goebel, ousting Taylor from office and making Goebel governor. Goebel was sworn in on his sick bed and died two days later. His lieutenant governor, J. C. W. Beckham, succeeded him. 7 men have resigned the office of governor before the end of their terms—John J. Crittenden, Beriah Magoffin, John W. Stevenson, Augustus O. Stanley, Happy Chandler, Earle C. Clements, and Wendell H. Ford. 6 resigned to accept a higher office: Crittenden was appointed Attorney General of the United States and the other 5 were elected to the U.S. Senate. Only Beriah Magoffin resigned under duress. A Confederate sympathizer during the Civil War, Magoffin's power was entirely checked by a hostile, pro-Union legislature. With the state's government in gridlock, Magoffin agreed to resign in exchange for being able to name his successor. Lieutenant Governor Linn Boyd had died in office, and the Speaker of the Senate, John F. Fisk, was not acceptable to Magoffin as a successor. Fisk resigned as Speaker, and the Senate elected Magoffin's choice, James Fisher Robinson as Speaker. Magoffin then resigned, Robinson was elevated to governor, and Fisk was re-elected as Speaker of the Senate. All elected officials in Kentucky, including the governor, are subject to impeachment for "any misdemeanors in office". The articles of impeachment must be issued by the House of Representatives and the trial is conducted by the Senate. If convicted, the governor is subject to removal from office and may be prohibited from holding elected office in the state thereafter. Impeached governors may also be subject to trial in the criminal or civil court system. No governor of Kentucky has been impeached. Compensation and residence. Each iteration of the Kentucky Constitution has provided that the governor receive a salary. Under the first three constitutions, the governor's salary could not be increased or reduced while he was in office; this provision was extended to all public officials in the present constitution. The governor's salary is set by law, and is equal to $60,000 times the increase in the consumer price index between January 1, 1984, and the beginning of the current calendar year. In 2014, the governor's salary was $186,730. The Kentucky Governor's Mansion is the official residence of the governor of Kentucky. The present Governor's Mansion, constructed in 1914 and listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1972, is located at 704 Capitol Avenue in the state capital of Frankfort. It is the second building to serve as the official residence of the governor of Kentucky. The Kentucky Revised Statutes provide that "[t]he Governor shall have the use of the mansion and the furniture therein and premises, free of rent, but the purchase of furniture for the mansion shall be upon the recommendation of the secretary of the Finance and Administration Cabinet". The state's first governor's mansion was constructed during the gubernatorial tenure of James Garrard. According to tradition, future governors Thomas Metcalfe (a stonemason) and Robert P. Letcher (who worked at his father's brickyard) participated in the construction of the first governor's mansion. After the construction of the present governor's mansion, the old governor's mansion became the official residence of the lieutenant governor. Lieutenant governor Steve Henry vacated the mansion in 2002 so it could be renovated; following the renovation, it became a state guest house and official entertainment space for the governor. For many years, the mansion was the oldest official residence still in use in the United States. Located at 420 High Street in Frankfort, it was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1971. History of the office. Political parties had developed in the United States before Kentucky became a state. Because most early Kentuckians were Virginians, they naturally allied with the Democratic-Republicans, the party of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison; the latter was a cousin of George Madison, the state's sixth governor. Political victories were few and far between for Federalists in Kentucky, and none of Kentucky's governors were members of the Federalist Party. Military service was the most important consideration for voters in Kentucky's early gubernatorial elections. John Breathitt, elected Kentucky's eleventh governor in 1832, was the first Kentucky governor not to have served in the military. The Federalist Party had died out nationally by 1820, but new party divisions were soon to form in Kentucky. The Panic of 1819 left many Kentuckians deeply in debt and without a means of repaying their creditors. Two factions grew up around the issue of debt relief. Those who favored laws favorable to debtors were dubbed the "Relief Party" and those who favored laws protecting creditors were called the "Anti-Relief Party". While not formal political parties—members of both factions still considered themselves Democratic-Republicans—these factions defined the political dialogue of the 1820s in Kentucky. The debt relief issue began under Gabriel Slaughter, who identified with the Anti-Relief Party, but Slaughter's two immediate successors, John Adair and Joseph Desha, were members of the Relief Party. The struggle between the two parties culminated in the Old Court – New Court controversy, an attempt by the pro-relief legislature to abolish the Court of Appeals because the court overturned some debt relief measures as unconstitutional. The controversy ended with the restoration of the Old Court over Desha's veto in late 1826. Although many Old Court supporters—typically the state's wealthy aristocracy—gravitated to the National Republican Party (later to be called Whigs) that formed in the 1820s, it is inaccurate to assume the Anti-Relief Party as a whole became National Republicans and the Relief Party became Democrats. The primary factor in determining which party Kentuckians aligned with was their faith in Whig Party founder and native son, Henry Clay. From the election of Thomas Metcalfe in 1828 to the expiration of John L. Helm's term in 1851, only one Democrat held the office of governor: John Breathitt, who died a year and a half into his term and was succeeded in office by his lieutenant governor, James Turner Morehead, a National Republican. Following the collapse of the Whig Party in the early 1850s, many former Whigs joined the Know Nothing, or American, Party, and Charles S. Morehead was elected governor from that party in 1855. Sectarian tensions gripped the state in the lead-up to the Civil War, and while the majority of Kentuckians favored the preservation of the Union above all else, a self-constituted group of Confederate sympathizers met at Russellville and formed a Confederate government for the state. While this provisional government never displaced the elected government in Frankfort, two men served as Confederate governors of Kentucky. From the close of the Civil War until 1895, Kentuckians elected a series of Bourbon Democrats with Confederate sympathies as governor, including two men—James B. McCreary and Simon Bolivar Buckner—who had served in the Confederate States Army. The Democratic dominance was broken by William O'Connell Bradley, who was elected the state's first Republican governor in 1895. Bradley's election marked the beginning of thirty years of true, two-party competition for the governorship in the state. Between 1895 and 1931, five Republicans and six Democrats held the office of governor. Since 1931, however, the Republicans have been unable to preserve this level of parity, and in that period only four of the twenty elected governors have been from the Republican party.

imperative factor

6779-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=21491282

Al-Nasir Salah al-Din Yusuf ibn Ayyub (Salah ad-Din or Saladin) arrived in Egypt in 1163 and would become its leader until his death in 1193. Egypt was in a state of decay prior to Saladin's rise to power with the Political and Social situation in shambles. Saladin first arrived in Egypt alongside his Uncle Shirkuh on a campaign launched by Nur al-Din. He would rise to prominence under Shirkuh eventually succeeding him as Vizier of Egypt. Saladin faced many problems as Vizier of Egypt but overcame them. When the Fatimid Caliphate fell in 1171 Saladin was the only remaining authority in Egypt, he would use his increased power and independence to expand his realm and influence. Egypt before Saladin. The Fatimid Caliphate that had ruled in Egypt since 969 was on the verge of total disintegration in the period before Saladin's arrival. The challenges that faced the state were extensive and touched on every aspect of life in Egypt. The condition of Fatimid Egypt can be best segmented into three areas: political, social, and economic. Political. Power in the Fatimid Caliphate stemmed from the Fatimid caliph. Over the years, however, true power had shifted into the office of the vizier. Initially, the vizier was intended to be the chief administrator of the state, serving at the will and pleasure of the caliph. This changed with the rise of Badr al-Jamali (1074–1094) to the position. Badr and his successors, who were mostly drawn from the military, combined the vizierate with the post of "commander of the armies" and held full powers in the caliph's stead. These "viziers of the sword" were at the same time chief ministers in charge of all civil administration, heads of the army, responsible for all judicial matters as chief "qāḍī", and even for all religious matters of the Isma'ili community as head missionary ("dāʿī al-duʿāt"). As the viziers' power grew to eclipse the caliphs', they even assumed the title of "king" ("al-malik") followed by an epithet. Any remaining power the caliphs may have had was shattered when the last adult caliph, al-Hafiz, died in 1149. This death initiated yet another period of instability and intrigue, culminating with the killing of many males in the Fatimid royal family in 1153. These killings sparked a revolt by the Armenian governor of Middle Egypt, Tala'i ibn Ruzzik, who was aided by Sitt al-Qusur, sister of the young caliph al-Fa'iz. Ibn Ruzzik quickly consolidated his rule over Egypt (preventing any intervention Nur al-Din may have been planning) and ruled effectively. Under Ibn Ruzzik, Egypt regained some measure of international influence, successfully defending itself from naval molestation, raiding opposition shipping in the Eastern Mediterranean, and engaging in negotiations with Nur al-Din concerning a unified jihad against the Crusader States. The Crusaders in the Kingdom of Jerusalem were not unaware of the delicate nature of their position and sought to establish a functional relationship with Ibn Ruzzik, culminating with a truce between the two states with Egypt paying large annual sums to Jerusalem as one of the conditions. In 1161, Ibn Ruzzik was assassinated and with him died stability in Egypt. Ibn Ruzzik's son succeeded him but was quickly overthrown by the Arab governor of upper Egypt, Shawar, in 1163. In the same year Shawar himself was almost immediately overthrown by a courtier named Dirgham. Shawar fled Egypt and sought aid from Nur al-Din in Syria. The internal chaos of 1163 spilled over onto the international arena when the new king of Jerusalem, Amalric I, undertook a punitive campaign in Egypt in response to the failure of the Egyptian to pay their annual tribute. Amalric's campaign was stopped not by the Fatimid military, but rather the flooding Nile that crippled his army while they laid siege to the town of Bilbays in northern Egypt. Social. The official doctrine of the Fatimid state was Isma'ilism, a branch of Shi'a Islam espoused by the Fatimids. According to Isma'ili beliefs, the caliph was also the imam, the divinely chosen and guided heir of the Prophet Muhammad, in direct and unbroken succession via Ali ibn Abi Talib. The Fatimids' claim of descent from Ali was challenged already during the 10th century, both by the Sunni Abbasids but also by many Shi'ites, who rejected their legitimacy and claimed that they were impostors. Most Egyptians rejected Ismailism and practised Sunni Islam. Tensions were further exacerbated as the Caliphs steadily lost power, including the power to support their state religion. Into this growing void stepped Sunni Islam, which thrived in Egypt's north especially around the city of Alexandria. Already in , the military strongman Nasir al-Dawla ibn Hamdan had tried to depose the dynasty and restore Sunni rule over Egypt. The prestige of the caliphate diminished further following a series of deeply divisive schisms within the Isma'ili faith itself, over the succession to the imamate/caliphate: the Nizari schism of 1094 and the Hafizi schism of 1130/32. In addition to this mounting religious pressure the ever unstable nature of Egyptian political life forced elites in every field (administrative, poetic, legal, etc.) into tight knit social circles often susceptible to purges when rival factions seized power. This resulted in the deaths of many of Egypt's most talented people, contributing to the free fall of the Fatimid state. Economic. Perhaps the only part of Egypt before Saladin that can be referred to as successful was its economy. Since ancient times the fertile banks of the Nile had made Egypt the bread basket of the Eastern Mediterranean. The tombs of the Pharaohs served as man made gold mines to the Fatimids, who actively stripped the wealth of these ancient tombs to support their projects. The final lynch pin in Egypt's successful economy was the growth of trade. Trade routes extended as far as India with goods from the East funnelling through upper Egypt on their way to Europe and the Middle East, contributing to the extensive growth of trade cities like Damietta and Alexandria. For once the weakness of the Fatimid state served as an advantage as people of all religious backgrounds capitalized on all aspects of the thriving trade and succeeded in creating a surprisingly successful financial system. This strong economy and financial system provided the Egyptian viziers like Ibn Ruzzik with the ability to wield amazing funds in both internal and international politics. Campaigns in Egypt. Nur al-Din had long sought to intervene in Egypt especially after missing his opportunity when Tala ibn Ruzzik successfully brought the country under control, blocking his ambitions for nearly a decade. Thus, Nur al-Din closely watched the events of 1163 with his reliable general Shirkuh waiting for an appropriate opportunity to bring the country under his control. Before the campaigns it would be hard to find a figure more obscure than Saladin, but by their end he would emerge as one of the most prominent figures in the Medieval Middle East. Campaign of 1163. In Syria, Shawar easily convinced Nur al-Din to support his cause in Egypt. Nur al-Din was motivated partially by his long standing desire to gain control over Egypt and partially by a desire to block further military adventures by Amalric. Nur al-din sent the head of his army Shirkuh (who in turn took his nephew, Saladin, with him) to accompany Shawar back to Egypt and return him to power. The force set out in May 1163 and quickly entered Cairo where they deposed Dirgham. Once Dirgham had been overthrown, however, it quickly became clear that Shawar was not going to uphold his agreement, neither paying tribute to Nur al-Din nor giving Shirkuh's troops the fiefs he had promised. Shawar then entered into negotiations with Amalric in an attempt to garner support against his former benefactor. He ultimately enticed Amalric into an alliance against Nur al-Din by making several concessions including the release of Christian prisoners and submitting to the Kingdom of Jerusalem. Together Amalric and Shawar marched on the city Bilbays, which Shirkuh was using as his base. Neither of the allies wanted to storm the city so they chose to put it under siege (the native Egyptians understood the flood cycles of the Nile and thus knew they would not suffer the same fate as Amalric's previous siege of the city). Nur al-Din took advantage of the absence of Amalric and Jerusalem's army to attack the Crusader States, winning a pitched battle and retaking the city of Harim. Nur al-Din continued his advance and took the city of Baniyas, forcing Amalric to return from Egypt. A peace deal was brokered in November 1163 which required both Amalric and Shirkuh to withdraw from Egypt in exchange for large payments from Shawar. Shawar emerged as the ultimate victor having both gained personal control of Egypt and having avoided submission to either Nur al-Din or Amalric. Campaign of 1167. The ambitious Shirkuh was discontented with the result of the 1163 campaign and began preparing for a new invasion of Egypt. Shawar was aware of Shirkuh's intentions and entered into negotiation with Amalric to renew their alliance in the event of Shirkuh's invasion. In late 1166 and early 1167, Shirkuh, again with Saladin, attacked Egypt with Nur al-Din's support. Amalric and Shawar quickly mobilized against Shirkuh's coming force. Shirkuh managed to avoid Amalric's army in the open and travel south into Egypt and use the west bank of the Nile to stave off an attack from the combined forces of Amalric and Shawar. Finally in March 1167 the allies forced a battle which Shirkuh won, despite heavy losses to both sides. Shirkuh then proceeded to Alexandria where the largely Sunni population opened their gates to him and offered support. Amalric and Shawar quickly regrouped, however, and closed on Alexandria. Not willing to be trapped with his main army in Alexandria, Shirkuh left the city, leaving Saladin and a small force to defend it. The allies quickly subjected the city to a vicious siege. In his first major military position, Saladin managed to organize a continued defense of the city and maintain the support of the population, despite great suffering brought on by the long siege. Shirkuh remained largely inactive in the countryside, failing to attack either the besieging army or the garrisoned city of Cairo, which held the Fatimid Caliph. Ultimately a peace treaty was negotiated between Shirkuh and the allies with the agreement that Amalric and Shirkuh would withdraw their forces in exchange for payments and amnesty would be granted to the people of Alexandria (Shawar was only held from retribution on the city after it was made part of the peace agreement and Amalric promised protection to the city). Saladin stayed in the Crusader camp during these negotiations in which he sought to assure the terms protecting Alexandria. Campaign of 1168. Facing internal pressures stemming from his unpopular alliance with Amalric, Shawar tried to negotiate with Nur al-Din to keep Shirkuh from attacking Egypt for a third time. It was Shawar who found himself betrayed, however, when Amalric attacked Egypt in 1168. Amalric quickly captured the city of Bilbays in early November and massacred the population that had frustrated him twice in 1163. He then quickly marched on Fustat, the official capital of Egypt, before Shawar could gather his forces. Shawar responded by burning the city before Amalric could take it and use it as a base against Cairo (the Caliph's city and de facto capital of Egypt). Unimpressed by Shawar's actions, Amalric besieged Cairo and attempted to storm the city. With the enemy at the gates of his city, the Fatimid Caliph, al-Adid, requested aid from Nur al-Din. Nur al-Din quickly ordered Shirkuh to return to Egypt. Shirkuh again recruited Saladin who apparently took convincing following the hard times he had endured at Alexandria. Shirkuh left for Egypt in December 1168. Hearing of Shirkuh's arrival in Egypt in January 1169, Amalric quickly negotiated a truce with Shawar (including the usual payments by the Egyptians in exchange for withdrawal) and returned to Jerusalem. With the support of al-Adid, Shirkuh entered Cairo unopposed. Saladin then personally arrested Shawar and brought him to al-Adid, who ordered Shawar's execution. Shirkuh was appointed the new vizier and gave Saladin a high administrative position. Shirkuh died shortly afterwards, in March 1169, after an exceptionally large and rich meal. Saladin was then selected from Shirkuh's emirs to become the vizier (though it is unclear whether or not the emirs selected him or the Egyptians chose him in an attempt to create conflict between the Kurdish and Turkish emirs). Saladin's Vizierate. The ascension to the vizierate was clearly a defining moment in his life. He married for the first time. The Fatimid State he inherited was every bit as unstable as the one Shawar had seized, but Saladin faced the additional challenge of being a foreign occupier. This challenge was increased because Saladin's overlord, Nur al-Din, knew little of his deceased emir's nephew, other than that he was from the famously ambitious Ayyubid family. Thus Saladin's time as vizier can best be judged as trying to repair the political and social situation is Egypt while under constant scrutiny from Nur al-Din, who believed that the addition of Egypt's resources to his Syrian empire as one of the final steps towards completing his jihad against the Crusader States. Political. Saladin almost immediately faced challenges from the established pro-Fatimid military and civilian elites, who feared that the presence of a foreign Sunni vizier would result in the destruction of their dynasty. A conspiracy against Saladin by these elites formed in 1169 centered around the black eunuch who served as majordomo of the Caliph's palace. Saladin uncovered this plot and had the eunuch executed while outside of the city inspecting his properties. This execution triggered an uprising by the black units of the Fatimid military who were both numerous and extremely loyal to the Caliphate. Saladin quickly and effectively put down this revolt and began restructuring the Fatimid military around the Syrian units who had remained with him in Egypt, both increasing the effectiveness of the military and granting him greater personal control over it. This revolt was not the only challenge of 1169 as Amalric returned and, with support of the Byzantine navy, attempted to take Damietta. Disunity between the attackers forced them to settle for terms and withdraw. But having established a relatively secure position by 1170, Saladin increased his power within Egypt by importing his family (most notably his father, Ayyoub) whom he appointed to important positions throughout the government. He also sought to test the Fatamid ruler Al-Adid by publicly disrespecting him through actions, such as riding his horse into the courtyard of the Caliph's palace (something only the caliph was allowed to do). Clearly feeling secure in Egypt Saladin undertook attacks against the Kingdom of Jerusalem in 1170 and succeeded in taking the strategic town of Ayla. He withdrew early from the 1171 campaign, which was supposed to be an assault on the Crusader fortress of Karak with Nur al-Din Zangi, partially because he wanted to avoid meeting his master and officially due to the death of his father. Nur al-Din was displeased with these actions and viewed Saladin after Ayyoub's death (Ayyoub was greatly trusted by Nur al-Din and oversaw Egypt's finances on his behalf). In order to reign in his vassal and gain favor with the Abbasid Caliph, Nur al-Din commanded Saladin to overthrow the Fatimid Dynasty in June 1171. Unwilling to take more revolts, Saladin waited until Al-Adid's timely death (many suspected that al-Adid was in fact poisoned by Saladin, probably) to officially end the dynasty of the Fatamids, which he did on September 17, 1171 by having the Friday sermons across Egypt said in the name Al-Mustadi, the Abbasid caliph. Social. Though he did not disband the Fatimid Caliphate until 1171 Saladin actively sought to spread Sunnism as soon as he became the vizier. He established numerous mosques and madrasah in order further the spread of Sunni beliefs. This move was extremely popular amongst the majority Sunni population and by systematically appointing Sunni jurists to legal positions throughout the state Saladin tactfully eliminated any opposition he might encounter from the religious establishment when attempting to disband the Fatimid Caliphate. Another hallmark of Saladin's effective rule was his willingness to accept useful Egyptian elites into his administration. None of these were more important than Qadi al-Fadil, a brilliant jurist from Ascalon, who had served Shawar and briefly Shirkuh before coming into the service of Saladin. Men like Qadi al-Fadil provided Saladin with the more than just their ample skills, but also with direct connections into the complicated social/political circles that held power in the Fatimid State. Finally, Saladin's famed tolerance towards non-Muslims emerged when he allowed the Coptic Christians and Jews, who were deeply ingrained into Egypt's highly successful financial system, to retain their posts. This move secured the continued success of Egypt's thriving economy. Ruler of Egypt. With the Fatimid Caliphate gone, Saladin now found himself the ruler of Egypt, though still a subordinate of the distant Nur al-Din. Nur al-Din, in turn, did not find himself satisfied with Saladin for a number of reasons. The greatest of these was his displeasure with the size of Saladin's tribute payments, which he had expected to be much larger. This issue was intensified by the fact that Nur al-Din had sought to advance Shirkuh, not Saladin and, with Ayyub dead, Nur al-Din felt that he had no control over the younger ruler and became ever more convinced that Saladin would attempt to become independent. The extent to which Saladin may have intentionally underpaid Nur al-Din is unknown, but it is likely that the tombs of the Pharaohs were finally running dry after being so heavily tapped by previous viziers. Saladin continued to actively avoid any personal meeting with Nur al-Din, who may very well have removed him from power. There is little doubt that Saladin's actions looked suspicious as he continued his reforms across Egyptian society, including the elimination of many taxes in contradiction with Islamic law, and began construction of a formidable navy. However, Nur al-Din was not alone in facing ambitious underlings. As other Ayyubids amassed power in Egypt, they too wished to gain territory, wealth, and glory. Among these were his nephew Taqi al-Din Umar, who expanded Saladin's domains westward to the borders of the Almohad Empire in 1173, and his brother Turanshah, who invaded Yemen and deposed its heretical leader in 1174. These maneuvers led Nur al-Din to send an auditor to Egypt to establish the appropriate amount of payments in 1173, a clear sign of distrust. With tensions mounting, 1174 proved to be a crucial year for Saladin. Early in the year, when his ambitious brother departed for Yemen, Saladin discovered a major plot to return the Fatimids to power and dealt with the conspirators swiftly and brutally. In the meantime, Nur al-Din's patience seems to have finally worn out and he began to raise an army for the invasion of Egypt. Nur al-Din became suddenly ill and died, leaving behind a number of direct successors who lacked either the age or skill to succeed him. With Egypt as his secure power base, Saladin wasted no time in marching on Damascus, where the population welcomed him with open arms in 1174. From this point forward, his attention would be focused on Syria.

surplus authority

11776-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=25754

A resistor is a passive two-terminal electrical component that implements electrical resistance as a circuit element. In electronic circuits, resistors are used to reduce current flow, adjust signal levels, to divide voltages, bias active elements, and terminate transmission lines, among other uses. High-power resistors that can dissipate many watts of electrical power as heat, may be used as part of motor controls, in power distribution systems, or as test loads for generators. Fixed resistors have resistances that only change slightly with temperature, time or operating voltage. Variable resistors can be used to adjust circuit elements (such as a volume control or a lamp dimmer), or as sensing devices for heat, light, humidity, force, or chemical activity. Resistors are common elements of electrical networks and electronic circuits and are ubiquitous in electronic equipment. Practical resistors as discrete components can be composed of various compounds and forms. Resistors are also implemented within integrated circuits. The electrical function of a resistor is specified by its resistance: common commercial resistors are manufactured over a range of more than nine orders of magnitude. The nominal value of the resistance falls within the manufacturing tolerance, indicated on the component. Electronic symbols and notation. Two typical schematic diagram symbols are as follows: The notation to state a resistor's value in a circuit diagram varies. One common scheme is the RKM code following IEC 60062. It avoids using a decimal separator and replaces the decimal separator with a letter loosely associated with SI prefixes corresponding with the part's resistance. For example, "8K2" as part marking code, in a circuit diagram or in a bill of materials (BOM) indicates a resistor value of 8.2 kΩ. Additional zeros imply a tighter tolerance, for example "15M0" for three significant digits. When the value can be expressed without the need for a prefix (that is, multiplicator 1), an "R" is used instead of the decimal separator. For example, "1R2" indicates 1.2 Ω, and "18R" indicates 18 Ω. Theory of operation. Ohm's law. The behaviour of an ideal resistor is dictated by the relationship specified by Ohm's law: Ohm's law states that the voltage (V) across a resistor is proportional to the current (I), where the constant of proportionality is the resistance (R). For example, if a 300 ohm resistor is attached across the terminals of a 12 volt battery, then a current of 12 / 300 = 0.04 amperes flows through that resistor. Practical resistors also have some inductance and capacitance which affect the relation between voltage and current in alternating current circuits. The ohm (symbol: Ω) is the SI unit of electrical resistance, named after Georg Simon Ohm. An ohm is equivalent to a volt per ampere. Since resistors are specified and manufactured over a very large range of values, the derived units of milliohm (1 mΩ = 10−3 Ω), kilohm (1 kΩ = 103 Ω), and megohm (1 MΩ = 106 Ω) are also in common usage. Series and parallel resistors. The total resistance of resistors connected in series is the sum of their individual resistance values. The total resistance of resistors connected in parallel is the reciprocal of the sum of the reciprocals of the individual resistors. For example, a 10 ohm resistor connected in parallel with a 5 ohm resistor and a 15 ohm resistor produces ohms of resistance, or = 2.727 ohms. A resistor network that is a combination of parallel and series connections can be broken up into smaller parts that are either one or the other. Some complex networks of resistors cannot be resolved in this manner, requiring more sophisticated circuit analysis. Generally, the Y-Δ transform, or matrix methods can be used to solve such problems. Power dissipation. At any instant, the power "P" (watts) consumed by a resistor of resistance "R" (ohms) is calculated as: formula_4 where "V" (volts) is the voltage across the resistor and "I" (amps) is the current flowing through it. Using Ohm's law, the two other forms can be derived. This power is converted into heat which must be dissipated by the resistor's package before its temperature rises excessively. Resistors are rated according to their maximum power dissipation. Discrete resistors in solid-state electronic systems are typically rated as 1/10, 1/8, or 1/4 watt. They usually absorb much less than a watt of electrical power and require little attention to their power rating. Resistors required to dissipate substantial amounts of power, particularly used in power supplies, power conversion circuits, and power amplifiers, are generally referred to as "power resistors"; this designation is loosely applied to resistors with power ratings of 1 watt or greater. Power resistors are physically larger and may not use the preferred values, color codes, and external packages described below. If the average power dissipated by a resistor is more than its power rating, damage to the resistor may occur, permanently altering its resistance; this is distinct from the reversible change in resistance due to its temperature coefficient when it warms. Excessive power dissipation may raise the temperature of the resistor to a point where it can burn the circuit board or adjacent components, or even cause a fire. There are flameproof resistors that fail (open circuit) before they overheat dangerously. Since poor air circulation, high altitude, or high operating temperatures may occur, resistors may be specified with higher rated dissipation than is experienced in service. All resistors have a maximum voltage rating; this may limit the power dissipation for higher resistance values. Nonideal properties. Practical resistors have a series inductance and a small parallel capacitance; these specifications can be important in high-frequency applications. In a low-noise amplifier or pre-amp, the noise characteristics of a resistor may be an issue. The temperature coefficient of the resistance may also be of concern in some precision applications. The unwanted inductance, excess noise, and temperature coefficient are mainly dependent on the technology used in manufacturing the resistor. They are not normally specified individually for a particular family of resistors manufactured using a particular technology. A family of discrete resistors is also characterized according to its form factor, that is, the size of the device and the position of its leads (or terminals) which is relevant in the practical manufacturing of circuits using them. Practical resistors are also specified as having a maximum power rating which must exceed the anticipated power dissipation of that resistor in a particular circuit: this is mainly of concern in power electronics applications. Resistors with higher power ratings are physically larger and may require heat sinks. In a high-voltage circuit, attention must sometimes be paid to the rated maximum working voltage of the resistor. While there is no minimum working voltage for a given resistor, failure to account for a resistor's maximum rating may cause the resistor to incinerate when current is run through it. Fixed resistors. Lead arrangements. Through-hole components typically have "leads" (pronounced ) leaving the body "axially," that is, on a line parallel with the part's longest axis. Others have leads coming off their body "radially" instead. Other components may be SMT (surface mount technology), while high power resistors may have one of their leads designed into the heat sink. Carbon composition. Carbon composition resistors (CCR) consist of a solid cylindrical resistive element with embedded wire leads or metal end caps to which the lead wires are attached. The body of the resistor is protected with paint or plastic. Early 20th-century carbon composition resistors had uninsulated bodies; the lead wires were wrapped around the ends of the resistance element rod and soldered. The completed resistor was painted for color-coding of its value. The resistive element is made from a mixture of finely powdered carbon and an insulating material, usually ceramic. A resin holds the mixture together. The resistance is determined by the ratio of the fill material (the powdered ceramic) to the carbon. Higher concentrations of carbon, which is a good conductor, result in lower resistance. Carbon composition resistors were commonly used in the 1960s and earlier, but are not popular for general use now as other types have better specifications, such as tolerance, voltage dependence, and stress. Carbon composition resistors change value when stressed with over-voltages. Moreover, if internal moisture content, from exposure for some length of time to a humid environment, is significant, soldering heat creates a non-reversible change in resistance value. Carbon composition resistors have poor stability with time and were consequently factory sorted to, at best, only 5% tolerance. These resistors are non-inductive, which provides benefits when used in voltage pulse reduction and surge protection applications. Carbon composition resistors have higher capability to withstand overload relative to the component's size. Carbon composition resistors are still available, but relatively expensive. Values ranged from fractions of an ohm to 22 megohms. Due to their high price, these resistors are no longer used in most applications. However, they are used in power supplies and welding controls. They are also in demand for repair of vintage electronic equipment where authenticity is a factor. Carbon pile. A carbon pile resistor is made of a stack of carbon disks compressed between two metal contact plates. Adjusting the clamping pressure changes the resistance between the plates. These resistors are used when an adjustable load is required, for example in testing automotive batteries or radio transmitters. A carbon pile resistor can also be used as a speed control for small motors in household appliances (sewing machines, hand-held mixers) with ratings up to a few hundred watts. A carbon pile resistor can be incorporated in automatic voltage regulators for generators, where the carbon pile controls the field current to maintain relatively constant voltage. The principle is also applied in the carbon microphone. Carbon film. A carbon film is deposited on an insulating substrate, and a helix is cut in it to create a long, narrow resistive path. Varying shapes, coupled with the resistivity of amorphous carbon (ranging from 500 to 800 μΩ m), can provide a wide range of resistance values. Compared to carbon composition they feature low noise, because of the precise distribution of the pure graphite without binding. Carbon film resistors feature a power rating range of 0.125 W to 5 W at 70 °C. Resistances available range from 1 ohm to 10 megohm. The carbon film resistor has an operating temperature range of −55 °C to 155 °C. It has 200 to 600 volts maximum working voltage range. Special carbon film resistors are used in applications requiring high pulse stability. Printed carbon resistors. Carbon composition resistors can be printed directly onto printed circuit board (PCB) substrates as part of the PCB manufacturing process. Although this technique is more common on hybrid PCB modules, it can also be used on standard fibreglass PCBs. Tolerances are typically quite large, and can be in the order of 30%. A typical application would be non-critical pull-up resistors. Thick and thin film. Thick film resistors became popular during the 1970s, and most SMD (surface mount device) resistors today are of this type. The resistive element of thick films is 1000 times thicker than thin films, but the principal difference is how the film is applied to the cylinder (axial resistors) or the surface (SMD resistors). Thin film resistors are made by sputtering (a method of vacuum deposition) the resistive material onto an insulating substrate. The film is then etched in a similar manner to the old (subtractive) process for making printed circuit boards; that is, the surface is coated with a photo-sensitive material, then covered by a pattern film, irradiated with ultraviolet light, and then the exposed photo-sensitive coating is developed, and underlying thin film is etched away. Thick film resistors are manufactured using screen and stencil printing processes. Because the time during which the sputtering is performed can be controlled, the thickness of the thin film can be accurately controlled. The type of material is also usually different consisting of one or more ceramic (cermet) conductors such as tantalum nitride (TaN), ruthenium oxide (), lead oxide (PbO), bismuth ruthenate (), nickel chromium (NiCr), or bismuth iridate (). The resistance of both thin and thick film resistors after manufacture is not highly accurate; they are usually trimmed to an accurate value by abrasive or laser trimming. Thin film resistors are usually specified with tolerances of 1% and 5%, and with temperature coefficients of 5 to 50 ppm/K. They also have much lower noise levels, on the level of 10–100 times less than thick film resistors. Thick film resistors may use the same conductive ceramics, but they are mixed with sintered (powdered) glass and a carrier liquid so that the composite can be screen-printed. This composite of glass and conductive ceramic (cermet) material is then fused (baked) in an oven at about 850 °C. Thick film resistors, when first manufactured, had tolerances of 5%, but standard tolerances have improved to 2% or 1% in the last few decades. Temperature coefficients of thick film resistors are high, typically ±200 or ±250 ppm/K; a 40-kelvin (70 °F) temperature change can change the resistance by 1%. Thin film resistors are usually far more expensive than thick film resistors. For example, SMD thin film resistors, with 0.5% tolerances, and with 25 ppm/K temperature coefficients, when bought in full size reel quantities, are about twice the cost of 1%, 250 ppm/K thick film resistors. Metal film. A common type of axial-leaded resistor today is the metal-film resistor. Metal Electrode Leadless Face (MELF) resistors often use the same technology. Metal film resistors are usually coated with nickel chromium (NiCr), but might be coated with any of the cermet materials listed above for thin film resistors. Unlike thin film resistors, the material may be applied using different techniques than sputtering (though this is one of the techniques). Also, unlike thin-film resistors, the resistance value is determined by cutting a helix through the coating rather than by etching. (This is similar to the way carbon resistors are made.) The result is a reasonable tolerance (0.5%, 1%, or 2%) and a temperature coefficient that is generally between 50 and 100 ppm/K. Metal film resistors possess good noise characteristics and low non-linearity due to a low voltage coefficient. Also beneficial are their tight tolerance, low temperature coefficient and long-term stability. Metal oxide film. Metal-oxide film resistors are made of metal oxides which results in a higher operating temperature and greater stability and reliability than metal film. They are used in applications with high endurance demands. Wire wound. Wirewound resistors are commonly made by winding a metal wire, usually nichrome, around a ceramic, plastic, or fiberglass core. The ends of the wire are soldered or welded to two caps or rings, attached to the ends of the core. The assembly is protected with a layer of paint, molded plastic, or an enamel coating baked at high temperature. These resistors are designed to withstand unusually high temperatures of up to 450 °C. Wire leads in low power wirewound resistors are usually between 0.6 and 0.8 mm in diameter and tinned for ease of soldering. For higher power wirewound resistors, either a ceramic outer case or an aluminum outer case on top of an insulating layer is used – if the outer case is ceramic, such resistors are sometimes described as "cement" resistors, though they do not actually contain any traditional cement. The aluminum-cased types are designed to be attached to a heat sink to dissipate the heat; the rated power is dependent on being used with a suitable heat sink, e.g., a 50 W power rated resistor overheats at a fraction of the power dissipation if not used with a heat sink. Large wirewound resistors may be rated for 1,000 watts or more. Because wirewound resistors are coils they have more undesirable inductance than other types of resistor, although winding the wire in sections with alternately reversed direction can minimize inductance. Other techniques employ bifilar winding, or a flat thin former (to reduce cross-section area of the coil). For the most demanding circuits, resistors with Ayrton–Perry winding are used. Applications of wirewound resistors are similar to those of composition resistors with the exception of the high frequency. The high frequency response of wirewound resistors is substantially worse than that of a composition resistor. Foil resistor. In 1960 Felix Zandman and Sidney J. Stein presented a development of resistor film of very high stability. The primary resistance element of a foil resistor is a chromium nickel alloy foil several micrometers thick. Chromium nickel alloys are characterized by having a large electrical resistance (about 58 times that of copper), a small temperature coefficient and high resistance to oxidation. Examples are Chromel A and Nichrome V, whose typical composition is 80 Ni and 20 Cr, with a melting point of 1420° C. When iron is added, the chromium nickel alloy becomes more ductile. The Nichrome and Chromel C are examples of an alloy containing iron. The composition typical of Nichrome is 60 Ni, 12 Cr, 26 Fe, 2 Mn and Chromel C, 64 Ni, 11 Cr, Fe 25. The melting temperature of these alloys are 1350° and 1390 ° C, respectively. Since their introduction in the 1960s, foil resistors have had the best precision and stability of any resistor available. One of the important parameters of stability is the temperature coefficient of resistance (TCR). The TCR of foil resistors is extremely low, and has been further improved over the years. One range of ultra-precision foil resistors offers a TCR of 0.14 ppm/°C, tolerance ±0.005%, long-term stability (1 year) 25 ppm, (3 years) 50 ppm (further improved 5-fold by hermetic sealing), stability under load (2000 hours) 0.03%, thermal EMF 0.1 μV/°C, noise −42 dB, voltage coefficient 0.1 ppm/V, inductance 0.08 μH, capacitance 0.5 pF. The thermal stability of this type of resistor also has to do with the opposing effects of the metal's electrical resistance increasing with temperature, and being reduced by thermal expansion leading to an increase in thickness of the foil, whose other dimensions are constrained by a ceramic substrate. Ammeter shunts. An ammeter shunt is a special type of current-sensing resistor, having four terminals and a value in milliohms or even micro-ohms. Current-measuring instruments, by themselves, can usually accept only limited currents. To measure high currents, the current passes through the shunt across which the voltage drop is measured and interpreted as current. A typical shunt consists of two solid metal blocks, sometimes brass, mounted on an insulating base. Between the blocks, and soldered or brazed to them, are one or more strips of low temperature coefficient of resistance (TCR) manganin alloy. Large bolts threaded into the blocks make the current connections, while much smaller screws provide volt meter connections. Shunts are rated by full-scale current, and often have a voltage drop of 50 mV at rated current. Such meters are adapted to the shunt full current rating by using an appropriately marked dial face; no change need to be made to the other parts of the meter. Grid resistor. In heavy-duty industrial high-current applications, a grid resistor is a large convection-cooled lattice of stamped metal alloy strips connected in rows between two electrodes. Such industrial grade resistors can be as large as a refrigerator; some designs can handle over 500 amperes of current, with a range of resistances extending lower than 0.04 ohms. They are used in applications such as dynamic braking and load banking for locomotives and trams, neutral grounding for industrial AC distribution, control loads for cranes and heavy equipment, load testing of generators and harmonic filtering for electric substations. The term "grid resistor" is sometimes used to describe a resistor of any type connected to the control grid of a vacuum tube. This is not a resistor technology; it is an electronic circuit topology. Variable resistors. Adjustable resistors. A resistor may have one or more fixed tapping points so that the resistance can be changed by moving the connecting wires to different terminals. Some wirewound power resistors have a tapping point that can slide along the resistance element, allowing a larger or smaller part of the resistance to be used. Where continuous adjustment of the resistance value during operation of equipment is required, the sliding resistance tap can be connected to a knob accessible to an operator. Such a device is called a rheostat and has two terminals. Potentiometers. A potentiometer (colloquially, "pot") is a three-terminal resistor with a continuously adjustable tapping point controlled by rotation of a shaft or knob or by a linear slider. The name "potentiometer" comes from its function as an adjustable voltage divider to provide a variable potential at the terminal connected to the tapping point. Volume control in an audio device is a common application of a potentiometer. A typical low power potentiometer "(see drawing)" is constructed of a flat resistance element "(B)" of carbon composition, metal film, or conductive plastic, with a springy phosphor bronze wiper contact "(C)" which moves along the surface. An alternate construction is resistance wire wound on a form, with the wiper sliding axially along the coil. These have lower resolution, since as the wiper moves the resistance changes in steps equal to the resistance of a single turn. High-resolution multiturn potentiometers are used in precision applications. These have wire-wound resistance elements typically wound on a helical mandrel, with the wiper moving on a helical track as the control is turned, making continuous contact with the wire. Some include a conductive-plastic resistance coating over the wire to improve resolution. These typically offer ten turns of their shafts to cover their full range. They are usually set with dials that include a simple turns counter and a graduated dial, and can typically achieve three digit resolution. Electronic analog computers used them in quantity for setting coefficients, and delayed-sweep oscilloscopes of recent decades included one on their panels. Resistance decade boxes. A resistance decade box or resistor substitution box is a unit containing resistors of many values, with one or more mechanical switches which allow any one of various discrete resistances offered by the box to be dialed in. Usually the resistance is accurate to high precision, ranging from laboratory/calibration grade accuracy of 20 parts per million, to field grade at 1%. Inexpensive boxes with lesser accuracy are also available. All types offer a convenient way of selecting and quickly changing a resistance in laboratory, experimental and development work without needing to attach resistors one by one, or even stock each value. The range of resistance provided, the maximum resolution, and the accuracy characterize the box. For example, one box offers resistances from 0 to 100 megohms, maximum resolution 0.1 ohm, accuracy 0.1%. Special devices. There are various devices whose resistance changes with various quantities. The resistance of NTC thermistors exhibit a strong negative temperature coefficient, making them useful for measuring temperatures. Since their resistance can be large until they are allowed to heat up due to the passage of current, they are also commonly used to prevent excessive current surges when equipment is powered on. Similarly, the resistance of a humistor varies with humidity. One sort of photodetector, the photoresistor, has a resistance which varies with illumination. The strain gauge, invented by Edward E. Simmons and Arthur C. Ruge in 1938, is a type of resistor that changes value with applied strain. A single resistor may be used, or a pair (half bridge), or four resistors connected in a Wheatstone bridge configuration. The strain resistor is bonded with adhesive to an object that is subjected to mechanical strain. With the strain gauge and a filter, amplifier, and analog/digital converter, the strain on an object can be measured. A related but more recent invention uses a Quantum Tunnelling Composite to sense mechanical stress. It passes a current whose magnitude can vary by a factor of 1012 in response to changes in applied pressure. Measurement. The value of a resistor can be measured with an ohmmeter, which may be one function of a multimeter. Usually, probes on the ends of test leads connect to the resistor. A simple ohmmeter may apply a voltage from a battery across the unknown resistor (with an internal resistor of a known value in series) producing a current which drives a meter movement. The current, in accordance with Ohm's law, is inversely proportional to the sum of the internal resistance and the resistor being tested, resulting in an analog meter scale which is very non-linear, calibrated from infinity to 0 ohms. A digital multimeter, using active electronics, may instead pass a specified current through the test resistance. The voltage generated across the test resistance in that case is linearly proportional to its resistance, which is measured and displayed. In either case the low-resistance ranges of the meter pass much more current through the test leads than do high-resistance ranges, in order for the voltages present to be at reasonable levels (generally below 10 volts) but still measurable. Measuring low-value resistors, such as fractional-ohm resistors, with acceptable accuracy requires four-terminal connections. One pair of terminals applies a known, calibrated current to the resistor, while the other pair senses the voltage drop across the resistor. Some laboratory quality ohmmeters, especially milliohmmeters, and even some of the better digital multimeters sense using four input terminals for this purpose, which may be used with special test leads. Each of the two so-called Kelvin clips has a pair of jaws insulated from each other. One side of each clip applies the measuring current, while the other connections are only to sense the voltage drop. The resistance is again calculated using Ohm's Law as the measured voltage divided by the applied current. Standards. Production resistors. Resistor characteristics are quantified and reported using various national standards. In the US, MIL-STD-202 contains the relevant test methods to which other standards refer. There are various standards specifying properties of resistors for use in equipment: There are other United States military procurement MIL-R- standards. Resistance standards. The primary standard for resistance, the "mercury ohm" was initially defined in 1884 in as a column of mercury 106.3 cm long and in cross-section, at . Difficulties in precisely measuring the physical constants to replicate this standard result in variations of as much as 30 ppm. From 1900 the mercury ohm was replaced with a precision machined plate of manganin. Since 1990 the international resistance standard has been based on the quantized Hall effect discovered by Klaus von Klitzing, for which he won the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1985. Resistors of extremely high precision are manufactured for calibration and laboratory use. They may have four terminals, using one pair to carry an operating current and the other pair to measure the voltage drop; this eliminates errors caused by voltage drops across the lead resistances, because no charge flows through voltage sensing leads. It is important in small value resistors (100–0.0001 ohm) where lead resistance is significant or even comparable with respect to resistance standard value. Resistor marking. Axial resistors' cases are usually tan, brown, blue, or green (though other colors are occasionally found as well, such as dark red or dark gray), and display 3–6 colored stripes that indicate resistance (and by extension tolerance), and may be extended to indicate the temperature coefficient and reliability class. The first two stripes represent the first two digits of the resistance in ohms, the third represents a multiplier, and the fourth the tolerance (which if absent, denotes ±20%). For five- and six- striped resistors the third is the third digit, the fourth the multiplier and the fifth is the tolerance; a sixth stripe represents the temperature coefficient. The power rating of the resistor is usually not marked and is deduced from the size. Surface-mount resistors are marked numerically. Early 20th century resistors, essentially uninsulated, were dipped in paint to cover their entire body for color-coding. A second color of paint was applied to one end of the element, and a color dot (or band) in the middle provided the third digit. The rule was "body, tip, dot", providing two significant digits for value and the decimal multiplier, in that sequence. Default tolerance was ±20%. Closer-tolerance resistors had silver (±10%) or gold-colored (±5%) paint on the other end. Preferred values. Early resistors were made in more or less arbitrary round numbers; a series might have 100, 125, 150, 200, 300, etc. Resistors as manufactured are subject to a certain percentage tolerance, and it makes sense to manufacture values that correlate with the tolerance, so that the actual value of a resistor overlaps slightly with its neighbors. Wider spacing leaves gaps; narrower spacing increases manufacturing and inventory costs to provide resistors that are more or less interchangeable. A logical scheme is to produce resistors in a range of values which increase in a geometric progression, so that each value is greater than its predecessor by a fixed multiplier or percentage, chosen to match the tolerance of the range. For example, for a tolerance of ±20% it makes sense to have each resistor about 1.5 times its predecessor, covering a decade in 6 values. In practice the factor used is 1.4678, giving values of 1.47, 2.15, 3.16, 4.64, 6.81, 10 for the 1–10-decade (a decade is a range increasing by a factor of 10; 0.1–1 and 10–100 are other examples); these are rounded in practice to 1.5, 2.2, 3.3, 4.7, 6.8, 10; followed by 15, 22, 33, … and preceded by … 0.47, 0.68, 1. This scheme has been adopted as the E48 series of the IEC 60063 preferred number values. There are also E12, E24, E48, E96 and E192 series for components of progressively finer resolution, with 12, 24, 96, and 192 different values within each decade. The actual values used are in the IEC 60063 lists of preferred numbers. A resistor of 100 ohms ±20% would be expected to have a value between 80 and 120 ohms; its E6 neighbors are 68 (54–82) and 150 (120–180) ohms. A sensible spacing, E6 is used for ±20% components; E12 for ±10%; E24 for ±5%; E48 for ±2%, E96 for ±1%; E192 for ±0.5% or better. Resistors are manufactured in values from a few milliohms to about a gigaohm in IEC60063 ranges appropriate for their tolerance. Manufacturers may sort resistors into tolerance-classes based on measurement. Accordingly, a selection of 100 ohms resistors with a tolerance of ±10%, might not lie just around 100 ohm (but no more than 10% off) as one would expect (a bell-curve), but rather be in two groups – either between 5 and 10% too high or 5 to 10% too low (but not closer to 100 ohm than that) because any resistors the factory had measured as being less than 5% off would have been marked and sold as resistors with only ±5% tolerance or better. When designing a circuit, this may become a consideration. This process of sorting parts based on post-production measurement is known as "binning", and can be applied to other components than resistors (such as speed grades for CPUs). Earlier power wirewound resistors, such as brown vitreous-enameled types, however, were made with a different system of preferred values, such as some of those mentioned in the first sentence of this section. SMT resistors. Surface mounted resistors of larger sizes (metric 1608 and above) are printed with numerical values in a code related to that used on axial resistors. Standard-tolerance surface-mount technology (SMT) resistors are marked with a three-digit code, in which the first two digits are the first two significant digits of the value and the third digit is the power of ten (the number of zeroes). For example: Resistances less than 100 Ω are written: 100, 220, 470. The final zero represents ten to the power zero, which is 1. For example: Sometimes these values are marked as 10 or 22 to prevent a mistake. Resistances less than 10 Ω have 'R' to indicate the position of the decimal point (radix point). For example: Many precision resistors are marked with a four-digit code, in which the first three digits are the significant figures and the fourth is the power of ten. For example: 000 and 0000 sometimes appear as values on surface-mount zero-ohm links, since these have (approximately) zero resistance. More recent surface-mount resistors are too small, physically, to permit practical markings to be applied. EIA-96 marking. The EIA-96 marking system is a more compact marking system intended for physically small high-precision resistors. It uses a 2 digit code plus a letter (a total of 3 alphanumeric characters) to indicate 1% resistance values to three significant digits. The 2 digits (from "01" to "96") are a code that indicates one of the 96 "positions" in the standard E96 series of 1% resistor values. The letter is a code that indicates a power of ten multiplier. For example, the marking "01C" represents 10 kOhm; "10C" represents 12.4 kOhm; "96C" represents 97.6 kOhm. Industrial type designation. Format:" [two letters]<space>[resistance value (three digit)]<nospace>[tolerance code(numerical – one digit)] Steps to find out the resistance or capacitance values: If a resistor is coded: Electrical and thermal noise. In amplifying faint signals, it is often necessary to minimize electronic noise, particularly in the first stage of amplification. As a dissipative element, even an ideal resistor naturally produces a randomly fluctuating voltage, or noise, across its terminals. This Johnson–Nyquist noise is a fundamental noise source which depends only upon the temperature and resistance of the resistor, and is predicted by the fluctuation–dissipation theorem. Using a larger value of resistance produces a larger voltage noise, whereas a smaller value of resistance generates more current noise, at a given temperature. The thermal noise of a practical resistor may also be larger than the theoretical prediction and that increase is typically frequency-dependent. Excess noise of a practical resistor is observed only when current flows through it. This is specified in unit of μV/V/decade – μV of noise per volt applied across the resistor per decade of frequency. The μV/V/decade value is frequently given in dB so that a resistor with a noise index of 0 dB exhibits 1 μV (rms) of excess noise for each volt across the resistor in each frequency decade. Excess noise is thus an example of 1/"f" noise. Thick-film and carbon composition resistors generate more excess noise than other types at low frequencies. Wire-wound and thin-film resistors are often used for their better noise characteristics. Carbon composition resistors can exhibit a noise index of 0 dB while bulk metal foil resistors may have a noise index of −40 dB, usually making the excess noise of metal foil resistors insignificant. Thin film surface mount resistors typically have lower noise and better thermal stability than thick film surface mount resistors. Excess noise is also size-dependent: in general excess noise is reduced as the physical size of a resistor is increased (or multiple resistors are used in parallel), as the independently fluctuating resistances of smaller components tend to average out. While not an example of "noise" per se, a resistor may act as a thermocouple, producing a small DC voltage differential across it due to the thermoelectric effect if its ends are at different temperatures. This induced DC voltage can degrade the precision of instrumentation amplifiers in particular. Such voltages appear in the junctions of the resistor leads with the circuit board and with the resistor body. Common metal film resistors show such an effect at a magnitude of about 20 µV/°C. Some carbon composition resistors can exhibit thermoelectric offsets as high as 400 µV/°C, whereas specially constructed resistors can reduce this number to 0.05 µV/°C. In applications where the thermoelectric effect may become important, care has to be taken to mount the resistors horizontally to avoid temperature gradients and to mind the air flow over the board. Failure modes. The failure rate of resistors in a properly designed circuit is low compared to other electronic components such as semiconductors and electrolytic capacitors. Damage to resistors most often occurs due to overheating when the average power delivered to it greatly exceeds its ability to dissipate heat (specified by the resistor's "power rating"). This may be due to a fault external to the circuit, but is frequently caused by the failure of another component (such as a transistor that shorts out) in the circuit connected to the resistor. Operating a resistor too close to its power rating can limit the resistor's lifespan or cause a significant change in its resistance. A safe design generally uses overrated resistors in power applications to avoid this danger. Low-power thin-film resistors can be damaged by long-term high-voltage stress, even below maximum specified voltage and below maximum power rating. This is often the case for the startup resistors feeding the SMPS integrated circuit. When overheated, carbon-film resistors may decrease or increase in resistance. Carbon film and composition resistors can fail (open circuit) if running close to their maximum dissipation. This is also possible but less likely with metal film and wirewound resistors. There can also be failure of resistors due to mechanical stress and adverse environmental factors including humidity. If not enclosed, wirewound resistors can corrode. Surface mount resistors have been known to fail due to the ingress of sulfur into the internal makeup of the resistor. This sulfur chemically reacts with the silver layer to produce non-conductive silver sulfide. The resistor's impedance goes to infinity. Sulfur resistant and anti-corrosive resistors are sold into automotive, industrial, and military applications. ASTM B809 is an industry standard that tests a part's susceptibility to sulfur. An alternative failure mode can be encountered where large value resistors are used (hundreds of kilohms and higher). Resistors are not only specified with a maximum power dissipation, but also for a maximum voltage drop. Exceeding this voltage causes the resistor to degrade slowly reducing in resistance. The voltage dropped across large value resistors can be exceeded before the power dissipation reaches its limiting value. Since the maximum voltage specified for commonly encountered resistors is a few hundred volts, this is a problem only in applications where these voltages are encountered. Variable resistors can also degrade in a different manner, typically involving poor contact between the wiper and the body of the resistance. This may be due to dirt or corrosion and is typically perceived as "crackling" as the contact resistance fluctuates; this is especially noticed as the device is adjusted. This is similar to crackling caused by poor contact in switches, and like switches, potentiometers are to some extent self-cleaning: running the wiper across the resistance may improve the contact. Potentiometers which are seldom adjusted, especially in dirty or harsh environments, are most likely to develop this problem. When self-cleaning of the contact is insufficient, improvement can usually be obtained through the use of contact cleaner (also known as "tuner cleaner") spray. The crackling noise associated with turning the shaft of a dirty potentiometer in an audio circuit (such as the volume control) is greatly accentuated when an undesired DC voltage is present, often indicating the failure of a DC blocking capacitor in the circuit.

boundary along

12093-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=2886343

CTV Atlantic (formerly known as the Atlantic Television, or ATV) is a system of four television stations in the Maritimes, owned and operated by the CTV Television Network, a division of Bell Media. Despite the name, it is not available on basic cable or analog in Newfoundland and Labrador even though that province is part of Atlantic Canada. Newfoundland has NTV, no other Atlantic province has their own channel, although Newfoundland has much less population than NS and NB. The CTV Atlantic stations are: All four stations refer to themselves on air as CTV, not by their call letters. CJCB and CKCW simulcast CJCH for most of the day, but air separate commercials and local telethons. CKLT is a full repeater of CKCW. However, all four stations are separately licensed by the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission (CRTC). Station information and history is discussed in each station's own article. History. CJCH was a charter CTV affiliate when that network began on October 1, 1961. CJCB and CKCW were established as CBC Television stations in 1954. CKCW affiliated with CTV in 1969, adding sister station CKLT the same year. Between 1969 and 1976, CKCW's relay stations in Northern New Brunswick (Campbellton, Upsalquitch Lake and Newcastle [Miramichi], plus three relay stations in Quebec) carried a combined CBC/CTV schedule, becoming full relays of CKCW after CHSJ in Saint John, the CBC affiliate in New Brunswick, established its own relays in the area. CHUM Limited, a Toronto broadcaster, bought CJCH in 1970, CJCB in 1971 and CKCW and CKLT in 1972. After the CBC opened a relay in Sydney, CHUM switched CJCB's affiliation to CTV and merged its four Maritimes CTV affiliates into the ATV system. Shortly afterward, CKCW opened a rebroadcaster in Charlottetown, making Prince Edward Island the last province to get CTV. On February 26, 1997 (with CRTC approval given on August 28, 1997), as part of a group deal, the ATV stations were sold to CTV. Although each station originally produced its own news and local programming, these were progressively cut back from the 1980s onward. Today, nearly all programming originates from Halifax. However, CJCB and CKCW break off from CJCH's signal to air separate commercials and locally produced telethons. As with many regional networks, this creates a balancing act where local stories in one community or province are of little interest in another area of CTV Atlantic's coverage area, and viewers in each province feel the news division focuses too much on either New Brunswick or Nova Scotia, along with a lesser focus on Prince Edward Island. However, CTV Atlantic has had some of the highest ratings of any local newscasts in Canada, although its presence and viewing audience is somewhat less in PEI mainly as a result of competition from CBCT in Charlottetown, which provides the province's only . On October 11, 2005, ATV was renamed "CTV Atlantic". Most other CTV owned-and-operated stations had been renamed the prior week. Due to it being in the Atlantic Time Zone and ahead an hour of the Eastern Time Zone, some programming on CTV Atlantic airs at different times than on the master main Eastern/Central CTV feed and for programming from the United States, is actually carried ahead of its first airing on their original American networks. Newscasts and regionally-produced programming. CTV Atlantic produces 28 hours of local programming each week. All news programs are produced in high definition as of July 13, 2014 at CJCH's Robie Street studio in Halifax. "CTV News" also has news bureaus in Sydney, New Glasgow, Saint John, Fredericton and Moncton.

lower people

11465-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=5540337

The was a war of succession in Japan during the Asuka period of the Yamato state. It broke out in 672 following the death of Emperor Tenji. The name refers to the "jinshin" (壬申) or ninth year of the sixty-year Jikkan Jūnishi calendrical cycle, corresponding to the Western year 672. Tenji had originally designated his brother, Prince Ōama, as his successor, but later changed his mind in favor of his son, Prince Ōtomo. In the course of the violence that erupted as a result of factional rivalries, Ōtomo, having taken the throne as Emperor, took his own life after reigning for less than a year. His uncle Ōama then succeeded to the throne as the Emperor Tenmu. Background. Emperor Tenji ascended to the throne and set up a capital at Ōmi-Ōtsu (currently Ōtsu city, Shiga Prefecture). He made his best efforts for the foundation of a strong country, imitating the Tang Dynasty in China, importing the Tangs' culture, architecture and political systems. Japan had to pretend to have as much power as Tang because if Japan were regarded as weak, it was feared that the Tang might invade and conquer the country. The next thing Tenji needed to do was to secure his successor. His Empress-consort was Yamato-hime but there were no children between the two. He had to find the right man from the sons of non-Imperial wives. Prince Takeru was the first son but he was mute by nature and died when he was seven years old. Prince Ōtomo was the next prince of the Emperor. He was a hard worker, and was very clever and intellectual. He had enough ability to be the next Emperor. Although Ōtomo was almost perfect, his mother was of low birth. She was from the rural area landlord's family and was not Imperial-Household-born. This was a great disadvantage in considering Ōtomo to ascend to the throne. At the same time, a younger brother of the Emperor Tenji's was as excellent as Ōtomo. He, Prince Ōama, had almost the same fitness as the Emperor, except that he was younger. His reputation was much greater than Ōtomo because he was of higher birth and was more suitable to be the next Emperor. This was a major cause of the trouble to come. In 670, the Emperor Tenji got sick. He realized that he couldn't live long, and he wished that, after his death, the Imperial Dynasty would pass to his son, Prince Ōtomo. Because Ōtomo's greatest rival was Ōama, the Emperor attempted to drive Ōama away. He invited the prince to his bedroom and asked if Ōama had an intention to take the throne. If Ōama answered yes, the Emperor would have arrested and punished him as a traitor. Prince Ōama was clever enough to know his trick and answered that he had no will to succeed the throne and he wanted Ōtomo to be the next Emperor. He added that he wanted to be a monk instead of inheriting the throne and would retire to a temple in Yoshino. Because there were no reasons to punish Ōama any longer, the Emperor accepted the prince's proposal. Ōama went down to Yoshino the next day and became a monk. The Emperor declared that Ōtomo was the next Emperor. Ōtomo summoned six subjects to the Emperor's bedroom and made them swear to help him in front of the Emperor. The Emperor nodded, and several days later he died. The War. After the Emperor's death, Prince Ōtomo began the administration activities as an Emperor. Soga no Akae (蘇我赤兄), Soga no Hatayasu (蘇我果安), Kose no Omi Hito (巨勢臣比等), Ki no Ushi (紀大人) and other subjects followed him. On the other hand, Prince Ōama pretended to be a monk at the temple in Yoshino, but he was looking for a chance to raise a rebellion against Ōtomo and to drive him away. He secretly collected weapons and soldiers to prepare for the "coup-d'etat". In the seventh month of 672, he departed Yoshino and headed for the Palace in Ōtsu where the new Emperor Ōtomo was. Many difficulties stood in his troops' way: in some counties guerrilla attacks stopped them for many days. Every time they had such difficulties, they fought bravely and patiently against the enemies and took their supporters onto their side. The war lasted about a month. After a desperate struggle, Ōama gained the capital. Ōtomo escaped to Mt. Nagara near the Palace, where he strangled himself to death. The subjects who supported him were arrested by Ōama's troops and punished as war criminals. The victor, Prince Ōama, burnt the capital down and returned to Asuka, wherein he built Asuka-Kiyomihara Palace and married Empress Uno-Sarara. Events in the War. Following dates are described in Julian Calendar.

adequate competence

4333-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=902579

U.S. Route 117 (US 117) is a north-south United States Highway located completely within the state of North Carolina. A spur route of US 17, the highway runs for from the Port of Wilmington, south of downtown Wilmington, to US 301 near Wilson. From its southern terminus, US 117 runs along Shipyard Boulevard and College Road, concurrent with North Carolina Highway 132 (NC 132) through Wilmington. US 117 intersects the eastern terminus of Interstate 40 (I-40) and parallels the interstate until reaching Faison. Much of the highway between Wilmington and Goldsboro is rural, serving small communities in Eastern North Carolina, such as Burgaw, Warsaw, and Mount Olive. US 117 serves as a connection between I-40, Goldsboro, and I-795 from where it continues to its northern terminus. The general alignment of US 117 was originally signed as NC 40, an original North Carolina State Highway running from Fort Fisher to the Virginia state line. Upon the creation of the United States Numbered Highway System in 1926, US 17-1 was assigned concurrent with NC 40 from Wilmington to Virginia. US 17-1 was decommissioned in 1932 and US 117 was established, running from Conway, South Carolina to Wilson via Myrtle Beach and Wilmington. In 1939, US 17 replaced US 117 between Conway and Wilmington, truncating the southern terminus to Downtown Wilmington. The southern terminus of US 117 was adjusted again in 2003, rerouting the highway along College Road and Shipyard Boulevard to the Port of Wilmington. Between 2006 and 2007, US 117 was routed onto a new freeway between Goldsboro and US 264 in Wilson. The freeway was subsequently renumbered as I-795 and US 117 was placed on its original routing north of Goldsboro. A southerly extension of I-795 from Goldsboro to I-40 is planned along the US 117 corridor. Route description. Wilmington to Wallace. US 117 begins at the Port of Wilmington at an intersection with River Road. The highway runs eastward along Shipyard Boulevard a four-lane divided highway. US 117 intersects US 421 at Carolina Beach Road and continues along Shipyard Boulevard for until reaching North Carolina Highway 132 (NC 132) at South College Road. At the intersection, US 117 turns to the north, running concurrently with NC 132. South College Road is a six-lane highway from Shipyard Boulevard to Wilshire Boulevard, with two northbound lanes, three southbound lanes, and a central turning lane. US 117/NC 132 meet US 17/US 76 at an intersection with Oleander Drive. Following South College Road, the highway makes a slight bend to the northeast before widening to a six lane divided highway and intersecting Wilshire Boulevard. Access to the University of North Carolina Wilmington (UNCW) is provided at intersections with Hurst Drive, Crews Drive, and Randall Parkway/Randall Drive. North of New Centre Drive, US 117/NC 132 makes a slight turn to the northwest, before meeting US 17 Business at a partial cloverleaf interchange with Market Street. North of Market Street, the road name switches from South College Road to North College Road. The highway meets US 74 at an intersection with Martin Luther King Jr. Parkway along the Wilmington city limits. North of the intersection, the highway runs through the community of Kings Grant before meeting the eastern terminus of Interstate 40 (I-40). The northbound lanes of US 117 run concurrently with I-40 for until reaching exit 420B. The southbound lanes utilize an on-ramp to the freeway and run concurrently with I-40 for at its eastern terminus. North of I-40, US 117 and NC 132 follow northwestward along North College Road, a four-lane divided highway. The highway narrows to a two-lane road north of an intersection with Murraysville Road. The highway utilizes an overpass to cross over I-140 but does not connect with the Interstate. Access to the North Campus of Cape Fear Community College is provided by utilizing Blue Clay Road, which intersects US 117. The highway crosses a railroad branch owned and operated by CSX Transportation. US 117 intersects NC 133 at a roundabout south of Castle Hayne. The roundabout marks the northern terminus of NC 132, while NC 133 follows US 117 to the north. US 117/NC 133 passes through downtown Castle Hayne before crossing the Northeast Cape Fear River and entering into Pender County. North of the bridge, the highway briefly runs adjacent to the river, before reaching an intersection which marks the point where the US 117/NC 133 overlap ends. US 117 travels north for until intersecting NC 210 in Rocky Point. The highway exits Rocky Point to the north and is routed to the east of the communities of Ashton and St. Helena. South of Burgaw, US 117 intersects US 117 Business at Walker Street and widens to a two-lane road with a central turning lane. US 117 is routed to the east of Burgaw as a bypass of downtown. The U.S. highway meets NC 53 in a retail area, northeast of downtown Burgaw. US 117 continues northwest of NC 53 before reaching the northern terminus of US 117 Business at Timberlake Drive. The central turning lane ends at the US 117 Business intersection and the highway continues north of Burgaw along a two lane highway. Entering into a rural area of Pender County, US 117 makes a turn to the northeast north of the terminus of Old Savannah Road and subsequently crosses over I-40. US 117 runs to the east of I-40 for before meeting the Interstate at a diamond interchange (I-40 exit 390) south of Wallace. The highway briefly becomes a four-lane undivided road at the interchange but narrows to two-lanes on either side. US 117 meets NC 11 northeast of I-40. NC 11 runs concurrently with US 117 for to the northwest until reaching the outskirts of Wallace. North of the NC 11 intersection, US 117 is renamed as Norwood Street, and enters Wallace from the south. The highway becomes a four-lane undivided road south of Medical Village Drive and runs through the central business district of Wallace. US 117 intersects NC 41 at East Main Street in downtown Wallace. Exiting Wallace to the north, US 117 narrows to a two-lane road north of Stallings Road. Wallace to Calypso. Beginning in downtown Wallace, US 117 begins to parallel the W&W Subdivision railroad, owned and operated by CSX Transportation. The W&W Subdivision is a former part of the historic Wilmington and Weldon Railroad. US 117 enters into a residential area on the eastern side of Teachey and travels east of the downtown area. A central turning lane is added to the roadway at Rosemary Road and continues as US 117 continues north. The highway enters Rose Hill from the south, running along Sycamore Street. Southeast of downtown Rose Hill, US 117 intersects Charity Road which provides access to Greenevers and I-40. The roadway widens to a four-lane undivided roadway between Charity Road and Ridge Street. North of Ridge Street, the roadway narrows to a two-lane road. US 117 exits Rose Hill to the north and runs through a rural area between Rose Hill and Magnolia. Approaching Magnolia from the south, US 117 widens to a four-lane undivided roadway. The highway travels through central Magnolia and meets NC 903 at an intersection with Main Street. As the highway progresses north, the roadway narrows to two-lanes at Pickett Street and leaves Magnolia. US 117 travels north of Pickett Street before meeting I-40 and NC 24 at an folded diamond interchange (I-40 exit 369). The highway continues to the north, paralleling the railroad to the east. The highway enters into Warsaw along Pine Street and runs through a residential area south of downtown. US 117 meets NC 24 Business/NC 50 at an intersection with College Street. The intersection marks the southern end of the concurrency between US 117 and NC 50. Both highways run to the north along Pine Street and exit Warsaw. North of Warsaw, US 117 primarily runs through a rural area until reaching Faison. The highway briefly runs through the community of Bowdens, located between Warsaw and Faison. US 117/NC 50 enters into Faison along Center Street. On the southern side of the town, the highway begins to make a gradual turn to the northeast. US 117 intersects NC 403 and NC 50 in the downtown area of Faison. NC 50 turns west to run concurrently with NC 403, marking the northern end of the US 117/NC 50 concurrency. The highway completes its northeastern turn as it exits Faison, paralleling both the railroad and US 117 Connector located to the north. Nearing Calypso, the highway widens to a four-lane divided highway and makes a turn to the north. US 117 crosses over the railroad and runs along the western side of Calypso. The highway then makes a turn to the northwest and meets US 117 Connector at an intersection. At the intersection, US 117 turns to the northeast, following the four-lane divided highway toward Mount Olive. Calypso to Wilson. North of the intersection with US 117 Connector, US 117 follows a four-lane divided highway to the north. The highway is routed to the west of Mount Olive but provides access to the town through several intersecting roads. US 117 meets NC 55 at a diamond interchange north of downtown Mount Olive. The interchange marks the beginning of a freeway which US 117 follows for . Two interchanges, at Country Club Road and Oberry Road, are located between Mount Olive and Dudley. US 117 is routed to the west of Brogden, and no interchanges provide access to the town. North of Brogden, US 117 meets US 117 Alternate at an at-grade intersection, marking the end of the freeway. The U.S. highway continues north, intersecting US 13 east of Mar-Mac. US 13 runs in concurrency with US 117 from the intersection until northern Goldsboro. US 117 turns to the northeast, crossing the Neuse River to the south of Goldsboro. The highway lanes briefly split and US 117 intersects NC 581 at Arrington Bridge Road. NC 581 begins to run concurrently along US 117 and US 13 to the north. Beyond NC 581, the highway makes a turn from the northeast to a slightly northwestward direction. It meets the southern terminus of US 117 Business at George Street which continues toward downtown Goldsboro. Beginning at the intersection, US 117 runs along the western side of the downtown area of Goldsboro. US 117 and US 13 diverge from NC 581 at an intersection in western Goldsboro. NC 581 continues north, providing access to the southern terminus I-795 via. NC 581 Connector. Turning to the northeast, US 117 and US 13 begin to run along a freeway outside of downtown Goldsboro. The highway has an interchange with Ash Street before meeting US 70/US 70 Business at an interchange with Grantham Street. US 70 runs in concurrency with US 117 and US 13 to the east along the freeway. At an incomplete trumpet interchange, US 117 exits the freeway and follows a four-lane divided highway to the north. Beginning at the interchange, the highway once again begins to parallel a railroad operated by CSX Transportation. US 117 meets the northern terminus of US 117 Business at an intersection with William Street. The U.S. highway turns northward to follow William Street. On the outskirts of Goldsboro, US 117 meets US 70 Bypass at an interchange and begins to parallel I-795 as it continues to the north. Exiting Goldsboro to the north, US 117 runs north along a two-lane highway toward Pikeville. The highway provides access to Wayne Executive Jetport through an intersection with Airport Road. Entering into Pikeville from the south, US 117 runs along Goldsboro Street and runs through downtown. In the central business district of Pikeville, US 117 intersects Main Street, which runs west to I-795. North of Pikeville, the highway makes a reverse curve, crossing over the railroad it runs parallel with. The highway enters Fremont from the south, running along Wilson Street. US 117 meets NC 222 at Main Street. The highways run concurrently for between Main Street and Carolina Street. At Carolina Street, NC 222 turns to the west toward Kenly. US 117 turns slightly further northward and exits Fremont. The highway diverges from the railroad while still running roughly along a similar alignment. North of Fremont, US 117 primarily runs through rural areas of Wayne County and Wilson County. The highway is routed to the west of Black Creek. Nearing its northern terminus, US 117 makes a slight turn to the northwest crossing over a pair of railroad tracks operated by CSX Transportation. North of the railroad, the highway makes a gradual turn westward. US 117 reaches its northern terminus at an intersection with US 301 south of Wilson. The terminus lies between I-795 and US 264, both of which have interchanges with US 301. History. A transportation corridor between Wilmington and Wilson was established in 1840 with the completion of the Wilmington and Weldon Railroad. The railroad generally followed the US 117 corridor from Wilmington to Wilson, running through Wallace, Warsaw, Mount Olive, and Goldsboro. The railroad then continued northeast, generally following the US 301 corridor to Weldon. A 1916 commission proposed a system of state highways in North Carolina, consistent with the Federal Aid Road Act of 1916. Among this proposed system was a highway generally running along the railroad from Wilmington to Wilson, via. Kenansville and Goldsboro. The highway then continued further north to Halifax and Roanoke Rapids, before eventually ending at the North Carolina-Virginia state line. Much of the road was unimproved at the time. The only improved section was in New Hanover County. Predecessor highways. Upon the creation of the North Carolina State Highway System in 1921, the route between Wilmington and Virginia was assigned as NC 40. NC 40 began in downtown Wilmington and ran northeast to Castle Hayne. The highway ran through Burgaw and was routed to the east of both Wallace and Teachey. While approaching Kenansville, the highway did not enter the town limits. West of the town, it turned to the west and was routed to Warsaw where it met NC 24. In Warsaw, the highway turned to the north until reaching Faison where it turned to the northeast. NC 40 ran through Mount Olive and Dudley before reaching Goldsboro. North of Goldsboro, NC 40 ran to the north, intersecting NC 22 southwest of Wilson. NC 40 then turned to the northeast, running through Wilson, Rocky Mount, and Halifax. North of Halifax, the highway turned to the northwest, following the Roanoke River to Roanoke Rapids. The highway crossed the river near Roanoke Rapids and continued northwest to the Virginia state line. Three sections of the highway were paved in 1924. These sections were between Wilmington and Burgaw, Warsaw and Goldsboro, and Fremont and Elm City. Much of the remaining route was either a gravel, sand, or topsoil road. Only the section between Roanoke Rapids and the Virginia border remained unimproved in 1924. By 1926, NC 40 was rerouted north of Roanoke Rapids to run along an unimproved road to the northeast toward Pleasant Hill. The highway met NC 481 in Pleasant Hill and turned to the north until reaching the Virginia state line. Additionally, the highway was predominantly paved by 1926, with the exception of a segment between Halifax and Weldon, and between Roanoke Rapids and Pleasant Hill. Upon the creation of the United States Numbered Highway System, US 17-1 was assigned along the entirety of NC 40 between Wilmington and Virginia. By 1929, NC 40 was extended south from Wilmington to Carolina Beach. US 17-1 was not extended south alongside NC 40. US 17-1/NC 40 was rerouted north of Weldon in 1930. The new route followed the former alignment of NC 481 through Garysburg before running north to the Virginia state line. NC 481 was rerouted to follow the former alignment of NC 40 between NC 48 south of Rosemary to US 17-1/NC 40 in Pleasant Hill. Establishment. US 117 was established in 1933 beginning at US 701/South Carolina Highway 38 (SC 38) to US 301 southwest of Wilson. US 17-1 was replaced by US 117 between Wilmington and Wilson, while US 301 replaced the highway between Wilson and Petersburg, Virginia. Beginning in Conway, the highway ran concurrently with SC 38 to the southeast, running through Socastee, South Carolina to Myrtle Beach. In Myrtle Beach, US 117 turned to the northeast to follow SC 49 until reaching the North Carolina state line. In North Carolina, the highway followed concurrently with NC 30 to Wilmington. The highway generally followed modern-day US 17, running through Shallotte, Supply and Bolivia before crossing a toll bridge into Wilmington. In Wilmington, the highway turned to the north to follow NC 40 along the former alignment of US 17-1. In Castle Hayne, US 117 used Old Bridgesite Road to cross the Northeast Cape Fear River. The highway continued north through Burgaw, Warsaw, and Goldsboro until reaching its northern terminus at US 301/NC 22 southwest of Wilson. US 17 was rerouted to replace US 117 between Wilmington and Conway in 1935. As a result, the southern terminus of US 117 was moved to US 17 at Market Street in downtown Wilmington. The same year, NC 40 was decommissioned in favor of overlapping U.S. Highways. This marked the end of the US 117/NC 40 concurrency. US 117 was placed on a new routing between Wallace and Warsaw in 1940. The new routing ran through Wallace and Magnolia before entering Warsaw from the south. The former alignment of US 117 between Wallace and Kenansville became part of NC 11, while the section between Kenansville and Warsaw removed a concurrency with NC 24. Realignment and upgrades. Between 1949 and 1953, US 117 was placed onto its modern-day crossing of the Northeast Cape Fear River north of Castle Hayne. In 1951, US 117 was rerouted onto a bypass along the western side of Goldsboro. The former alignment of US 117 along George Street, Ash Street, and William Street became US 117A. The highway was rerouted onto another bypass east of Burgaw in 1952. The new routing used the current alignment of US 117 around the downtown area. The former alignment through downtown Burgaw became US 117A. A bypass of Mount Olive and Calypso was constructed in 1960, with the former route becoming US 117 Business. The southern terminus of US 117 was adjusted on September 11, 1969. The highway was removed from its routing along Third Street in downtown Wilmington. Instead, it was routed to cross the Isabelle Holmes Bridge. Beyond the bridge US 117 turned to the south and ended at US 421/NC 133 in Brunswick County. In August of 1973, the southern terminus was adjusted slightly to the north. Instead of turning south after crossing the Isabelle Holmes Bridge, US 117 continued west along a former secondary road to US 421. The Mount Olive and Calypso bypass was extended north in November of 1988, bypassing Dudley and Brogden to the west. US 117 was subsequently removed from its routing through the town and placed onto the new bypass, which is its current routing. US 117 Business decommissioned and the former route of US 117 between Calypso and Brogden became US 117 Alternate. In February of 2003, the northern terminus of US 117 was adjusted with the completion of a new freeway along the southside of Wilson. The pre-2003 alignment of US 117 at its northern terminus followed modern-day Dorthy Lane and Lattice Road to US 301. With the new construction, US 117 was rebuilt to turn to the west before reaching US 301. US 117 was subsequently routed concurrently with US 301 to the north until reaching US 264. At US 264, US 117 turned to the west, following the freeway to its new northern terminus at I-95. On March 19, 2003, the southern terminus of US 117 was moved from US 421 in Brunswick County to the Port of Wilmington. South of Castle Hayne, the highway was removed from its concurrency with NC 133 along Castle Hayne Road and the Isabelle Holmes Bridge. US 117 was rerouted to run along College Road along a concurrency with NC 132. The highway then diverged from College Road at Shipyard Boulevard which it followed until reaching the port. As early as 1993, North Carolina State Highway maps indicated a proposed freeway bypass of US 117 running between Goldsboro and Wilson. Upon its completion in September of 2006, US 117 was rerouted to follow the new freeway. The US 117/US 301 concurrency was eliminated and the US 117/US 264 concurrency was shorted to . The former alignment of US 117 through Goldsboro, Pikeville, and Fremont became US 117 Alternate. Trucks larger than were not allowed to utilize the new freeway. The Surface Transportation Assistance Act specifies that trucks over in length can utilize only Interstate Highways and specific routes approved by the state. As a result, the North Carolina Department of Transportation (NCDOT) sought approval from the American Association of State Highway and Transportation Officials (AASHTO) to sign the freeway as I-795. The original application to AASHTO detailed that US 117 would run concurrently with I-795 for its entire length. The request was initially denied, as the freeway connected with US 264 before connecting with I-95. North Carolina appealed the decision, and on October 12, 2007, the Federal Highway Administration designated I-795 along the freeway between Goldsboro and I-95. The highway was officially redesignated as I-795 on April 22, 2009. US 117 was shifted onto its former alignment through Goldsboro and Pikeville, ending at its modern-day northern terminus at US 301. In July of 2017, NCDOT awarded a contract to ST Wooten to build two interchanges along US 117 at Country Club Drive and Oberry Road. The project is part of a larger project to improve US 117 to Interstate Highway standards between I-40 and Goldsboro. The project was completed in the Spring of 2020. Future. NCDOT is planning to improve roughly of US 117 between I-40 in Sampson County and I-795 in Goldsboro to Interstate Highway standards. The segment is proposed as a southern extension of I-795 and is listed as Federal High Priority Corridor 81. As of December 19, 2020, four of the six project segments are currently funded in the 2020-2029 State Transportation Improvement Projects (STIP). Initial public meetings for the project occurred in November and December of 2019. Right of way acquisition between Country Club Road and Genoa Road in Wayne County is expected to begin in 2024. In 2028, right of way acquisition will begin between Genoa Road and I-795. The Wilmington Urban Area Metropolitan Planning Organization (WMPO) plans for four projects to occur along US 117 in New Hanover County. Project U-5792 and U-5881 would convert College Road (US 117/NC 132) to a freeway between I-40 and Oriole Drive. The project would include the construction of three new interchanges, at Kings Drive, US 74 (Martin Luther King Jr. Parkway), and Ringo Drive. Additionally, the interchange at US 17 Business (Market Street) would be redesigned. Construction of the US 74 interchange (Project U-5792) is expected to begin in 2026. The remainder of the project (Project U-5881) is expected to begin right of way acquisition in 2029. Project U-5704 would redesign the College Road (US 117/NC 132) and Oleander Drive (US 76) intersection and install access management between Shipyard Boulevard (US 117) and Wilshire Boulevard. The project is expected to begin right-of-way acquisition in 2029. A similar access management project (Project U-5702A) would install access management along College Road between Shipyard Boulevard and New Centre Drive. Special routes. Burgaw alternate route. U.S. Route 117 Alternate (US 117A) was a alternate route of US 117 running through the downtown area of Burgaw. From its southern terminus at US 117, the highway continued to the northwest along Walker Street. Entering downtown Burgaw, the highway intersected NC 53 at Wilmington Street. NC 53 ran concurrently with US 117A for along Walker Street and Bridgers Street. NC 53 split from US 117A northeast of downtown Burgaw. US 117 continued to the northeast for until reaching its northern terminus at US 117. US 117A was established in 1953 when US 117 was placed onto a new routing to the east of Burgaw. The new alternate route followed the former alignment of US 117 through the downtown area. It existed from 1953 to 1960, when US 117A was decommissioned and subsequently recommissioned as US 117 Business. US 117 Business continues to exist and is routed along the same alignment as US 117A. Burgaw business loop. U.S. Route 117 Business (US 117 Business) is a business route of US 117 which runs through the town of Burgaw. The highway runs for from US 117 southeast of downtown to US 117 north of downtown. US 117 Business shares a concurrency with NC 53 between Wilmington Street and the Jacksonville Highway. The business route was established in 1960 as a renumbering of US 117A. Prior to US 117A, the highway was part of US 117 which at the time ran through downtown Burgaw. In 1952, US 117 was placed onto its current routing east of the downtown area of Burgaw. The former alignment became US 117A. US 117 Business begins at an intersection with US 117 in southeastern Burgaw. From its southern terminus, the highway runs northwestward along Walker Street. Between Hayes Street and Satchwell Street, US 117 Business makes a slight curve, giving the highway a northern orientation. Entering into downtown Burgaw from the south, US 117 Business runs along the eastern side of the Pender County Courthouse. US 117 Business meets NC 53 at an intersection with Wilmington Street in downtown. Both highways run in concurrency to the northeast, exiting downtown Burgaw. At Bridgers Street, US 117 Business/NC 53 turns to the east to follow the street. East of Cowan Street, the business route makes a turn to the northeast. NC 53 diverges from US 117 Business at the Jacksonville Highway, marking the end of the concurrency through Burgaw. US 117 Business follows Timberly Lane to the north until reaching its northern terminus at US 117. Calypso Connector. U.S. Route 117 Connector (US 117 Conn) is a spur route of US 117 running from I-40/NC 403 to US 117 in Calypso. Despite being signed as north-south, the highway physically travels in an east-west direction. The highway shares a brief concurrency on its southern end with NC 403. East of the intersection, US 117 Connector continues along a four-lane divided highway. It meets NC 50 at an intersection north of Faison. NC 50 is the last intersection along US 117 Connector until it meets US 117 north of Calypso. The road which eventually became US 117 Connector was built in 1995 as a secondary highway running from NC 403 to US 117. US 117 Connector was established on March 9, 2009 running from I-40 to US 117 north of Calypso. The new designation replaced the secondary road and created a concurrency with NC 403 along the southernmost of the highway. Calypso–Mount Olive business loop. U.S. Route 117 Business (US 117 Business) was a business route of US 117 through the towns of Calypso and Mount Olive. The business route began at US 117 southwest of the central business area of Calypso. It then ran to the northeast, parallel with the Seaboard Coast Line Railroad to the located to the east. The highway exited Calypso to the northeast and traveled through rural Duplin County before crossing into Wayne County. US 117 Business entered the town of Mount Olive from the southwest and continued to run in a northeastern orientation along Breazeale Avenue. It intersected NC 55 in the northernmost town limits of Mount Olive. US 117 Business continued northeast for before meeting its northern terminus at US 117. US 117 was originally routed through the towns of Calypso and Mount Olive. In 1960, US 117 was placed onto a bypass to the west of both towns. The former routing was designated as US 117 Business. The highway lasted from 1960 to 1988 when the US 117 bypass was extended north to Brogden. US 117 Business was decommissioned and US 117 Alternate was signed along the entirety of former US 117 between Calypso and Brogden. Calypso–Brogden alternate route. U.S. Route 117 Alternate (US 117 Alt) is a alternate route of US 117 running through the towns of Calypso, Mount Olive, and Brogden. The highway travels from US 117 in Calypso to US 117 north of Brogden. US 117 Alternate was established on November 28, 1988. US 117 Alternate was a renumbering of US 117 Business through Calypso and Mount Olive, and a partial renumbering of US 117 between Mount Olive and Brogden. The routing of US 117 Alternate consists of the former routing of US 117 prior to the completion of a bypass around Calypso, Mount Olive, and Brogden. The southern terminus of US 117 Alternate is located at an at-grade intersection with US 117 in Calypso. The highway runs northeast through Calypso along a two-lane highway, paralleling a CSX Transportation railroad to the east. Exiting Calypso to the northeast, the highway runs through a rural area between Calypso and Mount Olive. US 117 Alternate enters Mount Olive from the southwest, initially running through a residential area of the town. At Henderson Street, the highway widens to a five-lane undivided highway, with two lanes in each direction and a turning lane. US 117 Alternate meets NC 55 at an at-grade intersection in northern Mount Olive. North of Mount Olive, US 117 Alternate closely parallels US 117. The highway crosses through the western area of the unincorporated community of Dudley. In the center of the community, US 117 Alternate intersects Oberry Road and Sleepy Creek Road, which provide access to US 117. US 117 Alternate runs through western Brogden and exits the community to the northwest. Shortly before its northern terminus, the highway makes a slight turn to the north. US 117 Alternate reaches its northern terminus at US 117 between Brogden and Mar-Mac. Goldsboro alternate route. U.S. Route 117 Alternate (US 117A) was a alternate route of US 117 running through the city of Goldsboro, North Carolina. The southern terminus of US 117A was located at an intersection with US 117/NC 102 south of Goldsboro. US 117A and NC 102 ran concurrently to the north along George Street. The highway met Ash Street twice, with a gap between the streets. At the southern intersection with Ash Street, US 117A intersected the southern terminus of NC 581. At the northern intersection with Ash Street, US 117A intersected US 70. US 117A/US 70/NC 102 turned to follow Ash Street to the east. The concurrencies with US 70 and NC 102 ended at Williams Street, as US 117A turned to follow the street to the north. The highway met its northern terminus at an intersection with US 117 north of Goldsboro. US 117A was established in 1951 after US 117 was placed along a western bypass of Goldsboro. The alternate route followed the former alignment of US 117 through downtown Goldsboro. In 1960, the highway was decommissioned and subsequently recommissioned as US 117 Business. Today, US 117 Business follows a similar route to US 117A. Goldsboro business loop. U.S. Route 117 Business (US 117 Bus) is a business route of US 117 through the city of Goldsboro. The southern terminus of US 117 Business is located at an intersection with US 13/US 117/NC 581 on the south side of Goldsboro. The highway travels north along George Street through a commercial area of southwestern Goldsboro. US 117 Business meets US 70 Business at an intersection with Ash Street. The highway turns onto Ash Street to run concurrently with US 70 Business to the east. In downtown Goldsboro, US 117 Business intersects Center Street at a roundabout. US 117 Business continues east for until reaching Williams Street. At the intersection, US 117 Business turns to follow Williams Street to the north, marking the end of the US 70 Business concurrency. The highway meets US 13/US 70/NC 111 at an interchange north of downtown Goldsboro. US 117 Business and NC 111 run concurrently for between the freeway and Patetown Road. The highway continues north of Patetown Road for until reaching its northern terminus at US 117. The alignment of US 117 Business was once part of the route of US 117 prior to 1951. In 1951, US 117 was shifted onto a newly constructed bypass of Goldsboro, similar to the alignment it follows today. US 117A was established along the former routing through downtown Goldsboro. In 1960, US 117A was renumbered as US 117 Business. Between 1960 and 1961, the highway shared a concurrency with NC 102 along George Street and Ash Street. NC 102 was decommissioned along much of its route west of Snow Hill, ending the concurrency. Goldsboro–Wilson alternate route. U.S. Route 117 Alternate (US 117 Alternate) was a alternate route of US 117 between Goldsboro and Wilson, North Carolina. The southern terminus of US 117 Alternate was located at an intersection with US 117/US 13/NC 581 on the west side of Goldsboro. US 117 Alternate ran along a freeway to the northeast concurrently with US 13. The highway met US 70/US 70 Business at an interchange with Grantham Street in northwest Goldsboro. From the interchange, US 70 began to follow concurrently with US 13 and US 117 Alternate to the east. US 117 Alternate exited the freeway at an incomplete trumpet interchange marking the end of the US 13/US 70 concurrency. The highway continued northeast until meeting US 117 Business, where it made a slight turn onto Williams Street. US 117 Alternate followed Williams Street to the north, leaving Goldsboro. US 117 Alternate ran through the downtown areas of Pikeville on Goldsboro Street. Continuing north, US 117 Alternate passed through the downtown area of Fremont along Wilson Street. The alternate route ran concurrently with NC 222 between Main Street and Carolina Street in downtown Fremont. North of Fremont, US 117 Alternate passed the town of Black Creek to the west. It intersected US 301 south of Wilson, and turned north to run concurrently with US 301 for . US 117 Alternate met US 264 at an interchange south of Wilson. At the interchange, US 117 Alternate turned west to follow concurrently with US 264. After , US 117 Alternate met its northern terminus at an incomplete interchange with US 117/US 264. US 117/US 264 continued to the west toward I-95. US 117 Alternate was established on September 7, 2006 as a renumbering of mainline US 117 through Goldsboro, Pikeville, and Fremont. At the time, US 117 was placed onto a freeway routing along modern-day I-795. The alternate route continued to exist between 2006 and 2009 while US 117 was routed along the freeway. In April of 2009, I-795 was officially designated, and US 117 was removed from its freeway routing between Goldsboro and I-795. US 117 was rerouted to follow its pre-2006 routing, along US 117 Alternate between Goldsboro and US 301. As a result, the entire alternate route was decommissioned on March 9, 2009.

subtle arc

8037-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=7074066

Capital punishment is a legal penalty in Taiwan. The death penalty can be imposed for murder, treason, drug trafficking, terrorism and especially serious cases of robbery, rape and kidnapping and many other serious offenses, such as piracy and also for military offences, such as desertion. Before 2000, Taiwan had a relatively high execution rate when strict laws were still in effect in the harsh political environment. However, after controversial cases during the 1990s and the changing attitudes of some officials towards abolition, the number of executions dropped significantly, with only three in 2005 and none between 2006 and 2009. Executions resumed in 2010. According to the poll numbers, more than 80% of Taiwanese people support maintaining the use of capital punishment. Capital offenses. Under military law. The (陸海空軍刑法) rules the following crimes eligible for the death penalty on military personnel: Under civilian law. The () rules that the following offenses are eligible for the death penalty : Article 63 of the Criminal Code also rules that the death penalty cannot be imposed on offenders aged under 18 or above 80 for any offenses. The death penalty in Taiwan is not handed down as a mandatory punishment, as it is only handed down as a discretionary punishment after the sentencing court decides all of the necessary factors of each case. Other special laws which rule non-compulsory capital offenses: In practice, since 2003, almost all death sentences and executions have been restricted to murder-related offenses. The last execution solely for crimes other than homicide took place in October 2002 in the case of a Pingtung County fisherman who trafficked 295 kg heroin in 1993. Defunct laws. The following two laws previously gave certain offenses a mandatory death penalty and have historically made a significant contribution to the numbers of people executed: Execution process. A ROC judicial execution requires a final sentence from the Supreme Court of the Republic of China and a death order signed by the Minister of Justice. After the Supreme Court issues a final death sentence, the case is transferred to the Ministry of Justice, where the Minister of Justice issues a final secret execution date. Generally, the Ministry of Justice will allow some time for the condemned person to meet his or her family, arrange for any religious rites and even get married before the execution. Should any new evidence or procedural flaw that may influence the verdict be discovered during this period, the condemned prisoner may make a plea to the Ministry of Justice. This may then delay the death warrant, if the Solicitor General or Supreme Prosecutors' Office makes a special appeal to the Supreme Court for retrial. However, such cases are very rare: to date only one condemned prisoner avoided capital punishment in this manner. The President of Republic of China can also award clemency, but so far only President Chiang Kai-shek ever exercised this legal right on an individual prisoner, once in 1957. President Lee Teng-hui also ordered two nationwide commutations in 1988 and 1991 in which two sentences were commuted from death to life imprisonment. The death order from the Minister of Justice is received and performed by the High Prosecutors' offices, so executions are carried out inside the detention centers of the five cities having a High Court: Taipei, Taichung, Tainan, Kaohsiung and Hualien. Like Japan, ROC death row inmates are kept in detention centers but not prisons, and under harsher conditions than general prisoners. They are housed two inmates to a cell (or solitary imprisonment in cases of misbehavior or violence). The practice of shackling prisoners 24 hours a day has been reported to be no longer in effect, but prisoners on death row are only allowed to leave the cell for a half-hour a day for exercise. Prisoners are allowed to read censored newspapers and books as well as practice religious activities with approved religious personnel. Executions are carried out by shooting using a handgun aimed at the heart from the back, or aimed at the brain stem under the ear if the prisoner consents to organ donation. The execution time used to be 5:00 a.m., but was changed to 9:00 p.m. in 1995 to reduce officials' workload. It was changed again to 7:30 p.m. in 2010. Executions are performed in secret: nobody is informed beforehand, including the condemned. The execution chamber is located in the prison complex. The condemned is brought to the chamber by car and pays respect to the statue of Ksitigarbha located outside the chamber before entering. Before the execution, the prisoner is brought to a special court next to the execution chamber to have his or her identity confirmed and any last words recorded. The prisoner is then brought to the execution chamber and served a last meal (which includes a bottle of kaoliang wine). The condemned prisoner is then injected with strong anaesthetic to render them completely senseless, laid flat on the ground, face down, and shot. The executioner then burns votive bank notes for the deceased before carrying away the corpse. It is customary for the condemned to place a NT$500 or 1000 banknote in their leg irons as a tip for the executioners. After the execution, the High Prosecutors' Office will issue the official announcement of the execution. Although the Ministry of Justice has studied other methods including hanging and lethal injection since the early 1990s, execution by shooting (performed by local bailiffs or military policemen) is the only execution method used in the ROC currently (including military executions). ROC military sentences and executions are administered only by the Ministry of National Defense and have no connection with the Ministry of Justice. Military sentences and executions are carried out in military courts and prisons across the island as well as Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu. Unlike the Ministry of Justice, the Ministry of National Defense does not release detailed information on executions, and so little information is available. Execution statistics. The ROC's Ministry of Justice annually publishes detailed statistics on each year's executions, including the executed person's name, age, sex, crime, nationality, education, etc. The numbers of executions since 1987 are listed below: The execution tally was at its height in the late 1980s and early 1990s when the martial law had just been lifted and social order was destabilized. The strict Act for the Control and Punishment of Banditry resulted in the execution of many prisoners. Among the executed were a small number of foreign nationals from China, the Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore. They were executed in Taiwan for kidnapping, murder or drug trafficking offenses. Controversial death sentences. Organ transplantation. There are accounts of organs being removed from executed prisoners while they were still medically alive. According to the Death Penalty Procedural Rules (執行死刑規則) of Taiwan, executees who are willing to donate their organs are shot in the head. Twenty minutes after the execution, an examination is conducted to verify the death of the condemned person. Prisoners donating organs are sent to hospitals for organ collection after completion of the execution is confirmed. According to the Human Organ Transplantation Act (人體器官移植條例) of Taiwan, an organ donor can only donate after being judged brain-dead by a medical doctor. When a ventilator is in use, there must be an observation period of 12 hours for the first evaluation and a four-hour period for the second evaluation to reach a judgement of brain death. In Taiwan, there have been cases of executees being sent to hospitals for organ collection without legal confirmation of brain death, leading to accusations that human vivisection for organ collection and transplantation is in practice in Taiwan. There was a case in 1991 in which an executee was found to be still breathing unaided when being prepared for organ collection in the Taipei Veterans General Hospital. The executee was sent back to the execution ground to complete the execution. This case caused the Taipei Veterans General Hospital to refuse organ collection of executees for eight years. In 2015, Taiwan banned the use of organs from executed prisoners. The Hsichih Trio case. In March 1991 a Hsichih couple, Wu Ming-han (吳銘漢) and Yeh Ying-lan (葉盈蘭), were found robbed and brutally murdered inside their apartment. In August 1991 police arrested their neighbor Wang Wen-hsiao (王文孝), then serving in the ROC Marine Corps, based on Wang's bloody fingerprint found at the scene. He confessed to the murder after investigators discovered evidence of him breaking in and burglarizing the house, but police doubted he could have killed two adults so easily and brutally without help. Under torture, Wang confessed to help from three accomplices who lived in the same community—Su Chien-ho (蘇建和), Chuang Lin-hsun (莊林勳) and Liu Bin-lang (劉秉郎). These four young men further confessed that they gang raped Yeh Ying-lan during their break-in, but the autopsy of Yeh's body showed no traces of sexual assault. Wang Wen-hsiao was court-martialed and speedily executed in January 1992. The other three defendants were prosecuted under the "Act for the Control and Punishment of Banditry", which stipulated compulsory death sentences for their crimes if found guilty. During their trial the defendants repeatedly claimed they were forced to make false confessions under torture and were not guilty, but the judges did not believe them. In February 1995, the Supreme Court of the Republic of China found against the defendants. According to procedure, the three should then have been executed by shooting as soon as possible, but Minister of Justice Ma Ying-jeou refused to sign their death warrants and returned the whole case back to the Supreme Court in hope of a retrial, citing shortcomings such as: Between 1995 and 2000, Ma Ying-jeou and his three successors filed several retrial requests with the Supreme Court, but all were rejected. Meantime, this case drew the attention of Amnesty International and was widely broadcast throughout the world, nicknamed as "the Hsichih Trio". The Supreme Court ordered a retrial on May 19, 2000, just one day before former President Chen Shui-bian's inauguration. On January 13, 2003, the Taiwan High Court passed a verdict that they were not guilty and released them, but the victims' families were unwilling to accept this and appealed. On June 29, 2007, the Taiwan High Court once again found the trio guilty and condemned them to death, but surprisingly did not put them in custody because "the 3 defendants are already famous worldwide and will be identified in any place", the first such case in the ROC history. On Nov 12, 2010, the Taiwan High Court delivered another verdict, revoking the previous decision and finding the three not guilty, "as there was no proof for the crime they were accused of." The prosecutor appealed again, and the Supreme Court ordered yet another retrial on Apr. 21, 2011. On Aug. 31, 2012, the High Court reaffirmed the innocence of the three defendants. According to criminal procedure legislation that came into effect in 2010, when court proceedings have begun on a criminal case more than six years previously, and the Supreme Court had ordered more than three retrials, if the High Court has already found the defendants to be not guilty twice and decided not guilty again in the third trial, the prosecutor may no longer appeal. The High Court delivered the first not guilty verdict in 2003, and again in 2010. With the 2012 verdict, the Hsichih trio meets the condition of the new criminal legislation, and the case is concluded. Lu Cheng's case. In December 1997, Tainan native Lu Cheng (盧正), an unemployed former policeman, was charged with the kidnapping and murder of a local woman, Chan Chun-tzu (詹春子), who along with her husband were both former high school classmates of Lu's. The Supreme Court of the Republic of China sentenced Lu to death in June 2000 but his family noted several suspicious points: Despite these suspicious points, Minister of Justice Chen Ding-nan ordered Lu Cheng's execution on September 7, 2000, just one day before that year's Mid-Autumn Festival. It was rumored that Lu Cheng remained conscious after receiving five anesthetic injections at 3:00 a.m., so the officials had to shoot him while he was conscious and his eyes remained opened after his death. Lu Cheng's family continues to protest but there has been no concrete official response to date. Chiang Kuo-ching's case. President Ma Ying-jeou and the Ministry of National Defense have made a public apology to the family of former Air Force Pvt. Chiang Kuo-ching (江國慶) for his wrongful execution in 1997. Chiang was arrested for the September 12, 1996, rape and murder of a five-year-old girl known only by the surname of Hsieh. He was tortured into making a false confession by military counterintelligence. After reopening the case, investigators arrested Hsu Jung-chou, on 28 January 2011. Hsu then confessed to the crime, thereby posthumously exonerating Chiang. Chiang's family later received NT$103 million (equivalent to US$3.45 million) in compensation for the wrongful execution. In December 2011, Hsu was convicted of the murder of Hsieh and sentenced to 18 years in prison. However, Hsu appealed his conviction. In early April 2013, the Taiwan High Court determined that Hsu was not guilty of the crime after all, and he was released from prison immediately. The court found that Hsu was mentally challenged and could not write, operating on the emotional and intellectual level of a child between the ages of 9 and 12 years old, and that he had made seven confessions that were all contradicted by physical evidence and official autopsy findings. Moreover, his confessions had been written by a member of the military who refused to testify in person during Hsu's rehearing. The Taipei District Prosecutors' Office announced that once they read the ruling, they would determine if it was appropriate to appeal the acquittal to the Supreme Court, but as of August 2020, there have been no further legal developments in the case. The identity of the real murderer remains unknown. The officials who handled the original investigation that led to Chiang's execution were protected from prosecution by the statute of limitations for public employees. However, many of the officers and civilians who had received awards for presumably solving the case had those awards revoked. Religious attitudes. Buddhist. Taiwan's major Buddhist authorities hold diverse interpretations of what can be considered a "Buddhist perspective" to capital punishment: ...the Buddha has stated very clearly that 'no killing' is the first rule of the five basic moral ethics (the Five Precepts). It is absolutely impossible for Buddha to speak favorably of 'solving problems through killing'. Killings will only lead to more killings...it is not necessary for the victims and their family members to take revenge personally，and no third parties are needed to join into the network of killing. Their own karma will not let them run away. Political attitudes. The Kuomintang, New Party and People First Party strongly support the use of capital punishment. The Democratic Progressive Party has both proponents and opponents of capital punishment, however the platform of the DPP state that they are discussing possibility of abolition of capital punishment. Generally, the New Power Party and the Green Party Taiwan are in favour of abolition of capital punishment. During the Republic of China (Taiwan) 9-13 July 2002 state visit to the United States of America, Attorney General of the United States of America John Ashcroft announced that the Taiwanese Minister of Justice Chen Ding-nan had made a policy statement of moving towards abolishing the death penalty using a phased approach. Temporary Moratorium between 2006 and 2009. These controversial cases apparently influenced the local judicial system. After being elected in 2000, President Chen Shui-bian, announced that he supported abolition of capital punishment in Taiwan. In 2001, Justice Minister Chen Ding-nan called for the abolition of capital punishment within Chen's first term, but said that "only when the public accepts abolition" would the government bring forward the necessary legislation. Although the death penalty was not abolished during that period, the Justice Ministry released a position statement in 2004 ("The Policy of the Ministry of Justice of Taiwan with Regard to Abolition of the Death Penalty") which envisioned a national dialogue toward the formation of "a popular consensus for abolition" followed by abolition. Under Chen, there was a major decline in capital punishment in Taiwan. Although the right to abolish death penalty is held by the Legislative Yuan which is currently dominated by the opposing Pan-blue coalition, as well as being more conservative on this issue, the Democratic Progressive Party government forced a moratorium by not signing death warrants except for serious and noncontroversial cases. As a result, the number of executions dropped significantly from 2002. In an October 2006 interview, Chen Ding-nan's successor Shih Mao-lin (施茂林) said he would not sign any death warrants for the 19 defendants who had already been sentenced to death by the Supreme Court, because their cases were still being reviewed inside the Ministry. These conditions remained in effect until Chen Shui-bian's tenure expired on May 20, 2008. In May 2008, Chen Shui-bian's successor Ma Ying-jeou nominated Wang Ching-feng as the Minister of Justice. Wang opposed capital punishment and delayed every case delivered to the Minister's Office. Until March 2010, a total of 44 prisoners given death sentences by the Supreme Court were detained by the Ministry but Wang still publicly announced her strong opposition to capital punishment during media interviews. This caused controversy and the consensus suddenly broke after entertainer Pai Bing-bing (whose daughter Pai Hsiao-yen was kidnapped and murdered in 1997) held a high-profile protest against Wang. Wang, who originally refused to step down, bowed to social pressure and resigned on March 11, 2010. Wang's successor Tseng Yung-fu (曾勇夫) promised premier Wu Den-yih that he would resume executions. On April 30, 2010, Tseng Yung-fu ordered four executions, ending the four-year moratorium. As of April 2, 2020, 35 executions have been carried out since 2010.

termination schedule

5009-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=552656

BCS, The Chartered Institute for IT, formerly known as the British Computer Society until 2009, is a professional body and a learned society that represents those working in information technology (IT) and computer science, both in the United Kingdom and internationally. Founded in 1956, BCS has played an important role in educating and nurturing IT professionals, computer scientists, computer engineers, upholding the profession, accrediting chartered IT professional status, and creating a global community active in promoting and furthering the field and practice of computing. Overview. With a worldwide membership of 60,000 members, BCS is a registered charity and was incorporated by Royal Charter in 1984. Its objectives are to promote the study and application of communications technology and computing technology and to advance knowledge of education in ICT for the benefit of professional practitioners and the general public. BCS is a member institution of Engineering Council, through which it is licensed to award the designation of Incorporated Engineer and Chartered Engineer and therefore is responsible for the regulation of ICT and computer science fields within the UK. The BCS is also a member of the Council of European Professional Informatics Societies (CEPIS), the Seoul Accord for international tertiary degree recognition, and the European Quality Assurance Network for Informatics Education EQANIE. BCS was previously a member organisation of the Science Council through which it was licensed to award the designation of Chartered Scientist. BCS has offices in the City of London. The main administrative offices are in Swindon, Wiltshire, west of London. It also has two overseas offices in Sri Lanka and Mauritius. Members are sent the quarterly IT professional magazine "ITNOW" (formerly "The Computer Bulletin"). BCS is a member organisation of the Federation of Enterprise Architecture Professional Organizations (FEAPO), a worldwide association of professional organisations which have come together to provide a forum to standardise, professionalise, and otherwise advance the discipline of Enterprise Architecture. History. The forerunner of BCS was the "London Computer Group" (LCG), founded in 1956. BCS was formed a year later from the merger of the LCG and an unincorporated association of scientists into an unincorporated club. In October 1957, BCS was incorporated, by Articles of Association, as "The British Computer Society Ltd": the first President of BCS was Sir Maurice Wilkes (1913–2010), FRS. In 1966, the BCS was granted charitable status and in 1970, the BCS was given Armorial Bearings including the shield and crest. The major ethical responsibilities of BCS are emphasised by the leopard's face, surmounting the whole crest and depicting eternal vigilance over the integrity of the Society and its members. The BCS patron is The Duke of Kent, KG. He became patron in December 1976 and has been actively involved in BCS activities, particularly having been President in the Silver Jubilee Year in 1982–1983. In 2007, BCS launched "BCSrecruit.com" – a job site specifically aimed at IT professionals. In 2008 the BCS was labelled "irrelevant" by an IT training company, in connection with claims it made that nine out of ten IT professionals were "unaware" of the BCS's Chartered accreditation scheme. On 21 September 2009, the British Computer Society went through a transformation and re-branded itself as "BCS – The Chartered Institute for IT". In 2010, an Extraordinary General Meeting was called to discuss the direction of the BCS. The debate has been covered by the computing press. Governance. BCS is governed by a Trustee Board comprising the President, the Deputy President, the immediate past President, up to nine Vice Presidents (including Vice-President Finance), and five Professional Members elected by the Advisory Council. Sir Maurice Wilkes, Professor of Computer Science at Cambridge University, served as its first president. Each president serves for a 2-year term. A list of presidents of the British Computer Society can be found at BCS web site. The BCS Advisory Council elects the Honorary Officers – the President, the Deputy President and up to nine Vice-Presidents, together with the immediate past President and five members of Council. Lists of Trust Board and Advisory Council members are maintained online. The Advisory Council provides advice to the Trustee Board on the direction and operation of BCS; in particular, it is consulted on strategic plans and the annual budget. The Council is a representative body of the membership, with members elected directly by the professional membership, and by the Branches, Groups and Forums. Fellow of the British Computer Society (FBCS). The Fellow of the BCS (FBCS) title is conferred to individuals to recognise their outstanding achievements and contributions to Information Technology. Fellows are expected to give something back to the profession, by promoting and evangelising the profession to the public and society, and contributing to debates in conferences, panels, meetings, etc. Fellows are nominated to the society each year and have to be supported by one or more existing fellows. Criteria for election to fellow include: include distinguished individuals from industries and universities. Some of the prominent fellows include: Chartered IT Professional. The BCS is the only professional body in the United Kingdom with the ability to grant chartered status to IT professionals under its Royal Charter, granted to them by the Privy Council. Thus having the ability to grant Chartered (Professional) status to both its Fellows and Professional members. Known as Chartered IT Professional, they are entitled to use the suffix CITP. The BCS keeps a register of current Chartered Members and Fellows. Other Professional membership bodies apply to the BCS for a licence that enables them to award CITP to their eligible members. Grades of Membership. BCS has different grades of membership: Members are encouraged to display the designatory letters to which they are entitled whenever appropriate. The order of designatory (post-nominal) letters is complex and open to a certain amount of interpretation. The accepted authority on this subject is "Debrett’s Correct Form". Normally these should appear after decorations, degrees and chartered letters. Members holding CEng should also display the designatory letters of the institution through which they are registered immediately after the CEng. Conventionally, members holding Chartered status (CITP) display this immediately after their membership letters (e.g., FBCS CITP or MBCS CITP). However, as CITP may now be awarded by other organisations it may also be displayed separately, following that of the awarding institution. Some examples of BCS-related post-nominals: Awards. The society provides several awards to recognise outstanding computer scientists, engineers, experienced and young IT professionals. The awards include: Qualifications. BCS provides a range of qualifications both for users of computers and IT professionals. BCS IT User Qualifications. BCS offers qualifications that cover all areas of IT, including understanding Spreadsheets and Presentation Software, Animation, Video Editing and Social Networking safety. The current IT user qualifications are: BCS Higher Education Qualifications (HEQs). BCS conducts its own BCS Higher Education Qualifications in many countries. It was formerly known as BCS Professional Examinations which consisted of Parts 1 and 2 of which passing of Part 2 with the professional project was equivalent to a British honours degree. These programs had an early history of success, with participants coming from all parts of the world, including Asia. Many private computing schools outside the UK have hosted students in preparation for BCS Part 1 and 2 examinations. The level of current qualifications are: e-type is a qualification that allows individuals to improve and certify their typing skills. The average user can save up to 21 days a year by improving their typing speed as well as preventing repetitive strain injury (RSI). e-type comes with full support materials and computer-based courseware before allowing the user to assess their skills using a simple online test. Digital Creator is a set of engaging qualifications that teach digital media skills through creative projects. They are designed for all types and ages of learners - in schools from Key Stage 2 to Key Stage 4 and in all areas of adult learning. The BCS ITQ is a range of IT user qualifications made up of a combination of units available on the ITQ framework. The framework consists of a wide range of units covering all aspects of IT user application including word processing, spreadsheets, the internet, multimedia software and design software. Other certifications. BCS also offers professional qualifications via its Professional Certifications board, formerly known as ISEB (Information Systems Examination Board). Professional Certifications (ISEB) provides a wide range of qualifications for IT professionals covering major areas including Management, Development, Service Delivery and Quality. BCS via FEDIP provides 4 different professional registration levels for health and care informatics professionals: Practitioner, Senior Practitioner, Advanced Practitioner, Leading Practitioner. FEDIPAdvPra - post-nominals for Advanced Practitioner. FEDIP is the Federation for Informatics Professionals in Health and Social Care, a collaboration between the leading professional bodies in health and care informatics supporting the development of the informatics profession. Retired qualifications. The e-Citizen qualification allows beginners to get online and start using the Internet. The qualification has been designed to provide a basic understanding of the Internet and to start using the web safely, from reading email to shopping online. M_o_R Foundation is suitable for any organisation or individual seeing the need for guidance on a controlled approach to identification, assessment and control risk at strategic, programme, project and operational perspectives. Structure. In common with many professional institutions, BCS has a number of regional branches and specialist groups. Currently, there are 45 regional branches in the UK, 16 international sections and over 50 specialist groups. Works. In September 2010, BCS sponsored the one-off 'Digital Revolutions Film Workshop' for amateurs and professionals to "hone their skills", and in October 2010, in conjunction with Sheffield Doc/Fest, sponsored the 'Digital Revolutions Film Competition'. BCS magazines include: Their journals are mostly published by Oxford University Press and include: "Electronic Workshops in Computing" (eWiC) is a series for conference and workshop proceedings, published by the BCS.

work website

4081-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=3478196

Monica Luisa Macovei (; born 4 February 1959) is a Romanian politician, lawyer and former prosecutor, currently a Member of the European Parliament from the European Conservatives and Reformists and formerly a member of the Romanian Democratic Liberal Party. She was the Minister of Justice of Romania in the first cabinet of Prime Minister Călin Popescu-Tăriceanu. In this position she was credited with implementing the justice reforms required for Romania to become a member state of the European Union. Macovei was also an independent candidate in Romania's 2014 presidential elections. Early career. Monica Macovei graduated in 1982 with honors from the Law Faculty of the University of Bucharest; in 1994 she received a master's of law in comparative constitutional law from the University of the State of New York/Central European University. She has served as a lecturer in law at the University of Bucharest. She has also authored a number of books and articles on legal and human rights themes. Macovei was a prosecutor between 1983 and 1997, during the Communist and post-Communist periods. From 1997 to 2004 she was a lawyer with the Bucharest Bar. In 1997, Macovei was an Eisenhower Exchange Fellow, an honor awarded to "men and women of outstanding achievement in mid-career, who are expected to assume positions of influence and make a difference" in their home regions, countries, or globally. Civic activist. Prior to her appointment as Justice Minister, Macovei was a civil society activist for political reform, democratization, and human rights in post-1989 Romania. She served from 2001-2004 as president of the Association for the Defence of Human Rights in Romania - The Helsinki Committee (APADOR-CH) Macovei served as an expert/advisor to the Council of Europe, the European Roma Rights Center, the UN Development Program, the Open Society Institute, and the International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights. She was a founding member of Transparency International-Romania. She conducted research on gender in Romanian law and on violence against women, among many other issues. As an activist, she spoke out for the need to reform Romanian justice and remove institutional protections for officials involved in corruption. She called attention to police brutality and impunity, continued political influence over the judiciary, and the lack of strong legal culture in Romania, among other issues. She represented over 20 plaintifs before the European Court of Human Rights and trained over 1,000 law enforcement personnel on the rule of law and the European Court of Human Rights. In 2002, along with other Romanian human rights activists, she publicly opposed the indictment of a former aide to previous President Emil Constantinescu after he accused then Prime Minister Nastase of corruption. Many Romanian news commentators agreed with her, noting what they called a serious attack on the freedom of expression. Macovei, herself, characterized the arrest as "one of the worst attempts to muzzle the press in Romania" since communism collapsed. The arrest received widespread attention in Europe as an example of alleged abuses against the press at the time. As an activist, Macovei supported LGBT rights, an issue on which she would also focus in her political career. In 2000, she assisted Romanian gay rights groups in overturning Article 200, one of the last sodomy laws in Europe. While Minister of Justice, Macovei intervened in May 2005 to help ensure that the Romanian LGBT rights group Accept could hold the country's first pride parade, the Bucharest GayFest, after the Bucharest City Hall had denied the group a parade permit. As MEP, she joined the European Parliament Intergroup on LGBT rights. She was the only Romanian politician to support Bucharest GayFest 2011. Justice Minister. Macovei was appointed Justice Minister in December 2004, following the surprise victory of then Democratic Party (PD) leader Traian Băsescu in the second round of presidential elections against Social Democratic Party (PSD) candidate Adrian Năstase. Băsescu's victory was characterized in the media as Romania's "Orange Revolution," comparing the victory of perceived reformists in Romania to events in neighboring Ukraine during the same period. It was also a reference to the orange color used by the winning Justice and Truth Alliance, which comprised the PD and the National Liberal Party (PNL) led by Calin Popescu-Tăriceanu. Independent civil society organizations played an important role in securing the victory of the Justice and Truth Alliance, and Macovei's appointment was seen as acknowledgement of this contribution. As an activist who had spent much of her career advocating for judicial reform in Romania, she also appeared to be well-situated to implement extensive reforms as well as increased efforts against high profile corruption, both of which were requirements for EU accession. Anti-corruption was also a prominent theme in the parliamentary and presidential elections of that year. Anti-Corruption Reforms. Shortly after her appointment, Macovei stated that "fighting corruption" would be one of the top priorities of the Ministry of Justice under her leadership. Many of Macovei's actions as minister were aimed at eliminating vestiges of communism from the Romanian justice system. She disbanded the Justice Ministry's secret service, called the General Directorate for Protection and Anti-Corruption, which had continued operating after the fall of communism. The organization had been wiretapping judges and gathering other information, which, Macovei stated, "we do not really know ended up where or with whom." She also implemented new procedures to check the backgrounds of judges and prosecutors to determine if they had worked with the former Securitate internal intelligence service and to remove those who had collaborated. Macovei secured passage of legislation to eliminate immunities accorded to former government ministers and other government notables and to make tax evasion a criminal offense. She increased the salaries of judges and prosecutors to make them less susceptible to bribes. Macovei was also credited with invigorating the National Anticorruption Directorate (DNA), which had been set up several years before to investigate and prosecute large scale corruption cases and those involving Members of Parliament and other high level officials. Macovei appointed a new head of the Directorate, prosecutor Dan Morar, under whose leadership the DNA issued an indictment against Chamber of Deputies president and former prime minister Adrian Năstase, the highest level official to face prosecution in a corruption case in the history of post-communist Romania. By January 2007, the DNA had indicted eight Members of Parliament, two serving government ministers, nine judges and prosecutors, and 70-80 police and customs officers. Over the same period, Macovei often fought with the Romanian Parliament over her anti-corruption initiatives. Opposition MPs accused her of abuse of power, while Macovei stated that MPs sought to stop judicial reform and anti-corruption efforts to protect their own interests. In 2006, the Parliament initially voted against a measure by Macovei to keep the DNA operating as an independent office. Opposition MPs stated the negative vote was partially due to Macovei's failure to appear in the Parliament to defend the measure. They also questioned the DNA's independence from political influence. President Băsescu vetoed the Parliament's action, and, after international pressure and political negotiations, the Parliament ultimately voted on a revised measure to retain the DNA's authorities and independence. Independent political commentator Cristian Pârvulescu suggested the Parliament's initial negative vote was influenced by the large number of anti-corruption investigations initiated by the DNA under Macovei. Macovei encountered similar resistance in efforts to create a new National Integrity Agency (ANI) to check the source of MPs and ministers' assets and investigate possible conflicts of interest. The draft law remained under consideration in the Parliament, where MPs reportedly altered and watered down the measures. In October 2006, Macovei appointed 33-year-old lawyer Laura Kövesi as Prosecutor General In February 2007, the Romanian Senate Judicial Commission, however, voted to remove the authority of the Minister of Justice to nominate the Prosecutor General. The commission instead proposed assigning full authority over the nomination to the Superior Council of Magistrates (CSM). Macovei said that the Senate's measure, if approved by the full Parliament, would greatly impede the government's ability to combat corruption as the Prosecutor General is a central figure in that effort. Kövesi remained in office and went on to pursue a number of cases against Romanian political figures. In its 2007 annual report on Romania, Reporters without Borders characterized as "encouraging" reform of the Romanian penal code initiated by Macovei that would decriminalize defamation and libel. Macovei said the proposed reformed code, which included many other changes and had been posted on the Justice Ministry's website for public debate, was necessary for modernizing Romania's legal system and to comply with EU norms. It would replace a draft penal code passed into law in 2004, but never enacted, under former Justice Minister and subsequent Conservative Party Senator Rodica Stănoiu. The Romanian Senate disagreed and, in February 2007, passed a measure to enact the so-called "Stănoiu Code" instead of Macovei's penal code. Macovei said the "Stănoiu Code," if passed by the full Parliament, would bring Romanian penal justice to a halt. Macovei was supported by the European Commission in the debate, and the Stănoiu Code was not implemented. Parliamentary Motion against Macovei. On 13 February 2007 the Romanian Senate passed by secret ballot a simple motion calling for Macovei's resignation. The measure, titled "Lying - Macovei's Way of Justice," was the first such motion ever passed in the Romanian Parliament against an individual cabinet member. It was supported by 81 senators out of 137. The motion accused Macovei of delaying justice reform (including application of the 2004 Penal Code), intervening in the judicial process, facilitating the release of several criminals, and attacking activities of the Parliament. It also called for measures guaranteeing the independence of judges and prosecutors from political influence. The vote was tabled by the Conservative Party, with support from the other opposition parties, primarily the Social Democratic Party (PSD) and the nationalist Greater Romania Party. The number of votes against Macovei on the measure indicated that many Senators from her own center-right governing bloc did not support her. The Constitutional Court, however, ruled that the vote of no confidence did not force her to resign and she remained in office, with the public support of the Prime Minister. A number of MPs from several parties, however, continued to call on Macovei to step down regardless of the Constitutional Court's decision. Several said they based their vote on her failure to communicate with the Parliament. European Commissioner for Justice Franco Frattini came out quickly in support of Macovei following the motion, stating publicly that he "held Macovei in high regard." Other European officials also expressed support for her. The Social Democratic Party Deputy Speaker of the German Bundestag warned that Macovei's dismissal as a result of the parliamentary motion could lead the EU to invoke the safe guard clauses the EU introduced to prevent Romania from abandoning reform efforts after it joined the EU. The European Commission (EC) however, officially took a neutral position, with the EC spokesman stating "this vote is a domestic issue for Romania and cannot be commented upon.” In addition, there was a demonstration against the Parliament in support of Macovei by a number of civil society organizations, including Freedom House, the Romanian Academic Society and APADOR-CH, with organizers stating that MPs passed the motion against Macovei because they were worried by her push for more transparency and stricter controls on conflicts of interest. Transparency International condemned the anti-Macovei motion, stating that the text voted by the Senate was "written in a superficial manner and motivated by political reasons, ignoring the principle of independence of judiciary." Journalist Traian Ungureanu said "We do not want our country to be stolen by a few oligarchs in the Parliament." International media described the vote of no-confidence as an attempt to derail reforms, including Macovei's efforts to create the National Integrity Agency, which would examine legislators' accounts. "The Economist" described the motion against Macovei as a by-product of the feud between the Prime Minister and the President. The on-line journal "Southeast Europe Times" noted that Macovei had several public disputes with judges on the Superior Council of Magistrates, most of whom are associated with the opposition Social Democratic Party that supported the motion. Macovei, herself, expressed the view that the Parliament could only be seeking to get rid of her because of her efforts against corruption, including investigations by her ministry against several members of the Senate. She stated that the investigations were carried out regardless of political party affiliation. International and domestic recognition. Macovei received much praise internationally from politicians and the media for the reforms she implemented while Justice Minister. EU Commissioner for Enlargement Olli Rehn stated that as a result of Macovei's efforts "For the first time in the history of the country, nobody is above the law." European Commissioner for Justice Frattini said that a "big part of the success of Romania's EU accession was achieved as a result of Macovei's work." "The Economist" described Macovei as: Macovei was nominated for the Campaigner of the Year 2006 award, as part of the European Voice "Europeans of the Year" Awards, for "driving through tough laws tackling corruption and reforming the judiciary, improving her country’s readiness to join the EU." Noted Romanian academic and former Foreign Minister Andrei Pleşu (who also briefly served as an advisor to President Băsescu) described Macovei, in her fight against corruption, as : Departure from Government. Prime Minister Popescu-Tăriceanu dismissed Macovei on 2 April 2007, when he reshuffled his cabinet primarily to exclude the Democratic Party of President Traian Băsescu, with whom he remained engaged in a prolonged and heated public feud. Before and while she was Justice Minister, Macovei claimed to be politically independent. Nonetheless, President Băsescu's Democratic Party (PD) consistently backed her. The media reported that Popescu-Tăriceanu and his National Liberal Party (PNL) sought to expel her from the cabinet partially because she supported Băsescu and the PD in opposing Popescu-Tăriceanu's decision to postpone Romania's European Parliament elections that year due to what he characterized as ongoing domestic disputes. International media characterized Macovei's ouster as a departure from the aggressive reform efforts Romania had enacted in the previous two years to enter the EU. Following her departure from government, from July 2007 until April 2009, Macovei served as Anti-Corruption Advisor to the Prime Minister of Macedonia, with support from the British Foreign Office. Member of the European Parliament. In 2009, Macovei joined the Democratic Liberal Party (successor of the PD), and won an MEP seat on the party's list in that year's European Parliament Elections. She was re-elected to the European Parliament in 2014 and is part of the European People's Party group. In the Parliament, she became chair of the Delegation to the EU-Moldova Parliamentary Cooperation Committee, a member of the Committee on Budgetary Control (CONT),of the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs (LIBE) and of the Special committee on organised crime, corruption and money laundering (CRIM), and a substitute on the Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET) and to the Delegation to the EU-Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia Joint Parliamentary Committee. In May 2011 she was elected as one of the 15 vice presidents for the National Coordinating Council of the Democratic Liberal Party (PDL). In 2011, she made 41 speeches on transparency and anti-corruption in the EU, and also condemned human rights violations and clashes all around the world (Pakistan, Tunisia, Belarus, Egypt, Thailand, Congo, Madagascar, Guantanamo). She also signed the motion for a resolution on the EU's efforts to combat corruption and co-signed around 40 other join motions in 2011. On 26 September 2012 Macovei won the Parliament Magazine's Justice and civil liberties prize. As a member of parliament's justice and civil liberties committee she took the opportunity to expand her battle for anti-corruption, for transparency and for civil liberties at EU level. She also went beyond EU borders trying to ensure the rule of law, justice and civil liberties are respected in other countries and not some distant hope for the future. Since the beginning of 2012, Macovei made six speeches in plenary about human rights violations in countries such as Bahrain and Syria. In an interview in June 2014, Macovei advocated stronger sanctions against Russia in response to Russian military aggression in Ukraine. She also noted the importance of NATO and EU accession to reform in central and eastern Europe, stating that the best window for enacting reform can be in the period between NATO and EU membership. On 27 October 2015 she joined the European Conservatives and Reformists. Campaign for the Romanian Presidency. In 2014, Macovei ran as an independent candidate in Romania's presidential elections, after resigning from the PDL, which was supporting party leader and Sibiu mayor Klaus Iohannis. She ran on a platform of anti-corruption and rule-of-law, as well as on her record as Justice Minister and MEP. In the first round of the elections in October, Macovei received 4.44% in the national vote. She received her best results in large cities: Bucharest - 12%; Cluj-Napoca - 11.87%; Timișoara – 9.23%; Constanța – 8.84%; and Iași - 10%. More than 15% of the Romanians who voted abroad voted for Macovei. Macovei stated that statistics showed that those who voted for her were mostly between 18 and 35 and with higher education. Nonetheless, her fifth place finish meant she did not go on to the second round run-off elections, in which Iohannis and Prime Minister and PSD leader Victor Ponta would compete. Macovei endorsed Iohannis, who would go on to win the elections. At one point during the campaign, Ponta made reference to Macovei's Greek Catholic faith, to which she had converted. This was interpreted broadly as implying that she was not fully Romanian, as the large majority of citizens are Romanian Orthodox. Macovei accused Ponta and the PSD of using her religious affiliation to attack her candidacy with "xenophobia, chauvinism, and intolerance." On 4 November 2014, following her presidential electoral defeat, Macovei said she would seek to establish a new political party in Romania, which was later called M10. Controversies. Macovei was involved in a number of controversies in Romania while Justice Minister, sometimes indirectly. Media and groups in support of Macovei noted that domestic criticism against her by the local media and Romanian parliament increased markedly after Romania's accession to the EU when politicians no longer worried about implications in Brussels. They also said such attacks stemmed from a broader and very public conflict between Prime Minister Popescu-Tăriceanu and President Traian Băsescu, which divided the ruling coalition and contributed to the break-up of the "Justice and Truth Alliance." Macovei consistently stated that the attacks lodged against her by politicians were "proof that reform was on the right track" under her leadership. Alleged abuse of power. Monica Macovei was on several occasions accused of abuse of power in her position as Minister of Justice. One such incident involved a comment she made on national television that reporters had no right to criticize her and her ministry and that they should pay attention to their own "problems with Romanian justice." Her comment appeared aimed at the director of the Romanian newspaper "Ziua", Sorin Roşca Stănescu, who had been vocal in making allegations against Macovei and admitted having been a collaborator of the communist secret police, Securitate. Aidan White, president of the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), criticized Macovei's assertion, saying that "Any journalist should be granted the presumption of innocence especially by the Minister of Justice." Stănescu and his colleague Răzvan Săvăliuc also alleged that the NGOs supporting Macovei against the Romanian Parliament had done so because they received funding from the Ministry of Justice or because they supported controversial causes linked to Macovei. In June 2005, Prime Minister Popescu-Tăriceanu sought Macovei's intervention in a corruption case against Rompetrol chairman and important PNL member, Dinu Patriciu. According to media, Popescu-Tăriceanu called Macovei to his office to meet with Patriciu, who complained about alleged procedural problems and other aspects of his case. Macovei fully acknowledged the meeting in the media, as well as her surprise that the Prime Minister had organized the meeting. There was no indication that Macovei allowed the meeting to affect Patriciu's case, which remained under investigation. Superior Council of Magistrates (CSM) Judge Florica Bejinaru accused Macovei of "political police-style" tactics to try to obtain her resignation. Bejinaru had reportedly been found to have worked with the Securitate intelligence service during the communist period, a factor that would generally disqualify her from holding a position on the CSM. Bejinaru admitted having collaborated with the Securitate, but denied ever harming anyone. The agency charged with reviewing the Securitate archives cleared Bejinaru of collaboration. Macovei accused Secretary General of the Government Radu Stroe on 14 March 2007 of illegally changing the text of laws between the time they are passed by the Parliament and printed in the official monitor. Stroe denied the allegation. The media separately reported on the same day that Stroe had hired a personal advisor under criminal investigation for tax evasion and links to organized crime. Stroe dismissed the advisor after the report. Popescu-Tăriceanu publicly supported Stroe against Macovei during the row. Shortly after Macovei became Minister of Justice, some media alleged that a court case concerning the ownership of a house was resolved in an irregular fashion to the advantage of Macovei's mother. Macovei denied any involvement in the case. Ordinances Allowing Monitoring in Organized Crime, Terrorism Cases. In late 2006, Macovei recommended and secured passage by the Cabinet of two emergency ordinances (no. 99 and 131) to allow monitoring in specific circumstances without warrant of phone calls, electronic mail, and bank accounts by the Department of Investigation of Organized Crime and Terrorism Offences (DIICOT). The two ordinances have been loosely compared to the U.S. Patriot Act in terms of the powers they give to authorities investigating certain types of crime. Critics in the Parliament, media, and civil society called the ordinances unconstitutional, a violation of privacy, and a drift towards authoritarianism. Several opposition Senators also referenced these ordinances as a reason they passed the February 2007 motion calling for her resignation. Macovei and General Prosecutor Kövesi defended the measures by stating that investigators would not have access to the actual content of records or conversations without warrants, but rather access to information on telephone and electronic traffic. This meant investigators could find out with whom or how an individual communicated, but not what was said. Macovei said that the Romanian government obtained the technology to conduct his type of monitoring with financial support from the U.S. PD President Emil Boc stated on the Romanian talk show "Naşul" that President Băsescu recommended that Macovei pass the emergency ordinances. Performance as Prosecutor. A dossier released by the General Prosecutor's Office in 2008 accused Macovei of "repeated negligence in dealing with cases and repeated delays in resolving some cases" while she was a prosecutor until 1997. Macovei said she had never seen the file but had "nothing to hide" from her time as a prosecutor. She resigned from the position in 1997 following a conflict with then General Prosecutor Nicolae Cochinescu, who was dismissed by President Constantinescu the same year for allegedly blocking politically sensitive investigations. Dan Voiculescu, media owner and leader of the Conservative Party (PC), presented in September 2006 what he claimed were several blank search warrants issued and signed by Monica Macovei in 1984 when she was a prosecutor. PC Deputy Secretary General and former Greater Romania Party member Codrin Stefanescu made a similar claim. Blank warrants were often used during the communist period in Romania to allow prosecutors or police to conduct searches without due process. Macovei replied that the warrant Voiculescu showed to the press was worthless, as it was neither dated nor registered and therefore never valid. She accused Voiculescu of using Securitate-style tactics in making the accusations against her, a clear reference to Voiculescu's own past as a collaborator with the former communist secret police. Voiculescu was one of Macovei's strongest critics in the Parliament while she was Justice Minister. Personal life. Monica Macovei grew up in Bucharest, the only daughter of Vasile Gherghescu (a lawyer) and Silvia Gherghescu (a teacher). She is divorced and has one son, Radu. In April 2006, Macovei entered her flat to smell gas fumes filling her home from a nozzle that had apparently been turned or left on. Police found no apparent explanation for the incident, although the possibility remained that it was meant to be an attack on her. The press reported that the government provided no special security for her residence.

straightforward petition

3697-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=10782165

Ruby Doris Smith-Robinson (April 25, 1942 – October 7, 1967) worked with the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) from its earliest days in 1960 until her death in October 1967. She served the organization as an activist in the field and as an administrator in the Atlanta central office. She eventually succeeded James Forman as SNCC's executive secretary and was the only woman ever to serve in this capacity. She was well respected by her SNCC colleagues and others within the movement for her work ethic and dedication to those around her. SNCC Freedom Singer Matthew Jones recalled, "You could feel her power in SNCC on a daily basis". Jack Minnis, director of SNCC's opposition research unit, insisted that people could not fool her. Over the course of her life, she served 100 days in prison for the movement. Early life. This hard-nosed administrator and legendary activist was born in Atlanta, Georgia, on April 25, 1942 and spent her childhood in Atlanta's Summerhill neighborhood, the oldest black community in the city. She was the second oldest of seven children born to Alice, a beautician, and J. T. Smith, a furniture mover and Baptist minister. The Smith children lived a comfortable existence in their separate Black world. Their parents made their earnings off of Black patronage rather than from the support of whites, which showed Ruby from a young age the power and independence that Black people could have. They had strong adult support, and they had their own churches, schools, and social activities. No matter how insulated they were, however, the reality of American racism and segregation intruded from time to time. Smith-Robinson recalled her feelings about segregation in those early years saying, "I was conscious of my Blackness. Every young Negro growing up in the South has thoughts about the racial situation." Her sister Catherine remembers that even as an adolescent, Ruby said to her, "I know what my life and mission is…It's to set the Black people free. I will never rest until it happens. I will die for that cause." Ruby also remembered her reaction to the white people she came in contact with when she was a youngster: "I didn't recognize their existence, and they didn't recognize mine...My only involvement was in throwing rocks at them". A specific encounter she had with segregation as a young girl was on a summer day when she and her sister went to the drugstore for an ice cream cone. The clerk used his hands to grab her cone and handed it to her. She replied saying, "I won't be eating that one" because she knew that they used tissues to grab cones for the white customers. Ruby's mother encouraged her to study hard and to participate in extracurricular activities rather than help with the household work such as cooking. At the age of 16, Ruby graduated from Price High School and went on to Spelman College, one of the most prestigious Black colleges in the United States. Atlanta Student Movement. Young Ruby, like many young Black Americans of her generation, became convinced that change was possible. When Ruby Smith entered Spelman College in 1959, she quickly became involved in the Atlanta Student Movement after being inspired by the Greensboro North Carolina lunch counter sit-in, which prevented blacks from eating at the same lunch counter as white people did during her sophomore year. She participated in many sit-ins and was arrested a few times after getting involved in the Atlanta Student Movement. She regularly picketed and protested with her colleagues in a bid to integrate Atlanta. In the summer of 1960, though many students involved in the Atlanta Student Movement were no longer on campus, Ruby continued to organize. This included initiating an economic boycott and kneel-ins at whites churches. The slogan she created for the boycott was "have integration will shop, have segregation will not." Even on days when no one else was there to protest, she picketed outside the A&P grocery store alone. Involvement in SNCC. The first SNCC meeting Ruby attended was in February 1961. She had before avoided the organization since there seemed to be a stronger focus on strategy and planning rather than participating in actual protests. However, at this meeting they talked about the jail-versus-bail issue, specifically in relation to a group of students in Rock Hill arrested for demonstrating yet refusing to post bail. SNCC decided to send a delegation, and Ruby ended up going. The group was arrested and sentenced to 30 days in prison. This was significant since it was the first time that she took part in civil rights activities outside her immediate community. She became involved in the national movement and joined activities sponsored by the fledgling SNCC such as Freedom Rides, community-action organizing, and voter registration drives and was arrested many times for participating in those activities. In the spring of 1961, Smith left her position as executive secretary of the Atlanta Student Movement to become the full-time southern campus coordinator for SNCC. This meant dropping out of college her junior year although she had intentions of returning. Once she joined the Freedom Riders, she immediately took part of a ride that was going from Nashville, Tennessee, to Montgomery, Alabama, on May 17, 1961. However, she was violently attacked and beaten in Montgomery and was arrested in Jackson, Mississippi, for traveling inflammatory. After the arrest, she used "jail no bail" by accepting 45 days in Parchman State Prison. After Ruby served time in prison for taking part in the Freedom Rides, she was a student conferee at a student leadership seminar taking part in Nashville, Tennessee. Here she raised the issue of attacks within the black community and the need to deal with problems among fraternities and sororities. She noticed that the majority of graduates from the universities that produced the most doctors and lawyers were light-skinned and connected to fraternities. She discovered that this was due to the fact that fraternity brothers were on the admissions committees. The movement's focus needed to be also within the black community. In the fall of 1961, she reapplied to Spelman College with a recommendation from Martin Luther King Jr. When she returned, she continued her activity in the Atlanta Student Movement. Since lunch counters had been desegregated, they turned their attention to hospitals. At one demonstration, the protesters walked in through the white entrance. The receptionist told them to leave and added, "Besides you're not sick anyway." Ruby walked right up to the desk, looked her in the eye, and then vomited on the counter. Then she asked, "Is that sick enough for you?" By 1963, she had become SNCC's administrative secretary and a full-time member of the central office staff working as a day-by-day organizer, financial coordinator, and administrator. She was in charge of the summer voter registration project in Mississippi and was responsible for the Sojourner Truth motor fleet, which provided civil rights workers transportation. The following year, she argued that blacks must maintain the dominance of the SNCC after the organization had become dependent on whites for financial and political help. She suggested that they recruit southerners and set a limit on how many northerners they accepted since they sometimes caused tension within SNCC. One of her coworkers believed she "had been anti-white for years," although others dispute this since later on in her involvement in SNCC, one of her closest friends was white. She maintained much of the black nationalist agenda without being anti-white. Though there were problems with sexism within SNCC just as in society and though men usually had the final say in decisions, Ruby challenged all the typical notions of what a female should be since she held a leadership position within SNCC where she exercised power over men. Commenting on her self-confidence and leadership ability Stokely Carmichael said, "She was convinced that there was nothing that she could not do…she was a tower of strength." For many years, Robinson was erroneously considered the author of the anonymously submitted paper "The Position of Women in SNCC" from the 1964 SNCC staff meeting in Waveland, Mississippi, however, the four authors of that paper have since come forward. Ruby Doris Smith-Robinson soon became a legend within SNCC with most early SNCC members being able to recount at least one Ruby Smith-Robinson story. Julian Bond remembered that when a delegation of SNCC staff was preparing to board a plane for Africa in the fall of 1964 to observe the success of the nonviolence technique, an airline representative told them the plane was overbooked and asked if they would wait and take a later flight. This angered Ruby Smith-Robinson so much that without consulting the rest of the group she went and sat down in the jetway and refused to move. They were given seats on that flight. This innovative and determined spirit displayed in her activism was also part of her administrative demeanor. SNCC was particularly drawn to Guinea because it was a symbol of freedom and power to African Americans. They were the only country in Africa under French colonial rule that chose immediate independence rather than maintaining a political association and continuing to receive aid. While in Guinea, they met with government officials and even the president. After Ruby came back from Africa, she devoted herself to Black Nationalism. In 1964, while still devoting much of her time to SNCC, she married Clifford Robinson and in 1965 had a son, Kenneth Toure Robinson, named in honor of the president of Guinea. She returned to work just two weeks after giving birth. During the same period, she also graduated from Spelman with a bachelor's degree in physical education. Balancing a marriage, a child, and movement work was a challenge that left little to no time for her to rest. To deal with her frustration and anxiety, she kept empty Coca-Cola bottles in her office, which she would throw against the wall, sweep up their remains, then get back to work. In May 1966, replacing James Forman, she was the first woman elected executive secretary. A forceful administrator, Smith-Robinson was responsible for providing logistics and support for the many community organizing initiatives SNCC began in the south and north during the group's Black Power campaign. At the same time of her election, Stokely Carmichael was voted in as chairman, which transformed the organization since he was perceived as militant and anti-white. Death. In January 1967, her health began to decline precipitously around the same time as the splintering of SNCC, and she was admitted to a hospital. She suffered for ten months from a rare blood disease, and in April of that year she was diagnosed with terminal cancer. She died on October 7, 1967, aged 26. One of her co-workers claimed, "She died of exhaustion…she was destroyed by the movement." She is buried in South-View Cemetery in Atlanta. Legacy. She is the subject of a biography by Cynthia Fleming, entitled "Soon We Will Not Cry" (1998), which, as one reviewer observes, shows "the conflicts and contradictions that Ruby Doris Robinson and her co-workers experienced within themselves and their organization. Particularly compelling is Fleming's depiction of the shifting gender roles among the black activists within SNCC."

proximate social group

13989-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=34764907

Good+Foundation (originally called Baby Buggy) was founded in May 2001 by Jessica Seinfeld after the birth of her first child. According to Jessica, “shortly after the birth of my daughter, Sascha, having slowly accumulated closets full of used – but very usable – baby clothing and equipment she no longer needed, I had a moral dilemma; as the daughter of a social worker, throwing out perfectly good baby gear was unthinkable; and yet there was no easy way to get it to a family who could use it. Thus, Baby Buggy was born.” In April 2016, Baby Buggy renamed to GOOD+ Foundation (and eventually rebranded to Good+Foundation in June 2019) to better communicate its model: pairing donations of essential children’s and family items with transformational programs. The combination of its goods and partner services is the idea behind the migration to Good+. Good+Foundation grants donations of products and services to programs that have demonstrated a capacity to address family poverty in three focus areas: supporting new mothers, investing in early childhood and engaging fathers. Through the generous support of donors and volunteers, GOOD+ Foundation has donated over $50M worth of items through its partner network across the United States. More than $6 million of Good+Foundation’s annual budget is made up of in-kind product donations from individuals and corporations. Financial support for the organization comes through its board of directors, the Friends of GOOD+ NY and LA groups, other private individuals, corporations and foundations. Since 2014, 90 cents of every dollar received by Baby Buggy went straight to programs. The organization has been rated 4 stars by Charity Navigator for six consecutive years and received national accreditation from the Better Business Bureau Wise Giving Alliance. References. https://www.nytimes.com/2013/11/08/giving/her-name-is-famous-but-shes-not-about-nothing.html?pagewanted=1&_r=1

web of associates

4261-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1666708

Horfield is a suburb of the city of Bristol, in southwest England. It lies on Bristol's northern edge, its border with Filton marking part of the boundary between Bristol and South Gloucestershire. Bishopston lies directly to the south. Monks Park and Golden Hill are to the west. Lockleaze and Ashley Down are on the eastern fringe. The Gloucester Road (A38) runs north/south through the suburb. Horfield is also the name of a ward for Bristol City Council. The ward includes Monks Park and Southmead Hospital, but does not include the southern part of Horfield, including Horfield Common and Horfield Prison, which is in Bishopston ward. History. The name is Anglo-Saxon in origin, and means "filthy open land" (Old English "horu" and "feld"). Horfield was a parish in the hundred of Berkeley in Gloucestershire, which included Bishopston, Golden Hill, Lockleaze and part of Ashley Down. Historically, the area had a reputation as a lawless place because Horfield Wood was the haunt of thieves and vagrants. The area remained rural until the early 19th century. Following the 1831 Bristol Riots, during which the local gaol burnt down, Horfield Prison was completed in 1847. A permanent military presence was established in the city with the completion of Horfield Barracks also in 1847. Horfield was mostly developed from the mid 19th century onwards. In 1859, Bishopston became a separate parish. The remainder of Horfield became a civil parish in 1866, when civil parishes were introduced. In 1894 Horfield Urban District was formed, but in 1904 it was absorbed into Bristol. Amenities. Horfield is home to the Memorial Stadium: a sports stadium built in 1921 for Bristol Rugby Club in memory of the rugby union players of the city who died in World War I, and rededicated to also commemorate the dead of World War II. In 1996, the ground also became home to Bristol Rovers Football Club who now own it. Bristol Rugby Club has since moved out of the ground and is now based at the Bristol City FC stadium in the south of the city. Near the Memorial Stadium is The Wellington, CAMRA Bristol & District joint winner of Pub of the Year for 2005. The 2006 Pub of the Year is also in Horfield, The Inn on the Green (on the Gloucester Road) Horfield has a leisure centre that was updated to have a 25-metre swimming pool in 2005. The leisure centre has a gym, swimming pool and learners pool, and a sports hall. Outside the complex is a small skateboard park. The leisure centre was built in the 1980s on open ground opposite the old Horfield Barracks, where open and closed-in rifle ranges once stood. Of Horfield's green spaces, Horfield Common is the largest, having a central enclosure of tennis courts and a bowling club. Horfield Common is one of Bristol's highest points of land above sea level. There is a Library on Filton Avenue. There is a Primary School, Filton Avenue Primary School, also on Filton Avenue. There are two GP Surgeries that serve Horfield. Horfield Health Centre, and Monks Park Surgery The nearest hospital is "Southmead Hospital", a large public National Health Service hospital, situated a short distance away in the Southmead ward of Bristol. It is part of the North Bristol NHS Trust. The nearest Police Station used to be situated just west of Horfield on Southmead Road, however this was closed and replaced by a care home. The nearest Police Station is now a community police station based in the grounds of Southmead Hospital. Transport. Horfield is served by bus services on Gloucester Road (First West of England routes 24, 25, 70, 71, 72, 73, 75, 76, 78 and 79 and Wessex Connect routes 3A, 3C commuter buses to Aztec West and 11,12, 15 and 19), and Muller Road (Wessex Connect routes 506 and 507). The main road running through Horfield is the Gloucester Road section of the A38 and is the longest road of independent shops in the UK. Historically, from the latter part of the 19th century until the first third of the 20th century, Horfield was served by Bristol's tram system, with Horfield having its own tram depot near the junction of Gloucester Road and Church Road. The tram depot site is now a petrol station and a doctor's surgery at the rear. Tram lines which once lead into the depot have been preserved in the surface of the car park of the surgery. Between 1927 and 1964, the northeast part of the district was served by Horfield railway station. Notable residents. Famous sons of Horfield include Hollywood actor Cary Grant, who was born at 15 Hughenden Road in 1904, and composer Ray Steadman-Allen was born at 64 Muller Road in 1922. The cartoonist Annie Fish was born at Brynland Avenue in 1890. Politics. The parish of Horfield includes Horfield ward to the north, part of the Bristol North West parliamentary constituency, represented since 2017 by Darren Jones, Labour. On Bristol City Council, Horfield ward sends two councillors. Currently, these are Cllr Olly Mead (Labour) and Cllr Claire Hiscott (Conservative). The southern part of the parish is in Bishopston ward, in Bristol West parliamentary constituency. The sitting MP since 2015 is Thangam Debbonaire, Labour. The current councillors are Cllr David Willingham (Liberal Democrat) and Cllr Daniella Radice (Green) Churches. There are a number of interesting churches in Horfield. Church of the Holy Trinity with St Edmund – the parish church was possibly founded as early as 603 but the earliest remnant is an old pillar and the circular churchyard. The tower is late 15th century or early 16th century with the nave and aisles added to by William Butterfield in 1847. The central tower was erected in 1893 by local firm Crisp & Oately and the transepts later in 1913 and 1929. It is a grade II* listed building. St. Edmunds Church – erected in the lancet style in 1860 by ST Welch erected as a school and then given a tower and side aisles in 1930 by Hartland Thomas. A building with a roof (similar to Horfield Parish), Anglo catholic interior, and a high church tradition. The church closed in 1979 and was a printers but was demolished in 2006 – the local planning authority did not request obligatory photos. Horfield Barracks chapel – erected 1859 (not 1847 as in Buildings of England). A fine lancet styled chapel with some good handling of dressings and very good bellcote. Closed in the 1920s, the chapel lay dormant for decades until being converted to offices in the 1980s. It is grade II listed. Methodist Chapel – 1899 by La Trobe – very good essay in late Victorian Arts and Crafts Gothic with a fine wooden interior. The former Salvation Army chapel – in Ashley Down Road. Horfield Baptist Chapel – a twin towered perpendicular chapel by Milverton Drake with an organ by Hele. The Roman Catholic Chapel of St Maximillian Kolbe with St Edith Stein and the Holocaust Martyrs – in Alfoxton Road. Quaker meeting house of 1906 – domestic red brick. Whitefield Tabernacle Muller Road – Contains the 18th century pulpit removed from Penn Street Tabernacle when that was demolished to make way for the city centre. It also contains the superb 1815 wooden organ case.

lasting martial existence

11287-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=46793

Death Valley National Park is an American national park that straddles the California–Nevada border, east of the Sierra Nevada. The park boundaries include Death Valley, the northern section of Panamint Valley, the southern section of Eureka Valley and most of Saline Valley. The park occupies an interface zone between the arid Great Basin and Mojave deserts, protecting the northwest corner of the Mojave Desert and its diverse environment of salt-flats, sand dunes, badlands, valleys, canyons and mountains. Death Valley is the largest national park in the contiguous United States, as well as the hottest, driest and lowest of all the national parks in the United States. It contains Badwater Basin, the second-lowest point in the Western Hemisphere at below sea level. More than 93% of the park is a designated wilderness area. The park is home to many species of plants and animals that have adapted to this harsh desert environment including creosote bush, Joshua tree, bighorn sheep, coyote, and the Death Valley pupfish, a survivor from much wetter times. UNESCO included Death Valley as the principal feature of its Mojave and Colorado Deserts Biosphere Reserve in 1984. A series of Native American groups inhabited the area from as early as 7000 BC, most recently the Timbisha around 1000 AD who migrated between winter camps in the valleys and summer grounds in the mountains. A group of European Americans, trapped in the valley in 1849 while looking for a shortcut to the gold fields of California, gave the valley its name, even though only one of their group died there. Several short-lived boom towns sprang up during the late 19th and early 20th centuries to mine gold and silver. The only long-term profitable ore to be mined was borax, which was transported out of the valley with twenty-mule teams. The valley later became the subject of books, radio programs, television series, and movies. Tourism expanded in the 1920s when resorts were built around Stovepipe Wells and Furnace Creek. Death Valley National Monument was declared in 1933 and the park was substantially expanded and became a national park in 1994. The natural environment of the area has been shaped largely by its geology. The valley is actually a graben with the oldest rocks being extensively metamorphosed and at least 1.7 billion years old. Ancient, warm, shallow seas deposited marine sediments until rifting opened the Pacific Ocean. Additional sedimentation occurred until a subduction zone formed off the coast. The subduction uplifted the region out of the sea and created a line of volcanoes. Later the crust started to pull apart, creating the current Basin and Range landform. Valleys filled with sediment and, during the wet times of glacial periods, with lakes, such as Lake Manly. In 2013, Death Valley National Park was designated as a dark sky park by the International Dark-Sky Association. Geographic setting. There are two major valleys in the park, Death Valley and Panamint Valley. Both of these valleys were formed within the last few million years and both are bounded by north-south-trending mountain ranges. These and adjacent valleys follow the general trend of Basin and Range topography with one modification: there are parallel strike-slip faults that perpendicularly bound the central extent of Death Valley. The result of this shearing action is additional extension in the central part of Death Valley which causes a slight widening and more subsidence there. Uplift of surrounding mountain ranges and subsidence of the valley floor are both occurring. The uplift on the Black Mountains is so fast that the alluvial fans (fan-shaped deposits at the mouth of canyons) there are small and steep compared to the huge alluvial fans coming off the Panamint Range. Fast uplift of a mountain range in an arid environment often does not allow its canyons enough time to cut a classic V-shape all the way down to the stream bed. Instead, a V-shape ends at a slot canyon halfway down, forming a 'wine glass canyon.' Sediment is deposited on a small and steep alluvial fan. At below sea level at its lowest point, Badwater Basin on Death Valley's floor is the second-lowest depression in the Western Hemisphere (behind Laguna del Carbón in Argentina), while Mount Whitney, only to the west, rises to and is the tallest mountain in the contiguous United States. This topographic relief is the greatest elevation gradient in the contiguous United States and is the terminus point of the Great Basin's southwestern drainage. Although the extreme lack of water in the Great Basin makes this distinction of little current practical use, it does mean that in wetter times the lake that once filled Death Valley (Lake Manly) was the last stop for water flowing in the region, meaning the water there was saturated in dissolved materials. Thus, the salt pans in Death Valley are among the largest in the world and are rich in minerals, such as borax and various salts and hydrates. The largest salt pan in the park extends from the Ashford Mill Site to the Salt Creek Hills, covering some of the valley floor. The best known playa in the park is the Racetrack, known for its moving rocks. Climate. According to the Köppen climate classification system, Death Valley National Park has a Hot Desert Climate ("BWh"). The plant hardiness zone at Badwater Basin is 9b with an average annual extreme minimum temperature of 27.3 °F (-2.6 °C). Death Valley is the hottest and driest place in North America due to its lack of surface water and low relief. It is so frequently the hottest spot in the United States that many tabulations of the highest daily temperatures in the country omit Death Valley as a matter of course. On the afternoon of July 10, 1913, the United States Weather Bureau recorded a high temperature of 134 °F (56.7 °C) at Greenland Ranch (now Furnace Creek) in Death Valley. This temperature stands as the highest ambient air temperature ever recorded at the surface of the Earth. (A report of a temperature of 58 °C (136.4 °F) recorded in Libya in 1922 was later determined to be inaccurate.) Daily summer temperatures of or greater are common, as well as below freezing nightly temperatures in the winter. July is the hottest month, with an average high of and an average low of . December is the coldest month, with an average high of and an average low of . The record low is . Several of the larger Death Valley springs derive their water from a regional aquifer, which extends as far east as southern Nevada and Utah. Much of the water in this aquifer has been there for many thousands of years, since the Pleistocene ice ages, when the climate was cooler and wetter. Today's drier climate does not provide enough precipitation to recharge the aquifer at the rate at which water is being withdrawn. The highest range within the park is the Panamint Range, with Telescope Peak being its highest point at . The Death Valley region is a transitional zone in the northernmost part of the Mojave Desert and consists of five mountain ranges removed from the Pacific Ocean. Three of these are significant barriers: the Sierra Nevada, the Argus Range, and the Panamint Range. Air masses tend to lose moisture as they are forced up over mountain ranges, in what climatologists call a rainshadow effect. The exaggerated rain shadow effect for the Death Valley area makes it North America's driest spot, receiving about of rainfall annually at Badwater, and some years fail to register any measurable rainfall. Annual average precipitation varies from overall below sea level to over in the higher mountains that surround the valley. When rain does arrive it often does so in intense storms that cause flash floods which remodel the landscape and sometimes create very shallow ephemeral lakes. The hot, dry climate makes it difficult for soil to form. Mass wasting, the down-slope movement of loose rock, is therefore the dominant erosive force in mountainous areas, resulting in "skeletonized" ranges (mountains with very little soil on them). Sand dunes in the park, while famous, are not nearly as widespread as their fame or the dryness of the area may suggest. The Mesquite Flat dune field is the most easily accessible from the paved road just east of Stovepipe Wells in the north-central part of the valley and is primarily made of quartz sand. Another dune field is just to the north but is instead mostly composed of travertine sand. The highest dunes in the park, and some of the highest in North America, are located in the Eureka Valley about to the north of Stovepipe Wells, while the Panamint Valley dunes and the Saline Valley dunes are located west and northwest of the town, respectively. The Ibex dune field is near the seldom-visited Ibex Hill in the southernmost part of the park, just south of the Saratoga Springs marshland. All the latter four dune fields are accessible only via unpaved roads. Prevailing winds in the winter come from the north, and prevailing winds in the summer come from the south. Thus, the overall position of the dune fields remains more or less fixed. There are rare exceptions to the dry nature of the area. In 2005, an unusually wet winter created a 'lake' in the Badwater Basin and led to the greatest wildflower season in the park's history. In October 2015, a "1000 year flood event" with over three inches of rain caused major damage in Death Valley National Park. Human history. Early inhabitants and transient populations. Four Native American cultures are known to have lived in the area during the last 10,000 years. The first known group, the Nevares Spring People, were hunters and gatherers who arrived in the area perhaps 9,000 years ago (7000 BC) when there were still small lakes in Death Valley and neighboring Panamint Valley. A much milder climate persisted at that time, and large game animals were still plentiful. By 5,000 years ago (3000 BC) the Mesquite Flat People displaced the Nevares Spring People. Around 2,000 years ago the Saratoga Spring People moved into the area, which by then was probably already a hot, dry desert. This culture was more advanced at hunting and gathering and was skillful at handcrafts. They also left mysterious stone patterns in the valley. One thousand years ago, the nomadic Timbisha (formerly called Shoshone and also known as Panamint or Koso) moved into the area and hunted game and gathered mesquite beans along with pinyon pine nuts. Because of the wide altitude differential between the valley bottom and the mountain ridges, especially on the west, the Timbisha practiced a vertical migration pattern. Their winter camps were located near water sources in the valley bottoms. As the spring and summer progressed and the weather warmed, grasses and other plant food sources ripened at progressively higher altitudes. November found them at the very top of the mountain ridges where they harvested pine nuts before moving back to the valley bottom for winter. The California Gold Rush brought the first people of European descent known to visit the immediate area. In December 1849 two groups of California Gold Country-bound travelers with perhaps 100 wagons total stumbled into Death Valley after getting lost on what they thought was a shortcut off the Old Spanish Trail. Called the Bennett-Arcane Party, they were unable to find a pass out of the valley for weeks; they were able to find fresh water at various springs in the area, but were forced to eat several of their oxen to survive. They used the wood of their wagons to cook the meat and make jerky. The place where they did this is today referred to as "Burnt Wagons Camp" and is located near Stovepipe Wells. After abandoning their wagons, they eventually were able to hike out of the valley. Just after leaving the valley, one of the women in the group turned and said, "Goodbye Death Valley," giving the valley they endured its name. Included in the party was William Lewis Manly whose autobiographical book "Death Valley in '49" detailed this trek and popularized the area (geologists later named the prehistoric lake that once filled the valley after him). Boom and bust. The ores that are most famously associated with the area were also the easiest to collect and the most profitable: evaporite deposits such as salts, borate, and talc. Borax was found by Rosie and Aaron Winters near The Ranch at Death Valley (then called Greenland) in 1881. Later that same year, the Eagle Borax Works became Death Valley's first commercial borax operation. William Tell Coleman built the Harmony Borax Works plant and began to process ore in late 1883 or early 1884, continuing until 1888. This mining and smelting company produced borax to make soap and for industrial uses. The end product was shipped out of the valley to the Mojave railhead in 10-ton-capacity wagons pulled by "twenty-mule teams" that were actually teams of 18 mules and two horses each. The teams averaged two miles (3 km) an hour and required about 30 days to complete a round trip. The trade name "20-Mule Team Borax" was established by Francis Marion Smith's Pacific Coast Borax Company after Smith acquired Coleman's borax holdings in 1890. A memorable advertising campaign used the wagon's image to promote the Boraxo brand of granular hand soap and the Death Valley Days radio and television programs. In 1914, the Death Valley Railroad was built to serve mining operations on the east side of the valley. Mining continued after the collapse of Coleman's empire, and by the late 1920s the area was the world's number one source of borax. Some four to six million years old, the Furnace Creek Formation is the primary source of borate minerals gathered from Death Valley's playas. Other visitors stayed to prospect for and mine deposits of copper, gold, lead, and silver. These sporadic mining ventures were hampered by their remote location and the harsh desert environment. In December 1903, two men from Ballarat were prospecting for silver. One was an out-of-work Irish miner named Jack Keane and the other was a one-eyed Basque butcher named Domingo Etcharren. Quite by accident, Keane discovered an immense ledge of free-milling gold by the duo's work site and named the claim the Keane Wonder Mine. This started a minor and short-lived gold rush into the area. The Keane Wonder Mine, along with mines at Rhyolite, Skidoo and Harrisburg, were the only ones to extract enough metal ore to make them worthwhile. Outright shams such as Leadfield also occurred, but most ventures quickly ended after a short series of prospecting mines failed to yield evidence of significant ore (these mines now dot the entire area and are a significant hazard to anyone who enters them). The boom towns which sprang up around these mines flourished during the first decade of the 1900s, but soon declined after the Panic of 1907. Early tourism. The first documented tourist facilities in Death Valley were a set of tent houses built in the 1920s where Stovepipe Wells is now located. People flocked to resorts built around natural springs thought to have curative and restorative properties. In 1927, Pacific Coast Borax turned the crew quarters of its Furnace Creek Ranch into a resort, creating the Furnace Creek Inn and resort. The spring at Furnace Creek was harnessed to develop the resort, and as the water was diverted, the surrounding marshes and wetlands started to shrink. Soon the valley was a popular winter destination. Other facilities started off as private getaways but were later opened to the public. Most notable among these was Death Valley Ranch, better known as Scotty's Castle. This large ranch home built in the Spanish Revival style became a hotel in the late 1930s and, largely because of the fame of Death Valley Scotty, a tourist attraction. Death Valley Scotty, whose real name was Walter Scott, was a gold miner who pretended to be the owner of "his castle", which he claimed to have built with profits from his gold mine. Neither claim was true, but the real owner, Chicago millionaire Albert Mussey Johnson, encouraged the myth. When asked by reporters what his connection was to Walter Scott's castle, Johnson replied that he was Mr. Scott's banker. Protection and later history. President Herbert Hoover proclaimed a national monument in and around Death Valley on February 11, 1933, setting aside almost two million acres (8,000 km2) of southeastern California and small parts of Nevada. The Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) developed infrastructure in Death Valley National Monument during the Great Depression and on into the early 1940s. The CCC built barracks, graded of roads, installed water and telephone lines, and a total of 76 buildings. Trails in the Panamint Range were built to points of scenic interest, and an adobe village, laundry and trading post were constructed for the Timbisha Shoshone Tribe. Five campgrounds, restrooms, an airplane landing field and picnic facilities were also built. The creation of the monument resulted in a temporary closing of the lands to prospecting and mining. However, Death Valley was quickly reopened to mining by Congressional action in June 1933. As improvements in mining technology allowed lower grades of ore to be processed, and new heavy equipment allowed greater amounts of rock to be moved, mining in Death Valley changed. Gone were the days of the "single-blanket, jackass prospector" long associated with the romantic west. Open pit and strip mines scarred the landscape as international mining corporations bought claims in highly visible areas of the national monument. The public outcry that ensued led to greater protection for all national park and monument areas in the United States. In 1976, Congress passed the Mining in the Parks Act, which closed Death Valley National Monument to the filing of new mining claims, banned open-pit mining and required the National Park Service to examine the validity of tens of thousands of pre-1976 mining claims. Mining was allowed to resume on a limited basis in 1980 with stricter environmental standards. Death Valley National Monument was designated a biosphere reserve in 1984. On October 31, 1994, the monument was expanded by 1.3 million acres (5,300 km2) and re-designated as a national park, via congressional passage of the California Desert Protection Act (Public Law 103-433). Consequently, the elevated status for Death Valley made it the largest national park in the contiguous United States. On March 12, 2019, the John D. Dingell, Jr. Conservation, Management, and Recreation Act added to the park. Many of the larger cities and towns within the boundary of the regional groundwater flow system that the park and its plants and animals rely upon are experiencing some of the fastest growth rates of any place in the United States. Notable examples within a radius of Death Valley National Park include Las Vegas and Pahrump, Nevada. In the case of Las Vegas, the local Chamber of Commerce estimates that 6,000 people are moving to the city every month. Between 1985 and 1995, the population of the Las Vegas Valley increased from 550,700 to 1,138,800. In 1977, parts of Death Valley were used by director George Lucas as a filming location for "Star Wars", providing the setting for the fictional planet Tatooine. Geologic history. The park has a diverse and complex geologic history. Since its formation, the area that comprises the park has experienced at least four major periods of extensive volcanism, three or four periods of major sedimentation, and several intervals of major tectonic deformation where the crust has been reshaped. Two periods of glaciation (a series of ice ages) have also had effects on the area, although no glaciers ever existed in the ranges now in the park. Basement and Pahrump Group. Little is known about the history of the oldest exposed rocks in the area due to extensive metamorphism (alteration of rock by heat and pressure). Radiometric dating gives an age of 1,700 million years for the metamorphism during the Proterozoic. About 1,400 million years ago a mass of granite now in the Panamint Range intruded this complex. Uplift later exposed these rocks to nearly 500 million years of erosion. The Proterozoic sedimentary formations of the Pahrump Group were deposited on these basement rocks. This occurred following uplift and erosion of any earlier sediments from the Proterozoic basement rocks. The Pahrump is composed of arkose conglomerate (quartz clasts in a concrete-like matrix) and mudstone in its lower part, followed by dolomite from carbonate banks topped by algal mats as stromatolites, and finished with basin-filling sediment derived from the above, including possible glacial till from the hypothesized Snowball Earth glaciation. The very youngest rocks in the Pahrump Group are basaltic lava flows. Rifting and deposition. A rift opened and subsequently flooded the region as part of the breakup of the supercontinent Rodinia in the Neoproterozoic (by about 755 million years ago) and the creation of the Pacific Ocean. A shoreline similar to the present Atlantic Ocean margin of the United States lay to the east. An algal mat-covered carbonate bank was deposited, forming the Noonday Dolomite. Subsidence of the region occurred as the continental crust thinned and the newly formed Pacific widened, forming the Ibex Formation. An angular unconformity (an uneven gap in the geologic record) followed. A true ocean basin developed to the west, breaking all the earlier formations along a steep front. A wedge of clastic sediment then began to accumulate at the base of the two underwater precipices, starting the formation of opposing continental shelves. Three formations developed from sediment that accumulated on the wedge. The region's first known fossils of complex life are found in the resulting formations. Notable among these are the Ediacara fauna and trilobites, the evolution of the latter being part of the Cambrian Explosion of life. The sandy mudflats gave way about 550 million years ago to a carbonate platform (similar to the one around the present-day Bahamas), which lasted for the next 300 million years of Paleozoic time (refer to the middle of the ). Death Valley's position was then within ten or twenty degrees of the Paleozoic equator. Thick beds of carbonate-rich sediments were periodically interrupted by periods of emergence. Although details of geography varied during this immense interval of time, a north-northeastern coastline trend generally ran from Arizona up through Utah. The resulting eight formations and one group are thick and underlay much of the Cottonwood, Funeral, Grapevine, and Panamint ranges. Compression and uplift. In the early-to-mid- Mesozoic the western edge of the North American continent was pushed against the oceanic plate under the Pacific Ocean, creating a subduction zone. A subduction zone is a type of contact between different crustal plates where heavier crust slides below lighter crust. Erupting volcanoes and uplifting mountains were created as a result, and the coastline was pushed to the west. The Sierran Arc started to form to the northwest from heat and pressure generated from subduction, and compressive forces caused thrust faults to develop. A long period of uplift and erosion was concurrent with and followed the above events, creating a major unconformity, which is a large gap in the geologic record. Sediments worn off the Death Valley region were carried both east and west by wind and water. No Jurassic- to Eocene-aged sedimentary formations exist in the area, except for some possibly Jurassic-age volcanic rocks (see the top of the ). Stretching and lakes. Basin and Range-associated stretching of large parts of crust below southwestern United States and northwestern Mexico started around 16 million years ago and the region is still spreading. This stretching began to affect the Death and Panamint valleys area by 3 million years ago. Before this, rocks now in the Panamint Range were on top of rocks that would become the Black Mountains and the Cottonwood Mountains. Lateral and vertical transport of these blocks was accomplished by movement on normal faults. Right-lateral movement along strike-slip faults that run parallel to and at the base of the ranges also helped to develop the area. Torsional forces, probably associated with northwesterly movement of the Pacific Plate along the San Andreas Fault (west of the region), is responsible for the lateral movement. Igneous activity associated with this stretching occurred from 12 million to 4 million years ago. Sedimentation is concentrated in valleys (basins) from material eroded from adjacent ranges. The amount of sediment deposited has roughly kept up with this subsidence, resulting in the retention of more or less the same valley floor elevation over time. Pleistocene ice ages started 2 million years ago, and melt from alpine glaciers on the nearby Sierra Nevada Mountains fed a series of lakes that filled Death and Panamint valleys and surrounding basins (see the top of the ). The lake that filled Death Valley was the last of a chain of lakes fed by the Amargosa and Mojave Rivers, and possibly also the Owens River. The large lake that covered much of Death Valley's floor, which geologists call Lake Manly, started to dry up 10,500 years ago. Salt pans and playas were created as ice age glaciers retreated, thus drastically reducing the lakes' water source. Only faint shorelines are left. Biology. Habitat varies from salt pan at below sea level to the sub-alpine conditions found on the summit of Telescope Peak, which rises to . Vegetation zones include creosote bush, desert holly, and mesquite at the lower elevations and sage up through shadscale, blackbrush, Joshua tree, pinyon-juniper, to limber pine and bristlecone pine woodlands. The salt pan is devoid of vegetation, and the rest of the valley floor and lower slopes have sparse cover, although where water is available, an abundance of vegetation is usually present. These zones and the adjacent desert support a variety of wildlife species, including 51 species of native mammals, 307 species of birds, 36 species of reptiles, 3 species of amphibians, and 2 species of native fish. Small mammals are more numerous than large mammals, such as bighorn sheep, coyotes, bobcats, kit foxes, cougars, and mule deer. Mule deer are present in the pinyon/juniper associations of the Grapevine, Cottonwood, and Panamint ranges. Bighorn sheep are a rare species of mountain-dwelling sheep that exist in isolated bands in the Sierra and in Death Valley. These are highly adaptable animals and can eat almost any plant. They have no known predators, but humans and burros compete for habitat. The ancestors of the Death Valley pupfish swam to the area from the Colorado River via a long-since dried-up system of rivers and lakes (see Lake Manly). They now live in two separate populations: one in Salt Creek and another in Cottonball Marsh. Death Valley is one of the hottest and driest places in North America, yet it is home to over 1,000 species of plants; 23 of which, including the very rare rock lady ("Holmgrenanthe"), are not found anywhere else. Adaptation to the dry environment is key. For example, creosote bush and mesquite have tap-root systems that can extend down in order to take advantage of a year-round supply of ground water. The diversity of Death Valley's plant communities results partly from the region's location in a transition zone between the Mojave Desert, the Great Basin Desert and the Sonoran Desert. This location, combined with the great relief found within the park, supports vegetation typical of three biotic life zones: the lower Sonoran, the Canadian, and the arctic/alpine in portions of the Panamint Range. Based on the Munz and Keck (1968) classifications, seven plant communities can be categorized within these life zones, each characterized by dominant vegetation and representative of three vegetation types: scrub, desert woodland, and coniferous forest. Microhabitats further subdivide some communities into zones, especially on the valley floor. Unlike more typical locations across the Mojave Desert, many of the water-dependent Death Valley habitats possess a diversity of plant and animal species that are not found anywhere else in the world. The existence of these species is due largely to a unique geologic history and the process of evolution that has progressed in habitats that have been isolated from one another since the Pleistocene epoch. Activities. Sightseeing is available by personal automobile, four-wheel drive, bicycle, mountain bike (on established roadways only), and hiking. Riding through the park on motorcycle is also a popular pastime. State Route 190, the Badwater Road, the Scotty's Castle Road, and paved roads to Dante's View and Wildrose provide access to the major scenic viewpoints and historic points of interest. More than of unpaved and four-wheel-drive roads provide access to wilderness hiking, camping, and historical sites. All vehicles must be licensed and street legal. There are hiking trails of varying lengths and difficulties, but most backcountry areas are accessible only by cross-country hiking. There are thousands of hiking possibilities. The normal season for visiting the park is from October 15 to May 15, avoiding summer extremes in temperature. Costumed living history tours of the historic Death Valley Scotty's Castle were conducted for a fee, but were suspended in October 2015 due to flood damage to the buildings and grounds. It is not expected to re-open until 2020. There are nine designated campgrounds within the park, and overnight backcountry camping permits are available at the Visitor Center. Xanterra Parks & Resorts owns and operates a private resort, the Oasis at Death Valley, which comprises two separate and distinct hotels: the Inn at Death Valley is a four-star historic hotel, and the Ranch at Death Valley is a three-star ranch-style property reminiscent of the mining and prospecting days. Panamint Springs Resort is in the western part of the park. Death Valley Lodging Company operates the Stovepipe Wells Resort under a concession permit. There are a few motels near entrances to the park, in Shoshone, Death Valley Junction, Beatty, and Pahrump. Furnace Creek Visitor Center is located on CA-190. A 22-minute introductory slide program is shown every 30 minutes. During the winter season—November through April—rangers offer interpretive tours and a wide variety of walks, talks, and slide presentations about Death Valley cultural and natural history. The visitor center has displays dealing with the park's geology, climate, wildlife and natural history. There are also specific sections dealing with the human history and pioneer experience. The Death Valley Natural History Association maintains a bookstore specifically geared to the natural and cultural history of the park. The northeast corner of Saline Valley has several developed hot spring pools. The pools can be accessed by driving on the unpaved Saline Valley Road for several hours, or by flying a personal aircraft to the Chicken Strip—an uncharted airstrip a short walk from the springs. Death Valley National Park is a popular location for stargazing as it has one of the darkest night skies in the United States. Despite its remote location, air quality and night visibility are threatened by civilization. In particular, light pollution is introduced by nearby Las Vegas. The darkest skies are, in general, located in the northwest of the park. The northwestern area of the park, including sites such as Ubehebe Crater, is a Bortle class 1 or "excellent dark sky" site. The Andromeda Galaxy and the Triangulum Galaxy are visible to the unaided eye under these conditions, and the Milky Way casts shadows; optical phenomena such as zodiacal light or "false dawn" and gegenschein are also visible to the unaided eye under these conditions. Most southern regions of the park are Bortle class 2 or "average dark sky" sites.

traditional dates

13640-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=882187

The fifth generation of the BMW 3 Series consists of the BMW E90 (sedan), BMW E91 (wagon, marketed as 'Touring'), BMW E92 (coupe) and BMW E93 (convertible) compact executive cars. The E90/E91/E92/E93 was introduced in December 2004, and produced by BMW until October 2013 and is often collectively referred to as the E90 or E9x. The E9x saw the introduction of run-flat tyres to the 3 Series range. Models with run-flat tyres are not equipped with a spare tyre. The E92 335i was the first 3 Series model produced with a turbocharged petrol engine. It was also the first 3 Series to include the iDrive operating system, which consists of navigation, infotainment and essential vehicle functions. The E90/E92/E93 M3 is the only generation of M3 to be powered by a V8 engine. Introduced in 2007, it uses the BMW S65 naturally aspirated V8 engine and was produced in sedan, coupe and convertible body styles. Following the introduction of the F30/F31 3 Series in February 2012, the E90/E91 sedans and wagons were phased out. However, the E92/E93 coupes and convertibles remained in production through the 2013 model year, after which they were replaced by the F32/F33 4 Series models. Development and launch. The design for the fifth generation 3 Series was frozen in mid-2002, approximately 30 months before the start of production. The sedan and wagon were designed by Joji Nagashima. Marc Michael Markefka designed the coupé and convertible. The range was introduced in March 2005 for MY2005 with the sedan and wagon body styles. The coupé was introduced in 2006 and the convertible was introduced in 2007, both for MY2007. Significant cosmetic and mechanical changes were done to improve the design and performance compared to the previous generation. The E90 series is larger than its predecessor, with a longer wheelbase, wider tracks, and a roomier interior. Body styles. Sedan (E90). The sedan model was the first model sold of the E90/E91/E92/E93 3 series, being launched on 5 March 2005 for the 2006 model year. Production continued until a facelift revision was made for the 2009 model year. Production of the E90 concluded after the 2011 model year, succeeded by the F30 for 2012. Touring (E91). The E91 wagon/estate models were marketed as 'Touring' in Europe and 'Sports Wagon' in the North America. Optional equipment included a panoramic sunroof, which extends to the rear passenger area. Trim levels typically were similar to the E90 sedan, however the M3 wasn't produced in the wagon body style. Several markets outside Europe only offered a small subset of models in the wagon body style. In the United States and Canada, the only wagon model available prior to 2007 was the 325xi, and then the 328i and 328xi from 2007 onwards. Coupé (E92). In July 2006, one year after the sedan was introduced, the E92 coupé body style was unveiled. Compared with previous generations of the 3 Series, the coupé has more external styling differences to the sedan models. These include the tail-light design (L-shaped on the coupe), more steeply angled headlights and smaller side windows. As per its E46 predecessor, the doors of the coupe are longer and have frameless door windows, the rear seat holds two passengers (compared with a three-person bench for the sedan) with a rear centre console tray and the front seatbelts are on motorised arms that extend from the B-pillar to hand the seatbelts to the driver and/or passenger. The E92 was the last generation to include coupé (and convertible) body styles as a part of the 3 Series range. For later generations, these body styles are marketed as the 4 Series. Despite the E90/E91 being phased out for the F30/F31 after the 2011 model year, the E92/E93 continued through the 2013 model year. It was then succeeded by the F32/F33 for the 2014 model year. Convertible (E93). The E93 convertible was BMW's first model to use a retractable hardtop (folding metal roof), instead of the cloth roof as previously used. The E93 was one of first retractable hardtops in its price range. The "Comfort Access" option allows the roof to be raised and lowered using the key fob. The E93's side windows are 30 percent larger than its E46 convertible predecessor, resulting in a 38 percent increase in visibility. The BMW 3 Series convertible was often priced higher than direct rivals, however reviewers have praised its passenger/boot space (even with the roof down), driving dynamics, weight and chassis rigidity. Engines. Petrol. Official specifications are as follows: Since the following generation of 3 Series used turbocharged engines for the entire model range, the E90/E91/E92/E93 was the last 3 Series to be available with a naturally aspirated engine. In some areas of the United States, the 328i was powered by the BMW N51 inline-six engine and sold as a SULEV model. Suspension. At the front, MacPherson struts with an aluminum hub carrier and aluminum dual lower links forming a virtual pivot point are used. This design was previously used on all 5, 7 and 8 series BMW models. The rear suspension is a 5-link Multi-link suspension, with fabricated steel subframe, fabricated steel control arms, and cast iron carrier. This design is designated "HA 5" by BMW. Wheels. The BMW E90+ has a 5x120 bolt pattern with wheel sizes ranging from 16 inch to 20 inch in diameter. There have been 49 original wheel styles produced for this model. Equipment. Optional features (some of which are standard on higher models) include Xenon headlamps, automatic climate control, parking sensors, power-adjustable seats, satellite navigation, glass sunroof, heated front seats, Bluetooth and USB audio input. Optional equipment could be ordered individually or combined into packages. Optional interior colours, known as BMW Individual, were also available at extra cost. The contents of the 'Premium Package' varies according to model year and market. It included items such as leather seats with power adjustments, memory seat function, lumbar support, auto-dimming mirrors, a digital compass, auto-folding exterior mirrors, BMW Assist w/Bluetooth, and universal garage opener. The 'Cold Weather Package' includes headlight washers, heated front seats and split/folding rear seats with a ski bag. The 'Sports Package' includes a leather 3-prong sports steering wheel, sports front seats, 18-inch wheels, sports suspension and an increase in the speed limiter to . The 'Technology Package' includes iDrive, navigation, keyless entry ("Comfort Access"), selectable driving modes ("M Drive"), HD radio and Electronic Damping Control. The 'Performance Power Kit' (PPK) was introduced for the 335i and was available for installation at BMW dealerships, it included a tune that boosted engine output for the 335i to & for automatics transmission vehicles and for manual transmission vehicles, an overall gain of & , BMW claim their engineers have tested and designed these Performance Power Kits in such a way that equipped vehicles would not sacrifice reliability or fuel consumption, the result was a claimed 0.2 second decrease in 0 to 100km/h times, the kit was available for both N54 & N55 335i vehicles, it was easily verified if a vehicle was equipped with the PPK as during installation stickers that read "BMW Performance Power Kit" were placed near the air intake on all equipped vehicles, the N55 equipped 335i vehicles also featured added exhaust burbles included as part of the PPK tune, also included in the PPK was the addition of an extra radiator, higher performance fans on the main radiator and better air flow ducts in attempt to deal with any extra heat caused due to the tuning. M3 model. The M3 model was powered by the BMW S65 V8 engine and produced in sedan, coupe and convertible body styles. Alpina models. The Alpina B3 and D3 models were based on the E90/E91/E92/E93. The B3 was powered by turbocharged 6-cylinder petrol engine and the D3 was powered by a turbocharged 4-cylinder diesel engine. Special Editions. 320si. To satisfy homologation requirements for the FIA World Touring Car Championship (WTCC), BMW built 2600 units of the 320si. 335is. The 335is was produced in coupé and convertible models for the North American market. Its position in the model lineup was between the regular 335i and the M3, and approximately 4,500 units were produced. The 335is uses a higher performance version of the N54 engine, which increases boost from . This results in and of torque, plus an overboost function raises torque to for up to 7 seconds. Transmission options were a 7-speed double clutch transmission (DCT) with launch control or a 6-speed manual transmission. The manual transmission has an upgraded clutch compared to the regular 335i. Other changes compared to the 335i include stiffer engine mounts, a higher-flow exhaust system, an upgraded cooling system, a different steering wheel, sport seats and "335is" badging on dash and in the instrument cluster. Exterior differences are larger air openings in the front bumper, a rear bumper that incorporates a diffuser-style piece, black kidney grills, and 18-inch or 19-inch "Style 313" wheels. Model year changes. 2008 Facelift (LCI). In September 2008, the facelift (LCI) versions of the sedan and wagon were released for the 2009 model year. Compared to typically subtle BMW LCI changes, these changes were relatively extensive. Mechanical changes included an increase in rear track of for some models, a power increase for the 320d from and the N57 engine replacing the M57 for the 330d model. Styling changes included front and rear bumpers, wing mirrors, headlights, taillights, boot lid, wider kidney grilles and revised crease lines for the bonnet. The new 2009 - 2011 facelift (LCI) AWD models became known as "xDrive" models, unlike the previous 2006-2008 (pre-lci) AWD models, which were labeled as "xi" models. The new xDrive models received xDrive badges on the bumper and both the right and left sides right below the side marker lamps. For the interior, crash-activated head restraints were added to the front seats, the optional "Professional" navigation system was updated, iDrive was updated and the resolution of the display was increased. 2010. For the 2010 model year, the Sport, Lifestyle and Exclusive Edition were introduced for sedan and wagon models. The 316d wagon model was added, as was the 320d EfficientDynamics Edition sedan. Mechanical changes included compliance with the EU5 emission standard, EU6 emission compliance (optional) for the 320d and 330d models, power increases for the 318d, 320d, 325d and 330d models, the N54 engine in the 335i being replaced by N55 engine, and additional features for BMW ConnectedDrive. Safety. The Euro NCAP noted the poor pedestrian protection awarding 4 points out of 36, reporting the 3 Series was "very disappointing" in this measure. IIHS. The Insurance Institute for Highway Safety (IIHS) gives the 3 Series a "Good" overall rating in both the frontal and side impact crash tests. The 3 Series received "Good" marks in all six of the frontal crash test categories, and "Good" marks in six of the nine categories in the side impact test. The IIHS also gave the 3 Series the "Top Safety Pick" award. The convertible is rated "Marginal" in side impacts, making the 3 Series convertible the lowest rated vehicle currently sold in its class in IIHS tests. Recalls. In November 2017, BMW recalled 672,000 3 Series cars from model years 2006–11 with climate control system electronic components at risk of overheating, due to a faulty blower motor. Production. In 2002, Norbert Reithofer and Development Chief Burkhard Goeschel started an initiative to halve the time it took to reach full production of the next generation 3 Series from six months to three. The E90 was produced in Germany (Leipzig, Munich and Regensburg) and in South Africa (Rosslyn). Local assembly of complete knock-down (CKD) kits was used for cars sold in China, Egypt, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Mexico, Thailand and Russia. The production dates for each body style are as follows: Sales. First marketed in March 2005, the car quickly became BMW Group's best-selling car worldwide, and by the end of the year 229,900 vehicles had been delivered. The BMW E90 series was the best-selling luxury car in Canada and the United States. The 2006 E90 marked the 15th consecutive year that the 3 Series was named on Car and Driver's 10Best. Units sold according to BMW's annual reports: Motorsports. BMW WTCC works driver Andy Priaulx won the 2006 and 2007 World Touring Car Championships in the 320si E90, and four other drivers achieved over 35 wins in the championship. The E90 320si was used by several teams in the British Touring Car Championship (BTCC). The 2009 BTCC Drivers Championship was won by Colin Turkington using the E90 320si. The E92 Art Car entered the 2010 24 Hours of Le Mans race, with Andy Priaulx (GB), Dirk Müller (DE) and Dirk Werner (DE) driving the number 78 car which failed to complete the race.

on-site production

12015-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=49079088

The Channel Islands are a group of islands off the coast of France. The largest island is Jersey, followed by Guernsey, Alderney, Sark, and a number of smaller islands, islets and rocky outcrops. The islands were separated from mainland Europe with rising sea levels in the Neolithic period; thereafter maritime activity commenced. Needing to trade, the islanders were innovative. Over time they built up skills, earning money and investing capital in maritime businesses. Timeline. Stone Age and Bronze Age. The presence of Statue menhirs on the islands, such as at St Martin's church on Guernsey and the burial mound at La Hougue Bie, Jersey, give evidence of populations either living on or visiting the islands. Guernsey and Alderney were separated from mainland Europe around 7000 BC with Jersey some time after, but even at 4000 BC the islands were close enough to the mainland coast for primitive boats to move between the islands. Iron Age. Archaeological evidence of trade from the Iron Age period is in evidence in the Islands, with goods manufactured on the western coast such as armlets, Breton pottery and amphorae from the Mediterranean indicating trade along the Atlantic coast from Iberia to Ireland. Armorica was the nearest trade zone. Roman. Hoards such as the 70,000 coins found in the Grouville Hoard have been discovered, although their reason for being in Jersey is open to speculation. Roman settlements on the islands show evidence of an intricate trading network with regional and long-distance trade from 120 BC after the Romans occupied southern Gaul, especially using Guernsey where amphorae from the Herculaneum area and Spain have been found. Buildings found in La Plaiderie, St Peter Port, dating from 100 to 400 AD appear to be warehouses. The earliest evidence of shipping was the discovery of a wreck in Saint Peter Port Harbour of a ship, which has been named "Asterix". It is thought to be a 3rd-century Roman cargo vessel, and was probably at anchor or grounded when the fire broke out. The presence of a Roman fort/signal station at the Nunnery in Alderney adds to the evidence of trade. Early Middle Ages. The arrival of Christianity including Samson of Dol, Helier, Marcouf and Magloire shows the rise in regular shipping to and from the islands in the 6th century. Piracy/raiding especially by Vikings took place throughout this era. The Viking leader Rollo besieged Paris in 911, resulting in 933 with the islands, formerly under the control the Duchy of Brittany, being annexed by the Duchy of Normandy. High Middle Ages. The islands now became part of the trade routes of the Vikings. From 1066 trade with England expanded. The era ended with the loss by King John in 1204 of French territories of Normandy, putting the islands in the front line of the wars between England and France that would last for 700 years. They elected to stay with the English inheritor of the Duke of Normandy title, so severing, in times of war, the trade route to France, except for religious trade, as churches were linked to Coutances until 1568. Needing to survive by trade and not forming part of England, they were allowed, which was confirmed by subsequent monarchs, to have self-determination and trade concessions as a means of ensuring loyalty to the English crown and providing trained militia forces to defend the islands. A 13th century list of Guernsey ships shows ten, varying between 13 and 80 tons. In 1329–30, 487 ships paid tax in Guernsey on landed cargo, a number of them were engaged in the Bordeaux wine trade. The exiled David II of Scotland raided Guernsey in 1336 and 1337; then in 1338 Jersey was captured, and Guernsey was occupied in 1339 by the French Capetians, holding the island for two years and Castle Cornet for seven. In 1372 Guernsey was again attacked, this time by Owain Lawgoch, as was Jersey in the 1380s. These invasions were all repulsed, but resulted in improvements to defences against seaborne attack as well as strengthening the island militias in Guernsey, Jersey and Alderney. Occasionally Channel Island ships were required to transport men and material across the channel when English kings wished to attack France. This era was an age of piracy during times of peace, with French ships during times of war attacking all maritime trade. Early Modern. Covering the period from the 15th to the late 18th centuries, the era saw trade increase with the technical improvement in ships and navigation, and the ability to sail out of sight of land for days on end, until the end of the Napoleonic Wars. In 1461 France invaded Jersey, capturing Mont Orgueil Castle. In 1468 it was recaptured, using the local militia. In gratitude, Edward IV issued Letters Patent exempting Jerseymen from all tolls, customs and subsidies payable to the Crown in England and granting commercial privileges to the Guernsey and Jersey men who had funded the fight. As part of the peace between England and France, Pope Sixtus IV issued in 1483 a Papal bull granting the "Privilege of Neutrality", by which the islands, their harbours and seas, as far as the eye can see, were considered neutral territory. Anyone molesting islanders would be excommunicated. A Royal Charter in 1548 confirmed the neutrality. Not that the French behaved, as they attempted to invade Jersey a year later in 1549 but were defeated by the Jersey militia. The neutrality lasted another century, until William III of England abolished the privilege due to privateering activity against Dutch ships. Piracy in the islands mainly died when Sark was colonised by Hellier de Carteret in 1563 and they lost their last refuge. Some pirates still hid out in isolated English and French bays, others sailed up from the Barbary Coast, or even Turkey, ransoming valuable captives or keeping them as slaves. It was replaced by legal piracy in the form of privateering. Ships issued with a letter of marque giving the ship the right to capture ships and goods of a specific enemy and to keep the profits. During the War of the Three Kingdoms Jersey became a base for Royalist privateers between 1643 and 1651, most notably George Carteret who in late 1643 became Lieutenant Governor of the island. Jersey privateers sailed as far as the Netherlands in their efforts to disrupt Parliamentary shipping; however much of their activity was focused around the Channel Islands and the defence of Jersey. The main trade continued cross channel, where the islands were given concessions, France, such as St Malo with 60-100 ships a year in the 1680s, expanding to Spain and Ireland, with agents being appointed to source local goods for export and to find buyers for imported goods. These included dried cod from Newfoundland, cloth, wine, wool, leather and household goods. The ships provided an opportunity for emigration: a number of families moved to America; a number from Jersey settled in Salem, Massachusetts and were among the accused in the 1693 Salem witch trials. A number of emigrants founded what became prosperous and leading families in America. It was not unknown at this time for poor island families to hand over their seven-year-old children to be shipped overseas to America to be sold or hired out, or to work as indentured apprentices, on the promise that they would be fed and clothed. Jean Martell from Jersey established in 1715 the Cognac manufacturer Martell and established trading links with Guernsey. The islands were involved in the slave trade. Guernsey has identified 11 sailings, mainly from the Gambia, between 1741 and 1761, with 2,118 slaves taken and 1,800 delivered. The wine trade was very important: in 1771 Guernsey merchant Le Marchant recorded 8,000 tons of claret shipped from Bordeaux to Ireland, noting it was usual to mix with one-quarter of Spanish wines to make it suitable for the Irish market. By controlling the brandy trade from 1790, Guernsey merchants shipped low quality brandy to Madeira, where it was added to their wine to fortify it. Madeira wine becoming famous. Both islands established Chambers of Commerce as the merchant families expanded and grew in wealth. These families included Tupper, Priaulx, Le Marchant and De Jersey from Guernsey and Ste Croix, Robin, Janvrin and Hemery from Jersey, often intermarrying to avoid rivalry. Part ownership of ships show there were 1,238 people were owners of shares in the 19th century, including 280 mariners and 97 in ship related trades, but these also included 55 farmers, 34 widows, 29 "spinsters" and 25 "gentlemen". It was safer to invest in an 1/8th share of each of eight ships than to own one whole ship. Ship building only became a serious business in the islands in the late 18th century with the requirement to build ships larger than fishing boats. The first lighthouse appeared in 1724 on the Casquets, with ships passing it paying a fee of 1/2d a ton. Between 1760 and 1815 Great Britain was at war for 36 years, which affected the maritime trade, causing dangers and opening possibilities of profit. Late Modern. This period covers the rise of the British Empire into the Victorian era, through the First World War and then the Second World War. This saw the introduction of iron ships, steam, then oil powered ships. A Guernsey merchant William Le Lacheur formed a company in the 1830s and operated ships, and set up a new trade with Costa Rica to bring their coffee to Europe. Island-built wooden sailing ships were going further, opening up more ports in South America and even going to Hong Kong and Australia. By the 1850s Jersey had 300-400 ships with a tonnage of over 40,000. Guernsey was smaller, with 120 ships of 20,000 tons. Some ships would be away trading for a year or two before returning. Both St Peter Port and St Helier harbours were proving too small for the larger ships and increasing tonnages, with both drying out at low tide. Jersey added a few piers to its harbour. St Peter Port was extended by 1864 to allow ships to berth at any state of the tide. Secondary harbours at Saint Sampson, Guernsey and Saint Aubin, Jersey provided limited facilities. Alderney, which was lacking in harbour facilities, found in the 1840s that it would be given a harbour large enough for the whole of the Royal Navy. It was partly constructed by the 1860s before being abandoned. It was rarely used by commercial ships as it was exposed to wind from the north east. The change from sail saw a major decline in the maritime activities of the islands: commercial shipbuilding had boomed in the 1850s with 20,000 tons a year before collapsing to 3,000 tons built per year in the 1880s, as iron and steel were not available in the islands. The advantages of trans-shipment of goods through a free port fell away. Freight rates fell, and three Jersey banks had failed by 1886. By the end of the century, island fleets had just 150 ships with a total tonnage of just 11,000. The First World War saw island shipping used for the war effort. The peace then saw a demand from visitors for transport, for the first time in competition with aircraft. The islands were occupied by the Germans during the Second World War, and most island-based ships went to England in June 1940. Initially a number of fishing and private boats, then later smaller craft, made the perilous journey with over 200 escaping islanders. Not all survived: some were captured or shot, others drowned. German shipping, supported by island-based artillery, controlled the seas around the Channel Islands until May 1945. Since the war, fishing has been reduced, with lobsters and crabs becoming the main catch in the islands with an annual value of around £10m in 1995. Private boating has increased with the construction of marinas. Freighting changing from loose and pallets to containers with Ro-Ro for vehicles. Hydrofoils and then catamarans and wave piercers appeared as fast passenger ships. Advantages enjoyed by the islands. The islands' maritime trade enjoyed a number of advantages: Types of trade. Fishing. The first mention of fishing in the islands appears in the Norman Exchequer Roll of 1195. The King having the right to require conger to be landed at specific ports and sold to merchants to whom the King had granted a right of pre-emption. Locally caught fish and shellfish were a mainstay of Island business and exported over the centuries to the best market. Alderney fishermen shipping to Poole being paid 6d for an lobster, 3d for smaller ones. In the 1860s 4,000 lobsters were being caught around Guernsey every week. An unofficial regard for local fishermen everywhere gave them immunity from attack by naval ships and privateers. Oyster dredging became important and started in 1828 centring around the Chausey oyster beds, where the French also wished to fish. News of these beds brought 300 fishing boats from the south of England, Gorey pier was rebuilt to assist them and after ten years, the beds were shown to be over fished. The Royal Navy and French Navy arrived. At its peak in 1857, 179,690 tubs of oysters were dredged. The capture of a Jersey boat resulted in an invasion of Granville by fishermen who destroyed equipment on the French fishing fleet. To avoid this act of war, the two governments enacted fishing limits. The fishing beds were dying and a ban was introduced. The fishermen ignored the ban resulting in the Jersey Militia firing cannonballs at the fishing boats before arresting 100 men who were fined in court. So ended the “oyster riot”, the English fishermen sailing back to England in 1861. This dramatic event would be followed by many future disputes over fishing rights especially around Minquiers which took until 1953 before the International Court of Justice confirmed that Jersey owned them. In 1883 1,600 men and boys were engaged in fishing in the Channel Islands from around 800 boats. The numbers would decline with 500 men by 1913. The EU fishing quotas do not automatically apply to island waters. Guernsey fishing boats were banned from EU waters in 2015 to try to get Guernsey to accept the EU quota system. Manufactured goods. Knitting in the Islands as a trade had early origins, the quality was so good that Queen Elizabeth I wore Guernsey stockings. Large quantities of wool being imported to the Islands from Southampton by special licence, where a major cottage industry turned the product into desirable high value goods. Stocking were in high demand in France, 240,000 pairs a year being exported there in the 1660s. The name “Guernsey” as a knitted jumper, used by the RNLI, the Royal Navy and the British Army and “Jersey” as an alternative name for a jumper demonstrating the influence the Islands have had in the knitting industry. The low tax on sugar compared to Britain saw James Keiller create a marmalade factory in Guernsey in the 1860s. Tobacco processing has been an industry in both Guernsey and Jersey. Exporting its produce all over the world. Entrepôt. Being free ports, as the British Parliament had no right to levy taxes in the Islands and the Islands themselves not wishing to levy taxes on goods brought to and then exported again from the Islands, The Channel Islands could import goods from anyone who was not an enemy of Britain, free of British taxes. The local merchants would buy up and supply goods at favourable prices, especially goods taken by privateers. There were no restrictions on whom the goods were sold to, and no liability on the Islanders if the ship subsequently landed those goods without declaring them and paying taxes at their destination. There were no bonded warehouses in England in the 18th Century, so warehouses were built in Guernsey to store and mature wine and spirits until they were needed in England. Cod and North America. The Channel Island fishing industry took to the opportunities offered with the opening up of the Grand Banks fisheries. Cod was valuable and from 1763 when Quebec was ceded to the British, colonies were founded by both Jersey and Guernsey in Newfoundland. The people in each colony undertook the fishing and drying, waiting for the company ship to arrive with trade goods they could exchange for the fish. Barrels of dried cod, 1,000-2,000 quintals a year, each weighing roughly 50 kg, being exported by ship to the Caribbean or western Europe. Sometimes there was a three-way trade with ships returning to the Channel Islands where the ship chandlers and merchants benefited. The American war of independence saw the Guernsey fishing colony fade away as more profitable opportunities opened up, privateering. Jersey continued with the cod trade, in 1840 the Chamber of Commerce estimated the Island had 4,000 people and 8,000 tons of shipping employed in the industry. The industry continued often using a triangle of fish to Spain, goods from Spain to the Islands and more goods to Newfoundland or cod to Brazil, coffee to Amsterdam and goods back to Canada. The cod monopoly ceased and died as a trade by 1886. Horticulture and agriculture. In Guernsey the introduction of glasshouses resulted in a growth on eating grapes and then tomato production from Victorian days, when in the 1880s 10,000 tons were exported annually until the 1970s, with 60 million tomatoes exported each year in the 1960s to England. Jersey, where the island slopes southwards, has concentrated on growing potatoes for centuries, Jersey Royals proving a great success since the 1880s with 70,000 tons exported in 1891 to England. The local breeds of Guernsey and Jersey cattle were in demand all over the world and were exported as far as the Americas and the Antipodes. Quarrying. During the 19th Century quarrying of granite for use in England became a valuable trade good from Guernsey, adding value by creating cobblestones for London streets, although after 1847 gravel was exported for macadamizing roads. In 1861 St Sampson's harbour saw 142,866 tons of stone loaded in 737 ships, it became very crowded and required piers to be rebuilt and repaired, by 1913, annual tonnage had risen to 453,947. Other activities. Privateering. Privateering was a continuation of a very old trade. During the English Civil War 1642-1651 Jersey sided with the Royalists, the Lieutenant Governor, George Carteret authorised, in the name of the King, privateering to fund the cost of guarding the Island. Ships captains having to provide a large bond which was forfeit if the ship operated outside its terms of licence. His entrepreneurial views in capturing about 120 prizes for the loss of 12 privateers were rewarded when Charles II granted him land in the Americas, part of which he renamed New Jersey. In 1689 privateering against French shipping was authorised however only 55 licences were issued by 1697. In the late 1690s privateering annoyed the Dutch who complained to William III, who was also Prince of Orange, and he suspended some of the Islanders rights, however in 1702, the monarch died and business resumed. 759 ships were captured and then ransomed by Guernsey and Jersey privateers by 1711 during the War of the Spanish Succession. The 32 years of wars with France, during the War of the Austrian Succession, Seven Years' War, American Revolutionary War, French Revolutionary Wars and the Napoleonic Wars saw the resurgence of Privateers being licensed with a Letter of marque to capture enemy shipping and to confiscate cargoes going to enemies of the Crown. Between 1793 and 1801, the Admiralty issued 454 letters of Marque to Channel Island ships, during which time ships and cargoes worth an estimated £900,000 were taken. Investors, mainly from the Islands and the South West of England, would form a syndicate and put money up to buy a ship, equip it and run it, in exchange for a proportion of the proceeds the privateer acquired. The captain and crew also receiving pay based on performance. It was a risky business, but by spreading the risk many investors made good profits. Blue water privateering where the ship would “hunt” the open seas, such as off the Azores, or even be sent to Manila occurred. privateers needed large crews to fight and then provide prize crews. The number of skilled men in the Islands enabled the high number of privateers, but there was a limit. In 1798 Guernsey needed 884 men for 78 vessels, Jersey 649 for 59. Smuggling. The late 17th Century saw smuggling take place on a large scale after the "Privilege of Neutrality" the islands had enjoyed for over 200 years was abolished by the British government who in August 1689 prohibited the importation of any goods from France. Sometimes with goods transhipped through small and secluded islets such as the Chausey Islands where a French and Jersey boat could meet to exchange goods that each had, with those they wanted. It was recorded that the main smuggled goods in the 1690s through the Écréhous was lead and gunpowder destined for Saint-Malo. Smuggling tobacco to France was very profitable, £1m of tobacco was imported to Guernsey each year in the 1750s from England, somewhat more than the Islanders needed. In 1802 it was estimated at 5,000 hogsheads, each barrel weighing 1,200 lbs. It was not the only goods bought from England for “resale”, possibly smuggling back into England. The advantage of the free port was added to with the smuggling of goods, mainly from France during the wars with France, were in high demand in England. Goods such as brandy, perfume, lace and wine. Even goods such as salt were smuggled, as it was impossible to tell the origin of that commodity, landing salt in England and claiming its manufacture in the Islands and tax free as against French salt, which was taxed. France also had a tax until 1790, the gabelle of 140 times the cost of production, so producers wanted to export. In 1795 England arrested 10,000 people for salt smuggling. Guernsey warehouses were filled with brandy, wine, tea, rum and tobacco, all in high demand and taxed in England, to which fishermen came before returning to a quiet cove in somewhere like Devon or Cornwall to unload, if they could avoid the Revenue Officers. Alderney undertook a speciality of Dutch gin. Channel Island smuggling boats were not averse to operating between say Ostend and Sussex coasts or even taking goods to Scotland after the Isle of Man was sold to the British Government for £70,000 in 1765, putting an end to their smuggling business. Anti smuggling laws and more vigilance by the HM Revenue and Customs officers resulted in a higher risk and a fall in business by 1810. In 1833 Guernsey was refused permission to participate in the British Treasury sponsored business of tobacco smuggling into France. Smuggling still continued, in April 1869 200 lbs of tobacco were discovered secreted on Jethou by Customs officers. Royal Navy. There was never a base for the Royal Navy in the Islands although they deployed ships into the area in times of war to defend the Islands, normally based in the anchorage off Guernsey. In the 1840s a decision was made to build two very large harbours, one in Alderney and one at St Catherines in Jersey, both were abandoned, partly constructed. The Islands have provided a number of volunteer officers and men, a number of whom have risen to high levels within the Royal Navy. Among the more famous are George Carteret (d1680), Thomas Le Hardy (d1732), Charles Hardy (d1744), Philip Durell (d1766), Philip de Sausmarez (d1747) and James Saumarez (d1836). Charles Bertram (d1854) who rose from able seaman to Vice-Admiral. Cecil Burney (d1929). George Ingouville Captain of the Mast was awarded a Victoria Cross during the Crimean War. Passenger transport. Anyone travelling to or from the Islands would originally have travelled on a trading vessel, faster sailing ships designed to carry the post and passengers were introduced before paddle steamers began to arrive in the 1820s, forcing the post to change to paddle steamer, even so it went bankrupt in 1836 This was followed in 1850 with iron screw steamers, with the first "SS Sarnia" and "SS Caesarea" operating, but only for a few months. Railway companies in England, the London and South Western operating from 1843 from Southampton then the Great Western in 1889 introduced ships from Weymouth to transport their passengers and freight from their trains to the Islands. The competition was high and was a contributing factor in the "Stella" (LSWR) going too fast in fog and hitting the Casquets, with the "Ibex" (GWR) hitting Corbiere. Rivalry stopped as customers wanted safety over excessive speed. British Railways operating ships from 1948 until becoming Sealink in 1970 until replaced by British Channel Island Ferries in 1985. They operated in competition with Condor Ferries who had introducing Hydrofoils in 1977, then multihull's from 1990 which took the passenger business and closed down the traditional ferries. Ro-Ro freight started in 1990 using new "Commodore Shipping" ships that also took passengers, operating under the Condor name from 2004. Shipwrecks. The waters around the Channel Islands are very dangerous. Tidal movements of up to twelve knots during equinoctial tides with a rise/fall of 12 metres, a multitude of rocks and reefs have resulted in over 1,000 shipwrecks over the centuries. Revenues from the Receiver of Wrecks used to go to the Crown, but now rest with the governments of Guernsey and Jersey. Lighthouses were built on Les Casquets 1724, Les Hanois, 1862, La Corbière 1874, leading lights and other lighthouses were then built where necessary. Cartography was undertaken by French Navy, the British Admiralty and Channel Island merchants. Guernsey first had a lifeboat in 1803, Jersey in 1830 and Alderney in 1869. Over the years a number of RNLI medals for bravery have been won by lifeboat crews, the first in 1825 to a crew from Jersey. Rescue services are assisted by Jersey Coastguard, there is the Guernsey Ambulance and Rescue Service with their "Flying Christine III", a Channel Islands Air Search plane and the use of a private helicopter. French and British military and rescue services work together with Island-based facilities in saving lives at sea.

accessing contingencies

13468-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=63942877

The third season of "The House of Flowers", a Mexican black comedy-drama television series about the privileged de la Mora family, was released to Netflix in its entirety on April 23, 2020. It follows immediately from the end of the second season with Paulina being led into prison. It features the present-day stories of the de la Mora children, as well as a story told in 1979 of a young Virginia, the family matriarch, and friends. Eldest daughter Paulina reconnects with her ex-spouse María José, and explores her family's past, while younger children Elena and Julián also cement their lives. In 1979, Virginia becomes pregnant with Paulina, and is involved with Mexico's nascent gay and drag scene. The season had three directors, Manolo Caro, Yibran Asuad & Gabriel Nuncio, and was written by Caro, Nuncio, Mara Vargas (Jackson), Hipatia Argüero, Kim Torres, and Alexandro Aldrete. Filming began in Spain in February 2019, with the second and third seasons being produced together. Synopsis. In prison, Paulina is forced to share a cell with the leader of Ernesto's cult, who starts a gang to kill Paulina. Another gang, led by Chiva, also want to kill her. María José's sister, Purificación, shows up in Mexico, ostensibly to help Paulina get out with the aid of local lawyer Kim, but Puri pretends to be María José, threatening Paulina. Elsewhere, Elena is pregnant with Diego's child as a surrogate, and in a coma after her car wreck. Their grandmother, Victoria Aguirre, arrives to take over. Micaéla loses the final of "Talento México" to Rosita, but is invited to be part of a lip-sync group with her and Bruno. In 1979, it is Virginia's birthday party. Her mother admonishes her for spending time with Ernesto and Salomón Cohen, encouraging her to spend more time with the docile Agustín Corcuera and new neighbor Carmelita. Virginia and the boys run off to Acapulco for a party, where they meet up with close friend Pato and his current flame, a married man. The gang take LSD, which prevents Salomón from performing when Virginia wants to lose her virginity – she turns to Pato for it. Returning home, Virginia is sent to a finishing school, where she learns to grow marijuana. After escaping the school, she visits a drag bar with her friends; there, Virginia has sex with Salomón, Ernesto and Carmelita get close, and Pato becomes a drag queen called Paulina. Virginia realizes she is pregnant and confides in Chiva, the nurse for her mysteriously ill father. María José arrives after being alerted by Alejo; she frees Paulina and encourages Puri to seek medical help. Ernesto gives the cabaret to the drag queens. Diego is persuaded by his family to attend gay conversion therapy, to fulfill his dream of being a parent. When Elena wakes from her coma, Victoria tries to push the siblings apart, but they resist. María José starts a relationship with Kim, while helping Paulina find out about Chiva. Kim tries to keep María José working on her pet project case: a bullied trans boy. Puri gets committed after becoming completely delusional. Micaéla maliciously gives Rosita an Indian headdress to pose with, which creates backlash against their group and sends Rosita into a Britney breakdown. Julián realizes that he wants children, finding Diego to tell him. Elena starts dating Pablo, a former colleague, after confronting her elitism. Victoria throws parties for Elena like she did Virginia, also drugging Elena like she did her husband; her rudeness makes Delia turn antagonistic, giving Victoria a taste of her own medicine. Paulina and María José get close again as they interrogate the good and bad in their past relationships; Alejo leaves when he sees them kiss. In 1979, Virginia's father has been killed by Victoria, who makes Chiva bury the body. Chiva tells all to Pato, and Victoria has her imprisoned. Pato tries to tell Virginia, but they have grown distant with his angry behavior, and she does not listen to him. His behavior has sprouted from a hidden relationship with Agustín, who refuses to acknowledge his homosexuality. Victoria finds out that Virginia is pregnant and arranges her marriage to Agustín – Pato shows up at the engagement party. Agustín and his friends gay bash Pato, killing him. Virginia is distraught; Ernesto, not wanting his friend to be trapped with Agustín, breaks up with Carmelita and proposes to Virginia. Elena and Julián spring Diego from the conversion center, while Paulina and María José tell Chiva about Pato's death. Chiva recalls more of the family history to them, telling them to remove Victoria from their lives: they arrive at the house just as Victoria is pushed down the steps when trying to kill Delia. Ernesto tells Paulina that her real father was Pato, and Paulina gives the grisly history to her siblings. Julián, Diego, Elena, and Pablo decide to share the new baby, who they name Pato. Paulina has the police rule Victoria's death an accident, and proposes to María José. With Puri seeming to improve, they tell her about the wedding; she breaks out of the hospital to kill Paulina. However, the spirit of Virginia stops her just in time. Production. Development. In 2019, some of the production moved to Netflix's new Madrid headquarters, with development split between Spain and Mexico. On February 25, 2020, Netflix announced that the third season would be the show's last, without divulging reasons but explaining that it concluded the story and would explore more of Paulina's childhood. Creator Manolo Caro said that the production had expected only three seasons if it went well, which he thought was "a fair number". In April 2020, he said that he was leaving the door open for "The House of Flowers", with Suárez saying "never say never" when asked about revisiting the role. Asked about his writing choices for the final season, Caro said that there were two reasons why he chose to add the 1979 story. He explained that he is a big fan of shows from the time and wanted to bring the same fun and excitement to "The House of Flowers", as well as finding a way to bring back Virginia de la Mora because he knew he wanted to explore the character more. In another interview in 2020, Caro said that he had planned the ending of the series back when he was first writing it three years earlier. The final scene of the series is said to hail back to the magical realism roots of the show. Casting. On March 6, 2020, it was revealed that season 3 would have a "completely new cast", featuring actors playing younger versions of many of the established characters. Christian Chávez was reported as part of the third season's cast in December 2019, in a feature where the actor celebrated that having gay characters was becoming mainstream. Chávez's character was announced in April 2020, before the season premiered, as Patricio "Pato", Virginia's best friend in the 1970s, who is a drag queen at the start of the movement in Mexico. Chávez, an openly gay actor, has refused to portray women before (even not dressing feminine when having previously played a drag queen), as well as being averse to portraying gay characters so as to not be pigeon-holed. However, he said that the character written by Caro "talks about being yourself, freedom, and the cost you have to pay for it [that makes] you realize that many things have not changed [since the 1970s] in Mexico and the world", which he thought was interesting and important, as well as a challenge. He added that he "[does] not regret having chosen [the] character, [because he] needed it as a human being who needed to discover these things, and also because it is a very special message for people." Chilean actor Tiago Correa as young Ernesto had been announced in November 2019, and he had appeared in a photograph with young Virginia and Salomón in the final episode of season 2; on March 6, 2020, Isabel Burr and Javier Jattin were revealed as the young Virginia and Salomón, with Ximena Sariñana's involvement being announced, too. Burr has previously portrayed Castro herself, in the 2016 biopic "Hasta que te conocí"; some media mistakenly reported that the young Virginia was to be played by Marcela Guirado, who was playing Castro in the Netflix biopic "" at the time. Burr explained that casting for the young Virginia was held for Verónica Castro look-alike actresses, with Caro asking them "to do an improvisation exercise" – she said that she only received the script five months after being cast. Caro also noted that they were not only searching for actors that looked like the older characters, but that "they also had to have the same energy". Before the casting session, Burr says that she re-watched the first season at least eight times and "put it on pause, took notes, watched [Virginia's] movements, how she grabbed things, the specific tone when she spoke, her expressions, everything to be able to create the character when young". She added that, during production, she often had to remind herself that she was playing Virginia, not Castro, saying that the two are "completely different. Of course there are certain idiosyncrasies that come from Vero [Castro], but it was important to [Burr] to see who Virginia was". Correa went through a similar process after he got the part, working with an acting coach and Caro for two months to perfect his interpretation of Ríos' Ernesto. The appearances of actors returning for the third season were confirmed by Caro through a series of posts on Instagram in November 2019, and Rebecca Jones announced that she had been added to the cast for season 3 in this month (which Caro confirmed in January 2020). In February 2020, Stephanie Salas announced her involvement in the third season, noting that she worked with Jones a lot. A guest star in the final season and a big fan of the show, Mexican-American drag queen Valentina was invited to take a role by Caro; she stayed in Mexico City for a month and said she "got to live [her] fantasy as a telenovela actress", telling "Billboard" that she would be in drag the whole time and that her role was more than a quick cameo. She said this was important and that the role and the show made history by putting drag artists in the mainstream. Miguel Bosé, who has a cameo in the final episode, had been asked by Caro to take part four days before the scene was shot; Caro expected Bosé to say no, but he accepted because he liked the monologue written for his character. Caro had previously discussed the show with Bosé and his mother, Lucia Bosè, who were "super fans". Interviewed about her character in the third season, Cristina Umaña explained that she had been contacted by Caro after he noticed her work in "Narcos", where she plays a strong female character. Umaña often works in action thrillers and explained that she had to adjust to the tone of comedy, but that she was happy to be working with Suárez again after the two starred in "Capadocia" together. Filming. The second and third seasons were filmed at the same time, with production beginning in February 2019 in Spain. Some of season 3 had been filmed in Mexico in April 2019, while main photography there began in June 2019. Filming in Mexico largely took place in a nineteenth-century house in Condesa. In October 2019, Caro announced that the third season had already wrapped up production, allowing him to move to Spain to continue production of another Netflix show, "Someone Has To Die". Caro and Burr described the filming of the third season as "pure fun", and recalled that scenes had to be cut while shooting a lot because of the cast breaking out in laughter. Marketing and release. The third and final season's first teaser trailer was released on March 6, 2020, and is set in 1979 following Virginia, Ernesto, Carmela, and Salomón, as well as depicting scenes of Mexico City's gay and trans community at the time. The original cast also appear in archive footage. On March 17, 2020, Netflix shared the opening title sequence for the final season, and announced the release date as April 23, 2020. The final trailer was released on April 2, 2020, picking back up with the original main cast from the end of the second season. Ashley Falls of Clio Entertainment examined the marketing for the third season, writing that the "bold typography[,] floral full-frame graphics [and] groovy music" of the trailer made every second of it work, and that the "color scheme and floral pattern" of the poster matched graphics with the video. She also noted that the combination of these poster graphics with its "family portrait and mural-like illustration" made it "remarkable". A virtual press junket was held in the days leading up to the release of the final season, with the cast completing many video interviews or interviewing over the phone, and answering fan questions live in a moderated livestream discussion called "La Fiesta de las Flores", which took place from 8:00pm in Mexico City (CDT/) on April 23. Suárez pre-recorded a message for "La Fiesta de las Flores" from Madrid (where the time zone was CEST/), and the Leóns did not appear in the livestream. At the end of the stream, Caro announced that at midnight that night, the show's soundtrack would be released for purchase. Another video-based interaction for the show happened shortly after the final season's release: on April 26, a social media 'wedding reception' was held, with cut scenes and behind the scenes images shared on Instagram, and fans invited to dress up and celebrate at home. The third season premiered in its entirety on April 23, 2020. By April 2020, before the premiere of the final season, the show was the eighth most-watched Netflix series in Mexico. "La Verdad" wrote that the release date of the third season was earlier than expected, and suggested this may be due to the COVID-19 pandemic lockdowns, while "El Periódico de Catalunya" noted that it was released on Saint George's Day (patron saint of Catalonia, among other regions and countries) and that the day's symbols of the book and the rose may connect to the show's themes. Within hours of the final season's release, the series was the number one most-watched on Netflix in Mexico; for the week beginning April 20, it was ranked fifth in TV Time's worldwide list of biggest weekly growth, with 92.9% more total viewers than the week before. Episodes. <onlyinclude> </onlyinclude> Critical reception. María Alba for "Espinof" wrote that, going into the final season, the show carried the burden of having to win back the fans that were disappointed in the second season; she concluded that "[it returned] to being the Mexican sitcom with the soap-opera air that had us laughing more than two years ago", at least in part due to the return of the character of Virginia. "ETE"'s Mariana B. Lang said that it "gets rid of the second season's bad taste, saving the story". "Espinof"'s Alberto Carlos also thought that it was an improvement, but that season 2 had left the show in a poor state and so the recovery was "bumpy" in the early episodes. Patricia Puentes positively compared the first three episodes of the season to the recently released fourth season of the similarly-named "Money Heist" ("La casa de papel"), saying that both are welcome viewing during COVID-19 lockdowns, which also made Paulina's prison complaints that she cannot get the lotion she likes more relatable. Álvaro Cueva also referenced quarantine measures in April 2020, writing that "now when we are facing something big, ["The House of Flowers"] is a gift". Critic Esther Vargas said that the third season is "a manifesto of love and a cry against homophobia and transphobia". Of the new characters, Jonathon Wilson found the young Virginia to be a great addition. Alba describes Burr's portrayal as "a breath of fresh air", and B. Lang said that Burr was one of her favorite portrayals, explaining that she "has the same color in her voice as [Castro] without falling into parody". She also found both iterations of Victoria to be the best character of the third season. Puentes said that all of the 1979 cast are "easy to get attached to", and Cueva described many of the new cast with positive adjectives. Vargas especially praised Chávez as Pato, writing that he "far overshadowed" Yazbek Bernal with his "expressions that silently say more than the director perhaps intended". Da Costa praised all the actors, including writing that the characterization of Jenny Quetzal was much better than her appearances in the second season. María León's expanded role of Purificación becoming the "supervillain" was seen by Alba to be "a perfect turn". The character of Paulina continued to receive praise, and was described at the series' end as a Mexican pop icon. Cueva celebrates the plot and structure of the final season, calling it a "dramatic game" in which the 1979 story can serve as a prequel to the series, as well as giving context for the 2019 story to be understood, though both rely on the previous seasons. Da Costa compared some of the final season's stories to those of "Mamma Mia!" and "Mamma Mia! Here We Go Again", also saying that the editing and transitions of the final season had a "certain salutatory air", which worked well both to give nostalgia and prepare the viewer for the series' end. Similarly, B. Lang wrote that the series' plots are all tied up nicely, intertwining and not feeling forced as they end; she opined that "making a fourth season would be unnecessary [because] this is the right ending for the de la Mora family". Puentes wrote that the season "masterfully recovers" its earlier themes, including criticisms of homophobia, to drive the plots, with Wilson noting that it has a "blend of complicated, progressive family melodrama and soapy slapstick" executed well to please everyone. Puentes also praised the design of the 1979 scenes, which "Remezcla"'s Mario A. Cortez said "ooze with vintage style" that "[brings] the old-school Mexico vibe full circle". Romero enjoyed the "groovy throwback looks" but also left a warning in her review that viewers may want to skip over the end of episode nine, set in the past, saying it is "a devastating murder scene [that] you don't need to watch [to] understand homophobia". At the end of April 2020, "Film Daily" reported on the show as one of their 'our obsessions' features, calling it "one of, if not the most underrated Netflix original comedy". Notes. Translated quotations. "Some quotations in this article were originally in languages other than English, and have been user-translated." References. Sources. Audio-visual media Features Interviews News Press releases Reviews Web

vehicle accident

13817-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=2026043

In probability theory and statistics, the hyperbolic secant distribution is a continuous probability distribution whose probability density function and characteristic function are proportional to the hyperbolic secant function. The hyperbolic secant function is equivalent to the reciprocal hyperbolic cosine, and thus this distribution is also called the inverse-cosh distribution. Generalisation of the distribution gives rise to the Meixner distribution, also known as the Natural Exponential Family - Generalised Hyperbolic Secant or NEF-GHS distribution. Explanation. A random variable follows a hyperbolic secant distribution if its probability density function (pdf) can be related to the following standard form of density function by a location and shift transformation: where "sech" denotes the hyperbolic secant function. The cumulative distribution function (cdf) of the standard distribution is a scaled and shifted version of the Gudermannian function, where "arctan" is the inverse (circular) tangent function. The inverse cdf (or quantile function) is where "arsinh" is the inverse hyperbolic sine function and "cot" is the (circular) cotangent function. The hyperbolic secant distribution shares many properties with the standard normal distribution: it is symmetric with unit variance and zero mean, median and mode, and its pdf is proportional to its characteristic function. However, the hyperbolic secant distribution is "leptokurtic"; that is, it has a more acute peak near its mean, and heavier tails, compared with the standard normal distribution. Johnson et al. (1995) places this distribution in the context of a class of generalized forms of the logistic distribution, but use a different parameterisation of the standard distribution compared to that here. Ding (2014) shows three occurrences of the Hyperbolic secant distribution in statistical modeling and inference. Generalisations. Convolution. Considering the (scaled) sum of formula_6 independent and identically distributed hyperbolic secant random variables: then in the limit formula_8 the distribution of formula_9 will tend to the normal distribution formula_10, in accordance with the central limit theorem. This allows a convenient family of distributions to be defined with properties intermediate between the hyperbolic secant and the normal distribution, controlled by the shape parameter formula_6, which can be extended to non-integer values via the characteristic function Moments can be readily calculated from the characteristic function. The excess kurtosis is found to be formula_13. Skew. A skewed form of the distribution can be obtained by multiplying by the exponential formula_14 and normalising, to give the distribution where the parameter value formula_16 corresponds to the original distribution. Location and scale. The distribution (and its generalisations) can also trivially be shifted and scaled in the usual way to give a corresponding location-scale family All of the above. Allowing all four of the adjustments above gives distribution with four parameters, controlling shape, skew, location, and scale respectively, called either the Meixner distribution after Josef Meixner who first investigated the family, or the NEF-GHS distribution (Natural exponential family - Generalised Hyperbolic Secant distribution). Losev (1989) has studied independently the asymmetric (skewed) curve which uses just two parameters formula_17. They have to be both positive or negative, with formula_18 being the secant, and formula_19 being its further reshaped form. In financial mathematics the Meixner distribution has been used to model non-Gaussian movement of stock-prices, with applications including the pricing of options.

normal manner

8898-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=15585839

The Diocese of Civita Castellana () is a Roman Catholic ecclesiastical territory in Latium, central Italy. It has existed in the current form since 1986, when the Diocese of Nepi e Sutri was united into the Diocese of Civita Castellana, Orte e Gallese. The diocese of Gallese had been added to the dioceses of Civita Castellana and Orte in 1805. The name of the diocese was shortened in 1991, in accordance with recently developed Vatican policies. The diocese of Civita Castellana is immediately subject to the Holy See (the Papacy). History. The earliest known bishop with his seat at Civita Castellana is Crescentius (or Crescentianus). In 998, he discovered and transported to Cività Castellana the remains of Martianus and Johannes and other deceased people. The story of these marvellous deeds was published at Rome in 1584. The Antipope Clement III (Archbishop Wibert of Ravenna) died in Civita Castellana on 8 September 1100. In 1252 the diocese of Gallese was incorporated with that of Civita Castellana. Reestablished in 1562, Gallese was again suppressed in 1573. During that brief period, it had two bishops, Girolamo Garimberti of Parma (1563–1565), and Gabriel degli Alessandri of Bergamo (1566–1569). The diocese of Gallese was restored on 20 December 1805, by Pope Pius VII, in the bull "Romanorum Pontificum", and the old cathedral, which had been reduced to the status of the collegiate church of S. Maria Assunta, again became a cathedral, served by twelve Canons, and headed by two dignities, the Archpriest and the Archdeacon. The diocese, however, was united to the diocese of Cività Castellana e Orte, all three dioceses having one and the same bishop, "aeque personaliter". On 5 October 1437, in the bull "Sacrosancta Romana", Pope Eugenius IV united the diocese of Orte with the diocese of Cività Castellana in the person of a single bishop. Orte (Orta, the ancient Horta) is some fifty miles north of Rome. In accordance with Pope Eugenius' decree, the bishop was required to hold his Chrism Mass (usually on Holy Thursday) and his ordinations of priests in alternate years in Orte and in Civita Castellana. In 1748, the Chapter of the cathedral of the Annunciation in Civita Castellana was composed of one dignity and fourteen Canons. The Chapter of the cathedral of the Assumption in Orte was composed of one dignity and eighteen Canons. In the mid-19th century, the cathedral of Civita Castellana was administered and serviced by a Chapter consisting of one dignity, the Archpriest, and eighteen Canons. Bishop Giovanni Tenderini (1718–1739) took the major steps to found a seminary, but it was not until 1746 that it opened. The diocesan seminary, like many ecclesioastical institutions, suffered under French invasion and occupation. After the French removal, the seminary was located in the former Franciscan convent next to S. Pietro in Civita Castellana. The convent had been emptied by the French occupation forces under Napoleon, and when they were driven out, permission to convert it to diocesan use was given by Pope Pius VII, and it opened in 1825. Bishops. Bishops of Civita Castellana e Orte. "United: 5 October 1437 with the Diocese of Orte" Bishops of Civita Castellana, Orte e Gallese. "United: 20 December 1805 with the Diocese of Gallese" Diocese of Civita Castellana (Orte, Gallese, Nepi e Sutri). "United: 11 February 1986 with the Diocese of Nepi e Sutri" "Latin Name: Civitatis Castellanae (Hortanus, Gallesinus, Nepesinus, et Sutrinus)" "Metropolitan: Diocese of Rome" Diocese of Civita Castellana. "Name Changed: 16 February 1991"

large advancement

8510-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=771840

Dean Arnold Corll (December 24, 1939 – August 8, 1973) was an American serial killer who abducted, raped, tortured, and murdered at least 28 teenage boys and young men between 1970 and 1973 in Houston, Texas. He was aided by two teenaged accomplices, David Owen Brooks and Elmer Wayne Henley. The crimes, which became known as the Houston Mass Murders, came to light after Henley fatally shot Corll. Upon discovery, it was considered the worst example of serial murder in U.S. history. Corll's victims were typically lured with an offer of a party or a lift to a succession of addresses in which he resided between 1970 and 1973. They would then be restrained either by force or deception, and each was killed either by strangulation or shooting with a .22 caliber pistol. Corll and his accomplices buried 17 of their victims in a rented boat shed; four other victims were buried in woodland near Lake Sam Rayburn; one victim was buried on a beach in Jefferson County; and at least six victims were buried on a beach on the Bolivar Peninsula. Brooks and Henley confessed to assisting Corll in several abductions and murders; both were sentenced to life imprisonment at their subsequent trials. Corll was also known as the Candy Man and the Pied Piper, because he and his family had previously owned and operated a candy factory in Houston Heights, and he had been known to give free candy to local children. Early life. Childhood. Dean Arnold Corll was born on December 24, 1939, in Fort Wayne, Indiana. He was the first child born to Mary Emma Robinson (May 9, 1916 May 31, 2010) and Arnold Edwin Corll (February 7, 1916 April 5, 2001). Corll's father was strict with his children, whereas his mother was markedly protective of both her sons. Their marriage was marred by frequent quarreling and the couple divorced in 1946, four years after the birth of their younger son, Stanley Wayne Corll. Mary subsequently sold the family home and relocated to a trailer home in Memphis, Tennessee, where Arnold had been drafted into the United States Air Force after the divorce, to allow her sons to remain in contact with their father. Dean Corll was a shy, serious child who rarely socialized with other children, but at the same time displayed concern for the well-being of others. At the age of seven, he suffered an undiagnosed case of rheumatic fever, which was not recognized until doctors found Corll had a heart murmur in 1950. As a result of this diagnosis, Corll was ordered to avoid P.E. at school. Corll's parents attempted reconciliation and remarried in 1950, subsequently moving to Pasadena, Texas; however, the reconciliation was short-lived and, in 1953, the couple once again divorced, with the mother again retaining custody of her two sons. Their divorce was granted on amicable grounds and both boys maintained regular contact with their father. Following the second divorce, Corll's mother married a traveling clock salesman named Jake West. The family moved to the small town of Vidor, Texas, where Corll's half-sister, Joyce Jeanine (August 10, 1955 June 17, 2016), was born. Upon advice from a pecan nut salesman, Corll's mother and stepfather started a small family candy company named Pecan Prince, initially operating from the garage of their home. From the earliest days of the candy business, Corll worked day and night while still attending school. He and his younger brother were delegated the responsibility of running the candy-making machines and packing the product, which his stepfather sold on his sales route. This route often involved West traveling to Houston, where much of the product was sold. From 1954 to 1958, Corll attended Vidor High School, where he was regarded as a well-behaved student who achieved satisfactory grades. As had been the case in his childhood, Corll was also considered somewhat of a loner, although he is known to have occasionally dated girls in his teenage years. In high school, Corll's only major interest was the brass band, in which he played trombone. Move to Houston Heights. Corll graduated from Vidor High School in the summer of 1958. Shortly thereafter, he and his family moved to the northern outskirts of Houston so that the family candy business could be closer to the city where the majority of their product was sold. Corll's family opened a new shop, which they named Pecan Prince in reference to the brand name of the family product. In 1960, at the request of his mother, Corll moved to Indiana to live with his widowed grandmother. During this period of time, Corll formed a close relationship with a local girl, although he rejected a subsequent marriage proposal she made to him in 1962. Corll lived in Indiana for almost two years but returned to Houston in 1962 to help with his family's candy business, which by this date had moved to Houston Heights. He later moved into an apartment of his own above the shop. Corll's mother divorced Jake West in 1963 and opened a new candy business, which she named Corll Candy Company; her eldest son was appointed vice-president of the new family firm, with his younger brother Stanley being appointed secretary-treasurer. The same year, one of the teenage male employees of Corll Candy Company complained to Mary West that her son had made sexual advances towards him. In response, Corll's mother fired the teenager. U.S. Army service. Corll was drafted into the United States Army on August 10, 1964, and assigned to Fort Polk, Louisiana, for basic training. He was later assigned to Fort Benning, Georgia, to train as a radio repairman before his permanent assignment to Fort Hood, Texas. According to official military records, Corll's period of service in the army was unblemished. Corll, however, reportedly hated military service; he applied for a hardship discharge on the grounds that he was needed in his family's business. The army granted his request and he was given an honorable discharge on June 11, 1965, after ten months of service. Reportedly, Corll divulged to some of his close acquaintances after his release from the army that it was during his period of service that he had first realized that he was homosexual, and had experienced his first homosexual encounters. Other acquaintances noted subtle changes in Corll's mannerisms when in the company of teenage males after he had completed his service and returned to Houston, which led them to believe he may have been homosexual. Corll Candy Company. Following his honorable discharge from the army, Corll returned to Houston Heights and resumed the position he had held as vice-president of the Corll Candy Company. Corll's former stepfather had retained ownership of the family's former candy business, Pecan Prince, following his mother's divorce in 1963; competition between the two firms was fierce. As had been the case in his teenage years, Corll increased the number of hours he devoted to the candy business to satisfy an increasing public demand for his family's product. In 1965, the Corll Candy Company relocated to 22nd Street, directly across the street from Helms Elementary School. Corll was known to give free candy to local children, in particular teenage boys. As a result of this behavior, he earned himself the nicknames the "Candy Man" and the "Pied Piper". The company employed a small workforce, and he was seen to behave flirtatiously toward several teenage male employees. Corll is known to have installed a pool table at the rear of the candy factory where employees and local youths would congregate. Friendship with David Brooks. In 1967, Corll befriended 12-year-old David Owen Brooks, then a bespectacled sixth grade student and one of the many children to whom he gave free candy. Brooks initially became one of Corll's many youthful close companions, regularly socializing with Corll and various teenage boys who congregated at the rear of the candy factory. He also joined Corll on the regular trips he took to South Texas beaches in the company of various youths, and later commented that Corll was the first adult male who did not mock his appearance. Whenever Brooks told Corll he needed cash, Corll gave him money, and the youth began to view Corll as a father figure. Upon Corll's urging, a sexual relationship gradually developed between the two. Beginning in 1969, Corll paid Brooks in cash or with gifts to allow him to perform fellatio on the youth. Brooks' parents were divorced; his father lived in Houston and his mother had relocated to Beaumont, a city east of Houston. In 1970, when he was 15, Brooks dropped out of Waltrip High School and moved to Beaumont to live with his mother. Whenever he visited his father in Houston, he also visited Corll, who allowed him to stay at his apartment if he wished to. Later the same year, Brooks moved back to Houston. By his own later admission, Brooks began regarding Corll's apartment as his second home. By the time Brooks dropped out of high school, Corll's mother and Joyce, his half-sister, had moved to Colorado after the failure of her third marriage and the closure of the Corll Candy Company in June 1968. Although she often talked to her eldest son on the telephone, his mother never saw him again. Following the closure of the candy company, Corll took a job as an electrician at the Houston Lighting and Power Company (HL&P), where he tested electrical relay systems. He worked in this employment until the day of his death. Murders. Between 1970 and 1973, Corll is known to have killed a minimum of 28 victims. All of his victims were males aged 13 to 20, the majority of whom were in their mid-teens. Most victims were abducted from Houston Heights, which was then a low-income neighborhood northwest of downtown Houston. With most abductions, he was assisted by one or both of his teenage accomplices: David Owen Brooks and Elmer Wayne Henley. Several victims were friends of one or both of Corll's accomplices; others were individuals with whom Corll had himself become acquainted prior to their abduction and murder, and two other victims, Billy Baulch and Gregory Malley Winkle, were former employees of the Corll Candy Company. Corll's victims were usually lured into either one of the two vehicles he owned (a Ford Econoline van and a Plymouth GTX) or a 1969 Chevrolet Corvette he is known to have purchased for Brooks in early 1971. This enticement was typically an offer of a party or a lift, and the victim would be driven to Corll's house. At Corll's residence, the youths would be plied with alcohol or other drugs until they passed out, tricked into donning handcuffs, or simply grabbed by force. They were then stripped naked and tied to either Corll's bed or, usually, a plywood torture board which was regularly hung on a wall. Once manacled, the victims would be sexually assaulted, beaten, tortured, and sometimes after several days, killed by strangulation or shooting with a .22 caliber pistol. Their bodies were then tied in plastic sheeting and buried in one of four places: a rented boat shed; a beach on the Bolivar Peninsula; a woodland near Lake Sam Rayburn (where Corll's family owned a lakeside log cabin); or a beach in Jefferson County. In several instances, Corll forced his victims to either phone or write to their parents with explanations for their absences in an effort to allay the parents' fears for their sons' safety. He is also known to have retained keepsakes—usually keys—from his victims. During the years in which he abducted and murdered his victims, Corll often changed addresses. However, until he moved to Pasadena in the spring of 1973, he always lived in or close to Houston Heights. First known murders. Corll killed his first known victim, an 18-year-old college freshman named Jeffrey Konen, on September 25, 1970. Konen vanished while hitchhiking with another student from the University of Texas to his parents' home in Houston. He was dropped off alone at the corner of Westheimer Road and South Voss Road near the Uptown area of Houston. Corll likely offered Konen a lift to his home, which Konen evidently accepted. At the time of Konen's disappearance, Corll lived in an apartment on Yorktown Street, near the intersection with Westheimer Road. Brooks led police to Konen's body on August 10, 1973. The body was buried at High Island Beach. Forensic scientists subsequently deduced that the youth had died of asphyxiation caused by manual strangulation and a cloth gag that had been placed in his mouth. The body was found buried beneath a large boulder, covered with a layer of lime, wrapped in plastic, naked, and bound hand and foot with nylon cord, suggesting he had been violated. About the time of Konen's murder, Brooks interrupted Corll in the act of sexually assaulting two teenage boys whom he (Corll) had strapped to a four-poster bed. Corll promised Brooks a car in return for his silence; Brooks accepted the offer and Corll later bought him a green Chevrolet Corvette. Corll later told Brooks that he had killed the two youths, and offered him $200 for any boy he could lure to Corll's apartment. On December 13, 1970, Brooks lured two 14-year-old Spring Branch youths named James Glass and Danny Yates away from a religious rally held in Houston Heights to Corll's Yorktown apartment. Glass was an acquaintance of Brooks who, at Brooks' behest, had previously visited Corll's address. Both youths were tied to opposite sides of Corll's torture board and subsequently raped, strangled, and buried in a boat shed he had rented on November 17. An electrical cord with alligator clips attached to each end was buried alongside Yates's body. Six weeks after the double murder of Glass and Yates, on January 30, 1971, Brooks and Corll encountered two teenage brothers, Donald and Jerry Waldrop, walking toward their parents' home. The Waldrop brothers had been driven to a friend's home by their father with plans to discuss forming a bowling league and had begun walking home after learning their friend was not at home. Both boys were enticed into Corll's van and driven to an apartment Corll had rented on Mangum Road, where they were raped, tortured, strangled and subsequently buried in the boat shed. Between March and May 1971, Corll abducted and killed three victims; all of whom lived in Houston Heights and all of whom were buried toward the rear of the rented boat shed. In each of these abductions, Brooks is known to have been a participant. One of these three victims, 15-year-old Randell Harvey, was last seen by his family on the afternoon of March 9 cycling towards Oak Forest, where he worked part-time as a gas station attendant. Harvey was driven to Corll's Mangum Road apartment, where he was subsequently killed by a single gunshot to the head. The other two victims, 13-year-old David Hilligiest, and 16-year-old Gregory Malley Winkle were abducted and killed together on the afternoon of May 29, 1971. As had been the case with parents of other victims of Corll, both sets of parents launched a frantic search for their sons. One of the youths who voluntarily offered to distribute posters the parents had printed offering a monetary reward for information leading to the boys' whereabouts was 15-year-old Elmer Wayne Henley—a lifelong friend of Hilligiest. The youth pinned the reward posters around the Heights and attempted to reassure Hilligiest's parents that there may be an innocent explanation for the boys' absence. On August 17, 1971, Corll and Brooks encountered a 17-year-old acquaintance of Brooks named Ruben Watson Haney walking home from a movie theater in Houston. Brooks persuaded Haney to attend a party at an address Corll had moved to on San Felipe Street the previous month. Haney agreed and was taken to Corll's home where he was subsequently strangled and buried in the boat shed. In September 1971, Corll moved to another apartment in the Heights. Brooks later stated he had assisted Corll in the abduction and murder of two youths during the time Corll resided at this address, including one youth who was killed "just before Wayne Henley came into the picture." In his confession, Brooks stated the youth killed immediately prior to Henley's involvement in the murders was abducted from the Heights and kept alive for approximately four days before his murder. The identity of both of these two victims remains unknown. Participation of Elmer Wayne Henley. In the winter of 1971, Brooks introduced Henley to Corll. Henley likely was lured to Corll's address as an intended victim. However, Corll evidently decided the youth would make a good accomplice and offered him the same fee—$200—for any boy he could lure to his apartment, informing Henley that he was involved in a "white slavery ring" operating from Dallas. Henley later stated that, for several months, he ignored Corll's offer. However, in early 1972, he decided to accept the offer because he and his family were in dire financial circumstances. Henley said the first abduction he participated in occurred during the time Corll resided at 925 Schuler Street, an address he moved to in February 1972. (Brooks later claimed that Henley became involved in the abductions while Corll resided at the address he had occupied immediately prior to Schuler Street.) If Henley's statement is to be believed, the victim was abducted from the Heights in February or early March 1972. In the statement Henley gave to police following his arrest, the youth stated he and Corll picked up "a boy" at the corner of 11th and Studewood, and lured him to Corll's home on the promise of smoking some marijuana with the pair. At Corll's residence—using a ruse he and Corll had prepared—Henley cuffed his own hands behind his back, freed himself with a key hidden in his back pocket, then duped the youth into donning the handcuffs before observing Corll bind and gag him. Henley then left the youth alone with Corll, believing he was to be sold into the sexual slavery ring. The identity of this first victim Henley assisted in the abduction of remains unknown. One month later, on March 24, 1972, Henley, Brooks and Corll encountered an 18-year-old acquaintance of Henley's named Frank Aguirre leaving a restaurant on Yale Street, where the youth worked. Henley called Aguirre over to Corll's van and invited the youth to drink beer and smoke marijuana with the trio at Corll's apartment. Aguirre agreed and followed the trio to Corll's home in his Rambler. Inside Corll's house, Aguirre smoked marijuana with the trio before picking up a pair of handcuffs Corll had left on his table. In response, Corll pounced on Aguirre, pushed him onto the table, and cuffed his hands behind his back. Henley later claimed that he had not known of Corll's true intentions towards Aguirre when he had persuaded his friend to accompany him to Corll's home. In a 2010 interview, he claimed to have attempted to persuade Corll not to assault and kill Aguirre once he (Corll) and Brooks had bound and gagged the youth. However, Corll refused, informing Henley that he had raped, tortured and killed the previous victim he had assisted in abducting, and that he intended to do the same with Aguirre. Henley subsequently assisted Corll and Brooks in Aguirre's burial at High Island Beach. Despite the revelations that Corll was, in reality, killing the boys he and Brooks had assisted in abducting, Henley nonetheless became an active participant in the abductions and murders. One month later, on April 20, he assisted Corll and Brooks in the abduction of another youth, a 17-year-old named Mark Scott. Scott—who was well known to both Henley and Brooks—was grabbed by force and fought furiously against attempts by Corll to restrain him, even attempting to stab his attackers with a knife. However, Scott saw Henley pointing a pistol toward him and according to Brooks, Scott "just gave up." Scott was tied to the torture board and suffered the same fate as Aguirre: rape, torture, strangulation, and burial at High Island Beach. Brooks stated Henley was "especially sadistic" in his participation in the murders committed at Schuler Street. Before Corll vacated the address on June 26, Henley assisted Corll and Brooks in the abduction and murder of two youths named Billy Baulch and Johnny Delome. In Brooks' confession, he stated that both youths were tied to Corll's bed and, after their torture and rape, Henley manually strangled Baulch, then shouted, "Hey, Johnny!" and shot Delome in the forehead, with the bullet exiting through the youth's ear. Delome then pleaded with Henley, "Wayne, please don't!" before he was strangled. Both youths were buried at High Island Beach. During the time Corll resided at Schuler Street, the trio lured a 19-year-old named Billy Ridinger to the house. Ridinger was tied to the plywood board, tortured, and abused by Corll. Brooks later claimed he persuaded Corll to allow Ridinger to be released, and the youth was allowed to leave the residence. On another occasion during the time Corll resided at Schuler Street, Henley knocked Brooks unconscious as he entered the house. Corll then tied Brooks to his bed and assaulted the youth repeatedly before releasing him. Despite the assault, Brooks continued to assist Corll in the abductions of the victims. After vacating the Schuler Street residence, Corll moved to an apartment at Westcott Towers, where, in the summer of 1972, he is known to have killed a further two victims. The first of these victims, 17-year-old Steven Sickman, was last seen leaving a party held in the Heights shortly before midnight on July 19. The youth was savagely bludgeoned about the chest with a blunt instrument before he was strangled and buried in the boat shed. Approximately one month later, on or about August 21, a 19-year-old named Roy Bunton was abducted while walking to his job as an assistant in a Houston shoe store. Bunton was gagged with a section of Turkish towel and his mouth bound with adhesive tape. He was shot twice in the head and buried in the boat shed. Neither youth was named by either Brooks or Henley as being a victim of Corll, and both youths were only identified as victims in 2011. On October 2, 1972, Henley and Brooks encountered two Heights teenagers named Wally Jay Simoneaux and Richard Hembree walking to Hembree's home. Simoneaux and Hembree were enticed into Brooks' Corvette and driven to Corll's Westcott Towers apartment. That evening, Simoneaux is known to have phoned his mother's home and to have shouted the word "Mama" into the receiver before the connection was terminated. The following morning, Hembree was accidentally shot in the mouth by Henley, with the bullet exiting through his neck. Several hours later, both youths were strangled to death and subsequently buried in a common grave inside the boat shed directly above the bodies of James Glass and Danny Yates. Sometime the following month, an 18-year-old Oak Forest youth known to both Corll and Henley named Willard Branch disappeared while hitchhiking from Mount Pleasant to Houston. His gagged and emasculated body was buried in the boat shed. On November 15, a 19-year-old Heights youth named Richard Kepner disappeared on his way to a phone booth. Kepner was strangled and buried at High Island Beach. Altogether, at least ten teenagers between the ages of 13 and 19 were murdered between February and November 1972, five of whom were buried at High Island Beach, and five inside the boat shed. On January 20, 1973, Corll moved to an address on Wirt Road in the Spring Branch district of Houston. Within two weeks of moving into this address, he had killed 17-year-old Joseph Lyles. Lyles was known to both Corll and Brooks. He had lived on Antoine Drive – the same street upon which Brooks resided in 1973. On March 7, Corll vacated his Wirt Road apartment and moved to 2020 Lamar Drive, an address his father had vacated in Pasadena. 2020 Lamar Drive. No known victims were killed between February 1 and June 4, 1973. Corll is known to have suffered from a hydrocele in early 1973, which may have contributed to this period of inactivity. In addition, around the time of Lyles' murder, Henley had temporarily moved away to Mount Pleasant in an apparent effort to distance himself from Corll. These facts may account for this sudden lull in killings. Nonetheless, from June, Corll's rate of killings increased dramatically, and both Henley and Brooks later testified to the increase in the level of brutality of the murders committed while Corll resided at Lamar Drive. Henley later compared the acceleration in the frequency of killings and the increase in the brutality exhibited by Corll towards his victims to being "like a blood lust,” adding that he and Brooks would instinctively know when Corll was to announce that he "needed to do a new boy," due to the fact that he would appear restless, smoking cigarettes and making reflex movements. On June 4, Henley and Corll abducted 15-year-old William Ray Lawrence; the youth was last seen alive by his father on 31st Street. After three days of abuse and torture, Lawrence was strangled before being buried at Lake Sam Rayburn. Less than two weeks later, 20-year-old Raymond Stanley Blackburn was abducted, strangled and buried at Lake Sam Rayburn. On July 6, 1973, Henley began attending classes at the Coaches Driving School in Bellaire, where he became acquainted with 15-year-old Homer Luis Garcia. The following day, Garcia phoned his mother to say he was spending the night with a friend; he was shot and left to bleed to death in Corll's bathtub before he was buried at Lake Sam Rayburn. Five days later, on July 12, 17-year-old John Sellars of Orange County was bound, shot to death and buried at High Island Beach. In July 1973, after Brooks married his pregnant fiancée, Henley temporarily became Corll's sole procurer of victims, assisting in the abduction and murder of three Heights youths between July 19 and 25. Henley claimed these three abductions were the only three that occurred after his becoming an accomplice to Corll in which Brooks was not a participant. One of these three victims, 15-year-old Michael Baulch, brother of previous victim Billy Baulch, was last seen by his family on July 19 on his way to get a haircut; he was strangled and buried at Lake Sam Rayburn. The other two victims, Charles Cobble and Marty Ray Jones, were abducted together on the afternoon of July 25. Henley himself later buried both youths' bodies in the boat shed. On August 3, 1973, Corll killed his last victim, a 13-year-old boy from South Houston named James Stanton Dreymala. Dreymala was abducted by Brooks and Corll while riding his bike in Pasadena and driven to Lamar Drive upon the pretense of collecting empty glass bottles to resell. At Corll's home, Dreymala was tied to Corll's torture board, raped, tortured and strangled with a cord before being buried in the boat shed. Brooks later described Dreymala as a "small, blond boy" for whom he had bought a pizza and in whose company he had spent 45 minutes before the youth was attacked. Corll's death. On the evening of August 7, 1973, Henley, aged 17, invited a 19-year-old named Timothy Cordell Kerley to attend a party at Corll's Pasadena residence. Kerley—a casual acquaintance of Corll's who was intended to be his next victim—accepted the offer. Brooks was not present at the time. The two youths arrived at Corll's house, where they sniffed paint fumes and drank alcohol until midnight before leaving the house to purchase sandwiches. Henley and Kerley then drove back to Houston Heights and Kerley parked his vehicle close to Henley's home. Henley exited the vehicle and, hearing commotion across the street emanating from the home of his 15-year-old friend Rhonda Louise Williams, walked toward her home. Williams had been beaten by her drunken father that evening and accepted Henley's invitation to join himself and Kerley at Corll's home. Williams climbed into the back seat of Kerley's Volkswagen. The trio then drove toward Corll's Pasadena residence. At approximately 3 a.m. on the morning of August 8, 1973, Henley and Kerley, accompanied by Williams, returned to Corll's residence. Corll was furious that Henley had brought a girl to his house, telling him in private that he had "ruined everything." Henley explained that Williams had argued with her father that evening, and did not wish to return home. Corll appeared to calm down and offered the trio beer and marijuana. The three teenagers began drinking and smoking marijuana, with Henley and Kerley also sniffing paint fumes as Corll watched them intently. After approximately two hours, Henley, Kerley, and Williams each passed out. The shooting. Henley awoke to find himself lying upon his stomach and Corll snapping handcuffs onto his wrists. His mouth had been taped shut and his ankles had been bound together. Kerley and Williams lay beside Henley, securely bound with nylon rope, gagged with adhesive tape, and lying face down on the floor. Kerley had been stripped naked. Noting Henley had awoken, Corll removed the gag from his mouth. Henley protested in vain against Corll's actions, whereupon Corll reiterated that he was angry with Henley for bringing a girl to his house and that he was going to kill all three teenagers after he had assaulted and tortured Kerley, initially stating, "Man, you blew it bringing that girl", before shouting: "I'm gonna kill you all! But first I'm gonna have my fun!" He then repeatedly kicked Williams in the chest before lifting Henley to his feet, dragging him into his kitchen and placing a .22-caliber pistol against his stomach, threatening to shoot him. Henley calmed Corll, promising to participate in the torture and murder of both Williams and Kerley if Corll released him. After approximately thirty minutes of discussion, Corll agreed and untied Henley, then carried Kerley and Williams into his bedroom and tied them to opposite sides of his torture board: Kerley on his stomach; Williams on her back. Corll then handed Henley a hunting knife and ordered him to cut away Williams' clothes, insisting that, while he would rape and kill Kerley, Henley would do likewise to Williams. Henley began cutting away Williams' clothes as Corll undressed and began to assault and torture Kerley. Both Kerley and Williams had awakened by this point. Kerley began writhing and shouting as Williams, whose gag Henley had removed, lifted her head and asked Henley, "Is this for real?" to which Henley answered, "Yes." Williams then asked Henley: "Are you going to do anything about it?" Henley then asked Corll whether he might take Williams into another room. Corll ignored him and Henley then grabbed Corll's pistol, shouting, "You've gone far enough, Dean!" As Corll clambered off Kerley, Henley elaborated: "I can't go on any longer! I can't have you kill all my friends!" Corll approached Henley, saying, "Kill me, Wayne!" Henley stepped back a few paces as Corll continued to advance upon him, shouting, "You won't do it!" Henley then fired at Corll, hitting him in the forehead. The bullet failed to fully penetrate Corll's skull, and he continued to lurch toward Henley, whereupon the youth fired another two rounds, hitting Corll in the left shoulder. Corll then ran out of the room, hitting the wall of the hallway. Henley fired three additional bullets into his lower back and shoulder as Corll slid down the wall in the hallway outside the room where the two other teenagers were bound. Corll died where he fell, his naked body lying face toward the wall. Henley would later recall that having shot Corll, the sole thought in his mind in the moments immediately thereafter was that Corll would have been proud of the way he had behaved during the confrontation, adding that he had been training him to react quickly and forcefully and that this was exactly what he had done. After he had shot Corll, Henley released Kerley and Williams from the torture board, and all three teenagers dressed and discussed what actions they should take. Henley suggested to Kerley and Williams that they should simply leave, to which Kerley replied, "No, we should call the police." Henley agreed and looked up the number for the Pasadena Police Department (PPD) in Corll's telephone directory. Contacting police. At 8:24 a.m. on August 8, 1973, Henley placed a call to the PPD. His call was answered by an operator named Velma Lines. In his call, Henley blurted to the operator: "Y'all better come here right now! I just killed a man!" Henley gave the address to the operator as 2020 Lamar Drive, Pasadena. As Kerley, Williams and Henley waited upon Corll's porch for the police to arrive, Henley mentioned to Kerley that he had "done that (killed by shooting) four or five times." Minutes later, a PPD patrol car arrived at 2020 Lamar Drive. The three teenagers were sitting on the porch outside the house, and the officer noted the .22 caliber pistol on the driveway near the trio. Henley told the officer that he was the individual who had made the call and indicated that Corll's body was inside the house. After confiscating the pistol and placing Henley, Williams and Kerley inside the patrol car, the officer entered the bungalow and discovered Corll's body inside the hallway. The officer returned to the car and read Henley his "Miranda" rights. In response, Henley shouted: "I don't care who knows about it! I have to get it off my chest!" Kerley later told detectives that before the police officer had arrived at Lamar Drive, Henley had informed him, "If you wasn't my friend, I could have gotten $200 for you." Accomplices' confessions. In PPD custody, Henley initially was questioned in relation to the killing of Corll. He recounted the events of the previous evening and that morning; explaining that he had shot Corll in self-defense. The statements given by Kerley and Williams corroborated Henley's account, and the detective questioning Henley believed he had indeed acted in self-defense. When questioned regarding his claim that as Corll had threatened him that morning he had shouted that he had killed several boys, Henley explained that for almost three years, he and Brooks had helped procure teenage boys, some of whom had been their own friends, for Corll, who had raped and murdered them. Henley gave a verbal statement; stating he initially had believed the boys he had abducted were to be sold into a Dallas-based organization for "homosexual acts, sodomy, maybe later killing," but soon learned Corll was himself killing the victims procured. Henley admitted he had assisted Corll in several abductions and murders, and that he had actively participated in the torture and mutilation of "six or eight" victims prior to their murder. Most victims had been buried in a Southwest Houston boat shed; with others buried at Lake Sam Rayburn and High Island Beach. Corll had paid up to $200 for each victim he or Brooks were able to lure to his apartment. Police initially were skeptical of Henley's claims, assuming the sole homicide of the case was that of Corll, which they had ascribed to being the result of drug-fueled fisticuffs that had turned deadly. Henley was quite insistent, however, and upon his recalling the names of three boys—Cobble, Hilligiest, and Jones—whom he stated he and Brooks had procured for Corll, the police accepted that there was something to his claims, as all three teenagers were listed as missing at Houston Police Department (HPD) headquarters. Hilligiest had been reported missing in the summer of 1971; the other two boys had been missing for just two weeks. Moreover, the floor of the room where the three teenagers had been tied was covered in thick plastic sheeting. Police also found a plywood torture board measuring with handcuffs attached to nylon rope at two corners, and nylon ropes to the other two. Also found at Corll's address were a large hunting knife, rolls of clear plastic of the same type used to cover the floor, a portable radio rigged to a pair of dry cells to give increased volume, an electric motor with loose wires attached, eight pairs of handcuffs, a number of dildos, thin glass tubes and lengths of rope. Corll's Ford Econoline van parked in the driveway conveyed a similar impression. The rear windows of the van were sealed by opaque blue curtains. In the rear of the vehicle, police found a coil of rope, a swatch of beige rug covered in soil stains, and a wooden crate with air holes drilled in the sides. The pegboard walls inside the rear of the van were rigged with several rings and hooks. Another wooden crate with air holes drilled in the sides was found in Corll's backyard. Inside this crate were several strands of human hair. Search for victims. Henley agreed to accompany police to Corll's boat shed in Southwest Houston, where he claimed the bodies of most of the victims could be found. Inside the boat shed, police found a stolen half-stripped car, a child's bike, a large iron drum, water containers, two sacks of lime, and a large plastic bag full of teenage boys' clothing. Two prison trusties began digging through the soft, shell-crushed earth of the boat shed and soon uncovered the body of a young blond-haired teenaged boy, lying on his side, encased in clear plastic and buried beneath a layer of lime. Police continued excavating through the earth of the shed, unearthing the remains of more victims in varying stages of decomposition. Most of the bodies found were wrapped in thick, clear plastic sheeting. Some victims had been shot, others strangled, the ligature still wrapped tightly around their necks. All of the victims found had been sodomized and most victims found bore evidence of sexual torture: pubic hairs had been plucked out, genitals had been chewed, objects had been inserted into their rectums, and glass rods had been inserted into their urethrae and smashed. Cloth rags had also been inserted into the victims' mouths and adhesive tape wound around their faces to muffle their screams. The tongue of the first victim uncovered protruded over one inch beyond the tooth margin; the mouth of the third victim unearthed on August 8 was so agape that all upper and lower teeth were visible, leading investigators to theorize the youth had died with a scream on his lips. After the recovery of the eighth body from the boat shed was completed at 11:55 p.m., the investigation was discontinued until the next day. Accompanied by his father, Brooks presented himself at HPD headquarters on the evening of August 8 and gave a statement in which he denied any participation in the murders, but admitted to having known that Corll had raped and killed two youths in 1970. On the morning of August 9, Henley gave a full written statement detailing his and Brooks' involvement with Corll in the abduction and murder of numerous youths. In this confession, Henley readily admitted to having personally killed approximately nine youths and to have assisted Corll in the strangulation of others. He stated the "only three" abductions and murders Brooks had not assisted him and Corll with were committed in the summer of 1973. That afternoon, Henley accompanied police to Lake Sam Rayburn, where he, Brooks and Corll had buried four victims killed that year. Two additional bodies were found in shallow, lime-soaked graves located close to a dirt road. Inside the lakeside log cabin owned by Corll's family, police found a second plywood torture board, rolls of plastic sheeting, shovels, and a sack of lime. Police found nine additional bodies in the boat shed on August 9. These bodies were recovered between 12:05p.m. and 8:30p.m., and all were in an advanced state of decomposition. One of the bodies unearthed bore evidence of sexual mutilation (the severed genitals of the victim were found inside a sealed plastic bag placed beside the body); another victim unearthed had several fractured ribs. The thirteenth and fourteenth bodies unearthed bore identification cards naming the victims as Donald and Jerry Waldrop. Brooks gave a full confession on the evening of August 9, admitting to being present at several killings and assisting in several burials, although he continued to deny any direct participation in the murders. In reference to the torture board upon which Corll had restrained and tortured his victims, Brooks stated: "Once they were on the board, they were as good as dead; it was all over but the shouting and the crying." He agreed to accompany police to High Island Beach to assist in the search for the bodies of the victims. On August 10, 1973, Henley again accompanied police to Lake Sam Rayburn, where two more bodies were found buried just apart. As with the two bodies found the previous day, both victims had been tortured and severely beaten, particularly around the head. That afternoon, both Henley and Brooks accompanied police to High Island Beach, leading police to the shallow graves of two victims. On August 13, both Henley and Brooks again accompanied the police to High Island Beach, where four more bodies were found, making a total of 27 known victims – the worst killing spree in American history at the time. Henley initially insisted that there were two more bodies to be found inside the boat shed and that the bodies of two more boys had been buried at High Island Beach in 1972. At the time, the killing spree was the worst case of serial murder, in terms of the number of victims, in the United States, exceeding the 25 murders attributed to Juan Corona, who had been arrested in California in 1971 for killing 25 men. The macabre record number of known victims attributed to a single murder case set by Corll and his accomplices was only surpassed in 1978 by John Wayne Gacy, who murdered 33 boys and young men and who admitted to being influenced by press coverage of the Houston Mass Murders to manacle his victims prior to their abuse and murder. Families of Corll's victims were highly critical of the HPD, which had been quick to list the missing boys as runaways who had not been considered worthy of any major investigation. The families of the murdered youths asserted that the police should have noted an insidious trend in the pattern of disappearances of teenage boys from the Heights neighborhood; other family members complained the HPD had been dismissive of their adamant insistence that their sons had no reasons to run away from home. Everett Waldrop, the father of Donald and Jerry Waldrop, complained that shortly after his sons had disappeared in 1971, he had informed police an acquaintance had observed Corll burying what appeared to be bodies at his boat shed. In response, the police performed a perfunctory search around the boat shed, before dismissing the reports as a hoax. Waldrop stated that on one occasion when he visited the HPD, the police chief had simply told him, "Why are you down here? You know your boys are runaways." The mother of Gregory Malley Winkle stated: "You don't run away (from home) with nothing but a bathing suit and 80 cents." By May 1974, 21 of Corll's victims had been identified, with all but four of the youths having either lived in or had close connections to Houston Heights. Two more teenagers were identified in 1983 and 1985: one of whom, Richard Kepner, also lived in Houston Heights. The other youth, Willard Branch, lived in the Oak Forest district of Houston. Indictment. On August 13, a grand jury convened in Harris County to hear evidence against Henley and Brooks: the first witnesses to testify were Williams and Kerley, who testified to the events of August 7 and 8 leading to the death of Corll. Another witness who testified to his experience at the hands of Corll was Billy Ridinger. After listening to over six hours of testimony from various people, on August 14, the jury initially indicted Henley on three counts of murder and Brooks on one count. Bail for each youth was set at $100,000. The District Attorney requested that Henley undergo a psychiatric examination to determine whether he was mentally competent to stand trial, but his attorney, Charles Melder, opposed the decision, stating the move would violate Henley's constitutional rights. By the time the grand jury had completed its investigation, Henley had been indicted for six murders, and Brooks for four. Henley was not charged with the death of Corll, which prosecutors ruled on September 18 had been committed in self-defense. Trials and convictions. Henley. Elmer Wayne Henley and David Owen Brooks were tried separately for their roles in the murders. Henley was brought to trial in San Antonio on July 1, 1974, charged with six murders committed between March 1972 and July 1973. The prosecution called dozens of witnesses, including Kerley and Ridinger. Ridinger testified that at Corll's home he was tied to the torture board and assaulted repeatedly by Corll before he was released. Other incriminating testimony came from police officers who read from Henley's written statements. In one part of his confession, Henley had described his luring of two of the victims for whose murder he had been brought to trial, Cobble and Jones, to Corll's Pasadena residence. Henley had confessed that after their initial abuse and torture at Corll's home, Cobble and Jones each had one wrist and ankle bound to the same side of Corll's torture board. The youths were then forced by Corll to fight each other with the promise that the youth who beat the other to death would be allowed to live. After several hours of each youth beating the other, Jones was tied to a board and forced to watch Cobble again be assaulted, tortured, and shot to death before he himself was again raped, tortured, and strangled with a Venetian blind cord. The two youths were killed on July 27, 1973, two days after they had been reported missing. Several victims' parents had to leave the courtroom to regain their composure as police and medical examiners described how their relatives were tortured and murdered. Throughout the trial, the State introduced 82 pieces of evidence, including Corll's torture board and one of the boxes used to transport the victims. Inside the box, police had found hair which examiners had concluded came from both Cobble and Henley. Upon advice from his defense counsel, Henley did not take the stand to testify. His attorney, Will Gray, cross-examined several witnesses but did not call any witnesses or experts for the defense. On July 15, 1974, both counsels presented their closing arguments to the jury: the prosecution seeking life imprisonment; the defense a verdict of not guilty. In his closing argument to the jury, District Attorney Carol Vance apologized for his not being able to seek the death penalty, adding that the case was the "most extreme example of man's inhumanity to man I have ever seen." The jury deliberated for 92 minutes before finding Henley guilty of all six murders for which he was tried. The following day, July 16, formal procedures to sentence Henley for the six guilty verdicts began, and on August 8, Judge Preston Dial ordered that Henley serve each 99-year sentence consecutively (totaling 594 years), and he was transferred to the Huntsville Unit to formally begin his sentence. Henley appealed his sentence and conviction, contending the jury in his initial trial had not been sequestered; that his attorneys' objections to news media being present in the courtroom had been overruled and citing that his defense team's attempts to present evidence contending that the initial trial should not have been held in San Antonio had also been overruled by the judge. Henley's appeal was upheld and he was awarded a retrial in December 1978. Henley's retrial began on June 18, 1979. This second trial was held in Corpus Christi, with Henley again represented by defense attorneys Will Gray and Ed Pegelow. Henley's attorneys again attempted to have Henley's written statements ruled inadmissible. However, Judge Noah Kennedy ruled the written statements given by Henley on August 9, 1973, as admissible evidence. The retrial lasted nine days, with Henley's attorneys again calling no defense witnesses and again attacking the credibility of Henley's written confession. The defense also contended the evidence provided by the State "belonged to Dean Corll, not Elmer Wayne Henley." On June 27, 1979, the jury deliberated for over two hours before reaching their verdict: Henley was again convicted of six murders and sentenced to six concurrent 99-year terms. Brooks. Brooks was brought to trial on February 27, 1975. He had been indicted for four murders committed between December 1970 and June 1973, but was brought to trial charged only with the June 1973 murder of 15-year-old William Ray Lawrence. Brooks' defense attorney, Jim Skelton, argued that his client had not committed any murders and attempted to portray Corll and, to a lesser degree, Henley as being the active participants in the actual killings. Assistant District Attorney Tommy Dunn dismissed the defense's contention outright, at one point telling the jury: "This defendant was in on this killing, this murderous rampage, from the very beginning. He tells you he was a cheerleader if nothing else. That's what he was telling you about his presence. You know he was in on it." Brooks' trial lasted less than one week. The jury deliberated for just 90 minutes before they reached a verdict. He was found guilty of Lawrence's murder on March 4, 1975, and sentenced to life imprisonment. Brooks showed no emotion as the sentence was passed, although his wife burst into tears. Brooks also appealed his sentence, contending that the signed confessions used against him were taken without his being informed of his legal rights, but his appeal was dismissed in May 1979. Incarceration. Henley is serving his life sentence at the Mark W. Michael Unit in Anderson County, Texas. Successive parole applications dating from July 1980 have been denied. He is next eligible for parole in October 2025. Brooks served his life sentence at the Terrell Unit near Rosharon, Texas. He died of COVID-19-related complications at a Galveston hospital on May 28, 2020. Victims. Corll and his accomplices are known to have killed a minimum of 28 teenagers and young men between September 1970 and August 1973, although it is suspected that the true number of victims could be 29 or more. As Corll had been killed immediately prior to his murders being discovered, the true number of victims he had claimed will never be known. To date, 27 of Corll's known victims have been identified, and the identity of a 28th victim whose body has never been found is conclusively known. All of these victims had been killed by either shooting, strangulation or a combination of both. 1973. Footnotes Forensic developments. In June 2008, Dr. Sharon Derrick, a forensic anthropologist with the medical examiner's office in Houston, released digital images of Corll's three still-unidentified victims. The unidentified victims were listed as ML73-3349, ML73-3356 and ML73-3378. Two of the unidentified victims were found buried in the boat shed and were estimated to have been killed in 1971 or 1972. ML73-3378 was buried at Lake Sam Rayburn just from the body of Homer Garcia, who had disappeared on July 7, 1973. The victim was estimated to be in a slightly more advanced state of decomposition to Garcia, leading investigators to estimate that he had been killed in mid- to late-June 1973. Unidentified victim. Corll's only known unidentified victim—the sixteenth body found in the boat shed—was in an advanced stage of decomposition at the time of his discovery, leading investigators to deduce that he had likely been killed in 1971 or 1972. This unidentified victim was found wearing swimming trunks, cowboy boots, a leather bracelet and a T-shirt, leading investigators to conclude that he was likely killed in the summer months. In addition, the T-shirt this youth had worn bore a handwritten inscription believed to read either "LB4MF", "LBHMF", or "L84MF". This unidentified victim was found buried near the entrance to the boat shed between the bodies of Steven Sickman and Ruben Haney, whereas the bodies of the victims killed between December 1970 and May 1971 were found buried at the rear of the shed. It is likely, though not conclusive, that the unidentified sixteenth victim found within the boat shed may have been killed in the late summer or early fall of 1971. Dr. Derrick has stated that she believes this particular victim may be named Harman, Harmon or French, due to the fact that the only outstanding missing person's reports relating to youths from the Houston area dated between 1970 and 1973 which fit the forensic profile of this unknown youth hold these surnames. Dr. Derrick has stated she has reason to believe this victim may be named Bobby French, adding she has received an anonymous package containing a series of photographs potentially depicting this individual taken shortly before his murder, and that the sender of this package named this individual as one Bobby French. Possible additional victims. Forty-two boys had vanished within the Houston area since 1970. The police were heavily criticized for curtailing the search for further victims once the record set by Juan Corona for having the most victims had been surpassed. After finding the 26th and 27th bodies, tied together, at High Island Beach on August 13, the search for any further victims was terminated, despite Henley's insistence that two further bodies had been buried on the beach in 1972. A curious feature about this final discovery was the presence of two extra bones (an arm bone and a pelvis) in the grave, indicating at least one additional, undiscovered victim. The two bodies that Henley had insisted were still buried on the beach may have been those of Scott and Lyles. In light of developments relating to the identifications of victims, the body of Scott still lies undiscovered at High Island, while Lyles' remains were only found by chance in 1983. Had the search for bodies continued, both victims would have likely been discovered. Following Hurricane Ike in 2008, the area of High Island Beach where Corll is known to have buried his victims remains submerged, leaving a strong possibility that Scott's body will never be found. Former workers at the Corll Candy Company recalled Corll doing a lot of digging in the years leading up to 1968, when his mother's third marriage was deteriorating and the firm was failing. Corll stated he was burying spoiled candy to avoid contamination by insects. He subsequently cemented over the floor. He was also observed digging in waste ground that was later converted into a parking lot. Former candy company employees also recalled that Corll had rolls of clear plastic of precisely the same type used to bury his victims. Moreover, co-workers at HL&P would also state that, from the earliest days of his employment, Corll had repeatedly retained coils of used nylon cord that would otherwise have been discarded. This brand of cord was the same type used to strangle and bind the bodies of many of his victims. The suspicion is that Corll may have begun killing much earlier than 1970, and may have been abusing youths prior to this date. Moreover, Brooks claims that Corll's first murder victim was a youth killed at an apartment complex located at 5313 Judiway Street, where Corll had lived prior to September 1970. The earliest of Corll's victims known by Brooks were two teenage boys killed at 3300 Yorktown, where Corll lived after moving out of his Judiway Street apartment. Corll's earliest double murder, that of Glass and Yates, took place in December 1970; those victims were actually killed at Corll's Yorktown address, as was Corll's earliest known murder victim, Jeffrey Alan Konen, killed in September 1970. A possibility exists that the earliest double murder victims were Glass and Yates; however, Brooks specifically described Glass as being killed in an altogether separate double murder from Corll's first double murder in his confession to police. In addition, Brooks only knew the location of Konen's body at High Island Beach due to the fact that Corll had shown him the location. It is possible that the initial double murder Brooks had discovered Corll in the process of committing occurred after the murder of Konen and before those of Glass and Yates. These details, alongside the two additional bones that were found with the 26th and 27th victims discovered, indicate a minimum of two and possibly four more unknown victims. There are two suspiciously long gaps between known victims in the chronology of Corll's known murders. His last known victim of 1971 was Ruben Watson Haney, who disappeared on August 17. The first victim of 1972 was Frank Aguirre, who disappeared on March 24, meaning no known victims were killed for seven months. Moreover, Corll also is not known to have killed between February 1 and June 4, 1973. In March 1973, a Mr. and Mrs. Abernathy had reported to Galveston County authorities that they had observed three men carrying and burying a "long, wrapped bundle" at Galveston Beach. The couple identified two of the men as Corll and Henley. The third individual had long, blond hair – like Brooks. As the couple watched the trio, one of the men (whom they later identified as Henley) advanced upon their car with such a menacing expression that the couple felt compelled to drive away. Two women had also observed three men digging at the beach in May 1973 – one of whom they positively identified as Brooks. However, police were again unwilling to extend the search. In February 2012, a picture was released to the news media of a likely unknown victim of Corll. The color Polaroid image had been found in the personal possessions of Henley, which had been stored by his family since his arrest in 1973. The image depicts a blond-haired teenage youth in handcuffs, strapped to an undepicted device upon Corll's floor – alongside a toolbox known to contain various instruments Corll used to torture his victims. The individual depicted has been ruled out by the Harris County Medical Examiner as being any of Corll's known victims – including his one remaining known unidentified victim. Henley himself has stated that the picture must have been taken after he had acquired a Polaroid camera in 1972 – although he is adamant that he has no idea who this boy is. Given that Henley became acquainted with Corll in 1972, it is likely this boy would have been killed in 1972 or 1973. Potential association with a national sex ring. During a routine investigation in March 1975, the HPD discovered a cache of pornographic pictures and films depicting boys as young as eight, most of whom were from the Heights. Of the sixteen individuals depicted within the films and photos, eleven of the youths appeared to be among Corll's known victims who had been identified by this date. The discovery raised the disturbing possibility that the statements Corll had given to both Henley and Brooks prior to his murder that he was associated with an organization based in Dallas which "bought and sold boys" may indeed have held a degree of truth. The discovery of the material in Houston in 1975 subsequently led to the arrest of five individuals in Santa Clara, California. No direct link in these arrests to Corll was proven, as the HPD declined to pursue any possible link to the killings, stating they felt Corll's victims' families had "suffered enough". Just two days after investigators had uncovered the final bodies initially linked to the Houston Mass Murders, investigators in Dallas uncovered a nationwide homosexual procurement ring. This police raid seized a card filing system containing up to 10,000 names of individuals across America ascribed to this network and the personal details of numerous teenage boys exploited by this sex traficking ring. There is still no conclusive evidence to suggest that Corll had ever solicited any of his victims in this manner, not only because the HPD chose not to pursue this potential possibility, but also because neither Brooks nor Henley ever mentioned having met any individuals from the "organization" Corll had claimed he was involved with. In addition, neither mentioned having seen any of the victims either filmed, photographed, or released from the devices Corll restrained his victims to until after their rape, torture and murder. The arrests in Santa Clara do, however, indicate a possible validity into Brooks' statements to police that Corll had informed him that his earliest murder victims had been buried in California.

water vessel storage

12784-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=188545

A hydrogen vehicle is a vehicle that uses hydrogen fuel for motive power. Hydrogen vehicles include hydrogen-fueled space rockets, as well as automobiles and other transportation vehicles. The power plants of such vehicles convert the chemical energy of hydrogen to mechanical energy either by burning hydrogen in an internal combustion engine, or, more commonly, by reacting hydrogen with oxygen in a fuel cell to power electric motors. , there are three models of hydrogen cars publicly available in select markets: the Toyota Mirai which is the world's first mass produced dedicated fuel cell electric vehicle, the Hyundai Nexo, and the Honda Clarity. A few other companies, like BMW, are still exploring hydrogen cars, while VW has expressed that the technology has no future in the automotive space, mainly because a fuel cell electric vehicle consumes about three times more energy than a battery electric car for each mile driven. , there were 31,225 passenger FCEVS powered with hydrogen on the world's roads. As of 2019, 98% of hydrogen is produced by steam methane reforming, which emits carbon dioxide. It can be produced by thermochemical or pyrolytic means using renewable feedstocks, but the processes are currently expensive. Various technologies are being developed that aim to deliver costs low enough, and quantities great enough, to compete with hydrogen production using natural gas. The drawbacks of hydrogen use are high carbon emissions intensity when produced from natural gas, capital cost burden, low energy content per unit volume at ambient conditions, production and compression of hydrogen, the investment required in filling stations to dispense hydrogen, transportation of hydrogen to filling stations and lack of ability to produce or dispense hydrogen at home. Vehicles. Automobiles, buses, forklifts, trains, PHB bicycles, canal boats, cargo bikes, golf carts, motorcycles, wheelchairs, ships, airplanes, submarines, and rockets can already run on hydrogen, in various forms. NASA used hydrogen to launch Space Shuttles into space. A working toy model car runs on solar power, using a regenerative fuel cell to store energy in the form of hydrogen and oxygen gas. It can then convert the fuel back into water to release the solar energy. Since the advent of hydraulic fracturing the key concern for hydrogen fuel cell vehicles is consumer and public policy confusion concerning the adoption of natural gas powered hydrogen vehicles with heavy hidden emissions to the detriment of environmentally friendly transportation. Automobiles. , there are 3 hydrogen cars publicly available in select markets: the Toyota Mirai, the Hyundai Nexo, and the Honda Clarity. In 2013 the Hyundai Tucson FCEV was launched, it was a conversion of the Tucson and available in left-hand drive only and became the first commercially mass produced vehicle of its type in the world. Hyundai Nexo, which succeeded the Tucson in 2018, was selected as the "safest SUV" by the Euro NCAP in 2018 and was rated as "Good" in a side crash test conducted by the Insurance Institute for Highway Safety (IIHS) Toyota launched the world's first dedicated mass produced fuel cell vehicle (FCV), the Mirai, in Japan at the end of 2014 and began sales in California, mainly the Los Angeles area and also in selected markets in Europe, the UK, Germany and Denmark later in 2015. The car has a range of and takes about five minutes to refill its hydrogen tank. The initial sale price in Japan was about 7 million yen ($69,000). Former European Parliament President Pat Cox estimated that Toyota would initially lose about $100,000 on each Mirai sold. At the end of 2019, Toyota had sold over 10,000 Mirais. Many automobile companies have introduced demonstration models in limited numbers (see List of fuel cell vehicles and List of hydrogen internal combustion engine vehicles). In 2013 BMW leased hydrogen technology from Toyota, and a group formed by Ford Motor Company, Daimler AG, and Nissan announced a collaboration on hydrogen technology development. By 2017, however, Daimler had abandoned hydrogen vehicle development, and most of the automobile companies developing hydrogen cars had switched their focus to battery electric vehicles. Auto racing. A record of was set by a prototype Ford Fusion Hydrogen 999 Fuel Cell Race Car at the Bonneville Salt Flats, in August 2007, using a large compressed oxygen tank to increase power. The land-speed record for a hydrogen-powered vehicle of was set by Ohio State University's Buckeye Bullet 2, which achieved a "flying-mile" speed of at the Bonneville Salt Flats in August 2008. In 2007, the Hydrogen Electric Racing Federation was formed as a racing organization for hydrogen fuel cell-powered vehicles. The organization sponsored the Hydrogen 500, a 500-mile race. Buses. Fuel-cell buses are being trialed by several manufacturers in different locations, for example, Ursus Lublin. Solaris Bus & Coach introduced its Urbino 12 hydrogen electric buses in 2019. Several dozen have been ordered and are expected to be delivered in 2020 and 2021. Trams and trains. In March 2015, China South Rail Corporation (CSR) demonstrated the world's first hydrogen fuel cell-powered tramcar at an assembly facility in Qingdao. The chief engineer of the CSR subsidiary CSR Sifang Co Ltd., Liang Jianying, said that the company is studying how to reduce the running costs of the tram. Tracks for the new vehicle have been built in seven Chinese cities. China plans to spend 200 billion yuan ($32 billion) through 2020 to increase tram tracks to more than 1,200 miles. In northern Germany in 2018 the first fuel-cell powered Coradia iLint trains were placed into service; excess power is stored in lithium-ion batteries. An experimental "Hydroflex" train, British Rail Class 799, began tests in Great Britain in June 2019. Ships. Hydrogen fuel cells are not suitable for propulsion in large long-distance ships, but they are being considered as a range-extender for smaller, short-distance, low-speed electric vessels, such as ferries. Hydrogen in ammonia is being considered as a long-distance fuel. Bicycles. In 2007, Pearl Hydrogen Power Source Technology Co of Shanghai, China, demonstrated a PHB hydrogen bicycle. In 2014, Australian scientists from the University of New South Wales presented their Hy-Cycle model. The same year, Canyon Bicycles started to work on the Eco Speed concept bicycle. In 2017, Pragma Industries of France developed a bicycle that was able to travel 100 km on a single hydrogen cylinder. In 2019, Pragma announced that the product, "Alpha Bike", has been improved to offer an electrically-assisted pedalling range of 150 km, and the first 200 of the bikes are to be provided to journalists covering the 45th G7 summit in Biarritz, France. If successful, Lloyd Alter of TreeHugger responded to the announcement, asking "why … go through the trouble of using electricity to make hydrogen, only to turn it back into electricity to charge a battery to run the e-bike [or] pick a fuel that needs an expensive filling station that can only handle 35 bikes a day, when you can charge a battery powered bike anywhere. [If] you were a captive fleet operator, why [not] just swap out batteries to get the range and the fast turnover?" Military vehicles. General Motors' military division, GM Defense, focuses on hydrogen fuel cell vehicles. Its SURUS (Silent Utility Rover Universal Superstructure) is a flexible fuel cell electric platform with autonomous capabilities. Since April 2017, the U.S. Army has been testing the commercial Chevrolet Colorado ZH2 on its U.S. bases to determine the viability of hydrogen-powered vehicles in military mission tactical environments. Motorcycles and scooters. ENV develops electric motorcycles powered by a hydrogen fuel cell, including the Crosscage and Biplane. Other manufacturers as Vectrix are working on hydrogen scooters. Finally, hydrogen-fuel-cell-electric-hybrid scooters are being made such as the Suzuki Burgman fuel-cell scooter and the FHybrid. The Burgman received "whole vehicle type" approval in the EU. The Taiwanese company APFCT conducted a live street test with 80 fuel-cell scooters for Taiwan's Bureau of Energy. Auto rickshaws. Hydrogen auto rickshaw concept vehicles have been built by Mahindra HyAlfa and Bajaj Auto. Quads and tractors. Autostudi S.r.l's H-Due is a hydrogen-powered quad, capable of transporting 1-3 passengers. A concept for a hydrogen-powered tractor has been proposed. Airplanes. Companies such as Boeing, Lange Aviation, and the German Aerospace Center pursue hydrogen as fuel for manned and unmanned airplanes. In February 2008 Boeing tested a manned flight of a small aircraft powered by a hydrogen fuel cell. Unmanned hydrogen planes have also been tested. For large passenger airplanes, "The Times" reported that "Boeing said that hydrogen fuel cells were unlikely to power the engines of large passenger jet airplanes but could be used as backup or auxiliary power units onboard." In July 2010, Boeing unveiled its hydrogen-powered Phantom Eye UAV, powered by two Ford internal-combustion engines that have been converted to run on hydrogen. In Britain, the Reaction Engines A2 has been proposed to use the thermodynamic properties of liquid hydrogen to achieve very high speed, long distance (antipodal) flight by burning it in a precooled jet engine. Fork trucks. A hydrogen internal combustion engine (or "HICE") forklift or HICE lift truck is a hydrogen fueled, internal combustion engine-powered industrial forklift truck used for lifting and transporting materials. The first production HICE forklift truck based on the Linde X39 Diesel was presented at an exposition in Hannover on May 27, 2008. It used a 2.0 litre, diesel internal combustion engine converted to use hydrogen as a fuel with the use of a compressor and direct injection. A fuel cell forklift (also called a fuel cell lift truck) is a fuel cell powered industrial forklift truck. In 2013 there were over 4,000 fuel cell forklifts used in material handling in the US. The global market was estimated at 1 million fuel cell powered forklifts per year for 2014–2016. Fleets are being operated by companies around the world. Pike Research stated in 2011 that fuel-cell-powered forklifts will be the largest driver of hydrogen fuel demand by 2020. Most companies in Europe and the US do not use petroleum powered forklifts, as these vehicles work indoors where emissions must be controlled and instead use electric forklifts. Fuel-cell-powered forklifts can provide benefits over battery powered forklifts as they can be refueled in 3 minutes. They can be used in refrigerated warehouses, as their performance is not degraded by lower temperatures. The fuel cell units are often designed as drop-in replacements. Rockets. Many large rockets use liquid hydrogen as fuel, with liquid oxygen as an oxidizer (LH2/LOX). An advantage of hydrogen rocket fuel is the high effective exhaust velocity compared to kerosene/LOX or UDMH/NTO engines. According to the Tsiolkovsky rocket equation, a rocket with higher exhaust velocity uses less propellant to accelerate. Also the energy density of hydrogen is greater than any other fuel. LH2/LOX also yields the greatest efficiency in relation to the amount of propellant consumed, of any known rocket propellant. A disadvantage of LH2/LOX engines is the low density and low temperature of liquid hydrogen, which means bigger and insulated and thus heavier fuel tanks are needed. This increases the rocket's structural mass which reduces its delta-v significantly. Another disadvantage is the poor storability of LH2/LOX-powered rockets: Due to the constant hydrogen boil-off, the rocket must be fueled shortly before launch, which makes cryogenic engines unsuitable for ICBMs and other rocket applications with the need for short launch preparations. Overall, the delta-v of a hydrogen stage is typically not much different from that of a dense fuelled stage, but the weight of a hydrogen stage is much less, which makes it particularly effective for upper stages, since they are carried by the lower stages. For first stages, dense fuelled rockets in studies may show a small advantage, due to the smaller vehicle size and lower air drag. LH2/LOX were also used in the Space Shuttle to run the fuel cells that power the electrical systems. The byproduct of the fuel cell is water, which is used for drinking and other applications that require water in space. Heavy trucks. United Parcel Service began testing of a hydrogen powered delivery vehicle in 2017. US Hybrid, Toyota, and Kenworth also plan to test Class 8 drayage hydrogen fuel cell trucks. In 2020, Hyundai began commercial production of its Xcient fuel cell trucks and has shipped ten of them to Switzerland. It plans to sell to additional markets, including the US by 2022. Internal combustion vehicle. Hydrogen internal combustion engine cars are different from hydrogen fuel cell cars. The hydrogen internal combustion car is a slightly modified version of the traditional gasoline internal combustion engine car. These hydrogen engines burn fuel in the same manner that gasoline engines do; the main difference is the exhaust product. Gasoline combustion results in emissions of carbon dioxide, carbon monoxide, NOx, particulates and unburned hydrocarbons, while the main exhaust product of hydrogen combustion is water vapor. In 1807 Francois Isaac de Rivaz designed the first hydrogen-fueled internal combustion engine. In 1965, Roger Billings, then a high school student, converted a Model A to run on hydrogen. In 1970 Paul Dieges patented a modification to internal combustion engines which allowed a gasoline-powered engine to run on hydrogen . Mazda has developed Wankel engines burning hydrogen, which are used in the Mazda RX-8 Hydrogen RE. The advantage of using an internal combustion engine, like Wankel and piston engines, is the lower cost of retooling for production. HICE forklift trucks have been demonstrated based on converted diesel internal combustion engines with direct injection. Fuel cell. Fuel cell cost. Hydrogen fuel cells are relatively expensive to produce, as their designs require rare substances, such as platinum, as a catalyst, In 2014, former European Parliament President Pat Cox estimated that Toyota would initially lose about $100,000 on each Mirai sold. In 2020, researchers at the University of Copenhagen's Department of Chemistry are developing a new type of catalyst that they hope will decrease the cost of fuel cells. This new catalyst uses far less platinum because the platinum nano-particles are not coated over carbon which, in conventional hydrogen fuel cells, keeps the nano-particles in place but also causes the catalyst to become unstable and denatures it slowly, requiring even more platinum. The new technology uses durable nanowires instead of the nano-particles. "The next step for the researchers is to scale up their results so that the technology can be implemented in hydrogen vehicles." Freezing conditions. The problems in early fuel-cell designs at low temperatures concerning range and cold start capabilities have been addressed so that they "cannot be seen as show-stoppers anymore". Users in 2014 said that their fuel cell vehicles perform flawlessly in temperatures below zero, even with the heaters blasting, without significantly reducing range. Studies using neutron radiography on unassisted cold-start indicate ice formation in the cathode, three stages in cold start and Nafion ionic conductivity. A parameter, defined as coulomb of charge, was also defined to measure cold start capability. Service life. The service life of fuel cells is comparable to that of other vehicles. Polymer-electrolyte membrane (PEM) fuel cell service life is 7,300 hours under cycling conditions. Hydrogen. Hydrogen does not exist in convenient reservoirs or deposits like fossil fuels or helium. It is produced from feedstocks such as natural gas and biomass or electrolyzed from water. A suggested benefit of large-scale deployment of hydrogen vehicles is that it could lead to decreased emissions of greenhouse gases and ozone precursors. However, as of 2014, 95% of hydrogen is made from methane. It can be produced by thermochemical or pyrolitic means using renewable feedstocks, but that is an expensive process. Renewable electricity can however be used to power the conversion of water into hydrogen: Integrated wind-to-hydrogen (power to gas) plants, using electrolysis of water, are exploring technologies to deliver costs low enough, and quantities great enough, to compete with traditional energy sources. According to Ford Motor Company, a hydrogen fuel-cell vehicle would generate only three-fifths as much carbon dioxide as a comparable vehicle running on gasoline blended to 10 percent ethanol. While methods of hydrogen production that do not use fossil fuel would be more sustainable, currently renewable energy represents only a small percentage of energy generated, and power produced from renewable sources can be used in electric vehicles and for non-vehicle applications. The challenges facing the use of hydrogen in vehicles include chiefly its storage on board the vehicle. While the well-to-wheel efficiency for hydrogen from the least efficient manner of producing it (electrolysis) is less than 25 percent, it still exceeds that of vehicles based on internal combustion engines. Production. The molecular hydrogen needed as an onboard fuel for hydrogen vehicles can be obtained through many thermochemical methods utilizing natural gas, coal (by a process known as coal gasification), liquefied petroleum gas, biomass (biomass gasification), by a process called thermolysis, or as a microbial waste product called biohydrogen or Biological hydrogen production. 95% of hydrogen is produced using natural gas, and 85% of hydrogen produced is used to remove sulfur from gasoline. Hydrogen can also be produced from water by electrolysis at working efficiencies in the 50–60% range for the smaller electrolysers and around 65–70% for the larger plants. Hydrogen can also be made by chemical reduction using chemical hydrides or aluminum. Current technologies for manufacturing hydrogen use energy in various forms, totaling between 25 and 50 percent of the higher heating value of the hydrogen fuel, used to produce, compress or liquefy, and transmit the hydrogen by pipeline or truck. Environmental consequences of the production of hydrogen from fossil energy resources include the emission of greenhouse gasses, a consequence that would also result from the on-board reforming of methanol into hydrogen. Analyses comparing the environmental consequences of hydrogen production and use in fuel-cell vehicles to the refining of petroleum and combustion in conventional automobile engines do not agree on whether a net reduction of ozone and greenhouse gasses would result. Hydrogen production using renewable energy resources would not create such emissions, but the scale of renewable energy production would need to be expanded to be used in producing hydrogen for a significant part of transportation needs. As of 2016, 14.9 percent of U.S. electricity was produced from renewable sources. In a few countries, renewable sources are being used more widely to produce energy and hydrogen. For example, Iceland is using geothermal power to produce hydrogen, and Denmark is using wind. Storage. Compressed hydrogen in hydrogen tanks at 350 bar (5,000 psi) and 700 bar (10,000 psi) is used for hydrogen tank systems in vehicles, based on type IV carbon-composite technology. Hydrogen has a very low volumetric energy density at ambient conditions, compared with gasoline and other vehicle fuels. It must be stored in a vehicle either as a super-cooled liquid or as highly compressed gas, which require additional energy to accomplish. In 2018, researchers at CSIRO in Australia powered a Toyota Mirai and Hyundai Nexo with hydrogen separated from ammonia using a membrane technology. Ammonia is easier to transport safely in tankers than pure hydrogen. Infrastructure. The hydrogen infrastructure consists of hydrogen-equipped filling stations, which are supplied with hydrogen via compressed hydrogen tube trailers, liquid hydrogen tank trucks or dedicated onsite production, and some industrial hydrogen pipeline transport. The distribution of hydrogen fuel for vehicles throughout the U.S. would require new hydrogen stations that would cost between 20 billion dollars in the US, (4.6 billion in the EU). and half trillion dollars in the US. , there were 40 publicly accessible hydrogen refueling stations in the US, most of which are in located in California (compared with 19,000 electric charging stations). By 2017, there were 91 hydrogen fueling stations in Japan. Codes and standards. Hydrogen codes and standards, as well as codes and technical standards for hydrogen safety and the storage of hydrogen, have been an institutional barrier to deploying hydrogen technologies. To enable the commercialization of hydrogen in consumer products, new codes and standards must be developed and adopted by federal, state and local governments. Official support. U.S. initiatives. In 2003, George W. Bush announced an initiative to promote hydrogen-powered vehicles. In 2009, President Obama and his Energy Secretary Steven Chu stripped the funding of fuel cell technology due to their belief that the technology was still decades away. Under heavy criticism, the funding was partially restored. In 2014 the Department of Energy planned to spread a $7.2 million investment among the states of Georgia, Kansas, Pennsylvania, and Tennessee to support projects that fuel vehicles and support power systems. The Center for Transportation and The Environment, FedEx Express, Air Products and Chemicals, and Sprint have invested in the development of fuel cells. Fuel cells could also be used in handling equipment such as forklifts as well as telecommunications infrastructure. In 2013, Senator Byron L. Dorgan said that “The Energy and Water Appropriations bill makes investments in our nation’s efforts to develop safe, homegrown energy sources that will reduce our reliance on foreign oil. And, because ongoing research and development is necessary to develop game-changing technologies, this bill also restores funding for Hydrogen energy research”. In June 2013, the U.S. Department of Energy gave 9 million dollars in grants to speed up technology development, 4.5 million for advanced fuel cell membranes, $3 million to 3M to work on membranes with improved durability and performance, and 1.5 million to the Colorado School of Mines for work on simpler and more affordable fuel cell membranes. Other efforts. In Japan, hydrogen is mainly to be sourced from outside Japan. Norway plans a series of hydrogen refueling stations along the main roads. Criticism. Critics claim the time frame for overcoming the technical and economic challenges to implementing wide-scale use of hydrogen cars is likely to last for at least several decades. They claim that the focus on the use of the hydrogen car is a dangerous detour from more readily available solutions to reducing the use of fossil fuels in vehicles. In May 2008, "Wired News" reported that "experts say it will be 40 years or more before hydrogen has any meaningful impact on gasoline consumption or global warming, and we can't afford to wait that long. In the meantime, fuel cells are diverting resources from more immediate solutions." Critiques of hydrogen vehicles are presented in the 2006 documentary, "Who Killed the Electric Car?". According to former U.S. Department of Energy official Joseph Romm, "A hydrogen car is one of the least efficient, most expensive ways to reduce greenhouse gases." Asked when hydrogen cars will be broadly available, Romm replied: "Not in our lifetime, and very possibly never." The "Los Angeles Times" wrote, in 2009, "Hydrogen fuel-cell technology won't work in cars. ... Any way you look at it, hydrogen is a lousy way to move cars." "The Economist" magazine, in 2008, quoted Robert Zubrin, the author of "Energy Victory", as saying: "Hydrogen is 'just about the worst possible vehicle fuel'". The magazine noted the withdrawal of California from earlier goals: "In [2008] the California Air Resources Board, an agency of California's state government and a bellwether for state governments across America, changed its requirement for the number of zero-emission vehicles (ZEVs) to be built and sold in California between 2012 and 2014. The revised mandate allows manufacturers to comply with the rules by building more battery-electric cars instead of fuel-cell vehicles." The magazine also noted that most hydrogen is produced through steam methane reformation, which creates at least as much emission of carbon per mile as some of today's gasoline cars. On the other hand, if the hydrogen could be produced using renewable energy, "it would surely be easier simply to use this energy to charge the batteries of all-electric or plug-in hybrid vehicles." As of 2019, 98% of hydrogen is produced by steam methane reforming, which emits carbon dioxide. A 2009 study at UC Davis, published in the "Journal of Power Sources", similarly found that, over their lifetimes, hydrogen vehicles will emit more carbon than gasoline vehicles. This agrees with a 2014 analysis. "The Washington Post" asked in 2009, "[W]hy would you want to store energy in the form of hydrogen and then use that hydrogen to produce electricity for a motor, when electrical energy is already waiting to be sucked out of sockets all over America and stored in auto batteries"? "The Motley Fool" stated in 2013 that "there are still cost-prohibitive obstacles [for hydrogen cars] relating to transportation, storage, and, most importantly, production." Volkswagen's Rudolf Krebs said in 2013 that "no matter how excellent you make the cars themselves, the laws of physics hinder their overall efficiency. The most efficient way to convert energy to mobility is electricity." He elaborated: "Hydrogen mobility only makes sense if you use green energy", but ... you need to convert it first into hydrogen "with low efficiencies" where "you lose about 40 percent of the initial energy". You then must compress the hydrogen and store it under high pressure in tanks, which uses more energy. "And then you have to convert the hydrogen back to electricity in a fuel cell with another efficiency loss". Krebs continued: "in the end, from your original 100 percent of electric energy, you end up with 30 to 40 percent." "The Business Insider" commented: Pure hydrogen can be industrially derived, but it takes energy. If that energy does not come from renewable sources, then fuel-cell cars are not as clean as they seem. ... Another challenge is the lack of infrastructure. Gas stations need to invest in the ability to refuel hydrogen tanks before FCEVs [fuel cell electric vehicles] become practical, and it's unlikely many will do that while there are so few customers on the road today. ... Compounding the lack of infrastructure is the high cost of the technology. Fuel cells are "still very, very expensive". In 2014, Joseph Romm devoted three articles to updating his critiques of hydrogen vehicles made in his book "The Hype about Hydrogen". He stated that fuel cell vehicles still had not overcome the high cost of the vehicles, high fueling cost, and lack of fuel-delivery infrastructure. "It would take several miracles to overcome all of those problems simultaneously in the coming decades." Moreover, he wrote, "FCVs aren't green" because of escaping methane during natural gas extraction and when hydrogen is produced, as 95% of it is, using the steam reforming process. He concluded that renewable energy cannot economically be used to make hydrogen for an FCV fleet "either now or in the future." GreenTech Media's analyst reached similar conclusions in 2014. In 2015, "Clean Technica" listed some of the disadvantages of hydrogen fuel cell vehicles as did "Car Throttle". Another "Clean Technica" writer concluded that "while hydrogen may have a part to play in the world of energy storage (especially seasonal storage), it looks like a dead end when it comes to mainstream vehicles." A 2016 study in the November issue of the journal "Energy" by scientists at Stanford University and the Technical University of Munich concluded that, even assuming local hydrogen production, "investing in all-electric battery vehicles is a more economical choice for reducing carbon dioxide emissions, primarily due to their lower cost and significantly higher energy efficiency." A 2017 analysis published in "Green Car Reports" concluded that the best hydrogen-fuel-cell vehicles consume "more than three times more electricity per mile than an electric vehicle ... generate more greenhouse gas emissions than other powertrain technologies ... [and have] very high fuel costs. ... Considering all the obstacles and requirements for new infrastructure (estimated to cost as much as $400 billion), fuel-cell vehicles seem likely to be a niche technology at best, with little impact on U.S. oil consumption. The US Department of Energy agrees, for fuel produced by grid electricity via electrolysis, but not for most other pathways for generation. A 2019 video by "Real Engineering" noted that, notwithstanding the introduction of vehicles that run on hydrogen, using hydrogen as a fuel for cars does not help to reduce carbon emissions from transportation. The 95% of hydrogen still produced from fossil fuels releases carbon dioxide, and producing hydrogen from water is an energy-consuming process. Storing hydrogen requires more energy either to cool it down to the liquid state or to put it into tanks under high pressure, and delivering the hydrogen to fueling stations requires more energy and may release more carbon. The hydrogen needed to move a FCV a kilometer costs approximately 8 times as much as the electricity needed to move a BEV the same distance. Also in 2019, Katsushi Inoue, the president of Honda Europe, stated, "Our focus is on hybrid and electric vehicles now. Maybe hydrogen fuel cell cars will come, but that’s a technology for the next era." A 2020 assessment concluded that hydrogen vehicles are still only 38% efficient, while battery EVs are 80% efficient. Safety and supply. Hydrogen fuel is hazardous because of the low ignition energy and high combustion energy of hydrogen, and because it tends to leak easily from tanks. Explosions at hydrogen filling stations have been reported. Hydrogen fuelling stations generally receive deliveries of hydrogen by truck from hydrogen suppliers. An interruption at a hydrogen supply facility can shut down multiple hydrogen fuelling stations. Comparison with other types of alternative fuel vehicle. Hydrogen vehicles compete with various proposed alternatives to the modern fossil fuel powered vehicle infrastructure. Plug-in hybrids. Plug-in hybrid electric vehicles, or PHEVs, are hybrid vehicles that can be plugged into the electric grid and contain an electric motor and also an internal combustion engine. The PHEV concept augments standard hybrid electric vehicles with the ability to recharge their batteries from an external source, enabling increased use of the vehicle's electric motors while reducing their reliance on internal combustion engines. The infrastructure required to charge PHEVs is already in place, and transmission of power from grid to car is about 93% efficient. This, however, is not the only energy loss in transferring power from grid to wheels. AC/DC conversion must take place from the grid's AC supply to the PHEV's DC. This is roughly 98% efficient. The battery then must be charged. As of 2007, the Lithium iron phosphate battery was between 80-90% efficient in charging/discharging. The battery needs to be cooled. As of 2009, "the total well-to-wheels efficiency with which a hydrogen fuel cell vehicle might utilize renewable electricity is roughly 20%. ... The well-to-wheels efficiency of charging an onboard battery and then discharging it to run an electric motor in a PHEV or EV, however, is 80%... four times more efficient than current hydrogen fuel cell vehicle pathways." A December 2009 study at UC Davis found that, over their lifetimes, PHEVs will emit less carbon than current vehicles, while hydrogen cars will emit more carbon than gasoline vehicles. Natural gas. Internal combustion engine-based compressed natural gas(CNG), HCNG, LPG or LNG vehicles (Natural gas vehicles or NGVs) use methane (Natural gas or Biogas) directly as a fuel source. Natural gas has a higher energy density than hydrogen gas. NGVs using biogas are nearly carbon neutral. Unlike hydrogen vehicles, CNG vehicles have been available for many years, and there is sufficient infrastructure to provide both commercial and home refueling stations. Worldwide, there were 14.8 million natural gas vehicles by the end of 2011. The other use for natural gas is in steam reforming which is the common way to produce hydrogen gas for use in electric cars with fuel cells. All-electric vehicles. A 2008 "Technology Review" article stated, "Electric cars—and plug-in hybrid cars—have an enormous advantage over hydrogen fuel-cell vehicles in utilizing low-carbon electricity. That is because of the inherent inefficiency of the entire hydrogen fueling process, from generating the hydrogen with that electricity to transporting this diffuse gas long distances, getting the hydrogen in the car, and then running it through a fuel cell—all for the purpose of converting the hydrogen back into electricity to drive the same exact electric motor you'll find in an electric car." Thermodynamically, each additional step in the conversion process decreases the overall efficiency of the process. A 2013 comparison of hydrogen and battery electric vehicles agreed with the 25% figure from Ulf Bossel in 2006 and stated that the cost of an electric vehicle battery "is rapidly coming down, and the gap will widen further", while there is little "existing infrastructure to transport, store and deliver hydrogen to vehicles and would cost billions of dollars to put into place, everyone's household power sockets are "electric vehicle refueling" station and the "cost of electricity (depending on the source) is at least 75% cheaper than hydrogen." By 2018, the cost of EV batteries had fallen to below $150 per kWh. Early electric car designs offered limited driving range causing range anxiety. For example, the 2013 Nissan Leaf had a range of , More recent EV models generally have considerably greater range; for example, the 2020 Tesla Model S has a range of more than . Most US commutes are per day round trip, and in Europe, most commutes are around round-trip In 2013 John Swanton of the California Air Resources Board, who saw EVs and hydrogen vehicles as complementary technologies, stated that EVs had the jump on fuel-cell autos, which "are like electric vehicles were 10 years ago. EVs are for real consumers, no strings attached. With EVs you have a lot of infrastructure in place. "The Business Insider", in 2013 commented that if the energy to produce hydrogen "does not come from renewable sources, then fuel-cell cars are not as clean as they seem. ... Gas stations need to invest in the ability to refuel hydrogen tanks before FCEVs become practical, and it's unlikely many will do that while there are so few customers on the road today. ... Compounding the lack of infrastructure is the high cost of the technology. Fuel cells are "still very, very expensive", even compared to battery-powered EVs.

little edge

4709-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=541959

Ladislaus the Magnanimous (, ; 15 February 1377 – 6 August 1414) was the king of Naples from 1386 until his death and an unsuccessful claimant to the kingdoms of Hungary and Croatia. Ladislaus was a skilled political and military leader, protector and controller of Pope Innocent VII; however, he earned a bad reputation concerning his personal life. He profited from disorder throughout Italy to greatly expand his kingdom and his power, appropriating much of the Papal States to his own use. He was the last male of the Capetian House of Anjou. Youth. Ladislaus was born in Naples on 15 February 1377 during the reign of his grandaunt Queen Joanna I of Naples. He was the son of Charles and Margaret of Durazzo, both members of the Capetian House of Anjou. His parents, having lived for years at the court of their kinsman King Louis I of Hungary, named him after King Saint Ladislaus I of Hungary. In 1379 his father declared war on Joanna and proclaimed himself king with the backing of Pope Urban VI. Fearing that Joanna would take her as hostage, Margaret fled with Ladislaus to her castle in Morcone. They returned to Naples on 11 September 1381, after Charles prevailed over Joanna. On 5 November Charles invested Ladislaus with the Duchy of Calabria, traditionally held by the heir apparent. Ladislaus became King of Naples at the age of nine (1386) under his mother's regency after his father was assassinated while pursuing his claim to the throne of Hungary. At the time the kingdom saw a rebellion of the barons (fomented by Pope Urban VI), and there was a risk of a French invasion, since in 1385 the pope had assigned the throne to Louis II of Anjou, Count of Provence. Urban VI refused to recognize Ladislaus, and in 1387 called a crusade against him. Margaret and her son at the time controlled not much more than Naples and its neighborhood. After turmoil broke out in the city, they fled to the fortress of Gaeta, while Naples was occupied by an Angevin army led by Otto of Brunswick, widower of Joanna I of Naples, who had named Louis' father as her heir. In 1389 the new Pope Boniface IX recognized Ladislaus as King of Naples, although he forbade him to unite it with his family lands in Germany and Italy. In Gaeta, Ladislaus married Costanza Chiaramonte, the daughter of the powerful Sicilian baron, Manfredi Chiaramonte. Within a few years the marriage was annulled. In 1390, the archbishop of Arles poisoned Ladislaus, and though he survived, he subsequently stuttered and was forced to take repeated periods of rest. Also in 1390, Louis II invaded Naples, starting a war with Ladislaus lasting nine years. Ladislaus limited Louis' control to the city of Naples and the Terra d'Otranto. In 1399, while Louis was fighting against the Count of Lecce, Ladislaus regained the city of Naples with the support of several powerful barons of the kingdom, including Raimondo Del Balzo Orsini. Louis of Anjou then decided to return to the County of Provence. Ladislaus spent the year 1400 subduing Onorato Caetani, count of Fondi, and the last rebellions in Abruzzo and Apulia. Claim to Hungary. In 1401 Ladislaus married Mary of Lusignan, daughter of the King of Cyprus. She arrived in Naples in 1402. In the same period, Ladislaus tried to restore Angevin rule in Hungary and Croatia, where some of the nobles opposed King Sigismund. Between 1403 and 1414, Ladislaus ordered the painting of a cycle of the "Legend of Saint Ladislaus" in the church of Santa Maria dell'Incoronata in Naples. In these paintings, the Hungarian king is depicted receiving the royal crown, fighting against the pagans, and receiving the crown of Croatia. (The cult of Saint Ladislaus and other Hungarian kings was already present in Naples and other Italian regions since the second half of the 13th century, thanks to Mary of Hungary, Queen of Naples, who brought them when she married Charles II of Naples.) Considering himself the heir of the kings of Hungary, Ladislaus tried many times to obtain the crown of Hungary. He also proclaimed himself Duke of Slavonia, a title with no basis. He first negotiated a treaty with the Republic of Venice, ceding the island of Corfu. He thus obtained free passage in the Adriatic Sea and, with the partial support of the Pope, landed at Zadar on 19 July 1403. On 5 August 1403, while in the town of Zara, Ladislaus was crowned king of Hungary and Croatia by János Kanizsai, archbishop of Esztergom, in the presence of the papal legate, Cardinal Angelo Acciajuoli. Even after his coronation, the rule of Ladislaus in Croatia and Hungary never extended beyond Dalmatia. His father grew up in Hungary governing Croatia as viceroy, and eventually became king. However, Ladislaus remained inactive, and returned to Apulia; his authority in Dalmatia remained restricted to little more than the city of Zara. The following year, after the death of Boniface IX, he intervened in Rome in support of the Colonna family, two days after the election of the new pope, Innocent VII. Conquest of central Italy. Ladislaus endeavored to consolidate the royal power at the expense of the barons, and brought about the murder of several members of the Sanseverino family for frustrating his ends. In 1405, he went again to Rome. When some nobles offered him the lordship of the city, the Pope responded by deposing him as King of Naples on 9 January 1406. The Pope had incited Raimondo Del Balzo Orsini to rebel, but he died soon after. His wife, Mary of Enghien, continued the rebellion and successfully defended Taranto against a two-month long siege by Ladislaus in the spring of 1406. She did not surrender even after Ladislaus and the Pope signed a treaty of peace in July, by which Ladislaus became the protector of the Papal States. He moved to Taranto again early in 1407, this time with diplomatic intentions. Since his first wife had died in 1404, Ladislaus solved the matter of Taranto by marrying Mary of Enghien on 23 April 1407. In 1407, trying to taking advantage of the feebler personality of the new pope, Gregory XII, Ladislaus invaded the Papal States and conquered Ascoli Piceno and Fermo. In 1408, he besieged Ostia to prevent a success of the French party in the schism between Gregory XII and Antipope Benedict XIII. After a short siege, he captured the city by bribing the Papal commander, Paolo Orsini, and entered Rome on 25 April. Later, Perugia also fell into his hands. In 1409, Ladislaus sold his rights to Dalmatia to Venice for 100,000 ducats. This was part of his attempts to gain allies in the upcoming war against the Republic of Florence, caused by his expansion in central Italy and his alliance with Paolo Guinigi, lord of Lucca, a traditional enemy of the Florentines. Ladislaus invaded Tuscany, capturing Cortona and the island of Elba from Gherardo Appiani. Florence hired the condottiere Braccio da Montone, who defeated Ladislaus, and he was forced to retreat. However, he had not abandoned his aims in northern Italy, and took advantage of the presence of Pope Gregory XII in Gaeta. Fearing his aims, the Republics of Siena and Florence and the powerful cardinal Baldassarre Cossa allied against him. Antipope Alexander V excommunicated him, and called Louis II of Anjou back to Italy to conquer Naples. Louis arrived in late July 1409 with 1,500 cavalry and was invested with the Neapolitan crown. The allies' troops, under Muzio Attendolo, Braccio da Montone and other condottieri, invaded the Papal lands under Ladislaus' control and moved to Rome; Orsini, left by Ladislaus to protect the city, defected to them with 2,000 men. However, the allies captured only the Vatican and the Trastevere quarter. Cardinal Cossa and Louis left the siege to their condottieri, and moved to northern Italy and Provence in search of further support. Ladislaus took advantage of an anti-French revolt in Genoa to gain the support of that city (1410). Rome fell on 2 January, and the allies did not score any other notable results. On 16 or 17 May May, Louis' fleet, carrying new troops from Provence, was intercepted and partly destroyed off the Tuscan coast, with the loss of 6,000 men and Louis' treasure (for a value of 600,000 ducats), which fell into the hands of Ladislaus. In the meantime, Alexander had died, being replaced by Cossa himself as John XXIII. John XXIII proclaimed a crusade against Ladislaus and authorised the sale of indulgences to finance it. The slow pace of the allied army led the Florentines and Sienese to accept peace with Ladislaus, which he bought by renouncing some of his Tuscan conquests. Louis continued the struggle: his army, led by Muzio Attendolo, crushed the Neapolitan army at Roccasecca on 19 May 1411. He was unable to exploit this success, as he could not breach the defensive line that Ladislaus had set up at San Germano. Louis soon returned to Rome and Provence, where he died six years later. In 1412, the situation turned more favorable to Ladislaus: his condottiere Carlo I Malatesta occupied part of the March of Ancona, and, above all, Muzio Attendolo joined Ladislaus. A peace was eventually signed on 14 June 1412, by which the Antipope paid 75,000 florins, invested Ladislaus with the Neapolitan crown and named him as Gonfalonier of the Church. Ladislaus promised in turn to abandon the cause of Gregory XII, who was ousted from Gaeta and moved to Rimini. Last campaigns and death. The peace was only a means to gain time for both John XXIII, who did not want to pay the 75,000 florins, and Ladislaus, who feared intervention in Italy by Sigismund of Hungary. After Florence initiated diplomatic contacts with Sigismund, Ladislaus marched northwards in mid-May 1413. On 8 June, his troops conquered and sacked Rome, after which he went into Umbria and northern Latium. As it was clearly his next objective, Florence forestalled him by signing a treaty, which recognized Ladislaus' conquest of the Papal States (only Todi and Bologna had not fallen). Having fallen ill in July 1414, Ladislaus was forced to return to Naples, where he died on 6 August 1414. Rumours that he had been poisoned remain unproven: it is more likely that he fell ill due to an infection to his genitals. He is buried in the church of San Giovanni a Carbonara, where a monument was built over his tomb. He was succeeded by his sister, Joanna II, the last member of the senior Angevin line in Italy. Marriages and children. Ladislaus married three times: There were no children from any of his marriages. However Ladislaus had at least two illegitimate children: External links. <BR>

limited backing

9247-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=275819

The Alaska–Yukon–Pacific Exposition was a world's fair held in Seattle in 1909, publicizing the development of the Pacific Northwest. It was originally planned for 1907, to mark the 10th anniversary of the Klondike Gold Rush, but the organizers found out about the Jamestown Exposition being held that year, and rescheduled. The fairgrounds became the campus of the University of Washington. Planning. Godfrey Chealander proposed the idea for the fair. Chealander was then Grand Secretary of the Arctic Brotherhood, was involved in the Alaska Territory exhibit at the 1905 Lewis and Clark Exposition in Portland, Oregon. Originally, he pitched William Sheffield of the Alaska Club and James A. Wood, city editor of the "Seattle Times" on the idea of a permanent exhibit in Seattle about Alaska. This merged with Wood's desire for an exposition to rival Portland. They soon gained the backing of "Times" publisher Alden J. Blethen—remarkably, for the time, without gaining the opposition of the rival "Seattle Post-Intelligencer". Among other early proponents of the exposition was John Edward Chilberg, one of a line of prominent Seattle merchants in the Chilberg family, who was president of the Alaska Club, and was then given the title of president of the Exposition. Edmond S. Meany proposed that the exposition be held on the then largely forested campus of the University of Washington, which in 1905 had exactly three buildings and little deliberate landscaping. At the time, this was considered rather far from the center of town, but Meany eventually sold the others involved on the idea that the forested campus could, itself, be an attraction for out-of-town visitors and that the trolley ride from downtown would not be an obstacle to attendance. Of course, he was also highly aware of what the landscaping and structures could do for the campus. The state legislature endorsed the fair, with the proviso that it would produce at least four permanent buildings, and that any state monetary contribution would be focused mainly on those buildings. King County (the county in which Seattle is located) stepped up with US$300,000 for a forestry exhibit—the largest log cabin ever built—and $78,000 for other exhibits. Because the original Klondike gold strikes had been in Canada, the concept soon evolved to an "Alaska-Yukon Exposition"; later, at the behest of the Seattle Chamber of Commerce, the "Pacific" theme was also added to emphasize the Oriental trade. The Exposition became known as the "A-Y-P" for short Although the fair almost certainly could have been ready for 1907, it was postponed so as not to conflict with the Jamestown Exposition. This turned out to be good fortune for Seattle, because 1907 proved to be a bad year for the economy. If the exposition had been held that year it almost certainly would have been a financial failure, rather than the success it was in 1909. Design and construction. The Olmsted Brothers of Brookline, Massachusetts, were selected to plan the Exposition; the firm was already involved in planning parks and parkways for the City of Seattle. John C. Olmsted visited Seattle in October 1906 and saw the dominant form of Mount Rainier toward the southeast. He selected the mountain as the focus of the primary axis of the Exposition. This axis later became the Rainier Vista of the University of Washington campus. The principal landscape architect for the fair was the Olmsted firm's James Frederick Dawson. His design centered on a long pool with a series of short waterfalls along Rainier Vista. John Galen Howard's firm, Howard and Galloway, based in San Francisco, was chosen as supervising architects for the Exposition buildings. They designed several buildings and supervised construction of those designed by other architects. The fairgrounds were entirely ready for the June 1, 1909, opening. Exhibits. The only foreign countries to erect entire buildings at the fair were Japan and Canada, but their presence was enough to validate the "Pacific" theme along with the US territory of Hawaii and the Philippines, recently ceded to the US by Spain. Other foreign countries were represented on a smaller scale. The very popular King County exhibit included a scale model of the coal mine at nearby Newcastle, Washington and dioramas of several Seattle scenes, the originals of which were only a trolley ride away. The Woman's Building emphasized the role of women in pioneering the American West and in current charity work. The Pay Streak was Seattle's answer to Chicago's Midway and featured games of chance and amusements. There was also a reenactment of the American Civil War naval Battle of Hampton Roads (the Battle of "Monitor" and "Merrimack"). Opening ceremony. The gates opened at 8.30 AM on June 1, and crowds entered immediately. At 9.30 AM, attendees watched performances by military bands from the Army and the Navy. Many sat in the fair's amphitheater, awaiting a signal scheduled to be given in Washington DC. At 3pm East Coast Time (12 noon in Seattle), in the East Room of the White House, President Taft sent the signal. He "opened... the Exposition... by touching a gold [telegraph] key, studded with gold nuggets taken from the first mine opened in the Klondike region." The telegraphic spark that Taft sent was received by telegraphers at the fairgrounds; as soon as it arrived, a gong was struck five times, a large American flag was unfurled, and there was a twenty-one gun salute, while other demonstrations of pageantry announced the official opening of the fair. Attendance. Opening Day, June 1, was declared a city holiday, and 80,000 people attended. Attendance was even higher—117,013—on "Seattle Day". Other big draws were days dedicated to various ethnic groups, fraternal organizations, and U.S. states. By the time the fair closed on October 16, over 3,700,000 had visited. Publicity. The fair had its own publicity department, and it used newspapers and magazines to promote the upcoming exhibition well in advance. In early 1908, Seattle newspapers reported that the publicity department was already showing positive results and the fair was earning many favorable mentions in publications all over the United States. The publicists stressed that this exhibition would be far better organized than 1907's Jamestown Exposition, and would feature impressive entertainment. But what many newspapers found interesting was the assertion that this next World's Fair would not require any financial assistance or subsidies from the U.S. government; the only request made by the fair's directors was that the United States erect buildings and exhibits like any other country. Throughout 1908, as each new exhibit was built and the fair gradually began to take shape, publicity about the fair's progress was sent out, and frequently printed, nearly verbatim, from the press releases. For example, the "Tampa Tribune" in Tampa, Florida printed a story about how the fair would have motor boat races: the article noted that the pavilion for the event was being built on "one of the prettiest spots on the exposition's shoreline." The article praised Puget Sound for being an area perfect for motor boating enthusiasts, and concluded by saying, "The climate is such that motor boating can be enjoyed all the year round." By early 1909, the focus turned to who was going to attend, as many local newspapers in distant locations wrote articles about residents of their state who planned to make the trip out to Seattle. Also helpful was the fact that several major newspaper conventions were scheduled for the west coast, and the editors were said to be very interested in visiting the fair. The fair's organizers were also able to benefit from advertisements placed in newspapers by the railroads, which encouraged people to travel by rail to Seattle. One such ad, for the Great Northern Railway, promoted the train as the best way to enjoy a scenic trip: "an attractive route over the Rockies and through the Cascades" before finally arriving at what was sure to be "the World's Most Beautiful Fair." Legacies. The primary physical legacy of the Alaska–Yukon–Pacific Exposition is the planning framework from the fair which continues to shape the University of Washington campus. The Rainier Vista and Drumheller Fountain, the focus of the A-Y-P, are today the central focus of the Science Quadrangle of the university's overall plan. Although most of the Exposition's buildings were designed as temporary structures, intended to last only for the duration of the fair, some were more permanent. The Fine Arts Palace was designed by Howard and Galloway as a chemistry building. It was used during the A-Y-P for the exhibit of art. After the Exposition was over, chemistry lab tables and other furnishings were moved in and it became the University's primary facility for teaching chemistry. The building was named Bagley Hall (after Daniel Bagley) and retained that name until 1937, when a new chemistry building named Bagley Hall opened. The older building then became the home of Architecture and Physiology. The building survives today, albeit with extensive renovation and restoration, and is known as Architecture Hall. The A-Y-P Women's Building also survives. During the fair it housed exhibits related to women. Today the building is named Cunningham Hall (after Imogen Cunningham), one of only a few buildings on the University of Washington campus named for women. During the Exposition itself the building was clad in stucco; today it is faced in wood siding. The building now houses various educational and other programs related to women. Other buildings from the A-Y-P survived for a time, but were subsequently demolished as the university grew. The Forestry Building was demolished mid-century after the natural logs of the structure proved difficult to maintain and few alternative uses for the structure were found. It stood on the site of the current Husky Union Building (HUB). The original Meany Hall, the AYP Auditorium Hall, was damaged by an earthquake in 1965 and subsequently demolished. Another example is the Hoo-Hoo-House, designed by architect Ellsworth Storey, a clubhouse with reception spaces constructed for the Hoo-Hoos, a lumbermen's fraternity. After the fair, this building served as the faculty club until it was replaced in 1958–60 by the current faculty club. Another legacy of the fair was the enhanced status of exposition president J. E. Chilberg. Although a respected banker, Chilberg had never really been one of the city's elite. He was drafted into his position with the fair simply as a man who was known to be good at getting things done, but without consideration by the city's elite that they had just made an outsider into something tantamount to royalty for the duration of a social season. Suddenly, any party at their First Hill home became a major event in the social calendar. He and his wife found themselves dining with a close relative of the emperor of Japan and hosting a French ambassador. The statue of William H. Seward, originally erected for the fair, now stands in Volunteer Park. William Boeing, founder of Boeing, stated that it was during the Alaska–Yukon–Pacific Exposition when he saw a manned flying machine for the first time and became fascinated with aircraft. Controversy. Labor objections. Because the Exposition buildings were built with non-union labor, various unions protested against the exposition in actions ranging from pamphleteering to boycotts. The Central Labor Council organized a protest march outside the grounds on Labor Day. The "Seattle Socialist" editorialized that the Exposition was, "a great fantastic monument to the brutal avarice of the capitalist class." Human exhibits. A month-old orphaned boy named Ernest was raffled away as a prize. Although a winning ticket was drawn, nobody claimed the prize. The ultimate destiny of the child was still being investigated in 2009. Other human exhibits included displays presenting Igorot people from the Philippines as dog-eating, primitive people; the "Alaskan Siberians — Eskimos"; and a Chinese village depicting opium dens and recounting the recent Boxer Rebellion. The Igorot exhibit spawned a letter of protest to the "Seattle Post-Intelligencer" signed by over 100 Filipino merchant marines, although some local resident Filipinos responded to the letter by defending the exhibit. Premature babies were also displayed in French physician Alexandre Lion's incubators, decades before such systems were commonplace in hospitals. This display was not unique to the Alaska–Yukon–Pacific Exposition; babies had been displayed in incubators since the 1896 Berlin Exposition (and Seattle itself had seen at least two such exhibits before the A-Y-P Exposition). Given the robustness of the infants seen in photographs, there is some question as to whether these infants actually required extra care or if they were simply used for profit. Particular to this exhibit was a Baby Incubator Cafe which is seen in some photos, although historians are unsure if this was an actual cafe or rather a place to view babies feeding. At the time there was little in the way of protest from either fair-goers or physicians. In fact there was already a seasonal incubator exhibit at Luna Park in West Seattle, the Infant Electrobator concession. The babies were mentioned by name in the newspaper during their stay at the exposition and their medical state followed throughout. A specific point of interest was the range in ethnicity of the infants. No deaths were experienced amongst the babies at the exhibit. Anniversary. The year 2009 was the centennial of the Alaska–Yukon–Pacific Exposition. The City and University held various activities to celebrate this anniversary. A documentary was produced by John Forsen called "AYP-Seattle's Forgotten World's Fair" for PBS. On July 4, 2009, a group of 12 cyclists set off from Santa Rosa, California, on a 1,000 mile bike ride to Seattle, Washington, to support the disease Histiocytosis. The ride, titled Wheels North, was a centennial of the 1909 adventure of Vic McDaniel and Ray Francisco who traveled on bicycles to the Exposition. The ride ended at the Drumheller Fountain, in the center of Frosh Pond on the campus of the University of Washington on July 16, 2009. Drumheller Fountain is one of the last known remnants from the 1909 fair.

massive shape

250-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1710873

The 2005 Pacific hurricane season was a near-average season which produced fifteen named storms, only seven hurricanes formed and two major hurricanes. The season officially began on May 15 in the East Pacific Ocean, and on June 1 in the Central Pacific; they ended on November 30. These dates conventionally delimit the period of each year when most tropical cyclones form in the Pacific basin. However, the formation of tropical cyclones is possible at any time of the year. Activity began with the formation of Hurricane Adrian, the fourth-earliest-forming tropical storm on record in the basin at the time. Adrian led to flash flooding and several landslides across Central America, resulting in five deaths and $12 million (2005 USD) in damage. Tropical storms Calvin and Dora caused minor damage along the coastline, while Tropical Storm Eugene led to one death in Acapulco. In early October, Otis produced tropical storm-force winds and minor flooding across the Baja California peninsula. The remnants of Tropical Depression One-C in the central Pacific, meanwhile, caused minor impacts in Hawaii. The strongest storm of the season was Hurricane Kenneth, which attained peak winds of 130 mph (215 km/h) over the open Pacific. Pre-season forecasts. The first forecast for the 2005 season was produced by the Servicio Meteorológico Nacional (SMN) in the second month of the year. In their report, the organization cited a list of analog years – 1952, 1957, 1985, 1991, and 1993 – with similar oceanic and atmospheric patterns. An overall total of 17 tropical storms, 10 hurricanes, and 7 major hurricanes was forecast, above the average. The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), meanwhile, released their seasonal outlook on May 16, predicting 11 to 15 named storms, 6 to 8 hurricanes, and 2 to 4 major hurricanes. The organization noted that when the Atlantic basin was busier than average, as expected in 2005, the eastern Pacific generally saw lesser activity. That same day, NOAA issued a forecast for activity across the central Pacific, expecting 2 to 3 tropical cyclones to occur across the basin. A normal season averaged 4 to 5 tropical cyclones, including 1 hurricane. A near-normal El Niño–Southern Oscillation existed across the equatorial Pacific throughout 2005, which indicated conditions generally less conducive for activity there. Seasonal summary. The Accumulated Cyclone Energy (ACE) index for the 2005 Pacific hurricane season was 74.2625 units in the Eastern Pacific and 22.605 units in the Central Pacific. The total ACE in the basin is  units. Broadly speaking, ACE is a measure of the power of a tropical or subtropical storm multiplied by the length of time it existed. It is only calculated for full advisories on specific tropical and subtropical systems reaching or exceeding wind speeds of 39 mph (63 km/h). The season's first tropical cyclone, Adrian, developed on May 17 and reached its peak as a Category 1 hurricane. Named storms are infrequent in May, with one tropical storm every two years and a hurricane once every four years. At the time, Adrian was the fourth earliest tropical cyclone to form in the eastern Pacific since reliable record-keeping began in 1971. Activity throughout the remainder of the season was far less notable, with 16 tropical cyclones, 15 named storms, 7 hurricanes, and 2 major hurricanes. The long-term 1971–2004 average suggests an average season to feature 15 named storms, 9 hurricanes, and 4 major hurricanes. October in particular was notably quiet, with the formation of only one tropical depression; only three other seasons, 1989, 1995, and 1996, ended the month without the designation of a named storm. Analysis of the environment suggested that most storms formed during the passage of the positive Madden–Julian oscillation and its associated upper-air divergence, which is favorable for tropical cyclone formation. Extended reprieves in tropical activity were connected to upper-level convergence. Another factor that led to a below-average season was the presence of cooler than average ocean temperatures during the peak months, helping to extend the period of lesser activity that began throughout the eastern Pacific around 1995. The 2005 became a record-tying most active in the month between 1966, 1992, 1994, 1997, later in 2019 forming six named storms in the basin Systems. Hurricane Adrian. In early to mid-May, several areas of disturbed weather moving westward from Central America aided in the formation of a broad area of low pressure well south of Mexico. A poorly-defined tropical wave became intertwined with the larger system over subsequent days, leading to the formation of a tropical depression at 18:00 UTC on May 17. The nascent cyclone intensified into Tropical Storm Adrian six hours later. Despite the effects of moderate wind shear, the system steadily organized as convection became concentrated around the center, and Adrian attained its peak with winds of 80 mph (130 km/h) at 18:00 UTC on May 19. Environmental conditions became less conducive thereafter as downsloping from mountains along the coastline of Mexico combined with the already-marginal upper-level winds. The cyclone fell to tropical storm intensity at 00:00 UTC on May 20, tropical depression intensity at 18:00 UTC that day, and dissipated at 06:00 UTC on May 21 along the coastline of Honduras in the Gulf of Fonseca. Hurricane Adrian was responsible for five deaths: two died in a mudslide in Guatemala, a pilot crashed in high winds and a person drowned in El Salvador, and a person was killed by flooding in Nicaragua. Heavy rainfall up to 16.4 in (418.4 mm) in El Salvador led to landslides, damaged roads, and flash flooding. In Honduras, a few shacks were destroyed, a few roads were blocked, and some flooding occurred; similar effects were noted in Guatemala and Nicaragua. Monetary losses topped $12 million (2005 USD) in El Salvador alone. Tropical Storm Beatriz. A tropical wave emerged into the Atlantic on June 8 and entered the East Pacific over a week later, merging with a number of disturbances within a broad area of low pressure south of Mexico on June 17. The disturbance's cloud pattern—although initially elongated—steadily coalesced, leading to the formation of a tropical depression at 18:00 UTC on June 21 and further intensification into Tropical Storm Beatriz at 12:00 UTC on June 22. The system battled easterly wind shear and marginal ocean temperatures on its west-northwest track, attaining peak winds of 50 mph (85 km/h) the next day before weakening to tropical depression intensity at 00:00 UTC on June 24. Six hours later, it degenerated into a remnant low which slowed and turned southward prior to dissipating early on June 26. Tropical Storm Calvin. A tropical wave emerged off the western coast of Africa on June 11, remaining inconspicuous until reaching the southwestern Caribbean Sea eight days later. The system entered the eastern Pacific on June 21, where steady organization led to the formation of a tropical depression around 06:00 UTC on June 26 while located 330 mi (530 km) south-southeast of Acapulco, Mexico. Upon formation, the cyclone moved north-northwest and then west-northwest under the dictation of a subtropical ridge to its north. It intensified into Tropical Storm Calvin at 18:00 UTC on June 26, attaining a peak intensity of 50 mph (85 km/h) early the next morning in conjunction with a well-defined spiral band on radar. Calvin then dove west-southwest and weakened as strong wind shear exposed the storm's circulation; it fell to tropical depression status at 12:00 UTC on June 28 and further degenerated to a remnant low by 06:00 UTC the next day. The low moved generally westward before dissipating well southwest of the Baja California peninsula on July 3. As a tropical cyclone, Calvin caused only minor damage to roofs and highways, flooded a house, and toppled two trees. Tropical Storm Dora. The genesis of Tropical Storm Dora can be attributed to a westward-moving tropical wave that emerged off Africa on June 18. By July 3, the wave passed through the Gulf of Tehuantepec, where broad cyclonic flow began to develop along its axis. Following further organization, the disturbance intensified into a tropical depression by 00:00 UTC on July 4 and further strengthened into Tropical Storm Dora six hours later. The cyclone moved north-northwest and then west-northwest, paralleling the coastline of Mexico under the influence of a subtropical ridge, where landslides and mudslides cut communication to 12 mountain villages. Under a moderate easterly wind shear regime, Dora ultimately changed little in strength, peaking with winds of 45 mph (75 km/h) as the center became obscured on the eastern edge of extremely deep convection. A track over colder waters caused the storm to fall to tropical depression intensity late on July 5 and degenerate into a remnant low by 12:00 UTC on July 6. The low then dissipated six hours later. Tropical Storm Eugene. A tropical wave first identified over the Caribbean Sea on July 10 entered the eastern Pacific four days later. The disturbance organized as banding features became distinct, leading to the formation of a tropical depression by 06:00 UTC on July 18. The cyclone intensified into Tropical Storm Eugene six hours later as a mid-level ridge steered it generally northwest. Amid an environment of light wind shear, Eugene steadily organized to reach peak winds of 70 mph (110 km/h) by late on July 19, although it is possible the storm briefly attained hurricane intensity. Already tracking over cooler waters, Eugene quickly weakened immediately after its peak, becoming a tropical depression by 12:00 UTC on July 20 and degenerating into a remnant low twelve hours later. The low continued northwest before losing its character on July 22. As a tropical cyclone, Eugene flooded streets (which displaced six vehicles), left at least 30 houses inundated, and caused one death after a man's boat overturned. Tropical Depression One-C. In late July to early August, an organized thunderstorm cluster persisted within the Intertropical Convergence Zone (ITCZ). Upon further development, the disturbance was designated as a tropical depression as it tracked swiftly west, the first and only cyclone to form in the central Pacific throughout the season. Despite initial forecasts of a minimal tropical storm, increasing wind shear and cooler ocean temperatures prompted the depression to instead dissipate by 00:00 UTC on August 5, having only attained peak winds of 30 mph (45 km/h). As a tropical cyclone, Tropical Depression One-C had no impact on land. However, the remnants of the depression dropped moderate to heavy rainfall in Hawaii, particularly on the Island of Hawaii. Rainfall totals measured up to 8.8 in (223.5 mm) in Glenwood, Hawaii. Flash floods was reported in Kona and Ka‘ū, while minor flooding occurred in Hilo, Hamakua, and Kealakekua. In addition, minor street flooding was reported in several cities on that island; most notably, a nearly overflown drainage ditch threatened to submerge the Hawaii Belt Road. Some coffee plants were damaged. Hurricane Fernanda. A vigorous tropical wave observed over western Africa in late July maintained vigor until passing the Windward Islands, becoming disorganized as it moved across South America and then into the eastern Pacific on August 5. Convection gradually redeveloped south of Mexico, leading to the formation of a tropical depression by 12:00 UTC on August 9 and intensification into Tropical Storm Fernanda twelve hours later. The nascent cyclone continued on a west-northwesterly course amid a favorable shear regime; it became a hurricane at 06:00 UTC on August 11 and attained peak winds of 85 mph (140 km/h) early the next day as a ragged eye became discernible. After leveling off in intensity, Fernanda fell to tropical storm intensity early on August 14, weakened to a tropical depression late on August 15, and degenerated into a remnant low by 06:00 UTC on August 16, all the while diving west-southwest. The low produced intermittent convection until dissipating the next day. Tropical Storm Greg. A tropical wave that first crossed the western coastline of Africa on July 27 entered the eastern Pacific ten days later, gradually developing into a tropical depression by 06:00 UTC on August 11. The depression trekked west-northwest along the southern periphery of a subtropical ridge, intensifying into Tropical Storm Greg six hours after formation and reaching peak winds of 50 mph (85 km/h) by 00:00 UTC on August 12 as deep convection flared near the center and upper-level outflow became well established. Northerly shear from nearby Fernanda and a nearby upper-level trough caused Greg to level off and maintain its status as a low-end tropical storm for several days as steering currents collapsed. Drifting south, stronger upper-level winds caused Greg to weaken to tropical depression intensity by 18:00 UTC on August 14 before degenerating into a remnant low by 00:00 UTC on August 16. The low was absorbed into the ITCZ shortly thereafter. Hurricane Hilary. A tropical wave moved off the western coast of Africa on August 4, eventually organizing into a tropical depression south of Mexico by 18:00 UTC on August 19. Twelve hours later, the depression intensified into Tropical Storm Hilary. The newly named system tracked west after formation, steered on the south side of a subtropical ridge. Favorable upper-level winds and warm ocean temperatures allowed it to quickly intensify, and Hilary became a hurricane by 00:00 UTC on August 21. After leveling off briefly, the cyclone attained its peak as a Category 2 hurricane with winds of 105 mph (185 km/h) early the next morning, consistent with a ragged eye on infrared satellite imagery. Hilary entered a progressively cooler ocean after peak, resulting in the loss of deep convection. The system fell to tropical storm intensity late on August 24, tropical depression intensity late on August 25, and degenerated to a remnant low by 00:00 UTC on August 26. The low moved generally west until dissipating early on August 28. Tropical Storm Irwin. The formation of Irwin can be traced to a tropical wave that emerged off Africa on August 10. It continued west, fracturing into two portions near the Leeward Islands; the northern half aided in the formation of Hurricane Katrina, whereas the southern portion continued into the eastern Pacific. Steady organization led to the formation of a tropical depression by 12:00 UTC on August 25 and intensification into a tropical storm twelve hours later. With the center located on the edge of deep convection, Irwin attained peak winds of 50 mph (85 km/h) early on August 26 before northeasterly wind shear prompted weakening. The cyclone fell to tropical depression intensity early on August 28 and further degenerated to a remnant low by 18:00 UTC on August 28. The low moved west and then southwest until dissipating on September 3. Hurricane Jova. A tropical wave emerged off the western coast of Africa on August 28. Similar to the setup that spawned Irwin, the northern half of the wave fractured and led to the formation of Hurricane Maria, whereas the southern part of the wave continued into the eastern Pacific on September 4. The disturbance initially changed little in organization; an increase in convection on September 12, however, aided in the formation of a tropical depression by 00:00 UTC that day. Affected by moderate easterly shear, the depression failed to intensify into Tropical Storm Jova until 00:00 UTC on September 15. The cyclone intensified at a faster rate thereafter, attaining hurricane intensity early the next day as it turned west-southwest. Jova crossed into the central Pacific early on September 18, where environmental conditions favored continued intensification. As the storm moved into the basin, it abruptly turned northwest toward a weakness in the subtropical ridge. Nearby dry air acted to temporarily but significantly weaken Jova's spiral banding despite a favorable upper-level environment. By 12:00 UTC on September 19, however, it intensified into the first major hurricane – a Category 3 or larger on the Saffir–Simpson hurricane wind scale – of the season; twelve hours later, it attained peak winds of 125 mph (205 km/h). Cooler ocean temperatures took their toll on Jova as it progressed westward, with Jova falling to tropical storm intensity early on September 23, dropping to tropical depression intensity early on September 24, and ultimately dissipating by 06:00 UTC on September 25 a few hundred miles north of Hilo, Hawaii. Hurricane Kenneth. A tropical wave led to the formation of a tropical depression well southwest of the Baja California peninsula by 18:00 UTC on September 14. On a generally westward track, light wind shear and warm ocean temperatures allowed the depression to rapidly intensify, becoming Tropical storm Kenneth twelve hours after formation and further intensifying into a hurricane by 00:00 UTC on September 16. The storm underwent an eyewall replacement cycle later that day, temporarily halting the storm's development. By 06:00 UTC on September 17, however, Kenneth attained major hurricane status, and by 12:00 UTC the next morning, it attained its peak as a Category 4 hurricane with winds of 130 mph (215 km/h). Steering currents collapsed after peak, causing the storm to move erratically, but generally toward the west. Kenneth fell to tropical storm intensity late on September 20, but a brief reprieve in these winds allowed it to regain hurricane strength early on September 25. The hurricane entered the central Pacific on September 26 and weakened to a tropical storm again as south-southwesterly wind shear increased. After little change in strength for several days, Kenneth weakened to a tropical depression early on September 29 and ultimately dissipated just east of Hawaii by 00:00 UTC on September 31. The remnants of Kenneth interacted with an upper-level trough, producing up to 12 in (305 mm) on Oahu. Lake Wilson and the Kaukonahua Stream both overflowed their banks as a result. A few homes were flooded along Hawaii Route 61 by up to a foot of flowing water. Waves of 8–10 ft (2–3 m) affected the coastline of the Hawaiian Islands. Tropical Storm Lidia. In mid-September, a series of tropical waves entered the eastern Pacific from the Caribbean Sea. One of these waves led to the formation of a tropical depression by 12:00 UTC on September 17, which intensified into Tropical Storm Lidia and attained peak winds of 40 mph (65 km/h) six hours later. Initial forecasts were of low confidence, with forecasters citing uncertainty in whether Lidia or a developing disturbance to its east would become the dominant cyclone. Nearly stationary, the cyclone's cloud pattern soon became distorted by the much larger circulation of developing Tropical Storm Max. Lidia weakened to a tropical depression late on September 18 and was completely absorbed by Max twelve hours later. Hurricane Max. A tropical wave exited Africa on September 4, entering the eastern Pacific nine days later. The disturbance was initially slow to organize due to its broad nature, but finally began to show signs of organization early on September 18 as the system approached a stalled-out Tropical Storm Lidia. Remnants of Hurricane Max brought a weak cold front, heavy rainfall in Southern California on September 20. The system became a tropical depression by 12:00 UTC that day and intensified into Tropical Storm Max six hours later, simultaneously absorbing the weaker, much smaller Lidia. The storm turned northwest on the periphery of a subtropical ridge and continued to develop in a light wind shear environment. Max became a hurricane by 00:00 UTC on September 20 and attained peak winds of 85 mph (140 km/h) twelve hours later as a large but well-defined eye became apparent. It began steady weakening shortly thereafter as the storm entered cooler waters, falling to tropical storm intensity early on September 21 and further to tropical depression status early the next day as a mid-level ridge forced it back west. Max degenerated to a remnant low by 18:00 UTC on September 22, which then drifted south before dissipating on September 26. Tropical Storm Norma. An area of disturbed weather formed south of Mexico on September 19, followed by the formation of a broad area of low pressure within the disturbance two days later. A few small vortices were observed within the broad low over subsequent days, one of which cled to the formation of a tropical depression by 00:00 UTC on September 23. On a west-northwest course, the depression intensified into Tropical Storm Norma twelve hours later and ultimately attained peak winds of 60 mph (95 km/h) by 18:00 UTC on September 24 as the circulation became centrally located within the convection and banding features developed. Norma turned northwest as easterly wind shear increased, causing it to weaken to a tropical depression by 18:00 UTC on September 26 and degenerate to a remnant low a day later. The low turned south and east, persisting for several days before dissipating on October 1. Hurricane Otis. A tropical wave moved off Africa on September 9, the northern half of which led to the formation of Hurricane Philippe. After emerging into the eastern Pacific nearly two weeks later, the system showed signs of organization, attaining tropical depression status by 00:00 UTC on September 28. It drifted west-southwest before turning northwest on September 29, at which time it intensified into Tropical Storm Otis. A favorable environment allowed the storm to become a hurricane early on September 30 and attain peak winds of 105 mph (165 km/h) by 06:00 UTC on October 1. Steering currents weakened after peak, allowing Otis to meander into cooler waters offshore the Baja California peninsula. It weakened to a tropical storm early on October 2, weakened to a tropical depression early on October 3, and degenerated to a remnant low by 00:00 UTC on October 4. The low drifted southwest and dissipated the next day. Although the center of Otis remained offshore, Cabo San Lucas recorded sustained winds of 49 mph (79 km/h), with gusts to 63 mph (101 km/h). Periods of heavy rainfall resulted in minor flooding across the southern portions of the Baja California peninsula. Offshore, two ships reported tropical storm-force winds. Tropical Depression Sixteen-E. The final tropical cyclone of the season developed from a tropical wave that emerged off Africa on September 28. The wave entered the eastern Pacific over two weeks later, still embedded within the ITCZ. Deep convection and a better defined circulation became established as the system detached from the feature, leading to the formation of a tropical depression by 00:00 UTC on October 15. Steered on the south side of the Mexican subtropical ridge, the depression organized as extremely deep convection burst over its center; this led to the formation of an eye-like feature on microwave imagery, and it is possible the depression briefly attained tropical storm intensity. Shortly thereafter, however, easterly wind shear exposed the low-level center, and the depression degenerated to a remnant low by 00:00 UTC on September 18. The remnant low continued westward, now steered by low-level easterly flow across the basin. Early on October 19, deep convection began to reform near the circulation, leading to the re-designation of a tropical depression by 12:00 UTC that day. Like its previous incarnation, however, a combination of dry air and southeasterly wind shear prevented the cyclone from intensifying to tropical storm status, with only a few curved band in its northern semicircle. Steady weakening occurred until the depression degenerated to a remnant low for a second time around 00:00 UTC on October 21. The remnant low turned southwestward before becoming reabsorbed into the ITCZ well southwest of the Baja California peninsula twelve hours later. Storm names. The following names were used for named storms that formed in the northeast Pacific in 2005. This is the same list that was used in the 1999 season. Names that were not assigned are marked in . There were no names retired by the WMO in the spring of 2006 despite a formal request by the Hawaii State Civil Defense for the name Kenneth; therefore, the same list was reused in the 2011 season. Season effects. This is a table of all the storms that have formed in the 2005 Pacific hurricane season. It includes their duration, names, landfall(s), denoted in parentheses, damages, and death totals. Deaths in parentheses are additional and indirect (an example of an indirect death would be a traffic accident), but were still related to that storm. Damage and deaths include totals while the storm was extratropical, a wave, or a low, and all the damage figures are in 2005 USD.

little certainty

7485-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=24645645

"Edith's 50th Birthday" (Parts 1 & 2) were the fourth and fifth episodes of the eighth season of the American television sitcom "All in the Family". The episodes, which originally aired as a two-part one hour story on CBS-TV on October 16, 1977, was written by Bob Schiller and Bob Weiskopf, and directed by Paul Bogart. The episode depicts a man who, while posing as a police detective, attempts to rape the Bunker family matriarch, Edith, on her 50th birthday. This all happens while her family, unaware of what is happening in the Bunkers' living room, prepares for a surprise party next door (at Gloria, Edith's daughter's, house) to honor Edith. The scenes following the assault depict Edith struggling to deal with the aftermath, and her family's attempts to both comfort her and help bring her assailant to justice. The episodes, the 161st and 162nd of the series, were one of the first on television that portrayed an attempted rape. Plot. On Edith Bunker's 50th birthday, her family plans a surprise party for her at her daughter Gloria's and son-in-law Mike Stivic's house next door. As Edith is in the process of baking her own birthday cake and waits for her cue to go to the Stivics' house, two visitors come over. The first one is her friend, Sybil, who complains to Edith for not inviting her to her party, thus spoiling the surprise. Sybil soon realizes that Archie (who hates her) was the one who invited all of the guests and not Edith. Edith invites her and the both of them chat for a while. As Sybil leaves, a handsome man in his early 30s and dressed in a suit arrives. The man identifies himself as a police detective named Lambert, claiming to be searching the neighborhood for a rapist. During his explanation, the man describes the clothes he's wearing himself and locks the door; Edith quickly realizes that Lambert is himself the rapist. Lambert tries repeatedly to assault Edith, and despite all her attempts to get away from her attacker, he is too strong and too smart for her. Edith offers the man coffee (he declines), explains that she has a party to go to and rambles on about her plans (he keeps her restrained, but with a stunned look on his face), tries to go to the bathroom (he offers to escort her), and has a panicked telephone conversation with one of her friends (Lambert waves a gun at her, warning her that letting slip about her predicament will mean death). Later, when her husband Archie appears to retrieve a punch bowl, the man hides in the closet and threatens to kill them both if Edith says anything. Once they are alone for the final time, and it appears Edith has exhausted all of her getaway attempts, the two smell something burning from the kitchen. It is the cake Edith was baking, and Lambert escorts her to the kitchen to pull it out. However, Edith uses this final opportunity as her chance to escape her ordeal, pushing the burned cake directly into her attacker's face. With his face burned, and before he can regain his senses, Edith pushes him out of the kitchen and onto the porch and slams the door behind her. Edith then flees the house and runs to Mike and Gloria's, where—just as the party is about to get underway—she breaks down in Archie's arms. As the second half-hour opens, Edith confides to her family what has happened. Gloria tries to press Edith to call the police, reminding her mother that she herself had suffered a similar attack three years prior. Archie reminds Gloria that, after being told by police that the lawyers would "turn it around" and make it look like Gloria "asked for it" if the case went to court, the family had decided to not press charges. Nonetheless, a confused and shaken Edith wants to just forget the ordeal. Archie and Mike then go inside the Bunker household to see if Lambert might still be inside. Mike finds his clothes in the closet, and Archie tells him not to "put his fingerprints all over the evidence". Mike then enters the kitchen and slips on the burnt birthday cake. Later, two police investigators arrive at the Bunker house, announcing they had picked up an apparently injured man wandering around in a back alley who fit the description of a subject wanted in a series of sexual assaults. At first, they mistakenly restrain Archie - thinking he is the rapist but Mike clears that up almost immediately. When the investigators attempt to get a statement from Edith, she immediately flees the room in a panic when she is shown the tie Lambert left behind in the closet with his shirt, jacket and fake badge. Two weeks then pass since the attempted rape, and Edith has entered into a state of constant fear and depression. Even Archie's unusually sensitive attempts to bolster her self-esteem (he kisses her) do no good. When they find out the same man has been arrested for attacking another woman, Gloria urges Edith to identify Lambert in a police lineup, or else the police will have to drop the pending charges against him; Edith continually changes the subject and refuses to listen. Eventually, an exasperated Gloria declares her mother "selfish" and shouts, "My mother always helps other people. You're not my mother anymore!" Edith slaps her, and her shock at having done so snaps her out of her depression; after expressing remorse for her action, Edith realizes she must identify her attacker. She leaves for the police station with Archie, hoping that her actions may put the rapist away for good. The episode closes on a comedic moment, where Gloria loudly whines from the pain of her slap, and Mike comforts her. Production. "Edith's 50th Birthday" originally aired as a one-hour episode. In syndication, it is aired as a two-part episode. Norman Lear consulted with Gail Abarbanel, the founder and director of the Rape Treatment Center at Santa Monica Hospital, and hosted advance screenings for police and hospitals across the country. It was originally suggested that this storyline be written so that Ann Romano (portrayed by Bonnie Franklin) would be the one attacked on an episode of "One Day at a Time". However Norman Lear changed it to Edith Bunker because he wanted to make a statement that this could happen to anyone, even someone as simple and naive as Edith. The episode mentions events from the third season's "Gloria The Victim", in which Gloria was sexually assaulted while walking home from work. In that episode, Edith relates an incident where she herself had been the victim of an attempted date rape as a teenager in the 1940s, during a double date visit to Rockaway Beach, but due to the social norms of the time she had not pursued justice. Response. The New York Police Department showed this episode, along with other films, to convey the woman's side of rape. It was also shown at rape crisis centers. In 1996, "TV Guide" included this episode as part of its "100 Most Memorable Moments in TV History", ranking it # 64. According to an interview in the "E! True Hollywood Story", which covered "All in the Family", the scene where Edith uses the burnt cake to attack the rapist and then escape prompted the loudest cheers and applause from the studio audience in the history of the entire series. David Dukes maintained that he received persistent death threats from some viewers for years for his character.

lady's story

3988-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1651906

In statistics, ordinary least squares (OLS) is a type of linear least squares method for estimating the unknown parameters in a linear regression model. OLS chooses the parameters of a linear function of a set of explanatory variables by the principle of least squares: minimizing the sum of the squares of the differences between the observed dependent variable (values of the variable being observed) in the given dataset and those predicted by the linear function of the independent variable. Geometrically, this is seen as the sum of the squared distances, parallel to the axis of the dependent variable, between each data point in the set and the corresponding point on the regression surface—the smaller the differences, the better the model fits the data. The resulting estimator can be expressed by a simple formula, especially in the case of a simple linear regression, in which there is a single regressor on the right side of the regression equation. The OLS estimator is consistent when the regressors are exogenous, and—by the Gauss–Markov theorem—optimal in the class of linear unbiased estimators when the errors are homoscedastic and serially uncorrelated. Under these conditions, the method of OLS provides minimum-variance mean-unbiased estimation when the errors have finite variances. Under the additional assumption that the errors are normally distributed, OLS is the maximum likelihood estimator. Linear model. Suppose the data consists of formula_1 observations formula_2. Each observation formula_3 includes a scalar response formula_4 and a column vector formula_5 of formula_6 parameters (regressors), i.e., formula_7. In a linear regression model, the response variable, formula_4, is a linear function of the regressors: or in vector form, where formula_5, as introduced previously, is a column vector of the formula_3-th observation of all the explanatory variables; formula_13 is a formula_14 vector of unknown parameters; and the scalar formula_15 represents unobserved random variables (errors) of the formula_3-th observation. formula_15 accounts for the influences upon the responses formula_4 from sources other than the explanators formula_5. This model can also be written in matrix notation as where formula_21 and formula_22 are formula_23 vectors of the response variables and the errors of the formula_24 observations, and formula_25 is an formula_26 matrix of regressors, also sometimes called the design matrix, whose row formula_3 is formula_28 and contains the formula_3-th observations on all the explanatory variables. As a rule, the constant term is always included in the set of regressors formula_25, say, by taking formula_31 for all formula_32. The coefficient formula_33 corresponding to this regressor is called the "intercept". Regressors do not have to be independent: there can be any desired relationship between the regressors (so long as it is not a linear relationship). For instance, we might suspect the response depends linearly both on a value and its square; in which case we would include one regressor whose value is just the square of another regressor. In that case, the model would be "quadratic" in the second regressor, but none-the-less is still considered a "linear" model because the model "is" still linear in the parameters (formula_13). Matrix/vector formulation. Consider an overdetermined system of formula_24 linear equations in formula_6 unknown coefficients, formula_38, with formula_39. (Note: for a linear model as above, not all elements in formula_40 contains information on the data points. The first column is populated with ones, formula_41. Only the other columns contain actual data. So here formula_6 is equal to the number of regressors plus one.) This can be written in matrix form as where Such a system usually has no exact solution, so the goal is instead to find the coefficients formula_13 which fit the equations "best", in the sense of solving the quadratic minimization problem where the objective function formula_47 is given by A justification for choosing this criterion is given in Properties below. This minimization problem has a unique solution, provided that the formula_6 rows of the matrix formula_40 are linearly independent, given by solving the normal equations The matrix formula_52 is known as the normal matrix and the matrix formula_53 is known as the moment matrix of regressand by regressors. Finally, formula_54 is the coefficient vector of the least-squares hyperplane, expressed as Estimation. Suppose "b" is a "candidate" value for the parameter vector "β". The quantity , called the residual for the "i"-th observation, measures the vertical distance between the data point and the hyperplane , and thus assesses the degree of fit between the actual data and the model. The sum of squared residuals (SSR) (also called the error sum of squares (ESS) or residual sum of squares (RSS)) is a measure of the overall model fit: where "T" denotes the matrix transpose, and the rows of "X", denoting the values of all the independent variables associated with a particular value of the dependent variable, are "Xi = xi"T. The value of "b" which minimizes this sum is called the OLS estimator for "β". The function "S"("b") is quadratic in "b" with positive-definite Hessian, and therefore this function possesses a unique global minimum at formula_57, which can be given by the explicit formula:[proof] The product "N"="X"T "X" is a normal matrix and its inverse, "Q"="N"–1, is the "cofactor matrix" of "β", closely related to its covariance matrix, "C""β". The matrix ("X"T "X")–1 "X"T="Q" "X"T is called the Moore–Penrose pseudoinverse matrix of X. This formulation highlights the point that estimation can be carried out if, and only if, there is no perfect multicollinearity between the explanatory variables (which would cause the normal matrix to have no inverse). After we have estimated "β", the fitted values (or predicted values) from the regression will be where "P" = "X"("X"T"X")−1"X"T is the projection matrix onto the space "V" spanned by the columns of "X". This matrix "P" is also sometimes called the hat matrix because it "puts a hat" onto the variable "y". Another matrix, closely related to "P" is the "annihilator" matrix ; this is a projection matrix onto the space orthogonal to "V". Both matrices "P" and "M" are symmetric and idempotent (meaning that and ), and relate to the data matrix "X" via identities and . Matrix "M" creates the residuals from the regression: Using these residuals we can estimate the value of "σ" 2 using the reduced chi-squared statistic: The denominator, "n"−"p", is the statistical degrees of freedom. The first quantity, "s"2, is the OLS estimate for "σ"2, whereas the second, formula_62, is the MLE estimate for "σ"2. The two estimators are quite similar in large samples; the first estimator is always unbiased, while the second estimator is biased but has a smaller mean squared error. In practice "s"2 is used more often, since it is more convenient for the hypothesis testing. The square root of "s"2 is called the regression standard error, standard error of the regression, or standard error of the equation. It is common to assess the goodness-of-fit of the OLS regression by comparing how much the initial variation in the sample can be reduced by regressing onto "X". The coefficient of determination "R"2 is defined as a ratio of "explained" variance to the "total" variance of the dependent variable "y", in the cases where the regression sum of squares equals the sum of squares of residuals: where TSS is the total sum of squares for the dependent variable, formula_64, and formula_65 is an "n"×"n" matrix of ones. (formula_66 is a centering matrix which is equivalent to regression on a constant; it simply subtracts the mean from a variable.) In order for "R"2 to be meaningful, the matrix "X" of data on regressors must contain a column vector of ones to represent the constant whose coefficient is the regression intercept. In that case, "R"2 will always be a number between 0 and 1, with values close to 1 indicating a good degree of fit. The variance in the prediction of the independent variable as a function of the dependent variable is given in the article Polynomial least squares. Simple linear regression model. If the data matrix "X" contains only two variables, a constant and a scalar regressor "xi", then this is called the "simple regression model". This case is often considered in the beginner statistics classes, as it provides much simpler formulas even suitable for manual calculation. The parameters are commonly denoted as : The least squares estimates in this case are given by simple formulas Introducing formula_72 and a matrix "K" with the assumption that a matrix formula_73 is non-singular and "K"T "X" = 0 (cf. Orthogonal projections), the residual vector should satisfy the following equation: The equation and solution of linear least squares are thus described as follows: Another way of looking at it is to consider the regression line to be a weighted average of the lines passing through the combination of any two points in the dataset. Although this way of calculation is more computationally expensive, it provides a better intuition on OLS. Maximum likelihood. The OLS estimator is identical to the maximum likelihood estimator (MLE) under the normality assumption for the error terms. [proof] This normality assumption has historical importance, as it provided the basis for the early work in linear regression analysis by Yule and Pearson. From the properties of MLE, we can infer that the OLS estimator is asymptotically efficient (in the sense of attaining the Cramér–Rao bound for variance) if the normality assumption is satisfied. Generalized method of moments. In iid case the OLS estimator can also be viewed as a GMM estimator arising from the moment conditions These moment conditions state that the regressors should be uncorrelated with the errors. Since "xi" is a "p"-vector, the number of moment conditions is equal to the dimension of the parameter vector "β", and thus the system is exactly identified. This is the so-called classical GMM case, when the estimator does not depend on the choice of the weighting matrix. Note that the original strict exogeneity assumption implies a far richer set of moment conditions than stated above. In particular, this assumption implies that for any vector-function "ƒ", the moment condition will hold. However it can be shown using the Gauss–Markov theorem that the optimal choice of function "ƒ" is to take , which results in the moment equation posted above. Properties. Assumptions. There are several different frameworks in which the linear regression model can be cast in order to make the OLS technique applicable. Each of these settings produces the same formulas and same results. The only difference is the interpretation and the assumptions which have to be imposed in order for the method to give meaningful results. The choice of the applicable framework depends mostly on the nature of data in hand, and on the inference task which has to be performed. One of the lines of difference in interpretation is whether to treat the regressors as random variables, or as predefined constants. In the first case (random design) the regressors "xi" are random and sampled together with the "yi"'s from some population, as in an observational study. This approach allows for more natural study of the asymptotic properties of the estimators. In the other interpretation (fixed design), the regressors "X" are treated as known constants set by a design, and "y" is sampled conditionally on the values of "X" as in an experiment. For practical purposes, this distinction is often unimportant, since estimation and inference is carried out while conditioning on "X". All results stated in this article are within the random design framework. Classical linear regression model. The classical model focuses on the "finite sample" estimation and inference, meaning that the number of observations "n" is fixed. This contrasts with the other approaches, which study the asymptotic behavior of OLS, and in which the number of observations is allowed to grow to infinity. Independent and identically distributed (iid). In some applications, especially with cross-sectional data, an additional assumption is imposed — that all observations are independent and identically distributed. This means that all observations are taken from a random sample which makes all the assumptions listed earlier simpler and easier to interpret. Also this framework allows one to state asymptotic results (as the sample size ), which are understood as a theoretical possibility of fetching new independent observations from the data generating process. The list of assumptions in this case is: Finite sample properties. First of all, under the "strict exogeneity" assumption the OLS estimators formula_82 and "s"2 are unbiased, meaning that their expected values coincide with the true values of the parameters:[proof] If the strict exogeneity does not hold (as is the case with many time series models, where exogeneity is assumed only with respect to the past shocks but not the future ones), then these estimators will be biased in finite samples. The "variance-covariance matrix" (or simply "covariance matrix") of formula_82 is equal to In particular, the standard error of each coefficient formula_86 is equal to square root of the "j"-th diagonal element of this matrix. The estimate of this standard error is obtained by replacing the unknown quantity "σ"2 with its estimate "s"2. Thus, It can also be easily shown that the estimator formula_82 is uncorrelated with the residuals from the model: The Gauss–Markov theorem states that under the "spherical errors" assumption (that is, the errors should be uncorrelated and homoscedastic) the estimator formula_82 is efficient in the class of linear unbiased estimators. This is called the best linear unbiased estimator (BLUE). Efficiency should be understood as if we were to find some other estimator formula_91 which would be linear in "y" and unbiased, then in the sense that this is a nonnegative-definite matrix. This theorem establishes optimality only in the class of linear unbiased estimators, which is quite restrictive. Depending on the distribution of the error terms "ε", other, non-linear estimators may provide better results than OLS. Assuming normality. The properties listed so far are all valid regardless of the underlying distribution of the error terms. However, if you are willing to assume that the "normality assumption" holds (that is, that ), then additional properties of the OLS estimators can be stated. The estimator formula_82 is normally distributed, with mean and variance as given before: where "Q" is the cofactor matrix. This estimator reaches the Cramér–Rao bound for the model, and thus is optimal in the class of all unbiased estimators. Note that unlike the Gauss–Markov theorem, this result establishes optimality among both linear and non-linear estimators, but only in the case of normally distributed error terms. The estimator "s"2 will be proportional to the chi-squared distribution: The variance of this estimator is equal to , which does not attain the Cramér–Rao bound of . However it was shown that there are no unbiased estimators of "σ"2 with variance smaller than that of the estimator "s"2. If we are willing to allow biased estimators, and consider the class of estimators that are proportional to the sum of squared residuals (SSR) of the model, then the best (in the sense of the mean squared error) estimator in this class will be , which even beats the Cramér–Rao bound in case when there is only one regressor (). Moreover, the estimators formula_82 and "s"2 are independent, the fact which comes in useful when constructing the t- and F-tests for the regression. Influential observations. As was mentioned before, the estimator formula_97 is linear in "y", meaning that it represents a linear combination of the dependent variables "yi". The weights in this linear combination are functions of the regressors "X", and generally are unequal. The observations with high weights are called influential because they have a more pronounced effect on the value of the estimator. To analyze which observations are influential we remove a specific "j"-th observation and consider how much the estimated quantities are going to change (similarly to the jackknife method). It can be shown that the change in the OLS estimator for "β" will be equal to where is the "j"-th diagonal element of the hat matrix "P", and "xj" is the vector of regressors corresponding to the "j"-th observation. Similarly, the change in the predicted value for "j"-th observation resulting from omitting that observation from the dataset will be equal to From the properties of the hat matrix, , and they sum up to "p", so that on average . These quantities "hj" are called the leverages, and observations with high "hj" are called leverage points. Usually the observations with high leverage ought to be scrutinized more carefully, in case they are erroneous, or outliers, or in some other way atypical of the rest of the dataset. Partitioned regression. Sometimes the variables and corresponding parameters in the regression can be logically split into two groups, so that the regression takes form where "X"1 and "X"2 have dimensions "n"×"p"1, "n"×"p"2, and "β"1, "β"2 are "p"1×1 and "p"2×1 vectors, with . The Frisch–Waugh–Lovell theorem states that in this regression the residuals formula_101 and the OLS estimate formula_102 will be numerically identical to the residuals and the OLS estimate for "β"2 in the following regression: where "M"1 is the annihilator matrix for regressors "X"1. The theorem can be used to establish a number of theoretical results. For example, having a regression with a constant and another regressor is equivalent to subtracting the means from the dependent variable and the regressor and then running the regression for the de-meaned variables but without the constant term. Constrained estimation. Suppose it is known that the coefficients in the regression satisfy a system of linear equations where "Q" is a "p"×"q" matrix of full rank, and "c" is a "q"×1 vector of known constants, where . In this case least squares estimation is equivalent to minimizing the sum of squared residuals of the model subject to the constraint "A". The constrained least squares (CLS) estimator can be given by an explicit formula: This expression for the constrained estimator is valid as long as the matrix "XTX" is invertible. It was assumed from the beginning of this article that this matrix is of full rank, and it was noted that when the rank condition fails, "β" will not be identifiable. However it may happen that adding the restriction "A" makes "β" identifiable, in which case one would like to find the formula for the estimator. The estimator is equal to where "R" is a "p"×("p" − "q") matrix such that the matrix is non-singular, and . Such a matrix can always be found, although generally it is not unique. The second formula coincides with the first in case when "XTX" is invertible. Large sample properties. The least squares estimators are point estimates of the linear regression model parameters "β". However, generally we also want to know how close those estimates might be to the true values of parameters. In other words, we want to construct the interval estimates. Since we haven't made any assumption about the distribution of error term "εi", it is impossible to infer the distribution of the estimators formula_97 and formula_108. Nevertheless, we can apply the central limit theorem to derive their "asymptotic" properties as sample size "n" goes to infinity. While the sample size is necessarily finite, it is customary to assume that "n" is "large enough" so that the true distribution of the OLS estimator is close to its asymptotic limit. We can show that under the model assumptions, the least squares estimator for "β" is consistent (that is formula_97 converges in probability to "β") and asymptotically normal:[proof] where formula_111 Intervals. Using this asymptotic distribution, approximate two-sided confidence intervals for the "j"-th component of the vector formula_112 can be constructed as where "q" denotes the quantile function of standard normal distribution, and [·]"jj" is the "j"-th diagonal element of a matrix. Similarly, the least squares estimator for "σ"2 is also consistent and asymptotically normal (provided that the fourth moment of "εi" exists) with limiting distribution These asymptotic distributions can be used for prediction, testing hypotheses, constructing other estimators, etc.. As an example consider the problem of prediction. Suppose formula_115 is some point within the domain of distribution of the regressors, and one wants to know what the response variable would have been at that point. The mean response is the quantity formula_116, whereas the predicted response is formula_117. Clearly the predicted response is a random variable, its distribution can be derived from that of formula_112: which allows construct confidence intervals for mean response formula_120 to be constructed: Hypothesis testing. Two hypothesis tests are particularly widely used. First, one wants to know if the estimated regression equation is any better than simply predicting that all values of the response variable equal its sample mean (if not, it is said to have no explanatory power). The null hypothesis of no explanatory value of the estimated regression is tested using an F-test. If the calculated F-value is found to be large enough to exceed its critical value for the pre-chosen level of significance, the null hypothesis is rejected and the alternative hypothesis, that the regression has explanatory power, is accepted. Otherwise, the null hypothesis of no explanatory power is accepted. Second, for each explanatory variable of interest, one wants to know whether its estimated coefficient differs significantly from zero—that is, whether this particular explanatory variable in fact has explanatory power in predicting the response variable. Here the null hypothesis is that the true coefficient is zero. This hypothesis is tested by computing the coefficient's t-statistic, as the ratio of the coefficient estimate to its standard error. If the t-statistic is larger than a predetermined value, the null hypothesis is rejected and the variable is found to have explanatory power, with its coefficient significantly different from zero. Otherwise, the null hypothesis of a zero value of the true coefficient is accepted. In addition, the Chow test is used to test whether two subsamples both have the same underlying true coefficient values. The sum of squared residuals of regressions on each of the subsets and on the combined data set are compared by computing an F-statistic; if this exceeds a critical value, the null hypothesis of no difference between the two subsets is rejected; otherwise, it is accepted. Example with real data. The following data set gives average heights and weights for American women aged 30–39 (source: "The World Almanac and Book of Facts, 1975"). When only one dependent variable is being modeled, a scatterplot will suggest the form and strength of the relationship between the dependent variable and regressors. It might also reveal outliers, heteroscedasticity, and other aspects of the data that may complicate the interpretation of a fitted regression model. The scatterplot suggests that the relationship is strong and can be approximated as a quadratic function. OLS can handle non-linear relationships by introducing the regressor HEIGHT2. The regression model then becomes a multiple linear model: The output from most popular statistical packages will look similar to this: In this table: Ordinary least squares analysis often includes the use of diagnostic plots designed to detect departures of the data from the assumed form of the model. These are some of the common diagnostic plots: An important consideration when carrying out statistical inference using regression models is how the data were sampled. In this example, the data are averages rather than measurements on individual women. The fit of the model is very good, but this does not imply that the weight of an individual woman can be predicted with high accuracy based only on her height. Sensitivity to rounding. This example also demonstrates that coefficients determined by these calculations are sensitive to how the data is prepared. The heights were originally given rounded to the nearest inch and have been converted and rounded to the nearest centimetre. Since the conversion factor is one inch to 2.54 cm this is "not" an exact conversion. The original inches can be recovered by Round(x/0.0254) and then re-converted to metric without rounding. If this is done the results become: Using either of these equations to predict the weight of a 5' 6" (1.6764 m) woman gives similar values: 62.94 kg with rounding vs. 62.98 kg without rounding. Thus a seemingly small variation in the data has a real effect on the coefficients but a small effect on the results of the equation. While this may look innocuous in the middle of the data range it could become significant at the extremes or in the case where the fitted model is used to project outside the data range (extrapolation). This highlights a common error: this example is an abuse of OLS which inherently requires that the errors in the independent variable (in this case height) are zero or at least negligible. The initial rounding to nearest inch plus any actual measurement errors constitute a finite and non-negligible error. As a result, the fitted parameters are not the best estimates they are presumed to be. Though not totally spurious the error in the estimation will depend upon relative size of the "x" and "y" errors. Another example with less real data. Problem statement. We can use the least square mechanism to figure out the equation of a two body orbit in polar base co-ordinates. The equation typically used is formula_129 where formula_130 is the radius of how far the object is from one of the bodies. In the equation the parameters formula_6 and formula_132 are used to determine the path of the orbit. We have measured the following data. We need to find the least-squares approximation of formula_132 and formula_6 for the given data. Solution. First we need to represent e and p in a linear form. So we are going to rewrite the equation formula_130 as formula_136. Now we can use this form to represent our observational data as: formula_137 where formula_138 is formula_139 and formula_140 is formula_141 and formula_142 is constructed by the first column being the coefficient of formula_139 and the second column being the coefficient of formula_141 and formula_145 is the values for the respective formula_146 so formula_147 and formula_148 On solving we get formula_149 so "formula_150 and formula_151"

conventional archetype

5008-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=4843738

Sarn Helen refers to several stretches of Roman road in Wales. The route, which follows a meandering course through central Wales, connects Aberconwy in the north with Carmarthen in the west. Despite its length, academic debate continues as to the precise course of the Roman road. Many sections are now used by the modern road network while other parts are still traceable. However, there are sizeable stretches that have been lost and are unidentifiable. The route is named after Saint Elen of Caernarfon, a Celtic saint, whose story is told in "The Dream of Macsen Wledig", part of the "Mabinogion". She is said to have ordered the construction of roads in Wales during the late 4th century. Route. Aberconwy–Carmarthen. In the north the route is believed to follow the western bank of the river Conwy from Canovium, a fort at Caerhun, passing through Trefriw, then leading on to Betws-y-Coed, with a branch leading to Caer Llugwy near Capel Curig. The route then passed through Dolwyddelan, running through the Cwm Penamnen valley and past the higher parts of Cwm Penmachno. The route then leads on past Llan Ffestiniog to the Roman fort of Tomen y Mur, near Trawsfynydd before continuing south towards Dolgellau. South of Dolgellau the route passes over Waen Llefenni into Cwm yr Hengae to Aberllefenni. Part of the narrow-gauge Corris Railway between Aberllefenni and Maespoeth Junction may run along the line of the Sarn. A minor road running along the east bank of the Afon Dulas near Esgairgeiliog, Powys might be Roman in origin. Although potentially the Roman road remained on the west bank of the Dulas between Corris and Ffridd Gate. Sarn Helen might have crossed the Afon Dyfi at a ford or ferry near Cefn Caer, a small Roman fort at Pennal in southern Gwynedd. In Ceredigion part of a B-road at Bronant is Roman, and six miles south is a long stretch through the hamlet of Stag's Head. The road is identifiable at Llanio, where there was a small Roman fort named Bremia. The route then heads southeast towards the Dolaucothi Gold Mines near Pumsaint, Carmarthenshire, before passing the substantial Roman fort of Luentinum before finally reaching its historical end at Alabum (modern-day Llandovery). The Roman encampment was on Llanfair Hill. In the 12th century, the Normans reused part of the site and its earthworks to build the mediaeval church of St Mary's Church, Llanfair-ar-y-bryn. The fort stood at the junction of Roman roads, linking the Dolaucothi gold mines to Moridunum (Carmarthen) and Y Gaer near Brecon. Neath–Brecon. A further section of Roman road leading north-eastwards from Neath (') to Banwen at the southern edge of the Brecon Beacons National Park is also known as Sarn Helen. It continues north-eastwards through the park to the north-west of Ystradfellte, beneath Fan Frynych, and then across Mynydd Illtud en route to the Roman fort of y Gaer ('). Outdoor pursuits. Cycle route. A long-distance mountain bike route named the Sarn Helen Trail follows parts of the road's course. The trail, which was devised in 1996, runs between Conwy on the North Wales coast and Worms Head on the Gower Peninsula. Fell running. The road gives its name to the annual Sarn Helen Hill Race that starts and finishes in Lampeter in mid-Wales. The multi-terrain race, founded in 1980, takes place in May each year. It claims to combine "the speed of road racing with the rigours of cross country and fell running over a challenging picturesque course". In popular culture. "Sarn Helen" is the title of a song by Welsh band Super Furry Animals, appearing on their Welsh language album "Mwng". It is also the title of a 1997 sequence of poems by English poet John Wilkinson. External links. <br>

particular way

4459-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=69708

The Celtic Football Club ( ) is a Scottish professional football club based in Glasgow, which plays in the Scottish Premiership. The club was founded in 1887 with the purpose of alleviating poverty in the immigrant Irish population in the East End of Glasgow. They played their first match in May 1888, a friendly match against Rangers which Celtic won 5–2. Celtic established themselves within Scottish football, winning six successive league titles during the first decade of the 20th century. The club enjoyed their greatest successes during the 1960s and 70s under Jock Stein, when they won nine consecutive league titles and the 1967 European Cup. Celtic have played in green and white throughout their history, adopting hoops in 1903, which have been used ever since. Celtic are one of only five clubs in the world to have won over 100 trophies in their history. The club has won the Scottish league championship 51 times, most recently in 2019–20, the Scottish Cup 40 times and the Scottish League Cup 19 times. The club's greatest season was 1966–67, when Celtic became the first British team to win the European Cup, also winning the Scottish league championship, the Scottish Cup, the League Cup and the Glasgow Cup. Celtic also reached the 1970 European Cup Final and the 2003 UEFA Cup Final, losing in both. Celtic have a long-standing fierce rivalry with Rangers, and the clubs are known as the Old Firm, seen by some as the world's biggest football derby. The club's fanbase was estimated in 2003 as being around nine million worldwide, and there are more than 160 Celtic supporters clubs in over 20 countries. An estimated 80,000 fans travelled to Seville for the 2003 UEFA Cup Final, and their "extraordinarily loyal and sporting behaviour" in spite of defeat earned the club Fair Play awards from FIFA and UEFA. History. Celtic Football Club was formally constituted at a meeting in St. Mary's church hall in East Rose Street (now Forbes Street), Calton, Glasgow, by Irish Marist Brother Walfrid on 6 November 1887, with the purpose of alleviating poverty in the East End of Glasgow by raising money for the charity Walfrid had instituted, the "Poor Children's Dinner Table". Walfrid's move to establish the club as a means of fund-raising was largely inspired by the example of Hibernian, which was formed out of the immigrant Irish population a few years earlier in Edinburgh. Walfrid's own suggestion of the name "Celtic" (pronounced "Seltik") was intended to reflect the club's Irish and Scottish roots and was adopted at the same meeting. The club has the official nickname, "The Bhoys". However, according to the Celtic press office, the newly established club was known to many as "the bold boys". A postcard from the early 20th century that pictured the team and read "The Bould Bhoys" is the first known example of the unique spelling. The extra "h" imitates the spelling system of Gaelic, wherein the letter "b" is often accompanied by the letter "h". On 28 May 1888, Celtic played their first official match against Rangers and won 5–2 in what was described as a "friendly encounter". Neil McCallum scored Celtic's first goal. Celtic's first kit consisted of a white shirt with a green collar, black shorts, and emerald green socks. The original club crest was a simple green cross on a red oval background. In 1889 Celtic reached the final of the Scottish Cup, this was their first season in the competition, but lost 2–1 in the final. Celtic again reached the final of the Scottish Cup in 1892, but this time were victorious after defeating Queen's Park 5–1 in the final, the club's first major honour. Several months later the club moved to its new ground, Celtic Park, and in the following season won the Scottish League Championship for the first time. In 1895, Celtic set the League record for the highest home score when they beat Dundee 11–0. In 1897, the club became a Private limited company and Willie Maley was appointed as the first 'secretary-manager'. Between 1905 and 1910, Celtic won the Scottish League Championship six times in a row. In both 1907 and 1908 Celtic also won the Scottish Cup, this was the first time a Scottish club had ever won the double. During World War I, Celtic won the league four times in a row, including 62 matches unbeaten between November 1915 and April 1917. The mid-1920s saw the emergence of Jimmy McGrory as one of the most prolific goalscorers in British football history. Over a sixteen-year playing career, he scored 550 goals in 547 games (including 16 goals for Clydebank during a season on loan in 1923–24), a British goal-scoring record to this day. In January 1940, Willie Maley's retirement was announced. He was 71 years old and had served the club in varying roles for nearly 52 years, initially as a player and then as secretary-manager. Jimmy McStay became manager of the club in February 1940. He spent over five years in this role, although due to the Second World War no official competitive league football took place during this time. The Scottish Football League and Scottish Cup were suspended and in their place regional league competitions were set up. Celtic did not do particularly well during the war years, but did win the Victory in Europe Cup held in May 1945 as a one-off football tournament to celebrate Victory in Europe Day. Ex-player and captain Jimmy McGrory took over as manager in 1945. Under McGrory, Celtic defeated Arsenal, Manchester United and Hibernian to win the Coronation Cup, a one-off tournament held in May 1953 to commemorate the coronation of Elizabeth II. He also led them to a League and Cup double in 1954. On 19 October 1957, Celtic defeated Rangers a record 7–1 in the final of the Scottish League Cup at Hampden Park in Glasgow, retaining the trophy they had won for the first time the previous year. The scoreline remains a record win in a British domestic cup final. The years that followed, however, saw Celtic struggle and the club won no more trophies under McGrory. Former Celtic captain Jock Stein succeeded McGrory in 1965. He won the Scottish Cup with Celtic in his first few months at the club, and then led them to the League title the following season. 1967 was Celtic's annus mirabilis. The club won every competition they entered: the Scottish League, the Scottish Cup, the Scottish League Cup, the Glasgow Cup, and the European Cup. Under the leadership of Stein, the club defeated Inter Milan 2–1 at the Estádio Nacional in Lisbon, on 25 May 1967. Celtic thus became the first British team, and the first from outside Spain, Portugal and Italy to win the competition. They remain the only Scottish team to have reached the final. The players that day subsequently became known as the "Lisbon Lions", all of whom were born within 30 miles of Glasgow. The following season Celtic lost to Racing Club of Argentina in the Intercontinental Cup. Celtic reached the European Cup Final again in 1970, but were beaten 2–1 by Feyenoord at the San Siro in Milan. The club continued to dominate Scottish football in the early 1970s, and their Scottish Championship win in 1974 was their ninth consecutive league title, equalling the joint world record held at the time by MTK Budapest and CSKA Sofia. Celtic enjoyed further domestic success in the 1980s, and in their Centenary season of 1987–88 won a Scottish League Championship and Scottish Cup double. The club endured a slump in the early 1990s, culminating in the Bank of Scotland informing Celtic on 3 March 1994 that it was calling in the receivers as a result of the club exceeding a £5 million overdraft. However, expatriate businessman Fergus McCann wrested control of the club, and ousted the family dynasties which had controlled Celtic since its foundation. According to media reports, McCann took over the club minutes before it was to be declared bankrupt. McCann reconstituted the club business as a public limited company – Celtic PLC – and oversaw the redevelopment of Celtic Park into a 60,832 all-seater stadium. In 1998, under Dutchman Wim Jansen Celtic won the title again and prevented Rangers from beating Celtic's 9-in-a-row record. Martin O'Neill, a former European Cup winner with Nottingham Forest, took charge of the club in June 2000. Under his leadership, Celtic won three SPL championships out of five and in his first season in charge, the club also won the domestic treble, making O'Neill only the second Celtic manager to do so after Jock Stein. In 2003, around 80,000 Celtic fans travelled to watch the club compete in the UEFA Cup Final in Seville. Celtic lost 3–2 to Porto after extra time, despite two goals from Henrik Larsson during normal time. The conduct of the thousands of travelling Celtic supporters received widespread praise from the people of Seville and the fans were awarded Fair Play Awards from both FIFA and UEFA "for their extraordinarily loyal and sporting behaviour". Gordon Strachan was announced as O'Neill's replacement in June 2005 and after winning the SPL title in his first year in charge, he became only the third Celtic manager to win three titles in a row. He also guided Celtic to their first UEFA Champions League knockout stage in 2006–07 and repeated the feat in 2007–08 before departing the club in May 2009, after failing to win the SPL title. Tony Mowbray took charge of the club in June 2009, and he was succeeded a year later by Neil Lennon. In November 2010, Celtic set an SPL record for the biggest win in SPL history defeating Aberdeen 9–0 at Celtic Park. Celtic celebrated their 125th anniversary in November 2012, the same week as their Champions League match against Barcelona. Celtic won 2–1 on the night to complete a memorable week, and eventually qualified from the group stages for the round of 16. Celtic finished the season with the SPL and Scottish Cup double. The club clinched their third consecutive league title in March 2014, with goalkeeper Fraser Forster setting a new record during the campaign of 1,256 minutes without conceding a goal in a league match. At the end of the season, manager Neil Lennon announced his departure from the club after four years in the role. Norwegian Ronny Deila was appointed manager of Celtic on 6 June 2014. He went on to lead Celtic to two consecutive league titles and a League Cup, but the team's performances in European competition were poor. After being eliminated from the Scottish Cup by Rangers in April 2016, Deila announced he would leave the club at the end of the season. On 20 May 2016, Brendan Rodgers was announced as Deila's successor. His first season saw the team go on a long unbeaten run in domestic competitions, during which time the club won their 100th major trophy, defeating Aberdeen 3–0 in the League Cup Final in November 2016. Celtic also clinched their sixth successive league title in April 2017, with a record eight league games to spare., and eventually finished with a record 106 points, and the team became the first Scottish side to complete a top-flight league season undefeated since Rangers in 1899. Celtic clinched their fourth treble in May 2017 by defeating Aberdeen 2–1 in the Scottish Cup final. The cup final win saw Celtic go through the entire domestic season unbeaten. Celtic continued their unbeaten domestic run into the following season, eventually extending it to 69 games, surpassing their own 100-year-old British record of 62 games set by Willie Maley, before finally losing to Hearts in November 2017. Celtic retained the League Cup that same month by defeating Motherwell in the final, and went on to clinch their seventh consecutive league title in April 2018. Celtic then went on to defeat Motherwell in the 2018 Scottish Cup Final to clinch a second consecutive domestic treble (the "double treble"), the first club in Scotland to do so. The following season, Rodgers left midway through to join Leicester City: Neil Lennon returned as caretaker manager for the rest of the season, and helped Celtic secure an unprecedented third consecutive domestic treble (the "treble treble"), defeating Hearts 2–1 in the 2019 Scottish Cup Final. Later that month, he was confirmed as the club's new manager. In December 2019, Lennon led Celtic to a 1–0 win over Rangers in the 2019 Scottish League Cup Final, the club's tenth consecutive domestic trophy. By March 2020, Celtic were 13 points clear in the league, when professional football in Scotland was suspended due to the COVID-19 pandemic in the United Kingdom. Celtic were confirmed as champions in May 2020 following a league board meeting where it was agreed that completing the full league campaign was infeasible. The completion of the 2019-20 Scottish Cup was similarly delayed, with the semi-finals and final not taking place until late autumn/ winter of 2020. Celtic and Hearts reached the final, with Celtic winning on penalty-kicks after the sides tied at 3–3 after extra time, clinching a fourth successive treble. Celtic struggled throughout season 2020–21 though; poor performances in Europe, knocked out of the League Cup by Ross County, and by February 2021 were trailing 18 points behind Rangers in the league - effectively ending their hopes of "ten in a row" league titles. Lennon resigned on 24 February 2021, with assistant manager John Kennedy taking interim charge of the team. Celtic finished the league campaign on 77 points and 25 points behind their Glasgow rivals Rangers after a 0–0 draw away to Hibernian on the final day of the season giving Rangers their first league title in 10 years. Crest and colours. For most of Celtic's history their home strip has featured green and white horizontal hoops, but their original strip consisted of a white top with black shorts and black and green hooped socks. The top also featured the Marist Brothers' badge on the right hand side, consisting of a green Celtic cross inside a red circle. In 1889, the club changed to a green and white vertically striped top and for the next fourteen years this remained unchanged although the colour of the shorts alternated between white and black several times over this period. The top did not feature a crest. In 1903, Celtic adopted their now famous green and white hooped tops. The new design was worn for the first time on 15 August 1903 in a match against Partick Thistle. Black socks continued to be worn until the early 1930s, at which point the team switched to green socks. Plain white socks came into use in the mid 1960s, and white has been the predominant colour worn since then. The club began using a badge in the 1930s, featuring a four leaf clover logo surrounded by the club's formal title, "The Celtic Football and Athletic Coy. Ltd". However, it was not until 1977 that Celtic finally adopted the club crest on their shirts. The outer segment was reversed out, with white lettering on a green background on the team shirts. The text around the clover logo on the shirts was also shortened from the official club crest to "The Celtic Football Club". For their centenary year in 1988, a commemorative crest was worn, featuring the Celtic cross that appeared on their first shirts. The 1977 version was reinstated for season 1989–90. From 1945 onwards numbered shirts slowly came into use throughout Scotland, before becoming compulsory in 1960. By this time Celtic were the last club in Britain to adopt the use of numbers on the team strip to identify players. The traditionalist and idealistic Celtic chairman, Robert Kelly, baulked at the prospect of the famous green and white hoops being disfigured, and as such Celtic wore their numbers on the players' shorts. This unusual tradition survived until 1994, although numbered shirts were worn in European competition from 1975 onwards. Celtic's tradition of wearing numbers on their shorts rather than on the back of their shirts was brought to an end when the Scottish Football League instructed Celtic to wear numbers on their shirts from the start of the 1994–95 season. Celtic responded by adding numbers to the top of their sleeves, however within a few weeks the football authorities ordered the club to attach them to the back of their shirts, where they appeared on a large white patch, breaking up the green and white hoops. In 1984 Celtic took up shirt sponsorship for the first time, with Fife-based double glazing firm CR Smith having their logo emblazoned on the front of the team jersey. In season 1991–92, Celtic switched to Glasgow-based car sales company Peoples as sponsors. The club failed to secure a shirt sponsor for season 1992–93, and for the first time since the early 1980s Celtic took to the field in 'unblemished' hoops. Perversely, despite the loss of marketing revenue, sales of the new unsponsored replica top increased dramatically. Celtic regained shirt sponsorship for season 1993–94, with CR Smith returning as shirt sponsors in a four-year deal. In 2005 the club severed their connection with Umbro, suppliers of their kits since the 1960s and entered into a contract with Nike. To mark the 40th anniversary of their European Cup win, a special crest was introduced for the 2007–08 season. The star that represents this triumph was retained when the usual crest was reinstated the following season. In 2012, a retro style kit was designed by Nike that included narrower hoops to mark the club's 125th anniversary. A special crest was introduced with a Celtic knot design embroidered round the traditional badge. A third-choice strip based on the first strip from 1888 was also adopted for the season. In March 2015, Celtic agreed a new kit deal worth £30 million with Boston-based sportswear manufacturer New Balance to replace Nike from the start of the 2015–16 season. All of the kits for the 2017–18 season paid tribute to the Lisbon Lions, with the kits having a line on each side to represent the handles of the European Cup. The kits also included a commemorative crest, designed specifically for the season. The regular crest was reinstated the following season, although the away strip featured a Celtic cross once again in reference to the club's heritage. In March 2020, Celtic announced a new five-year partnership with Adidas starting on 1 July 2020, in a deal believed to be the biggest kit sponsorship ever in Scottish sport. Stadium. Celtic's stadium is Celtic Park, which is in the Parkhead area of Glasgow. Celtic Park, an all-seater stadium with a capacity of , is the largest football stadium in Scotland and the eighth-largest stadium in the United Kingdom, after Murrayfield, Old Trafford, Twickenham, Wembley, the London Stadium, Tottenham Hotspur Stadium and the Millennium Stadium. It is commonly known as Parkhead or Paradise. Celtic opened the original Celtic Park in the Parkhead area in 1888. The club moved to a different site in 1892, however, when the rental charge was greatly increased. The new site was developed into an oval shaped stadium, with vast terracing sections. The record attendance of 83,500 was set by an Old Firm derby on 1 January 1938. The terraces were covered and floodlights were installed between 1957 and 1971. The Taylor Report mandated that all major clubs should have an all-seated stadium by August 1994. Celtic was in a bad financial position in the early 1990s and no major work was carried out until Fergus McCann took control of the club in March 1994. He carried out a plan to demolish the old terraces and develop a new stadium in a phased rebuild, which was completed in August 1998. During this development, Celtic spent the 1994–95 season playing at the national stadium Hampden Park, costing the club £500,000 in rent. The total cost of the new stadium on its completion was £40 million. Celtic Park has been used as a venue for Scotland internationals and Cup Finals, particularly when Hampden Park has been unavailable. Before the First World War, Celtic Park hosted various other sporting events, including composite rules shinty-hurling, track and field and the 1897 Track Cycling World Championships. Open-air masses, and First World War recruitment drives have also been held there. In more recent years, Celtic Park has hosted the Opening Ceremonies of the 2014 Commonwealth Games, the 2005 Special Olympics National Games and the 1990 Special Olympics European Games. Celtic Park has occasionally been used for concerts, including performances by The Who and U2. In June 2018, Celtic announced a series of stadium improvements that would be implemented before the 2018–19 season. These include the installation of new LED floodlights and a new entertainment system, a stadium-wide PA system and a new hybrid playing surface. Supporters. In 2003 Celtic were estimated to have a fan base of nine million people, including one million in the US and Canada. There are over 160 Celtic Supporters Clubs in over 20 countries around the world. An estimated 80,000 Celtic supporters, many without match tickets, travelled to Seville in Spain for the UEFA Cup Final in May 2003. The club's fans subsequently received awards from UEFA and FIFA for their behaviour at the match. Celtic has the highest average home attendance of any Scottish club. They also had the 12th highest average league attendance out of all the football clubs in Europe in 2011. A study of stadium attendance figures from 2013 to 2018 by the "CIES Football Observatory" ranked Celtic at 16th in the world during that period, and their proportion of the distribution of spectators in Scotland at 36.5%, the highest of any club in the leagues examined. In October 2013, French football magazine published a list of whom they considered the 'best' football supporters in the world. Celtic fans were placed third, the only British supporters on the list, with the magazine highlighting their rendition of You'll Never Walk Alone before the start of European ties at Celtic Park. On 23 October 2017, Celtic fans were awarded with the FIFA Fan Award for their tifo commemorating the 50th anniversary of the club's European cup win. The award "celebrates the best fan moment of November 2016 to August 2017". The Old Firm and sectarianism. Celtic's traditional rivals are Rangers; collectively, the two clubs are known as the Old Firm and seen by some as the world's biggest football derby. The two have dominated Scottish football's history; between them, they have won the Scottish league championship 101 times since its inception in 1890 – all other clubs combined have won 19 championships. The two clubs are also by far the most supported in Scotland, with Celtic having the sixth highest home attendance in the UK during season 2014–15. Celtic have a historic association with the people of Ireland and Scots of Irish descent, both of whom are mainly Roman Catholic. Traditionally fans of rivals Rangers came from Scottish or Northern Irish Protestant backgrounds and support British Unionism. The clubs have attracted the support of opposing factions in the Troubles in Northern Ireland. Some supporters use songs, chants and banners at matches to abuse or show support for the Protestant or Catholic religions and proclaim support for Northern Irish paramilitary groups such as the IRA and UVF. There have been over 400 Old Firm matches played. The games have been described as having an "atmosphere of hatred, religious tension and intimidation which continues to lead to violence in communities across Scotland." The rivalry has fuelled many assaults and even deaths on Old Firm Derby days. Admissions to hospital emergency rooms have been reported to increase ninefold over normal levels and in the period from 1996 to 2003, eight deaths in Glasgow were directly linked to Old Firm matches, and hundreds of assaults. Both sets of fans fought on the pitch after Celtic's victory in the 1980 Scottish Cup Final at Hampden Park. There was serious fan disorder during an Old Firm match played in May 1999 at Celtic Park; missiles were thrown by Celtic fans, including one which struck referee Hugh Dallas, who needed medical treatment and a small number of fans invaded the pitch. Celtic have taken measures to reduce sectarianism. In 1996, the club launched its "Bhoys Against Bigotry" campaign, later followed by "Youth Against Bigotry" to "educate the young on having ... respect for all aspects of the community – all races, all colours, all creeds". Irish republicanism. Some groups of Celtic fans have expressed their support for Irish republicanism and the Irish Republican Army by singing or chanting about them at matches. In 2008 and 2010, there were protests by groups of fans over the team wearing the poppy for Remembrance Day, as the symbol is offensive to many in Ireland. Celtic expressed disapproval of these protests, saying they were damaging to the image of the club and its fans, and pledged to ban those involved. In 2011, UEFA and the Scottish Premier League investigated the club over pro-IRA chants by fans at different games. UEFA fined Celtic £12,700, while the SPL took no action, as the club had taken all reasonable action to prevent the chants. Celtic media. In 1965, Celtic began publishing its own newspaper, "The Celtic View", now the oldest club magazine in football. It was the brainchild of future chairman Jack McGinn, who at the time was working in the circulation department of Beaverbrook Newspapers. McGinn himself edited the paper for the first few years, with circulation initially reaching around 26,000 copies. it is a 72-page glossy magazine with over 6,000 weekly readers, and the top selling club magazine in the United Kingdom. In 2004, Celtic launched their own digital TV channel called Celtic TV, which was available in the UK through Setanta Sports on satellite and cable platforms. Due to the collapse of Setanta in the UK in June 2009, Celtic TV stopped broadcasting, although the club hoped to find a new broadcast partner. From 2002, Celtic's Internet TV channel Channel67 (previously known as Celtic Replay) broadcast Celtic's own content worldwide and offered live match coverage to subscribers outside the UK. It also provided three online channels. In 2011, Celtic TV was relaunched as an online service and replaced Channel 67. Influence on other clubs. Due to Celtic's large following, several clubs have decided to emulate or have been inspired by Celtic. As the club has a large following, especially in Northern Ireland, several clubs have been founded there by local Celtic fans. The most notable and successful was Belfast Celtic, formed in 1891 simply as "Celtic". Upon incorporation as a limited company in 1901, however, the club adopted the name "Belfast Celtic", the title "Celtic Football Club Ltd" already being registered by the Glasgow club. Their home from the same year was Celtic Park on Donegall Road in west Belfast, known to the fans as "Paradise". It was one of the most successful teams in Ireland until it withdrew from the Irish League in 1949. Donegal Celtic, currently playing in the NIFL Premier Intermediate League, was established in 1970, with the Celtic part being taken on due to the massive local following for Scotland's Celtic and formerly Belfast Celtic. They are nicknamed "The Wee Hoops" and play at Donegal Celtic Park on Suffolk Road in Belfast. A club by the name of Lurgan Celtic was originally formed in 1903, with the obvious slant of aiming towards the Roman Catholic community of the town, adopting the name and colours of the Glaswegian Celtic. The County Armagh club currently plays in the NIFL Championship. In the Republic of Ireland, both Tuam Celtic A.F.C. and Castlebar Celtic F.C. play at grounds called Celtic Park. Throughout Scotland and England, other clubs have been named after and adopted Celtic's kit. These include the now defunct Scottish club Blantyre Celtic F.C. ; Irish club Listowel Celtic F.C. ; and English lower-league clubs Cleator Moor Celtic F.C., which was founded in 1908–09 by Irish immigrants employed in the local iron ore mines, Celtic Nation F.C. (now defunct) and West Allotment Celtic F.C.. Somerset club Yeovil Town F.C., who traditionally wore an all-green shirt, modified their uniform to emulate Celtic's, inspired by the Scottish club's 2003 UEFA Cup run. Outside the British Isles, South African club Bloemfontein Celtic F.C., one of the most popular club in the country with a large fan base in the Free State, is also named after Celtic F.C. Founded in 1969 as "Mangaung United", in 1984, the then owner Molemela took over the club and changed the name to "Bloemfontein Celtic". Based in Bloemfontein, they play in the Premier Soccer League. In the United States of America, Hurricanes F.C. of Houston, Texas rebranded as Celtic FC America in 2019 and play in the Texas Premier Soccer League. Celtic and charity. Celtic was initially founded to raise money for the poor in the East End of Glasgow and the club still retain strong charitable traditions today. In 1995 the Celtic Charity Fund was formed with the aim of "revitalising Celtic's charitable traditions" and by September 2013 had raised over £5 million. The Charity Fund has since then merged with the Celtic Foundation, forming the Celtic FC Foundation, and continues to raise money for local, national and international causes. On 9 August 2011 Celtic held a testimonial match in honour of former player John Kennedy. Due to the humanitarian crisis in East Africa, the entire proceeds were donated to Oxfam. An estimated £300,000 was raised. Celtic hold an annual charity fashion show at Celtic Park. In 2011 the main beneficiaries were Breast Cancer Care Scotland. Yorkhill Hospital is another charity with whom Celtic are affiliated and in December 2011 the club donated £3000 to it. Chief Executive Peter Lawwell said that; "Celtic has always been much more than a football club and it is important that, at all times we play an important role in the wider community. The club is delighted to have enjoyed such a long and positive connection with Yorkhill Hospital." Ownership and finances. Private company. Celtic were formed in 1887, and in 1897 the club became a Private Limited Company with a nominal share capital of 5000 shares at £1 each. The following year a further share issue of 5000 £1 shares was created to raise more capital. The largest number of shares held were by businessmen from the East End of Glasgow, notably James Grant, an Irish publican and engineer, James Kelly, one of the club's original players turned publican, and John Glass, a builder and driving force in the early years of the club. His shares, upon his death in 1906, passed on to Thomas White. The Grant, Kelly and White families' shareholdings dominated ownership of the club throughout the 20th century. The late 1940s saw Robert Kelly, son of James Kelly, become chairman of the club after having been a director since 1931. Desmond White also joined the board around this time, upon the death of his father Thomas White. By the 1950s, a significant number of shares in the club had passed to Neil and Felicia Grant, who lived in Toomebridge, County Antrim. These shares accounted for more than a sixth of the club's total issue. Club chairman Robert Kelly's own family share-holding was of a similar size, and he used his close relationship with the Toomebridge Grants to ensure his power base at Celtic was unchallengeable. When Neil Grant died in the early 1960s, his shareholding passed to his sister Felicia, leaving her as the largest share-holder in Celtic. This gave rise to the myth among Celtic supporters of the "old lady in Ireland" who supposedly had the ultimate say in the running of the club. Celtic's board of directors had a reputation of being miserly and authoritarian. In particular they were known for frequently selling their top players and not paying their staff enough; they were also seen as lacking ambition, which caused friction with several managers. Jimmy McGrory's tenure as manager is generally considered a period of underachievement, but with Chairman Robert Kelly's domineering influence. many have questioned how much authority McGrory ever had in team selection. Even Jock Stein's time as manager ended on a sour note when he was offered a place on the Celtic board, but in a role involving ticket sales. Stein felt that this was demeaning, stating he was "a football man, not a ticket salesman". He declined this offer and decided to stay in football management, joining Leeds United instead. Billy McNeill won a trophy in each of his five seasons as manager, but was still paid less than the managers of Rangers, Aberdeen and Dundee United. He left the club in June 1983 after his request for a contract and pay rise was publicly rebuffed by the board. McNeill moved on to manage Manchester City, stating that to remain at Celtic would have been humiliating. McNeill's successor, Davie Hay, also had his difficulties with the Celtic board. When trying to sign players in 1987 to strengthen his squad to compete with high-spending Rangers, the board refused to pay for them; chairman Jack McGinn was quoted as saying that if Hay wanted these players, "he will have to pay for them himself". By the end of the 1980s the Celtic board consisted of chairman McGinn and directors Kevin Kelly, Chris White, Tom Grant and Jimmy Farrell. Neither McGinn nor Farrell were members of the traditional family dynasties at Celtic. Farrell was a partner in the Shaughnessy law firm that had long-standing connections with Celtic, and was invited to become a director in 1964. McGinn had set up "The Celtic View" in the 1960s and later became the club's commercial manager. He was given a seat on the board and became Chairman in 1986. In May 1990 the former Lord Provost of Glasgow, Michael Kelly, and property developer Brian Dempsey were invited to join the Celtic board. Dempsey did not last long however, as a dispute about a proposed relocation to Robroyston resulted in him being voted off the board five months later. McCann takeover and transition to plc. Throughout the 1960s and 70s Celtic had been one of the strongest clubs in Europe. However, the directors failed to accompany the wave of economic development facing football in the 1980s, although the club continued to remain successful on the field, albeit limited to the domestic scene in Scotland. In 1989, the club's annual budget was £6.4 million, about a third as much as Barcelona, with a debt of around 40% and on-field success deteriorating. In the early 1990s the situation began to worsen as playing success declined dramatically and the club slipped further into debt. In 1993 fans began organising pressure groups to protest against the board, one of the most prominent being "Celts for Change". They supported a takeover bid led by Canadian-based businessman Fergus McCann and former director Brian Dempsey. Football writer Jim Traynor described McCann's attempt to buy the club as "good against evil". Despite declining attendances and increasing unrest amongst supporters, the Kelly, White and Grant family groupings continued to guard their control of Celtic. On 4 March 1994, McCann bought Celtic for £9 million, finally wresting control from the family dynasties that had run the club for almost 100 years. When he bought the club it was reported to be within 24 hours of entering receivership due to exceeding a £5 million overdraft with the Bank of Scotland. He turned Celtic into a public limited company through a share issue which raised over £14 million, the most successful share issue in British football history. He also oversaw the building of a new stadium, the 60,000 seater Celtic Park, which cost £40 million and at the time was Britain's largest club stadium. This allowed Celtic to progress as a club because over £20 million was being raised each year from season ticket sales. McCann had maintained that he would only be at Celtic for five years and in September 1999 he announced that his 50.3% stake in Celtic was for sale. McCann had wanted the ownership of Celtic to be spread as widely as possible and gave first preference to existing shareholders and season-ticket holders, to prevent a new consortium taking over the club. 14.4 million shares were sold by McCann at a value of 280 pence each. McCann made £40 million out of this, meaning he left Celtic with a £31 million profit. During his tenure, turnover at Celtic rose by 385% to £33.8m and operating profits rose from £282,000 to £6.7m. McCann was often criticised during his time at Celtic and many people disagreed with him over building a stadium which they thought Celtic couldn't fill, not investing enough in the squad and being overly focused on finance. However, McCann was responsible for the financial recovery of the club and for providing a very good platform for it to build on. After he left Celtic, the club were able to invest in players and achieved much success such as winning the treble in 2000–01 and reaching the 2003 UEFA Cup Final. After McCann's exit, Irish billionaire Dermot Desmond was left as the majority shareholder. He purchased 2.8 million of McCann's shares to increase his stake in the club from 13% to 20%. In 2005, Celtic issued a share offer designed to raise £15 million for the club; 50 million new shares were made available priced at 30p each. It was also revealed that majority shareholder Desmond would buy around £10 million worth of the shares. £10 million of the money raised was for building a new training centre and youth academy, expanding the club's global scouting network and investing in coaching and player development programmes. The rest of the money was to be used to reduce debt. Building a youth academy was important for Celtic to surpass both Hearts and Rangers who had superior youth facilities at the time. The share issue was a success and Celtic had more applicants than shares available, The new Lennoxtown training centre was opened in October 2007. Celtic have been ranked in the Deloitte Football Money League six times. This lists the top 20 football clubs in the world according to revenue. They were ranked between 2002 (2000–01 season), 2006 (2004–05 season) and 2008 (2006–07 season). Celtic's financial results for 2011 showed that the club's debt had been reduced from £5.5 million to £500,000 and that a pre-tax profit of £100,000 had been achieved, compared with a loss of over £2 million the previous year. Turnover also decreased by 15% from £63 million to £52 million. In May 2012, Celtic were rated 37th in Brand Finance's annual valuation of the world's biggest football clubs. Celtic's brand was valued at $64 million (£40.7 million), $15 million more than the previous year. It was the first time a Scottish club had been ranked in the top 50. Matt Hannagan, Sports Brand Valuation Analyst at Brand Finance, said that Celtic were constrained by the amount of money they got from the SPL and that if they were in the Premiership then, due to their large fan base, they could be in the top 10 clubs in the world. Later that month David Low, the financial consultant who advised Fergus McCann on his takeover of Celtic in 1994, said that Celtic's 'enterprise value' (how much it would cost to buy the club) was £52 million. Players. Reserve and Youth squads. For Celtic's reserve and youth squads, see Celtic F.C. Under-20s and Academy. Women's team. Celtic have a pathway for female players, from eleven years old upwards. In 2007 the club launched their women's first team, sometimes known as Celtic Women. The women's team reached the Scottish Women's Cup Final in their first season, and won their first trophy in 2010, the Scottish Women's Premier League Cup. In December 2018 they announced a move to full-time training, becoming the first professional women's football team in Scotland. Former players. For further information, see List of Celtic F.C. players for players with over 100 appearances or other stated notability, List of Celtic F.C. international footballers and for a general list of ex-players. Club captains. For further information, see Celtic club captains Greatest ever team. In 2002 the greatest ever Celtic team was voted by supporters: Halls of Fame. Scotland Football Hall of Fame. As of 1 June 2020, 27 Celtic players and managers have entered the Scottish Football Hall of Fame: Scotland Roll of Honour. The Scotland national football team roll of honour recognises players who have gained 50 or more international caps for Scotland. Inductees to have played for Celtic are: Numbers in brackets indicate the number of caps the above players won whilst at Celtic. Scottish Sports Hall of Fame. In the Scottish Sports Hall of Fame, five Celtic players have been selected, they are: Sponsors. As of 4 November 2020, Celtic are sponsored by:

exterior portion

1524-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=5070064

Washington-Virginia Airport was an airport that was located in Fairfax County, Virginia from 1947 to 1970. The airport was mainly used for general aviation purposes until encroaching residential and commercial activities forced its closure. History and usage. The Washington-Virginia Airport was originally known as "Crossroads Airport". Work on the airport began in the Bailey's Crossroads area of Fairfax County in the early 1940s but was delayed because of World War II. The airport's first appearance on an aeronautical sectional chart was in 1945 when it was displayed as a commercial airport with the name "Crossroads." In the following year, John D. Benn Jr., and his brother Charles Benn purchased the airport from E.C. Germain of Washington Air Charter Service and applied to the Virginia State Corporation Commission, Division of Aeronautics, for a license to operate a commercial airport as "Bailey's Crossroads Airport". Their application was heard and approved on May 16, 1946. The airport featured two graveled runways, a north–south runway measuring 2,200 feet and a second, longer runway that ran east–west and measured 2,800 feet. During the late 1940s, the Benn brothers opened a flight school that included 10 Piper J-3 Cubs, two Cessna 120s, a Cessna 140, a Fairchild PT-19 and a Cessna UC-78 Bobcat in its inventory. The airport also had multiple hangars and administrative offices. By 1949, the airport was considered as one of the busiest general aviation airports in the Washington D.C. metropolitan area and attracted a number of airshows and events. The airport's proximity to The Pentagon resulted in the facility hosting a number of military aviation demonstrations and displays, to include a flight demonstration of the Piper PA-18, the Aérospatiale Alouette helicopter, the OV-10 Bronco, the de Havilland Caribou, and the McDonnell Douglas Short Takeoff and Landing (STOL) aircraft. In addition to general aviation, military displays and flight training, the airport hosted other activities during its time in service, to include the following: As the 1960s progressed, increased urbanization led to the closure of other general aviation airports in the Washington D.C area to include Beacon Field Airport in nearby Alexandria, Virginia. The closure of that facility resulted in many of its aircraft relocating to the Washington-Virginia Airport. By the mid-1960s over 100 aircraft were housed in Washington-Virginia's hangars or on the fields adjacent to the runways. A 1968 Aircraft Owners and Pilots Association airport directory said that the airport offered fuel, repairs, hangar, flight instruction, and charter services and that bus, taxi, rental cars, food and lodging were also available. The airport's manager was listed as Charles D. Benn. The directory also stated that the airport had only one runway in use (12/30) as the north–south runway (17/35) had been closed at the request of the state for safety reasons. Special restrictions. Crowded airspace in the Washington DC area resulted in the Federal Aviation Agency establishing special flight restrictions which were published in the 1961 Code of Federal Regulations as part of Title 14 – Aeronautics and Space. Specific instructions for the Washington-Virginia Airport included the following: Washington-Virginia Airport. All aircraft landing at Washington-Virginia Airport shall be flown as to enter the airspace of the Washington National Airport Traffic Area at an altitude of not above 1,200 feet m.s.l. and west of an imaginary line extending north and south through the center of Washington-Virginia Airport. After entry into the Washington National Airport Traffic Area, such aircraft shall not be flown above an altitude of 1,200 m.s.l. and beyond one-mile from the boundary of the Washington-Virginia Airport, when operating east of the imaginary north south line … aircraft taking off … shall be flown so as to remain within a one-mile lateral distance of the airport boundary of the Washington-Virginia Airport until west of the imaginary north-south line extending through the center of the airport and … shall be flown at an altitude not above 1,200 feet m.s.l. until clear of the Washington National Airport Traffic Area. Accidents. The airport was the site of numerous accidents and mishaps, none of which were fatal. Many of the accidents were caused by the congested development around the airport. The placement of the 42' outdoor movie screen of the Sunset Drive-In on the other side of Virginia Route 7 was directly in the path of planes attempting to land in the 17/35 runway. On one landing attempt, a "tail-dragger" struck the object with its rear wheel and reportedly left a large black skid mark on the top of the screen. Also adjacent to the airport was a large Coca-Cola bottling plant that, at least on one occasion, was mistaken at night for a landing strip, causing the plant's owners to place a large white "X" on the building's roof in an attempt to dissuade pilots from landing on it. On another occasion, the airport hosted planes that were visually modified to look like Japanese Zeros for use in the movie "Tora! Tora! Tora!" Two of the planes collided on the ground resulting in the loss of a wing. Other notable accidents include the following: Closure and aftermath. Complaints about the Washington-Virginia Airport dated back to the early 1950s when Marshall J. Beverley, the mayor of Alexandria, characterized the airport as a "menace" that was "constantly terrorizing the inhabitants of [the] city." Beverley lodged complaints with the Virginia State Aeronautics Division claiming that pilots using the airport were violating minimum altitude requirements and were flying less than 50 feet over cars on Route 7 while they were attempting to land. Beverley also directed that the Alexandria Police department monitor traffic at the airport which was located on the border of Alexandria City and Fairfax County, and arrest pilots who violated airspace rules. By the late 1960s, the Washington-Virginia Airport faced the same problems many general aviation airports across the country faced: increasing real estate prices, high taxes, costly liability insurance and public opposition to aviation activity located in what had become, over time, a residential area. John D. Benn had voiced concerns about encroachment as far back as 1959 when he told the "Washington Post" that the farmland surrounding the airport that had been converted to commercial and residential areas posed a threat to safe airport operations. In the same interview Benn also mentioned that the value of the 106-acre airport had increased to over $1 million since he opened it for business in 1949. Following Benn's death in 1967, interest in re-purposing the Washington-Virginia began in earnest. In 1968 John D. Benn Jr. announced that he was in discussions with the Charles E. Smith Companies, a Washington D.C. area real estate developer, to convert the airport to an office complex. Earlier in the decade, Smith had converted a large underutilized area of Arlington County into a $120 million complex of offices and high-rise residential buildings called Crystal City. Benn stated that a similar development would be constructed at the location of the airport. Plans were finalized a year later when the Benn family sold the airport to the Smith Companies, who announced plans to construct a $200 million office, retail and residential complex that would feature eight apartment buildings and underground parking for over 11,000 cars. The airport closed on October 18, 1970. Work on what was named the "Skyline Center" started in 1971 and continued until 1973 when it was halted by the collapse of the 26-floor "Skyline Plaza" apartment building. The accident took the lives of 14 construction workers and injured 35 others. The Washington-Virginia Airport, considered a danger to the public, had never experienced a fatal accident. Further work on the construction project was suspended until 1974 while the cause of the collapse was being investigated. The Skyline Center complex was completed in 1977.

comparable project

14540-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=25181253

"It's a Trap!" is a direct-to-video special of the animated series "Family Guy" which later served as the double-episode season finale of the ninth season and is the final part of the series' "Star Wars" parody trilogy "". It is named after the phrase uttered by Admiral Ackbar in the Star Wars film "Return of the Jedi". The home video was first released on December 21, 2010 and later aired on Fox in the United States on May 22, 2011. The episode was written by Cherry Chevapravatdumrong and David A. Goodman and directed by Peter Shin. It retells the story of "Return of the Jedi" as "Blue Harvest" did with "Star Wars" and "Something, Something, Something, Dark Side" did with "The Empire Strikes Back" by recasting characters from "Family Guy" into roles from the film. Plot. The Griffin family experience another power outage, forcing them to reluctantly go through "Return of the Jedi". On Tatooine, R2-D2 and C-3PO find Jabba the Hutt's palace in order to initiate a plan to save Han Solo, still frozen in carbonite for posterity. Leia unfreezes Han but Jabba captures her and she is shackled by Jabba's side. Han, meanwhile, is thrown into a prison cell with Chewbacca. Luke arrives at the palace and attempts to bargain for the release of his friends. Jabba opens a trap door and Luke falls into a pit where he battles and kills the Rancor. Afterwards, Jabba orders Luke and his friends to be eaten by the Sarlacc. Luke initiates an assault on Jabba's crew with the help of Lando Calrissian. Leia chokes Jabba using her slave chains while the others commandeer a transport ship. Luke and R2-D2 fly to Dagobah so Luke can finish his training with Yoda while the others rejoin the rebel fleet. On Dagobah, Yoda explains the final part of training is to face Vader. In his dying words, Yoda reveals that Luke has a sibling. The spirit of Obi-Wan Kenobi explains that his sibling is Princess Leia. Admiral Ackbar explains that to destroy the Death Star they must first disable a shield generator on the forest moon of Endor. Han uses a stolen Imperial ship and old access code to sneak past the Empire's blockade. Vader allows them passage, knowing Luke is aboard. When they reach the moon's surface, the rebels are spotted by Imperial soldiers which they stop from reporting after a high-speed chase. Separated from the others, Leia is befriended by Wicket the Ewok. Luke, Han, Chewie and the droids fall into an Ewok trap while searching for Leia. They are captured and brought to the village where Leia is being housed. The Ewoks believe C-3PO is a god and begin to worship him. Luke tells Princess Leia they are siblings, but Leia claims to have already known that. Following Yoda's advice, Luke surrenders to Vader in order to confront him. Vader tries to convince Luke to turn to the dark side. Luke refuses and the two meet with the Emperor, who reveals that Luke's friends are walking into a trap on the forest moon. When this revelation fails to anger Luke, the Emperor begins to mock actor Seth Green (who voices Chris). Luke defends Green saying that he's been in successful projects, only to have The Emperor saying the negative side of Green's roles. Luke becomes enraged and begins dueling with Vader. Back on the forest moon, Han leads the rebels to the shield generator, however, the company is ambushed. The Ewoks help the rebels escape from the Imperial troops and destroy the shield generator, while Lando and Nien Nunb lead the attack on the Death Star. Luke finally subdues Vader, but he refuses to execute him and join the dark side at the Emperor's request. The Emperor then incapacitates Luke with his powerful Force lightning. Because Luke asks Vader politely for help, Vader gathers his remaining strength and kills the distracted Emperor by throwing him into the reactor core. Vader and Luke manage to flee the Death Star before Lando and his crew blow it up. Unfortunately, when Vader asks Luke to help him remove his mask (to "look on you with my own eyes"), Luke accidentally twists and breaks Vader's neck. Everyone rendezvous back at the Ewok village to celebrate the rebels victory over the Empire. While the Ewoks kill the wounded Imperials, the spirits of Obi-Wan and Yoda appear to Luke, alongside the spirit of the redeemed Anakin Skywalker, who angrily accuses Luke of murdering him and starts swearing at him. The Griffins' power returns just as Peter concludes the story, Meg then asks Peter "What about the prequel trilogy?" with Peter suggesting that "The Cleveland Show" might do the prequels. After that, the family starts arguing about whether Seth Green or Seth MacFarlane is a better artist. Background. It was announced in March 2009 the show had read through an early draft of the script under the working title, "Episode VI: The Great Muppet Caper". The second working title, "We Have a Bad Feeling About This", was a reference to the recurring catchphrase that is used in the "Star Wars" films. The settled-upon title is a reference to the line by Admiral Ackbar in the film, which became an Internet meme through YTMND. Due to the declining number of unused "Family Guy" characters, the episode also features characters from "American Dad!" and "The Cleveland Show": Roger appears as Moff Jerjerrod, (with Vader/Stewie commenting "Are we already out of our own characters?") Klaus appears as Admiral Ackbar, Tim appears as Wicket the Ewok and Rallo appears as Nien Nunb. Stan was originally going to appear as Wedge Antilles, but his part got cut (he is still mentioned when Lando orders him to destroy the Power Station in the main reactor of the Death Star). The role of Meg Griffin continues to be minor, this time taking the role of the Sarlacc. The episode featured voice cameos from Patrick Stewart and Michael Dorn reprising their roles of Captain Jean-Luc Picard and Lieutenant Worf from "", Adam West, Carrie Fisher and Rush Limbaugh as the Rancor (Limbaugh had previously made a cameo as himself in "Blue Harvest"). At the Sarlacc Pit, when the Rebels keep nodding at each other to fight back against Jabba's minions, an image of an impatient Ted Knight appears from a clip of "Caddyshack" ("Well, we're waiting!"). Production. The episode was written by Cherry Chevapravatdumrong and David A. Goodman and directed by Peter Shin, in his first episode since the fourth season. A preview of the reading of the episode can be seen on the "Something, Something, Something, Dark Side" DVD extras. Reception. On Rotten Tomatoes, it holds an approval rating of 60% based on 5 reviews, with an average rating of 6.70/10. Home media. Both the Blu-ray and DVD versions, titled "Family Guy Presents: It's a Trap! ", were released on region A and region 1, respectively, on December 21, 2010, Region 4, on December 22, 2010, and in Region 2 on December 27, 2010. It was broadcast on the Fox network May 22, 2011 as the 9th-season finale. It was also released in the trilogy collection, "Laugh it up, Fuzzball".

unwanted consequences

13742-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=234819

In medicine, venipuncture or venepuncture is the process of obtaining intravenous access for the purpose of venous blood sampling (also called "phlebotomy") or intravenous therapy. In healthcare, this procedure is performed by medical laboratory scientists, medical practitioners, some EMTs, paramedics, phlebotomists, dialysis technicians, and other nursing staff. In veterinary medicine, the procedure is performed by veterinarians and veterinary technicians. It is essential to follow a standard procedure for the collection of blood specimens to get accurate laboratory results. Any error in collecting the blood or filling the test tubes may lead to erroneous laboratory results. Venipuncture is one of the most routinely performed invasive procedures and is carried out for any of five reasons: Blood analysis is an important diagnostic tool available to clinicians within healthcare. Blood is most commonly obtained from the superficial veins of the upper limb. The median cubital vein, which lies within the cubital fossa anterior to the elbow, is close to the surface of the skin without many large nerves positioned nearby. Other veins that can be used in the cubital fossa for venipuncture include the cephalic, basilic, and median antebrachial veins. Minute quantities of blood may be taken by fingerstick sampling and collected from infants by means of a heelprick or from scalp veins with a winged infusion needle. Phlebotomy (incision into a vein) is also the treatment of certain diseases such as hemochromatosis and primary and secondary polycythemia. Complications. A 1996 study of blood donors (a larger needle is used in blood donation than in routine venipuncture) found that 1 in 6,300 donors suffered a nerve injury. Equipment. There are many ways in which blood can be drawn from a vein, and the method used depends on the person's age, the equipment available, and the type of tests required. Most blood collection in the US, UK, Canada and Hong Kong is done with an evacuated tube system, (two common systems are Vacutainer (Becton, Dickinson and company) and Vacuette (Greiner Bio-One). The equipment consists of a plastic adapter, also known as a tube or needle holder/ hub, a hypodermic needle and a vacuum tube. Under certain circumstances, a syringe may be used, often with a butterfly needle, which is a plastic catheter attached to a short needle. In the developing world, the evacuated tube system is the preferred method of drawing blood With evacuated or vacuum tubes. Greiner Bio-One manufactured the first ever plastic evacuated blood collection tube in 1985 under the VACUETTE brand name. Today, many companies sell vacuum tubes as the patent for this device is now in the public domain. These tubes are manufactured with a specific volume of gas removed from the sealed tube. When a needle from a hub or transfer device is inserted into the stopper, the tube's vacuum automatically pulls in the required volume of blood. The basic Evacuated Tube System (ETS) consists of a needle, a tube holder, and the evacuated tubes. The needle is attached to the tube holder by the phlebotomist prior to collection, or may come from the manufacturer as one unit. The needle protrudes through the end of the tube holder, and has a needle on each end. After first cleaning the venipuncture site and applying a tourniquet, the phlebotomist uncaps the needle attached to the tube holder, inserts the needle into the vein, then slides evacuated tubes into the tube holder, where the tube's stopper is pierced by the back end of the needle. The vacuum in the tube then automatically draws the needed blood directly from the vein. Multiple vacuum tubes can be attached to and removed in turn from a single needle, allowing multiple samples to be obtained from a single procedure. This is possible due to the multiple sample sleeve, which is a flexible rubber fitting over the posterior end of the needle cannula which seals the needle until it is pushed out of the way. This keeps blood from freely draining out of the back of the needle inserted in the vein, as each test tube is removed and the next impaled. OSHA safety regulations require that needles or tube holders come equipped with a safety device to cover the needle after the procedure to prevent accidental needle stick injury. Fittings and adapters used to fill evacuated tubes from butterfly needle kits and syringes are also available. There are several needle gauges for a phlebotomist to choose from. The most commonly used are as follows: a 21g (green top) needle, a 22g (black top) needle, a 21g (green label) butterfly needle, a 23g (light blue label) butterfly needle, and a 25g (orange or dark blue label) butterfly needle (however this needle is only used in pediatrics or extreme cases as it is so small that it can often result in hemolyzing the blood sample). There are also a variety of tube and bottle sizes and volumes for different test requirements. Additives and order of draw. The test tubes in which blood is collected may contain one or more of several additives. In general, tests requiring whole blood call for blood samples collected in test tubes containing some form of the anticoagulant EDTA. EDTA chelates calcium to prevent clotting. EDTA is preferred for hematology tests because it does minimum damage to cell morphology. Sodium Citrate is the anticoagulant used in specimens collected for coagulation tests. The majority of chemistry and immunology tests are performed on serum, which is produced by clotting and then separating the blood specimen via centrifuge. These specimens are collected in either a non-additive tube or one containing a clotting activator. This clotting activator can interfere with some assays, and so a plain tube is recommended in these cases, but will delay testing. Tubes containing lithium heparin or sodium heparin are also commonly used for a variety of chemistry tests, as they do not require clotting and can be centrifuged immediately after collection. A combination of sodium fluoride and potassium oxalate is used for glucose tests, as these additives both prevent clotting and stop glycolosis, so that blood glucose levels are preserved after collection. Another specialty tube is an opaque amber colored tube used to collect blood for light sensitive analytes, such as bilirubin. Test tubes are labeled with the additive they contain, but the stopper on each tube is color coded according to additive as well. While colors vary between manufacturers, stopper colors generally are associated with each additive as listed below. Because the additives from each tube can be left on the needle used to fill the tubes, they must be drawn in a specific order to ensure that cross contamination will not negatively affect testing of the samples if multiple tubes are to be drawn at once. The "order of draw" varies by collection method. Below in the order of draw generally required for the Evacuated Tube System (ETS) collection method are the most common tubes, listing additive and color: In children. Use of lidocaine iontophoresis is effective for reducing pain and alleviating distress during venipuncture in children. A needle-free powder lignocaine delivery system has been shown to decrease the pain of venipuncture in children. Rapid dermal anesthesia can be achieved by local anesthetic infiltration, but it may evoke anxiety in children frightened by needles or distort the skin, making vascular access more difficult and increasing the risk of needle exposure to health care workers. Dermal anesthesia can also be achieved without needles by the topical application of local anesthetics or by lidocaine iontophoresis. By contrast, noninvasive dermal anesthesia can be established in 5–15 min without distorting underlying tissues by lidocaine iontophoresis, where a direct electric current facilitates dermal penetration of positively charged lidocaine molecules when placed under the positive electrode. One study concluded that the iontophoretic administration of lidocaine was safe and effective in providing dermal anesthesia for venipuncture in children 6–17 years old. This technique may not be applicable to all children. Future studies may provide information on the minimum effective iontophoretic dose for dermal anesthesia in children and the comparison of the anesthetic efficacy and satisfaction of lidocaine iontophoresis with topical anesthetic creams and subcutaneous infiltration. Non-pharmacological treatments for pain associated with venipuncture in children includes hypnosis and distraction. These treatments reduced self reported pain and when combined with cognitive-behavioural therapy (CBT) the reduction of pain was even greater. Other interventions have not been found to be effective and these are suggestion, blowing out air, and distraction with parent coaching did not differ from control for pain and distress. With needle and syringe. Some health care workers prefer to use a syringe-needle technique for venipuncture. "Sarstedt" manufactures a blood-drawing system (S-Monovette) that uses this principle. This method can be preferred on the elderly, those with cancer, severe burns, obesity, or where the veins are unreliable or fragile. Because syringes are manually operated, the amount of suction applied may be easily controlled. This is particularly helpful when veins are small which may collapse under the suction of an evacuated tube. In children or other circumstances where the quantity of blood gained may be limited it can be helpful to know how much blood can be obtained before distributing it amongst the various additives that the laboratory will require. Another alternative is drawing blood from indwelling cannulae. Blood cultures. There are times when a blood culture collection is required. The culture will determine if there are pathogens in the blood. Normally blood is sterile. When drawing blood from cultures use a sterile solution such as Betadine rather than alcohol. This is done using sterile gloves, while not wiping away the surgical solution, touching the puncture site, or in any way compromising the sterile process. It is vital that the procedure is performed in as sterile a manner as possible as the persistent presence of skin commensals in blood cultures could indicate endocarditis but they are most often found as contaminants. It is encouraged to use an abrasive method of skin preparation. This removes the upper layers of dead skin cells along with their contaminating bacteria. Povidone-iodine has traditionally been used but in the UK a 2% chlorhexidine in 70% ethanol or isopropyl alcohol solution is preferred and time must be allowed for it to dry. The tops of any containers used when drawing a blood culture should also be disinfected using a similar solution. Some labs will actively discourage iodine use where iodine is thought to degrade the rubber stopper through which blood enters the bottle, thus allowing contaminates to enter the container. The blood is collected into special transport bottles, which are like vacuum tubes but shaped differently. The blood culture bottle contains transport media to preserve any microorganisms present while they are being transported to the laboratory for cultures. Because it is unknown whether the pathogens are anaerobic (living without oxygen) or aerobic (living with oxygen), blood is collected to test for both. The aerobic bottle is filled first, and then the anaerobic bottle is filled. However, if the collection is performed using a syringe, the anaerobic bottle is filled first. If a butterfly collection kit is used, the aerobic bottle is filled first, so that any air in the tubing is released into the oxygen-containing bottle. Specially designed blood culture collection bottles eliminate the need for either the syringe or butterfly collection method. These specially designed bottles have long necks that fit into the evacuated tubes holders that are use for regular venipuncture collection. These bottles also allow for collection of other blood specimens via evacuated tubes, to be collected without additional venipuncture. The amount of blood that is collected is critical for the optimal recovery of microorganisms. Up to 10mL of blood is typical, but can vary according to the recommends of the manufacturer of the collection bottle. Collection from infants and children are 1 to 5 mL. If too little blood is collected, the ratio of blood-to-nutrient broth will inhibit the growth of microorganisms. If too much blood is collected, there is the risk of a hospital-induced anemia and the ratio of blood-to-nutrient broth will tilt in the opposite direction, which also is not conductive to optimal growth. The bottles are then incubated in specialized units for 24 hours before a lab technician studies and/or tests it. This step allows the very small numbers of bacteria (potentially 1 or 2 organisms) to multiply to a level which is sufficient for identification +/-antibiotic resistance testing. Modern blood culture bottles have an indicator in the base which changes color in the presence of bacterial growth and can be read automatically by machine. (For this reason the barcoded stickers found on these bottles should not be removed as they are used by the laboratory's automated systems.) Taking blood samples from animals. Blood samples from living laboratory animals may be collected using following methods: The volume of the blood sample collection is very important in experimental animals. All nonterminal blood collection without replacement of fluids is limited up to 10% of total circulating blood volume in healthy, normal, adult animals on a single occasion and collection may be repeated after three to four weeks. In case repeated blood samples are required at short intervals, a maximum of 0.6 ml/kg/day or 1.0% of an animal's total blood volume can be removed every 24 hours. The estimated blood volume in adult animals is 55 to 70 ml/kg body weight. Care should be taken for older and obese animals. If blood collection volume exceeds more than 10% of total blood volume, fluid replacement may be required. Lactated Ringer's solution (LRS) is recommended as the best fluid replacement by National Institutes of Health (NIH). If the volume of blood collection exceeds more than 30% of the total circulatory blood volume, adequate care should be taken so that the animal does not suffer from hypovolemia. Blood alcohol tests. It is generally not advisable to use isopropyl alcohol to cleanse the venipuncture site when obtaining a specimen for a blood alcohol test. This has been related largely to the potential legal implications associated with use of alcohol based cleaners that could theoretically impact analysis. Numerous police alcohol collection kits have been marketed that incorporate a sodium fluoride/potassium oxalate preservative and non-alcohol based cleansing agents to ensure proper collection. Using soap and hot water or a povidone-iodine swab are advisable alternatives to isopropyl alcohol in this case.

appropriate quantity

11544-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1239253

Alparslan Türkeş (, 25 November 1917 – 4 April 1997) was a Turkish politician, who was the founder and president of the Nationalist Movement Party. He represented the far-right of the Turkish political spectrum. He was and still is called "Başbuğ" ("Leader") by his devotees. Early life. Türkeş was born in Nicosia, British Cyprus, to a Turkish Cypriot family in 1917. His birth name is disputed, some claim that it is Hüseyin Feyzullah, while MHP claims it is Ali Arslan. His paternal great-grandfather had emigrated to Cyprus from Kayseri, Ottoman Empire, in the 1860s. His father, Ahmet Hamdi Bey, was from Tuzla, near Famagusta, and his mother, Fatma Zehra Hanım, was from Larnaca. However, in an interview with the scholar Fatma Müge Göçek the journalist Hrant Dink claimed that Türkeş was of Armenian descent, an orphan originally from Sivas who was later adopted by a Muslim couple from Cyprus. In 1932 Türkeş emigrated to Turkey with his family. He was enrolled into the military lycée in Istanbul in 1933 and completed his secondary education in 1936. In 1938, he joined the army and his military career began. Racism-Turanism Trials. Along with other nationalists like Nihal Atsiz and Nejdet Sançar, Türkeş was court-martialed on charges of "fascist and racist activities" in 1945. He spent 10 months in prison before he was released the same year. The charges were eventually dismissed in 1947. The trial would become known as the . Political career. He attained fame as the spokesman of the 27 May 1960 coup d'état against the government of Prime Minister Adnan Menderes, who was later executed after a trial. However Türkeş, together with 13 other members of the junta, declared he was against it that the military would give the power back to civilians and there for was expelled by an internal coup within the junta (National Unity Committee), and was sent into exile to the Turkish embassy in New Delhi. He returned in February 1963 and together with others of the fourteen, he later joined the Republican Villager Nation Party (, CKMP). Türkeş was elected as its chairman on 1 August 1965. In 1969 the CKMP was renamed the Nationalist Movement Party (, MHP). As leader of the MHP he was also the de facto leader of the Grey Wolves. Türkeş served as Deputy Prime Minister in right-wing National Front () cabinets in the 1970s.After the Military coup of 1980, he was imprisoned for more than four years and the Government demanded the death sentence for him as well as other Turkish nationalists. But in a turn of events he was released on the 9 April 1985. He rejoined the political arena within the (MÇP) in 1987 and was elected to parliament representing the province of Yozgat on a ticket of the Welfare Party (RP) in 1991. In 1992 the name Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) was relaunched in exchange of the name of the MÇP and the party logo of the three crescents was presented to the public. Ideology. Through the far-right MHP, Türkeş took the rightist views of his predecessors like Nihal Atsız, and transformed them into a powerful political force. In 1965, Türkeş released a political pamphlet titled Nine Lights Doctrine (), which formed the basis of the nationalist ideology of the CKMP. This text listed nine basic principles which were: nationalism; idealism; moralism; scientism; societalism; ruralism; libertism and personalism; progressivism and populism; industrialism and technologism. Türkeş led the vanguard of anti-communism in Turkey; he was a founding member of the Counter-Guerrilla, the Turkish Gladio. He has been the spiritual leader of the Idealism Schools Foundation of Culture and Art (). His followers consider him to be one of the leading icons of the Turkish nationalist movement. International politics. The wellbeing of the greater Turkish nation living in a so called Turan, which according to him included Turks wherever they lived, be it in Greece, Cyprus or elsewhere, was key concern of his political views. On 28 April 1978 he was received by Franz Josef Strauss, former minister for defense and finance in Germany and acting president of the CSU party. In 1992, Alparslan Türkeş visited Baku to support Abulfaz Elchibey during the Azerbaijan presidential election. He also had a meeting with Levon Ter-Petrosyan, the President of Armenia in the 1990s. Personal life. Türkeş was married twice and had seven children. He married Muzaffer Hanım in 1940 and had four daughters (Ayzit, Umay, Selcen and Çağrı) and one son (Tuğrul) with her. Their marriage lasted until his wife's death in 1974. By 1976 Türkeş married Seval Hanım and had one daughter (Ayyüce) and one son (). Türkeş died of a heart attack at the age of 80 on 4 April 1997. The announcement of his death was delayed for five hours while nationwide security measures were implemented; thereafter, thousands of his supporters went to the Bayindir Hospital chanting "Leaders never die". His funeral was held in Kocatepe Mosque in Ankara. Türkeş's youngest son, , is a member of the Justice and Development Party and was elected as an Istanbul deputy in 2011. However, he resigned several days before the June 2015 elections, protesting the party's plans to transform the parliamentary system into a presidential one. In 2015, Türkeş's eldest son, Tuğrul Türkeş, became the first person of Turkish Cypriot origin to be Deputy Prime Minister of Turkey. In September 2015, Türkeş made his first official visit to Northern Cyprus. As an independent parliamentarian, Türkeş has criticized the Nationalist Movement Party (founded by his father) and the Republican People's Party for their unwillingness to compromise, which led to the November 2015 elections. Legacy. Türkeş was a key figure in shaping Turkish nationalism and reviving Pan-Turkism from the 1940s onwards. Soon after his death in 1997, Turkish President Suleyman Demirel stated that his passing had been a "great loss to the political life of Turkey". Similarly, Turkey's first female Prime Minister Tansu Çiller described him as a "historic individual". Controversies. When he died, it was revealed that he had embezzled 2 trillion lira from the European Turkish Federation. The pan-Turkist group had created a secret slush fund to support the Second Chechen War and help Abulfaz Elchibey succeed in Azerbaijan. The money was formerly administered by Enver Altaylı, who had been part of the Azerbaijan coup plot. His daughters, Ayzıt and Umay Günay, quarreled over who was the rightful owner despite the fact that it was neither of them. The two appeared before the Ankara 7th High Penal Court for fraud. The indictment said that Türkeş' account in a U.K. branch of the Deutsche Bank held 575,000 DM, US$845,000, and 367,000 GBP. The court concluded that Ayzıt had withdrawn 200,000 GBP while Umay Günay had withdrawn 42,000 GBP. Ayzıt said that she had been living in the UK since 1975, and that her father opened the account in 1988, giving her complete access to it. She said that her father had instructed her to fulfill his financial obligations in support of "the cause of Turkishness" upon his death by making certain payments. Türkeş' second wife, Seval, refuted Ayzıt's claim that she had not kept the money to herself. Seval claims that she and her sons' Ayyüce and Ahmet Kutalmış share of the withdrawn 242,000 GBP is 112,355 GBP. The MHP's chairman, Devlet Bahçeli, instructed his deputies to keep mum, fearing that the scandal could lead to the dissolution of the party. The case was closed due to the statute of limitations.

British station

4472-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1343587

Chakravarti Kulottunga Choladeva (also spelt Kulothunga; ) was an 11th-century monarch of the Chola Empire of South India. He was one of the sovereigns who bore the title "Kulottunga", literally meaning "the exalter of his race" in Tamil. He did not belong to the main line of Cholas but was rather a prince of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty. His mother, Ammangaidevi, was a Chola princess and the daughter of emperor Rajendra Chola I. His father was king Rajaraja Narendra of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty who was the nephew of Rajendra Chola I and maternal grandson of Rajaraja Chola I. According to historian Sailendra Nath Sen, his accession marked the beginning of a new era and ushered in a period of internal peace and benevolent administration. Kulottunga had diplomatic relations with the north Indian city Kanauj and also with distant countries like Cambodia, Srivijaya, Khmer, Pagan (Burma) and China. He established Chola overlordship over the Srivijayan province of Kedah in Malay Peninsula. An inscription in a Taoist temple in Guangzhou, dated to 1079 CE, declares Kulottunga, King of Chulien (Chola) to be the supreme chief of the Land of San-fo-tsi (Srivijaya). According to Tan Yeok Seong, the editor of the inscription, Kulottunga ruled both the Chola and Srivijayan kingdoms. In the small Leyden grant that is dated to 1090 CE, the king of Kadaram (Srivijaya) is mentioned as a vassal of Kulottunga. Like his predecessors, Kulottunga was a patron of arts and literature and the much celebrated Tamil poem Kalingattuparani, attributed to poet Jayamkondar, was composed during his rule. His records also testify to the highly organised system of fiscal and local administration. During his reign Kulottunga carried out a massive land survey that formed the basis for taxation. According to historian Nilakanta Sastri, Kulottunga avoided unnecessary wars and evinced a true regard for the well-being of his subjects. He had a long and prosperous reign characterized by unparalleled success that laid the foundation for the well being of the empire for the next 150 years. Birth and early life. Kulottunga was born under the star of Pusya. The details of the king's family and parentage are available from a number of grants and plates like the one from Chellur (a village in Kakinada Taluq of East Godavari district) that was issued by his son, prince Vira Chola, and from literary works, such as the famous poem Kalingattupparani. Kulottunga was the maternal grandson of Emperor Rajendra Chola I through the latter's daughter Ammangadevi. His father was the Eastern Chalukya king Rajaraja Narendra who himself was the son of Kundavai, the younger sister of Rajendra Chola I and the daughter of Rajaraja Chola I. Rajaraja Narendra married princess Ammangadevi, the daughter of his maternal uncle, Rajendra Chola I of the solar race. The latter is described as "the ornament of the race of the sun" in the Chellur plates of Vira Chola. The poem Kalingattuparani gives the details of Kulottunga's birth in the canto "Avataram" (incarnation), wherein his mother is described as belonging to the solar race and his father to the lunar race. Kulottunga is described as an avatar of the Hindu god Vishnu in the canto. An excerpt from the poem reads: Vishnu appeared again in the royal womb of the queen of him of the race of the moon which dispels all darkness, ... Rajaraja's gracious Lakshmi (queen) who was of the rival race of the sun. As a Chola prince he conquered the Sri Vijaya province Kedah and Chakrakota province (Bastar-Kalahandi district-Koraput region) on behalf of his maternal uncle, emperor Virarajendra Chola, in the 11th century. Accession. According to the Tamil poem Kalingattuparani, Kulottunga was brought up in the court of Rajendra Chola I in Gangaikondacholapuram. During his youth, Kulottunga participated in many wars, serving alongside both Rajendra Chola I and his successors, Rajadhiraja I, Rajendra Chola II and Virarajendra Chola. During this period, he engaged in the northern campaigns of the empire in and around Sakkarakottam and Vayiragaram where he secured several victories and proved his mettle in warfare. The Sakkarakottam area is identified with the present day Bastar-Kalahandi district-Koraput region which together formed the Chakrakota province back in medieval times. According to Kalingattuparani, it was around this time that Mannar-Mannavan, that is, the "king of kings", suddenly died and the empire was thrown into a state of anarchy until Abhaya, that is Kulottunga, returned and restored order. The Teki, Chellur and Pithapuram grants of Kulottunga's sons, dated in the 17th, 21st and 23rd years of the king's reign, state that in the absence of the king's father, Rajaraja Narendra, Kulottunga was first crowned as the lord of Vengi where he obtained great fame. As per the plates. the king was later crowned in the Chola Rajya, a position said to be not less exalted than Devendra (Indra). These events are narrated as a flashback story in the Chellur grant, wherein Kulottunga explains to his son, prince Vira Chola, that he left Vengi to his (Kulottunga's) paternal uncle (Vijayaditya) as he (Kulottunga) desired the Chola kingdom. Other sources like Vikramankadevacharita, a work on the western Chalukya Vikramaditya VI by his court poet Bilhana, and Vikraman Solan Ula, a work on Kulottunga's son and successor Vikrama Chola by poet Ottakoothar, corroborate these events more or less and both works agree that there was a king between Virarajendra Chola and Kulottunga. This king has been identified with Adhirajendra and it is after the death of this Chola king that the kingdom was thrown into a state of anarchy. According to Vikramankadevacharita, Kulottunga got dislodged from Vengi due to some confusion in the Chola kingdom after the death of Virarajendra Chola. Even during the time of Virarajendra Chola, Vikramaditya VI and the Eastern Ganga king Rajaraja Devendravarman both supported Vijayaditya, the paternal uncle of Kulottunga, in his claim to the Vengi kingdom. Kulottunga is then said to have marched south to the Chola capital. Bilhana goes on to state that his patron, Vikramaditya VI, tried stopping Kulottunga from ascending the Chola throne by instead installing Adhirajendra (Vikramaditya's brother-in-law) as king. However this arrangement was short-lived and Kulottunga eventually succeeded in capturing the throne. Historian Nilakanta Sastri argues against the theories proposed by Fleet and other similar historians, about a hostile invasion of the Chola empire by Kulottunga. In Sastri's words, "the work Vikramankadevacarita does not contain the remotest suggestion that Kulottunga put his rivals out of the way by secret murder or even by open fighting". Kulottunga's own inscriptions also speak of the lack of leadership in the Chola country at the time of his ascension and in his records the king claims that he rightfully inherited the excellent crown of the Cholas. The king's epigraphs poetically claim that he ascended the throne to prevent the goddess Lakshmi of Southern region from becoming common property (an allusion to the illegitimate claims to the throne and meddling of affairs by kings of rival kingdoms), and to remove the loneliness of the goddess of the Chola country adorned by river Ponni (an allusion to the power vacuum in the empire). Thus it was under these circumstances that Kulottunga ascended the Chola throne in 1070 CE and established himself by soon overcoming the threats to the Chola Empire. According to Sastri, Kulottunga was in his teens or barely into his twenties when he ascended the throne. Military campaigns. Sakkarakottam. When Kulottunga was still a prince, he participated in many of the northern campaigns of his predecessor Virarajendra Chola. In the fifth year of his reign Virarajendra Chola dispatched his army to Kalinga and beyond it to Sakkarakottam. These expeditions appear to have been led by Kulottunga, who in his inscriptions claims that while he was still heir-apparent, he overcame the treachery of his enemies and by the strength of his arm and sword captured herds of elephants at Vayiragaram, conquered Sakkarakottam and graciously took tribute from the king of Dhara. Vayiragaram is identified with Wairagarh, a few miles off Bastar in the Chanda district and Sakkarakottam is the area in and around Bastar-Kalahandi-Koraput region which was called as the Chakrakota mandala in medieval times. Dhara is the Nagavanshi king Dharavarsha who was the ruler of Sakkarakottam during this period. The "treachery" that Kulottunga speaks of is an allusion to the internal politics of the empire and the schemes of his rivals who sought to deny him his rightful inheritance. According to Sastri, in spite of these setbacks, Kulottunga was successful in carving out a small principality for himself, north of Vengi, for Kulottunga claims that he gently raised the goddess of the earth residing in the "Land of the rising sun" and placed her under the shade of his parasol just like god Vishnu, who in his Varaha avatar lifted the earth. Western Chalukya conflicts. The Western Chalukya-Chola rivalry goes back to the beginning of the 10th century. The Western Chalukyas waged many wars with the Chola emperors and on each occasion the wars ended with the Cholas chasing their rivals, the Chalukyas, out of the battlefield, occupying their capital, with death of their generals or feudatories and levying tribute. Tailapa II and his son Satyashraya, who were opponents of Raja Raja Chola I and Rajendra Chola I, ended up being defeated at Annigeri and at Kogali respectively, Jayasimha was defeated in Kadambalige, Ahavamalla Someshwara I suffered defeats many a time at the hands of Rajadhiraja Chola, and lost his brother Jayasingan in battle with Rajendra Chola II. After Rajadhiraja Chola I and Rajendra Chola II, their brother Virarajendra Chola defeated Ahavamalla Someshwara I on not less than five occasions. Virarajendra Chola also put to flight the latter's two sons, Vikkalan (Vikramaditya VI) and Singanan (Jayasimha III), multiple times in the battles of Kudala sangama. Virarajendra Chola also defeated the eldest son of Ahavamalla Someshwara I, and crown-prince Someshwara II in Kampili, and spoiled his coronation ceremony. Ahavamalla Someshwara I seems to have died in the reign of Virarajendra Chola as there is no mention of him in Kulottunga's records. This is evident from a record of Virarajendra Chola, who in his fifth year states that unable to bear the disgrace of his earlier defeats, Ahavamalla Someshwara I wrote a letter to the Chola calling for war, but in the end never showed up and instead fled and plunged himself into the ocean. This is conceded in Bilhana's Vikramakadevacarita, a work on the life of Vikramaditya VI who claims that Ahavamalla Someshwara I died around this time by committing ritual suicide by drowning himself in the Tungabhadra. Upon his father's death, Vikramaditya VI approached Virarajendra and sued for peace and the Chola agreed as he saw in him an ally to counter and nullify the crown-prince Someshvara II. Accordingly, the Chola offered his daughter's hand in marriage, bestowed upon him the Rattapadi-seven-and-a-half-lakh country and made him the Vallabha (Chalukyan king). Vikramaditya readily accepted the deal for he had his own plans to overthrow his elder brother, which he would eventually accomplish and then usurp the throne. There was also another contender, Vijayaditya, on whom Virarajendra had bestowed Vengi towards the end of his reign. Some historians identify this Vijayaditya with the Eastern Chalukyan prince and half-brother of Rajaraja Narendra while others like Venkayya suggest that this person was yet another younger brother of Vikramaditya VI. That this Vijayaditya was an ally of Vikramaditya VI is evident from an inscription of Rajadhiraja Chola I. So at the end of Virarajendra's reign, Kulottunga found himself facing Vikkalan (Vikramaditya VI), the latter's younger brother Singanan (Jayasimha), their elder brother Someshwara II and their younger brother or ally Vijayaditya. It was clear from the time Kulottunga ascended the throne that a confrontation with the Western Chalukyas was imminent as Vikramaditya VI could never accept the union of the Chola and Vengi kingdoms under the same ruler, let alone Kulottunga's accession, for it simply meant an enemy too powerful. Kulottunga knew this from the very beginning and accordingly made preparations for the showdown. In 1075-76 CE, the war began with the incursion of the Chalukyan forces into the Chola territories and the two armies met in the Kolar district. What followed was the Chola counter-attack popularly known as the Nangili episode. In the ensuing battle, the Chalukyan army was completely routed and chased by the Chola forces from the rocky roads of Nangili all the way to the Tungabhadra via Manalur. Vikramaditya is said to have retreated hastily and fled, leaving behind the corpses of his dead elephants along the way. Kulottunga captured a thousand elephants at Navilai and conquered two provinces the Gangamandalam (the province of the Western Ganga dynasty) and Singanam as a direct result of this war. Navilai has been identified with Navale-nadu in the Mysore district, and Singanam referred to the region of Jayasimha, the younger brother of Vikramaditya VI. The word Konkana desam (country of Konkan) is substituted for the word Singanam in some of the records. Kulottunga, in his records, claims that at the end of this war, he broke the pride of Vikramaditya VI and that Vikkalan (Vikramaditya VI) and Singanan (Jayasimha) had nowhere to retreat except to plunge into the western ocean. Some other records of Kulottunga state that Vikramaditya VI fled back to his own dominion (north of the Tungabhadra), his pride broken, and that he (Vikramaditya VI) was happy to be there as the Chalukya did not go to war with the Chola for a long time. This is conceded by Bilhana in the Vikramankadevacarita, wherein he states that after these initial wars, there was a long period of peace (about half a century) between the two kingdoms. Pandya campaign. "Corrections by M. G. S. Narayanan on K. A. Nilakanta Sastri are employed." Once he finished dealing with Vikramaditya VI, Kulottunga turned his attention to the south and first took up the cause of bringing the ancient Pandimandalam, the country of the Pandyas, into his fold. The Pandya country never reconciled to the Chola overlordship and its rulers were a constant source of trouble for the Chola emperors. The Pandyas made use of the confusion in the Chola country during the accession of Kulottunga and tried once again to reassert their independence. Back in the days of Rajendra Chola I, the Pandya country was ruled over by Chola-Pandya viceroys, but by the time of Kulottunga, this system had ceased to exist and "Five Pandya" princes from the old line rose against the king. Kulottunga could not take this situation lightly as the loss of the Pandya territories meant a serious threat to the existence of the Chola kingdom itself. As soon as the Chalukyan war ended, Kulottunga turned all his energy to the suppression of the revolts in the Pandya territory (c. 1077-1081 AD). According to the Cholapuram inscription (1100 AD) the Cholas marched south with a huge army, conquered the Pandya country, the forests were the Five Pandya entered as refugees, the Pearl Fisheries, the Podiyil and Sahya Mountains, and Kanya Kumari and fixed the boundaries of the South Country (the Pandya country) at Kottar. Another inscription of his, in Sanskrit (undated) from Chidambaram, gives a similar account, where the king is said to have overcome the Five Pandyas with the help of a huge army, burnt down the fort at Kottar, and erected a pillar of victory at Kanya Kumari (and thus "making the rebel vassal kings obedient"). Kulottunga's Kerala campaign is now dated c. 1097 CE (it was initially assumed that the 1077-81 campaign also covered the rebelling Keralas). The Chera Perumal kings, who like their Pandyan neighbours, had followed suit and rebelled against their Chola overlords. Naralokavira Kalinga Rayan, a commander of the Pandya-Chola forces, lead a Chola thrust into Kerala and captured the port of Quilon. It seems that the Chera Perumals tried to recover the port Quilon soon afterwards. The eventual southern boundary of the Chola influence was located at Kottar. By c. 1100 CE, Kulottunga had successfully subjugated rebelling southern regions as far as the Pandya country, annexed the Pearl Fishery Coast, the ancient Podiyil mountains (in present-day Tirunelveli), and "fixed his southern boundary" at Kottar. He did away with the old system of appointing Chola-Pandya viceroys and instead built multiple cantonments as far south as Kottar, and heavily garrisoned the strategically important locations of the southern dominions. These units were in charge of protecting his interests and collecting tribute but did not interfere with the internal administration of the conquered territories, a responsibility which he left to the native chiefs and feudatories. His inscriptions belonging to this period are found in Cholapuram, Agastheeswaram, Suchindram, Variyur, Kanyakumari and Kottar. Vengi. The Vengi kingdom was a bone of contention between the Cholas, the Western Chalukyas of Kalyani and the Eastern Gangas from the times of Rajaraja Chola I. It was a site for proxy war during the times of Virarajendra Chola, who managed to wrest control of it from the Western Chalukyas and bestowed it on Vijayaditya, the paternal uncle of Kulottunga. It is unclear as to why Kulottunga was overlooked in the accession of Vengi as he would have been the rightful heir. On the other hand, it is of interest to note that Vijayaditya had briefly sided with Rajaraja Devendravarman of the Eastern Gangas. So, Virarajendra Chola agreed to bestow the Vengi kingdom on Kulottunga's paternal uncle Vijayaditya to avoid fighting wars on two fronts, that is, to avoid engaging both the Western Chalukyas and the Eastern Gangas. In any case, Kulottunga was generous enough to let his paternal uncle, the usurper Vijayaditya, to rule over Vengi even after he ascended the Chola throne. During this period in 1073 CE, the Vengi kingdom was invaded by the Kalachuri king Yakshakarna of Tripuri. However, this was merely a raid in search of riches rather than an invasion for territorial gains, and the intruders were repulsed by Vijayaditya. After the death of Vijayaditya in 1077, Kulottunga brought the Vengi province directly under his control and appointed his sons to rule over it. Rajaraja Chodaganga, the eldest son of Kulottunga, was first appointed as viceroy but as per inscriptions, the prince did not feel at home and returned to the Chola dominions in the south within a year. According to the Teki plates of Rajaraja Chodaganga, the Vengi province under him lay between Manneru in the Nellore district in the south and Mahendragiri in Ganjam district in the north. Rajaraja Chodaganga was followed by his brother Vira Chola who ruled for six years until 1084. The Chellur plates of Vira Chola state that he was crowned in the city of Jagannatha (Jagannatha-nagari). The two princes once again governed the Vengi province alternately for a period of five years and four years respectively. They were then followed by their brother Vikrama Chola who ruled over the region until he was made heir apparent in 1118 CE. According to the Pithapuram pillar inscription of Mallapadeva, dated 1202 CE, the Vengi province became devoid of a ruler and fell into a state of anarchy when Vikrama Chola left for the Chola dominions in the south towards the end of Kulottunga's reign. Vikramaditya VI used this opportunity to occupy Vengi during this period. However, this invasion was short lived and Vikrama Chola recaptured the province and annexed it to the Chola empire as soon as he ascended the throne. Kalinga wars. <mapframe text="Extreme points of Kalinga, as mentioned in the historical records" width="350" height="350" zoom="5" longitude="84" latitude="19.5"> "type": "FeatureCollection", "features": [ "type": "Feature", "properties": { "marker-symbol": "monument", "title": "Amarakantaka" }, { "type": "Feature", "properties": { "marker-symbol": "monument", "title": "Mouth of Godavari" }, { "type": "Feature", "properties": { "marker-symbol": "monument", "title": "Mouth of Mahanadi" }, ] </mapframe> The kingdom of Kalinga was not a single region but rather three distinct countries called Utkala or Odra (north and north-eastern parts of Odisha), Kosala or Dakshina Kosala (south-west Odisha and Chhattisgarh) and Kalinga proper. This region comprised the whole of present-day Odisha and northern part of Andhra Pradesh. These three regions together were referred to as "Trikalinga". The Kalinga kingdom bordered the northern part of Vengi and therefore it was only natural for the different rulers of Kalinga to try and expand into the Eastern Chalukya territory or in the case of Kulottunga, the northern-eastern part of the Chola dominions. During the 11th century, the Kalinga kingdom was ruled by the Eastern Ganga dynasty who invariably became involved in Vengi and thereby indirectly in the Chola politics. The records of Kulottunga contain descriptions of two Kalinga wars. Prior to these wars, Kulottunga's forces was decimated by Rajaraja Deva of the Eastern Ganga dynasty and Kulottunga was forced to marry his daughter (or sister) to Rajaraja Deva. Kulottunga was also forced to put his sons as the Viceroy of Kalinga. Rajaraja Deva passed away in 1078 and Kulottunga's sons were in-charge of the adolescent Anantavarman Chodaganga, Rajaraja Deva's son. The first war seems to have occurred before 1096 CE as Kulottunga first claims to have conquered Kalinga in a record dated in the 26th year of his reign. The first Kalinga war seems to have been brought about by Kalinga's aggression against Vengi. The war resulted in the annexation of the southern part of Kalinga to the Chola kingdom. This is evident from the Teki plates of Kulottunga's son, Rajaraja Chodaganga, whose dominions included the region up to Mahendragiri in the Ganjam district in the north. The second invasion took place a few years later, sometime before the 33rd year of the king's reign, and is the subject of the Kalingattuparani. This expedition was led by his general Karunakara Tondaiman who defeated the Kalinga ruler Anantavarman Chodaganga of the Eastern Ganga dynasty. Anantavarman was the son of Rajaraja Devendravarman and Chola princess Rajasundari, described as the daughter of Rajendra Chola. The identification of Anantavarman's maternal grandfather is a controversial topic. Some historians like Sastri identify this Rajendra Chola with Virarajendra Chola while others like Kielhorn identify this king as Kulottunga. According to the poem Kalingattuparani, this relationship did not stop Kulottunga from invading Kalinga and causing Anantavarman to flee. The Chola army is said to have returned with vast booty from this campaign. This fact is also borne out by an inscription of the king from the Bhimesvara temple in Draksharama. It is dated in the 33rd year of the king's reign and states that an officer of the king, titled variously as Pallavaraja and Vanduvaraja, reduced the whole of Kalinga to ashes, destroyed the Ganga Devendravarman in battle with the aid of the Kosala army, and planted a pillar of victory in the Odra frontier so as to raise aloft the fame of his king, Kulottunga Chola. This chief is none other than Karunakara Tondaiman as he is said to be from Tirunaraiyur nadu and the lord of Vandai as in the poem. His personal name is given as Tiruvarangan and is said to be the son of Sirilango of Vandalanjeri in Tirunaraiyur nadu. He is described as a sad-vaishnava (good vaishnavite) and is said to have built a Vishnu temple made of black stone in Alavely. According to the poem, the reason for the second war was a response to the default of Kalinga in its payment of annual tributes to Kulottunga by Anantavarman. Another view, by some historians like Venkayya is that, Kulottunga took up the expedition in order to help his relative Anantavarman against North Kalinga rebels. Yet another view is that, Devendravarman belonged to a collateral line of the Eastern Ganga dynasty and had opposed the accession of Kulottunga's relative Anantvarman. There is an inscription of Kulottunga from the Bhimesvara temple in Godavari district that describes a gift by the son of Anantavarmadeva. So it would seem that the latter was a vassal or at least in friendly terms with Kulottunga for sometime. Sri Lanka. According to the Mahavamsa, the Cholas were driven out of Lanka in the 15th year of Vijayabahu which coincides with the accession date of Kulottunga. Therefore, it would seem that the Sinhalese king took the opportunity to attack the Chola forces in the island nation at a time when the kingdom under Kulottunga was dealing with multiple revolts and attacks in the mainland. In 1070 CE, Vijayabahu attacked the Chola forces from his enclave in the Rohana district and defeated them. He sent two armies, one from Mahanagakula via Dakkinadesa, and the other via the well known route along Mahavali-Ganga. These armies defeated the Chola forces or what was left of them and captured Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa. After his victory over the Cholas, Vijayabahu got himself anointed in Anuradhapura. A few months later he moved to Polonnaruwa, renamed it as Vijayarajapura, made it his capital, and declared himself king of the island nation. Unlike the epigraphs of his predecessors, like Rajaraja Chola I, Rajendra Chola I and Rajadhiraja Chola I, that describe the details of their expeditions to the island nation, Kulottunga's inscriptions are generally silent in regards to Lanka or with regards to any campaigns or wars against the Sinhalese rulers. According to Sastri, Kulottunga was content with keeping the Chola empire from disintegrating on the mainland and was not that affected with the loss of the island nation. It is of interest to note that Vijayabahu married Lilavati, the daughter of Jagatipala, a former ruler of Rohana, after she escaped from the Cholas and returned to the island kingdom. Jagatipala was originally a prince of Ayodhya who had migrated to Lanka and become ruler of Rohana. He was slain on the battlefield during the Lankan expeditions of Kulottunga's predecessor, Rajadhiraja Chola I, when the Sinhalese kingdom lost four crowns in quick succession. At that time, this princess along with her aunt or mother was taken captive by the Chola forces. These events are described in great detail in the Mahavamsa and in an inscription of Rajadhiraja Chola I. Overseas contacts. Kulottunga maintained overseas contacts with kingdoms of Sri Vijaya, China and Khmer Empire. The renaming of the famous harbor of Visakhapattanam in Andhra Pradesh as Kulottungacolapattanam also indicates his interest in trade with foreign countries across the Bay of Bengal. In 1077 CE, king Chulien (Chola) Ti-hua-kialo sent an embassy to Chinese court for promoting trade. Sastri identifies this Chola ruler with Kulottunga. This trading venture seems to have ended profitably for the Cholas and they returned with over 81,000 strings of copper cash and many more valuables. The Khmer king Suryavarman II, builder of the famous Angkor Wat, sent a mission to the Chola dynasty and presented a precious stone to Kulottunga in 1114 CE. According to Burmese accounts, Kyanzittha, the ruler of Pagan (Burma) met with the Chola royal family by sending an ambassador to the Chola emperor. In an inscription in Pagan, he even claims to have converted the Chola to Buddhism through a personal letter written on gold foils. There is also evidence to suggest that Kulottunga, in his youth (1063 CE), was in Sri Vijaya, restoring order and maintaining Chola influence in that area. Virarajendra Chola states in his inscription, dated in the 7th year of his reign, that he conquered Kadaram and gave it back to its king who came and worshiped his feet. These expeditions were led by Kulottunga to help the Sailendra king who had sought the help of Virarajendra Chola. An inscription of Canton mentions Ti-hua-kialo as the ruler of Sri Vijaya. According to historians, this ruler is the same as the Chola ruler Ti-hua-kialo (identified with Kulottunga) mentioned in the Song annals and who sent an embassy to China. According to Tan Yeok Song, the editor of the Sri Vijayan inscription of Canton, Kulottunga stayed in Kadaram after the naval expedition of 1067 CE and reinstalled its king before returning to South India and ascending the throne. Trade relations and cultural contacts established during the reigns of Rajaraja Chola I and Rajendra Chola I were actively maintained by Kulottunga and his successors. In 1089 CE, the ruler of Sri Vijaya sent two ambassadors to Kulottunga's court, requesting him to renew the old grants to the Buddhist monastery (Chulamani Vihara) in Nagapattinam that was built during the period of Rajaraja Chola I. Extent of the empire. The Chola kingdom remained formidable under Kulottunga in his 45th regnal year (c. 1115 CE). Except for the loose hold over Lanka, the rest of the empire remained intact. The boundary between the Cholas and the Western Chalukyas was as always the Tungabhadra river. The hold over Vengi was quite firm, and Dakkina Kosala (south-west Kalinga) and some parts of Kalinga (proper) including the capital Kalinganagara, the modern Mukhalingam in the Srikakulam district, was under the Chola rule. Port Quilon, on the Malabar Coast, was recovered by prince Vikrama Chola sometime between c. 1102 and c. 1118 CE. Towards the end of Kulottunga's reign, when his son Vikrama Chola, the viceroy of Vengi left south for the latter's coronation, the northern half of the Vengi kingdom seems to have slipped from his hands and gone to the Western Chalukyan empire under Vikramaditya VI. According to some historians, during this period, Kulottunga also lost the province of Gangavadi, the province of the Western Gangas, to Hoysala Vishnuvardhana. The latter seems to have attacked and defeated the Chola Viceroy, Adigaiman, the controller of the Kongu and Kannada country. Administration. Kulottunga's capital was Gangaikondacholapuram. Kanchi was next in importance and had a palace and an "abhisheka mandapam" (royal bathing hall) from where the king issued many of his charters. The king's inscriptions speak of a highly organized form of fiscal and local administration. He carried out a massive land survey which formed the basis for taxation. He promoted free trade by abolishing tolls or transit duties and came to be known as "Sungamtavirrton", that is, "one who abolished tolls". Kulottunga did away with the old system of appointing Chola-Pandya viceroys in the southern territories. The king, instead built military cantonments that were in charge of protecting his interests and collecting tribute, but did not interfere with the internal administration of the conquered territories, a responsibility which he left to the native chiefs and feudatories. Kulottunga was ably assisted in his campaigns and internal administration by his officials some of whom were; Karunakara Tondaiman, described as the minister and warrior of Abhaya; Solakon who distinguished himself in the campaigns in the west against the Kongas, Gangas and Mahrattas; the Brahmin Kannan of great fortress; Vanan (possibly the Bana Vanakovaraiyan also called Suttamallan Mudikondan) who is said to be dexterous in the use of his beautiful bow in battle; the general Naralokaviran alias Kalingar-kon who distinguished himself in the Pandya and south Kerala wars; Kadava: Vailava, the lord of Chedi (Malayaman) country; Senapati (General) Anantapala; the Irungovel chieftain, Adavallan Gangaikonda Cholan alias Irungolan; the royal secretary ("Tirumandira-olai"), Arumoli-Vilupparaiyar; and the accountant, Arumoli-Porkari. Gonka I, a vassal from the Velanati Chodas family was greatly responsible for the political stability of the Chola power in the Vengi region. In appreciation of his services, the emperor conferred on Gonka I the lordship over 6000 villages on the southern bank of the Krishna River. Personal life. Kulottunga's chief queen was Dinachintamani, others being Elisaivallabhi and Tyagavalli. Copper-plate grants state that Kulottunga married Madurantaki, the daughter of Rajendradeva of the Solar race, and had by her seven sons. According to some historians, she is identical with Dinachintamani. She seems to have died sometime before the thirtieth year of Kulottunga. Thyagavalli took the place of the chief queen upon Dinachintamani's demise. The poem Kalingattupparani mentions Tyagavalli together with Elisai Vallabhi (also known as Elulagudayal). It also states that Thyagavalli enjoyed equal authority with the king. Another queen, called Solakulavalliyār, is also mentioned in inscriptions. She was instrumental in renewing the grant of Anaimangalam in favour of the Buddhist Chulamani Vihara at Nagapattinam. He also seems to have married a Pallava princess called Kadavan-Mahadevi. Epigraphs mention three of his sons, Rajaraja Chodaganga, Vira Chola and Vikrama Chola, of which Rajaraja was the eldest. Religious attitude. The empire under Kulottunga was secular in nature and the king encouraged both Saivism and Vaishnavism. The king and his family members continued to make endowments to the Nataraja Temple in Chidambaram. He was tolerant towards other religions, like Buddhism, and renewed the grants made to the Chulamani Vihanra, the Buddhist monastery at Nagapattinam. Historians dispute the identification of Krimikanta Chola, the persecutor of Vaishnavite acharya Ramanuja, with Kulottunga. One of the reasons for this disagreement is because, Ramanuja is said to have returned to the Chola kingdom from Hoysala Vishnuvardhana's court after an exile of 12 years (upon the Chola king's death), whereas Kulottunga ruled for 52 years. Some scholars are of the opinion that Kulottunga was secular through his early and middle years and persecuted Vaishnavites towards the end of his reign, succumbing to Saivite pressure. There is reason to believe that the king encouraged Vaishnavism during the later years as his records mention him giving gifts to the Vishnu shrines. For example, he visited the Ulagalandaperumal temple in Kanchipuram with his two queens, Tribuhavanamudaiyal and Solakulavalli, and made benefactions in the 40th year of his reign. Art and architecture. Kulottunga was a patron of arts and architecture. The poet-laureate Jayamkondar is said to have adorned his court. The composition of the famous poem Kalingattuparani is attributed to him. Some scholars consider the poet Kambar to be a contemporary of Kulottunga I and the Ramavataram is said to have been composed during his rule. Others place him during the reign of Kulottunga Chola II or III. Likewise a few believe that Ottakoothar, the author of the three "Ulas" namely the Kulothunga Cholan Ula, Vikraman Chola Ula and Rajaraja Cholan Ula, lived during his reign while others place him during the reign of his successors viz. Vikrama Chola, Kulottunga II and Rajaraja Chola II. The construction of the Amritaghateswarar Shiva temple in Melakadambur is attributed to the reign of Kulottunga Chola I. It is called as Karakkoil, and is perhaps the earliest shrine built in the shape of a chariot with wheels, and drawn by spirited horses. The temple contains an inscription of the king, dated in the 43rd year of his reign, corresponding to 1113 CE. During his time, Kulottunga Chozhapuram, now called Thungapuram, was a site of intense religious activity. The streets in the city are laid out like Madurai (square shape), hence it is called as Siru (small) Madurai. Kulottunga constructed two temples in Siru Madurai, one called Sokkanathar temple for Lord Siva, and the other, a Vishnu shrine called Lord Vinava Perumal Temple or Varadaraja perumal temple. Kulottunga was also on friendly terms with the Gahadval kings of central India, who had Lord Surya for their tutelary deity. Later, inspired by his visits to the Gahadvala kingdom, Kulottunga built several temples dedicated to the Sun God, especially the Suryanar temples at Pudukkottai and Nagapattinam. Inscriptions. Kulottunga's inscriptions mostly begin with the introduction "pugal madu vilanga" or "pugal sulnda punari". The former gives details about his conquest over Cheras, Pandyas and Vikramaditya VI while the latter is even more detailed and includes the details of his early life, viz., his heroics in Chakrakotta and Vayiragram and how he came about to wear the excellent crown of jewels of the Chola country. An inscription from Kanchi beginning with the introduction "Pugal madu" mentions his birth star as Pusya. Another inscription of the king, from the Tripurantakesvara temple in Chingleput district, mentions the resale of some lands that were bought in the second year of Virarajendra Chola. In his early years, the king styled himself as Rajakesarivarman alias Rajendracholadeva. We have an inscription of the king from Kolar dated in the second year of his reign. He is called Rajakesarivarman alias Rajendra Chola deva and it mentions his heroics in Sakkarakottam and Vayiragaram. It states that an officer of the king called Virasikhamani Muvendavelar inspected a temple in Kuvalala nadu, a district of Vijayarajendra-mandalam and appointed a committee. There is another inscription from the Adhipurisvara temple in Tiruvorriyur, dated in the third year of his reign, wherein he is styled as Rajakesarivarman alias Rajendracholadeva. It states that Muvendavelar, an officer of the king, and a native of Aridayamangalam in Mudichonadu, a sub-division of Kalyanapuramkonda-sola-valanadu, bought some lands and donated them for feeding a Brahmana and a Sivayogin. The names Vijayarajendra-mandalam and Kalyanapuramgonda-sola-valanadu are significant and evidently named after Kulottunga's predecessor, Rajadhiraja Chola I, who sacked the Western Chalukya capital Kalyanapuram towards the end of his reign. Rajadhiraja Chola I then assumed the title Vijayarajendra after performing the "Virabhiseka" (anointment of heroes).

persistent cause

38-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=4860623

This is a list of the "Itchy & Scratchy" cartoons shown on "The Simpsons". There are currently 108 of them in total with 16 unnamed. Season 24 of "The Simpsons" has no "Itchy & Scratchy" cartoons. 100-Yard Gash. Title pun: 100-yard dash "Simpsons" episode: "Lisa's First Word"<br> Year: 1984, 1992<br> Synopsis: At the Olympic Games, a fanfare is heard and the theme for "Chariots of Fire" plays. Scratchy participates in the 100-yard dash event. Shortly before the starting gun is sounded, Itchy drives a spike though Scratchy's tail with a sledgehammer, pinning him to the ground. Scratchy takes off skinless and wins the race. Later, his skeleton is shown on a Wheaties box holding a bowl full of his innards. 500-Yard Gash. Title pun: 500-yard dash Seen in: "" (video game) <br> Year: 2003<br> This episode, which seems to be loosely based on "100-Yard Gash", starts with Itchy surreptitiously injecting Scratchy with steroids just as the race is about to begin. At first, this makes Scratchy faster and stronger, allowing him to circle the earth several times in the time it takes Itchy to almost reach the finish line. However, the exertion takes its toll on Scratchy, and his heart literally explodes mere feet/centimetres away from the finish line. The final scene shows Itchy on the winner's stand, holding Scratchy's head. 500 Easy Pieces. Title pun: "Five Easy Pieces" Seen in: Butterfinger commercial. Year: 2001<br>Synopsis: Itchy pokes a stethoscope into Scratchy's ear, then chomps roughly on a Butterfinger. Scratchy then shatters into pieces. Aaahhh! Wilderness! Title pun: "Ah, Wilderness!" "Simpsons" episode: "Boy-Scoutz n the Hood" <Br> Year: 1993<br>Synopsis: Itchy nails Scratchy to the ground and uses him as a tent in order to shelter himself from the thunder storm. Scratchy is struck by lightning multiple times while Itchy sleeps beneath him. Ain't I a Stinger? Title pun: "Ain't I a stinker?" "Simpsons" episode: "Homer the Father"<br> Year: 2011<br> Synopsis: Scratchy is working as a bee keeper. Itchy sucks up some bees using a vacuum cleaner, puts the nozzle in Scratchy's mouth and changes the setting from "suck" to "blow". It shows an inside view of the bees forming a colony and making honey in Scratchy's stomach. Itchy shoves Scratchy into a cage with a grizzly bear. The bear claws Scratchy in half and eats the rest of the honey. Bang the Cat Slowly. Title pun: "Bang the Drum Slowly" "Simpsons" episode: "Stark Raving Dad" Year: 1991<br> Synopsis: It is Scratchy's birthday. As a "gift", Itchy puts a bomb into a box and Scratchy screams, allowing Itchy to pull his tongue out and use it to wrap the box. Scratchy's tongue snaps back into his mouth and the box lodges itself in his throat. It explodes, launching his head and party hat into the air. His hat lands first on his neck, then his head falls and is impaled on the hat. The Battle of Slaughter-Loo. Title pun: "Battle of Waterloo" "Simpsons" episode: "The Wandering Juvie"<br> Year: 2004<br> Synopsis: Itchy and Scratchy lead armies against each other. As they run towards each other on the battlefield, they pull out bigger and better weapons. As they collide, the episode cuts to Itchy declaring an end to "the spectacular 3D blood and gore!" The victorious mice celebrate. The Beagle Has Landed. Title pun: "The Eagle Has Landed"<br> "Simpsons" episode: "The Itchy & Scratchy & Poochie Show"<Br> Year: 1997<br>Synopsis: Itchy and Scratchy are in a car on their way to a fireworks factory. On the way they run into their new "friend" Poochie (voiced by Homer Simpson). Poochie raps about himself - declaring that he is half Joe Camel and one-third Fonzie - and finishes by breaking the fourth wall by telling children watching to "always recycle... to the extreme!". Poochie ends the cartoon by shouting "Bust it!," taking Itchy and Scratchy's car, and driving past the fireworks factory. Black & Blue Swan. Title pun: "Black Swan" "Simpsons" episode: "The Ten-Per-Cent Solution"<br> Year: 2011<br> Synopsis: Itchy and Scratchy perform ballet. Itchy spins Scratchy so fast that only half of his skeleton is left by the time Itchy finishes. Bleeder of the Pack. Title pun: "Leader of the Pack" "Simpsons" episode: "C.E. D'oh"<br> Year: 2003 Synopsis: "Rock Around the Clock" is set in the late 1950s. Officer Scratchy minds his own business when troublemaker Itchy chains his tail to the parking meter, then drives by in a little car, getting Scratchy's attention. Scratchy takes off on his motorcycle, chasing Itchy, his skin gets torn off, his body and the song stops. Scratchy panics and lands in a bloody mess. Two mice deliver Scratchy in an ambulance to the airplane that The Big Bopper, Ritchie Valens, and Buddy Holly are riding. In fact, they have turned into vampires, and the plane crashes. Breaking Dad. Title pun: "Breaking Bad" "Simpsons" episode: "Clown in the Dumps" Year: 2014 Synopsis: Scratchy pushes his young son on a swing, only to be exposed as a bomb which blows off his head and arms off. A Briss Before Dying. Title pun: "A Kiss Before Dying" "Simpsons" episode: "Today I Am a Clown" <br> Year: 2003<br> Synopsis: Klezmer music plays. Itchy lies on a table between a congregation of Jewish mice and Scratchy, who says a Hebrew prayer. Scratchy pulls out a scalpel. Itchy jumps up on Scratchy's head, pulls his eyeballs out, and throws them out the window. Attacking Itchy, Scratchy cuts off his ears, then his muzzle, and cuts himself to pieces. Itchy picks them up and puts them through a mincer (the eyeballs reappear) and applies the product to the end of a tube, then blows it in a fireplace as if it were made of glass, turning it into a goblet. He wraps it and stamps on it while the other mice clap, shouting "Mousel Tov!" The Buck Chops Here. Title pun: The Buck Stops Here "Simpsons" episode: "Burns' Heir" Year: 1994 Synopsis: Itchy and Scratchy take a tour of the federal mint. Itchy clobbers Scratchy with a bag full of money and prints Scratchy into money. Itchy circulates the Scratchy bills to smoking dogs at a tycoon convention, who burn them to light their cigars. The Illuminati symbol on the back of the burning dollar suddenly looks at the fire and screams without its mouth moving, ending the short. Burning Down the Mouse. Title pun: "Burning Down the House" "Simpsons" episode: "Homer Goes to College" Year 1993 Synopsis: Itchy is tied to a pole and Scratchy puts unusually large explosives around Itchy, including two nuclear bombs. Just as Scratchy finally lights up all explosives, he calls for a taxi and drives away to avoid being killed by the explosion. Just as the mega-explosion is about to blast Itchy, the television is accidentally unplugged. The cartoon is over when the TV comes back on, and Krusty declares that the show is quite likely to be forbidden from ever airing the episode again. Burning Love. Title pun: "Burning Love" "Simpsons" episode: "Krusty Gets Busted" Year: 1990 Synopsis: Scratchy is sleeping outside and Itchy fires a burning arrow at him, setting him alight. Butter Off Dead. Title pun: "Better Off Dead" "Simpsons" episode: "Little Girl in the Big Ten"<Br>Year: 2002<Br> Synopsis: Farmer Itchy runs out of butter. As farmer Scratchy visits, Itchy shoves him into a cow's mouth, and an inside view of the cow shows Scratchy being digested by its four stomachs. Itchy milks the digested Scratchy out of the cow and pours the milk into a butter churn to create his own "I Can't Believe It's Not Scratchy!" butter. When he spreads this on his toast, Scratchy's eyeballs are seen, and after saying a quick prayer Itchy chomps down on the toast. Candle in the Wound. Title pun: "Candle in the Wind" "Simpsons" episode: "Treehouse of Horror IX"<Br> Year 1998<Br> Synopsis: In a segment of a Halloween special, Itchy decapitates Scratchy and prepares to use his head as a jack-o'-lantern. However, Bart and Lisa are trapped in the cartoon and are caught laughing at Scratchy's pain. As a result, the cat and mouse duo try to teach the Simpson kids a lesson. Catatouille. Title pun: "Ratatouille" "Simpsons" episode: "Pay Pal"<Br> Year: 2014<Br> Synopsis: Itchy controls the mind of Scratchy, a chef in a restaurant frequented by cats, making him cut his intestines with a knife and fry them, and remove his eyeballs to stir them and roll them into the cups, put nitrogen on them and put the cooked intestines and the eyeballs on the dish. Taking the finished food on a cart in a room where other dead cats rest on the floor, Itchy sends the cats in the restaurant the dish, which they eat. Itchy then holds up a sign that says "You're eating cat." Disgusted, the cats all throw up, causing a massive buildup of dangerously explosive vomit, in which all the cats drown, causing the restaurant to explode offscreen. Cat Splat Fever. Title pun: "Cat Scratch Fever" "Simpsons" episode: "Radio Bart" Year 1992 Synopsis: Itchy leaves Scratchy a suicide note and thinks that Itchy wants to take his own life by jumping into a well, and jumps in to save the mouse. Itchy never did though and Scratchy is devoured by a crocodile inside the well. As Scratchy's ghost rises upwards, Itchy takes out his gun and shoots him. Cat's in the Cradle. "Simpsons" episode: "Labor Pains" Year: 2013 Synopsis: As Harry Chapin's "Cat's in the Cradle" plays, Itchy opens the door. He sees Scratchy (who was a black kitten) with a sign that says "Love Me". Itchy adopts him as his son and raises him with great love and affection. He dutifully sees his adopted son through various milestones. After high school, Scratchy visits his adoptive father, Itchy gives him a graduation present, a bomb, which blows Scratchy's head off. Itchy sheds a genuine tear, which he wipes away. The Cat's Speech. Title pun: The King's Speech<br> "Simpsons" episode: "The Ten-Per-Cent Solution" Year: 2011 Synopsis: Scratchy is reading a speech for the cats that are at war in an animal-esque World War II. Itchy forces Scratchy to swallow some hot marbles, which form bleeding holes in his body and Scratchy screams in pain. Adolf Hitler comes in the room and flattens Scratchy's remains. Circus of the Scars. Title pun: "Circus of the Stars" "Simpsons" episode: "The Bart Wants What It Wants" Year: 2002 Synopsis: Itchy and Scratchy are trapeze artists in a circus. While swinging towards each other, Scratchy hanging with his hands, Itchy with his legs, Itchy pulls out two knives and cuts Scratchy's hands off. Scratchy falls on the safety net, which slices him into dices. An elephant standing there starts eating the pieces of Scratchy. Come Flay with Me. Title pun: "Come Fly with Me" "Simpsons" episode: "He Loves to Fly and He D'ohs" Year: 2007 Synopisis: Scratchy is on a plane filled with Itchy-like mice. A large Itchy gives him less room. A baby Itchy screams in his ears, making them bleed. An Itchy flight attendant comes by and Scratchy's hand gets cut off. An Itchy passenger in front of him pulls the seat back, squeezing him. The attendant opens the luggage case and various weapons come out and attack Scratchy. The attendant says the passengers have to spend three more hours on the tarmac and Scratchy screams in horror. Dancing with the Scars. Title pun: "Dancing with the Stars" "Simpsons" episode: "Kamp Krustier" Year: 2017 Dazed and Contused. Title pun: Dazed and Confused "Simpsons" episode: "The Front" Year: 1993 Synopsis: Itchy is hitting Scratchy, relatively gently, on the head with a mallet. Itchy laughs each time as Scratchy says "Ow". At the end, they both say "Kids! Say no to drugs!" and smile at the camera. Deaf Comedy Blam! Title pun: "Def Comedy Jam" "Simpsons" episode: "In Marge We Trust" Year: 1997 Synopsis: Scratchy is an ear trauma patient. Itchy uses his stethoscope with his ears and stretches it until he reaches a French nuclear testing site. When the bomb explodes at the sound of a "Maintenant! ", the sound travels through the stethoscope until it reaches Scratchy and makes his head explode; another patient leans over to shush him. Death Shawarma-ed Over. Title pun: The expression 'death warmed over' "Simpsons" episode: "Krusty the Clown" Year: 2018 Synopsis: Itchy places Scratchy on the stove, cooking him and turning him into a kebab. He then slices his meat and eyes and serves them to the clients, putting hot sauce on it, making Scratchy scream in agony. diePod Slaylist. Title pun: iPod playlist "Simpsons" episode: "Mypods and Boomsticks" Year: 2008 Synopsis: Itchy cranks up Scratchy's myPod volume so loud, with the volume bar breaking out of the device's walls itself, that it melts his brain. Itchy replaces Scratchy's brain with that of Albert Einstein. Scratchy invents the atomic bomb, then, upon realizing its destructive power, he invents a time machine and goes back in time to stop himself from inventing it. Just as he goes to warn himself, he realizes it's a trap; Itchy has replaced the old Scratchy with an A-bomb decoyed as Scratchy. Itchy watches from a distance as the A-bomb explodes, then enters his own time machine and heads for Studio 54, circa the 1970s. Dogday Hellody of 1933. Title pun: "The Broadway Melody" "Simpsons" episode: "How Munched is That Birdie in the Window?" Year: 2010 Synopsis: A trial with Itchy as judge and a bunch of Scratchys as jurors is held against a dog, charged with crimes against other animals. Edward G. Robinson appears and shoots the dog with a machine gun, Will Rogers hangs the dog with his lasso, W. C. Fields appears to drink the dog's blood, Harpo Marx cuts the dog's tongue, and Bing Crosby appears and hits the dog with a bat, something the judge and the jurors all enjoy. This is a parody of the "Mickey Mouse" short "Pluto's Judgement Day". Downton Tabby. Title pun: "Downton Abbey" "Simpsons" episode: "The Winter of His Content" Year: 2014 Synopsis: A group of cats, with a few mice, all apparently in a state of staid, formal equanimity, are seen in a fancy drawing room. An elderly mouse, looking to be in very bad shape, is wheeled into the drawing room. After a few minutes, the elderly mouse revives himself and the mice immediately murder all the cats. Esophagus Now. Title pun: "Apocalypse Now" "Simpsons" episode: "Lisa the Vegetarian" Year: 1995 Synopsis: Scratchy is dining at a restaurant and orders a steak. Itchy is the waiter and while Scratchy is putting on his napkin Itchy sneaks under the table and shaves off a section of Scratchy's fur pulling out his stomach without him noticing. Itchy serves it as rare steak decorated with an olive. Scratchy starts to eat it but the chunk he chews on goes down his throat and out his stomach back onto the plate. This situation is repeated three more times. Itchy hands Scratchy the bill, of $100. When Scratchy sees the price, he shrieks and his head explodes. Field of Screams. Title pun: "Field of Dreams" "Simpsons" episode: "Like Father, Like Clown" Year: 1991 Synopsis: Scratchy and his son are playing catch in the park. They are killed by Itchy and his son with a combine. Itchy and his son play catch using Scratchy's head as the ball. Flay Me to the Moon. Title pun: Fly Me to the Moon "Simpsons" episodes: "Homer the Heretic", "Another Simpsons Clip Show" Years: 1992 and 1994 Synopsis: Scratchy reads of a space launch in the paper. Itchy sneaks into his house, and pulls his tongue out like a fishing-line, runs outside and ties it to the spaceship. It takes off, with Scratchy's tongue unwinding to enormous proportions until the vessel orbits the moon twice and ties a knot around it with the tongue. This pulls the moon towards the earth, and Scratchy only noticing now, panics and hides in his closet. The moon crushes his house with him inside. Inside NASA headquarters, 'Itchy' mice celebrate a successful mission and drink champagne. Foster Pussycat! Kill! Kill! Title pun: "Faster, Pussycat! Kill! Kill!" "Simpsons" episode: "Home Sweet Homediddly-Dum-Doodily" Year: 1995 Synopsis: Scratchy is reading a newspaper. As he hears his doorbell ring, he sees Itchy at the door, disguised as a baby. The minute Scratchy picks up Itchy, Itchy breaks a glass bottle in half and stabs Scratchy with it. Itchy steals Scratchy's TV and runs off, with Scratchy saying his last words: "Why, my only son?" Four Funerals and a Wedding. Title pun: "Four Weddings and a Funeral" "Simpsons" episode: "A Star Is Burns" Year: 1995 Synopsis: Scratchy is marrying a female cat. During the ceremony, Itchy replaces the bride with one made entirely of explosives, and lights the fuses. Scratchy kisses his newlywed wife and feeds her wedding cake. After this Scratchy as the father is sitting on a sofa next to his wife, while their two children, both half-cat and half-explosive, are playing on the floor. Finally an old Scratchy, with his wife, still fuses ignited, sits calmly on the porch of an old folks home in rocking chairs. His wife explodes, taking Scratchy with her. Old Itchy runs to the scene, laughing at Scratchy's burnt remains, but instantly grunts and grasps his chest, dying from a heart attack. From Here to Infirmity. Title pun: "From Here to Eternity" "Simpsons" episode: "HOMR" Year: circa early 1960s Synopsis: Itchy and Scratchy are kissing on a beach and Itchy drags in a shark and Scratchy kisses it instead. The shark tears him apart and the director of the show stops it for the commercials. While advertising Laramie Cigarettes, Itchy starts smoking a cigarette and a mutilated Scratchy soon joins him. The episode ends with Itchy, Scratchy and their Rochester-esque butler all coughing up their lungs. The Garfield Assassination. Title pun: The Garfield assassination "Simpsons" episode: "The Cad and the Hat" Year: 2017 Synopsis: Itchy, disguised as Garfield, offers a bomb disguised as a piece of lasagna to Scratchy, who eats it. Itchy takes off his disguise and detonates the bomb, and Scratchy explodes. Even though it is Itchy wearing a Garfield costume, Scratchy does not seem surprised that he refers to him as his "cousin". This would imply that Scratchy and the "real" Garfield are canonically related. Germs of Endearment. Title pun: "Terms of Endearment" "Simpsons" episode: "Marge in Chains" Year: 1993 Synopsis: Scratchy visits Dr. Itchy and wants Itchy to do a tonsillectomy exam on him. Itchy opens Scratchy's mouth and ties Scratchy's organs to a brick and tosses the brick out the window. Scratchy dives out the window and puts his organs back where they belong, and lands on a cactus. The Glass Moan-agerie. Title pun: "The Glass Menagerie" "Simpsons" episode: "Girly Edition" Year: 1998 Synopsis: Scratchy applies for an apprenticeship with Itchy, who runs a store selling glass sculptures. Itchy accepts the offer, and tosses him into a kiln. After Itchy blows Scratchy into a glass "NO VACANCY" sign for a motel, he sits and admires his finished work while sipping a drink with a female mouse. Good Cats, Bad Choices. Title pun: Good kids, bad choices (a phrase sometimes used by parenting advisors) "Simpsons" episode: "Bart After Dark" Year: 1996 Synopsis: Scratchy is a guest on a talk show. "Says mouse friend mistreats him" reads the caption. Backstage, Itchy feels he is the victim, and goes on-stage with a broken bottle. Scratchy "doesn't know slashing is imminent", but panics when reading this last caption. Itchy comes onto the stage and attempts to kill Scratchy with the bottle, but the episode is interrupted by Kent Brockman. The Great Brawl of China. Title pun: Great Wall of China "Simpsons" episode: "" Year: 2011 Synopsis: Styled as per a martial-arts movie (and spoken primarily in Chinese with English subtitles), the plot proceeds in the following chapter-based format: "Chapter 1 A Fateful Day": Scratchy and his father harvest rice in medieval China. Emperor Itchy rides up to them and demands Scratchy's father's hat. When the old cat denies him, Itchy slices his head off. Scratchy vows revenge. "Chapter 2 A Better Tomorrow": Scratchy seeks out a monk to train him in the arts of warfare. He is ultimately deemed ready after several years of training. "Chapter 3 The Final Conflict": At last, Scratchy arrives at a (now-elderly) Itchy's palace. Though Emperor Itchy warns him to "Enter … and die", Scratchy gains the upper hand early and is about to dismember his foe when his mentor appears behind him and reminds him that a warrior can have no greater weapon than a capacity for mercy. Scratchy thanks his master for freeing him from his desire for revenge that enslaved him. However, the monk promptly sheds his costume and reveals himself to be another Itchy mouse who had been standing on the other's shoulders. The Itchies dice Scratchy into several small pieces, and the two mice eat him with chopsticks. Hold That Feline. Title pun: "Hold that line", college football cheer in common use before World War II "Simpsons" episode: "Itchy & Scratchy & Marge" Year: 1990 Synopsis: The duo is playing football. Itchy throws the ball to Scratchy, which is actually a bomb. It explodes, and several players, standing inside the crater left by the bomb, try to catch the ball. Hoop Screams. Title pun: "Hoop Dreams" "Simpsons" episode: "Lisa Simpson, This Isn't Your Life" Year: 2010 Synopsis: A basketball game between teams of Itchies and Scratchies is about to begin. As a zebra referee tosses the ball into the air for the opening jump, the center Itchy takes out a knife and decapitates the center Scratchy, whose head is caught by another Itchy, who tosses it to a teammate. The teammate jumps to attach the Scratchy head below the rim of the basket with its mouth open to conform to the rim. Another Itchy dribbles down the court and removes the skin of the basketball to reveal a lit bomb which he slam dunks into the Scratchy head. The bomb falls through the neck opening of the headless Scratchy and explodes, sending body parts scattering. The Itchy mice cheer. As another Scratchy (cat) watches in disgust, an Itchy decapitates him and, with the help of a teammate, lifts him and pours his blood over the head of the Itchy coach. House of Pain or This Old Mouse. Title pun: "House of Pain/This Old House" "Simpsons" episode: "Burns Verkaufen der Kraftwerk" Year: 1991 Synopsis: Itchy impales and kills Scratchy, who is tied to a wooden column, with a nail. A picture of the duo hangs ironically on the column. I'm Getting Buried in the Morning. Title pun: "I'm getting married in the morning", first line of "Get Me to the Church on Time" from "My Fair Lady" "Simpsons" episode: "Bart's Friend Falls in Love" Year: 1992 Synopsis: It's Scratchy's wedding, and unfortunately, Itchy is the minister. After the wedding, Itchy uses his reverend hat as a boomerang to sever first the bride's head, which causes Scratchy to scream, and then severs Scratchy's head. Itchy drives off in his car with the heads of Scratchy and his wife. Itchy & Scratchy meet Fritz the Cat. Title pun: "Fritz the Cat" "Simpsons" episode: "The Day the Violence Died" Year: 1996 Synopsis: An X-rated 1970s-style "I&S" cartoon. Scratchy is attempting to pick up a prostitute when he sees Itchy driving by in a car. When Itchy gets out of the car, Itchy pours gasoline on him and sets him alight with a cigarette. While Scratchy is burning Itchy drives off with the prostitute. "Itchy & Scratchy Movie" trailer. "Simpsons" episode: "" Year: 1992<br> Synopsis: Itchy shaves Scratchy's fur off, scribbles his face with a marker and blows his brain out. Also shown are some "scenes" from the movie: Itchy has Scratchy tied to a log on a conveyor belt, moving toward a circular saw, and Itchy dresses up some dynamite as a "female cat", who Scratchy falls in love with. At the end of the trailer, a voiceover says: "53 percent new footage". Itchy the Lucky Mouse in: Manhattan Madness. Title pun: Oswald the Lucky Rabbit/"Mouse in Manhattan", one of the first Tom and Jerry cartoons "Simpsons" episode: "The Day the Violence Died" Year: 1996<br> Synopsis: This is the first Itchy cartoon in silent film style parodying both the Tom and Jerry short "Mouse in Manhattan" and the Oswald the Lucky Rabbit name. The plot revolves Itchy (looking noticeably different due to this cartoon being drawn by Itchy's original creator Chester J. Lampwick) strutting around Manhattan while decides to hurt people throughout the day. The victims include an Irish man (who is hit by a light bulb and rung through an old washing machine starting with his beard) and Theodore Roosevelt (decapitated with an axe). Itchy winks at the screen and the cartoon ends with credits posed by Lampwick. It's a Wonderful Knife. Title pun: "It's a Wonderful Life" "Simpsons" episode: "White Christmas Blues" Year: 2013 Synopsis: In a monochrome animation, Scratchy runs through a town, and passing Itchy's house, he wishes a merry Christmas to Itchy, who decapitates Scratchy with Christmas lights and pulls out his eye with a nutcracker. Krusty comes standing in front of the TV screen and tells us he's blocking all violence because of "modern sensitivity". The cartoon resumes with Itchy stabbing Scratchy's body with a Christmas tree and gut wrenches him. Krusty says, "I've never watched one of these sober! I have to get this bloodbath off my kids' show!" He tosses a pie at the camera and in the message, "We'll be right back", Itchy rips out Scratchy's spine and throws it under the word back. Krusty yells in frustration, "Dammit". Kitchen Kut-Ups. "Simpsons" episode: "Itchy & Scratchy & Marge" Year: 1990 Synopsis: After bonking each other with mallets, Itchy stabs Scratchy with a knife, then chases him with an eggbeater. This leads to Maggie attacking Homer Simpson with a mallet and later a pencil while the screeching violin from "Psycho" plays in the background. Kitty-Kill Condition. Title pun: Critical condition "Simpsons" episode: "The Heartbroke Kid" Year: 2005 Synopsis: Scratchy visits a mouse cardiologist (Itchy). When a female mouse brings Scratchy in for a stress test, Itchy speeds up the treadmill, building up Scratchy's stress, to the point Scratchy has a heart attack. Itchy takes out Scratchy's heart and the heart runs all over the treatment room. Itchy catches the heart, sticks dynamite in it and puts the heart back in Scratchy's belly. Itchy shows a picture of him with Scratchy's wife, causing Scratchy to die. During Scratchy's funeral, the dynamite explodes, killing all the cat mourners. Kitty Kitty Bang Bang. Title pun: "Chitty Chitty Bang Bang" "Simpsons" episode: "Brother from the Same Planet" Year: 1993 Synopsis: Itchy and Scratchy are at a bowling alley. Itchy pulls Scratchy's tongue into the ball returner. Itchy lights a bomb and bowls it down to the end. As the bomb comes back up the returner, Scratchy tries sawing his tongue in half to save himself, but the bomb appears before him and explodes. Itchy sells Scratchy's remains, labeled "Cat Ligaments" and "Cat Intestines", to dogs who are seen eating them. Koyaanis-Scratchy: Death Out of Balance. Title pun: Koyaanisqatsi: Life out of Balance<br> "Simpsons" episode: "Stealing First Base" Year: 2010 Synopsis: At the Grand Canyon, Itchy cuts Scratchy's head off and throws it over the edge. Scratchy's headless body begins to chase the severed head. After a while, it reaches the Hoover Dam, and is carried of by an eagle. After much time passes (shown by a set of time lapses), Scratchy's body finally finds its head, which has two eagle eggs planted in its neck. When he puts the head back on his body, a pair of baby eagles burst out of his eyeballs. Itchy shoots Scratchy with a shotgun, splattering his guts everywhere. La Mort d'un Chat sur la Lune. Title pun: A Trip to the Moon "Simpsons" episode: "Moe Letter Blues" Year: 2010 Synopsis: Itchy (the director) and Scratchy (the camera operator) film a silent movie where some mice are headed to the moon but there are problems. First Scratchy runs out of film. Itchy cuts open Scratchy's intestines and feeds it into the camera. While the camera is rolling, the mice get into the rocket ship. At a critical moment, the moon falls. To solve this problem, Itchy decapitates Scratchy's head and uses it as the new moon. Filming resumes for a final time, Itchy launches the rocket and it lands on the moon taking out Scratchy's right eye in the process. Let Them Eat Scratchy. Title pun: "Let them eat cake" "Simpsons" episode: "Bart Gets an F" Year: 1990 Synopsis Scratchy is chasing Itchy, armed with a sword, until Itchy cuts off Scratchy's head using a guillotine. Itchy sticks dynamite in Scratchy's mouth and Scratchy's head explodes. Little Barbershop of Horrors. Title pun: "Little Shop of Horrors"<br> "Simpsons" episode: The Front Year 1993 Synopsis: Scratchy goes to a barber shop for a haircut, with Itchy as the barber. In the first sketch, Itchy is about to cut Scratchy's hair, but cuts Scratchy's head off instead with the razor and dances around a red, bloody fountain on Scratchy's body. In the second sketch, Itchy pours barbecue sauce on Scratchy, whose head is eaten by ants which Itchy releases on him, leaving behind only his skull. Itchy propels Scratchy and his chair into the air, and into Elvis Presley's television. Elvis comments that "This show ain't no good", pulls out a revolver, and shoots the TV. Messenger of Death. "Simpsons" episode: "Itchy & Scratchy & Marge", "" Year: 1990 and 1993 Synopsis: Itchy blows Scratchy's head off with a bazooka. Later, Itchy hits Scratchy in the back of the head with a sledgehammer which knocks out his eyes, then inserting two cherry bombs in their places which somehow work as eyes. Scratchy goes to the bathroom to comb his hair when he notices the bombs which blow him up. Moo Goo Gai Pain. Title pun: Moo goo gai pan "Simpsons" episode: "Milhouse Doesn't Live Here Anymore" Year: 2004 Synopsis: Scratchy notices an "All You Can Eat Cat Special" at a Chinese restaurant, but when he goes in, he finds out he's on the menu! Itchy fries and chops him up, sprinkles soy sauce, red pepper and MSG on his pieces, and is eaten by the customers (all mice), leaving his head (showing a relieved Scratchy). An hour later, hungry again, the mice customers eat Scratchy's head, leaving only a bare skull. Mouse M.D.. Title pun "House M.D." "Simpsons" episode: "Postcards from the Wedge" Year: 2010 Synopsis: Scratchy comes to the clinic because of a sore paw. Itchy (with a beard reminiscent of that of Dr. House) first saws off his legs, then cuts out his heart, all with "Teardrop" playing in the background. My Bloody Valentine. Title pun: "My Funny Valentine" "Simpsons" episode: "I Love Lisa" Year: 1993 Synopsis: Itchy and Scratchy give each other Valentine's Day gifts. Scratchy gives Itchy a heart-shaped card. Itchy gives Scratchy the cat's own real heart. At home, Scratchy reads a newspaper saying he needs a heart to stay alive but dies before he can reach it on his mantelpiece. My Dinner with Itchy. Title pun: "My Dinner with Andre" "Simpsons" episode: "Homer Defined" Year: 1991 Synopsis: Itchy and Scratchy are dining at a fine restaurant and are about to drink wine. Scratchy drinks the wine first, thus learning that Itchy actually gave him carbolic acid. After noticing his lower body is nothing but his own skeleton, Itchy removes the cloth covering the label "ACID" and throws his "wine" into Scratchy's eyes. Screaming in pain, Scratchy runs into the street, where he is run over by a streetcar. O Solo Meow. Title pun: "O Sole Mio" "Simpsons" episode: "When Flanders Failed" Year: 1991 Synopsis: Scratchy is at an Italian-type restaurant, and Itchy serves Scratchy spaghetti with a bomb. Scratchy eats the food, and while swallowing, notices the fuse. Panicking, Scratchy runs out, hits his head to the door frame, and is beheaded. The rest of his body runs out and explodes, the waiter slips on his head, and Itchy laughs. P.U.. Title pun: "Up" "Simpsons" episode: "Loan-a Lisa" Year: 2010 Synopsis: Scratchy marries a female cat. They view clouds shaped like Disney/Pixar characters from a hill, become elderly, repeat the cloud-watching sequence in elderly form but are both shot dead by Itchy. Scratchy's wife's name is revealed to be Mrs. Scratchy on her gravestone. They fly up towards heaven but get sucked into a vacuum cleaner by Itchy. He throws out the vacuum bag and sets it on fire with the remains of Scratchy and Mrs. Scratchy inside. Par for the Corpse. Title pun: par for the course "Simpsons" episode: "Blame It on Lisa" Year: 2002 Synopsis: Itchy and Scratchy play golf. Itchy uses Scratchy's head as the golf ball, which he hits to the moon. Pinnitchy-o. Title pun: "Pinocchio" "Simpsons" episode: "Itchy & Scratchy Land" Synopsis: Scratchy, a woodworker, has just finished making a wooden puppet that looks just like Itchy. Scratchy tells the wooden doll (Pinnitchy-o) not to lie. Pinnitchy-o promises that he will never hurt Scratchy. Immediately afterwards, however, Pinnitchy-o's wooden nose grows several feet, its razor-sharp point impaling Scratchy's head. Scratchy screams in pain. Planet of the Aches. Title pun: "Planet of the Apes" "Simpsons" episode: "Bart of Darkness" Year: 1994 Synopsis: This season finale episode of "The Itchy & Scratchy Show" was featured on the season finale of "The Krusty the Klown Show". The plot involves Itchy placing Scratchy behind a cinderblock wall and sealing him inside. Three million years later, futuristic Itchy-like mice (with large beating bulging heads with visible brains) open up the wall with lasers. They find Scratchy now feeble, emaciated and bearded. The mice use their superior knowledge to help Scratchy back to health, and dress and groom him with their telekinetic powers. Lastly, he is taken to a large Flavian-esque amphitheater where all the mice smile indulgently. They use their telekinetic powers to launch blades and knives at Scratchy, dismembering him as the audience applauds. Porch Pals. "Simpsons" episode: "Itchy & Scratchy & Marge" Year: 1990 Synopsis: This lovey-dovey Itchy and Scratchy cartoon is the antithesis to the violent Itchy and Scratchy cartoons. Itchy and Scratchy drink lemonade on the porch, dancing together and at the end of the episode, Scratchy reads Itchy a bedtime story. It features special introductory titles with a new theme song indicating the pair now "love and share". Remember the Alimony. Title pun: "Remember the Alamo" "Simpsons" episode: "Every Man's Dream" Year: 2015 Synopsis: Scratchy's wife (unseen) throws him out of their house. With his suitcases, he goes to Itchy's house where Itchy and some animal friends of his are playing poker. Itchy takes the two suitcases and brings back an axe, with which he cuts Scratchy's head off. Itchy stuffs Scratchy's head with guacamole, cuts out Scratchy's tongue so a hippopotamus can use it as a beer coaster, and two pigeons are seen pecking Scratchy's eyeballs. Remembrance of Things Slashed. Title pun: "Remembrance of Things Past" "Simpsons" episode: "The Day the Violence Died" Year: 1996 Synopsis: Itchy is upset after reading the newspaper saying that Scratchy has died of an illness. Scratchy comes back as a ghost to haunt Itchy. Itchy tries to stab Scratchy but the knife goes through him. Itchy sucks him up with a vacuum cleaner and blows him out into the icebox, freezing him. When Scratchy is frozen solid, Itchy chips the eyes out and uses them as ice cubes in his drink. Reservoir Cats. Title pun: "Reservoir Dogs" "Simpsons" episode: "Simpsoncalifragilisticexpiala(Annoyed Grunt)cious" Year: 1997 Synopsis: In this episode, a pastiche of the Quentin Tarantino feature film "Reservoir Dogs", Itchy is seen splashing gasoline over Scratchy and cutting his ear off with a straight razor to Stealers Wheel's "Stuck in the Middle with You" (as in "Reservoir Dogs"). A cartoon Quentin Tarantino appears and says, "What I'm trying to say in this cartoon is that violence is everywhere in our society; you know, it's like even in breakfast cereals, man..." At that point, Itchy sharpens his razor and chops Tarantino's head off. Itchy and Scratchy high-four and dance around Tarantino's freshly decapitated body. Roses Are Red, Violence is Due. Title pun: Roses are red "Simpsons" episode: "The Daughter Also Rises" Year: 2012 Synopsis: Itchy pretends to offer Scratchy a dozen roses, but instead takes out Scratchy's heart, opens it and stuffs it with Scratchy's eyeballs, tongue and teeth. Itchy closes Scratchy's heart, ties it with Scratchy's intestines, and gives it to him. Scratchy likes the present but dies from his injuries. Safety First. Title pun: Safety Last Shown exclusively with The Simpsons Ride Synopsis: Scratchy is ready to run into the ride room when Itchy nails his tail to the floor, causing his skin to be ripped off like he did in the 100-Yard Gash. The loud speaker tells riders to walk when the doors open. Itchy and Scratchy place their loose articles against the ride room walls, and Scratchy bangs his head while trying to enter the vehicle, followed by Itchy banging him with a mallet. Scratchy puts his arm around his girlfriend and his hand gets close to Itchy. Annoyed, Itchy pulls Scratchy's arm outside and around the ride vehicle and closes the doors causing Scratchy's arm to be sliced off. Scratchy begins to take photographs on the ride, causing multiple giant missiles to be shot at him as no taking of photography is allowed, destroying his camera and burning off his skin. Itchy safely puts his camera in his pocket. Scar Trek: The Next Laceration. Title pun: "" "Simpsons" episode: "Deep Space Homer" Year: 1994 Synopsis: Scratchy is eating a sandwich and riding in his spaceship. Itchy pops out of his stomach like the chestburster from "Alien" and tosses Scratchy into the airlock and hits the "Blow Hatch" button. Scratchy quickly dons his spacesuit before being blown out into space. Itchy emerges from the ship in an EVA pod (from ")" and cuts Scratchy in half using Saturn's rings (which act as a sawblade), then removes Scratchy's space helmet, causing Scratchy's head to inflate. Itchy punctures Scratchy's inflated head with a pin, causing blood to splatter everything in the scene and spell out "THE END". Scratchtasia. Title pun: "Fantasia" "Simpsons" episode: "Itchy & Scratchy Land" Year: 1994 Synopsis: Scratchy appears as a sorcerer's apprentice (like Mickey Mouse in "Fantasia"), brandishing an axe. He attacks Itchy, which splits him into several smaller Itchies, who attack Scratchy. Scratchy attacks again, chopping, until the Itchies are nothing more than pink powder. He sighs and accidentally inhales the powder. Inside his body, countless microscopic Itchies attack his lung cells with axes, causing him to rapidly age and turn into dust. Screams from a Mall. Title pun: "Scenes from a Mall" "Simpsons" episode: "The Front" Year: 1993 Synopsis: Scratchy is shopping at a mall and uses an escalator. Itchy nails his feet to the escalator and gets caught in it and gets his fur torn off. Itchy sells Scratchy's fur at a fur shop and a rich couple buys Scratchy's fur, which a skinless Scratchy angrily reclaims. As he leaves the mall, he is beaten by a group of PETA-like animal rights activists, furious at the sight of Scratchy wearing fur even though he "is" an animal. Skinless in Seattle. Title pun: "Sleepless in Seattle" "Simpsons" episode: "Bart Sells His Soul" Year: 1995 Synopsis: Scratchy is supposed to meet his lover at the Space Needle, but this is actually yet another of Itchy's schemes to kill Scratchy. Itchy throws down a penny but it misses Scratchy, who is lovesick for his mystery lover and oblivious to Itchy's attempted murder. Miniature souvenir Space Needles also fail to kill Scratchy; instead they form an ironic heart shape around him. Visibly annoyed, Itchy saws off the top half of the Space Needle, which hits Scratchy in the eye as he looks up. Scratchy runs around in agony with half the Space Needle stuck in his eyeball. Slaughter is the Best Medicine. Title pun: "Laughter is the best medicine" Station identification shown for Sky1 in the United Kingdom Synopsis: Scratchy walks down the street and sees a painted sign on the ground reading "UNSAFE". He steps forward onto a square reading "SAFE". Due to a pun, Itchy throws a pile of safes onto Scratchy, crushing him. He is taken to the hospital where he is relieved to see a sign that seems to read "A&E" (which shows that this is a British ident—in America, the A&E, or Accident and Emergency, is called ER) - which soon turns out to be "SUPER KILLING LASER". The laser is turned on Scratchy, who appears unscathed, until the Sky1 "crystalline" logo falls down and squashes him. He stands up and finally tries to run as the logo is zapped with the laser, causing the logo to shatter into shards, slicing him into pieces. The Social Petwork. Title pun: "The Social Network" "Simpsons" episode: "The Ten-Per-Cent Solution" Year: 2011 Synopsis: Scratchy is practicing rowing in a rowing tank. Itchy attacks Scratchy, leaving him unconscious. He scoops out Scratchy's guts and we see Itchy rowing down a stream with Scratchy as the boat. A note comes up, which reads: "Scratchy sued over being turned into a canoe and won 65 million dollars. He was given a sack with a dollar sign on it, but when he opened the sack, he saw a bomb with a lit fuse. He threw the bomb out the window and got a relieved look on his face. However, the bomb landed on a trampoline held up by fireman Itchys, bounced back into the room, and killed him." The Sound of Silencers. Title pun: "The Sound of Silence" "Simpsons" episode: "Bart the Murderer" Year: 1991 Synopsis: Mimicking the St. Valentine's Day Massacre, various suspect cat criminals, including Scratchy, are up against a wall. Itchy, as a policeman, holds his billy club while he thinks, thumping it into the palm of his hand. He tosses the club aside, draws a "Tommy gun", and shoots Scratchy and the other cats until they all bleed heavily. Itchy pauses, and winks and spells out "THE END" with bullet holes. As Itchy makes the "D," one last cat suspect comes in and is hit and killed with the bullets for the "D," revealing "THE END" written on the wall in bullet holes with a blood-smeared "D" from the last cat suspect. Spay Anything. Title pun: "Say Anything" "Simpsons" episode: "Cape Feare" Year: 1993 Synopsis: Scratchy walks along Itchy's Cat Hospital and looks at a sign that says "We Pay Your Pet $75". The minute Scratchy enters the hospital, Itchy reveals the sign actually says "We Spay Your Pet $75"! Two bulldogs strap Scratchy to a table and Itchy turns on the spaying mechanism — a giant laser. (he's a male though, so it's neuter instead of spay) To save himself, Scratchy has to use James Bond-like maneuvers to deactivate the machine, using his tongue to unplug it. He feels relieved, but Itchy plugs the machine in again and the laser slices Scratchy to pieces. Spherical on 34th Street. Title pun: "Miracle on 34th Street" "Simpsons" episode: "Funeral for a Fiend" Year: 2007 Synopsis: During the Thanksgiving Day Parade, Itchy fills Scratchy up with hydrogen, turning him into a parade balloon. Itchy fires a flaming arrow at Scratchy. After ten commercials from the "Krusty the Clown" show which the Simpsons can ignore, thanks to TiVo, Scratchy explodes and his guts spray the street and Itchy, as a reporter, shouts, "Oh, the hilarity! ", a parody of the exclamation made famous after the Hindenburg disaster by Herbert Morrison: "Oh, the humanity!" The mice Pilgrims eat a chunk of Scratchy's body. Steamboat Itchy. Title pun: "Steamboat Willie" "Simpsons" episodes: "" and "The Day the Violence Died" Synopsis: First to show Itchy and Scratchy together in a 1920s style cartoon. Essentially a parody of Steamboat Willie. It starts with Itchy cheerfully piloting an anthropomorphically happy steamboat (in the Mickey Mouse role and design). Scratchy (in Pete's role) joins him blissfully. Itchy shoots Scratchy's legs off at the knees with a Tommy Gun and shoves his head in the furnace. It ends with an iris in on Scratchy's burned head and Itchy laughing at the cat's burned head. Sundae Bloody Sundae. Title pun: "U2's" "Sunday Bloody Sunday" "Simpsons" episode: "Oh Brother, Where Art Thou?" Year: 1991 Synopsis: Itchy is working as a soda jerk. Scratchy comes along and orders a drink. Itchy puts Scratchy into a glass and blends him into a drink. Note: The title pun listed was used again in "Sunday, Cruddy Sunday", an actual "Simpsons" episode. Tears of a Clone. Title pun: "The Tears of a Clown" "Simpsons" episode: "Little Big Mom" Year: 2000 Synopsis: Scratchy has recently died, and mourners (including Poochie and Itchy) visit his coffin at his funeral. Itchy is depressed and alcoholic without Scratchy, and reminisces about all the times he killed him. He notices a newspaper headline about a cloned sheep and gets an idea. He decides to make clones of Scratchy. He builds a cloning machine, using a sample of Scratchy's blood from a meat cleaver, and makes Scratchy clones. As the clones come out from the machine, Itchy kills them all using various weapons. He cannot keep up with the rate of the machine, and after tiring of killing Scratchy by hand, he builds a killing machine and puts it next to the cloning machine. When the blood of the clones sprays out of the machine it spells "THE END" on the wall. That Happy Cat. "Simpsons" episode: "" Year: 1920 Synopsis: The first Scratchy cartoon. Scratchy, in a 1920s style cartoon, walks down the street whistling while wearing a hat. He stops and tips his hat forward, rocks backwards and forwards, then continues walking. To Kill a Talking Bird. Title pun: "To Kill a Mockingbird" "Simpsons" episode: "Jaws Wired Shut" Year: 2002 Synopsis: Itchy and Scratchy and other animals in a theater's audience grow annoyed with a duck talking too loudly on his cell phone. Itchy replaces the duck's phone with dynamite, killing it. The duck is a skeleton and says "uh-oh". Itchy pulls out Scratchy's intestines to write "Please No Talking" on the screen. The Un-Natural. Title pun: "The Natural" "Simpsons" episode: "I Don't Wanna Know Why the Caged Bird Sings" Year: 2007 Synopsis: Scratchy strikes out at a baseball game and meets Itchy who suggests he should use steroids. Scratchy hesitates as he could develop health problems and Itchy claims he could have millions of dollars. Scratchy takes them and hits a home run that goes all the way to the South Pole. Scratchy becomes famous but six years later, he is uncovered, goes to court and pleads guilty. The effects of the steroids turn Scratchy into a walking disaster and he destroys the whole courthouse. The Lincoln Monument comes to life and rips off his head then hits it for a home run. Mice paparazzi arrive to take a picture of Scratchy's head on display at the Hall of Shame podium. What's Nuked, Pussycat? Title pun: "What's New Pussycat?" "Simpsons" episode: "Fraudcast News" Year: 2004 Synopsis: In an episode written and directed by C. Montgomery Burns, Scratchy is protesting outside the Nuclear Power Plant, when Itchy spears him with a forklift truck, telling Scratchy about the benefits of nuclear power, such as generating energy for the local orphanage and hospital. When Scratchy suggests that wind power is cheap and safe, Itchy chops Scratchy's head off with the blades of a wind turbine. An eagle flies into shot, looking like (and voiced by) Mr. Burns, telling viewers that "Nuclear power is your friend, and so is Monty Burns". Scratchy's head tells viewers, "Don't end up like me. Vote Republican", with Itchy saying "God Bless America!" before adding, "This cartoon was made in Korea". Why Do Fools Fall in Lava? Title pun: "Why Do Fools Fall in Love?" "Simpsons" episode: "The Itchy & Scratchy & Poochie Show" Year: 1997 Synopsis: Scratchy pays Itchy for a bungee jump in the volcano, and Itchy cuts open Scratchy's belly and ties his intestines. He shoves him into the volcano, and as soon as he is about to plunge in the lava, the intestines hold on. As Scratchy sighs with relief, Itchy fills his intestines with gasoline. Scratchy tries to hold the gasoline inside, but he pops and is reduced to cinders by the lava. The "Itchy & Scratchy" movies. "Simpsons" episodes: "" & "The Simpsons Movie" (a sequel to this film) Synopsis:

cereal cover

11746-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1158931

A gravity knife is a knife with a blade contained in its handle, and that opens its blade by the force of gravity. As the gravity knife requires gravity or spinning motion to propel the blade out of the handle, it differs fundamentally from the switchblade, which opens its spring-propelled blade automatically upon the push of a button, switch, or fulcrum lever. The main purpose of this opening method is that it allows opening and closing to be done "one handed", in situations where the other hand is occupied. Hence, historically they have been issued to parachutists to cut off caught lines, such as lines tangled in trees, a major potential use of the gravity knife. The gravity knife uses a button, trigger, or fulcrum lever to release the blade from both the open and the closed positions, and may use a side-folding or telescoping (out-the-front, or OTF) blade. While most military gravity knives utilize a locking blade design, other types may not mechanically lock open but rely instead upon friction to wedge the rear section of the blade against the interior of the handle. Factory-made gravity knives have various types of buttons, triggers, and fulcrum levers, which usually are used to release the blade from both the open and the closed positions. Design and operation. Flieger-Kappmesser / Luftwaffe Gravity Knife (LGK). One of the most recognizable gravity knives is the World War II-era "Flieger-Kappmesser" (literally: "flyers-cutting knife"), which utilizes a four-inch (100 mm) telescoping (OTF), gravity-propelled locking blade. First produced in 1937, the often so called "Fallschirmjägermesser" was initially issued to German flight crews and paratroops, primarily for the purpose of cutting a trapped parachutist from his rigging in case he landed with a tangled parachute, or became entangled in trees or in the water with the shroud lines. The spike was used to untie knots while packing the parachutes. Luftwaffe air crew members used the knife to cut themselves out of their harnesses or cut through the aluminum hull of the aircraft after a crash landing. Though not intended for use as a fighting knife in the first place, the LGK was introduced to the 1st Skijäger Division and SS units on the Eastern Front to be used primarily as a close combat weapon from 1944 on. The "Flieger-Kappmesser" uses a sliding blade inside a metal gripframe, which was originally fitted with smooth wood scales. The blade itself is a relatively blunt spear-point, and the profile is flat ground, tapering to a utility edge. To open the blade, the user points the knife downwards while flipping up the fulcrum-style operating lever, allowing gravity to draw out the blade to its fullest extent. Releasing the lever locks the blade into position. The LGK may also be opened by flipping the blade release lever while flicking the wrist holding the knife, causing the blade to extend. The LGK was also equipped with a folding marlinspike or awl. Primarily intended for untangling rope knots, it was also used as a prying tool or to fix jammed weapons. The spike does not lock when opened and was never intended to be used as a combat weapon. There are two principal types of wartime-era "Flieger-Kappmesser" with altogether 10 known variations. The Type I LGK (three manufacturers, five WWII variations) has wood scales (handle), was made from 1937-1943, and unlike successive models, has no 'takedown' capability. The Type II LGK (two manufacturers, five WWII variations) is the same knife, but with takedown features, and was produced from 1943 until 1945 and then again from ca. 1950 until 1965. After the end of World War II, the newly organized West German "Bundeswehr" placed new orders with German cutlery manufacturers for a postwar version of the "Kappmesser" for issue to the Army´s airborne forces and tank crews. The West German "Luftwaffe" abandoned the gravity knife concept completely and purchased completely different rescue knives including a shroud line cutter. The initial Type III "trap door" gravity knife, made from 1955-1961 did not prove to be very reliable and thus, the original WWII Type II design was reintroduced until it was finally replaced by the early Type IV knives in appr. 1968. The Type IV LGK, is very similar to the WWII-production Type II takedown knife, but features plastic polymer instead of wooden scales and was made by WMF, OFW and Eickhorn from 1972-1984. They were issued to the "Bundeswehr" soldiers until 2017. The third West German post-war model is the Type V LGK, initially named AES79 and still today produced under the designation "LL80" (1979–present) by Eickhorn. The LL80 is smaller, has fewer parts and is more cost-effective to produce than earlier "Flieger-Kappmesser". It was procured by the Swiss Air Force and issued to their Dassault Mirage pilots in 1983. These knives are marked AES83 and bear the number of the aircraft of the metal head. On the other side of the Iron Curtain, in the German Democratic Republic, WWII Gravity Knives were refurbished and re-issued to the paratroopers and pilots until the existing stock was gone. In the early 1960s two companies then produced an East German Version of the Type I knives. They were then used until the early 1970s. Ibberson gravity knife. After British forces had captured numbers of Type I "Flieger-Kappmesser", the British government approached George Ibberson & Co. of Sheffield, England, a knife and cutlery manufacturer, and requested production of a British version of the German Luftwaffe Gravity Knife for the Special Operations Executive (SOE) and other clandestine warfare units. Under the initial wartime contract, George Ibberson & Co. made 500 gravity knives for issue to the SOE and other special forces. These Sheffield gravity knives had smooth wood or textured plastic scales, but were otherwise identical in features and operation to the Type I "Flieger-Kappmesser", with a locking gravity-deployed blade and a folding rigging spike or awl. In the hands of British SOE agents, the Sheffield gravity knife was considered to be a secondary combat weapon. In addition to the knife blade, SOE close combat instructors found that the folding rigging spike was useful for silent killing of sentries by opening the carotid artery on the neck. 'False gravity' and non-gravity knives. Some folding or telescoping knives that can open their blades by force of inertia or gravity were not intended or advertised by the manufacturer to do so. Knives that will lock their blades open, but do not have any closed position lock device are referred to as "false" gravity blades. The illustration shows the internal parts of a 1960s Japanese import 'false' gravity knife. Other knives may be considered to be 'false' gravity knives, including certain lock-back and linerlock folding knives that will not lock a blade in both open and closed positions. After the passage of the Switchblade Knife Act in the U.S. in 1958, it was discovered that some U.S. businesses were importing folding stiletto knives without spring mechanisms that did not have a pronounced blade heel (internal surface) in the pivot area allowing the longer 11 and 13 inch-bladed models to easily flick open. Modern (post 1965) folding stilettos imported or distributed in the U.S. now have blade heels that are intentionally pointed and ratchet against the lockback mechanism, preventing inertia opening. Other knives commonly mistaken for gravity knives include the automatic OTF knife, the switchblade and the butterfly knife (or balisong), the sliding knife, penny knife, and occasionally even common folding hunting knives such as the Buck 110 Folding Hunter. Other. The 'conversion' gravity knife consists of a standard folding knife fitted with after-market modifications. The knife pictured does not lock closed, and is thus classed as a 'false' gravity knife. It can still be opened manually without touching the toggle switch. The addition of the toggle, which is attached to an internal bellcrank-arm, will lift the lockback mechanism to allow the blade to swing more easily. Legality. In some countries, such as the United Kingdom, Canada, and in certain U.S. states, a gravity knife is defined under the law as a prohibited weapon, with attendant criminal penalties. Other laws may criminalize the ownership, sale, importation, or carrying of a gravity knife upon one's person, either concealed or unconcealed. In the United States, some state criminal codes prohibit either the ownership or the carrying of gravity knives, either by name or by including a functional description of their opening mechanisms. Other state criminal codes bar gravity knives by redefining them variously as switchblades or balisongs (butterfly knives). Local jurisdictions including cities and counties may also restrict the ownership or carrying of gravity knives. In a few jurisdictions, such as Colorado and New York City, courts have periodically attempted to classify ordinary lock-blade folding knives with a blade that may be opened by centrifugal force (normally, using a flicking motion of the wrist) as a gravity knife, thus making the knife's owner subject to the same criminal penalties imposed for illegal possession of a gravity knife. The New York statute banning gravity knives has been declared "unconstitutionally vague" by a federal District Court in March 2019. New York State legalized the possession of gravity knives on May 30, 2019 but New York City retains its ban on public transport.

battle hardware

12191-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=50679052

The 1908 West Virginia gubernatorial election took place on November 3, concurrently with the Presidential election. Republican nominee William E. Glasscock was elected Governor of West Virginia, defeating Democratic nominee Louis Bennett Sr. Democratic nomination. Convention. Louis Bennett Sr. was nominated on the first ballot on July 30. His competitor, Adam B. Littlepage, was nominated for the position of Secretary of State. By a wide margin, the convention adopted two planks calling for the continuation of disenfranchisement of black voters and segregation of train cars. The adoption of the planks was opposed by former Governor William A. MacCorkle, who warned that they would cause the party's defeat in the general election. Republican nomination. Campaign and conventions. The Republican Party of West Virginia's nomination process in this period was a patchwork of indirect primaries and conventions, all taking place over several months. Early in the race, Hearne touted that he would go to the convention with the full support of the Northern Panhandle. He was awarded the full slate of delegates from his home state of Ohio County, owing to no other candidates contesting the race. However, after losing the Marshall County primary to Scherr, Hearne dropped out. After the Ohio County Republican Party's executive committee selected a slate of delegates supportive of Scherr, Hearne re-entered the race, demanding to select his own delegates. On July 7, the state party's executive committee ruled in favor of Hearne, leading Scherr's supporters to bolt the convention. Scherr's supporters, going by the title "Lincoln Republicans", adopted a platform demanding primary elections and nominated a separate set of candidates for statewide office. Within a week, four of the statewide nominees had left the Lincoln Republican ticket - Thomas C. Miller and John T. Harris repudiating the convention that they had attended, James K. Hall and John T. Harris having been nominated by friends without their knowledge. Compromise. Scherr, Swisher, and presidential nominee William Howard Taft, among other party leaders, held a conference in Hot Springs, Virginia for several days in August. Taft refused to side with either faction. On September 23, the regular Republicans and Lincoln Republicans agreed to both support William E. Glasscock, as a compromise. Additionally, changes to the nomination process was made, with delegates apportioned based on the county rather than the district, and requiring either a primary or a district convention to be held.

different group

10777-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=14098941

The Devil's Charter is an early Jacobean era stage play, a tragedy written by Barnabe Barnes. The play recounts the story of Pope Alexander VI. Date, performance, publication. "The Devil's Charter" dates from 1607; it was acted by the King's Men at Court before King James I on Candlemas (2 February) of that year. The play was entered into the Stationers' Register on 16 October 1607, and published before the end of the year, in a quarto printed by George Eld for the bookseller John Wright. Barnes dedicated the play to Sir William Pope and to William Herbert, 3rd Earl of Pembroke. The 1607 quarto is the sole edition of the play prior to the 20th century. Plot synopsis. The play opens with a dumbshow prologue that shows Roderigo making a deal with the devil to become Pope Alexander VI. Lodowick convinces Charles of France to go to war against Italy on religious grounds. Two gentlemen lambast the pope's corruption. Gismond and Barbarossa intercept some slander against the pope and Gismond and are upset, promising to find and punish the writer. The Pope soliloquizes about how he made this deal with the devil for the betterment of his sons, Candy and Caesar. He divides Italy and the surrounding territories between them and gives them each a swath to rule. Caesar and the Pope pontificate about ruling well and fighting wars in the name of religion. Candy leaves to go deal with the ambassador come to make a marriage with the Lady Saunce. Lucretia prepares to murder her husband Gismond for keeping her shut away. They trade barbs about jealousy and virtue. She ties him up, makes him sign a statement that he slandered her, her father the pope, her brothers Caesar and Candy, and also Sforza, and then stabs him many times. She then stages it to look like he killed himself out of regret over locking her up and retires to bed. A servant and Barbarossa discover the body and she feigns shock and grief. She makes a scene and threatens to kill herself as well. The Chorus tells us that King Charles is marching on Italy with about 20000 troops. Alexander, Caesar, and Candy prepare for battle against King Charles. Alexander and Charles parley and can't come to an agreement—Charles wants to conquer Rome, and Alexander won't yield the Castell Angelo. Charles's companions call Alexander the antichrist and call on Charles to remove him from the throne. Charles and Alexander reach an accord. The Chorus tells us that after this, Charles dies, territory changes hands a couple times, and the rest of the play really only concerns the Pope and Caesar. The Pope sends a messenger with a ruby to Astor bidding him to come visit. Astor is the Pope's captive for sexual reasons. Astor is insulted by this request. The Pope comes out of a casement to beg/woo Astor to come to him. Astor resists and resists and then excuses himself for mass. The Pope tells his servant to make sure Astor visits after mass because he cannot breathe without him. Caesar hires Frescobaldi, a ruffian, to do some nefarious work. Frescobaldi recites his qualifications, his mettle in battle, etc. Candy suspects that his sister Lucretia murdered her husband Gismond and calls her in for questioning. Frescobaldi sets up his post to do his dirty work. Baglioni stumbles across him and the two become friends. Frescobaldi dismisses Baglioni and gets back to work. Caesar and Frescobaldi trip and stab Candy. Frescobaldi hauls Candy's body up to toss it over the bridge, and Caesar pushes Frescobaldi after. Caesar crows about how no one will suspect his crimes since he's a cardinal. He plots to frame Sforza for the murder and to kill his sister Lucretia next. The Pope conjures devils to find out who murdered Candy and Gismond, and is horrified when he finds out Caesar and Lucretia are responsible. He vows that they (and Astor) must die. The Pope accuses Caesar of murdering Candy, and Caesar accuses the Pope of incest, murder, sodomy, lust, etc. They both agree to conceal the other's sins in order to keep the status quo. Lucretia puts on poisoned makeup and dies. Caesar lays siege to Countess Katharine of Furli, Sforza's daughter. She refuses to yield and he reveals that he has kidnapped her two sons. She still refuses to yield even to save their lives and Caesar orders their execution. They fight in battle and Katharine is captured. Caesar reveals that her sons are alive and her fortune is intact, and orders the three of them sent to Rome. Barbarossa is instructed to govern Furli without restriction and give the people their liberty. The Pope arranges for Astor and his brother Philippo to be drugged to sleep, then places an asp on both their chests and they die. Other lords suspect foul play. Caesar discharges his army with good pay and then hires Baglioni to kill Rozzi, an apothecary. Bernardo arrives to collect some powders and poisons from Rozzi. Rozzi sets down his bottles to read a letter. Baglioni drinks from the bottles while he waits to shoot Rozzi. The bottle are poisoned. Bernardo leaves with the potions. Baglioni shoots Rozzi. The Pope and Caesar discuss their plans to poison Cardinal Caraffa at a banquet that night. The Devil arrives at the banquet and plays switcheroo with the poisoned bottles. The Pope and Caesar poison themselves. Caesar stabs Bernardo for the mix up. The Cardinals depart to save themselves. The devils Belchar, Astaroth, and Varca plan to hurry the Pope to hell. The Pope tries to repent and has difficulty accessing his conscience. He retires to his study and finds the Devil there waiting for him. The Pope tries to exorcise the Devil and cannot. They look over the contract he made in exchange for becoming Pope, and because of some tricky math, it is for eleven years and seven days, though the Pope thought it was for eighteen years and eight days. They argue over the terms and the Devil tells the Pope to prepare for eternal torment. The Devil shows the Pope the ghosts of stabbed Candy and poisoned Lucretia—the Pope is poisoned in retribution for poisoning Lucretia, while Caesar will be stabbed in retribution for stabbing Candy. A bunch of devils arrive to take the Pope down to hell. Two Cardinals find his corpse and order Rome's bells to be run in Thanksgiving for being delivered from this wicked pope. Special features. The play is notable among scholars of English Renaissance theatre for its unusually full stage directions, which reveal much about the dramatic style of the leading company of the age — and for the fact that those stage directions specify the play's characters carrying their props onto the stage with them. Since the characters are historical personages (Charles VIII of France, Lodovico Sforza, Cesare Borgia, and Francesco Guicciardini among others), the effect can be odd and striking; at the start of Act I, scene v, Lucrezia Borgia enters carrying a chair, "which she planteth upon the stage." Characters murder other characters, then drag the bodies offstage. The text of "The Devil's Charter" is rich with intellectual, historical, and contemporary Jacobean references. It is not accidental that this anti-Catholic play was written and produced in the aftermath of the Gunpowder Plot of 1605; Protestant propagandists found the story of the Borgia family a useful resource. The story was dramatized again by Nathaniel Lee in his "Caesar Borgia" (1679). The devil. The Devil in the play's title is literal rather than metaphorical; Alexander conjures up Astaroth to aid him in his climb to power. (Barnes's play reflects the influences of earlier devil plays, notably Marlowe's "Doctor Faustus".) The diabolism of the plot provides opportunities for sensationalism, with multiple ghosts, and stage spectacle, as in the conjuring scene IV,i. (The stage directions there give the King's Men some latitude in special effects: Alexander conjures up an infernal king with a red face, who is "riding upon a lion, or dragon.") At the start of V,v, Astaroth calls up two fellow devils, Belchar and Varca; they converse and dance. In the next and concluding scene, Astaroth, wearing the papal robes, surprises Alexander; the pope learns that the devil has planted tricky arithmetic in their written contract, and that his reign is over years sooner than he expected. Amid thunder and lightning, a horde of devils drag Alexander to Hell.

favorable stipends

12228-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8347176

Jake "Greasy Thumb" Guzik (March 20, 1886 – February 21, 1956) was the financial and legal advisor, and later political "greaser," for the Chicago Outfit. Biography. Early life. Guzik was born near Kraków,(Poland), Galicia on March 20, 1886, and emigrated to the United States in the early 20th century. His parents were Jews from Katowice, Poland. Guzik later became involved in prostitution, and allegedly sexual slavery, in the South Side of Chicago's Levee vice district with his brother Harry, eventually driving rival Jack Zuta out of business. He later became a powerful political "fixer" operating from St. Hubert's Old English Grill and Chop House, where Guzik received "bagmen," who delivered scheduled payoffs to various police precincts and city officials. Chicago Outfit. In the early 1920s, Guzik, supposedly overhearing a plan to murder Al Capone, informed him and later allied with the Chicago Outfit. Starting under Capone, Guzik was the trusted treasurer and financial wizard of the Outfit. Guzik worked for Capone, and later Paul "the Waiter" Ricca and Tony Accardo. Because Guzik was incapable of using a gun or killing anyone, Capone protected him and once killed a man for him. In May 1924, Guzik got into an argument with a freelance hijacker named Joe Howard, who slapped and kicked him around. Incapable of physical resistance, Guzik related to Capone what had happened. Capone charged out in search of Howard and ran him down in Heinie Jacob's saloon on South Wabash Avenue, where Howard was bragging about the way he had "made the little Jew whine." When Howard saw Capone, he held out his hand and said, "Hello, Al." Capone instead grabbed Howard's shoulders and shook him violently, demanding to know why Howard had mistreated his friend. "Go back to your girls, you dago pimp," Howard replied. Capone then wordlessly drew a revolver, jammed it into his face, and, after several seconds, emptied it into him. Capone quickly came to trust Guzik's advice in the various gang wars that developed as he tried to organize Chicago. Guzik also served as the mob's principal bagman in payoffs to police and politicians, hence the origin of the nickname Greasy Thumb. Years later, as Capone was in failing health, it was Guzik who saw to it that Capone and his family never wanted for anything. During the 1940s and 1950s, when the national syndicate was dominated by the Big Six, Guzik and Accardo flew east weekly to meet with the other heads of the organization: Joe Adonis, Frank Costello, Meyer Lansky and Longy Zwillman. The only serious legal problems that Guzik ever faced were with the IRS, and he eventually spent a few years in prison. At the Kefauver Committee hearings, he pleaded the Fifth Amendment on the grounds that any response to the questions might "discriminate against me." Guzik died of a myocardial infarction on February 21, 1956, while in bed at a South Side Chicago apartment he rented under the name Jack Arnold. He was 69. At his funeral services, more Italians were in attendance at the synagogue than ever before in its history. In television. Jake Guzik is a major figure in the 1959 television show "The Untouchables", wherein he is portrayed by Nehemiah Persoff. Guzik was introduced in the two-hour pilot, in which he was portrayed by Bern Hoffman, and returned in the first episode as the brains behind the Chicago Outfit after Al Capone's conviction. He ultimately appeared in four episodes, portrayed by Persoff in all four. Jake Guzik appears in the HBO show "Boardwalk Empire", wherein he is portrayed by Joe Caniano. His incident with Joe Howard was dramatized in an episode. In it, Guzik's bullying coincides with Capone's son being bullied in school, and it is the similarities between the two incidents that drive Capone to kill Howard.

brute defiance

8417-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=10480026

A shock collar or remote training collar is any of a family of training collars (also called e-collars, Ecollars, or electronic collars) that deliver electrical stimulation of varying intensity and duration to the neck of a dog (they can also be applied to other places on the dog's body, to achieve various training effects) via a radio-controlled electronic device incorporated into a dog collar. Some collar models also include a tone or vibrational setting, as an alternative to or in conjunction with the shock. Others include integration with Internet mapping capabilities and GPS to locate the dog or alert an owner of his/her whereabouts. Originally used in the late 1960s to train hunting dogs, early collars were very high powered. Many modern versions are capable of delivering very low levels of shock. Shock collars are now readily available and have been used in a range of applications, including behavioral modification, obedience training, and pet containment, as well as military, police and service training. While similar systems are available for other animals, the most common are the collars designed for domestic dogs. Types of devices. Pet containment systems. The most common use of shock collars is pet containment systems that are used to keep a dog inside the perimeter of the residence without the construction of a physical barrier. This use of shock collars is increasingly popular in areas where local laws or homeowners' associations prohibit the construction of a physical fence. Available systems include: in-ground installation to preserve the aesthetics of the yard; above ground installation to reinforce an existing barrier that was not sufficient in containing the dog; and wireless systems to allow for indoor use. Most pet containment systems work by installing a wire around the perimeter of the yard. The wire carries no current (as opposed to electric fences, which carry a current at high voltage that may be lethal in the event of unauthorized or defective installation or equipment) but forms a closed loop with a circuit box that transmits a radio signal to the receiver collar on the dog. As the dog approaches the perimeter the collar activates. Bark control collars. Bark control collars are used to curb excessive or nuisance barking by delivering a shock at the moment the dog begins barking. Bark collars can be activated by microphone or vibration, and some of the most advanced collars use both sound and vibration to eliminate the possibility of extraneous noises activating a response. Training collars or remote trainers. Training collars can be activated by a handheld device. Better quality remote trainers have a large variety of levels and functions, can give varying duration of stimulation, better quality stimulation, and have a beep or vibration option useful for getting the dog's attention. E-collars may be used in conjunction with positive reinforcement and/or utilizing other principles of operant conditioning, depending on the trainer's methods either as a form of positive punishment, where the correction is applied at the moment an undesired behavior occurs to reduce the frequency of that behavior—or as a form of negative reinforcement, where a continuous stimulation is applied until the moment a desired behavior occurs to increase the frequency of that behavior. Frame of reference. Electrical shock is the physiological reaction, sensation, or injury caused by electric current passing through the body. It occurs upon contact of a body part with any source of electricity that causes a sufficient current through the skin, muscles, or hair. Commenting in his textbook on training and behaviour, Steven Lindsay wrote about the public perception of the term "shock" and its application in the description of training aids; "At low levels, the term shock is hardly fitting to describe the effects produced by electronic training collars, since there is virtually no effect beyond a pulsing tingling or tickling sensation on the surface of the skin ... the word shock is loaded with biased connotations, images of convulsive spasms and burns, and implications associated with extreme physical pain, emotional trauma, physiological collapse, and laboratory abuses ... the stimulus or signal generated by most modern devices is highly controlled and presented to produce a specific set of behavioral and motivational responses to it." In an article for the trade magazine "Office for veterinary service and food control", Dr. Dieter Klein compared the effects of shock collars with other electrical stimulation products; "Modern devices ... are in a range in which normally no organic damage is being inflicted. The electric properties and performances of the modern low current remote stimulation devices ... are comparable to the electric stimulation devices used in human medicine. Organic damage, as a direct impact of the applied current, can be excluded.” "At 0.914 joules the electric muscle stimulation and contractions a human receives from an 'abdominal energizer' fitness product is exponentially stronger — more than 1,724 times stronger— than the impulse a dog receives from a pet containment collar set at its highest level." Technical considerations. Electric shock can be characterised in terms of voltage, current, waveform, frequency (of waveform), pulse rate and duration. Although voltage, current and duration of shock can be used to calculate the amount of energy applied (in Joules), these are not indicators of the intensity of the stimulus or how it may be perceived by the recipient. Static electric shocks that are experienced in daily life are of the order of 20,000 to 25,000 volts, and yet are not painful or physically damaging because they are of very low current. Depending on design, e-collars can be set so that the shock delivered is only mildly uncomfortable. Variable settings of this kind are essential, so that the e-collar can be adjusted to the level that the dog requires, as situations change. E-collars are sometimes referred to as delivering a "static shock"; however, static electricity is direct current and carries little energy (order of millijoules). E-collars make use of alternating current. It is therefore inappropriate to refer to e-collars as delivering a static shock. Consistent stimulation requires good contact between the collar electrodes and the dog's skin. (The collar must be fitted according to the manufacturer's instructions.) Local humidity and individual variation in coat density, skin thickness and surface conductivity, also affect the delivery of the stimulation. The waveform, its frequency, the pulse rate, current, voltage and impedance are important determinants of likely response. "Many e−collars appear to shift intensity levels by altering the pulse duration or repetition rate while keeping the output current and voltage relatively constant, depending on the electrode−skin load." (Lindsay 2005, p. 573). Individual variations in temperament, pain sensitivity and susceptibility to startle of dogs, means that settings must be carefully adjusted to produce a stimulation that is perceived by the dog as only just aversive enough to stop the dog engaging in the unwanted behavior. Normally salient stimuli, such as noises, commands and even shocks, may have no effect on a dog that is highly aroused and focused on an activity such as hunting. Potential to cause harm. In 1980 (revised 1987), the US Center for Veterinary Medicine (CVM), a branch of the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA), concurred in regulatory action against a manufacturer of a bark collar, stating "Complaints received, which were later corroborated by our own testing, included severe burns in the collar area and possible personality adjustment injuries to the dogs. The shocking mechanism was found to be activated not only by barking but by vehicle horns, slamming doors or any other loud noise. CVM concurred in regulatory action against the device since it was deemed to be dangerous to the health of the animal." The standing policy of the US FDA is that "Dog collars which are activated by the noise of barking to produce an electric shock are considered as hazardous to the health of the animal." No regulations exist specifying the performance characteristics or reliability of these devices, so there is considerable variation in shock level and waveform characteristics between manufacturers, and perhaps even between batches of collars from a single manufacturer. The lack of regulation or standards, and the fact that some of the safety features of shock collars are patented by specific manufacturers, means that the safety and operational characteristics of individual products cannot be verified. Training effectiveness. The effectiveness of e-collars is highly debated, however it is not one sided. Each side has a wide variety of backers and activists from professors, to activists, and trainers. According to Pat Nolan, who has trained dogs for over thirty years, e-collar training is a key and effective use to train dogs (Nolan, 2011). According to the methods he describes in his book, regular and fair use is key in e-collar training. He details what fair use is, stating that it is key to keep a regular training schedule and set boundaries your pet understands. (Nolan, 2011) Deterring predation in the wild. The Wildlife Society article addresses the use of shock collars as a way to prevent sheep from being preyed upon by wild coyotes. According to (Phillips, 1999) they tested these collars on coyotes for a four-month period and found that the collars stopped thirteen attacks on sheep herds. This also is said to deter future attacks by the tested coyotes. Collars have also been used on wolves for similar reasons. This document is the assessment of the shock collar on wolves’ long-term behavior. The article talks about trying to alter wolves’ behavior over an extended period of time using the collar. The consensus was while it did have an effect while in use and temporally after it was removed, the study concluded that longer exposure would be needed to have any substantial evidence (Hawley, 2008). As far as non-lethal alternatives these two sources both concluded that shock collars are the most effective deterrence to predators. Both groups continued their research and the Wildlife Society has developed a new and improved version that eliminates the risk of neck injury when used on animals that previous versions caused. They have increased battery life and the durability of the unit. They devised a unit that is worn like a back pack for the animal. Previous versions caused excessive rubbing and soreness as well as being irritating for the animal to the point were they would try to take the harness off. Scientific studies. Christiansen et al study (2001a). Christiansen et al., looked at behavioural differences between three breeds of dogs when confronted by domestic sheep (138 dogs; Elkhounds, hare hunting dogs and English setters). Two testing procedures were used and shock collars were used to deter attacks on sheep. The first, a path test, involved observing the dogs' reactions to a set of novel stimuli (rag pulled across the track, bundle of cans thrown down, tethered sheep at 5m) as it was walked. The second test involved monitoring the dog's reaction to a free-roaming sheep flock in a field. In this study they identified several factors that predicted a high hunting motivation and attack severity. These were lack of previous opportunity to chase sheep, low fearfulness towards gunshots and unfamiliar people and general interest in sheep when encountering them. Younger dogs (<3 years of age) showed more pronounced initial hunting motivation and more frequent attacks. Elkhounds showed more hunting behaviour, more attacks and were more frequently given electric shocks during the tests. A shock collar was used to deter attacks on the sheep during the experiments. Shocks (3000 V, 0.4 A, duration 1 second) were delivered when dogs came within a distance of 1–2 m of the sheep, and were repeated until the dogs left the area. The objective was to suppress an attack, but not to damage the hunting ability of the dogs. Despite frequently initiated chases and attacks, few shocks were delivered. This was because few dogs approached closer than 1–2 m, and the intention was to deter proximity to sheep rather than to associate hunting behaviour with an aversive shock, which would impair future hunting behaviour in other contexts. Christiansen et al. study (2001b). The dogs used in the first study were re-tested using the same procedures, to assess long-term impact of the training on their reaction to sheep. Again, in the free-running tests the dogs were fitted with a shock collar, which was used to deter approaches to within 1–2 m of the sheep. Dogs that had previously been shocked in year 1 showed a significant increased in latency to approach a person during the path test ( < 0.001), even though this was not a condition under which shocks had been delivered. Owners reported behavioral differences between year 1 and 2 in 24 of the dogs. 18 of the 24 dogs had shown no interest in sheep during that period, even though they had been interested in them during the first year tests. However, only one of those dogs had received shocks, so the change in behaviour could not be attributed to the use of the shock collar. When comparing owners’ reports for the two years, the dogs showed a weaker inclination for chasing sheep and other prey than previously ( < 0:001), but this variable was not affected by shock experience. Dogs that had shown interest in sheep in year 1 showed a persistent interest in year 2. No dogs chased or attacked sheep as their first response, while half of them did so the first year. During the entire test period, the proportion of dogs attacking sheep was reduced to almost one fourth. The number of shocks administered per dog was reduced by the second year, and only one of the dogs that received shocks the first year needed shocks also the second year. The observations that both receivers and non-receivers of shocks the first year showed a reduction in the probability of chasing sheep, but the receivers showing a larger reduction, show that shock treatment provides an additional learning response. No adverse effects on the dogs were observed with this training procedure, but in their discussion the authors commented "In order to ensure no negative effects, we recommend that the electronic dog collar may be used for such purposes only if it is used by skilled trainers with special competence on dog behaviour, learning mechanisms, and of this particular device." Salgirli dissertation (2008). The aim of Salgirli's study was "...to investigate whether any stress is caused by the use of specific conditioned signal, quitting signal, and/or pinch collars as alternatives to electric training collars, and if they do so, whether the stress produced in the process is comparable to the one with electric training collars.". The study population were a group of 42 adult police dogs. The quitting signal was a conditioned frustration equivalent to negative punishment. It was conditioned by associating failure to obtain an anticipated food reward with a specific vocal signal. In the test, dogs were walked past a "provocateur" who attempted to taunt the dog into a reaction. If the dog reacted, it was punished, and if it failed to react on subsequent provocations then the punishment was deemed to have had a learning effect. The study is therefore a comparison of negative and positive punishment methods, and not a comparison of punishment with positive reinforcement. Learning effect was measured by assessing the number of dogs that learned to quit a behaviour after application of the punishing stimulus. There was no statistical difference in learning effect between the pinch and shock collar, but the quitting signal produced a significantly poorer learning effect compared to shock or pinch collars ( < 0.01 in both cases). "Although the pinch collar caused more behavioral reactions, in the form of distress, than the electronic training collar, the electronic training collar elicits more vocal reactions in dogs than the pinch collars"; the explanation for increased vocalisation in the shock collar group was that this was due to a startle response rather than pain reactions. Salivary cortisol was monitored to measure the stress levels of the dogs, but this data was not presented in the dissertation; behavioral observation was the sole measure of stress. The study concluded that the electronic training collar induces less distress and shows stronger “learning effect” in dogs in comparison to the pinch collar. Commenting on the quitting signal, the author stated "It should particularly be mentioned, that the quitting signal training was implied only on adult dogs within the frame of this study. Therefore, the results should not be interpreted as that the quitting signal can not be a suitable method in police dog training. As previously stated training of the quitting signal requires a hard and a structured procedure. Thus, if the training, namely the conditioning, begins in puppyhood, the quitting signal can also be an effective method in police dog training". Comparing the effects of the three punishment methods; "These results can probably be explained by that electronic training collar complies completely with the punishment criteria, which were defined by TORTORA (1982), in case of proof of the proficient and experienced user. On the other hand when applying the pinch collar, these criteria can not be met even though perfect timing is applied since reactions of the dog and effectiveness of the method depends on several different factors such as the willingness, strength and motivation of the handler, as well as his/her proficiency. In addition to that, the visibility of the administrator and, thus, of the punishment is another important factor influencing the efficiency of the pinch collar because the dog directly links the punishment with its owner. Therefore this method does not satisfy the ‘‘punishment criteria’’ at all. The quitting signal on the other hand requires criteria, such as good timing and structured training procedure, on account of complete conditioning to achieve effective results. Even if these criteria are met, the personality trait of the dog is another factor, which influences the efficiency of the signal." Schalke et al. study (2007). Schalke et al. conducted a 7-month study to investigate the effect of shock collars on stress parameters, in a series of different training situations. Heart rate and saliva cortisol were used to determine the stress levels in three groups of dogs. Group A received the electric shock when they touched the "prey" (a rabbit dummy attached to a motion device), Group H ("here" command) received the electric shock when they did not obey a previously trained recall command during hunting, and Group R (random) received random shocks that were unpredictable and out of context. Group A did not show a significant rise in cortisol levels; the other two groups (R & H) did show a significant rise, with group R showing the highest level of cortisol. Salivary cortisol was measured, as this procedure is less likely to cause stress related rise in cortisol. From this the researchers concluded that the dogs who could clearly associate the shock with their action (i.e. touching the prey) and as a result were able to predict and control whether they received a shock, did not show considerable or persistent stress. The evidence of increased stress in the other groups was felt to support earlier findings that poor timing and/or inappropriate use of a shock collar puts the dog at high risk of severe and ongoing stress. They conclude that "The results of this study suggest that poor timing in the application of high level electric pulses, such as those used in this study, means there is a high risk that dogs will show severe and persistent stress symptoms. We recommend that the use of these devices should be restricted with proof of theoretical and practical qualification required and then the use of these devices should only be allowed in strictly specified situations." Schilder & van der Borg study (2004). Schilder and van der Borg conducted a study to compare the behavior of police service dogs that had previously been trained using a shock collar (Group S) with those that had not (Group C). In the training test no shocks were applied, but the animal's behavior was observed during training tasks. The intention was to investigate whether shock collar based training might have a long-term effect on stress-related behavior even in the absence of shock, and whether this related to specific features of the training context. Behaviors recorded included recognised indicators of stress (panting, lip-licking, yawning, paw lifting and body posture) as well as yelping, squealing, snapping and avoidance. During free walks on the training grounds, groups S dogs showed significantly more stress related behaviors and a lower body posture than group C dogs. During training, the same differences were found. The difference between the groups was more significant when training took place on the familiar training ground, indicating a contextual effect. The presence of the trainer was considered to be part of this context. The authors concluded "We concluded that shocks received during training are not only unpleasant but also painful and frightening." Lindsay says of this study, "Schilder and Van der Borg (2004) have published a report of disturbing findings regarding the short-term and long- term effects of shock used in the context of working dogs that is destined to become a source of significant controversy... The absence of reduced drive or behavioral suppression with respect to critical activities associated with shock (e.g., bite work) makes one skeptical about the lasting adverse effects the authors claim to document. Although they offer no substantive evidence of trauma or harm to dogs, they provide loads of speculation, anecdotes, insinuations of gender and educational inadequacies, and derogatory comments regarding the motivation and competence of IPO trainers in its place." Steiss et al. study (2007). Steiss, et al., conducted a four-week study of adult shelter dogs’ physiological and behavioral responses to bark control collars. Plasma cortisol was used as the stress measure. Dogs were randomly assigned to either a shock collar, a spray collar, or a dummy collar (control group). Dogs that were known to bark at an unfamiliar dog were used for the study. Test conditions involved presentation of an unfamiliar dog. Dogs wore activated collars for period of 30 minutes per day for three days in two consecutive weeks. The amount of barking was significantly reduced starting on the second day with both the spray and shock collars. There was no significant difference in effect between the two collar types. The treatment group dogs showed a mild yet statistically significant increase in blood cortisol level (an indicator of stress) only on the first day of wearing the collars (as compared to the Control Group.) At the conclusion of the study, Dr. Steiss and her team concluded that "In the present study, with dogs wearing bark control collars intermittently over a 2-week period, the collars effectively deterred barking without statistically significant elevations in plasma cortisol, compared to controls, at any of the time points measured." Tortora Study (1983). Tortora applied a method called "safety training" to treat aggression in 36 cases exhibiting a form of "instrumental aggression", selected after screening a population of 476 cases. "Instrumental aggression" was defined as describing aggressive acts that "do not have a clear evolutionary significance, are not directly related to emotional arousal, do not have specific releasing stimuli, are not directly modulated by hormones, and do not have an identifiable focus in the brain". Tortora states that in the context of the article "instrumental aggression" was specifically defined as "aggressive responses that have "a specifiable learning history, show a growth function over time and are modulated by their consequences. These dogs had few operant alternatives to gain reinforcement by compliance and were channeled down a path that allowed their innate aggressiveness to come under the control of the negatively reinforcing contingencies in the environment". The dogs initially behaved as though they "expected" aversive events and that the only way to prevent these events was through aggression. The dogs were therefore a highly selected subset that had not learned strategies for coping with threat. Each dog was trained to respond to a set of 15 commands taken from the AKC standard for CDX obedience. The commands were selected to provide control over the dog, and included "heel", "stand" "go", "come", "hold", "drop" and "sit". These behaviors were termed "safety behaviors". Training was divided into 9 stages, each of which was composed of 5–20 twice daily training sessions. Dogs could only progress to the next stage after passing a test. On average, dogs took 10–15 sessions to complete each stage. After training on basic commands, the dogs were trained to perform the behaviors they had already learned in order to avoid progressively increasing electric shock. After that, they were conditioned to perform a safety behavior to avoid a "safety tone" that let them anticipate the shock. In later stages of training, dogs were exposed to provocation by a distractor dog, and were punished using full intensity shock if they failed to perform a safety behavior or showed aggression. After training was complete, and the dogs were choosing to perform the safety behaviors instead of aggression, owners were taught to use the shock collar, and the training was transferred into everyday situations. The training resulted in a long-lasting and complete suppression of aggressive behaviour in the dogs. Dogs were followed up three years after the end of training, and the reduction in aggression was maintained. Criticism. PETA (People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals) opposes the use of shock collars, stating "Dogs wearing shock collars can suffer from physical pain and injury (ranging from burns to cardiac fibrillation) and psychological stress, including severe anxiety and displaced aggression. Individual animals vary in their temperaments and pain thresholds; a shock that seems mild to one dog may be severe to another. The anxiety and confusion caused by repeated shocks can lead to changes in the heart and respiration rate or gastrointestinal disorders. Electronic collars can also malfunction, either administering nonstop shocks or delivering no shocks at all". CABTSG (The Companion Animal Behaviour Therapy Study Group), an affiliate group of the BSAVA (British Small Animal Veterinary Association), produced a policy statement on the use of shock collars, stating "Their effectiveness depends upon the pain and fear experienced by the animal, but to use them correctly requires detailed understanding of behaviour and its motivation, as well as very precise timing. Few operators are able to achieve any reliable success with these devices and the consequences of failure can be a worsening of the problem behaviour. The indiscriminate use of shock collars therefore poses a threat to the safety of the general public, as well as to the welfare of the animal. We believe that sufficient alternative methods of treatment exist that such electronic training devices are redundant. Therefore, as an association affiliated to BSAVA, it is our duty to recommend that shock collars and all other related training and control aids should be banned from sale or use. CABTSG has been renamed the British Veterinary Behaviour Association. The BSAVA produced a position statement on the risks associated with collars "The British Small Animal Veterinary Association (BSAVA) recommends against the use of electronic shock collars and other aversive methods for the training and containment of animals. Shocks and other aversive stimuli received during training may not only be acutely stressful, painful, and frightening for the animals, but may also produce long-term adverse effects on behavioural and emotional responses.". On the advice of the RSPCA (Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals) and other welfare groups, the ACPO (Association of Chief Police Officers) banned the use of shock collars for police dog training by all UK police forces. The current ACPO Police Dogs Manual of Guidance states "Equipment that is not approved for use in the training of police dogs includes remote training collars designed to give an electric shock and Pinch Collars". The RSPCA commissioned a review of the effects of shock collars from the Department of Veterinary Medicine at Bristol University, which is available online. It states "Given the lack of scientific evidence for the efficacy of behavioural modification using shock collars, particularly in the long term, in addition to the potential for mistakes or deliberate abuse and the difficulty in correcting such errors, the widespread use of these devices must be carefully considered." The UK Kennel Club has an ongoing campaign to achieve a ban on the sale and use of shock collars; "The Kennel Club is against the use of any negative training methods or devices. The Kennel Club believes that there are many positive training tools and methods that can produce dogs that are trained just as quickly and reliably, with absolutely no fear, pain, or potential damage to the relationship between dog and handler." "The Kennel Club in calling upon the Government and Scottish Parliament to introduce an outright ban on this barbaric method of training dogs.". The two British members of the World Union of German Shepherd Clubs (WUSV) have joined the Kennel Club in calling for a complete ban on shock collars, and passed a motion to exclude this equipment from any of its training branches during official club training times. The HSUS (Humane Society of the United States) provides the following comment on the use of aversive collars (choke chains, pinch collars and shock collars): "Some trainers use aversive collars to train "difficult" dogs with correction or punishment. These collars rely on physical discomfort or even pain to teach the dog what not to do. They suppress the unwanted behavior but don't teach him what the proper one is. At best, they are unpleasant for your dog, and at worst, they may cause your dog to act aggressively and even bite you. Positive training methods should always be your first choice." They go on to comment on shock collars specifically: "The least humane and most controversial use of the shock collar is as a training device. The trainer can administer a shock to a dog at a distance through a remote control. There is a greater chance for abuse (delivery of shocks as punishment) or misuse (poor timing of shocks). Your dog also may associate the painful shock with people or other experiences, leading to fearful or aggressive behavior". The NCAE (Norwegian Council on Animal Ethics) "recommends the introduction of a ban electric training collars and similar remote-controlled or automatic electronic devices that cause your dog substantial discomfort. It should nevertheless be granted an exemption for such training carried out by authorized persons in order to prevent hunting of livestock and wildlife." The APDT (Association of Professional Dog Trainers) says, "[Electronic] training collars should not be used by novice dog owners or by trainers who are not properly instructed in their use. Use of electronic training collars can result in trauma to your dog and generally are not recommended by positive reinforcement trainers". The AVSAB (American Veterinary Society of Animal Behavior) produced a position statement titled "The use of punishment for behavior modification in animals", the opening paragraph of which reads, "AVSAB’s position is that punishment (e.g., choke chains, pinch collars, and electronic collars) should not be used as a first-line or early-use treatment for behavior problems. This is due to the potential adverse effects which include but are not limited to: inhibition of learning, increased fear-related and aggressive behaviors, and injury to animals and people interacting with animals." Praise. In his 2005 textbook on training and behavior, Steven Lindsay writes "Instead of instilling social aversion and anxiety ... animal and human research supports the notion that competent shock [collar] training appears to promote positive social attachment, safety, and reward effects that may be provided and amplified via affectionate petting and reassuring praise. The preponderance of scientific evidence suggests that [electrical stimulation] escape/avoidance and pain reduction should promote long-term effects that are incompatible with fear and stress, making the trainer an object of significant extrinsic reward that actually enhances the dog's welfare via an improved capacity for social coping, learning, and adaptation". Steven Lindsay states "If minimizing the intensity, duration, and frequency of aversive stimulation during training is recognized as a significant factor in the definition of humane dog training, then the radio controlled e-collar must be ranked as one of the most humane dog-training tools currently available". The International Association of Canine Professionals released a statement on the matter: Randall Lockwood PhD, Vice President for Research and Educational Outreach of the Humane Society of the United States, was quoted in a 2007 White Paper as writing "We recognize that older products were often unreliable and difficult to use humanely. But we feel that new technology employed by responsible manufacturers has led to products that can be and are being used safely and effectively to preserve the safety and well-being of many dogs and strengthen the bond with their human companions." The White Paper was titled "The Facts About Modern Electronic Training Devices" and produced by Radio Systems, a manufacturer of shock collars. Legal status. The use of shock collars is banned in Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Austria, Switzerland, Slovenia, and Germany, and in some territories of Australia, including New South Wales and South Australia. The United States, China, Japan, France, Canada, South Korea, Russia, Spain, Netherlands, Belgium, United Arab Emirates, Finland, New Zealand, Portugal and 168 other nations listed by the United Nations do not regulate the use of electrical collars. In March 2010, the Welsh Assembly voted to ban the use of shock collars in Wales. The ban was unsuccessfully challenged by Petsafe, a manufacturer of these devices, and the Electronic Collar Manufacturers' Association, who claimed that it breached Article 1 of the First Protocol of the European Convention of Human Rights. In August 2018, it was announced that shock collars for cats and dogs would be banned in England. The Environment secretary Michael Gove said that shock collars caused unacceptable "harm and suffering". Animal charities, including the Kennel Club, the RSPCA and the Dogs Trust, welcomed the move. Legal cases involving shock collars. The potential for shock collars to have a negative impact on behaviour has been recognised by United Kingdom courts. In 2001, Ostarra Langridge was prosecuted after one of her dogs attacked and killed a Shih Tzu whilst on a walk. A control order, rather than a destruction order, was imposed as the magistrates accepted the defense that the dog's aggressive behaviour was attributable to the effects of the shock collar. Langridge claimed her dogs "connected the pain of the electric shock with little dogs because of the first time I used the collar". She first shocked the dogs by accident while they were walking by a small dog. On April 11, 2011, a 48-year-old man from Ogmore-by-Sea became the first person convicted of illegal use of a shock collar in Wales. He was subsequently fined £2,000 and assessed £1,000 for court costs. In 2002, the Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (RSPCA), Victoria lost a defamation lawsuit to Orion Pet Products, a shock collar manufacturer, and was ordered to pay $100,000 in damages. The RSPCA had falsely claimed that shock collars can cause burns and delivered 3,000 volt shocks to dogs. They made the "fanciful claim" that the current from a shock collar had caused a 60 kilogram dog to perform backflips and resulted in brain damage. Justice Weinberg also found that the RSPCA claims that these collars caused epileptic fits, vomiting, seizures, burning and bleeding were misleading. The RSPCA's senior inspector had falsified evidence in an attempt to demonstrate that shock collars can cause burns.

replacement model

7891-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=2313256

Virugambakkam is a residential neighbourhood of Chennai, Tamil Nadu, India. It is an important residential area of and is famous for its schools, market, residential colonies and residences of film artists. Virugambakkam had some of Chennai's oldest film studios. Virugambakkam is one of the important localities of Chennai and owes its growth to the expansion of the city in the post-independence period. Prior to the establishment of residential colonies, Virugambakkam was a village covered by paddy fields, mango orchards and casurina trees. Virugambakkam was first included within the Chennai city limits in 1977 along with other villages like Saligramam. Virugambakkam is well-connected with the heart of Chennai city through roads. Buses running through Arcot Road link Virugambakkam with the more inner suburbs of Chennai city. Location. Virugambakkam is situated at a distance of 14.6 kilometres from Fort St George and 12.5 kilometres from Poonamallee. It is bound by Saligramam in the east, Koyambedu to the north and Alwarthirunagar to the west and south-west and K.K. Nagar and Ramavaram, Tamil Nadu to the south-east. Its frontier with Alwarthirunagar forms the western limits of the Corporation of Chennai. History. The growth of Virugambakkam accompanied the expansion of Madras city during the years preceding independence. Virugambakkam was one of the many localities which cropped up during the Second World War. At that time, it was a part of the Kodambakkam-Saligramam-Puliyur residential district of Greater Madras. During the 1940s, Arcot Road was constructed connecting Nungambakkam with the Mount-Poonamallee Road. In 1948, the first movie studios made their appearance when Avichi Meiyappa Chettiar shifted his base from Karaikudi. The locality has since become a haven for movie producers and cine artists. Virugambakkam was one of the important places connected with the Anti-Hindi agitations of 1965. Aranganathan, a 32-year-old employee with the Indian Postal Service immolated himself in protest against the imposition of Hindi. The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam vigorously campaigned in the Virugambakkam region during the 1967 elections. Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam has done a first state level meeting it has been organised by V.P Akilan. the meeting has been held in front of Arignar Anna, Karunanithi, M.G Ramachandran and some leaders in Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam. Until the 1970s, Virugambakkam was little more than an insignificant village. It formed a part of Saidapet taluk of Chengleput district. Apart from a few movie studios, there were only a few sparsely populated settlements. The interior area which makes up the middle-class residential colonies were covered by paddy fields. The town had a population of 8,013 in 1971. During those times, the outlying suburbs of the city alongside Arcot Road had a reputation for insecurity and as the haunt of sex. Until the early 1970s, the suburb of Kodambakkam formed the western frontier of Madras city. Virugambakkam was included in Madras city in 1973 along with Saligrammam. Since then, growth has accelerated, peaking in the 1980s and 1990s. The good quality of ground water available in the Arcot Road suburbs was an important reason for the region's growth. Geography. The soil is fertile and productive as is evident from the fact that paddy fields once covered the area. However, paddy fields have completely disappeared. Natural gas was discovered near Virugambakkam in 1966. To date, Virugambakkam is the only known source of natural gas in Chennai city apart from Avadi. Once Virugambakkam had a big lake which was maintained by Madras Water Supplies and Sewage Board (now called CMWSSB) and drew water for drinking with several pump houses around the lake until 1976, and several small ponds. After that the lake was encroached by antisocial elements with help of all party politicians and converted it into a habitat. The road around that lake turned habitat is called as Erikarai Street. The ponds have also been encroached and turned into habitat. The Virugambakkam Canal separates Virugambakkam from suburbs such as Koyambedu, which lie towards the interior. The canal runs for about 6 kilometres through the suburbs of Choolaimedu, Arumbakkam and Vadapalani before entering Virugambakkam. This canal originally served the purpose of irrigating farm lands. However, with the transformation of farmlands into residential localities, the canal has been converted into a drain. During the monsoons, the canal frequently overflows creating havoc for the residents of the nearby areas. In 2003, desilting work was carried out to deal with the situation. Localities. Virugambakkam extends for about 2 kilometres from Avichi Higher Sec. School in Arcot Road to Valasarawakkam. Virugambakkam extends alongside Arcot Road adjacent to Saligrammam in the east, Valasaravakkam in the west, Koyambedu in the north and KK Nagar in the south. State Bank Colony and Baskar Colony are some of the important residential areas in the neighbourhood. Kaaliamman Koil Street which connects Virugambakkam and Koyambedu, Arcot Road are the main arterial roads. Important landmarks. Virugambakkam is known for its movie studios and schools. It is also the home to a large number of film actors, music composers and other artists. The Virugambakkam market which lies to the west is a source for fresh vegetables. Some important temples are Vembuliamman Koil, Kaliamman Koil and Raghavendra temple, Sankarashramam-Sri Raja Rajeswari Temple, Hari Hara Temple, Siva Vishnu Temple. There is also a mosque and numerous churches. Virugambakkam also has a number of hospitals which along with the schools and departmental stores cater to the needs of the residential colonies. Virugambakkam RTO Office located at Chinmayanagar on Kaliamman Koil Street. There are also more number of Nationalised & Private Banks. Transport and communication. Virugambakkam is well-connected with the heart of Chennai city as it lies on the Arcot Road, which is considered to be one of Chennai's arterial roads. Virugambakkam lies on the Poonamallee-Vadapalani-Broadway bus route. The nearest bus terminuses are Saligrammam, Chennai Moffusil Bus Terminus (CMBT) and Vadapalani. The nearest suburban railway station is at Kodambakkam, 4 kilometres from Virugambakkam. The nearest metro station is at Vadapalani.

imperative cause

811-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=509648

Perception management is a term originated by the US military. The US Department of Defense (DOD) gives this definition: Actions to convey and/or deny selected information and indicators to foreign audiences to influence their emotions, motives, and objective reasoning as well as to intelligence systems and leaders at all levels to influence official estimates, ultimately resulting in foreign behaviors and official actions favorable to the originator's objectives. In various ways, perception management combines truth projection, operations security, cover and deception, and psychological operations. "Perception" is defined as the "process by which individuals select, organize, and interpret the input from their senses to give meaning and order to the world around them". This definition overlaps with the higher-order perceptual processes as defined biologically (the lower-order biological processes are not susceptible to management; these low-level processes include underlying perceptual categorization performed "prior" to conscious categorization.). Components of perception include the perceiver, target of perception, and the situation. Factors that influence the perceiver include: Factors that influence the target include: History. The phrase "perception management" has often functioned as a euphemism for "an aspect of information warfare." A scholar in the field notes a distinction between "perception management" and public diplomacy, which "does not, as a rule, involve falsehood and deception, whereas these are important ingredients of perception management; the purpose is to get the other side to believe what one wishes it to believe, "whatever" the truth may be." The phrase "perception management" is filtering into common use as a synonym for "persuasion." Public relations firms now offer "perception management" as one of their services. Similarly, public officials who are being accused of shading the truth are now frequently charged with engaging in "perception management" when disseminating information to media or to the general public. Although perception management operations are typically carried out within the international arena between governments, and between governments and citizens, use of perception management techniques have become part of mainstream information management systems in many ways that do not concern military campaigns or government relations with citizenry. Businesses may even contract with other businesses to conduct perception management for them, or they may conduct it in-house with their public relations staff. As Stan Moore has written, "Just because truth has been omitted, does not mean that truth is not true. Just because reality has not been perceived, does not mean that it is not real." Strategies. There are nine strategies for perception management. According to Carlo Kopp, these include: Organizational. Organizations use perception management in daily internal and external interactions as well as prior to major product/strategy introductions and following events of crisis. Life cycle models of organizational development suggest that the growth and ultimate survival of a firm is dependent on how effectively business leaders navigate crisis, or crisis-like, events through their life cycles. As suggested by studies, organizational perception management involves actions that are designed and carried out by organizational spokespersons to influence audiences' perceptions of the organization. This definition is based on the understanding of four unique components of organizational perception management: perception of the organization; actions or tactics; organizational spokespersons; and organizational audiences. The organizational perceptions is further classified into three major forms namely organizational images, organizational reputation, and organizational identities. Perception Management Events. Perception management is often used by an organization in the following major events: Following are the examples of perception management in relation to specific organizations or communities: US government. Beginning in the 1950s, news media and public information organizations and individuals carried out assignments to manage the public's perception of the CIA, according to the "New York Times". Carl Bernstein wrote in 1977 that "The CIA in the 1950s, '60s, and even early 70s had concentrated its relationships with journalists in the most prominent sectors of the American press corps, including four or five of the largest newspaper in the country, the broadcast networks, and the two major weekly news magazines." David Atlee Phillips, a former CIA station chief in Mexico City, described the method of recruitment years later to Bernstein: "Somebody from the Agency says, 'I want you to sign a piece of paper before I tell you what it's about.' I didn't hesitate to sign, and a lot of newsmen didn't hesitate over the next twenty years." The term "perception management" is not new to the lexicon of government language. For years the FBI has listed foreign perception management as one of eight "key issue threats" to national security, including it with terrorism, attacks on critical US infrastructure, and weapons proliferation among others. The FBI clearly recognizes perception management as a threat when it is directed at the US by foreign governments. US Department of Defense. Deception and sleight of hand are important in gaining advantages in war, both to gain domestic support of the operations and for the military against the enemy. Although perception management is specifically defined as being limited to foreign audiences, critics of the DOD charge that it also engages in domestic perception management. An example cited is the prohibition of viewing or photographing the flag draped caskets of dead military as they are unloaded in bulk upon arrival in the U.S. for further distribution, a policy only recently implemented. The DOD also describes perception management as an intent to provoke the behavior one wants out of a given individual. During the Cold War, The Pentagon sent undercover US journalists to Russia and Eastern Europe to write pro-American articles for local media outlets. A similar situation occurred in Iraq in 2005 when the US military covertly paid Iraqi newspapers to print stories written by US soldiers; these stories were geared towards enhancing the appearance of the US mission in Iraq. Domestically, during the Vietnam War, critics allege the Pentagon exaggerated communist threats to the United States in order to gain more public support for an increasingly bloody war. This was similarly seen in 2003 with accusations that the government embellished the threat and existence of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. The US military has demonstrated using perception management multiple times in modern warfare, even though it has proven to take a hit to its credibility among the American people. In late 2001 after 9/11, Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld created the Pentagon's Office of Strategic Influence (OSI). When it came to light, the Pentagon was initially criticized for simply using a perception management office to influence foreign states. The OSI was dismantled less than five months after its creation when sources alleged to the press that one of its goals was domestic influence, similar to the Iran-Contra era Office of Public Diplomacy. Shortly after, the Office of Special Plans was created with a more focused goal of selective intelligence vetting outside the normal chartered intelligence apparatus, with foreign propaganda activities moved to the Office of Information Activities under the direction of the Assistant Secretary of Defense for Special Operations and Low Intensity Conflict. In fact, strategic influence, special plans, psychological operations, and perception management are all direct synonyms within the DoD. More recently, the DOD has continued to pursue actively a course of perception management about the Iraq War. "The Department of Defense is conscious that there is an increasingly widespread public perception that the U.S. military is becoming brutalized by the campaign in Iraq. Recognizing its vulnerability to information and media flows, the DoD has identified the information domain as its new 'asymmetric flank. The level of use of perception management is continuing to grow throughout the Army. Until recently specialists, known as psychological operations officers and civil affairs officers, whose only purpose is to decide how to present information to the media and to the people of the current country that they are in only held positions in high division levels of command. The Army has decided that it is now necessary that these specialists be included in the transformed brigades and deal with "everything from analyzing the enemy's propaganda leaflets to talking with natives to see what the Army can do to make them their friends", said 3rd Brigade's Civil Affairs Officer Maj. Glenn Tolle. Business. Businesses shape the perceptions of the public in order to get the desired behavior and purchase patterns from consumers. Advertising. In terms of advertising and brand image, without a perception to manage, no other form of communication can happen. That highlights the importance of the brand image. However, some research indicates that just being a known brand dramatically affects how consumers perceive it. A consumer may rationalize that if they have heard of a brand, the company must be spending a fair sum on advertising. If it is spending a lot on advertising, then the company must be reasonably profitable which means that other consumers must be buying the product and they must be satisfied enough with its performance; therefore, the product must be of reasonable quality. Sometimes managing perception can simply just mean giving consumers a perception. Advertising, without even considering its message and quality, adds to consumer opinions in a positive light. Brand management. Companies often use brand management in an attempt to change a potential customer's perception of the product's value. Through positive association, a brand manager can strengthen the company's marketing and gain brand value. This is an important step in perception management because it aims at producing the most effective results. Brand management deals with competitors, promotions, costs, and satisfaction in order to earn trust from consumers and show positive feedback. Leadership. People can use perception management as a way to positively enhance their leadership abilities. A person's ability to manage perceptions is what sets great leaders apart. What people – followers – appraise as effectiveness and ability as a leader becomes their perception, which then becomes reality. Unmanaged perceptions of a person's followers create a reality opposite to what was wanted. Marketing. The best medium for businesses to affect the perceptions of the public is through marketing. To get people to buy products, marketers must identify a "need" and manage the perception of the public so that they feel the product will fulfill that need. This is not the same thing as manipulation, where businesses create something people don't need, and marketers convince them that they do need it. Good perception management is to the benefit of the consumer, as it fulfills more of the customer's needs, and to the benefit of the business, as it increases their revenue. In some marketing schemas, marketers create a need that was not present and then offer to fulfill that need. A good example of this is credit card companies. Credit card companies are companies that, like most other companies, started off by providing a convenience to the population. Credit cards offer an alternative method of payment to cash or check and make life simpler for many people; however, today there are over 600 million credit cards issued in the United States alone and four major credit card companies. It is no longer even possible to buy a car, get a home loan, or rent an apartment from many companies without a positive credit score. This fact has necessitated the need for almost every citizen to have a credit card. However, many credit cards companies manage their perception to make sure that people continue to need credit cards, and control their perception so that many people do not fully understand what they are getting into. However, the fact that the average household in the United States is in over fifteen thousand dollars worth of debt never reaches the widespread public. Instead, they publicize how they will help if a card gets stolen, or that they have the lowest interest percentage compared to the other major competitors. But no company tells their customers that the promoted interest rate more than doubles if they do not pay the minimum balance on time. For instance, Discover's interest rate increases to 18.99% after the first minimum balance is not paid on time. In short, though credit cards are convenient and fulfill a need, the companies often make no mention of the negative effects that they might have on many of their users. Risk management. The decision making process in relation to the future is an element of business that has a great effect on the company's future. If the company is too risk averse, this leads to underperformance, and a missed opportunity. If the company takes too many risks, it is likely that there will be a large amount of losses. Ultimately if this amount of risk taking leads the perception of the company to exceed the boundaries of logic and fact, the company will most likely fail based on their poor perception. Companies today cannot afford not to manage perceptions. Though not a substitute for a substantial product, it is useful in "sustaining the offering" for a length of time. International business. The communication gaps that exist in international business can lead to misunderstandings. Perception management helps to prevent the complex emotional characteristics of communication from changing the original interpretation of the message. Perception management also serves to change the original interpretation of the message in order to prevent complex emotional characteristics in communication. Perception management services. The phrase "perception management" is filtering into common use as a synonym for "persuasion". Public relations firms now offer "perception management" as one of their services. Similarly, public officials who are being accused of shading the truth are now frequently charged with engaging in "perception management" when disseminating information to media or to the general public. Food industry and nutrition professionals. Food and beverage manufacturers can manage the perceptions of consumers by controlling information on food labels. The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) requires a label on most food sold in grocery stores. However, the FDA does not regulate dietary supplements. Many chain restaurants also try to make their food appear to be healthier but serve too large of a portion. Fast food restaurants use advertising to make their food appear healthier when they have not changed anything about it either. Consumers have to consider where their health and nutrition information is coming from. When one gets nutrition information from the media, one is getting it from the food industry and companies that could benefit from customers purchasing their products. On labels and packaging there are many different perception management techniques they use. Here are some deceptive practices: Nutrition professionals. Perception management is essentially a means for which an image or reputation can be created and maintained, whether it is true or not. On September 24, 2011, The American Dietetic Association announced it would change its name to the Academy of Nutrition and Dietetics. In this case, the ADA is adjusting its name to more accurately describe the organization. According to Escott-Stump, "The name Academy of Nutrition and Dietetics promotes the strong science background and academic expertise of our members." It is thought that by adding the word nutrition to its name, the organization is better able to communicate its ability to transfer nutritional science and research into healthy lifestyles and foods everyone can understand. Also, by keeping dietetics, it creates a connection between the new research and the history and reputation ADA has as a food and science-based profession. Escott-Stump reassured the public that although the name is changing, the organization's mission will remain the same as it has been for nearly 100 years. Alcohol. The Society for the Study of Addiction published a paper by researchers at the Deakin University School of Psychology, Australia, about a study of use of public relations companies by the alcohol industry. The study proposes that "...alcohol industry 'social aspects/public relations' organizations (SAPROs) serve the agenda of lending credibility to industry claims of corporate responsibility while promoting ineffective industry-friendly interventions (such as school-based education or TV advertising campaigns) and creating doubt about interventions which have a strong evidence base (such as higher taxes on alcoholic beverages)." The study concluded that Australian SAPRO Drinkwise "has been used by the alcohol industry to create an impression of social responsibility while promoting interventions that maintain profits and campaigning against effective interventions such as higher taxes on alcohol". Fashion and design industry. Perception management is a robust component in the fashion industry. Fashion stylists are responsible for providing perception management in the branding of products, and in creating the public persona of both individuals, businesses, and brands, through means of wardrobe, appearance, and communication skills. As with any product, perception management influences purchasing decisions. According to one analyst, "In the external environment, the offerings of competitors, with which a customer compares a product or service will change, thus altering his perception of the best offer around. Another point is that the public opinion towards certain issues can change. This effect can reach from fashion trends to the public expectation of good corporate citizenship." Other effects of perception management in fashion include that "a commonplace strategy to circumvent the loss of exclusivity associated with high market share is to leverage the brand by introducing new related brands. This is very efficient with fragrances or fashion brands." Celebrity. Public relation firms are now offering services to celebrity clients in perception management or reputation repair. It is a new tool for public firms that lets large firms pour huge resources to the public through websites. The web helps public relations executives to reach out the news media and it offer ways to link the public relations people and news media. For example, firms provide direct email addresses of some business journalists. A new trend in perception management is athletes signing with major public relation firms. Well-known agencies, such as William Morris and competitor Creative Artists Agency, recently started attracting huge sports stars. Alex Rodriguez joined the company after his alleged affair with Madonna, during the summer of 2008. He is following in the footsteps of Serena Williams, Kevin Garnett, and Vince Young, who are all represented by the William Morris agency. In the case of Britney Spears, the media has tarnished and skewed the way she is perceived by the public. In a short January 2007 interview conducted by contactmusic.com, Spears exclaims, "the media has had a lot of fun exaggerating my every move". Another case of media skewing our interpretation of celebrities is in the case of Miley Cyrus. After her music video controversy, "Can't Be Tamed", her album sales declined to 72% less than her 2008 solo debut, "Breakout". Technology and privacy. Results from a survey conducted in Hamburg in 2006 suggest that closed-circuit television (CCTV) has little to do with manufacturing security/feelings of safety among people. It seems that preceding spatial perceptions have a greater impact on whether a certain space or place is regarded as being unsafe or not. Universities. A research article in the journal "Disability & Society" gives an account of students with hidden disabilities and their experience with the behavior of their peers when their disability is revealed. These students actively manage the perception of others because the awareness of their disability "altered the behavior of others towards them". Foreign policy and terrorism. Perception management has long been a key issue in the United States government. Beginning in the 1950s, the CIA contracted out several hundred different public information and news agencies for different "assignments". This practice grew, and currently operates with several thousand initiatives helping to privately shape public opinion of the government. Indeed, the Department of Defense views perception management as a psychological operation aimed at eliciting the desired behavior by manipulating the opinions of both enemies and friends. Best put by the DOD directly, "Perception management combines truth projection, operations security, cover and deception, and psychological operations." Since the U.S. engaged in the War on Terror, perception management tactics have become vital to military success and relations with other countries. ... It is absolutely vital that the Perception Management campaign of the United States and its allies be coordinated at the highest possible level, that it be resourced adequately, and executed effectively. Properly coordinated, such a campaign could be a war-winning capability. When left uncoordinated, such operations will achieve only modest success, at best, and at worst, could seriously backfire. Even a poorly chosen word, used in the heat of the moment (e.g. 'crusade'), can have significant negative consequences. Typical counter-terrorism (CT) thinking focuses on the violence, or its associated threat, to identify and exploit associated avenues for meaningful response and reaction. Politics. Perception management in politics is referred to as "political marketing strategy", or "strategic political marketing". It originated from traditional business marketing strategies applied to politics, largely for the purpose of winning elections. Political parties and actors can choose between two fundamental methods: leading the market or following the market. Leading the market involves fulfilling underlying demands of principle, and a political actor would essentially assume the position of one who leads on their own ideas and principles. Following the market entails the political actor's reliance on research such as public opinion surveys and adoption of those principles and ideas held by the majority of the people who the political actor wishes to influence. Central to political marketing is the concept of strategic political postures—positions organizations assume to prompt the desired perceptions in a target group. Each strategic political posture relies on a different mix of leading and following, and includes four general types of postures: Political market orientation (PMO) originated from commercial market orientation strategies applied to a political environment. Developed by Robert Ormrod, the comprehensive PMO model involves four attitudinal constructs and four behavioral methods: Organizational attitudes include: Organizational behaviors include: Journalism. Journalism is a field that organizations, companies, governments, and individuals will attempt to use to manage the public's perception of that specific organization, company, government, or person. Perception management through journalism has been seen especially in regard to government propaganda and war. This becomes problematic when governments promote certain ideas that they want the public to believe through journalism, without the journalists and media properly attributing their sources. Another issue in the journalism field is between the corporate business of keeping a news organization afloat versus the ethics of reporting and reporting the truth. Just as with any other major corporation or even small businesses there are conflicts between the reporters and the executives within a news organization. Reporters with strong ethics will want to run all stories that are "newsworthy", but some of those stories may be censored by editors because the executives have sent a note down the chain specifying that a certain story may or may not run. Psychology. A newly emerging section of psychology known as positive psychology has to do with controlling one's perception of the world. Positive psychology says that in order to be most successful, one must perceive the world in a positive light. This means controlling one's thoughts, feelings, and outlook on life so that they are all positive. In restaurants, the staff will frequently overestimate the wait time for a group of customers to be seated because when they are seated quicker, they experience increased satisfaction and perceive the restaurant in a more favorable manner. Psychology is important in for perception management to be effective, because knowing the way the human mind functions and thinks is necessary to give the customers the satisfaction they want and expect. Athletics. Baseball player Sammy Sosa used perception management after he was ejected from a game in 2003 when he was caught using a corked bat. His explanation was that he only uses the corked bat for batting practice so he can hit more home runs and put on a show for fans. He claimed picking up the corked bat for the game was an honest mistake and apologized to everybody. The perception of hitting home runs even with the corked bat could have helped Sammy Sosa hit future home runs without a corked bat because he knew what it felt like to hit a home run and he knew that he could do it. Golfer Arnold Palmer used perception management as well. In the 1960 U.S. Open, Palmer saw the first hole at Cherry Hills as an eagle opportunity. He perceived that if he could simply drive the ball into the longer rough in order to slow it down before it rolled across the very fast green, he could make the putt for eagle. Many doubted Palmer when he spoke of doing so, but that did not stop him. Palmer did exactly what he perceived of doing, making the eagle, and later going on to win. A study performed in June 2008 revealed that perception is closely correlated with performance. Nine different sized black circles were glued onto a white background. After a round of golf, forty-six golfers were asked which black circle was the size of the hole on the putting greens. The players with the overall better scores perceived the hole to be bigger than it actually is, so they chose the bigger black circles. The players with the worse scores perceived the hole as being smaller than it actually is. Training. In the profession of athletic training there are many controversies, but none greater than the treatment and management of concussions. For many years people viewed concussions and big tackles in football games as athletes just "getting their bell rung" and coaches implored them to "shake it off and get back in the game". However, substantial research has shown that a concussion is a traumatic brain injury that may temporarily interfere with the way the brain works and can affect memory, judgment, reflexes, speech, balance, coordination and sleep patterns. A study from the National Center for Injury Prevention found that 47% of high school football players say they suffer a concussion each season, with 37% of those reporting multiple concussions in a season. Such serious injuries deserve appropriate attention to treatment and to prevention. With a concussion, function may be interrupted but there is no structural damage to the brain, so the physical examination often appears normal. The American College of Sports Medicine estimates that 85% of sports-related concussions go undiagnosed because athletes deny or fail to report symptoms and because subtle changes in brain function may not be obvious on a single examination. In May 2008, the CDC devised new standards for concussion management that were realized, and stated that if an athlete was involved in a play where a concussion was possible (a direct blow to the head), the athlete is supposed to be evaluated by a certified athletic trainer or a qualified physician if available. The new standards go on to say that if the athlete has any signs of a concussion, they are not able to return to play for the rest of the game or practice. According to the "New York Times", this seems like a good policy in theory, but with football season being over for a large majority of high schools (football having the highest risk of concussion), experts are finding that athletes have found ways to get around the standards, such as denying any concussion symptoms they are having, learning how to answer questions to hide any signs of concussion, or not saying anything about the possible concussion to the athletic trainer or physician working at the game. With these strategies, athletes put themselves at risk for the "second concussion", which can leave permanent brain damage and can even lead to death. Although in theory these new standards for concussions are great for significantly reducing the risk of missing symptoms that appear after 24 hours and preventing any further brain damage, but with athletes now hiding possible concussions from athletic trainers and physicians, these standards may actually have a negative effect on concussion management. Sponsorship. Perception management is the idea of using an image as a tool for identification of sponsorship opportunities. An effective sponsorship relationship outlines a good match between the image the company wants to promote and the image of the sponsored body, and if successful, elevates both. Perception management directs both behavior and communication activities as it works towards the establishment of a common vision of reality in a given social group. In the case of Tiger Woods, the sales of his clothing brand, which is part of Nike Golf, have drastically declined since his scandal due to perception management. Environmental impacts. Professional sports teams in the United States are beginning to engage in corporate pro-environmental behavior (CPEB). Many sports leagues and teams have pledged commitments to sustainability in areas such as their facilities, venues, and major events. Even events on a global scale such as the Olympic Games and FIFA World Cup, emphatically have endorsed the reduction of their environmental impacts. Not only can the teams benefit economically and ecologically, but "for-profit businesses may also engage in CPEB in order to control its public image, reputation, and identity." They want to make sure they are in good standing with the public since they realize that many of them now relate to the "green" lifestyle. While fans act as the consumers of the teams product's and events, non-fans can also "have significant influence as voters on sport facility subsidization referenda". That being said, it is very important for the sports teams to maintain a positive image, and "going green" can do just that. Signing. Conflicts of interest and consolidation in the sports agency industry arise through "the fierce competition to sign and retain athletes". The majority of literature regarding employee-organization relationships focus on perceived organizational support. More specifically, "the primary purposes of this study were to: (a) examine the antecedents of POS; (b) examine the consequences of POS, including, affective commitment, job satisfaction, and turnover intention; and (c) assess gender differences in regard to these antecedents and consequences, and (d) develop and test a comprehensive model of POS, applicable to intercollegiate athletic administrators." China. The Chinese government and the Chinese Communist Party exert control over many forms of media in China, including newspapers and the Internet. All Chinese media, including newspapers, periodicals, news agencies, TV stations, broadcasting, the movie industry and art performances, are categorized and managed as "mouthpieces" of the Communist Party, used to manipulate public opinion and exercise "mind control" on its citizens. "Mind control" includes "indoctrination from kindergarten to college through officially compiled textbooks, as all teachers are categorized as 'educators of CCP' (The Chinese Communist Party)". According to Qinglian He, a former Chinese government propagandist and now a senior researcher at Human Rights in China, by exercising "mind control", the Chinese government has misled the Chinese population about the values of human rights and democracy, and also about the truth. The Propaganda and Information Leading Group is generally responsible for censorship and control of information. The unit is also one of the largest in the CCP leadership organ. Chinese military scholars argue that their nation has a long history of conducting "psychological operations", a phrase that connotes important aspects of strategic deception and, to a certain degree, what the US Department of Defense portrays as perception management. For example, several articles published by the PLA's Academy of Military Science (AMS) journal "Zhongguo Junshi Kexue", examine psychological warfare and psychological operations mainly as a deception-oriented function of military strategy. The Chinese government has also used strategies to manage the perception of their country to the rest of the world. Facing criticisms about its questionable domestic human rights policies, the Chinese government successfully deflected international media's attention during the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics to the apolitical Olympic ideals by creating intensive coverage of the positive feedback for the Olympics on paper, TV, and online, despite governmental officers' promises to improve their poor history of protecting human rights when Beijing was still competing for the right to host the game in 2001. The images and video captured that night by Chinese media would display only the packed, patriotic crowds and nothing of the rest of the celebrants, who were largely occupied with taking photos of themselves with friends, family, and even security personnel. The Beijing games were also an opportunity for China to show its rapid development. The presence of a large contingent of foreign businessmen, media, and politicians necessitated a strict system of perception management before and during the Olympic Games. The government wanted to ensure that it could use this opportunity to portray China as positively as possible by showcasing its development and modernity rather than some of its more internationally disliked features such as its domestic human rights policies and frequent government protests. China looked at its opportunity to host the Olympic Games as "a definitive demonstration of its status as a world partner comparable to any power in the Western world". They made certain that those who would be directly talking to the media had the "right" talking points; mostly these focused on promoting the stability and dominance of China's economy. The government restructured the landscape of Beijing to portray a sense of modernity to foreigners. Three new buildings called the "bird buildings" were constructed at a high cost, forcing a large number of residents to relocate. A couple of new subway lines are also built to increase the convenience for foreigners to reach the Olympic village. The government also did whatever it could to make the opening ceremonies of the Beijing Olympics more impressive and extravagant than any before. An example of how they managed perceptions in this realm was the intentional substitution of a more attractive girl, Lin Miaoke, to lip-sync "Ode to the Motherland" instead of using the original singer. In their opinion of the officials in charge, the original singer wasn't attractive enough to favorably represent China. Beijing's security forces were also greatly increased before and during the Olympic Games to ensure that no large protests could be started and possibly caught on camera by the media. Re-education camps and imprisonment were possible punishments for Chinese citizens who made known a desire to protest around the Games. The government also announced a few days prior to the opening ceremonies that three "demonstration parks" would be opened for protests, requiring a written request form five days in advance, although none of the requests were granted. Promotional materials are also made as ideal as possible, for example the slogan "One World, One Dream" referring to a unifying ideal of "love for all mankind". There was even the creation of a slogan ("Beijing Welcomes You"), and five stuffed animal mascots used to portray Beijing and China as harmonious and cordial. Authors. John Grisham's book "The Appeal" is about a multimillion-dollar suit against a chemical company in Mississippi that dumped harmful chemicals in the water supply to save money. The chemical company tries to pay off a Supreme Court justice to get out of any punitive monetary damages or civil charges. Grisham gives details in his book about one of the executives for the chemical company hiring a "government relations" firm in order to get a political stance on their issue and turn the company's image around. David Baldacci's book, "The Whole Truth", involves a shady perception management firm that creates an anti-Russia campaign for one of the largest international arms dealers. This perception management company "employs various strategies at a grassroots YouTube level, as well as selectively leaking information to the corporate media, that seek to blame Russia for a host of terrible atrocities." The main character's fiancé is killed because she starts to suspect foul play with all of the anti-Russia campaigning. Movies. People in the movie industry can also use perception management through the movies they choose to make. One movie, "The Day After Tomorrow", changed many people's minds in a study comparing watchers and non-watchers views on global warming. The study, conducted by Anthony Leiserowitz, asked both groups how concerned they were about global warming, and 83 percent of watchers said they were very concerned compared to 72 percent of non-watchers. They also asked the watchers whether the movie made them less or more worried about global warming and 49 percent said they were more worried after seeing the movie. Perception management is also important in the movie industry in terms of celebrity image. For example, much of the controversy over the 2010 Oscar-winning "Black Swan" centers around the fact that Natalie Portman is said to have danced for most of the movie. However, her double, Sarah Lane, claims that the majority of the dancing was done by herself. When she mentioned this in interviews, Lane noted that she was quickly told to keep quiet. The movies' producers were worried that this information would reflect negatively on Portman and affect her chances of winning an Oscar. Lane noted in an interview with "Glamour" that "They were trying to create this image, this facade, really, that Natalie had done something extraordinary. Something that is pretty much impossible ... to become a professional ballerina in a year and half" (Katrandjian 1). Environment. Recently the Canadian government has been accused of "hiding the truth" of global warming and cutting much needed funds to research and development programs. Graham Saul of Climate Action Network of Canada said, "This government says they take climate change seriously but they do nothing and try to hide the truth about climate change." "The Guardian" claims that 300,000 people die each year and 125 billion dollars are lost a year to gradual climate change caused by global warming. However, internal government documents show that media coverage regarding global warming have been cut by 80 percent, and strict rules and regulations have blocked scientists from talking to reporters. Several science research bases across Canada have run out of government funding and were forced to shut down. Funding for the Canadian Foundation for Climate and Atmosphere Sciences, which researches the melting of polar ice and frequency of Arctic storms, is also drying up. Many climatology researchers across the globe believe that Canada is falling behind in climate science and because of this the world is not getting any information about what is happening in the Canadian Arctic. The Canadian government has admitted to eliminating government-funded climate research so there won't be any "bad news" about what is happening. Social networking. Social networking currently provides more information and features than original function of allowing individuals to connect with their peers. Social networking sites have a large amount of data and records from billions of people, and construct recommendations used by enterprises, small business, and individuals. For example, Facebook has a recommendation system that allows users to indicate what "news articles, companies and celebrities they 'like and "shares data about those preferences with its Web partners", so "when a Facebook user visits a Web site like Yelp or TripAdvisor, they are shown reviews from friends before they get to those from strangers." Companies also use social networking to investigate candidates and employees. The results obtained from a potential employee's immediate social network are often more relevant, significant, and factual than what the candidate presents about themselves during an interview. Therefore, it is necessary to manage how one wants to be perceived on one's social network. There are several ways that perception management can help.

significant amount

10256-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=361758

Civil rights movements are a worldwide series of political movements for equality before the law, that peaked in the 1960s. In many situations they have been characterized by nonviolent protests, or have taken the form of campaigns of civil resistance aimed at achieving change through nonviolent forms of resistance. In some situations, they have been accompanied, or followed, by civil unrest and armed rebellion. The process has been long and tenuous in many countries, and many of these movements did not, or have yet to, fully achieve their goals, although the efforts of these movements have led to improvements in the legal rights of some previously oppressed groups of people, in some places. The main aim of the successful civil rights movement and other social movements for civil rights included ensuring that the rights of all people were and are equally protected by the law. These include but are not limited to the rights of minorities, women's rights, disability rights and LGBT rights. Northern Ireland civil rights movement. Northern Ireland is a part of the United Kingdom which has witnessed violence over many decades, known as the Troubles, arising from tensions between the British (Unionist, Protestant) majority and the Irish (Nationalist, Catholic) minority following the Partition of Ireland in 1920. The civil rights struggle in Northern Ireland can be traced to activists in Dungannon, led by Austin Currie, who were fighting for equal access to public housing for the members of the Catholic community. This domestic issue would not have led to a fight for civil rights were it not for the fact that being a registered householder was a qualification for local government franchise in Northern Ireland. In January 1964, the Campaign for Social Justice (CSJ) was launched in Belfast. This organisation joined the struggle for better housing and committed itself to ending discrimination in employment. The CSJ promised the Catholic community that their cries would be heard. They challenged the government and promised that they would take their case to the Commission for Human Rights in Strasbourg and to the United Nations. Having started with basic domestic issues, the civil rights struggle in Northern Ireland escalated to a full-scale movement that found its embodiment in the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association. NICRA campaigned in the late sixties and early seventies, consciously modelling itself on the American civil rights movement and using similar methods of civil resistance. NICRA organised marches and protests to demand equal rights and an end to discrimination. NICRA originally had five main demands: All of these specific demands were aimed at an ultimate goal that had been the one of women at the very beginning: the end of discrimination. Civil rights activists all over Northern Ireland soon launched a campaign of civil resistance. There was opposition from Loyalists, who were aided by the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), Northern Ireland's police force. At this point, the RUC was over 90% Protestant. Violence escalated, resulting in the rise of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) from the Catholic community, a group reminiscent of those from the War of Independence and the Civil War that occurred in the 1920s that had launched a campaign of violence to end British rule in Northern Ireland. Loyalist paramilitaries countered this with a defensive campaign of violence and the British government responded with a policy of internment without trial of suspected IRA members. For more than 300 people, the internment lasted several years. The huge majority of those interned by the British forces were Catholic. In 1978, in a case brought by the government of the Republic of Ireland against the government of the United Kingdom, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that the interrogation techniques approved for use by the British army on internees in 1971 amounted to "inhuman and degrading" treatment. The IRA encouraged Republicans to join in the movement for civil rights but never controlled NICRA. The Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association fought for the end of discrimination toward Catholics and did not take a position on the legitimacy of the state. Republican leader Gerry Adams explained subsequently that Catholics saw that it was possible for them to have their demands heard. He wrote that "we were able to see an example of the fact that you didn't just have to take it, you could fight back". For an account and critique of the movements for civil rights in Northern Ireland, reflecting on the ambiguous link between the causes of civil rights and opposition to the union with the United Kingdom, see the work of Richard English. One of the most important events in the era of civil rights in Northern Ireland took place in Derry, which escalated the conflict from peaceful civil disobedience to armed conflict. The Battle of the Bogside started on 12 August when an Apprentice Boys, a Protestant order, parade passed through Waterloo Place, where a large crowd was gathered at the mouth of William Street, on the edge of the Bogside. Different accounts describe the first outbreak of violence, with reports stating that it was either an attack by youth from the Bogside on the RUC, or fighting broke out between Protestants and Catholics. The violence escalated and barricades were erected. Proclaiming this district to be the Free Derry, Bogsiders carried on fights with the RUC for days using stones and petrol bombs. The government finally withdrew the RUC and replaced it with the army, which disbanded the crowds of Catholics who were barricaded in the Bogside. Bloody Sunday, 30 January 1972, in Derry is seen by some as a turning point in the movement for civil rights. Fourteen unarmed Catholic civil rights marchers protesting against internment were shot dead by the British army and many were left wounded on the streets. The peace process has made significant gains in recent years. Through open dialogue from all parties, a state of ceasefire by all major paramilitary groups has lasted. A stronger economy improved Northern Ireland's standard of living. Civil rights issues have become less of a concern for many in Northern Ireland over the past 20 years as laws and policies protecting their rights, and forms of affirmative action, have been implemented for all government offices and many private businesses. Tensions still exist, but the vast majority of citizens are no longer affected by violence. Canada's Quiet Revolution. The 1960s brought intense political and social change to the Canadian province of Quebec, with the election of Liberal Premier Jean Lesage after the death of Maurice Duplessis, whose government was widely viewed as corrupt. These changes included secularization of the education and health care systems, which were both heavily controlled by the Roman Catholic Church, whose support for Duplessis and his perceived corruption had angered many Québécois. Policies of the Liberal government also sought to give Quebec more economic autonomy, such as the nationalization of Hydro-Québec and the creation of public companies for the mining, forestry, iron/steel and petroleum industries of the province. Other changes included the creation of the "Régie des Rentes du Québec" (Quebec Pension Plan) and new labour codes that made unionizing easier and gave workers the right to strike. The social and economic changes of the Quiet Revolution gave life to the Quebec sovereignty movement, as more and more Québécois saw themselves as a distinctly culturally different from the rest of Canada. The segregationist Parti Québécois was created in 1968 and won the 1976 Quebec general election. They enacted legislation meant to enshrine French as the language of business in the province, while also controversially restricting the usage of English on signs and restricting the eligibility of students to be taught in English. A radical strand of French Canadian nationalism produced the Front de libération du Québec (FLQ), which since 1963 has been using terrorism to make Quebec a sovereign nation. In October 1970, in response to the arrest of some of its members earlier in the year, the FLQ kidnapped British diplomat James Cross and Quebec's Minister of Labour Pierre Laporte, whom they later killed. The then Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau, himself a French Canadian, invoked the War Measures Act, declared martial law in Quebec, and arrested the kidnappers by the end of the year. Movements for civil rights in the United States. Movements for civil rights in the United States include noted legislation and organized efforts to abolish public and private acts of racial discrimination against African Americans and other disadvantaged groups between 1954 and 1968, particularly in the southern United States. It is sometimes referred to as the Second Reconstruction era, alluding to the unresolved issues of the Reconstruction Era (1863–77). Ethnicity equity issues. Integrationism. After 1890, the system of Jim Crow, disenfranchisement, and second class citizenship degraded the citizenship rights of African Americans, especially in the South. It was the nadir of American race relations. There were three main aspects: racial segregation – upheld by the United States Supreme Court decision in "Plessy v. Ferguson" in 1896 –, legally mandated by southern governments—voter suppression or disfranchisement in the southern states, and private acts of violence and mass racial violence aimed at African Americans, unhindered or encouraged by government authorities. Although racial discrimination was present nationwide, the combination of law, public and private acts of discrimination, marginal economic opportunity, and violence directed toward African Americans in the southern states became known as Jim Crow. Noted strategies employed prior to 1955 included litigation and lobbying attempts by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). These efforts were a hallmark of the early American Civil Rights Movement from 1896 to 1954. However, by 1955, blacks became frustrated by gradual approaches to implement desegregation by federal and state governments and the "massive resistance" by whites. The black leadership adopted a combined strategy of direct action with nonviolence, sometimes resulting in nonviolent resistance and civil disobedience. Some of the acts of nonviolence and civil disobedience produced crisis situations between practitioners and government authorities. The authorities of federal, state, and local governments often acted with an immediate response to end the crisis situations – sometimes in the practitioners' favor. Some of the different forms of protests and/or civil disobedience employed included boycotts, as successfully practiced by the Montgomery bus boycott (1955–1956) in Alabama which gave the movement one of its more famous icons in Rosa Parks; "sit-ins", as demonstrated by two influential events, the Greensboro sit-in (1960) in North Carolina and the Nashville sit-ins in Nashville, Tennessee; the influential 1963 Birmingham Children's Crusade, in which children were set upon by the local authorities with fire hoses and attack dogs, and longer marches, as exhibited by the Selma to Montgomery marches (1965) in Alabama which at first was resisted and attacked by the state and local authorities, and resulted in the 1965 Voting Rights Act. The evidence of changing attitudes could also be seen around the country, where small businesses sprang up supporting the Civil Rights Movement, such as New Jersey's Everybody's Luncheonette. Besides the Children's Crusade and the Selma to Montgomery marches, another illustrious event of the 1960s Civil Rights Movement was the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom in August, 1963. It is best remembered for the "I Have a Dream" speech by Martin Luther King Jr. in which the speech turned into a national text and eclipsed the troubles the organizers had to bring to march forward. It had been a fairly complicated affair to bring together various leaders of civil rights, religious and labor groups. As the name of the march implies, many compromises had to be made in order to unite the followers of so many different causes. The "March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom" emphasized the combined purposes of the march and the goals that each of the leaders aimed at. The 1963 March on Washington organizers and organizational leaders, informally named the "Big Six", were A. Philip Randolph, Roy Wilkins, Martin Luther King Jr., Whitney Young, James Farmer and John Lewis. Although they came from different backgrounds and political interests, these organizers and leaders were intent on the peacefulness of the march, which had its own marshal to ensure that the event would be peaceful and respectful of the law. The success of the march is still being debated, but one aspect which has been raised was the misrepresentation of women. A lot of feminine civil rights groups had participated in the organization of the march, but when it came to actual activity women were denied the right to speak and were relegated to figurative roles in the back of the stage. As some female participants noticed, the March can be remembered for the "I Have a Dream" speech but for some female activists it was a new awakening, forcing black women not only to fight for civil rights but also to engage in the Feminist movement. Noted achievements of the Civil Rights Movement include the judicial victory in the "Brown v. Board of Education" case that nullified the legal article of "separate but equal" and made segregation legally impermissible, and the passages of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, . that banned discrimination in employment practices and public accommodations, passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 that restored voting rights, and passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1968 that banned discrimination in the sale or rental of housing. Black Power movement. By 1967 the emergence of the Black Power movement (1966–75) began to gradually eclipse the original "integrated power" aims of the successful Civil Rights Movement that had been espoused by Martin Luther King Jr. and others. Advocates of Black Power argued for black self-determination, and asserted that the assimilation inherent in integration robs Africans of their common heritage and dignity. For example, the theorist and activist Omali Yeshitela argues that Africans have historically fought to protect their lands, cultures, and freedoms from European colonialists, and that any integration into the society which has stolen another people and their wealth is an act of treason. Today, most Black Power advocates have not changed their self-sufficiency argument. Racism still exists worldwide, and some believe that blacks in the United States, on the whole, did not assimilate into U.S. "mainstream" culture. Blacks arguably became even more oppressed, this time partially by "their own" people in a new black stratum of the middle class and the ruling class. Black Power's advocates generally argue that the reason for this stalemate and further oppression of the vast majority of U.S. blacks is because Black Power's objectives have not had the opportunity to be fully carried through. One of the most public manifestations of the Black Power movement took place in the 1968 Olympics, when two African-Americans, Tommie Smith and John Carlos, stood on the podium doing a Black Power salute. This act is still remembered today as the 1968 Olympics Black Power salute. Chicano Movement. The Chicano Movement occurred during the civil rights era that sought political empowerment and social inclusion for Mexican-Americans around a generally nationalist argument. The Chicano movement blossomed in the 1960s and was active through the late 1970s in various regions of the U.S. The movement had roots in the civil rights struggles that had preceded it, adding to it the cultural and generational politics of the era. The early heroes of the movement—Rodolfo Gonzales in Denver and Reies Tijerina in New Mexico—adopted a historical account of the preceding hundred and twenty-five years that had obscured much of Mexican-American history. Gonzales and Tijerina embraced a nationalism that identified the failure of the United States government to live up to its promises in the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. In that account, Mexican Americans were a conquered people who simply needed to reclaim their birthright and cultural heritage as part of a new nation, which later became known as Aztlán. That version of the past did not, but take into account the history of those Mexicans who had immigrated to the United States. It also gave little attention to the rights of undocumented immigrants in the United States in the 1960s— which is not surprising, since immigration did not have the political significance it later acquired. It was a decade later when activists, such as Bert Corona in California, embraced the rights of undocumented workers and helped broaden the movement to include their issues. When the movement dealt with practical problems in the 1960s, most activists focused on the most immediate issues confronting Mexican Americans; unequal educational and employment opportunities, political disfranchisement, and police brutality. In the heady days of the late 1960s, when the student movement was active around the globe, the Chicano movement brought about more or less spontaneous actions, such as the mass walkouts by high school students in Denver and East Los Angeles in 1968 and the Chicano Moratorium in Los Angeles in 1970. The movement was particularly strong at the college level, where activists formed MEChA, "Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlán", which promoted Chicano Studies programs and a generalized ethno-nationalist agenda. American Indian Movement. At a time when peaceful sit-ins were a common protest tactic, the American Indian Movement (AIM) takeovers in their early days were noticeably violent. Some appeared to be spontaneous outcomes of protest gatherings, but others included armed seizure of public facilities. The Alcatraz Island occupation of 1969, although commonly associated with NAM, pre-dated the organization, but was a catalyst for its formation. In 1970, AIM occupied abandoned property at the Naval Air Station near Minneapolis. In July 1971, it assisted in a takeover of the Winter Dam, Lac Courte Oreilles, and Wisconsin. When activists took over the Bureau of Indian Affairs Headquarters in Washington, D.C. in November 1972, they sacked the building and 24 people were arrested. Activists occupied the Custer County Courthouse in 1973, though police routed the occupation after a riot took place. In 1973 activists and military forces confronted each other in the Wounded Knee incident. The standoff lasted 71 days, and two men died in the violence. Gender equity issues. If the period associated with first-wave feminism focused upon absolute rights such as suffrage (which led to women attaining the right to vote in the early part of the 20th century), the period of the second-wave feminism was concerned with the issues such as changing social attitudes and economic, reproductive, and educational equality (including the ability to have careers in addition to motherhood, or the right to choose not to have children) between the genders and addressed the rights of female minorities. The new feminist movement, which spanned from 1963 to 1982, explored economic equality, political power at all levels, professional equality, reproductive freedoms, issues with the family, educational equality, sexuality, and many other issues. LGBT rights and gay liberation. Since the mid-19th century in Germany, social reformers have used the language of civil rights to argue against the oppression of same-sex sexuality, same-sex emotional intimacy, and gender variance. Largely, but not exclusively, these LGBT movements have characterized gender variant and homosexually oriented people as a minority group(s); this was the approach taken by the homophile movement of the 1940s, 1950s and early 1960s. With the rise of secularism in the West, an increasing sexual openness, women's liberation, the 1960s counterculture, the AIDS epidemic, and a range of new social movements, the homophile movement underwent a rapid growth and transformation, with a focus on building community and unapologetic activism which came to be known as the Gay Liberation. The words "Gay Liberation" echoed "Women's Liberation"; the Gay Liberation Front consciously took its name from the "National Liberation Fronts" of Vietnam and Algeria, and the slogan "Gay Power", as a defiant answer to the rights-oriented homophile movement, was inspired by Black Power and Chicano Power. The GLF's statement of purpose explained: GLF activist Martha Shelley wrote, Gay Liberationists aimed at transforming fundamental concepts and institutions of society, such as gender and the family. In order to achieve such liberation, consciousness raising and direct action were employed. Specifically, the word 'gay' was preferred to previous designations such as homosexual or homophile; some saw 'gay' as a rejection of the false dichotomy heterosexual/homosexual. Lesbians and gays were urged to "come out" and publicly reveal their sexuality to family, friends and colleagues as a form of activism, and to counter shame with gay pride. "Gay Lib" groups were formed in Australia, New Zealand, Germany, France, the UK, the US, Italy and elsewhere. The lesbian group Lavender Menace was also formed in the U.S. in response to both the male domination of other Gay Lib groups and the anti-lesbian sentiment in the Women's Movement. Lesbianism was advocated as a feminist choice for women, and the first currents of lesbian separatism began to emerge. By the late 1970s, the radicalism of Gay Liberation was eclipsed by a return to a more formal movement that became known as the Gay and Lesbian Rights Movement. Soviet Union. In the 1960s, the early years of the Brezhnev stagnation, dissidents in the Soviet Union increasingly turned their attention civil and eventually human rights concerns. The fight for civil and human rights focused on issues of freedom of expression, freedom of conscience, freedom to emigrate, punitive psychiatry, and the plight of political prisoners. It was characterized by a new openness of dissent, a concern for legality, the rejection of any 'underground' and violent struggle. It played a significant role in providing a common language and goal for many Soviet dissidents, and became a cause for diverse social groups in the dissident millieu, ranging from activists in the youth subculture to academics such as Andrei Sakhrarov. Significantly, Soviet dissidents of the 1960s introduced the "legalist" approach of avoiding moral and political commentary in favor of close attention to legal and procedural issues. Following several landmark trials of writers (Sinyavsky-Daniel trial, the trials of Alexander Ginzburg and Yuri Galanskov) and an associated crackdown on dissidents by the KGB, coverage of arrests and trials in samizdat (unsanctioned press) became more common. This activity eventually led to the founding of the "Chronicle of Current Events" in April 1968. The unofficial newsletter reported violations of civil rights and judicial procedure by the Soviet government and responses to those violations by citizens across the USSR. Throughout the 1960s–1980s, dissidents in the civil and human rights movement engaged in a variety of activities: The documentation of political repression and rights violations in samizdat (unsanctioned press); individual and collective protest letters and petitions; unsanctioned demonstrations; an informal network of mutual aid for prisoners of conscience; and, most prominently, civic watch groups appealing to the international community. All of these activities came at great personal risk and with repercussions ranging from dismissal from work and studies to many years of imprisonment in labor camps and being subjected to punitive psychiatry. The rights-based strategy of dissent merged with the idea of human rights. The human rights movement included figures such as Valery Chalidze, Yuri Orlov, and Lyudmila Alexeyeva. Special groups were founded such as the Initiative Group for the Defense of Human Rights in the USSR (1969) and the Committee on Human Rights in the USSR (1970). Though faced with the loss of many members to prisons, labor camps, psychiatric institutions and exile, they documented abuses, wrote appeals to international human rights bodies, collected signatures for petitions, and attended trials. The signing of the Helsinki Accords (1975) containing human rights clauses provided civil rights campaigners with a new hope to use international instruments. This led to the creation of dedicated Helsinki Watch Groups in Moscow (Moscow Helsinki Group), Kiev (Ukrainian Helsinki Group), Vilnius (Lithuanian Helsinki Group), Tbilisi, and Erevan (1976–77). Prague Spring. The Prague Spring (Czech: "Pražské jaro", Slovak: "Pražská jar", Russian: пражская весна) was a period of political liberalization in Czechoslovakia starting on January 5, 1968, and running until August 20 of that year, when the Soviet Union and its Warsaw Pact allies (except for Romania) invaded the country. During World War II, Czechoslovakia fell into the Soviet sphere of influence, the Eastern Bloc. Since 1948 there were no parties other than the Communist Party in the country and it was indirectly managed by the Soviet Union. Unlike other countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the communist take-over in Czechoslovakia in 1948 was, although as brutal as elsewhere, a genuine popular movement. Reform in the country did not lead to the convulsions seen in Hungary. Towards the end of World War II Joseph Stalin wanted Czechoslovakia, and signed an agreement with Winston Churchill and Franklin D. Roosevelt that Prague would be liberated by the Red Army, despite the fact that the United States Army under General George S. Patton could have liberated the city earlier. This was important for the spread of pro-Russian (and pro-communist) propaganda that came right after the war. People still remembered what they felt as Czechoslovakia's betrayal by the West at the Munich Agreement. For these reasons, the people voted for communists in the 1948 elections, the last democratic poll to take place there for a long time. From the middle of the 1960s, Czechs and Slovaks showed increasing signs of rejection of the existing regime. This change was reflected by reformist elements within the communist party by installing Alexander Dubček as party leader. Dubček's reforms of the political process inside Czechoslovakia, which he referred to as "Socialism with a human face", did not represent a complete overthrow of the old regime, as was the case in Hungary in 1956. Dubček's changes had broad support from the society, including the working class, but was seen by the Soviet leadership as a threat to their hegemony over other states of the Eastern Bloc and to the very safety of the Soviet Union. Czechoslovakia was in the middle of the defensive line of the Warsaw Pact and its possible defection to the enemy was unacceptable during the Cold War. However, a sizeable minority in the ruling party, especially at higher leadership levels, was opposed to any lessening of the party's grip on society and actively plotted with the leadership of the Soviet Union to overthrow the reformers. This group watched in horror as calls for multi-party elections and other reforms began echoing throughout the country. Between the nights of August 20 and August 21, 1968, Eastern Bloc armies from five Warsaw Pact countries invaded Czechoslovakia. During the invasion, Soviet tanks ranging in numbers from 5,000 to 7,000 occupied the streets. They were followed by a large number of Warsaw Pact troops ranging from 200,000 to 600,000. The Soviets insisted that they had been invited to invade the country, stating that loyal Czechoslovak Communists had told them that they were in need of "fraternal assistance against the counter-revolution". A letter which was found in 1989 proved an invitation to invade did indeed exist. During the attack of the Warsaw Pact armies, 72 Czechs and Slovaks were killed (19 of those in Slovakia) and hundreds were wounded (up to September 3, 1968). Alexander Dubček called upon his people not to resist. He was arrested and taken to Moscow, along with several of his colleagues. Movement for civil rights for Indigenous Australians. Australia was settled by the British without a treaty or recognition of the indigenous population. Subsequent Australian Government laws and policies denied the indigenous population citizenship, voting rights, and land rights, and instead sought to create a single, uniform white culture with the White Australia Policy and forcible removal of Aboriginal children from their families (See articles on the Stolen Generations and the Intervention). Like other international civil rights movements, the push for progress has involved protests (See Freedom Ride (Australia) and Aboriginal Tent Embassy) and seen riots in response to social injustice (See 2004 Redfern Riots and 2004 Palm Island death in custody. While there has been significant progress in redressing discriminatory laws, Indigenous Australians continue to be at a disadvantage compared to their non-indigenous counterparts, on key measures such as: life expectancy; infant mortality; health; and levels of education and employment.

emergency cases

3179-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=9545675

Precommitment refers to a strategy or a method of self-control that an agent may use to restrict the number of choices available to him or her at a future time. The strategy may also involve the imposition of obstacles or additional costs to certain courses of action in advance. As theorized by the social scientist Jon Elster, an agent may precommit herself when she predicts that her preferences will change but wishes to ensure that her future actions will align with her current preferences. Precommitment has also been studied as a bargaining strategy in which agents bind themselves to one course of action in order to enhance the credibility of present threats. Some scholars have proposed that collective political agents may also engage in precommitment by adopting constitutions that limit the scope of future legislation. The validity of this application of precommitment theory has been called into question, however. Background. In two unrelated articles, both published in 1956, Thomas Schelling and R.H. Strotz introduced the concept of precommitment to the study of strategic bargaining and consumer behavior, respectively. Schelling later included an expanded version of this essay in his 1960 work "The Strategy of Conflict." The economist has explained precommitment as part of his deterrence theory, where the concept is said to influence other parties in a bargaining situation. He detailed that a party can exert power over another or achieve more of his aims by adopting rules that restricts available options. Schelling argued that a negotiator may voluntarily limit the options available to him in the future in order to make his current offer or threat more credible. This can also be achieved by voluntarily raising the cost of a future action for oneself, even if that action is not precluded absolutely. Counterintuitively, a negotiator may strengthen his bargaining position by curtailing his freedom of choice. In a classic example, a general may burn the bridges behind his army to preclude the possibility of retreat, thereby increasing the credibility of his threat to stand and fight. In another context, a negotiator may publicly declare her "bottom line" to increase the reputational costs of making further concessions. By voluntarily altering her incentive structure, the negotiator enhances the credibility of her intransigent posture. In the context of the Cold War, "fail-deadly" retaliation systems such as the Soviet Dead Hand ensure an automatic response to a sudden attack, regardless of whether or not anyone is left alive to make a decision. Schelling used the terms "self-commitment" and "self-binding," rather than precommitment. R. H. Strotz appealed to precommitment in his exploration of inconsistency in consumer behavior. A consumer might devise a plan that optimally spreads his consumption over time, only to revise or repudiate that plan at a later time in favor of higher immediate consumption. In cases like this, Strotz writes, the consumer "finds that he is in an intertemporal tussle with himself." The rational consumer may thus engage in precommitment to guard against future deviations from his optimal consumption plan. The hiring of a personal financial manager is an example of this kind of strategy. Unlike Schelling, Strotz was not concerned with the uses of precommitment in bargaining situations. Rather, for Strotz, precommitment was a strategy which an agent might use to impose his current intentions upon a myopic future self. In the epigraph to his article on the subject, Strotz connects his theory of precommitment to the story of Ulysses and the Sirens from "The Odyssey". Elster's theory. Jon Elster first developed a theory of precommitment, which he also calls self-binding, in his 1979 work "Ulysses and the Sirens." Here, he argues that precommitment is a device that human agents use to overcome the problem of imperfect rationality. Human beings are imperfectly rational because they are capable of rational planning but are prone to deviate from these plans because of weakness of will. Recognizing their vulnerability to imperious passions, human agents precommit themselves to "[achieve] rationality by indirect means." Elaborating upon Strotz's reference to "The" "Odyssey", Elster takes the story of Ulysses and the Sirens to be a paradigmatic case of precommitment. Indeed, he refers to precommitment as "the Ulysses problem." On the basis of a warning from his erstwhile lover Circes, Ulysses instructs his sailors to bind him to the mast of his ship and block their own ears before sailing past the island of the Sirens, whose enchanting song draws sailors to shipwreck. As he commands, you must bind me with tight chafing ropes so I cannot move a muscle, bound to the spot, erect at the mast-block, lashed by ropes to the mast. And if I plead, commanding you to set me free, then lash me faster, rope on pressing rope.Thus, foreseeing his own weakness of will, Ulysses guards against the temptation of the Sirens. A more mundane example that Elster uses is that of a smoker who tells her friends about her intention to quit in order to raise the cost of backsliding. Having broadcast her intention to quit, a return to cigarettes would now damage her reputation or, at least, induce snide remarks from her friends. In "Ulysses and the Sirens," Elster also applies his theory of precommitment to the domain of politics. Elster starts with the assertion that a direct democracy will tend to reverse its own decisions and to display inconsistent preferences over time. As he puts it, direct democracies are "incontinent, vacillating, and inefficient." On this basis, Elster goes on to argue that certain institutions in modern democracies may be considered precommitment devices. A democratic electorate may bind itself as a way of "protecting itself against its own impulsiveness." The establishment of central banks, he argues, can be interpreted as an act of precommitment on the part of an electorate seeking to preempt the impulse to meddle with interest rates. Elster argues that a people may similarly bind itself through a constitution that entrusts certain powers to the judiciary and requires supermajorities to change certain clauses. By doing so, the people guards itself against its own irrationality at a future time. This, Elster says, is "the Ulysses strategy" in domain of politics. Elster elaborates upon his theory of precommitment in his 2000 work "Ulysses Unbound." Here, he develops a typology of individual precommitment strategies, drawing on examples from French literature and from contemporary studies of addiction. In the second part of this work, Elster partially repudiates his earlier application of precommitment to the domain of politics. He argues here that constitutions are often devised with the goal of binding others (e.g. future majorities), not their makers.

prior employment

9556-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=10477250

The Great Depression in the Netherlands (, "de Crisisjaren", or "de Crisistijd") occurred between 1933 and 1936, significantly later than in most other countries. It was a period of severe economic crisis in the 1930s which affected countries around the world, including the Netherlands. In the United States, the Wall Street Crash of 1929 is understood as the start of the Great Depression. But in the Netherlands the depression started more gradually, in 1929–1931, while the economy had been in a gradual decline for a longer period. In the Netherlands the depression lasted significantly longer than in most countries, partly because of structural characteristics of the Dutch economy and partly because of the policy of the government. The refusal to drop the gold standard plays a central role. The Great Depression led to political instability and riots, and can be linked to the rise of the National Socialist Movement in the Netherlands. The depression in the Netherlands lessened at the end of 1936, but real economic stability did not return until after World War II. Prelude (1918-1929). Because of its neutrality in World War I, the Netherlands did not face the problems of war reparations, war damage and population loss which caused economic problems in other European countries. But because of the international character of the Dutch economy these problems also had their consequences for the Netherlands. In particular, the unrest and economic problems in Germany, one of the Netherlands' main trading partners, in the early 1920s plunged the Netherlands into a severe depression until 1925 (lowest point reached in 1923). After 1925, partly because of economic improvements in Germany, the post-war depression in the Netherlands ended and the country rejoined the gold standard. However, among others because of strong trade restrictions in Germany, this improvement was limited and did not cause an economic boom as in some other European countries and the United States (associated with the Roaring Twenties). In spite of these slight economic improvements the Dutch economy struggled with structural problems in the period before the Great Depression. Trade restrictions and economic protectionism had not fully disappeared after World War I, and world trade failed to pick up again after the war. The Dutch economy had long been dependent on international trade and finance (in 1929 an estimated 30% of the GNP came from export), and especially the big shipping sector suffered from the lack of trading opportunities. Another problem was the combination of high post-World War I birthrates and increasing labour productivity, which meant that any increase of demand did not cause general welfare increase or a decrease of unemployment. Poverty and support. Until 1931 the social consequences of the economic crisis had been limited; by decreasing work hours and wages, mass unemployment had so far been avoided in most sectors. However, around 1931 mass unemployment did start and those workers who could keep their jobs often had to accept significant wage cuts. Rough estimates of unemployment show a surge between 1930 and 1932, and a steady increase up to the end of 1936. Not every sector of the economy suffered equally; while the shipping and trading sectors were hit especially hard, some specialised sectors, such as the tobacco industry, survived the first stage of the depression relatively unharmed. At the start of the depression, employed workers still saw their wage cuts matched by strong decreases of the price of consumption articles. But after the first years of the depression they too suffered from a decrease in real income. For the increasing numbers of unemployed, the situation was much worse. Until the 1930s, Dutch society did not have the experience and infrastructure needed to deal with mass unemployment. In large parts of society, it was felt that unemployed people should above all be stimulated to find work, so only income support at subsistence level should be given. Even though finding work had now become impossible for large numbers of people, social sentiments towards the unemployed changed only slowly. Labour unions had funds for temporary income support for newly unemployed workers, to which the government added some subsidy. So union members were spared real poverty for a limited period. In the later stages of the depression, however, these union funds became depleted while the government also reduced its subsidy, forcing unions to steadily decrease the time period and amount of support. Non-unionised workers and workers whose union support period had run out depended on a government poverty fund, which supported them up to subsistence level. This minimal income support came with a heavy social stigma, which reflected the values of contemporary society. Support receivers had to report at a government agency twice a day, waiting in the endless lines of unemployed which became a symbol of the depression. They also had to allow government inspectors to visit them at home and investigate their daily life, which quickly became a strongly hated practice among the unemployed. Social stigmatisation also took the form of clearly recognisable signs, such as red coloured subsidised clothing and the especially painful sign that a person was exempt from bicycle taxation (to be worn on a bicycle or on one’s clothing). In addition to scarce government aid, there were private initiatives to support the poor. The most important of these organisations was the "Nationaal Crisis Comité" (National Crisis Committee), established by Princess Juliana in 1931. But because of the limited scale of this organisation, it was unable to structurally improve the situation. Social unrest. As most other countries, the Netherlands experienced significant social unrest during the Great Depression. But except for a number of impressive events, this unrest was actually quite limited in scale. Statistics of labour strikes, for example, show that during the 1931–1937 period strikes were actually less common in the Netherlands than in the previous years of economic stability from 1925 to 1930. At the height of the Great Depression in the Netherlands, the number of strikes was lowest. [4] Another form of protest was rentstriking, the refusal by a tenant to pay rent to a landlord. This form of protest was also quite limited in scale, partly because of harsh government intervention. More impressive was the strike or mutiny in 1933 of the sailors of , an armored ship of the Royal Netherlands Navy. As earlier in the United Kingdom (Invergordon Mutiny), the sailors protested a cut of their wages. The mutiny ended when the Dutch army bombed the ship, killing 22 of the sailors and forcing the rest of the crew to surrender. In 1934 another impressive event took place known as the Jordaanoproer. A reduction of the already low government unemployment support sparked protest and riots in several cities in the Netherlands, most strongly in the Jordaan neighbourhood of Amsterdam. Between 4 July and 9 July, the riots and subsequent harsh intervention by police and military police claimed six lives and wounded dozens more. The upheaval of the Great Depression can also be linked to a rise of xenophobia and the, albeit limited, success of the National Socialist Movement (NSB). Founded in 1931, the NSB gained some popularity during the depression, with a peak of support in terms of its membership in 1936. When the strength of the depression lessened after 1937, support for the NSB fell again. Government policy. An important difference between the Great Depression in the Netherlands and the situation in most other affected countries was the role of the government. Until the late 1930s the Dutch government, headed from 1933 to 1939 by the Anti-Revolutionary statesman Hendrik Colijn, could be described as non-interventionist and strongly internationalist. Its economic policy focussed mainly on keeping a balanced budget for government spending and income. While this government policy was typical for contemporary European and American governments, it was applied especially strictly in the Netherlands until the late stages of the depression. In the first years of the depression government policy limited itself to supporting the most heavily affected sectors of the economy. In 1931 a wheat law was issued (Dutch: "Tarwewet"), which forced importers of foreign wheat to add a quantity of more expensive Dutch wheat before sale, to promote the troubled Dutch agriculture. Starting in 1932 a series of "crisis laws" was issued to further subsidise the agricultural and shipping sectors, and to enable a measure of government control on import, export and capital flows. From 1934 onward the Dutch government also experimented with a Labour Fund (Dutch: Werkfonds) to provide subsidised workplaces for the unemployed, often on large scale public works (comparable with the New Deal in the United States). The scale of these government interventions was however too small to really change the situation. While government intervention on the economy was very limited, the Dutch government did lower its spending (including income support to the poor and unemployed) and raised taxes to keep its budget balanced. The effect of this was that while poverty increased, government support to the poor decreased. Such a government policy is heavily criticised by the Keynesian school of economics, which at that time was still in its infancy. Keynesianism stresses that governments should play an active role in promoting public and private consumption during an economic depression, so a balanced government budget should only be aimed at on the long run. The Dutch government was also very reluctant to intervene in its trade policy. While most industrialised countries strongly increased their trade restrictions from the early stages of the Great Depression onward, the Dutch government still hoped for international cooperation to solve the economic crisis. Only after the failed 1933 World Economic Conference, when it became clear that countries had to solve their economic problems by themselves, did the Netherlands increase its trade barriers to a more significant level. But as described earlier the Netherlands was still unwilling to drop the gold standard, and instead joined an agreement between the last European countries to maintain the gold standard. This subjected the Dutch economy to fierce foreign competition, forcing Dutch firms to strongly cut their costs in order to survive this situation. In the process wages and employment were cut, and the depression deepened. While the economic situation gradually improved in most industrialised countries around 1933-1934, the Great Depression was still getting worse in the Netherlands. Gradual recovery. As in most other affected countries, the end of the Great Depression in the Netherlands was gradual, but in the Netherlands, recovery did not start before 1936, when the country abandoned the gold standard. Fall of the gold standard. By 1933, only a few European states still remained with the gold standard, while among others the United Kingdom and the United States had abandoned it. By cooperating in international negotiation as a "gold bloc" and lowering trade restrictions among themselves these states tried to survive harsh foreign competition without accepting currency devaluation. Internal trade failed to solve their problems, however, and by 1935 only France, Switzerland and the Netherlands remained in this gold bloc. When France finally decided to accept devaluation in 1936, the Netherlands had no choice but to follow. While the Netherlands had been so reluctant to drop the gold standard, it quickly brought an economic boost after years of decline. In 1936 the Dutch stock market started climbing again, trade slowly recovered and unemployment stopped growing. Finally the country could now profit from the ongoing economic recovery that had been taking place for many of its trading partners. Preamble to World War II. In 1937 the short period of economic recovery in the Netherlands stagnated again when the United States suffered its Recession of 1937–38. Another reason for stagnation were the rising political tensions caused by Germany's increasingly aggressive behaviour, causing uncertainty and the withdrawal of capital from European economies. At the same time the effects of the depression became less visible as European states started to rearm themselves in the preamble of World War II. The Netherlands started its rearmament relatively late and imported much of its weaponry, but by 1938 the artificial economic recovery caused by pre-war preparations also had its effects on the Netherlands. By 1939, large numbers of formerly unemployed people had been drafted into the army, while rising defence expenditure (the budget tripled between 1936 and 1939) artificially revived several sectors of the economy. Right before World War II an event took place which could have been very influential, had it happened earlier. The cabinet led by Hendrik Colijn was succeeded by the De Geer cabinet, which included two members of the Social Democratic Workers' Party (SDAP) for the first time in history. The new cabinet proposed an ambitious strategy to invest large sums of money in public works to finally end the depression. But before this new policy could fully be implemented the Netherlands was dragged into World War II. On 10 May 1940, Germany invaded the Netherlands, and the Dutch economy transformed into a war economy. Notes. [3] CBS (2007), Voorburg/Heerlen

stretched out interval of time

2007-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=30515306

"Crawl Space" is the second episode of the first season of the animated comedy series "Bob's Burgers". The episode originally aired on the Fox network in the United States on January 16, 2011. The episode was written by Loren Bouchard and Jim Dauterive, and directed by Kyoung Hee Lim. According to Nielsen ratings, it was viewed in 5.066 million homes in its original airing. The episode featured guest performances by David Herman, Larry Murphy and Renée Taylor. The original airing of this episode was dedicated to the memory of television producer Aron Abrams, who was found dead of a heart attack on Christmas Day, 2010. Plot. Linda annoys the family with her cleaning and preparations for her parents' visit. Bob decides to make his in-laws sleep in Gene's smelly room. When Linda forces Bob to fix the leak on the ceiling, he discovers a crawl space in the attic. As Grandma Gloria (Renée Taylor) and Grandpa Al arrive, Bob realizes that he can pretend that he's stuck in the crawlspace to avoid them. Linda sends family friend and contractor Teddy (Larry Murphy) to rescue Bob, who tells him to come back the next day, after the in-laws leave. During the night, the kids overhear Gloria and Al having sex in Gene's bed; Tina incorporates the sounds into a sexual-zombie nightmare, while Gene samples them for his keyboard. The next day, Gloria decides that she and Al will be extending their stay for another night. Linda finds out that Bob lied about being stuck before and is now really trapped, so she cancels Teddy's visit. Bob starts to go crazy, recording himself with a video camera and befriending Louise's green nightlight. Meanwhile, Gloria makes a tuna burger recipe called Tunami and Linda makes it the Burger of the Day. Bob dreams that he goes into a bar and later encounters Louise's nightlight, who alerts him about Gloria's subversive actions (The Tunami). The scene in the bar and the restroom facilities resembles a similar scene in the horror movie "The Shining" (1980). While Bob is trapped, the kids get detention: Louise for lying about Bob's death (and reappearance as a ghost), Gene for presenting his NSFS samplings as a history report, and Tina for sneaking above the boys' changing room. The concerned counselor, Mr. Frond, believes they are "kids in crisis" and conducts a home visit, almost immediately threatening to call social services. As he is making the call, Gloria finds Bob unconscious and breaks through the kitchen wall, then orders Mr. Frond to hang up and never interfere with the family again. As she and Al leave, Louise fights Bob for her nightlight. Reception. In its original American broadcast, "Crawl Space" was viewed by an estimated 5.066 million viewers and received a 2.5 rating/6% share among adults between the ages of 18 and 49, a drop from the pilot episode. Rowan Kaiser from "The A.V. Club" rated the episode a C, expressing disappointment with the "evil mother-in-law comes to visit!" cliché and feeling that many of the jokes fell flat. However, Kaiser found Bob's interactions with his kids one of the highlights of the episode, singling out Kristen Schaal's parts as Louise as the "best part of both episodes so far."

mother and father's stay

14495-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=51586413

"No Man's Sky" is a 2016 video game developed by the British development studio, Hello Games. "No Man's Sky" allows the player to partake in four principal activities—exploration, survival, combat, and trading—in a shared, deterministic, procedurally generated open universe, which contains over 18 quintillion (1.8×) planets each with their own unique environment and flora and fauna. The concept of "No Man's Sky" is based on a long-time desire by Hello Games' founder, Sean Murray, to create a space exploration game that captured the vision and optimism of science fiction writings and art of the 1970s and 1980s. Seeing the game as a landmark title for the studio, Murray led Hello Games towards financial stability with their "Joe Danger" titles and then began working on the game with a small team of four. The game was formally revealed during the 2013 VGX Awards, following which Murray brought on more staff to complete the title over the next three years. Much of the game uses parametric mathematical formulae that can simulate structures found in nature to craft nearly all aspects of the game's universe. Flora and fauna are crafted from similar routines that combine human-supplied art and pre-defined structures into new lifeforms. The audio and music in the game is also procedurally generated, with routines and audio created by Paul Weir and music provided by the band 65daysofstatic. Concept and inspiration. The onset of development for "No Man's Sky" arose from Hello Games' co-founder Sean Murray sometime during the development of "Joe Danger 2" (2012), which he compared to a mid-life crisis for himself. Murray, a former developer at Criterion Games for the "Burnout" series, worried the studio would be falling into a rut of producing sequel after sequel as was the case at Criterion. When Hello Games had problems with an American publisher, Murray realized they had an opportunity to create a completely new title based on a concept he had since he was a child, when he had aspirations of being an astronaut, envisioning oneself as being the first human to step onto an alien planet. "No Man's Sky" was an attention-getting concept that the studio had since inception. Murray described that in bringing on board Dave Ream, the team's creative director, that Murray described how there are skyscrapers in the world that are well visible but built on standard designs, and then there are smaller, minimalist architectural designs, which is the direction that Murray wanted to take the studio. Ream agreed, but insisted that the studio at some point would make the game equivalent of a skyscraper, a game they could develop without any limitations. This proverbial game, "Project Skyscraper" was kept in mind as the studio began to expand and acquire the necessary finances to pursue other titles besides "Joe Danger".Murray wanted to re-create the feelings of space exploration seen in older procedurally generated games, including the galaxies of "Star Control II," "Elite," and "." "Elite" was a memorable part of Murray's childhood, as a similar open-world space exploration game. He realized that real exploration meant "seeing something that no-one's seen before and for your experience to be unique", rather than pre-planned content and puzzles. His concept for "No Man's Sky" was also influenced by the "simplicity and elegance" of "Journey'"s game design. Murray's tone for the game was influenced by science fiction works of the 1970s and 1980s. Murray attributes ideas from the "Big Three" science fiction authors—Isaac Asimov, Arthur C. Clarke, and Robert Heinlein—whose stories he considered "fantastical - it's vibrant, exciting and the unexplored". Murray also considered Frank Herbert's "Dune" influential as it "paints this picture of a world that’s so believable". Another avenue of influence was the state of current science fiction media, which Murray compared to similar commentary from Neal Stephenson on how most mainstream works focus on a dystopian story; for Murray, he wanted "No Man's Sky" to be much more optimistic and uplifting. Murray was also inspired by the cover art paintings on these science fiction works from the period, which typically were done by freelance artists and bore little connection to the story within but made for visually alluring scenes. Duncan credits much of "No Man's Sky" art influence from the work of Chris Foss, who drew covers for many science fiction books and magazines and had a significant influence in science fiction film and video games. Duncan noted that "he created this kind of art when everyone else was creating black starfields, grey dull monolithic spacecrafts". Other art influences included John Harris, another book and video game cover artist; Jean Giraud (aka Mœbius), a science-fiction and fantasy cartoonist; and Ralph McQuarrie, a concept artist for several major Hollywood films. Duncan also cited the films of Ray Harryhausen as an influence in terms of the exploration of the unknown. Murray noted the iconic "binary sunset" shot from the original "Star Wars" film, which featured two suns rising on the planet Tatooine as the "perfect alien image" that captured the nature of science fiction. Production. With the success of "Joe Danger" and its sequels, Murray was able to spend a few days each week for about a year to develop the core engine of "No Man's Sky" in secret from the rest of the team. Once the engine was completed, Murray brought in a small four-person team to work on the game directly, while "Joe Danger 2" was being developed by the rest of the company. They worked in a spare room, lining the walls with science fiction imagery to help inspire them. Their work was kept in secrecy from the rest of the development team, leading to some tension within the offices, though Murray had done this specifically after seeing how small exploratory groups did not work well at Criterion Games. Further, Murray was concerned about describing the game too much, and fears that even teasing about the title would lead to misconceptions about the scope and nature of the game. Ultimately, Murray was encouraged by Geoff Keighley to premiere the title at the 2013 VGX awards, and in preparation, created the short teaser which they shared with the rest of studio days before the awards show. As development continued, more of the team was brought on board to help complete the game, with the final team being composed of thirteen members. This VGX teaser brought much attention to the title from the gaming press. Duncan noted that following the reveal, he found it "incredible how many developers came up to us afterwards, and they were all saying this is the game I always wanted to be making, or I started working on a game like this". A flood wiped out most of their Guildford office and equipment on Christmas Eve 2013 but they were able to recover the work they had done already and resumed development shortly thereafter. Murray later acknowledged that he had been tempted to cancel "No Man's Sky" at this point, but the flooding helped re-solidify the Hello Games' team, as prior to the flood, the team was still split between those working on "No Man's Sky" and those continuing the "Joe Danger" series. Everyone in the company came together to help rebuild their office and computer equipment, giving new vigour to the project. Just prior to the VGX showing, Murray had shown the title around to various publishers, and Sony, particularly Shahid Ahmad, Sony's head of independent games development in Europe, expressed strong interest in having the title for the PlayStation 4. Murray stated that although Sony offered to provide financial support, he and Hello Games only wanted Sony's commitment to help market the game, including having the game formally introduced at Sony's main media event during the upcoming Electronic Entertainment Expo 2014 (E3); until that point, no independently developed game has been demonstrated during these centre-stage events. Sony's UK marketing director Fergal Gara has stated that Sony is fully committed to supporting the title, treating the game as if it were from one of their first-party developers and considering a potential retail release of the game. Hello Games prepared a six-planet demonstration that would be used for the E3 event and subsequently used to showcase the game for the media while the full version – nearly always in a constant state of flux due to the procedural generation approach – was being developed. The game was announced at E3 2014 with plans for a timed exclusive release on the PlayStation 4, and would have later been brought to Microsoft Windows. However, speaking to the media at the E3 2015, Murray stated that they now plan to release the title simultaneously for both platforms, though did not specify a release date. Murray stated that unlike more traditional games, where completion of the fixed number of levels and other assets can be treated as an assembly line and schedules projected from that, the interconnectivity of all the various systems within "No Man's Sky" requires them all to be working together to make the game successful, and would only feel comfortable on assigning a release date once that is completed. Since its reveal, Hello Games have showcased the game to numerous members of the press and video game journalists. Many of these demonstrations have provided possible ideas for gameplay additions as feedback, such as adding land vehicles to explore planets or allowing players to construct buildings on planets. However, Hello Games have opted to avoid such feature creep, with Murray stating that they wanted to be able to deliver on the large, grand vision they had, and to add more features would have required a larger team and more funding, something they did not want to do. Murray specifically wanted to avoid base building initially as this would discourage players from exploring the rest of the universe. Following release, Hello Games does plan to add base building and the ability to buy and customize larger freighters in future updates. Game engine. Most of the universe in "No Man's Sky" is procedurally generated, including solar systems, planets, weather systems, flora and fauna on these planets, the behaviour of these creatures, and artificial structures like buildings and spacecraft. The generation system is based primarily on providing a single seed number to their deterministic engine which would create all the features of the universe exactly the same way every time this process is run with the same seed using the repeatability of pseudorandom number generators. One generator is used to create the universe, plotting the position of the stars and their stellar classification, using the phone number of one of the Hello Games' developers as the founding seed. Pseudorandom numbers generated from the position of each star are used to define the planetary system the star has, the planet's position is used as a seed to define the planetary features, and so on. This approach, used in early days of computer games to avoid high memory or disk use, avoided the need to craft every planet and store this information on a server; this also assured that players can always revisit the same planets, and share that planet with other players who would find the same features. The planet terrain generation code, for example, is only 1,400 lines of code; as described by Murray, the code was tweaked as to make sure that planets generated visually interesting but navigable terrain, as some early builds would produce wildly stunning planets that were impossible to traverse, while other fixes made planets look flat and dull. Hello Games had originally planned to use a 32-bit seed number, which would have generated around 4.3 billion planets, but decided to use the 64-bit number to demonstrate the scalability of their game, and partially in response to online forum comments that doubted that Hello Games could deliver a game of that size. The deterministic approach also allows Hello Games to optimize the rendering of the game, as what is visible to the player can be determined directly through these generation algorithms. Planets are rendered using voxels with procedurally-generated textures while flora, fauna, and other surface features use polygon-based rendering as to maintain a target 30 frames per second along with middleware like the Havok physics engine for animation and other dynamic features. The on-the-fly construction of a world did create some difficulty with features like rivers, which in most virtual environments are built by using a physics engine to track the flow of water down a slope. Murray and his team developed a brute force solution to include rivers and similar features without having to render out a large-enough section of landscape to perform the same calculation. The total code size for the entire game was around 600,000 lines of code by February 2016. The entire game takes up only 6 gigabytes on a blu-ray disc, the bulk being audio files. One of the more challenging feats was to create random terrain on spherical planets in a reproducible manner, allowing a player to leave and return to the planet after visiting others as part of the need to give the player a sense of scale. Initial efforts used a flat map while the player was on the planet, and then as they left the planet, making a snapshot of it to wrap around the planet's sphere to create the illusion they had left the spherical map, but this led to problems with overlap at the edges of the map and terrain generation problems. The team then looked at the problem of map projections that had already been solved by cartographers. Some projections like the Mercator projection would have fit well with the generation system but would be costly in computation time to present to the player. Others, like Peirce quincuncial projection, while being better suited for fast computations, would have limited the type of larger terrain features they could generate to deal with edge overlaps. With no suitable flat projection, Hello Games took the more challenging step of actually simulating planets in 3 dimensions, building each planet as a cube and then using various mathematic tricks to cast the cube's projection onto a sphere. Additional terrain features like cliffs and caves were made by generating positive and negative spaces within the cube's mapping, and incorporating those into the spherical transformation. The development team built the planetary feature generation system atop this where they would first hand-create core structures and the art associated with those – such as a basic skeleton and skin for a creature – and then allow the algorithm to make randomized changes to that, as to make a wide variety of creatures, mimicking the diversity of species resulting from evolution on Earth. They made sure the elements of this generation process reflected the setting – creatures and plants inhabiting a planet that contained blue-coloured minerals would be tinted blue as well. The generation system uses deterministic parameterised equations and algorithms previously developed by biologists and physicists that can mimic a vast array of natural forms and shapes. For example, the engine uses L-systems, fractal equations developed by Aristid Lindenmayer in 1968 that can create structures that resemble many algae and plant lifeforms. This is coupled with engines like SpeedTree to create additional variety to the flora. Other generation schemes were made through random selection in a deterministic fashion, followed by tuning to create a realistic result. Creatures were often generated by mixing and matching random parts from a library, and then adjusting the underlying skeleton so that the creature appeared realistic; a creature with a tiny body could not support a giant head, for example. To create behaviour for the creatures generated by the procedural generation system, the system tags objects that it creates, and then assigns creatures various affinity levels based on these tags; creatures are then driven to find objects they like and avoid those they dislike, and allows the artificial intelligence aspects of creatures to communicate directly to coordinate their respective movements. Duncan describes this as generating complex patterns on relatively simple rules that create surprising results; he describes being surprised when, after hunting avian creatures over a body of water to have one of the kills eaten by the sudden appearance of a shark-like creature. The generation system can create a variety of planet ecosystems, including differing rotational periods, the end-effects of natural erosion, and behavioural cycles for the creatures. The amount of life on planets are factored based on their distance from their local sun, with planets far outside the habitable zone typically being barren of life. Not all stars have habitable planets, but still offer potential opportunities for resources to the player if they can survive its inhospitable atmosphere. The developers aimed for a 90–10 rule, with around 90% of the planets being uninhabitable, and of the 10% that do support life, 90% of those only include mundane lifeforms, making the planets that thrive with a vivid ecosystem rare. Some facets of realism have been conceded in favor of promoting better gameplay. The planetary generator system does not generate any gas giants, as Murray wants every planet in the game to be explorable. Unlike most planets containing an atmosphere where the atmosphere is visibly more dense closest to the surface, planetary atmospheres in "No Man's Sky" are reversed as to provide a more dramatic transition when a player is taking off or landing on a planet. Other elements of their procedural generation system were made to break the realism that was previously built into the engine as to have more alien-looking planets and features be potential outcomes of the system, such as by introducing chemical elements that would enable green-tinted atmospheres and allowing moons to orbit much closer than the laws of gravity would allow to create impressive backdrops on planets. To assure that the procedural generation worked well, the development team created the in-game equivalent of automated probes to visit the various planets and take images to review; this allowed for some tweaks to be made by human developers. Music. "No Man's Sky" features a soundtrack by English post-rock band 65daysofstatic (65DOS), as well as procedurally generated ambient music composed by Paul Weir. The game uses a generative music system called Pulse developed by Weir, using a large library of loops, textures and melodies created by 65DOS to randomly create music to accompany the gameplay, reacting to the changeable terrain and becoming more or less menacing depending on whether a character is in danger. 65DOS became involved in the project when Hello Games, preparing their debut trailer, contacted 65DOS about using their song "Debutante" for it, as Murray had been a fan of the band. The developers sent along some of the concept art so the band could consider the offer. The band, impressed by what they saw, gave Hello Games their permission and offered to help create the rest of the game's soundtrack. 65DOS had been interested in doing a video game soundtrack following their album "Wild Light" and subsequent live tours, having used software tools to help craft more interactive shows, and felt the same concepts could be applied to video games which are traditionally non-linear experiences. Initially, Hello Games asked 65DOS to create numerous songs in their band's style, with very little additional direction; the band described their instruction from Hello Games as "write the next 65daysofstatic album". At this point, Hello Games' intent would be to then take 65DOS' songs to tear down into segments they could use for procedural music generation. However, the band wanted to be more involved in the process, helping to deconstruct the songs themselves knowing of the broad approach Hello Games was taking for the game. They developed a music sequencer logic system for use within "Ableton Live", and programmed extensions for Unity and FMOD that approximated the procedural generation approach Hello Games used for the game. They subsequently used these to help craft their songs, at times letting the procedural generation take over as to create a vast array of sounds. Subsequently, the band send these songs and snippets to Weir, along with documentation on how to apply and alter some of the songs, to allow him to incorporate it into the game's soundtrack. Weir provided 65DOS feedback on some changes and additions, such as additional arpeggios to use for some segments of the game. According to 65DOS member Paul Wolinski, the band plans to explore more of these processes in further albums they will produce. Weir also developed a similar generative audio system for the ambient sounds within the game. Weir developed an audio procedural generation system called VocAlien that allowed him to create a system of animal calls that can be readily altered by adjusting a number of parameters. Ten original works and six soundscapes composed by 65DOS for the game was released on its soundtrack, "No Man's Sky: Music for an Infinite Universe", which released on both digital and retail formats alongside the game on 10 August 2016. iam8bit released the soundtrack on a 2 LP-disc vinyl record set alongside the game's release. One set of songs in this soundtrack are 65DOS's compositions worked into a typical six-minute song, while the soundscapes are longer pieces that are comparable to 65DOS's original pieces without strict adherence to any length or format, representing their musical concepts they had considered in producing the songs for "No Man's Sky". 65DOS also plans to tour Europe and potentially other locations with the "No Man's Sky" soundtrack later in 2016.

settlement construction

819-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=32639153

Water supply in Southern Sudan is faced with numerous challenges. Although the White Nile runs through the country, water is scarce during the dry season in areas that are not located on the river. About half the population does not have access to an improved water source, defined as a protected well, standpipe or a handpump within 1 km. The few existing piped water supply systems are often not well maintained and the water they provide is often not safe to drink. Displaced people returning home put a huge strain on infrastructure, and the government institutions in charge of the sector are weak. Substantial external funding from numerous government agencies and non-governmental organizations is available to improve water supply. Water resources. Rainfall in Southern Sudan is highly seasonal, with a rainy season between July and October. In the extreme South of the country there is also a second rainy season from March to May. Groundwater is an important source of water supply for people and livestock, especially during the dry season. In some areas groundwater is brackish, groundwater yields are low and the success rate for well drilling is low. The main river is the White Nile, which enters the country from Uganda in the South and flows to Sudan in the North. The new country’s capital, Juba, as well as other cities such as Bor and Malakal are located on the river. Most rivers besides the Nile, such as the Bahr el Ghazal River, the Sobat River and their tributaries, disappear during the dry season. The White Nile and the Bahr el Ghazal River flow in the Sudd, a large seasonal swamp in the heart of the country. Access. It is reported by WASHWatch that the total number of people in South Sudan lacking access to an "Improved" Water Supply in 2015 was 5,015,000. It is estimated that 58.726% of the population of Southern Sudan has access to an improved water source, such as a hand pump, a protected well or – for a small minority - piped water supply. Even those with access to an improved water source often do not receive safe water. Also, they do not receive water throughout the year, because piped water supply is intermittent or wells run dry. Those without access to an improved water source fetch water from rivers, ponds or open wells. This is often done by children and women. Some also buy water from vendors who use donkeys, bicycles or trucks to get water to their customers. Access to portable water has been reduced as a result of the ongoing conflict in South Sudan, due to mass internal displacement (1,893,109 people internally displaced as of January 2017 which has seen million people displaced from their homes. In addition, during the conflict, many boreholes have been deliberately destroyed in rural areas. The challenges of accessing clean water in South Sudan are dramatized in the short novel A Long Walk to Water which tells the story of Salva Dut, founder of Water for South Sudan. Institutional responsibility and policies. Within the government of Southern Sudan, the Ministry of Water Resources and Irrigation is responsible for policy setting, mobilization of external financing and regulation of drinking water supply. The Ministry was created in 2006, one year after the government of Southern Sudan was formed in preparation for the country’s independence. The Ministry presented a water policy in 2007 and expects to produce a more detailed “strategic framework” for the sector in 2011. Service provision in urban areas is the responsibility of the newly created South Sudan Urban Water Corporation (SSUWC). Financing (external support). Investment financing depends almost entirely on external grants. Important external partners in the water sector are Germany, Japan, the United States and the World Bank. The latter administers a Multi-Donor Trust Fund (MDTF) created in 2006. Germany, through its agencies GIZ and KfW, finances the construction of a water supply system in the city of Yei. Japan, through its agency JICA, finances the expansion of the existing system in the capital, Juba. It also provides technical assistance to the national water utility SSUWC. The United States, through its agency USAID, provide support for water supply in Wau and Malakal. The MDTF supports rural water supply. Donors of the MDTF include the Netherlands, Norway, the United Kingdom, the European Commission, Sweden, Germany, Denmark, Finland, Italy, Iceland, Greece, Canada, Spain, Egypt and the World Bank. UNICEF provides capacity building and training. A Basic Services Fund also supports rural water supply. It is financed by DFID, the Netherlands, Sweden, Canada, Norway and the European Union. Numerous non-governmental organizations support water supply in Southern Sudan, such as the Obakki Foundation from North America, Caritas, GOAL from Ireland, Concern Worldwide from Ireland, the International Rescue Committee, Medair, Oxfam and Save the Children UK, and the locally led Water is Basic. Many of these groups finance their work through donations, but also through official development aid, such as the Basic Services Fund.

great stress

3294-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=24327480

Test cricket is the oldest form of cricket played at international level. A Test match takes place over a period of five days, and is played by teams representing Full Member nations of the International Cricket Council (ICC). Sri Lanka obtained Full Member status of the ICC in 1981, becoming the eighth nation eligible to play Test cricket. The Sri Lanka national cricket team played their first Test match on 17 February 1982, against England, and recorded their first victory on 6 September 1985, in a match against India. Since then, they have played nearly 200 matches, against every other Test-playing nation. Sri Lanka holds the world record for the highest team score, which was established against India in 1997. The highest partnership in Test cricket was also established by two Sri Lankan batsmen; Mahela Jayawardene and Kumar Sangakkara. Sri Lankan players also hold the highest partnership scores for the second and third wickets. Top order batsman and former captain Kumar Sangakkara holds several Sri Lankan batting records as he has scored the most runs for Sri Lanka in Test cricket. He is also the record holder for the highest number of centuries as well as the highest number of half-centuries. The 374 made by Mahela Jayawardene against South Africa in 2006 is the highest individual score by a Sri Lankan cricketer, surpassing the previous best of 340 by Sanath Jayasuriya, which was established in 1997. It is also the fourth-highest individual score in Test cricket. Jayawardene, Jayasuriya and Kumar Sangakkara [319] are the only Sri Lankan players who have scored triple centuries. Muttiah Muralitharan, who was hailed by the Wisden Cricketers' Almanack in 2002 as the "best bowler ever" in Test cricket, dominates the bowling records for Sri Lanka. He is the world record holder for the highest number of wickets, the most five wickets per innings, as well as the most ten wickets per match. Muralitharan also holds the records for the best bowling average, best figures in an innings, best figures in a match, and best figures in a series. He missed an opportunity to capture all ten wickets in an innings in 2002 against Zimbabwe, when Chaminda Vaas took the last wicket after Muralitharan had taken the previous nine. The Sri Lankan team won an ODI series against Australia in Australia in 2010. However, they are yet to register a Test match win and an ODI series win against India in India, as of 2017. Sri Lanka holds a unique record of having the most Test wickets by both a right arm and left arm bowler:: Muralitharan with 800 wickets and Rangana Herath with 433 wickets. Key. The top five records are listed for each category, except for the team wins, losses, draws and ties and the partnership records. Tied records for fifth place are also included. Explanations of the general symbols and cricketing terms used in the list are given below. Specific details are provided in each category where appropriate. All records include matches played for India only, and are correct . Team records. Result records. A Test match is won when one side has scored more runs than the total runs scored by the opposing side during their two innings. If both sides have completed both their allocated innings and the side that fielded last has the higher aggregate of runs, it is known as a win by runs. This indicates the number of runs that they had scored more than the opposing side. If one side scores more runs in a single innings than the total runs scored by the other side in both their innings, it is known as a win by innings and runs. If the side batting last wins the match, it is known as a win by wickets, indicating the number of wickets that were still to fall. Individual records. Batting records. Most career runs. Kumar Sangakkara is the fifth-highest scoring batsman in Test cricket. Highest career average. In cricket, batting average is the mean number of runs scored per innings. It is calculated by dividing total runs scored (including innings where he remained not out) by the number of times the batsman has been dismissed. Most ducks in career. "Duck" refers to a batsman dismissed without scoring. Bowling records. Most wickets in a career. Muralitharan, who is the highest wicket-taker in Test cricket, has taken 5 wickets for the ICC World XI team during a match in 2005, which are not included in this list. Muralitharan and Shane Warne—who ranks second with 708 wickets—are the only bowlers who have captured more than 700 Test wickets. Best figures in an innings. Muttiah Muralitharan's 9 wickets for 51 runs against Zimbabwe is Test cricket's fifth-best bowling figures in a single innings. Also Rangana Herath's 9 wickets for 127 runs against Pakistan is the Best bowling figures by a left hand bowler in Test cricket history. Best figures in a match. The Sri Lankan record of 16 wickets for 220 runs set by Muttiah Muralitharan against England is the fifth-best figures by a bowler in a single Test match. Best career average. Bowling average is the measurement of mean runs conceded per wicket. In calculating this the total number of runs conceded by the bowler is divided by the number of wickets captured. Best career economy rate. A bowler's economy rate is the total number of runs they have conceded divided by the number of overs they have bowled. Best career strike rate. A bowler's strike rate is the total number of balls they have bowled divided by the number of wickets they have taken. Most five-wicket hauls in an innings. Taking five or more wickets in a single innings (called a five-wicket haul, fifer or five-for) is considered a notable achievement for a bowler. Muralitharan is well ahead of other bowlers by number of five-wicket hauls in Tests with 67 to his name; Australian cricketer Shane Warne ranks in second place with only 37, 30 below Murali. Which shows the class of Murali in bowling compared to Warne. Most ten-wickets in a match. Muralitharan has taken ten or more wickets per match on more occasions than any other bowler in Test cricket. He has performed this feat 22 times, more than double the number of the bowler ranking second—Shane Warne, who has achieved this on 10 occasions. Hat-trick. In cricket, a hat-trick occurs when a bowler takes three wickets with consecutive deliveries. The deliveries may be interrupted by an over bowled by another bowler from the other end of the pitch or the other team's innings, but must be three consecutive deliveries by the individual bowler in the same match. Only wickets attributed to the bowler count towards a hat-trick; run outs do not count. Wicket-keeping records. A wicketkeeper can assist in the dismissal of a batsman by taking a catch or stumping. A catch taken by the wicketkeeper means the batsman will be ruled out caught, although it may be referred to as "caught behind". A stumping occurs when the wicketkeeper catches a ball delivered by the bowler (provided it is a legal delivery) and putting down the batsman's wicket while he is out of his ground. Fielding records. Most catches in a career. A "catch" occurs when a ball hit by the batsman in the air is held by a fielder within the field of play, before it hits the ground. In such a case, the batsman is ruled out caught. All-round Records. 1000 runs and 100 wickets. A total of 71 players have achieved the double of 1000 runs and 100 wickets in their Test career. Partnership records. Highest wicket partnerships. Sri Lanka holds the highest partnerships in Test cricket for any wicket and, with the records for the second, and third wickets. Highest partnerships. The world record partnership between Jayawardene and Sangakkara for 624 runs, and the partnership between Jayasuriya and Mahanama for 576 runs (which was the previous world record, and is now the second-highest partnership in Tests) are the only Test partnerships to surpass 500 runs.

claiming the runner-up spot

4403-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=170945

Racial discrimination is any discrimination against any individual on the basis of their skin color, or racial or ethnic origin. Individuals can discriminate by refusing to do business with, socialize with, or share resources with people of a certain group. Governments can discriminate in a de facto fashion or explicitly in law, for example through policies of racial segregation, disparate enforcement of laws, or disproportionate allocation of resources. Some jurisdictions have anti-discrimination laws which prohibit the government or individuals from discriminating based on race (and sometimes other factors) in various circumstances. Some institutions and laws use affirmative action to attempt to overcome or compensate for the effects of racial discrimination. In some cases, this is simply enhanced recruitment of members of underrepresented groups; in other cases, there are firm racial quotas. Opponents of strong remedies like quotas characterize them as reverse discrimination, where members of a dominant or majority group are discriminated against. Boundary problems and related forms of discrimination. Racial boundaries can involve many factors (such as ancestry, physical appearance, national origin, language, religion, and culture), and maybe set in law by governments, or may depend on local cultural norms. Discrimination based on skin color,(measured for example on the Fitzpatrick scale) is closely related to racial discrimination, as skin color is often used as a proxy for race in everyday interactions, and is one factor used by legal systems that apply detailed criteria. For example, the Population Registration Act, 1950 was used to enforce the apartheid system in South Africa, and Brazil has set up boards to assign a racial category to people for the purpose of enforcing racial quotas. Because of genetic variation, skin color, and other physical appearance can vary considerably even among siblings. Some children with the same parents either self-identify or are identified by others as being of different races. In some cases, the same person is identified as a different race on a birth certificate versus a death certificate. Different rules (such as hypodescent vs. hyperdescent) classify the same people differently, and for various reasons some people "pass" as a member of a different race than they would otherwise be classified in, possibly avoiding legal or interpersonal discrimination. A given race is sometimes defined as a set of ethnicities from populations in neighboring geographic areas (such as a continent like Australia or a subcontinental region like South Asia) that are typically similar in appearance. In such cases, racial discrimination can occur because someone is of an ethnicity defined as outside that race, or ethnic discrimination (or ethnic hatred, ethnic conflict, and ethnic violence) can occur between groups who consider each other to be the same race. Discrimination based on caste is similar; because caste is hereditary, people of the same caste are usually considered to be of the same race and ethnicity. A person's national origin (the country in which they were born or have citizenship) is sometimes used in determining a person's ethnicity or race, but discrimination based on national origin can also be independent of race (and is sometimes specifically addressed in anti-discrimination laws). Language and culture are sometimes markers of national origin and can prompt instances of discrimination based on national origin. For example, someone of a South Asian ethnicity who grew up in London, speaks British English with a London accent, and whose family has assimilated to British culture might be treated more favorably than someone of the same ethnicity who is a recent immigrant and speaks Indian English. Such a difference in treatment might still informally be described as a form of racism, or more precisely as xenophobia or anti-immigrant sentiment. In countries where migration, unification, or breakup has occurred relatively recently, the process of ethnogenesis may complicate the determination of both ethnicity and race and is related to personal identity or affiliation. Sometimes the ethnicity of immigrants in their new country is defined as their national origin, and span multiple races. For example, the 2015 Community Survey of the United States Census accepted identification as Mexican Americans of any race (for example including Native Americans from Mexico, descendants of Africans transported to New Spain as enslaved people, and descendants of Spanish colonists). In surveys taken by the Mexican government, the same people would have been described as indigenous, black, or white (with a large number of people unclassified who might be described as Mestizo). The U.S. census asks separate questions about Hispanic and Latino Americans to distinguish language from racial identity. Discrimination based on being Hispanic or Latino does occur in the United States and might be considered a form of racial discrimination if "Hispanic" or "Latino" are considered a new racial category derived from ethnicities which formed after the independence of the former colonies of the Americas. Many statistical reports apply both characteristics, for example comparing Non-Hispanic whites to other groups. When people of different races are treated differently, decisions about how to treat a particular person raise the question of which racial classification that person belongs to. For example, definitions of whiteness in the United States were used before the civil rights movement for the purpose of immigration and the ability to hold citizenship or be enslaved. If a race is defined as a set of ethnolinguistic groups, then common language origin can be used to define the boundaries of that group. The status of Finns as white was challenged on the grounds that the Finnish language is Uralic rather than Indo-European, purportedly making the Finns of the Mongoloid race. The common American notion that all people of geographically European ancestry and of light skin are "white" prevailed for Finns, and other European immigrants like Irish Americans and Italian Americans whose whiteness was challenged and who faced interpersonal if not legal discrimination. American and South African laws which divided the population into whites from Europe and blacks from sub-Saharan Africa often caused problems of interpretation when dealing with people from other areas, such as the rest of the Mediterranean Basin, Asia, North Africa, or even Native Americans, with classification as non-white usually resulting in legal discrimination. (Some Native American tribes have treaty rights which grant privileges rather than disadvantages, though these were often negotiated on unfavorable terms.) Though as an ethno-religious group they often face religious discrimination, the whiteness of all Jews was also challenged in the United States, with attempts to classify them as Asiatic (Palestine being in western Asia) or Semitic (which would also include Arabs). The actual ancestry of most Jewish people is more varied than simply ancient Hebrew tribes. As the Jewish diaspora spread across Europe and Africa over time many Jewish ethnic divisions arose, resulting in Jews who identify as white, black, and other races. The reunification of diverse populations in modern Israel has led to some problems of racial discrimination against dark-skinned Jews by light-skinned Jews. Around the world. Overall trends. A 2013 analysis of World Values Survey data by The Washington Post looked at the fraction of people in each country that indicated they would prefer not to have neighbours of the same race. It ranged from below 5% in Australia, New Zealand, and many countries in the Americas, to 51.4% in Jordan; Europe had wide variation, from below 5% in the UK, Norway, and Sweden, to 22.7% in France. More than 30 years of field experimental studies have found significant levels of discrimination against non-whites in labor, housing, and product markets in 10 countries. The Netherlands. A study conducted in the Netherlands and published in 2013 found significant levels of discrimination against job applicants with Arabic-sounding names. Africa. The British colonial impact greatly affected the cultures of African society but the differences in the countries like Nigeria remain as close to tradition compared to countries like South Africa. American racism also plays a part that escalates racism in Nigeria but American racism ideas influencing African Cultures. The racism that was developed by the influence of colonization and American influenced there to create levels of power based on racism. Racism in African cultures is connected to the opportunities received in life, virus susceptibility, and tribal traditions. For example, in the north, an indirect policy of rule settled a new way of life between the colonizing government and the Fulani- Hausa ruling class. Because of this the North falls behind the South and West on education development which causes racial malignity. Liberia. The constitution of Liberia renders non-blacks ineligible for citizenship. United States. With regard to employment, multiple audit studies have found strong evidence of racial discrimination in the United States' labor market, with magnitudes of employers' preferences of white applicants found in these studies ranging from 50% to 240%. Other such studies have found significant evidence of discrimination in car sales, home insurance applications, provision of medical care, and hailing taxis. There is some debate regarding the method used to signal race in these studies. Employment. Racial discrimination in the workplace falls into two basic categories: Discrimination may occur at any point in the employment process, including pre-employment inquiries, hiring practices, compensation, work assignments and conditions, privileges granted to employees, promotion, employee discipline and termination. Researchers Marianne Bertrand and Sendhil Mullainathan, at the University of Chicago and MIT found in a 2004 study, that there was widespread racial discrimination in the workplace. In their study, candidates perceived as having "white-sounding names" were 50% more likely than those whose names were merely perceived as "sounding black" to receive callbacks for interviews. The researchers view these results as strong evidence of unconscious biases rooted in the United States' long history of discrimination (e.g., Jim Crow laws, etc.) Devah Pager, a sociologist at Princeton University, sent matched pairs of applicants to apply for jobs in Milwaukee and New York City, finding that black applicants received callbacks or job offers at half the rate of equally qualified whites. Another recent audit by UCLA sociologist S. Michael Gaddis examines the job prospects of black and white college graduates from elite private and high-quality state higher education institutions. This research finds that blacks who graduate from an elite school such as Harvard have about the same prospect of getting an interview as whites who graduate from a state school such as UMass Amherst. A 2001 study of workplace evaluation in a large U.S. company showed that black supervisors rate white subordinates lower than average and vice versa. Perry and Pickett’s (2016, as cited in Heberle et al., 2020) research concluded that unemployment rates are higher for blacks and Latinos than for whites. Housing. Multiple experimental audit studies conducted in the United States have found that blacks and Hispanics experience discrimination in about one in five and one in four housing searches, respectively. A 2014 study also found evidence of racial discrimination in an American rental apartment market. Researchers found in contrast to White families, families of color were led to obtain housing in poor, low-quality communities due to discrimination during the home-buying process. Effects on health. Studies have shown an association between reported racial discrimination and adverse physical and mental health outcomes. This evidence has come from multiple countries, including the United States, the United Kingdom, and New Zealand. Racism in healthcare system. Racial bias exists in the medical field affecting the way patients are treated and the way they are diagnosed. There are instances where patients’ words are not taken seriously, an example would be the recent case with Serena Williams. After the birth of her daughter via C-section, the tennis player began to feel pain and shortness of breath. It took her several times to convince the nurse they actually took her self-said symptoms seriously. Had she not been persistent and demanded a CT scan, which showed a clot resulting in blood thinning, Williams might have not been alive. This is just one of hundreds of cases where systemic racism can affect women of color in pregnancy complications. One of the factors that lead to higher mortality rates amongst black mothers is the poorly conditioned hospitals and lack of standard healthcare facilities. Along with having deliveries done in underdeveloped areas, the situation becomes complicated when the pain dealt by patients are not taken seriously by healthcare providers. Pain heard from patients of color are underestimated by doctors compared to pain told by patients who are white leading them to misdiagnose. Many say that the education level of people affect whether or not they admit to healthcare facilities, leaning to the argument that people of color purposefully avoid hospitals compared to white counterparts however, this is not the case. Even Serena Williams, a well-known athlete, was not taken seriously when she described her pain. It is true that the experiences of patients in hospital settings influence whether or not they return to healthcare facilities. Black people are less likely to admit to hospitals however those that are admitted have longer stays than white people The longer hospitalization of black patients does not improve care conditions, it makes it worse, especially when treated poorly by faculty. Not a lot of minorities are admitted into hospitals and those that are receive poor conditioned treatment and care. This discrimination results in misdiagnosis and medical mistakes that lead to high death rates. Although the Medicaid program was passed to ensure African Americans and other minorities received the healthcare treatment they deserved and to limit discrimination in hospital facilities, there still seems to be an underlying cause for the low number of black patients admitted to hospitals, like not receiving the proper dosage of medication. Infant mortality rates and life expectancies of minorities are much lower than that of white people in the United States. Illnesses like cancer and heart diseases are more prevalent in minorities, which is one of the factors for the high mortality rate in the group. however are not treated accordingly. Although programs like Medicaid exists to support minorities, there still seems to be a large number of people who are not insured. This financial drawback discourages people in the group to go to hospitals and doctors offices. Financial and cultural influences can impact the way patients are treated by their healthcare providers. When doctors have a bias on a patient, it can lead to the formation of stereotypes, impacting the way they view their patient's data and diagnosis, affecting the treatment plan they implement. Welfare of Children. The topic of racial discrimination appears in discussion concerning children and adolescents. Amongst the number of theories evaluating how children come to understand social identities, research presumes that social and cognitive developmental changes influence children’s perspectives regarding their own racial/ethnic identities and children develop a greater understanding of how their race/ethnicity can be perceived by the greater society. A study led by Benner et al. (2018) analyzes a combination of previous studies indicating an existing relationship between racial discrimination and well-being, more specifically, in regards to mental health, behaviors, and academic performance of adolescents ranging from early adolescence (10-13) to late adolescence (17 and older). While it includes Asian, African descent, and Latino populations, this study also speculates the variances amongst the racial groups and other differences contributed by intersectionality. To investigate these relationships, the researchers examined data containing reports of racial discrimination from children, which served as a significant tool to further explore these ideas. In addition they analyzed the relationship between racial discrimination and aspects of well-being (e.g., self-esteem, substance abuse, student engagement) by organizing these components into broader categories of youth development: mental health, behavioral conditions and academic success. Subsequently, the results show a relationship between racial discrimination and negative outcomes relating to youth wellness across all three categories. Moreover, while examining differences among racial groups, children of Asian and Latino descent were found to be most at risk for mental health development, and Latino children, for academic success. Although the studies’ results correlate reported racial discrimination with outcomes to well-being, this does not conclude that one or more racial groups experience greater discrimination than other racial groups. Other factors may have contributed to the relationships’ findings. For example, evidence of a weaker relationship between racial discrimination and well-being in children of African descent may be linked to parent-guided socialization practices to help children cope with racial discrimination, or possibly lack of research concerning the severity of discrimination. Also, researchers speculate the meaningful ways intersectionality can play a role in variances of discrimination. Ultimately, they conclude that further studies to examine racial discrimination are necessary to provide a more comprehensive approach in determining effective support systems for children. Critical Consciousness in Youth and Racial Discrimination. When a person is conscious of their privilege, mindful of oppression and discrimination, and when they address and counteract these injustices, they are expressing critical consciousness. Additionally, critical consciousness can grow in individuals as a result of inequalities they may face such as racial discrimination. The researchers, Heberle, Rapa, and Farago (2020), conducted a systematic review of research literature on the concept critical consciousness. The study focused on 67 qualitative and quantitative studies regarding the effects of critical consciousness in youth since 1998. For example, one of the studies included in the report by Ngo (2017), studied an extracurricular program that analyzed the racial discrimination faced by Hmong adolescents and the exploration of critical consciousness participation in theater. The non-scholastic theater program encouraged this group of students to explore their identities through the injustices they faced and to fight against the oppression and racial discrimination they experienced. Critical consciousness can be used as a tool to fight against racial discrimination. Heberle et al. (2020) argued that a decrease in racial discrimination can happen when White youth are aware of differences in groups and injustices due to their critical consciousness. They might change their thinking by fostering antiracist beliefs and having awareness of their own White privilege. Reverse discrimination. Reverse discrimination is a term for allegations that the member of a dominant or majority group has suffered discrimination for the benefit of a minority or historically disadvantaged group. United States. In the United States, courts have upheld race-conscious policies when they are used to promote a diverse work or educational environment. Some critics have described those policies as discriminating against white people. In response to arguments that such policies (e.g. affirmative action) constitute discrimination against whites, sociologists note that the purpose of these policies is to level the playing field to counteract discrimination. Perceptions. A 2016 poll found that 38% of US citizens thought that Whites faced a lot of discrimination. Among Democrats, 29% thought there was some discrimination against Whites in the United States, while 49% of Republicans thought the same. Similarly, another poll conducted earlier in the year found that 41% of US citizens believed there was "widespread" discrimination against whites. There is evidence that some people are motivated to believe they are the victims of reverse discrimination because the belief bolsters their self-esteem. Law. In the United States, Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibits all racial discrimination based on race. Although some courts have taken the position that a white person must meet a heightened standard of proof to prove a reverse-discrimination claim, the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) applies the same standard to all claims of racial discrimination without regard to the victim's race.

survival durations

3205-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=9704581

The culture that led to the founding of the Republic of China and that flourished immediately afterwards was informed by two main concerns: the weakness of the government in the face of pressure by Western powers, including the United Kingdom, the United States, Germany, France, and Japan, and the seeming backwardness of the political system, which previously had held primacy over East Asia. It was this climate that led to the rapid changes and quick questioning of thousand year old traditions. The abolition of the empire had an immediate effect on dress and customs: the largely Han population immediately cut off the queues that they had been forced to grow in submission to the overthrown Manchus whom they considered alien barbarian invaders. Sun Yat-sen popularized a new style of men's wear, featuring jacket and trousers instead of the pre-existing robes. Adapted from Japanese student wear, this style of dress became known as the Zhongshan suit (Zhongshan being Sun Yat-sen's given name in Chinese). Later, Mao Zedong's variant of the Zhongshan suit would become well known in the West as the Mao suit. Meanwhile, Madame Sun popularised the qipao as the standard female dress. At the same time, old practices such as footbinding, which Chinese had long known was viewed as backwards and unmodern by Westerners, were forbidden. In the late 1910s and early 1920s, students and intellectuals began to challenge old customs in what became the New Cultural Movement. The era called for iconoclasm, the assertion of individuality, and the liberalization of society (such as through the abolition of arranged marriages). Universities began to incorporate western subjects into the curriculum and discussion of numerous philosophies such as communism and anarchism ensued. Notably, Lu Xun published his satire "Diary of a Madman" to challenge Confucianism, Ba Jin questioned the hierarchical family structure, and Hu Shih called for writing in Vernacular Chinese instead of Literary Chinese for mass appeal. The literary journal "New Youth", edited by Chen Duxiu, promoted science and democracy. These changes, though affecting urban and upper class society, failed to reach the peasantry who remained mostly illiterate. Economic equality and gender equality became great concerns among intellectuals, students, and the general public. With the movement of people towards cities also came concern for such issues. Many young intellectuals became interested in communism and liberalism. In the 1930s, Chiang Kai-shek launched the New Life Movement to promote traditional Confucian social ethics, while rejecting individualism and Western capitalistic values. It also aimed to build up morale in a nation that was besieged with corruption, factionalism, and opium addiction. Some goals included courtesy to neighbors, following rules set by the government, keeping streets clean, and conserving energy. Literature Revolution. The literature revolution (the vernacular language movement) happened in the late 1910 in China. It is the form of written Chinese based on the varieties of Chinese spoken throughout China. This was in contrast to Classical Chinese which was the written standard used during Imperial China up to the early twentieth century. It was encouraged to display a general dissatisfaction with the programmatic character and the tendency toward uniformity of some of the new literature. It was this movement that breathe the new style into the world of thought in China and build the basic of concept of the May Fourth Movement. Since the early 1920s, this modern vernacular form has been the standard style of writing for all speakers of all varieties of Chinese throughout mainland China, Malaysia, Singapore as well as Taiwan as the written form of modern standard Chinese which is commonly referred to the "Standard Written Chinese" or "Modern Written Chinese". "The centuries-old three-way opposition between classical written Chinese, vernacular written Chinese, and vernacular spoken Chinese represents an instance of diglossia." May Fourth Literature. The May Fourth Movement was an anti-imperialist, cultural, and political movement growing out of student participants in Beijing on 4 May 1919. Mainly university and high school students began the protest against the Chinese government's response to the [Treaty of Versailles] which allowed Japan to have territories in Shandong. The students were joined by others in the capital. The Chinese government and people had contributed to the Allied cause and expected the German Empire controlled areas of Shandong, especially the port of Tsingdao, to be returned to Chinese sovereignty given Germany's defeat by the Allied Powers. The Chinese diplomats at the Versailles Treaty appeared to have failed the popular will of the Chinese people since the Allied powers ignored them and allowed Japan to lay claim to German 'possessions' in China. Demonstrations accelerated against Japan and the outsider influence in China and gave new energy to the New Culture Movement. Dubbed the May Fourth movement, the next few years saw an upsurge of Chinese nationalism: a shift towards political mobilization and away from cultural activities, and a move towards populism rather than politics led by intellectual elites. As a result, many political and social leaders of the next revolutionary decades in China emerged. Literature of the Thirties (1927-1937). This period is also included in 'May Fourth literature (Wusi wenxue)'. Most Chinese and Japanese scholars agreed that the young style of May Fourth period had declined by the late 1920s. Then it was replaced by 'mature' phase of literary creativity in the 1930s. The term 'literature in the thirty' are broadly referred to work published in the decade from 1927 to 1937. The literature of the thirties is a crucial period of modern Chinese literature. Writers of the thirties received sophisticated techniques and ideas from the May Fourth literature(1915-1921). The artistic insight came from the social and political crisis such as Japanese invasion in the North of China, Communist revolution and the imperialistic presence of the western powers. Writers in this period started to bond social issues, and politics in their literature. By the 1930s, literature was starting to move toward leftist ideas. Before May Fourth incident, some groups of writers attempted to make a connection between literature, politics and revolution. In 1923, Deng Zhongxia and Yun Daiying, argued that literature should act like a tool to stimulate people's revolutionary mind. In 1924 and 1925, Jiang Guangci wrote two articles. The first one is 'proletarian revolution and culture'. The second one is ' contemporary Chinese society and revolutionary literature'. Both Guo Moruo and Yu Dafu referred to the term like 'proletarian spirit' and 'class struggle' in their 1923 article. In 1925, Lu Xun sponsored the publication of a translated text called Literary debates in Soviet Russia in Peking. Nonetheless, the isolated effort did not make much impact until the May Thirtieth incident(1925). Guo Moruo was the first literary man who was involved in political field. His emotional and unrestrained language shows his passion through the article. He once said, ' From literary revolution to revolutionary literature'. This phase represented his ideal world and his strong emotion towards it. He represented the petty-bourgeois against bourgeois class. After some times, the class system started to fade and their ideology were no longer useful. He then tried to create class consciousness focusing on working and peasant class through his medium and make it accessible by everyone. The leftist debate was addressed which soon will be recognised by the public. Guo Moruo stirred the leftist influence. Guo claimed to be different from Marxism in 1924 after reading the "Marxist Kawakami Hajime". He wrote 'revolution and literature', an emotional essay. He defined revolution as the rebellion against the oppressor in different period of time. He seems to conclude that the newer the better. The revolutionary action will fulfil the need for mankind and change the social organization. As a result, he argued that a good and real literature should consisted of revolutionary ideas. Since revolution literature comes with the heaviest emotion of mankind, it is as the ' golden age of literature'. Although there are many ideological debate during the early thirties, it does not contribute much to literary creativity. Some of the most creative leftist writers in the 1930s are Mao Dun, Lao She, Wu Zuxiang, Zhang Tianyi, Ba Jin, and Wen Yiduo. Their ideology were often expressed from their own analysis with artistic expression. The collective effort of the thirties is recognised as the literary 'renaissance' of fiction, poetry and drama. Before the Japanese invasion, those writers slowly settled on their own unique and matured styles of their works. Nonetheless, wars mark an end for more experimental techniques of modernistic poetry. Only dramas were popular during the war time for two purposes. Firstly, dramas acted as a tool for propaganda. The second purpose of drama acted as an escapist entertainment in Shanghai because the cities was occupied by the Japanese. The four new literary creations coming from the western world are essay, novel, modern verse, and spoken drama. The Essay. Essay is the form of writing that aim to present the doctrinal debates, social criticism, and cultural criticism in the most effective way. The outcome of ideological debate lead to the popularity of 'feuilleton' in foreign terms or 'miscellaneous essay'. From this medium of writing spread the new ideology to the people who can read. Lu Xun, the outstanding essay writer of this period, made an attempt to write short essay form while he started writing short stories. His works were published in New Youth and Yu-ssu. He wrote with the vernacular language mixing with classical terms and idiom. His essays makes a satire about the society. Utilitarian ideology was used as a mean for writing. His essay not only attacked the dark side of Chinese cultures and society, but also tried to pushed the idea of collective Chinese mind to readers. His work is not clearly seen as an essay if viewed by the Westerner's eyes because they are essay, prose, poetry, and short story all at once. In the early 1930, he started to conclude more political issues in this writing. His writing stimulated the debate in the society. He himself thought that it is essential to move away from lyricism toward polemicism in order to gain political engagement. His satire became reproduced and imitated by other writers. As a result, the more shallow essays was produced and the essays were devalued. He then wrote a famous article called "The Crisis of Personal Essay" (1933). "Diary of a Madman" is one of his most famous stories. He got the style from a Russian realist named Nikolay Gogol's tales. The story was told by the perspective of a man who see traditional Confucian culture as something unpleasant for the society. The debate about Confucian ideas was on the trend during this decade. The vernacular Chinese written in the story gain popularity and attention. This common language made the war for short story in the near future. Zhou Zuoren, Lu Hsun's brother, uses essays as an alternative to prose writing. His style is similar to classical tradition namely Gong'an and Jing-line school which accentuate on personal expression. His prose is brief and elegant showing his balanced mentality. His popular essay included the "1981 Article". The essay can be categorised as a humanist literature. In other words, it is a literature against human instinct and human nature. Traditional Chinese customs was criticised. For example, the wife was bullied alive regarding the death of their husband. Fiction. Fiction of the period combined mature style of writing with social analysis. Famous authors in the period include Mao Dun, Lao She, Shen Congwen, Zhang Tianyi, Ba Jin and Wu Zuxiang. Mao Dun's major pieces of fiction are "Eclipse" (1928), "Hong or Rainbow" (1933), and "Ziye" "or Midnight". His early work experiment with the late Qing social novel with naturalism or realism, European technique. The technique was reflected through his careful arrangement of material, and the new objective point of view narrative. Characters was portrayed as a sufferer from social and economical influence. The novel shows a tragic concern that the class society will be extinct. In "The" "Rainbow"(1930),an urban intellectual represented an heroine. The story presented about young women running away from her middle-class family to join the May Thirties movement in Shanghai. The novel contains 500 pages. The set up was a massive construction of urban society in Shanghai. Characters are varied from bankers, landlords, students and so on while workers were not focused. Shen Congwen was also one popular. He and Lao She revealed the negative opinion toward urbanization. In "Alice's Travel in China" or "A'li'ssu Chung-Kuo you-chi", Shen criticized the pretentious and hypocritical way of living of urban people. He sympathized on rural character who lived in the city. He tried to show that the rural characters processed 'noble savage' quality like honesty. The rural people are morally superior than those who live in the cities. Other novels included "Long River" and "Boarder Town" (1934). Lao She's vision is more toward real values of old China. His novels convey that older generation of Chinese was simple, sincere, and honest. He lived in Peking which contained various element of traditional China. His most famous novel is "Camel Hsiang-tzu". The novel shows the downturn of Peking due to the erupted social change and corruption. The city is portrayed to be destroyed by the 'modernising' force. The heroine named Hsiang-tzu were victimised by many influence such as the environmental, economical changes, and the immoral middle class. This theme was also repeatedly stated in his other works. His leftist idea attempt to stimulate the public opinion for urgent collective action. After the liberation, the socialist reality was more powerful than he expected. He then commit a suicide or was murdered in 1966. Ba Jin is one of the most renown novelist of the 1930s. One of his well known novel is called "The Family" (1933). It was recognised as the ' Bible of modern Chinese Youth'. The story of is the account of his own experience. His story shows a conflict between the old generation and the younger generation during his lifetime. The three Kao brothers represent different types of May Fourth intellectual people rebelling against 'feudal society'. Zhang Tianyi is a left wing writer and children books' author. He believed in communist theory. Nonetheless, he was not as ideological compared to other writers. In his novel implies that change is easy when we can use normal language to express opinion and manipulate other people. "Twenty-one" presented problems between the soldiers and their officers. In the "Spring Breeze", Zhang uses the school setting to present the class oppression. The teacher of this schools are the upperclass people, the students are poor. The teacher are cruel to the student as it portrayed the upperclass people trying to oppress the lower class. Eileen Chang was one of the most influential writer born in Shanghai. In her early life, her mother gave her books to read such as a "Dream of the Red Chamber" which is recognised as one of the four great classical novel of Chinese literature. These styles and inspiration in the novel was also reflected in most of her novels and works. At the age of twelve, she started to write a short novel and story published in the school magazine. Unlike the mainstream of this period influenced by the May Fourth, she wrote about the modern relationship between men and women. Her well known novels included "Love in a Fallen City" ("1943"). She referred to her own private life, and also reflected the rise of a national movement at the bottom class of Chinese modernity. This novella became a film in 1984 and then was made to be a TV series in 2009. After the Anti-Japanese War, she moved to Hong Kong and became a U.S. citizens. Regional literature. The regional literature emerged as a sub-genre of fiction. This genre tried to capture the nature and feeling in rural area. Most writers came from the country side, so they depict their experience, hardships, and sometimes, discrimination that urban people have against rural people. This regional literature are mostly written to stimulate people's opinion for the revolution. One significant group of writers that will make a mark on political scene is a group of refugee from Manchuria. They were invaded by the Japanese in 1931. Their works depicting the Japanese's aggression to the people in Manchuria became famous very quickly. The story also triggered the feeling of patriotism that later spread to the entire nation. Hsiao Chun is the leader of Manchuria writers. His novels included "Pu-yueh ti hsiang-ts-t'sm" or "Village in August". It is the first contemporary Chinese novel being translated into English. His tense emotions and experience towards everything from animals, atmosphere and suffering people lead his novel to be popular. His later works includes, "The Story of Yang" or "The Story of Goats", and long novel named "Ti-san Tai" or "The Third Generation". Hsiao Hung is another talented writer from the Manchuria group. She is a wife of Hsiao Chun. One of her novelette is "The Field of Life and Death" (1934). She was an expert in using Manchurian dialects and idioms. She gave an image of rural life as it go along with seasonal changes. She also wrote about natural stages of human life which are birth, age, sickness, and death. However, these natural cycle of life was intervened by the Japanese soldiers. The spirit of Manchuria people and region is well described by her narrative. Poetry. In the early modern Chinese poetry, writers attempted to break away from the traditional rules to have free expression. Hsu Chih-mo was the very first poet who brought the Western techniques to China. He was educated in England until 1922. As a result, he is greatly influenced and inspired by the work of Wordsworth, Shelley, and Keats. His early poem includes "Chih-mo's poetry" (1925), "A Night in Florence" (1927) and "Fierce Tiger" (1928). The well known poem for westerners would be "Saying Goodbye to Cambridge Again""." He died in an airplane crash on the way to Peking in 1931. Wen I-to was a friend of Hsu and also colleague at the Crescent Moon Society. Since he used to do painting, his poem is visually imaginable. His works explored on formalistic element. Instead of making it simple like other authors in this period, symbolism elements were included in his poems. The aim of his poem is to "recapture the symbolism and ethos of premodern Chinese society". In other words, he wanted to capture the culture of people in this period of time through his poem. His early works surprised the readers with metaphors and allusion. The popular words include, "Red Candles" (1923), and "Dead Water" (1929). Drama. Drama in this period can be called as 'New theatre', 'New drama', or 'Civilised drama'. The beginning of modern Chinese China was triggered by the inspiration from the western world similarly to Chinese poetry. The initial effort began by the foundation of Spring Willow Society in Japan in 1907. They began by translating the plays such as "La Dame aux Camelias". One element of this Civilised drama was the 'spoken drama' contradicting to the traditional 'singing drama'. This form was adopted by Ti-ien Han. The purpose of these dramas is to distribute and propagate new ideas. Ts'ao Yu was one of the most popular playwright in modern China. He wrote his first play, "Thunderstrorm" (1934) while he was a student at Tsing-Hua. The story is about the mental and physical downfall of one family due to incest. The story criticises the strict tradition and pretentious actions of the Westernised Zhou family. This play was performed in 1935, then went on tour. Another famous play was "Sunrise" (1936). This story tell about the corruption, the extravagant life of the rich in China and the suffering of the poor in China. Chen Balu, the high class prostitute in Shiang Hai in 1930s, was the main protagonist. She enjoyed the luxurious life, however, she ends up committing a suicide due her bankruptcy, the death of a young girl who she tried to save from being a prostitute, and the end of her first boyfriend. Magazine. "New Youth" was a magazine which started being published by Chen Duxiu in 1915. He was a journalist and politician, and regarded as one of the leaders of New Culture Movement. He made his efforts to modernize Chine by introducing Euro-American culture, which was based on science and democracy, and showed his rejection of traditional Chinese literature and aesthetic. He became the first general secretary of the Chinese Communists in 1921. "Weekly Critic" was a magazine, which was first published in 1918 by Ch'en Tu-hsiu and Li Ta-chao. They dedicated to discuss national and world politics. The magazine identified history' goal with the advantage of Western democracy and science as well as New Youth, and mainly criticized the Chinese government. "New Tide" was launched by some senior students from Peking University in 1919. They were influenced by New Youth and Weekly Critic and followed the thought of them. In opposition to the New Literature Movement, "The National Heritage" was published by the exponents of the classical pattern of literature in Peking University. They only published the articles written in Chinese classical style. In the same way, a group of professors of the Higher Normal College in Nanking started publishing a magazine called "The Critical Review" all in classical language. Agriculture. During the republican era, Chinese economy was mostly agricultural. In 1933, it was estimated at 65 percent of the total net domestic product. This output, whose sectors were plant, animal, Forest, Fishery and Miscellaneous products, was supposed to be produced by 205 million agricultural workers, which counted 79 percent of the labor force. Plant products dominated, and the estimate shows that 80 percent of the plant products are composed of food crops like rice, wheat and other grain, potatoes, vegetables, and fruits. Until 1937, the total output of agriculture kept growing as the population increased. Japanese invasion and the war in the mid 1937 is regarded as the factor of the decline. War and civil war between 1937 and 1949 made it impossible to collect the rural statistical data of the Nanking Government. Especially farmers in North China were affected badly because of the damage to the land, transport disruptions, conscription of manpower and draught of animals, and request of grain for the armies. The Regional Differences of Agriculture. The number of rural family might range from four to 30, and the size of village varied. Northeastern China was favored with enough fertile land, which brought immigrants from the northern provinces. They farmed the soy beans and food grains. In east-central China, which was rice-wheat region, and there had warmer climate, unvaried rainfall, and slightly acidic soil, and favored higher crop yields. In the foremost south-east province of Kwangtung, which is tropical area, peasants engaged in growing fruits and fish farming, and cultivating varied crops with rice. In central, south east, and south west Chine, because of the climate and soil there, a cycle of two crops a year was common while three crops every two years practiced in North. Architecture. Development phases. May Fourth Movement to the outbreak of anti-Japanese War (1919-1937). This is the stage of the prosperity and development of Chinese modern architecture. During 1920 to 1930, Shanghai, Tianjin, Beijing, Nanjing and other major cities and some provincial capitals, building activities are increasing. Nanjing, Shanghai, respectively, the "Capital Plan" and "Big Shanghai Urban Plan", the construction of a number of administrative buildings. The Construction of residential buildings, in Shanghai, Tianjin, Guangzhou, Hankou and some cities in the northeast, a number of high-rise buildings with higher levels of modernization have been built. Especially in Shanghai, has 28 high-rise buildings over 10 stories in the period. Building technology has made great progress in these 20 years. Many high-rise, large, long-span, complex projects to achieve a high construction quality. Some of the buildings in the design and technical equipment has been close to the foreign advanced level. The ranks of Chinese architects have grown. The architects who returned from abroad have set up the Chinese architects ' office and have set up the architectural specialty in the middle and higher schools, introduced and disseminated the architectural technology and creative ideas of the developed countries. In 1927, the Chinese Institute of Architects and the Shanghai Association of Architects founded. Respectively, published a professional publication "China Architecture" (1932) and the "Building Monthly Publication" (1932). In 1929, Society for the Study of Chinese Architecture founded. The architects Liang Sicheng, Research work in the society. Modern Chinese architecture in this stage is not only the introduction of Western architecture, but also a combination of China's actual creation of some modern architecture with Chinese characteristics. Outbreak of anti-Japanese War to the People's Republic of China (1937-1949). This is the stagnation period of Chinese modern architecture. During the anti-Japanese war, China's construction industry was in a state of depression. After the Second World War, many countries were actively engaged in post-war construction and the construction activities were very active. Through the spread of Western architectural books and the introduction of a few newly returned architects, Chinese architects have more contact with the thought of modern architecture abroad. Only in this period, China is in the domestic war environment, there are few construction activities, and modern architectural trend of thought has no great influence on Chinese construction practice. Residential Buildings. Modern China's rural, market town, Small and medium-sized cities and large cities in the old urban areas, still take the traditional residential form. The new type of residential building is mainly concentrated in some parts of big city. This kind of new house has the basic form of single type, Lian-Hu type and multi type. Single-family houses. These appeared in the 1900 before and after the detached-style senior residential. These dwellings are basically a replica of the high-end residential buildings that were popular in the west, and are generally located in the urban environment. Most of the appearance are like the French, Britain, Germany form of a mansion, the occupants are mainly foreign officials and capitalists. Before and after the Xinhai Revolution, Chinese top people also began to build. From the modern businessman Zhang Jian in Nantong "Haonan Villa", the characteristics of the high-grade residential: architectural forms and technical equipment are mostly adopted Western style, while the room layout, decoration, garden and others preserve the Chinese traditional characteristics. Since the 1920s, the single-family residential form has gradually shifted from luxurious detached-style high-class residences to comfortable garden residences, and the number of construction has increased, and the garden residential areas have been formed in Shanghai and Nanjing. Lian-Hu type. House called Longtang was first in the 20th century in Shanghai, is imported from Europe intensive living methods. Then Hankou, Nanjing, Tianjin, Fuzhou, Qingdao and other land in the concession, Wharf, commercial center near the formation of residential areas. The residential buildings in Shanghai are divided into stone gate as "Shikumen", new ones, garden lanes and apartment-style homes according to the needs of different classes of residents. The early Shikumen clearly reflect the intersection of Chinese and Western architectural styles. The residential area is compact in layout, economical in land use and full in space. Architects. Liang Sicheng. Liang Sicheng (梁思成; April 20, 1901 – January 9, 1972) is the author of China's first modern history on Chinese architecture and founder of the Architecture Department of Northeast University in 1928 and Tsinghua University in 1946. He was the Chinese representative in the Design Board which designed the United Nations headquarters in New York. He, along with Lin Huiyin (1904–1955), Mo Zongjiang (1916–1999), and Ji Yutang (1902–c. 1960s), discovered and analyzed the first and second oldest timber structures still standing in China, located at Nanchan Temple and Foguang Temple at Mount Wutai. He is recognized as the "Father of Modern Chinese Architecture". To cite Princeton University, which awarded him an honorary doctoral degree in 1947, he was "a creative architect who has also been a teacher of architectural history, a pioneer in historical research and exploration in Chinese architecture and planning, and a leader in the restoration and preservation of the priceless monuments of his country." Du Guangan. In 1930s, China has emerged a large number of outstanding architects, known as the Chinese architects "self-reliance" period. Du Guangan was graduated from the University of Pennsylvania in 1930 Graduate School of Architecture. He taught at the Department of Architecture in Northeastern University. Also he had worked with Liang Sicheng to carry out the study of ancient Chinese architecture, and completed the history of Chinese architecture at the end of the war. He has designed many excellent buildings for Qingdao, and actively participates in the construction of new China after the founding of the PRC. Feminism movement. Xinhai Revolution and Women Suffrage Movement. Spread of feminism idea. Before the breakout of Xinhai Revolution, revolutionists spread the idea of gender equality, using the liberation of genderto appeal all women to join the revolution. In 1903, Zou Rong made the follow statement in his work The Revolutionary Army: Anyone belongs to citizen of China regardless of gender; People are equal whatever gender they are as long as they belong to citizen. In the same year, Jin Tianhe also published his work about feminism, criticizing traditional moral standard and suggesting to educate female on a higher standard. In 1907, Qiu Jin established a newspaper called 'Chinese Women's News', criticizing traditional limitation on gender and spreading gender equality, appealing women to do more things than housework. Breakout of Xinhai Revolution and females' participation. In 1911, under Sun Yat-sen's leadership, bourgeois-democratic revolutionary, Xinhai Revolution, broke out. Female troops in Shanghai made their contribution to the overthrow of Qing Dynasty. Under the leadership of Shanghai Hospital's president Zhang Zhujun, Red cross was organized with hundreds of people to participate in nursing the injury on the battlefield in multi-places, including Zhenjiang, Nanjing, and so on. Moreover, even several military organizations which are made up by female appeared. They officially received the instruction and weapons from government. They had good performance in the overthrow of Qing Dynasty. In southern cities such as Shanghai, Wuxi, Jiaxing, and so on, wives of several officers organized donation activity to support temporary government in Nanking for soldiers' pay and provision, as well as their uniforms, etc. Some participants even donated their own ornaments. Even Sun Yat-sen praised their efforts. Many female revolutionists appeared in this era. Feminists worked on mobilizing women to join the revolution as well as improving their status by a varieties of means, service, education, nursing, donation. They were trying to change women's unequal status by directly participating in the overthrow of current political order. Demand of suffrage. After the establishment of Provisional Government of the Republic of China (1912), women from all fields started to demand their political rights, especially suffrage rights. During the draft of Provisional Constitution of the Republic of China, no terms or articles mentioned anything about gender equality. Tang Qunying, the president of the Women's Backup Society, demanded the provisional government to give suffrage right for women. She made 5 proposals to provisional senate and Sun Yat-sen himself, neither was accepted by senate. On March 20, she led a group of women rushed who into the meeting room, broke the glass windows and attacked the guards. In September 1913, the president of International Alliance of Women, Carrie Chapman Catt visited Shanghai to investigate the situation of women's suffrage. During her tenure, women in the United States successfully got the suffrage right. However, in November of the same year, Minister of Internal Affairs forced all organizations related with women suffrage to dissolute. In 1924, when Zhao Hengti was in charge of Hunan Province, who advocates of a federalist constitution, Hunan committee of federalist constitution finally agreed to add terms about gender equality in provincial constitution. This term guarantees the gender equality on politic and education. This is the first time constitution in China included terms about gender equality. In the early 20th century, Zhejiang, Guangdong, Hunan had the most activate suffrage movement about constitution, whose participants were mainly female students in urban areas. Except the victory of Hunan in 1924 and victory in Zhejiang in 1921, all the other movements ended in failure. After the failure on politics, the feminist politicians focused on other fields. Tang Qunying focused on women colleges, and Shen Peizhen established factories to attract women to work. Anti-imperialist Patriotic Movement from feminists' perspective. Through the history of Chinese revolution from late Qing Dynasty to the Republic Era, besides reformists and revolutionists, feminists also contributed their power in various political movement about patriotism and anti-imperialism. They were represented by the moderate women and young female college students. They participated in various kind of activities, including donation, speech, and entrepreneurship. On March 24, 1901, almost one thousand patriots gathered in Shanghai, protesting Russia's intention to occupy Manchuria. During that meeting, Xue Jinqin, a 16-year-old girl, delivered a speech criticizing Russia and Qing Dynasty, suggest to replace foreign minister. This speech is the first public speech delivered by woman in Chinese history. In 1907, several southern provinces, including Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Sichuan and others, started actions against Britain imperialists' attempt to control railroads in China. Feminists also joined it. On September 28, patriotic female college students held a meeting to resist loans for Hu-Hang-Yong Railroad. On that meeting, official request to government and purchase of shares had been made. From 1912, feminists responded the call of Sun Yat-sen by establishing female industries, which can be regarded as one part of enterprise salvation movement. New Culture Movement and Sexual liberation. 'New Youth' and revolution in ideology. Chen Duxiu emphasized feminism from a socialist perspective. Chen thinks that the dependence to male directly leads to the personal dependence of female to male, thus, women must work to liberate themselves. Lu Xun, who grew up in a traditional landlord family, criticized traditional view of virginity, pointed out that such demands on virginity and loyalty to women is extremely immoral, and is also not beneficial to both individuals and society. Hu Shih also talked about virginity issue. He thinks virginity is an attitude of man and woman treating each other, it is not exclusively to woman, but should serve as restriction on both male and female. Sexual liberation. In the beginning of 1927, nationalist government moved from Guangzhou to Wuhan, made it center of national revolution. March 8, the nationalist government arranged more than 200,000 people to celebrate International Women's Day. Member of women's association were promoting the concept of marriage freedom and love freedom, criticizing traditional practice of foot binding and breast binding. In the same year July, Guangdong committee of nationalist government passed the proposal to officially ban the breast binding. Feminism in suburbs and Communist movement. Generally speaking, there were 3 kinds of feminists movement in Chinese suburb areas: revolutionary movement about political and legal equality, Christianity movement about charity and social service, communist movement aim to get economic interest. During the 3rd National Congress of the Communist Party of China in Guangzhou, for the first time, women have as much rights as men. the proposal drafted by Xiang Jingyu got passed, which clearly announced that women shall have right of inheritance, freedom on marriage, divorce and labor. Yan'An Period. Marriage and sex regulation: from absolute freedom to freedom. China revolution is first of all a political revolution and social revolution, but one the target to be criticized includes traditional morality, moreover, "Freedom" and "Liberation" are in the slogan of promotion, thus, for young people who were interested in communist party, the freedom of marriage also means freedom of sex. This freedom of sex and ignorance on physiology led to increase on abortion and further decrease of military capacity in the army. Moreover, taking peasants' conservatism into consideration, the communist party started to change the law on marriage from absolute freedom to freedom. After Red Army reached the north of Shanxi Province in 1939, Shan-Gan-Ning government announced Marriage Regulation of Shan-Gan-Ning, which has specific requirement on various situation of marriage. While the legislation was transforming, the propaganda was changing as well. The slogan of marriage freedom is replaced by harmony of family, as well as the emphasize on caution and consideration in official files and papers related with marriage and family. Communist Party did not give up on the liberation of gender, women can still divorce if they cannot tolerate, which is clearly stated in that regulation as well. But communists started to think the slogan of feminist movement must be made based on the recognize level of peasants themselves. What's more important, facing the threat from Kuomintang, Imperial Japan, and local warlords, Communist party had to put more weight on peasants' interest rather than women's. Media. New Youth. This is one of the representative modernism magazines which was popular in 1920s to 1930s. Is related with the concept of literacy evolution. This book led to spread the world of thoughts in 1910s. The representative slogan was "democratic and science", the contributors appealed to establish the new culture, which is based on "democratic" and "science". Main writers of "New Youth" is occupied by the intellectual class in Beijing especially among Beijing University such as Lu Xun, Hu Shih and Zhou Zuoren. Thanks to their contributions, the important concepts whose origins were from Modern Western such as human beings, romantics and currency systems are spread in Chinese literature all at once. New Youth was very popular among intellectuals who lived in cities and known as "city magazine". Lu Xun. Lu Xun was the pen name of Zhou Shuren (September 25, 1881 – October 19, 1936), a leading figure of modern Chinese literature. Writing in Vernacular Chinese and Classical Chinese, he was a short story writer, editor, translator, literary critic, essayist, poet, and designer. In the 1930s, he became the titular head of the League of Left-Wing Writers in Shanghai. After the 1919 May Fourth Movement, Lu Xun's writing began to exert a substantial influence on Chinese literature and popular culture. Like many leaders of the May Fourth Movement, he was primarily a leftist and liberal. He was highly acclaimed by the Chinese government after 1949, when the People's Republic of China was founded, and Mao Zedong himself was a lifelong admirer of Lu Xun's writing. Though sympathetic to socialist ideas, Lu Xun never joined the Communist Party of China. Hu Shih. Hu Shih (December 17, 1891 – February 24, 1962) was a Chinese philosopher, essayist and diplomat. Hu is widely recognized today as a key contributor to Chinese liberalism and language reform in his advocacy for the use of written vernacular Chinese. He was influential in the May Fourth Movement, one of the leaders of China's New Culture Movement, was a president of Peking University, and in 1939 was nominated for a Nobel Prize in literature. He had a wide range of interests such as literature, history, textual criticism, and pedagogy. Hu was well known as the primary advocate for the literary revolution of the era, a movement which aimed to replace scholarly classical Chinese in writing with the vernacular spoken language, and to cultivate and stimulate new forms of literature. In an article originally published in New Youth in January 1917 titled "A Preliminary Discussion of Literature Reform", Hu originally emphasized eight guidelines that all Chinese writers should take to heart in writing: Write with substance. By this, Hu meant that literature should contain real feeling and human thought. This was intended to be a contrast to the recent poetry with rhymes and phrases that Hu saw as being empty. Do not imitate the ancients. Literature should not be written in the styles of long ago, but rather in the modern style of the present era. Respect grammar. Hu did not elaborate at length on this point, merely stating that some recent forms of poetry had neglected proper grammar. Reject melancholy. Recent young authors often chose grave pen names, and wrote on such topics as death. Hu rejected this way of thinking as being unproductive in solving modern problems. Eliminate old clichés. The Chinese language has always had numerous four-character sayings and phrases used to describe events. Hu implored writers to use their own words in descriptions, and deplored those who did not. Do not use allusions. By this, Hu was referring to the practice of comparing present events with historical events even when there is no meaningful analogy. Do not use couplets or parallelism. Though these forms had been pursued by earlier writers, Hu believed that modern writers first needed to learn the basics of substance and quality, before returning to these matters of subtlety and delicacy. Do not avoid popular expressions or popular forms of characters. This rule, perhaps the most well-known, ties in directly with Hu's belief that modern literature should be written in the vernacular, rather than in Classical Chinese. He believed that this practice had historical precedents, and led to greater understanding of important texts.

construction efforts

4009-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=18875498

'Akau'ola (born June 27, 1967), also known as Mapa Faletau, is the current Noble (matāpule, or "working chief") of Taunga in Tonga. Taunga is located in the south Vava'u Group in the far north of the country. Mapa Faletau is the second eldest son of the late Hononorable 'Akau'ola (Inoke Fotu Faletau, 1937–2005) who was appointed the Governor of Vavau in 2002 by His late Majesty King Tāufaāhau Tupou IV after a distinguished career in the civil service, which amongst his many governmental posts, he was the Secretary to the Ministry of Fisheries, the High Commissioner to the United Kingdom and the Director of the Commonwealth. Faletau was educated in the United Kingdom and graduated from high school in Massey, New Zealand. After the death of his father in late 2005, Faletau's official name was changed to 'Akau'ola and he inherited estates in Vava'u which included Taunga and Ngau. On 2 March 2007, on Taunga and Ngau were leased by 'Akau'ola to the Warwick International Group of Hotels & Resorts for the construction of a 4 to 5 star hotel resort and spa, which was celebrated as a major achievement for the tourist industry in Tonga. A celebratory lunch was hosted by the people of Taunga, providing succulent roast pigs and an enormous array of seafood. It is envisioned that this development will provide for the people's livelihood as well as allow them to utilise their natural agricultural, fishing and sea skills. This is seen as an enormous boost to tourism and will provide for the people of Taunga as well as the people of Vava'u and the Kingdom of Tonga as a whole, economic prosperity. This is the first foreign investment by a major international hotel chain within the kingdom. The building of the actual hotel has yet to be confirmed by the Warwick group.

elaborate assemblage

13644-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=25709

The Armed Forces of the Russian Federation, commonly known as the Russian Armed Forces, are the military forces of the Russian Federation. They are divided into the Ground Forces, Navy, and Aerospace Forces. There are also two independent arms of service: Strategic Missile Troops and the Airborne Troops. Under the federal law of Russia, the Russian Armed Forces, along with the Federal Security Service (FSB)'s Border Troops, the National Guard, the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD), the Federal Protective Service (FSO), the Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR), the Main Directorate of the General Staff (GRU) and the Ministry of Emergency Situations (EMERCOM)'s civil defence form Russia's military services; and are under direct control of the Security Council of Russia. The Russian Armed Forces are one of the largest military forces in the world. , the military comprised almost one million active duty personnel, the fourth-largest in the world. Additionally, there are over 2.5 million reservists, with the total number of reserve troops possibly being as high as 20 million. It is mandatory for all male citizens aged 18–27 to be drafted for a year of service in Armed Forces. The Russian Armed Forces are the world's second-most powerful military, owning the largest stockpile of nuclear weapons in the world. The military budget of the Russian Federation was $61.7 billion in 2020, the fourth-highest in the world. It possesses the second-largest fleet of ballistic missile submarines, and is one of the only three nations operating strategic bombers, with the world's most numerous tank force, the second-most numerous air force and the third-most numerous naval fleet. Service branches. Armed forces under the Ministry of Defence are divided into: There are additionally two further "separate troop branches", the National Guard and the Border Service. These retain the legal status of "Armed Forces", while falling outside of the jurisdiction of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation. The National Guard is formed on the basis of the former Internal Troops of Russia. The new structure has been detached from the Ministry of Internal Affairs into a separate agency, directly subordinated to the President of Russia. The Border Service is a paramilitary organization of the Federal Security Service - the country's main internal intelligence agency. Both organizations have significant wartime tasks in addition to their main peacetime activities and operate their own land, air and maritime units. The number of personnel is specified by decree of the President of Russia. On 1 January 2008, a number of 2,019,629 units, including military of 1,134,800 units, was set. In 2010 the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) estimated that the Russian Armed Forces numbered about 1,027,000 active troops and in the region of 2,035,000 reserves (largely ex-conscripts). As opposed to personnel specified by decree, actual personnel numbers on the payroll was reported by the Audit Chamber of Russia as 766,000 in October 2013. As of December 2016, the armed forces are at 93 percent of the required manpower, up from 82 percent reported in December 2013. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, between 2005-2009 and 2010–2014, Russian exports of major weapons increased by 37 percent; Russia spent $66.4 billion on arms in 2015, then $69.2 billion in 2016, having taken 3rd place (after the U.S. and China). According to the Russian Defence Ministry, share of modern weapons in the Armed Forces reached from 26 to 48 percent among different kinds of troops in December 2014. This was raised to 30.5–70.7% as of July 2015. The average was 70.1 per cent over the end of 2020. History. The Soviet Union officially dissolved on 25 December 1991. For the next year various attempts to keep its unity and to transform it into the military of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) failed. Over time, some units stationed in the newly independent republics swore loyalty to their new national governments, while a series of treaties between the newly independent states divided up the military's assets. Apart from assuming control of the bulk of the former Soviet Internal Troops and the KGB Border Troops, seemingly the only independent defence move the new Russian government made before March 1992 involved announcing the establishment of a National Guard. Until 1995, it was planned to form at least 11 brigades numbering 3,000 to 5,000 each, with a total of no more than 100,000. National Guard military units were to be deployed in 10 regions, including in Moscow (three brigades), (two brigades), and a number of other important cities and regions. By the end of September 1991 in Moscow the National Guard was about 15,000 strong, mostly consisting of former Soviet Armed Forces servicemen. In the end, President Yeltsin tabled a decree "On the temporary position of the Russian Guard", but it was not put into practice. After signing the Belavezha Accords on 21 December 1991, the countries of the newly formed CIS signed a protocol on the temporary appointment of Marshal of Aviation Yevgeny Shaposhnikov as Minister of Defence and commander of the armed forces in their territory, including strategic nuclear forces. On 14 February 1992 Shaposhnikov formally became Supreme Commander of the CIS Armed Forces. On 16 March 1992 a decree by Boris Yeltsin created "The Armed Forces of the Russian Federation" the operational control of Allied High Command and the Ministry of Defence, which was headed by President. Finally, on 7 May 1992, Yeltsin signed a decree establishing the armed forces and Yeltsin assumed the duties of the Supreme Commander. In May 1992, General Colonel Pavel Grachev became the Minister of Defence, and was made Russia's first Army General on assuming the post. By August or December 1993 CIS military structures had become CIS military cooperation structures with all real influence lost. In the next few years, Russian forces withdrew from central and eastern Europe, as well as from some newly independent post-Soviet republics. While in most places the withdrawal took place without any problems, the Russian Armed Forces remained in some disputed areas such as the Sevastopol naval base in the Crimea as well as in Abkhazia, South Ossetia and in Transnistria. The Armed Forces have several bases in foreign countries, especially on territory of the former Soviet Republics. A new military doctrine, promulgated in November 1993, implicitly acknowledged the contraction of the old Soviet military into a regional military power without global ambitions. In keeping with its emphasis on the threat of regional conflicts, the doctrine called for a smaller, lighter, and more mobile Russian military, with a higher degree of professionalism and with greater rapid-deployment capability. Such change proved extremely difficult to achieve. Under Pavel Grachev (Defence Minister from 1992 to 1996) little military reform took place, though there was a plan to create more deployable mobile forces. Later Defence Minister Rodionov (in office 1996–1997) had good qualifications but did not manage to institute lasting change. Only under Defence Minister Igor Sergeyev (in office 1997–2001) did a certain amount of limited reform begin, though attention focused upon the Strategic Rocket Forces. 2008 military reform. In response to poor and unsatisfactory performance of Russian forces overall in the Russo-Georgian War in August 2008, significant reforms were announced in late 2008 by Defence Minister Anatoliy Serdyukov and major structural reorganisation began in 2009. Key elements of the reforms announced in October 2008 included reducing the armed forces to a strength of one million by 2012 (planned end-date was 2016); reducing the number of officers; centralising officer training from 65 military schools into 10 "systemic" military training centres; reducing the size of the central command; introducing more civilian logistics and auxiliary staff; elimination of cadre-strength formations; reorganising the reserves; reorganising the army into a brigade system; and reorganising air forces into an air-base system instead of regiments. On 17 October 2012 the head of the State Duma's Defence Committee told RIA Novosti that Russia planned to boost annual defense spending by 59 percent to almost 3 trillion rubles ($83.3 billion) in 2015 up from $61 billion in 2012. "Targeted national defence spending as a percentage of GDP will amount to 3.2 percent in 2013, 3.4 percent in 2014 and 3.7 percent in 2015", Defence Committee chairman Vladimir Komoedov is quoted as saying in the committee's conclusion on the draft budget for 2013–2015. The number of military units is to be reduced in accordance with the table: An essential part of the military reform involves downsizing. At the beginning of the reform the Russian Army had about 1,200,000 active personnel. Largely, the reductions fall among the officers. Personnel are to be reduced according to the table: The schedule envisaged reducing the total numbers in the officer corps from 335 thousand to 150 thousand, but in early February 2011 Defence Minister Anatoly Serdyukov announced the decision to increase officers by 70,000 - to 220 thousand to counteract this. Structure. The Defence Ministry of the Russian Federation serves as the administrative body of the Armed Forces. Since Soviet times, the General Staff has acted as the main commanding and supervising body of the Russian armed forces: U.S. expert William Odom said in 1998, that 'the Soviet General Staff without the MoD is conceivable, but the MoD without the General Staff is not.' However, currently the General Staff's role is being reduced to that of the Ministry's department of strategic planning, the Minister himself, currently Sergey Shoygu may now be gaining further executive authority over the troops. Other departments include the personnel directorate as well as the Rear of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation, Railway Troops, Signal Troops and Construction Troops. The Chief of the General Staff is currently General of the Army Valery Gerasimov. The Russian military is divided into three services: the Russian Ground Forces, the Russian Navy, and the Russian Aerospace Forces. In addition there are two independent "arms of service": the Strategic Missile Troops and the Russian Airborne Troops. The Armed Forces as a whole are traditionally referred to as the Army ("armiya"), except in some cases, the Navy is specifically singled out. Military districts. Since late 2010 the Ground Forces as well as the Aerospace Forces and Navy are distributed among four military districts: Western Military District, Southern Military District, Central Military District, and the Eastern Military District which also constitute four Joint Strategic Commands — West, South, Central, and East. Previously from 1992 to 2010, the Ground Forces were divided into six military districts: Moscow, Leningrad, North Caucausian, Privolzhsk-Ural, Siberian and Far Eastern, with the seventh military district: Kaliningrad formed in 1997; in service until 2010. Russia's four naval fleets and one flotilla were organizations on par with the Ground Forces' Military Districts. These seven MDs were merged into the four new MDs, which now also incorporate the aerospace forces and naval forces. There is one remaining Russian military base, the 102nd Military Base, in Armenia left of the former Transcaucasus Group of Forces and is incorporated into the Southern Military District. In mid-2010 a reorganisation was announced which consolidated military districts and the navy's fleets into four Joint Strategic Commands (OSC). In 2014 the Northern Fleet was reorganized in separate Joint Strategic Command. Geographically divided, the five commands are: The plan was put in place on 1 December 2010 and mirrors a proposed reorganisation by former Chief of the General Staff Army General Yuri Baluyevsky for a Regional Command East which was not implemented. The four commands were set up by a decree of President Medvedev on 14 July 2010. In July 2011, an Operational-Strategic Command of Missile-Space Defence has also been established on the basis of the former Special Purpose Command of the Russian Air Force. A Presidential decree of January 2011 named commanders for several of the new organisational structures. Russian military command posts, according to globalsecurity.org, include Chekhov/Sharapovo about south of Moscow, for the General Staff and President, Chaadayevka near Penza, Voronovo in Moscow, and a facility at Lipetsk all for the national leadership, Yamantau in the Urals, and command posts for the Strategic Rocket Forces at Kuntsevo in Moscow (primary) and Kosvinsky Mountain in the Urals (alternate). It is speculated that many of the Moscow bunkers are linked by the special underground Moscow Metro 2 line. Russian security bodies not under the control of the Ministry of Defence include the Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (now the National Guard of Russia's National Guard Forces Command), the Border Guard Service of Russia (part of the Federal Security Service), the Kremlin Regiment and the rest of the Federal Protective Service, and the Ministry of Emergency Situations, the country's civil defence service since 1995 and successor to earlier civil defence units. Naval fleets. The Navy consists of four fleets and one flotilla: The Kaliningrad Special Region, under the command of the Commander Baltic Fleet, comprises Ground & Coastal Forces, formerly the 11th Guards Army and now the 11th Army Corps with a motor rifle division HQ (formed in 2021) and subordinate units, as well as naval aviation regiments employing Sukhoi Su-27 'Flankers' and other combat aircraft. As noted, both the Baltic Fleet and the 11th Army Corps in Kaliningrad are subordinate to Strategic Command West. Similarly, the Northeast Group of Troops and Forces, headquartered at Petropavlovsk-Kamchatskiy, comprises all Russian Armed Forces components in the Kamchatka Krai and the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug [district] and is subordinate to the Commander Pacific Fleet headquartered in Vladivostok. Personnel. Conscription is used in Russia; the term of service is 12 months; and the eligible age is between 18 and 33 years old. Deferments are provided to undergraduate and graduate students, men solely the impact supporting disabled relatives, parents of at least two children and — upon Presidential proclamation — to some employees of military-oriented enterprises. Men holding a Ph.D., as well as sons and brothers of servicemen killed or disabled during their military service, are released from conscription. There were widespread problems with hazing in the Army, known as "dedovshchina", where first-year draftees are bullied by second-year draftees, a practice that appeared in its current form after the change to a two-year service term in 1967. According to Anna Politkovskaya, in 2002, "a complete battalion, more than five hundred men, had been killed not by enemy fire but by beatings". To combat this problem, a new decree was signed in March 2007, which cut the conscription service term from 24 to 18 months. The term was cut further to one year on 1 January 2008. Thirty percent of Russian Armed Forces' personnel were contract servicemen at the end of 2005. For the foreseeable future, the Armed Forces will be a mixed contract/conscript force. The Russian Armed Forces need to maintain a mobilization reserve to have manning resources capable of reinforcing the permanent readiness forces if the permanent readiness forces cannot deter or suppress an armed conflict on their own. Professional soldiers now outnumber their conscript counterparts in the Russian Army for the first time in Russian history, Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu told Russian media on 28 April 2015. Nearly 400,000 contractors serve in the Russian Army as of March 2019. According to Defence Minister Shoigu, in every regiment and brigade, two battalions are formed by contractors, while one is formed by recruits, who are not involved in combat missions. Currently, there are 136 tactical battalion groups in the armed forces formed by contractors. The number of conscripts amounts to 225,000 and the number of contractors amounts to 405,000 as of March 2020 and exceeds the number of conscripts by 1.8 times as of the end of the year. Recruitment into the Russian military are also open to non-Russian citizens of the Commonwealth of Independent States, of which Russia is the largest member. By December 2003, the Russian parliament had approved a law in principle to permit the Armed Forces to employ foreign nationals on contract by offering them Russian citizenship after several years service yet, up to 2010, foreigners could only serve in Russia's armed forces after getting a Russian passport. Under a 2010 Defence Ministry plan, foreigners without dual citizenship would be able to sign up for five-year contracts and will be eligible for Russian citizenship after serving three years. The change could open the way for CIS citizens to get fast-track Russian citizenship, and counter the effects of Russia's demographic crisis on its army recruitment. Each soldier in duty receives an Identity Card of the Russian Armed Forces. Awards and decorations of the Armed Forces are covered at the Awards and Emblems of the Ministry of Defence of the Russian Federation. On 17 November 2011, General Nikolai Makarov said that Russia had reached a crisis in the conscript service where there simply were not sufficient able bodied men to draft and was forced to halve its conscription. Military draft dodging declined 66% since 2012 and as of March 2019. It is reported that about 80% of the young people who were drafted into the ranks of the Russian Armed Forces in the autumn of 2018 were found fit for military service. According to the head of the mobilization, in recent years, the fitness of future recruits has increased by 7%. In March 2013, Defence Minister Sergey Shoygu promised that all army quarters would have showers by the end of the year. RIA also said that the shower plans were the latest in a series of creature-comfort improvements the Defence Ministry had recently announced. In mid-January, Shoygu said he would rid the army of its antiquated "footwraps," or portyanki, and a few days later the designer of Russia's new army uniform said that the ear-flap hats traditionally worn in winter would be replaced with more modern headgear. The Russian military's ushanka hats were improved between 2013 and 2015, when the Russian armed forces were being equipped with new uniforms. The new version of the traditional - and somewhat stereotypical - hat features better heat insulation and longer ear flaps. Russian military officers with top secret security clearance are now being issued domestically developed, ultra-secure, cryptographically protected Atlas M-663S cellphones, Russia's Izvestia newspaper has reported in early 2018. A new uniform for hot climates was introduced in mid-2018. Reserve components. According to the article 51.2 of Federal Law of 28 March, 1998, No.53-FZ "About military duty and military service", Russian Armed Forces have reserve (Russian: запас; transliteration: zapas) which includes 2 components: By default, at the end of active duty each military personnel is enrolled in mobilization human resource; this applies equally to conscripts and volunteers regardless of ranks. Furthermore, graduates of civilian institutions of higher education, who have graduated the military training centers of their almae matres, trained under reserve officer program, is enrolled in mobilization human resource after their promotion to officer's rank (unlike graduates of such centers, trained under active duty officer program, who are due to be enrolled for active duty after their promotion to officer's rank). Moreover, mobilization human resource is replenished with males who reached the age of 27 years old and, herewith, was not in military service for any reasons. Enrolling in mobilization human reserve is voluntary and implies the special contract; this possibility is available for each persons, who is in mobilization human resource already. The initial contract is concluded for 3 years period. Military personnel of mobilization human reserve (reservists) perform part-time duties in military units. As a rule, in peaceful time reservists perform their duties 2-3 days per month and also during annual military camp training for a duration from 20 to 30 days. The persons who are in mobilization human resource (non-reservists) may be enlisted to military camp trainings in peaceful time. According to the article 54 of Federal Law of 28 March, 1998, No.53-FZ "About military duty and military service", the duration of each training can not exceed 2 months, herewith the total duration of such trainings for the entire period of being in mobilization human resource can not exceed 12 months, and person may be enlisted to such trainings no more than once every three years. Reservists are subject to mobilization in wartime first of all. Non-reservists are subject to mobilization secondarily. Mobilization of non-reservists is carried out taking into account the age category under the article 53 of Federal Law of 28 March, 1998, No.53-FZ "About military duty and military service": in order from first category to third category. The first category includes: 1) the persons at the any military rank below that of a commissioned officer (enlisted personnel) and not reached the age of 35 years old; 2) the persons at the any rank from junior lieutenant to captain (captain-lieutenant in naval service) inclusively (junior commissioned officers) and not reached the age of 50 years old; 3) the persons at the any rank from major (captain 3rd rank in naval service) to lieutenant colonel (captain 2nd rank in naval service) inclusively and not reached the age of 55 years old; 4) the persons at the rank of colonel (captain 1st rank in naval service) and not reached the age of 60 years old; 5) the persons at the rank of major general (counter admiral in naval service) or higher (supreme officers) and not reached the age of 65 years old. The second category includes: 1) enlisted personnel in age from 35 but less than 45; 2) junior commissioned officers in the age from 50 but less than 55; 3) commissioned officers at the any rank from major (captain 3rd rank in naval service) to lieutenant colonel (captain 2nd rank in naval service) inclusively in the age from 55 but less than 60; 4) commissioned officers at the rank of colonel (captain 1st rank in naval service) in the age from 60 but less than 65; 5) supreme officers in age from 65 but less than 70. The third category includes: 1) enlisted personnel in the age from 45 but less than 50; 2) junior commissioned officers in the age from 55 but less than 60; 3) commissioned officers at the any rank from major (captain 3rd rank in naval service) to lieutenant colonel (captain 2nd rank in naval service) inclusively in the age from 60 but less than 65; 4) all females in the age less than 45 for enlisted personnel and less than 50 for commissioned officers. The person who has reached the age limit, established for the third category (the second category for persons at the rank of colonel (captain 1st rank in naval service) or higher), is retired and is not subject to mobilization. Budget. Between 1991 and 1997 newly independent Russia's defence spending fell by a factor of eight in real prices. In 1998, when Russia experienced a severe financial crisis, its military expenditure in real terms reached its lowest point— barely one-quarter of the USSR's in 1991, and two-fifths of the level of 1992, the first year of Russia's independent existence. In the early 2000s, defence spending increased by at least a minimum of one-third year-on-year, leading to overall defence expenditure almost quadrupling over the past six years, and according to Finance Minister Alexei Kudrin, this rate is to be sustained through 2010. Official government military spending for 2005 was US$32.4 billion, though various sources, have estimated Russia's military expenditures to be considerably higher than the reported amount. Estimating Russian military expenditure is beset with difficulty; the annual IISS Military Balance has underscored the problem numerous times within its section on Russia. The IISS Military Balance comments - 'By simple observation..[the military budget] would appear to be lower than is suggested by the size of the armed forces or the structure of the military–industrial complex, and thus neither of the figures is particularly useful for comparative analysis'. By some estimates, overall Russian defence expenditure is now at the second highest in the world after the USA. According to Alexander Kanshin, Chairman of the Public Chamber of Russia on affairs of veterans, military personnel, and their families, the Russian military is losing up to US$13 billion to corruption every year. On 16 September 2008 Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin announced that in 2009, Russia's defence budget would be increased to a record amount of $50 billion. On 16 February 2009 Russia's deputy defence minister said state defence contracts would not be subject to cuts this year despite the ongoing financial crisis, and that there would be no decrease in 2009. The budget would still be 1,376 billion roubles and in the current exchange rates this would amount to $41.5 billion. However, later that month, due to the world financial crisis, the Russian Parliament's Defence Committee stated that the Russian defence budget would instead be slashed by 15 percent, from $40 billion to $34 billion, with further cuts to come. On 5 May 2009, First Deputy Prime Minister Sergei Ivanov said that the defence budget for 2009 will be 1.3 trillion rubles (US$39.4 billion). 322 billion rubles are allocated to purchase weapons, and the rest of the fund will be spent on construction, fuel storage and food supply. According to the head of the Defence Committee of the State Duma Vladimir Komoyedov, Russia plans to spend 101.15 billion rubles on nuclear weapons in 2013–2015. "The budget provisions under 'The Nuclear Weapons Complex' section in 2013-2015 will amount to 29.28 billion rubles, 33.3 billion rubles and 38.57 billion rubles respectively," Komoyedov said, Vechernaya Moskva reports. Komoyedov added that in 2012 the spending on nuclear weapons made up 27.4 billion rubles. The draft law "On the Federal Budget for 2013 and for the planning period of 2014 and 2015" will be discussed in the first reading on 19 October 2012, The Voice of Russia reports. In a meeting in Sochi in November 2013, President Putin said the country's defence budget will reach 2.3 trillion roubles, stressing the huge amount in comparison to the 2003 budget, which stood on 600 billion rubles. The Russian government's published 2014 military budget is about 2.49 trillion rubles (approximately US$69.3 billion), the fourth largest in the world behind the US, China and Saudi Arabia. The official budget is set to rise to 3.03 trillion rubles (approximately US$83.7 billion) in 2015, and 3.36 trillion rubles (approximately US$93.9 billion) in 2016. As of 2014, Russia's military budget is higher than any other European nation, and approximately 1/7th (14 percent) of the US military budget. In 2015, SIPRI found that Russia was the world's second biggest exporter of major weapons for the period 2010–14, increasing exports by 37 per cent. India, China and Algeria accounted for almost 60 percent of total Russian exports. Asia and Oceania received 66 percent of Russian arms exports in 2010–14, Africa 12 percent and the Middle East 10 percent. In 2017, Russia was reported to have slashed its defense spending by 20%, due to calls by Vladimir Putin to spend money on other initiatives such as healthcare and education. The cut decreased Russia's military spending to $66.3 billion, in which Russia slumped to being the fourth-highest military spender. Russia's 2019 defense budget was US$48 billion and the 2020 figure was $61.7 billion. Procurement. About 70 percent of the former Soviet Union's defence industries are located in the Russian Federation. Many defence firms have been privatised; some have developed significant partnerships with firms in other countries. The recent steps towards modernization of the Armed Forces have been made possible by Russia's economic resurgence based on oil and gas revenues as well a strengthening of its own domestic market. Currently, the military is in the middle of a major equipment upgrade, with the government in the process of spending about $200 billion (what equals to about $400 billion in PPP dollars) on development and production of military equipment between 2006 and 2015 under the State Armament Programme for 2007-2015 (GPV — госпрограмма вооружения). Mainly as a result of lessons learned during the Russo-Georgian War, the State Armament Programme for 2011-2020 was launched in December 2010. Prime Minister Putin announced that 20–21.5 trillion rubles (over $650 billion) will be allocated to purchase new hardware in the next 10 years. The aim is to have a growth of 30% of modern equipment in the army, navy and air force by 2015, and of 70% by 2020. In some categories, the proportion of new weapon systems will reach 80% or even 100%. At this point, the Russian MoD plans to purchase, among others, up to 250 ICBMs, 800 aircraft, 1,200 helicopters, 44 submarines, 36 frigates, 28 corvettes, 18 cruisers, 24 destroyers, 6 aircraft carriers, and 62 air defence battalions. Several existing types will be upgraded. The share of modern and advanced weapons in some branches of the Russian Armed Forces currently amounts over 60 percent, the Defence Ministry reported 31 July 2015. In total since 2012 and as of 2017, the Armed Forces received more than 30,000 units of new and modernized weapons and equipment, including more than 50 warships, 1,300 aircraft, over 1,800 drones, 4,700 tanks and armored combat vehicles compared to two warships, 151 aircraft and 217 tanks received in 2007–2011. The Russian army also receives 150-250 aircraft per year and over 300 short-range UAVs. The Russian Federation is also producing satellite-guided weapons, drones (including combat and kamikaze ones and quadrocopters) and EW systems to counter them, cruise missiles, unmanned vehicles, exoskeletons and military robots and other military equipment.<br> As of 2011, Russia's chief military prosecutor said that 20 percent of the defence budget was being stolen or defrauded yearly. In 2018, RF Armed Forces adopted 35 types of weapons and military equipment and completed state tests of 21 more. The Russian Ministry of Defence (MoD) was procured the YeSU TZ (Yedinaya Sistema Upravleniya Takticheskogo Zvena) battlefield management system that same year. The YeSU TZ battlefield management system incorporates 11 subsystems that control artillery, electronic warfare systems, ground vehicles, air defence assets, engineering equipment, and logistics support, among other things. Russian military introduce Big Data decision-making technology. Twelve missile regiments have been rearmed with Yars ICBMs, 10 missile brigades with Iskander tactical ballistic missile systems, 13 aviation regiments with MiG-31BM, Su-35S, Su-30SM, and Su-34 combat aircraft, three army aviation brigades and six helicopter regiments with Mi-28N and Ka-52 combat helicopters, 20 surface-to-air missile (SAM) regiments with S-400 Triumf SAM systems, 23 batteries with Pantsir-S self-propelled anti-aircraft gun-missile systems, and 17 batteries with Bal and Bastion mobile coastal defence missile systems [MCDMSs] since 2012 and as of March 2019. Since 2012 and as of April 2021, the Ground Forces have received more than 15,500 pieces of weapon systems and equipment and rearmed all missile brigades with the Iskander tactical ballistic missile system. Aerospace Force and naval aviation have received over 1,500 aircraft and helicopters and the Navy more than 190 ships, vessels and boats. Since 2012 and as of December 2020, the number of long-range land-, sea-, and air-launched cruise missiles increased by 37 times. The number of their carriers was also increased by 13 times. Nuclear weapons. As of January 2017, the Federation of American Scientists estimated that Russia has approximately 1,765 deployed strategic warheads, and another 2,700 non-deployed strategic and deployed and non-deployed tactical warheads, plus an additional 2,510 warheads awaiting dismantlement. Russia's Strategic Rocket Forces controls its land-based nuclear warheads, while the Navy controls the submarine based missiles and the Aerospace Forces the air-launched warheads. Russia's nuclear warheads are deployed in four areas: The military doctrine of Russia sees NATO expansion as one of the threats for the Russian Federation and reserves the right to use nuclear weapons in response to a conventional aggression that can endanger the existence of the state. In keeping with this, the country's nuclear forces received adequate funding throughout the late 1990s. The number of intercontinental ballistic missiles and warheads on active duty has declined over the years, in part in keeping with arms limitation agreements with the U.S. and in part due to insufficient spending on maintenance, but this is balanced by the deployment of new missiles as proof against missile defences. Russia has developed the new RT-2PM2 Topol-M (SS-27) missiles that are stated to be able to penetrate any missile defence, including the planned U.S. National Missile Defence. The missile can change course in both air and space to avoid countermeasures. It is designed to be launched from land-based, mobile TEL units. Russian nuclear forces are confident that they can carry out a successful retaliation strike if attacked. Because of international awareness of the danger that Russian nuclear technology might fall into the hands of terrorists or rogue officers who it was feared might want to use nuclear weapons to threaten or attack other countries, the federal government of the United States and many other countries provided considerable financial assistance to the Russian nuclear forces in the early 1990s. Many friendly countries gave huge amounts of money in lieu for Russian Arms purchase deals which kept Russian Agencies functioning. This money went in part to finance decommissioning of warheads under international agreements, such the Cooperative Threat Reduction programme, but also to improve security and personnel training in Russian nuclear facilities. In the late evening of 11 September 2007 the fuel-air explosive AVBPM or "Father of All Bombs" was successfully field-tested. According to the Russian military, the new weapon will replace several smaller types of nuclear bombs in its arsenal.

permitted number of years

7979-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=63363331

The COVID-19 pandemic in the U.S. state of Vermont is part of an ongoing worldwide viral pandemic of coronavirus disease 2019 (), a novel infectious disease caused by severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (). , Vermont has administered 706,400 COVID-19 vaccine doses. 427,316 people have received at least one dose, and 339,100 people have received a second dose. Timeline. The Vermont Department of Health announced the state's first case of COVID-19 on March 7, 2020, in a patient who had arrived at a hospital emergency department in Bennington, Vermont two days prior. On March 19, the first two deaths from COVID-19 were announced, one a male in White River Junction and the other a female in Burlington. Both were over 80 years old. On March 31, the Vermont Department of Health reported 37 new confirmed cases, the most reported in a single day, with the number of deaths rising to 13. On April 7, the Vermont Department of Health released a new COVID-19 data dashboard with more detailed statistics about the spread of COVID-19 in Vermont. It is updated daily by 11:00am EST. On June 4, after a period of very few new cases being reported, the Vermont Agency of Health reported 36 new cases, 34 of which were in the city of Winooski. On July 16, Vermont become the first state nationwide to not report any COVID-19 deaths in the span of a 30-day period. On November 11, Vermont reported its highest number of cases, 72, since the pandemic began. Economic and social effects. Many businesses were ordered to close in mid-March 2020. Starting on Monday, April 20, certain businesses were allowed to reopen. On May 11, Governor Scott announced that Vermont retail stores can begin reopening on Monday, May 18. Businesses are required to limit customers to 25 percent of the legal capacity. Employees are required to wear masks and maintain appropriate distance from co-workers and customers. Schools closed. All schools were ordered to be closed for in-person classes as of Wednesday, March 18, until at least April 6, 2020. On March 26, this closure was extended through the rest of the academic year. On March 23, the University of Vermont declared that all students must leave the UVM campus by March 30, except for those approved for emergency housing. Courses will be taught online for the remainder of the semester. UVM officials also indicated they will make a decision about canceling UVM's commencement ceremony by the end of March 2020. Closure of restaurants and bars. Bars and restaurants were ordered to close by 2:00pm on Tuesday, March 17, and to remain closed until April 6. Restaurants were allowed to continue providing takeout and delivery service. All gyms, spas, hair salons, and tattoo parlors were ordered closed as of 8:00pm on March 23, 2020. Impact on media. On March 17, the publisher of three newspapers in southern Vermont, Brattleboro Reformer, Bennington Banner and Manchester Journal indicated that all full-time staff members would be furloughed for one of the next five weeks. On March 20, the "Barre Montpelier Times Argu"s and "Rutland Herald" newspapers announced that due to the financial impact of the pandemic they would be reducing their print publishing to three days a week and temporarily laying off 20 staffpeople. On March 23, "Seven Days" indicated they would lay off seven employees. On March 26, the Waterbury Record published its final issue after 13 years of publishing in Waterbury, VT. The weekly community newspaper had never been profitable but was trying to survive. Publisher Greg Popa indicated that the coronavirus crisis made this no longer possible. The Burlington Free Press announced on April 3 that all Free Press journalists will have a temporary reduction of 25% in time and hours for the next three months. Government response. On March 10, the Vermont State Emergency Operations Center was activated. On March 13, a COVID-19 task force was set up and Governor Phil Scott issued Executive Order 01-20 which declared a State of Emergency until it expires on April 15. The Executive Order limits visitors to nursing homes, assisted living residences, residential care homes, and specific care facilities. It also suspends traveling by state employees for non-essential government business, prohibits most mass gatherings including at schools and excluding transit, most offices, and grocery and commercial stores. The National Guard was also activated. Additionally, the Vermont General Assembly voted to adjourn until March 24 to prepare for the virus. On March 15, Governor Scott ordered all schools in Vermont to be closed and all school activities to be cancelled no later than Wednesday, March 18, and lasting through at least April 6. On March 16, Governor Scott announced his emergency declaration would be amended to limit public gatherings to either 50 people or 50% occupancy. Also on March 16, Burlington Mayor Miro Weinberger declared a state of emergency for Burlington and ordered all bars and restaurants to close Tuesday starting at 6:00am and continuing for at least 24 hours. All nonessential city services will also be suspended from Wednesday, March 18, through at least April 6. On March 17, Governor Scott ordered the closure of all Vermont child care programs, except for those that serve people "essential" to responding to the pandemic. The closure starts on Wednesday, March 18, and lasts through April 6. The governor's order defines "essential" persons as healthcare providers, criminal justice personnel; public health employees; firefighters; Vermont National Guard personnel; other first responders and state employees; and staff and providers of necessary childcare services. On March 20, Governor Scott announced that he would be working with the VT state legislature to develop a loan program through the Vermont Economic Development Authority (VEDA) for businesses impacted economically by the pandemic. He also announced that Vermont businesses can apply for economic injury disaster loans through the Small Business Administration (SBA). The Vermont Senate will reconvene on Tuesday, March 24, to act on measures to respond to COVID-19. Vermont state officials also stated that the number of available beds statewide has increased to 500 and the number of available ventilators has increased to 240. On March 21, Governor Scott ordered the closure of gyms and similar exercise facilities, hair salons, spas and tattoo parlors by 8 pm on March 23. He also extended his earlier executive order to restrict gatherings to no more than 10 people. On March 23, Governor Scott ordered the Vermont National Guard and the Vermont Emergency Operations Center to set up a medical "surge site" to respond to COVID-19 cases. Governor Scott also announced that the Vermont Department of Public Service released a "Public Wi-Fi Hot Spot Map" to enable people in Vermont to find places to access the Internet for free. On March 24, Governor Scott issued a "Stay Home, Stay Safe" order directing all residents of Vermont to stay home "leaving only for essential reasons, critical to health and safety." The order directs that all businesses and not-for-profit entities must suspend all in-person business operations, except for specific exemptions. The order will remain in effect until April 15, 2020, unless extended or shortened. On March 26, Governor Scott ordered all schools in Vermont to remain closed for in-person classes for the rest of the academic year. School districts have until April 13 to produce distance learning plans for the remainder of the school year. On March 30, Governor Scott imposed quarantine restrictions on travelers arriving in Vermont. On March 31, the Vermont Agency of Commerce and Community Development ordered large retailers "to cease in-person sales of non-essential items in order to reduce the number of people coming into the stores." The agency also ordered stores to close showrooms and garden sections of home improvement centers. Also, Governor Phil Scott announced the launch of a new website where Vermonters can sign up to volunteer to help in the state's response to COVID-19. On April 2, Governor Scott announced that the State, in anticipation of a surge in COVID-19 cases, was preparing two additional medical surge locations in partnership with the Vermont National Guard: a 400-bed location at the Champlain Valley Exposition in Essex Junction, and a 150-bed location in Rutland County. Additional rapid reaction medical surge trailers, each containing materials for 50 additional beds, had been prepositioned throughout the state to facilitate rapid deployment. Additional assets, including two state portable hospitals, were also being prepared. These measures are a continuation in the State's plan to prevent hospitals from exceeding their capacities in the event of a surge. On April 3, the Vermont Department of Health recommended that all Vermonters should wear face masks when in public. Health officials in Vermont had previously advised against the general public wearing masks if they were not showing any symptoms, but the new recommendation cites a 48-hour, pre-symptomatic infectious phase in individuals with COVID-19 where face masks would be beneficial. Additionally, Governor Scott stated in a media briefing that he was planning to extend the state's stay-at-home order beyond its original ending date in mid-April, warning Vermonters that they should expect to remain at home for several more weeks. An April 3 directive from Vermont Attorney General T.J. Donovan provided police with guidelines on how to enforce the state's stay-at-home order. Law enforcement officers were directed to provide education and request voluntary compliance when encountering businesses and individuals in violation of the order, while civil and criminal penalties were outlined for instances of continued non-compliance. Burlington Mayor Miro Weinberger additionally announced that the Burlington Police Department would begin issuing tickets to people who violated the stay-at-home order, with fines ranging from $100–$500. On April 4, the Vermont National Guard starting building a 400-bed overflow hospital inside the Champlain Valley Exposition center, with the plan that some parts of the facility could be ready as soon as Sunday, April 5. Vermont's Agency of Transportation has stationed staff at 28 "high-priority border crossings" with neighboring states and Canada where they are monitoring traffic to determine how many people are entering Vermont. They are not recording license plate information, but counting cars to understand how much traffic is flowing across the borders. On April 10, Governor Scott extended the state of emergency until May 15. On April 14, the Vermont Economic Mitigation and Recovery Task Force was established by Governor Scott under the Agency of Commerce and Community Development. This task force is charged with helping the economy of Vermont recover from the COVID-19 pandemic. On April 16, Governor Scott and the Vermont Department of Public Service announced a partnership with Microsoft, RTO Wireless, and Up And Running I.T to deploy public WiFi access points in communities around Vermont that are lacking Internet access. On April 17, Governor Phil Scott announced that starting on Monday, April 20, 2020, certain businesses will be allowed to re-open, including outdoor businesses and "low-contact" services. Farmers markets will also be allowed to open starting on May 1. On April 21, Governor Phil Scott and Vermont Department of Financial Regulation Commissioner Michael Pieciak announced a new program to provide financial assistance to Vermonters with privately held student loans. On the same day, the Vermont National Guard(VNG) announced they would be distributing Meals, Ready-to-Eat (MREs) to Vermonters from five airports around the state between April 22 and April 29. The VNG indicated they have capacity to provide close to 27,000 MREs per day. On April 24, Governor Scott issued guidance about the continued re-opening of businesses in Vermont. The order requires any businesses opening to implement specific measures including requiring employees to wear coverings over their mouth and nose. Outdoor businesses including construction may resume with a maximum of five total workers per location. Farmers Markets are allowed to re-open as of May 1 with limitations that prevent congregating of people. On April 29, Governor Scott announced that the state would be expanding the COVID-19 testing program to scale up to performing 7,500 tests per week (from the current 2,000 / week). The state will also expand its contact tracing program to help identify who else may be in contact with a person who tested positive. On May 6, the Vermont Department of Health started publishing "Total People Recovered" on their COVID-19 data dashboard. Also on May 6, Governor Scott announced that some forms of outdoor recreation could resume, as well as gatherings between households, as long as the gatherings consist of 10 people or fewer, and appropriate protections are put in place. The order also allowed businesses, government entities, and non-profit organizations to resume outdoor recreation or fitness activities that involve low or no direct physical contact. On August 14, Governor Scott extended the state of emergency through September 15. His order also allowed cities and towns to enact stricter local limits if necessary.

proper space

7691-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=7794409

Outer Mission is a small residential neighborhood on the south edge of San Francisco. Location. The Outer Mission is a neighborhood in Southeast San Francisco with boundaries of Interstate 280 to the west, Geneva Avenue to the north, and Mission Street and the Daly City border to the south. Its surrounding neighborhoods include Ingleside to the west, Mission Terrace to the north, Excelsior to the northeast, Crocker-Amazon to the southeast, and Daly City to the southwest. The name Outer Mission often causes confusion, leading some to believe that Outer Mission is immediately south of Mission District (in reality, Bernal Heights is directly south of Mission). Some call any and all neighborhoods south of Mission the "Outer Mission area," which results in further confusion. History. The Outer Mission was developed around the 1910s as an extension of the nearby Mission District. The area was serviced by the Southern Pacific Railroad. Before the area was developed it largely consisted of farms, providing the city with Swiss chard and potatoes. Like the Mission, many of its original residents were of Irish and Italian descent. Attractions and characteristics. The neighborhood is near Cayuga Park and playground, a unique park beneath the BART tracks, featuring dense vegetation and over 100 whimsical wood statues carved by the park's creator, along with a small baseball field and tennis courts. Most of the area contains single-family residences that are often attached and have a small fenced back yard. The 1990s to 2000s housing bubble and its subsequent gentrification led to many Latino/Chicano and Asian/Filipino families to move into the area: It remains one of the few low-rent and middle class enclaves in San Francisco. Due to this shift in demographics, a very common practice in this neighborhood is the construction of an in-law apartment in part of the garage space (often consisting of an additional bedroom, bathroom and kitchen, with the side entry used as the in-law's door). The owner of the building then often rents out this in-law unit to supplement his or her income or mortgage payment. Because of this, there is a relatively high percentage of renters in this neighborhood, despite consisting almost exclusively of single family homes. The in-laws very often are unwarranted (done without a city permit), resulting in a higher population density than the neighborhood was built for or the city would allow. This has some undesirable side effects such as the streets (and even the sidewalks) filling up with cars. Outer Mission houses originally featured front yards or small planting areas in front of the property. Over the years, many homeowners paved over their planting areas, to allow them to park cars on the sidewalk. This has made the streets less attractive; as the city has recently encouraged residents to (re-)create planting areas and plant trees in front of their homes, front yards are on the rise again. The neighborhood is well served by public transportation and is adjacent to the I-280, one of San Francisco's two major freeways. The BART line through the city runs adjacent to the Outer Mission. As the tracks are above-ground, the trains are visible and audible throughout most of the neighborhood. The neighborhood is in walking distance to Balboa Park Station, which is one of the city's largest public transportation hubs, being served by BART, three Muni Metro lines (J-Church, K-Ingleside, M-Oceanview) and many bus lines (including some of the nightly Owl lines). The main bus line serving the Outer Mission is the 14 Mission: The bus line operates along the full length of Mission Street (from the Embarcadero to Daly City). In addition to the 14, during peak hours, Muni runs two variations: the 14-R (rapid, fewer stops) and the 14-X (express, takes the freeway to and from downtown). During peak hours, the 88 BART Shuttle Muni line passes through the Outer Mission and can be used to get to Balboa Park quickly and directly. Finally, the numerous bus lines that run along Geneva Avenue (most prominently the 8x, the 54 and the 43) are easily accessible from the neighborhood. In addition to Muni, SamTrans operates several of its lines on Mission Street which can be used to get to destinations on the Peninsula. While bicycling is not as widespread as in other neighborhoods (such as the Mission), it is popular with some residents. Well marked and wide bike lanes exist along most of Alemany Blvd.

fairly significant proportion

11368-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1307275

Cross and circle is a board game design used for race games played throughout the world. Design. The basic design comprises a circle divided into four equal portions by a cross inscribed inside it like four spokes in a wheel; the classic example of this design is Yut. However, the term "cross and circle game" is also applied to boards that replace the circle with a square, and cruciform boards that collapse the circle onto the cross; all three types are topologically equivalent. Ludo and "Parcheesi" (both descendants of Pachisi) are examples of frequently played cruciform games. The category may also be expanded to include circular or square boards "without" a cross which are nevertheless quartered (Zohn Ahl), and boards that have more than four spokes (Aggravation, Trivial Pursuit). The game board for the Aztec game Patolli consists of a collapsed circle "without" an interior cross and thus has the distinction of being a cross that "is" a circle (topologically), without being a cross "plus" circle. Tokens are moved around spaces drawn on the circle and on the cross, with the goal of being the first player to move all tokens all the way around the board. Generally the circle of the cross and circle forms the primary circuit followed by the players' pieces. The function of the cross is more variable; for example, in Yut the cross forms shortcuts to the finish, whereas in Pachisi the four spokes are used as player-specific exits and entrances to the pieces' home. In non-race games (like Coppit and Trivial Pursuit) all paths may be undifferentiated in function. History. Although these board game designs may be of considerable antiquity, firm evidence is sparse. In India, there are claims that the most ancient board games would date back to BC 3500 in the time of legendary Ruler King Bharata; this, however, needs to be confirmed as the cited references are not given. Noted writer and translator Gilles Schaufelberger lists Sanskrit words for board and dice games from ancient India (based on Heinrich Lüders' work). For cruciform boards, the monumental Pachisi or Chaupat boards of the Moghul ruler Akbar (1542–1605), designed to accommodate humans as playing pieces, "still represent the earliest secure evidence for the existence of the game in India." Culin found evidence for a Nyout-like game existing in China in the 3rd century AD, though this does not seem to be accepted by H. J. R. Murray. Mayan cross and circle boards have been found on stones from the 7th century AD. Although frequently encountered among the native tribes of North America (particularly as a "quartered circle" design) these boards were not made of durable materials, so generally the writings and collections of European-Americans constitute their earliest attestations. Esoteric connections. Cross and circle boards may suggest a variety of mystical, symbolic, or esoteric designs such as mandalas; sun and earth symbols; swastikas; or Celtic, Coptic, and Greek crosses. However, mere visual similarities do not prove a deeper connection; and demonstrating any historical connection has proven to be a slippery matter. Many modern discussions of the religious, magical, or divinatory genesis of board games stem from the work of Stewart Culin who postulated a single source: the "classification of all things according to the Four Directions" by means of divinatory arrows, and that "[s]urvivals of these magical processes constitute our present games" (including "all" dice, board, card, and domino games). He quotes, for example, an "account of the Zuñi War Gods" which explicitly links divination, the 4 quarters of the earth, and games. Nyout (Yut) and Native American games like Zohn Ahl are integral to his argument. However, later scholars have called into question our ability to assign historical precedence among randomizing activities such as divination, impartial decision-making, gambling, and game-playing, and elements of his monolithic genealogy of games have been called "absurd". Nevertheless, if origins confound us, some historical connections are in evidence. In the 19th century, Yut stick dice were used for divination, their results being looked up in a book not unlike the I Ching.

more substantial association

4834-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=392525

The electricity sector in Norway relies predominantly on hydroelectricity. A significant share of the total electrical production is consumed by national industry. Production and consumption. Average annual hydropower generation capacity in 2019 was around 131 TWh, about 95% of total electricity production. Of the total production in 2011 of 128 TWh; 122 TWh was from hydroelectric plants, 4795 GWh was from thermal power, and 1283 GWh was wind generated. In the same year, the total consumption was 114 TWh. Hydro production can vary 60 TWh between years, depending on amount of precipitation, and the remaining hydro potential is about 34 TWh. In 2016, the Norwegian government published a white paper regarding their future energy intentions through 2030. This announcement emphasized four main goals, which were improving security in the supply of their power, improving the efficiency of their renewables, making their energy more efficient, and more environment- and climate-sensitive, and fostering economic development and value through fiscally responsible and renewable technology. The annual electricity consumption was about 26-27 MWh per inhabitant during 2004-2009 when the European union (EU15) average in 2008 was 7.4 MWh. Norway’s consumption of electricity was over three times higher per person compared to the EU 15 average in 2008. The domestic electricity supply promotes use of electricity, and it is the most common energy source for heating floors and hot water. Transmission. Statnett is the transmission system operator in Norway, operating 11,000 km of high power lines. There are plans to upgrade the western grid from 300 to 420 kV at a cost of 8 billion NOK, partly to accommodate cables to Germany and England. Norway has an open electric market, integrated with the other Nordic countries. Export and import is routine over the direct power links to Sweden, Denmark, and the Netherlands. The market is handled by Nord Pool, and has 5 price zones in Norway. Financial future contracts are traded at NASDAQ OMX. Many of the hydroelectric plants in Norway are easily adjustable and can adapt well to variations in demand, and hence in price, but frequency stability is not satisfactory, and Statnett works with producers to minimize sudden changes in power flow. On a normal day, when price is low during nighttime, Norway normally imports power, and exports during daytime when the price is higher. Maintaining the grid in the harsh Norwegian nature is a compromise between stability desires and economy, and outages are expected in these circumstances. About 70% of the grid is without grounding; called . West of Oslo, there is a small single-phase AC power grid operated with 16.7 Hz frequency for power supply of electric railways. Price. In some years, a combination of high power prices in the market and less than usual rainfall renders the power system more vulnerable to power shortages. So far consumers in Norway have noted this by paying a higher price for electrical power during winter, however still a low price in international terms. Copious snow- and rain-fall in the mild winters of 2013-15 led to sharply lower prices, which was 26.7 øre per kWh in 2015. New connections to other countries could stabilize available power levels and reduce price swings, however as these areas are more expensive, average price may rise in Norway. Grid strengthening may cost a few billion kroner. Mode of production. Hydroelectricity. Hydroelectric power is the main mode of electricity production. Norway is known for its particular expertise in the development of efficient, environment-friendly hydroelectric power plants. Calls to power Norway principally through hydropower emerged as early as 1892, coming in the form a letter by the former Prime Minister Gunnar Knutsen to parliament. Ninety percent of hydropower capacity is publicly owned and distributed across municipalities, counties, and states. Nationwide installed capacity of hydropower amounted to 33.8 GW in 2015. The maximum working volume of hydrologic storage power plants is 85 TWh, whereas the average seasonal cycle is 42 terawatt-hours (TWh). In 2015, hydroelectricity generated 144 TWh and accounted for 95.8% of the national electricity demand. In European markets, it is the single largest producer of hydropower. According to the IEA, Norway generated 4.3 percent of the worldwide hydropower in 2008 and ranked 6th for that year, behind China, Canada, Brazil, the United States and Russia. Part of the reason that so much of Norway’s electricity can be generated from hydropower is due to the natural advantage of its topography, with abundant steep valleys and rivers. Due to climate change, the region is currently experiencing heavier rainfall and is projected to receive more in the future, further increasing its capacity for hydropower. Wind power. Wind power capacity was at the end of 2019 2444 MW producing 5.5 TWh, an increase of about 780 MW (2.5 TWh) in 2019. Solar power. The national support for solar power is in place since 2008. For 2013, the European Photovoltaic Industry Association reports a negligible 0.02 watts per inhabitant or less than 0.1 megawatt (MW) of installed photovoltaic capacity in Norway. This is a hundred times less than in Finland (2 watts per inhabitant), two hundred times less than in Sweden (4 watts per inhabitant) and almost five thousand times less than in Denmark (98 watts per inhabitant). However, use of solar power is growing at an accelerated pace; in 2016, installed panel capacity grew by 366%. Proponents indicate that Norway has a surprisingly high capacity for solar energy capture. For instance, records from the city of Narvik show that the region can receive almost as much sunlight as southern Germany. However, this is still just above a third of the solar energy that an area that receives a high amount of solar energy would receive (based on received radiation from Australia.) Solar companies include Elkem Solar and NorSun. Renewable Energy Corporation REC was a solar power company with headquarters in Norway and Singapore. Elkem Solar was part of Norwegian Elkem. Orkla Group sold it with $2 billion in January 2011 to a Chinese chemical company China National Bluestar head office in Beijing. NorSun is a private solar cell producer. Coal power. On the island of Svalbard about 0.108 TWh of electricity and heat is produced annually, in two coal fired power plants. The coal is mined on the island, where the surplus of coal (2/3 of production) is exported. Other types. Norway has around 3 power plants burning natural gas, depending on how they are counted: Mongstad 280 MW CHP, Kårstø 420 MW (now closed), and Tjeldbergodden 150 MW (unused). They are rarely used, as hydropower is usually cheaper. Statkraft experiments with osmosis at Tofte. Export/Import. Norway has imported up to 10% of its electricity production during 2004-2009. According to IEA in 2015 Norway exports about 15% of its electricity generation and imports about 5%, and the net electricity export was 14.645 TWh. Norway and Sweden's grids have long been connected. A new 1 GW 420 kV high-voltage link between Nea in Norway and Järpströmmen in Sweden was commissioned in 2009. Beginning in 1977 the Norwegian and Danish grids were connected with 500 MW, growing to 1,700 MW in 2015. Norway's grid is connected with the 700 MW NorNed-cable to the Netherlands. NordLink a 1400 megawatt undersea cable connection to Germany began operation in 2021. There are plans for cable connections to the UK (HVDC Norway–Great Britain and Scotland–Norway interconnector). See also. Regional:

increased rate

4046-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=9110541

The mistletoebird ("Dicaeum hirundinaceum"), also known as the mistletoe flowerpecker, is a species of flowerpecker native to most of Australia (though absent from Tasmania and the driest desert areas) and also to the eastern Maluku Islands of Indonesia in the Arafura Sea between Australia and New Guinea. The mistletoebird eats mainly the berries of the parasitic mistletoe and is a vector for the spread of the mistletoe's seeds through its digestive system. Taxonomy and evolution. The mistletoebird is one of 44 species of the flowerpecker family Dicaeidae. The flowerpeckers are considered to be nearest in avian evolutionary relationship to the sunbird family Nectariniidae. Both the flowerpeckers and sunbirds are thought to be early offshoots of the early passeroid radiation that occurred 20-30 million years ago. The sunbirds are found mainly in Africa and Asia and the flowerpeckers throughout Asia. The mistletoebird is a geologically recent arrival into Australia from South-East Asia. It is thought to have started colonizing Australia from about two million years ago. The mistletoebird is a mistletoe-feeding specialist and mistletoe-feeding specialists have evolved independently in eight of the world's avian families. This extreme dietary specialization has evolved in non-passerine species, as well as sub-oscine and oscine passerines. Early scientific research had the mistletoe and mistletoebird mutually co-evolving with a high dependence on each other through their evolutionary development. As the mistletoe has been in Australia for a long time and mistletoebirds for a relatively short time, the mistletoe seed was distributed originally by non-specialized frugivore birds like the honeyeater. Even though the mistletoebird has evolved into a very efficient local distributor of mistletoe seeds, the mistletoebird needs the mistletoe but the mistletoe does not need the mistletoebird. Molecular-based scientific methods have been used recently to evaluate generic taxonomy within the flowerpecker family. The flowerpecker genetic subdivision is based on a single morphological character — the length of the outermost primary wing feather. Most flowerpeckers are sexually dichromatic, have stouter bills than sunbirds and display a broad variety of tongue structure. Genetic analysis of mitochondrial DNA of 70% of flowerpecker species showed that the mistletoebird and the red-capped flowerpecker ("D. geelvinkianum") to be each other's closest relative. The specific epithet "hirundinaceum" derives from the name of the swallow ("Hirundo") and refers to its long and pointed swallow-like wings. Subspecies. There are four recognised subspecies, which differ in geographical location and plumage details, primarily of the males: Description. The mistletoebird is small, long and weight. The male is glossy blue-black above, with a red chest and a slight red under-tail, and a black center stripe running down its white belly. The female is dark grey above, with a white throat, light grey underparts, and just a touch of pinkish-red under the tail. The eyes, bill, and legs are black; the bill is just over a centimeter long, slender, slightly down-curved and sharply pointed. Immature birds are similar to the female, but have an orange-pink bill instead of black. There is a variance in size and color across their distribution. The adult mistletoebird is smaller in the north of its distribution and females in the north have lighter colored underparts compared to darker ones in the south. The mistletoebird has long pointed wings and a short square tail with a slight notch at the tip. They usually occur singularly or in twos but occasionally in small family groups or flocks and very occasionally in mixed-species flocks when food is in abundance. Their flight is swift and they are usually seen flying above or high in the tree canopy on distinctively pointed wings. Their posture is usually upright when perched but adopt a more horizontal, swaying posture when alarmed. They have a variety of vocalizations but their most familiar is a short, sharp, high-pitched or whistled mainly on the wing. Songs while perched include a whistled "wissweet wissweet" uttered repeatedly. The male mistletoe bird can be mistaken for a scarlet robin ("Petroica boodang") or flame robin ("Petroica phoenicea)", but it has no spot on the forehead and has a black streak on the white belly. Due to the combination of size, shape, behaviour, and plumage the mistletoebird is unlikely to be mistaken for any other Australian passerine; however, the pardalote and thornbill are the closest in size and shape. Behaviour. Habitat. Mistletoebirds are nomadic where movement is generally local and is associated with the fruiting of mistletoe. Mistletoebirds mostly occur in forests and woodlands dominated by any species of Eucalyptus from the dry interior to the coastal rain forests, but they do not frequent high altitude areas in winter as they adopt a torpid state when cold. Mistletoebirds are more likely to occur in mature stands where trees are larger and more likely to have become infested with mistletoe, rather than in regenerated areas. There are over 1300 species of mistletoe around the world and about 100 in Australia, where a common variety in the drier climates is the grey mistletoe ("Amyema quandang"). All mistletoes share a common growth form where water and nutrients are obtained from their host tree via a specialized vascular attachment, but as mistletoe manufacture their own carbohydrates using photosynthesis, they are referred to as 'half parasitic'. Although common on the mainland of Australia, there are no mistletoes in Tasmania. Less specialized fruit-eating species, such as the honeyeater, source much of their protein from arthropods. To source the arthropods, the honeyeaters venture far and, therefore, are a conduit for long distance mistletoe seed dispersal, while the mistletoebirds generally concentrate on and limit their feeding to local mistletoe infestations. Recent ecological studies have found the mistletoe producing a rich biodiversity in areas where it proliferates. The litter-fall under mistletoe infestation, where there is a high turnover of rich mistletoe leaves, has a diverse animal and plant life. Also, the denseness of the mistletoe bush and the characteristics of its leaves makes it a cool and safe place for birds to rest, hide, and nest. In a recent study in southern Australia, 217 species of Australian arboreal birds were reported nesting in mistletoe, including the mistletoebird. Feeding. The mistletoebird is a specialist frugivore that primarily eats the berries of mistletoes. Foraging time takes up 25% of the mistletoebird's daytime activities in summer and 29% in winter. The increased fruit consumption in winter could be related to the bird's increased thermo-regulatory costs during the cold of winter. Mistletoe fruit dominates the mistletoebird's diet accounting for 85% of foraging observations. Arthropods formed 13% and the remainder was from nectar, insects, and other berries. The only other known frugivore with a similar degree of dietary specialization is Pesquet's parrot (or vulturine parrot) of New Guinea that feeds almost exclusively on strangler figs. In becoming frugivore specialists, both these birds live off the fruit of parasites that germinate in the canopy of host trees, where the fruit of the parasite has specific seed placement requirements on host branches and resists consumption by frugivore nonspecialist birds. The mistletoe plant minimizes opportunistic consumption of their berries by less specialized dispersal birds by producing few, inconspicuous fruits over a long period. Specialist frugivorous birds, by eating mainly fruit, have a diet rich in carbohydrates and poor in protein. To increase the protein level, which is particularly important for reproduction and molting, the mistletoe bird has to eat large quantities of the mistletoe fruit. Feeding adaptations. The mistletoebird has a small muscularized stomach and short alimentary canal, where the amount of mechanical grinding and chemical digestion is minimized. This enables a clear passage and quick exit of the mistletoe fruit seeds through the mistletoebird's digestive system. In comparison, the non-specialized fruit-eating birds that they compete with for the mistletoe berry, such as the spiny-cheeked honeyeater ("Acanthagenys rufogularis)", have a more complex digestive system that takes longer for the fruit seeds to pass, and in the process the seeds are subjected to more mechanical and chemical action in the gut. It takes between 4–25 minutes for the mistletoe seed to pass through the mistletoebird. In a scientific study in South Australia with the grey mistletoe ("Amyema quandang)", it took 2.3 times longer for the mistletoe seeds to pass through the digestive system of a spiny-cheeked honeyeater ("A. rufogularis") than it did through the mistletoebird and five months after seed deposit, 43% more seedlings had established from seeds defecated by mistletoebirds than from seeds passed by the honeyeater. The mistletoebird's modified gastrointestinal tract is in the same plane. This facilitates rapid passage of the large number of berries consumed. Comparing the frugivore mistletoebird with a similarly sized insectivore the inland thornbill ("Acanthiza inornata)," where both their body masses are approximately . The mean length of the gizzard in the mistletoebird is and in the thornbill. The mean length of the small intestine is in the mistletoebird and in the thornbill. The mistletoebird has a large gape relative to the size of its head and its total body size. This allows grasping and swallowing the mistletoe fruit, which are about long by in diameter. These are large berries relative to the diminutive mistletoebird. Efficiency of mistletoe fruit dispersal by the mistletoebird is increased by the way the bird perches on a branch to defecate. They sometimes stand facing along the host tree branch depositing seeds in a string on the perch. Honeyeater-dispersed seeds, in contrast, fall randomly and less efficiently onto substrates below the defecating bird. The texture of the defecated seed with the mistletoebird is stickier than other bird's feces to facilitate a strong bond with the host tree branch. Breeding. Mistletoebirds conduct elaborate courtship and nuptial displays where, with a horizontal body, the male sways from side to side fluttering its wings, flicking its tail and displaying flashes of red. The female flies to a nearby branch where she flutters her wings. The male flies to her, mates and immediately they depart together. Mistletoebird pairs nest solitarily and raise up to 3 broods per season. The breeding season is from August to April depending where in Australia, but usually coincides with the fruiting of mistletoe. The nest can be found in many different plants but especially in eucalyptus, mistletoe, and acacia trees where it is suspended from an outer twig or thin horizontal branch and concealed among foliage. The nest is pear shaped with a slit side entrance and is usually made of plant down, wool, spider webs and spider egg sacs. The outside of the nest is coated with dry plant material like leaves, bark and lichen. The nest is built by the female, but accompanied by the male who assists very occasionally. Incubation is by the female but it has been recorded that males do sit the nest while the female is away. She will lay a clutch of three or four white eggs, each measuring , oval in shape. Incubation period is between 10–12 days and the young remain in the nest for approximately 15 days. The fledglings are fed by both parents but mainly by the female. Newly hatched birds are initially fed arthropods, after which mistletoe berry pulp is then gradually introduced into their diet. After about two weeks, when they are ready to fledge, the mistletoe berry pulp comprises 80% of food intake of the young mistletoebird. Both parents remove the fecal sacs left by the young in the nest. Other characteristics. The longevity of a mistletoebird has been recorded in southern Queensland, where a banded adult male was recaptured near the banding site after 9 years. Mistletoebirds vocally mimic other birds. Heard in all seasons and given by both sexes, they have been recorded mimicking the mulga parrot ( "Psephotus varius)", as well as more than 25 different species of passerines. Predators known to have taken mistletoebird nestlings are the grey shrike-thrush ("Colluricincla harmonica)", pied butcherbird ("Cracticus nigrogularis)", pied currawong ("Strepera graculina)", and the Australian raven ("Corvus coronoides)". Nests have also been parasitized by a number of cuckoo species, including Horsfield's bronze-cuckoo ("Chrysococcyx basalis)" and the fan-tailed cuckoo ("Cacomantis flabelliformis)". Threats and human interaction. There was an ecological balance between the parasitic mistletoe and their host trees before this balance was disturbed with excessive forest clearing. Land clearing to accommodate farming practices and population growth created an imbalance that resulted in excessive infestations of mistletoe in some areas leading to forest degradation, and a total lack of mistletoe in other areas. Mistletoe density in Eucalyptus forests in Australia ranges from 0 to over 100 plants per hectare, where this high value is from highly damaged and perturbed habitat. From natural intact forests there are typically less than 10 plants per hectare. Avian richness increases with mistletoe density until a threshold of approximately 20 plants per hectare is reached after which heavy grazing and degradation sets in. Areas of excessive infestation of the parasite mistletoe badly damages or kills the host trees. The reaction to this was to try and eradicate the bird seen as spreading the parasite, the mistletoebird. One farmer in Australia in the 1930s claimed to have destroyed over 1200 mistletoebirds in a 6-year period, but they are no longer actively persecuted.

heavy output

627-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=44931139

The 1982 Embassy World Indoor Bowls Championship was held at the Coatbridge indoor bowling club, North Lanarkshire, Scotland, from 9–14 February 1982. <br> Sudden death was introduced with 16 competitors (4 from a qualifying tournament), it replaced the group format. The winners prize was £4,000, a record for bowls. John Dunn an 18-year-old from Tonbridge Wells defeated David Bryant, ending Bryant’s attempt to secure a fourth consecutive world title. <br> John Watson won the title beating Jim Baker in the final. The third place play off was won by John Dunn who defeated John Fullarton 21-19. Men's singles. Qualifying. Qualifying held in Dalkeith Group A Results Group B Results Group C Results Group D Results

troop arrangement