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EcA1641	To contend with men that deny their owne publike Acts, is a hard taske; yet for better manifestation of truth to the Honourable House of Commons, its necessary that somewhat more be said, touching the WineProiect. IT hath been already set forth, and plainely shewed, even by the orders of Vintners Hall. That the retailing Vintners of London contrived that Project at their common Hall in November, 1637. That they prosecuted it, and petitioned for it; And as it appears by the Project it selfe, that none but the Vintners could have contrived it. So the truth is, the covetousnesse of the Vintners, with their desire to Monopolize the sole retailing of Wines, and their pride and malice to the Coopers put them upon it. Their covetousnesse; For they propounded, and would have no lesse then 4.l. a Tunne on all French, and 8.l. on Spanish Wines, to pay the King 40.s. restitution of 6000.l. liberty to dresse meat, sell Sugar, Beere, and Tobacco: restraint of Wines Licenses in or neere the Citie, inlargement of their Charter, and other great benefits: and all this forbare 40.s. a Tun to the King. Their pride and malice to the Coopers. They would not have a Cooper to live, but as their servant, the poore Coopers must not sell a rundlet of Wine, they must be suppressed, to advance their Lords & Masters, the London Vintners, that so they might Monopolize to themselves the retaile of Wines both in Citie and Country. That was the Vintners end by this Project, for by it they tied up the Marchant from selling to Coopers or Countrey Vintners. And albeit the truth of these particulars appeares clearely by the Project it selfe, and the Vintners orders: yet the Vintners are not ashamed to affirme, and that in Print too, in the front of their untrue relation, First, that the generalitie of Retailers disliked this Project. Secondly, that whatsoever they did in it, was by compulsion. Thirdly, that they received great and insupportable losse by it. What truth is in these men? Doth it not plainly appeare by their owne Order of the 22. of November, 1637. That the generality of Retailers contrived it at their Hall, and have they not all taken the benefit of it, viz. a penny and two pence in the quart? Is it then to be beleeved that they disliked it? And what can be more manifest, then that it was the designe and worke of the generality. For the whole Comittee could not, much lesse could Alderman Abel, or any particular man, conclude any thing in it without the consent and direction of the generalitie, as appears fully by the Orders of the sixt, the 22. and the 27. of November, 1637. The Comittee was from time to time to give account of their proceedings to the Generalitie, and were so limited by the orders of the generality. Doth it not appeare by their foresaid Order of the 27. of November, that they petitioned for it. Did they not ratifie and confirme it at a generall Court, as by their Order of the seventh of February 1637. and by eight subsequent Orders made at their common Hall? How vaine then is their pretence of threats, or compulsion. As to the third, That they received great, and almost insupportable losse by it. Doe not all men know that from February 1637. to December 1640. the Vintners have taken on all French Wines 4.l. a Tun, and from February 1637. to this day, being above three yeares and an halfe, on Spanish Wines 8. pound and 12. pound a Tunne, above the set price, and not paid the 40. shillings to the King, one full yeare and halfe. All these excessive gaines they have exacted by colour of this their Project. Ought they not then to bee ashamed to set forth in Print, that they have received great, and insupportable losse by it? But what falshood will not these Vintners affirme for truth, and what truth will they not deny and outface, who say, they have great losse by this Project, when their gaine is so notorious, and deny their owne Orders which they made at their common Hall? Their Orders which they would now denie, have been severall times proved at the Comittee, and out of those their owne Orders (against which no modest or honest men would contend) they have upon tenne severall hearings, beene foure times voted by the Comittee, to bee the Contrivers and Prosecutors of this Project, and Delinquents, and they have been twice so voted by the whole house Commons in these words. Die Mercurij 21. Iulij 1641. Resolved upon the Question. THat the Company of Vintners by their owne offer of 40. shillings per Tunne upon Wines to his Majestie, and demands of libertie to raise a penny per Quart upon French, and two pence a Quart upon Spanish Wines, and prosecuting the businesse, as appeareth by their own Orders, are Contrivers of the said unlawfull Impositions, and are Delinquents. Resolved upon the Question. THat all those Vintners that were parties to the Indentures, Sharers and Contrivers of the said Imposition of 40. shillings per Tunne, and one penny per Quart are Delinquents, and ought to give satisfaction to the Common-wealth. In these Votes there can bee no error: For it appeares clearly by the Vintners Booke of Orders of their Hall, That they offerd the 40. shillings a Tunne, and demanded libertie to raise a penny, and two pence a quart, and prosecuted the businesse; An infallible proofe against them, in which there can be no corruption, and against which no exception can be taken; their owne Booke condemnes them. And the Vintners and seven Counsellors for them were heard by the Comittee, above tenne severall daies with much patience; and upon the testimony of their owne booke of Orders they were on the 17. of Iune, 1641. Voted by the Comittee to be the Projectors, Contrivers and Prosecutors of the said Project, and Delinquents; and that Uote was foure times confirmed by the Comittee. These Uotes standing good against the Uintners, as they are most iust, Master Kilvert is much comforted in a strong Faith, That he shall shew just cause to the Honourable House of Comons to alter their Uotes against him. First, in regard that since that Uote against him, he hath made a materiall part of the truth to appeare, which then he could not so cleerely manifest. Secondly, for that he is ready now to make the whole truth of the business, fully and clearly to appeare, both touching the creation and execution thereof. And in truth, it is another thing then it appeared to the Comittee to be, when he was Uoted. The part of the truth, which he hath already made to appeare, is: That the retailing Vintners contrived this Project amongst themselves, at their common Hall, in November, 1637. Petitioned for it, and prosecuted it. That which he is now ready to prove, is First, that he was not present at, or privie to, the framing or contriving of the said Project; nor came, or sate amongst the Vintners in their Assembles at their Hall, or elsewhere, untill they had contrived, and concluded upon the said Project, and that the chiefe Vintners present at those meetings, have often acknowledged asmuch. Secondly, That a principall witnesse examined against him, when he was voted by the Comittee, hath since his examination acknowledged (as the truth is) that hee was mistaken in the maine point of his testimony. Thirdly, that all those that testified against him, when he was Voted by the Comittee are parties to the Project, and Delinquents; viz. Parties to the Originall contriving the Project. Parties to the indentures of creation, of the Project: And Parties that tooke benefit by the Project. So that they all spoke in excuse of themselves. These particulars he could not so fully prove before the Vote, being much streightned in time by Master Hearne, of Counsell for Alderman Abell, who spent almost two daies in recrimination of Master Kilvert, against truth, and the direction of his clyent, and left not Kilvert two houres for his defence. And fithence these particulars are so materiall, and necessary to master Kilverts just defence, he cannot doubt of the goodnesse of the House of Commons (so great lovers of truth) that they will be pleased to admit him to prove the truth. Lastly, touching the Execution, It appeares fully by a Letter written, and sent to Alderman Abel and master Rowland Wilson, by George Griffith, and confessed by Griffith before the Comittee, that the said Griffith projected and designed the manner of Execution of this Project, and he accordingly put it in Execution, and had 200. pound a yeare Fee for the same. The Letter and Instruction follow in these very words. LAtely meeting with some Judiciall men who were conferring about your present Contract, some said it would be a profitable businesse, if well managed; and confessed that none so fit to manage it as our Company: J was bold to reply, that J was assured it would be well managed, and that we had as able men, both wett and dry Vintners in our Company, to contrive and doe it as any otherwhere could bee selected: and therefore to make good my word, and that the event should proove it, J being a member of our Company, and one of the Assistance, J hold it my dutie to note any thing that will any way advance the said Companies honour and profit: and therefore I present the above written unto your Worhips, which I acknowledge to be meane to your abilities and grave experience; Yet if you please but to peruse it, and to make use of any thing therein fit for your better remembrance, I shall take it as a favour: and so to God Almighty recommending you and all your Worhips good endeavours. I shall ever rest Advice for the better advance of the Worshipfull Company of Vintners Contract, now with his gracious Majestie, and Licenses with the Right Honourable, George, Lord Goring. THe Contractors to have a speciall care to obtain as large a grant, as can be granted, and in particular. 1. That the two Articles first proposed, be absolutely confirmed; especially, those that concerne the libertie, fredome, and good of the Retailing Vintner, as is best knowne to your Worships. 2. That in the Grant a provizo bee made, That his Majestie and his Heires shall put no further Custome, Impost, or charge on Wines, then is at the making of the Grant. 3. That defalcation be made in case of war with France or Spaine. 4. That defalcation bee made in case of plague, or great mortalitie. 5. That defalcation bee made in case any Marchant or Retailer should refuse to pay the 40. shillings per Tunne, and that the Contractors using all possible meanes, and cannot by Law or power compell paiment, in such case fit his Majestie make defalcation. 6. That his Majestie grant an ample Commission to some eminent Nobleman, and to the Contractors and their Deputies, to take and leavie the 40. shillings per Tunne, and for the future, that the Marchant register their sales in thirtie dayes, or in default that hee pay the 40. shillings per Tunne, for such Wines as by the Custom-house, or otherwise, it shall appeare he hath received. 7. That before the day of the commencement of the Contract, that a generall search be made in all Sellars of Wines, and register be taken of them, that the Contractors may receive the 40. shillings per Tunne. 8. That his Majesties rent be made payable once, or at most, but twice in one yeare. 9. That the Contract bee made for at least 14. yeares, and if that will not be granted, then to be well advised, whether you will take the Lord Gorings Licences from him or his Majestie, if you can procure 14. yeares from his Majestie, then all to be taken from his said Majestie; otherwise, under your favour, I hold it fittest you take the Licenses, and continue it from the Lord Goring, and my reason is, that if from his Majestie you have but a short time, and the Contract by your Industry made profitable, others may Farme it heereafter from you, which if you have the Licenses, they will not be so ready, or so able to doe, and so by that meanes you may be assured to have it for 14. yeares. 10. That whereas Sir Iohn Rainenam K. hath the Licenses for Cornwall and Devon. it is very fit for you likewise to take it in, which may bee easily done, and hope on reasonable tearmes, and to move him to grant it, you may advise, that all Marchants that importeth Wines into those parts, must pay 40. shillings per Tunne, and that you will not grant the Retailers in those parts, to sell for a penny a Quart above the rates, except they will come in to you. 11. That you have his Majesties Proclamation, signifying his gracious pleasure for paiment of the 40. shillings per Tun, &c. as Counsell shall advise. Now, as by the Orders of Vintners Hall it appeares, and is so Voted, that this Project was contrived by the Company of Vintners: So it also appeares by this Letter of Griffith, (who was one of the principall Contrivers) That it was designed for the advancement of the Company, and the benefit of the generality: and that Griffith was the principall Projector and contriver in the execution. On the seventh of February, 1637. at a general Court at Vintners Hall, the Project was confirmed by the Generality, and the Contractors named; and six daies after, viz. the 13. of February, Griffith writes to the two principall pillars of the Company, and directs the forme and manner of execution, for the best advancement of the Company. So that now this whole businesse being found to be the worke of the Company, both in the creation and execution, Master Kilvert, is most confident of the justice of the Honorable House of Commons, That they will not punish him for the Vintners offence, there being no Petition, or complaint against him, other then the recrimination of the Counsell of Aldermann Abell, and the Vintners. The truth of the fact touching Kilvert, now manifestly appearing otherwise, then when he was Voted; It can no way derogate from the Honour and Justice of the Honourable House of Commons to recall their Uote. Which hee most humbly prayes, they will vouchsafe to doe in their wonted goodnesse, the rather, sithence by his endeavour and sole charge a great summe of money will bee justly raised from the severall Vintners, that have unjustly taken it from the Subject, by colour of this their Project. For the gaine that the Vintners have made by this Project, It hath beene already shewen and proved before the Comittee, to amount to above two hundred thousand pounds. This their gaine hath risen three several waies. First, by beating downe the Marchants prices, by which alone they have gained, in these three last yeares, above sixtie thousand pounds: this was proved before the Comittee, by Marchants of worth, and appeares by the Marchants prices of the sales of their Wines, certified by order of the Comittee. Secondly, By the penny a Quart on al French, and two pence a Quart on Spanish Wines, Wherby they have gained above one hundred and thirtie thousand pounds, more then they have paid to his Majestie, as by account of the Wines imported in that time, and sold to Vintners, may appeare. Thirdly, By their super-Project upon Spanish Wines, in selling Malligaes and Sherries at the price of Canarie, which is 12.l. a Tunne above the set price, And by this particular, they have gained thirty thousand pounds since February, 1637. when they first tooke the benefit of their Project. Their pretenses of Undergage, Lees, Lecage, long keeping, decay on their hands, and bad debts, are sleight Maskes for their falsehood. Touching Vnder-gage. It was proved before the Comittee, by the testimony of worthy Marchants, Captaine Langham, Captaine Rowden, and others, That all Gascoigne Wines are full gage, and overgage, and those smaller Wines which want of gage are cheap Wines, 3.4.5. nay, 6.l. a Tun under the set price; and no vessell of French Wines wants the value of 20. shillings a Tun in gage. And for Lees, Lecage, and long keeping, they have little relation to the penny a quart, for the charge and inconvenience to the Vintners was the same upon 6.pence a quart, as it is upon 7.pence at most, within the seventh part of 40. shillings a Tunne. For the decay of Wines on their hands: Their Wines were as subject to that before. But its especially provided by the Contract; that they are not to pay, neither did ever Vintner pay for any decaied Wines. Bad debts is as absurd a pretence as the rest, for the penny and two pence a quart occasions no bad debts. How deceitfull then are the allegations and pretenses of the Vintners? when no word of truth is found in any one of them. And what can bee said in their defence. That have still kept this Project on foot to this day, in all parts of their owne private gaine, and the Subjects greevance, and that in contempt of the Votes of the Honourable House of Commons. For although they excuse it by the dearth of French Wines this last Vintage, yet all men know, that Spanish Wines have not beene so cheape for many yeares, And the Vintners (notwithstanding the Vote) have continued the two pence a quart on those Wines being 8. pound a Tunne to this day, and paid the King nothing. And it is a knowne truth that they gaine 6. pence in every 14. pence for a quart of Malliga and Sherry, and 5. pence in every quart of Canary. And they have this yeare drawne three quarts of Spanish for one of French Wine. And it appeares by the severall Entries in the Custome-house at London, onely, That from Michaelmas 1639. to Michaelmas 1641. being but two yeares, there was imported of Spanish Wines, 19901. Tuns. The Lecage whereof being taken out at 15. per cent. there remaines in neate Wine, full 16915. Tuns. Which at 4. pound a Tun, comes to 67660. pound. And thus for Spanish Wines onely two yeares at 4. pound a Tunne, and the Vintners, for almost 4. yeares have taken from the Subjects for those Wines, 8. pound, and 12. pound a Tunne above the price. Now whether the Vintners that were parties to the Indentures, Sharers, and Contrivers of the said Imposition of 40. shillings a Tunne, and a penny and two pence a quart, and that have so long taken the benefit of it, much exceeding the summe of two hundred thousand pounds shall make restitution, or satisfaction to the Common wealth, according to the said votes of the Honourable House of Commons, of the 21. of Iuly last, and in what proportion, is solely in the wisdome of the High Court of Parliament to determine.	1641-01-01T00:00:00	Economy	A Reply to a most untrue Relation made, and set forth in Print, by certaine Vintners, in excuse of their Wine Proiect.	A reply to a most untrue relation [...] by certaine vintners, in excuse of their wine project.
EcA1652	IT hath been a thing for many years generally received, That the Design of Spain (and which, to this daie, hee still in his Councils carrie's on) is, to get the Universal Monarchie of Christendom. Nor is it a thing less true (how little soëver observed) that our Neighbors [the Dutch] (after they had settled their Libertie, and been a while encouraged by Prosperitie) have, likewise, for som years, aimed to laie a foundation to themselvs for ingrossing the Universal Trade, not onely of Christendom, but indeed, of the greater part of the known world; that so they might poiz the Affairs of any other State about them, and make their own Considerable, if not by the Largeness of their Countrie; yet, however, by the Greatness of their VVealth; and by their potencie at Sea, in strength and multitude of Shipping. For the clear and certain carrying on of which, there beeing none (that was) like to bee so great a Bar to them, in this their Aim, as theEnglish Nation; nor any that laie so conveniently to keep up a Proportion of Trade with them: It concerned them, therefore, by all means and waies possible to discourage and beat out the English in all places of Trade, as far (at least) as was discreet for them, without too much Alaruming them; or having too early or hastie a Breach with them. Their particular Practices to which purpose in the East-Indies, at Guiny, Greenland, Russia, with the several unfair Carriages (of som among them) to us, in those places; and even in our own Seas, is not intended to bee here mentioned: It sufficeth, that these following Advantages they had clearly gotten above us: The means whereby they have pursued and upheld these Advantages, were By the great number of Shipping they have constantly built; and by the manner of managing their Trade and Shipping, in a conformitie and direction to their Grand End: For, By all which means, VVhich Cheapness of Freight produced again other great Advantages to themselvs; For For, For this method and manner of managing their affairs, daily adding to their stock; and answerably diminishing the Stock and Treasure of this Nation: and by laying it so, as it run thus in a Circle, each part of it (as wee said) strengthning another part: it would unavoidably have tended to a greater and greater disenabling us to hold anie Trade with them: and to have made themselvs, for Wealth and Shipping, the Masters over us: A sufficient testimonie of which (over and above what wee have said also) wee might further see in the actual progress that they had gained upon us in our Shipping. For, And thus, in the waie and manner of the managing the Trade in thier shipping, laie much of their vigilancie to gain their advantage and design upon us. A second Cours (therefore) whereby they do and have upheld their advantages above us, is, The greatness of the Stock they emploie, which (as wee now intimated) was more and more increased by the wisdom of this their Method in Shipping: And which, on the other side, as it did encreas and grow great, did enable them the more to give the Laws of Trade to us, both in the Government of the Exchange, and of the Markets abroad for Forreign Commodities. A third Cours is for the gaining and upholding their Advantages of us, was, The singular and prudent care they took in preserving the Credit of most of those Commodities which are their own proper Manufactures; By which they keep up the Repute and Sale of them abroad; taking hereby a very great advantage of the contrarie Neglect in us; and by this means, likewise, very much damnifying and spoiling us. Which that wee may clearly see of what Import this one thing alone is to us, wee shall here set down certain general Canons, or Rules, belonging to Manufactures. And these (though few) beeing unalterable Laws in all Manufactures, it cannot but bee acknowledged, that it is through our want of the like Care, as our Neighbors, and onely through that, that the Hollander hath anie kinde of Woollen Manufacture: For, 1. The matter of no VVoollen Manufacture groweth in his Countrie at all; but hee is forced to fetch it from other places; whereas wee have it here, within this Nation, plentie. 2. The price of labor depending much upon the price of victuals, hous-rent, and other things necessarie, It is certain (especially to any that know both Countries) that all this is much cheaper with us, then with our Neighbors, and are like so to bee. 3. Our Nation, as they were heretofore the onely workmen of these commodities; so none can excel them for Art, Skill, or Goodness, were but encouragement given them, and an Order, Regulation, and Government of the Manufactures settled among them: And therefore It is not our Neighbor's singular Industrie above us, or a power they have to work cheaper then us; so much as it is the Carelesness of this Nation, in keeping our Manufactures to their due contents, weight, and goodness. Their Neglect in settling a Regulation, Government, and Superspection over them, and in Inflicting due and just punishments for the fals-making of them. That is (humbly conceived to bee) the Caus of the so great thriving of our Neighbor's Cloathing, and of the so great Ruine and Decaie (on the contrarie) of our own Woollen Manufactures, and of the people depending upon them. A fourth Cours taken by our Neighbors, Is, the Improvements of Trade that they have made by their Treaties or Articles of Confederations with other Princes; and by making this their Care and Protection of Trade abroad in all places their Interest of State. Thus taking hold of the Juncture of Circumstances, and making use of the Necessitie of the King of Denmark, they have farmed the Sound of him: Thus also at the Treatie of Munster have they reserved a power of shutting us out of the Scheld, and have carefully in that Peace concluded on several other Articles and Provisions in order to the securing and promoting of their Traffick. And thus &c. A fifth Cours (and not the least means for the upholding and encreasing their Trade) Is, The smalness of their Custom, or Port-duties; also their prudent laying on and taking off Impositions, for the furtherance of their own Manufactures, and for the Incouragement of bringing in som, and Discouragement of bringing in other Commodities; and of which they have given us two ill Instances, The one in laying on a great Tax upon our English Cloths and Manufactures; The other in forbidding our Cloths wholly to bee imported, if drest or died in the Cloth; of both which wee have had som caus to complain long, as beeing plainly an Inhibition of Commerce, and if not strictly against the Laws of Nations; yet at least against the Cours of Amitie, Alliance, and Friendship. A sixt way hath been, The Constant Reward and Incouragement given to persons bringing in Inventions; making of new Discoveries, and propounding things profitable for publick and common interest: which (how little a thing soëver it may seem to som, yet it hath ever been, and is constantly, a very great spur to Industrie. And these are humbly asserted to bee the principal Causes of their so much greatness and flourishing in Trade above us. Other Causes that have been less principal and accessarie to these, are, Animadversion. All which Discours beeing onely an Evidence given in from matter of known fact; It will (as is humbly conceived) manifest it self. I. That our Neighbors have no such extraordinarie advantage in matter of Trade, either through their Countrie, its Situation, or otherwise, as is proper or peculiar to them only, beyond all other Nations, (as hath been long the opinion of som) but it is the manner of their Care; and of the Government that is among them, and the meer vigilancie over Trade, that is observed by them: For, If the Nature of those Courses, which they have taken and pursued for the Incouragement of Trade, bee looked into and considered (as they are obvious to any other that will pleas to heed them) it cannot bee imagined but they shall make any people great, rich and flourishing in Trade, that useth them; and therefore that they will do the like in anie other place as well as in Holland, if put in execution, especially, if it bee a place, as this of ours is, seated for Trade, and the people of the Countrie apt for it. By any of which Courses, if not spied, or (when spied, if) not able to bee prevented, a People or Nation must at length bee straightned and subjected: And every one of which Inconveniencies wee were very manifestly liable unto (as appear's by the foregoing Narrative) through the Advantages our Neighbors had over us, and through the Wisdom of those Courses they had laid in their Trade with us: VVe beeing so near pinched, that it had been very hard, fairly to have wrested our selvs out of the Nets of our Neighbors, had Sweden been as much shut to us, as Denmark; and that the King of Poland likewise could have exercised his Arbitrarie Power on us at Dantzick: And had not (at length) that Cours about our Shipping and Navigation been so happily and timely established by the Parlament; which, as the Necessitie of it could not suddenly bee so well judged of by those that had not considered or been acquainted with the substance of the foregoing Relation: So certainly, beeing laid upon so equal and Necessarie Grounds, if continued to bee exercised, It will bee a means, in som measure, to recover us. For, besides what wee said of the Constraint, that for the foregoing causes, laie upon us, It must even, from the Primitive grounds of Reason, bee acknowledged, That a Common-wealth cannot bee enriched, nor the People thereof provided for, by any other means, then by reducing those very Courses into general Practice, which are used by Private men to that purpose. And Therefore as Private men, that buie and sell to sute the Conveniencies of others, as well as themselvs, do Constantly observ these, or the like Rules: So these Canons and Rules must bee as inviolably observed also by any Nation who will pretend an Interest, hope, or benefit from Trade: otherwise they may just bee reproved of less Care and Knowledg, then common or ordinarie Shop-keepers. Which Rules, notwithstanding, are not to bee pursued by any State, nor can bee imitated by any Common-wealth, without giving all the possible Indulgence and Incouragement, that may bee, to their Shipping. And this whole state of things, and these reasons that have been produced, beeing therefore all of them duly and equally considered, It is hoped, little will remain of Dis-satisfaction (or Objection upon us) about the Parlament's late Act for the Incouragement, and Increas of our Navigation; Which was, indeed, the Thing principally propounded to bee here Argued, and the Censure of which is therefore freely Submitted.	1652-01-01T00:00:00	Economy	THE ADVOCATE: OR, A NARRATIVE Of the state and condition of things between the English and Dutch Nation, in relation to Trade, and the consequences depending thereupon, to either Common-wealth; as it was presented in August 1651.	The Advocate.
EcA1668	I Presume, there are few Englishmen so disloyal to their Prince, or, at least, so treacherous treacherons to their Country, who do not wish, that his Majesties real Occasions might be speedily supplyed, and his Majesty thereby enabled fully to perform the Covenants on his part, in that important League, which he hath lately made with his Confederates, for mutual preservation, & the Common Peace of Christendom: All will agree, that his failer therein must needs turn, not only to our Publick Reproach, but to our irreparable damage; That therefore Monies must be granted in Proportion to the Exigence (how great soever) As even the poorest man will not spare a Fee to the Counsellor or Doctor, when Life or Freehold are at stake: the only Disagreement then is, where they shall be raised. The most probable expedients I have met with in Discourse (beside a Land-tax) are Forein Impost, Domestick Excise, and Subsidies: Forein Impost (well placed) might, at another time be very proper, to encourage thrift, and retrench superfluity; but London in its present sad condition, may too much feel it; The Merchant professes he is scarce able, now, to defray the Duties, and expect a contingent benefit, What then shall he do if his Disbursement be greater, and his Sale more difficult? Domestick Excise in a thriving State hath no fellow, It carries no Compost from the Soyl, and even the Labourer pays it cheerfully when work is quick: But how it may pass in Countries, where the Wheele or Plough stand still, is somewhat hazardous: Subsidies have been lately found unequal, and seldom answering the Design; so as, if our occasions should again be urgent, or our Levies very considerable, We are almost cast upon the Rock of a Landtax, as only responsible for great, or present supplies. But, can the Land bear it? Surely No, if it be not limited to the present distress, and sweetned with some Recompense: Alas! Land is at its last Gasp, and ready to give up the Ghost, without a powerful Cordial: Most Parishes can already present some Farms wholly deserted, Neither Tenant being willing to hire, nor Owner able to stock them; Many stocked but to halfs, most to loss: Besides, Land is like the heart, from which all the other Members must receive their Life and Vigour; Great reason therefore have we to cherish our Land, unless we will reduce our selves to the state of a meer Colony; which would manifestly end in our Desolation and Conquest. But were the grand pressure of Usury mitigated, we might, once more, endure this Burthen; nay, I dare say, cheerfully support it; it would, indeed, hazard to sink many, who pay Interest and Taxes too, if they were not as much relieved one way, as they are charged the other: As for those, who are out of Debt, they may do well to entertain themselves with the contemplation of a future Recompense, in the value of their inheritances; As Gentlemen are sometimes pleased in a mean dwelling with a fine Prospect: Thus all honest Interests may be preserved, and the Publick accommodated. It hath alwayes been a received Maxim, That our meer Consumption can scarce be too heavily excised; Then tax Usury, there is no Consumption like it; Excise the Excise-man, for Usury is the grand Excise upon our Land and Trade; If he plead, That Gallants are consumers as well as he, truly, I hope, there are but few of our Gentry, who do not some way deserve their Diet of their Countrey; But, if such there be, they commonly prove but fry to the Usurer, who devours them all. But, methinks, I hear one ask me, What? Will you never have done? Cannot you afford him Six? For shame, let the poor man live in his Calling, as your self and others do. Answ. I perceive my mistake, for I knew not Usury to be a Calling before, and am sorry now to hear it: I wish, he may not thrive in his Calling, for if he do, I am sure his betters cannot in theirs; And yet, I hope, I wish him no harm; For I love his Person, though not his Profession, and would fain perswade him to turn honest Free-holder, or industrious Tradesman. THe Improvement of our Lands, as it is the proper Basis of my Discourse, so is it the only solid one of our Wealth and Trade; and whosoever goes about to lay any other foundation, builds upon the sand: for Traffick without it, is but consuming and borrowing, wherewith we may swagger for a while, But mark the End. We have little hope left us, I suppose, of making the Growth of any other Countrey our Own, when we can scarce afford to manage our own growth, whether English or that of our Plantations, the Dutch dayly more and more underselling us, even in those Commodities which they buy of us: If the culture of our Land should likewise fail, we were (for ought I know) already in the same condition with Ireland, (perhaps worse) that Kingdom being reported naturally more fruitful than this. Here give me leave briefly to observe and insert the visible decay of our Lands in this Kingdom, under the forementioned pressures; which is such, That, to the great disparagement of our Soyl, we are forced already to play at small Game, and cannot afford Ireland the priviledge of breeding Cattel for us. Were our Pastures but tollerably mended, that Kingdom were as convenient a Nursery to this, as Holstein and Jutland, &c. are to Holland, and so that great Controversie might be happily reconciled to our mutual Benefit and Preservation. For every Countrey is so far forth considerable as it is manured and no farther: Whereby an improved Parish becomes oft-times more worth than a neglected Province: I am not sure, Whether Holland alone would not now sell for more than Asia Minor, which once contained so many flourishing Kingdoms; But sure I am, there are many Millions of Acres in that and the adjacent Countreys of Syria, Palestine, &c. which before their Conquest by the Turk, were worth from 20s. to 10l. but could not now be letten for 6d. the Acre, and yet the Land the same, nay the better, (one would think) for long resting. Now the Reason of all this is nothing but the embasing of the Land, which, whether it be done by War, Tyranny, Taxes, or Usury, all is one in effect, they differ only gradu ; as some diseases kill sooner, and some poysons work slower than others: For if once the Land groan, it first becomes not worth manuring, and soon after, not worth possessing, by the infinite Progress which hath been alwayes observed both in Poverty and Wealth. If then our Land begin to groan under six per cent. as it cannot be denyed, when our most ingenious and industrious Farmers dayly fall under it, and six per cent. only thrives, let us no longer desperately proceed, and expect the last Event, but rather, knowing our Disease, let us, in time, look out for the Cure. Certain it is, That, in few places of this Kingdom, we want either a Soyl capable, or good convenience of Improvement in some degree; For, that our barrenest Lands might be mended, if it would quit cost, I need go no further for instance, than Black-heath; The doubt is, whether it will answer Interest, which, at once, augments the Charge, and shrinks the Value: Now, to me, it is clear it will not, where I see nothing done; For Profit, as it will not be compelled, so it needs not prompting. We see, the Stock annually employed even in the ordinary culture of Land by ploughing or grazing, for the most part far exceeds the yearly Rent of the Soyl; so as every Farmour hath two considerable Rents to pay, viz. to the Landlord for his Land, to the Creditor for his Stock: Like two Buckets, the latter falling, the former, in reason, must rise, or rising fall: If then his Crops, computing hazards, (for the best and worst cost him alike) will not keep his Family, and answer forbearance, (as surely they now do every day worse and worse) the Landlords Rent must in time fall to a Pepper-corn, and the Tenant be reduced to Rags: Nay, if the Land be naturally very poor, no man can afford it ordinary Culture or Stock, but to his present undoing: Upon which Account, much of the Land in this Kingdom proves deceitful to the Farmor, and (thereby) perhaps, burthensom to the Commonwealth. But were the Charges lessened by low Interest, and the Value doubled, what might we not expect from Industry so armed? Or who would longer think of three per cent. when, by purchasing and improving Land, he might make above ten. We might then, in few years, have double, (if not treble) Crops of Arable and Meadow; The same Land would be brought to feed at least double the Stock; Those excellent advantages of sewing and flouding, whereof so much Land every where is capable, would no where be omitted; Commons would be no longer undivided, nor common fields un-inclosed: All which are now neglected and upon decay, because the Cost being commonly great, the forbearance long, Interest of money and thraldom of debt intervening, the unfortunate improver, by common fate, gets only the credit of a Bankrupt, and title of a Projectour, and six per cent. passes for the wise man. When we had once gotten ground, as our Crops encreased, so would the Compost yearly improve, like Interest upon Interest; our Pastures, once mended, would manure themselves to that Degree, that our Stock would not only multiply in number, but, with time, even mend in the Breed. Plantations, which are now, in effect, confined to four or five Counties, and there but thin, would soon become general; A benefit scarce understood, or, indeed, credible: For besides the fruit, (which oft-times yields more in value upon one Acre, without charge, than many Acres of the best Tillage,) the Pasture likewise, if the Trees stand not too thick, is rather bettered: All these and many other felicities we forfeit, meerly because they will not answer forbearance at six per cent. which, (as they say of horses,) eats when we sleep: And little we see now a dayes performed, without the concurrence of great Activity, with as great a Purse, which seldom meet. Many contrivances there have lately been, and some attempts, for the wonderful convenience of Inland Navigation in many parts of this Kingdom, which would improve all our Improvements by the frequency and fulness of our Markets; The like noble designs have been and still are on foot, for the recovery of many of our lost harbours, the preservation of those in decay, and the enlarging of divers commodious Creeks, to the publick safety, and the vast encrease of our Wealth and Power; but, alas, there is little hope of such undertakings, the very trial of them is so costly, and the Shipwracks upon that coast so many, and dreadful; For it is a common Observation, That projects seldom fail in Holland, nor take effect here, which, by gross mistake, is imputed to their ingenuity, being indeed, the natural consequence of low Interest; Were the rate of our Stocks equal, I doubt not, but these and many other publick works would soon be atchieved as well here, as in the Netherlands, since the success would then be more gainful, and the miscarriage not so fatal. Much hath been propounded, and somewhat experimented, for planting of Fir-trees, Chesnuts, &c. for raising, or encreasing of Liquoras, Saffron, Madder, Woad, and other rich Commodities in this Kingdom, where we have proof enough that they will thrive; For producing of Wines, Silk, Spices and Drugs, in divers of our Plantations, where the Climate is the same with those Countreys, where they prosper most; But with slender effect, for, asking as they do, considerable charge and forbearance, they can never succeed, whilst our Stock is at six per cent. and the Market prepossessed by those who have money at three. Now, if it be alledged, That it were in vain further to improve, unless we had better vent for our present Growth, This, I say, is, in effect, to maintain, that so the Land be tilled or stocked, no matter how it yields: On the contrary, do we not see, That it is the Crop, which pays Rent, and thrives? Had we such constant yield, as we might, at worst, be savers in selling at the Market price, (which encouraged Improvement would probably produce,) We might well defie all interlopers: Besides, I dare say, the Hollander would soon be weary of engrossing, if our Farmour could as well forbear to sell, as he can afford to buy; Joseph himself could not have engrossed without Pharaohs Purse. But, alas, by the single want of this Encouragement, we now turn even Gods goodness to our great disadvantage, being oftener choaked with Plenty, than pinched with dearth, though commonly we suffer both wayes in the Revolution of a few years. Obj. But, when money was at eight per cent, did not men thrive faster, improve more, and were not Rents better paid than now? Therefore abatement of Interest seems rather to be the cause of our decay. Answ. 1. Our chief Rivals in Trade the Dutch, have of late much abated their Interest, and our dangerous neighbours the French have and still do greatly improve their large and fertile Countrey, to our certain ruine, if we keep not pace with them. 2. Our late distractions have helped much to cast us behind hand. 3. The number of borrowers, and those the most eminent, is so encreased by our late Oppressions, that six per cent. is become to many the least part of their charge. 4. The continuance of Land-taxes, with those of the Militia and Poor, by clogging the Land (money scaping) have, alone, worse than doubled our Interest, as may appear by this sad effect, That besides the fall of Rents, Land now sells at least two years purchase cheaper than it did, when money was at eight per cent. So as indeed, one would marvel that any have of late adventured to improve at all, against so many and great discouragements, as I fear few have done to their profit; And, I dare boldly affirm, That were money (withal) still at ten or eight per cent. our best Mansions and Farms had ere this almost all stood empty, (as even now too many do,) and the Counter had been much fuller than the Exchange. Upon the whole matter, it is clear, That, were Interest reduced, and Land-taxes abolished, (as God forbid, but they should) Land must, of its own accord, soon double in Purchase, and then no cost could be bestowed upon it, without abundant Recompense. WHen we have raised the value of our Lands, and augmented their Product, we have laid a good foundation; But that expects likewise a building, and Manufacture is the first story; For as Trade, without improvement of Land, with us would be abortive, so without Manufacture, it must starve at Nurse; Indeed, it is a wonderful advantage to us, to have the first Materials of Trade of our own growth, and consequently much cheaper than some who must buy them, perhaps of us: Yet if we rest here, we come far short of our Design; and can be neither rich, powerful, nor indeed safe; For, besides that we shall lose those wonderfull advantages of Trade, which our many excellent Ports, Scituation and Genius would afford us, And, (through our own default) quit and forfeit the dominion of the Sea, It is too evident, That divers of our Neighbouring Countries (by the benefit of more Sun-shine) do not only produce richer Commodities than we can raise, but must, if they likewise fall to improvement, (as I fear they may, and hear they do) probably exceed us in our own Crops: Without Improvement of Land, we perish, and truly, if we second it not with Manufacture, our condition may yet be sad enough. For Instance, in former times, though our Land yeilded us plenty of Victual, and sometimes a goodly Overplus of Wool and Hides to sell; yet, for want of Manufacture and Trade, Ships we had few or none [though Timber enough] But were forced to buy or hire them of the Easterlings, or Flemmings, for the transport of our Armies, and Convoy of Provisions, We atchieved little but by meer valour, at great Odds both of Number and Equippage, nor subsisted but by pure thrift; If now we should do so, What would become of us? This the French King hath lately spied, and therefore now drives, like Jehu, to accomplish his design of Trade, but especially of Manufacture: Knowing, that thereby, he shall enrich his own People, weaken his Neighbours, and so advance his Revenues, (already vast) that scarce any thing will be too great for him to attempt; And a fair Progress he hath surely made, since we are told by all who have lately been at Paris, That late Walking in the Streets is already become as safe there, as at London, and their Roads as little infested as ours; A manifest sign of a thriving State where such disorders cease, For if Laws could suppress them, it is well known, both their Laws and Executions were severe enough before; If so, it is methinks, a seasonable alarm to us. Manufacture, Trade, and Navigation (for they concenter) is now the Mistress of the World, courted on all sides; Once we had few or no Rivals, that we needed to fear; We might then afford to be somewhat extravagant; We have now many, and are therefore more bound to our good behaviour: I dare boldly say, That thirty or forty years since, we might better manage all our affairs, at eight or ten per Cent. than now we can at five. Do we not see, That at Six per Cent. our poor Artificers and Tradesmen (who surely, were they cherished, would bring most honey to the publick Hive) without improvidence, fail in great Numbers, to the fatal discouragement of others? Such as have any thing yet left (finding small sweetness in that flower) wisely turn Drones, and by betaking themselves to Interest, starve their fellows: It needs no long Enquiry, where this must end, as little, whence it proceeds; since, when our Artificer hath worn out himself with toyl, the Foreiner, who hires his money at three or four per Cent. under-sells, and out-trades him, and our own Usurer, who lets it to him at Six, (sitting still) oppresses him. Do we not see our Island surrounded with Seas as rich as the Mountains of Peru? And want we not Fish, even for a Fridays Dinner? Are our People therefore sloathful? Surely they are but discreet; for Experience hath taught them, that, at Six per Cent, (Fish they never so fortunately) they must be under-sold, abroad, by the Dutch, at home, by the Butcher. Do we not observe, That, in most parts of England, there are great quantities of Land, which, by its natural goodness, or easie improvement, would bear Flax enough, which Flax, with its Manufacture, would produce Linnen, and at least save us one of our chiefest consumptions; VVill any man blame us if we make little? Alas, even the Shop stands in our Light. Have we not in many places of this Kingdom, Iron Oare without end, with VVoods adjacent even to a Nusance, and competent Navigation? yet are we not in danger wholly to buy that Metal of the Swedes; who, by undervaluing both their Wood and Work, can afford it much cheaper? If any would know the reason, let him ask Six per Cent. VVhat shall I say? Have we not VVool (once styled our Golden Fleece?) Too much, I am sure, for our Profit, though, for our purpose, I fear, too little: Have we not Fulling-Earth, a Commodity as choice as silver, and peculiar to us? and yet can we almost afford to cloath our selves? Is it not our best Market to export them raw, even in defiance of Capital Laws? What account can we give but this? That though we were much better Gamesters than we are, and had better Purses now, than ever we had, yet we could not hold play with the Dutch at the Odds of half in half: so vain it is to cut Channels, without clearing the Outfall, and removing Damms. I am not so well versed in Cloathing, to set down exactly the difference in value, betwixt a Pound of Raw Wool, and the same weight of Cloath in the Shop; Sure I am, it is vast, and all the Overplus, not only lost to our selves, but betray'd to our most dangerous Neighbours, by inequality of Interest; The same Reason holds throughout. But I dare say, were this ballance even, we should soon clear our selves from the imputation of sloath: And, with due encouragement, and time, (for all fruit must have its time to Bud, blow, knit, grow, and ripen) should Spin, Weave, Forge, and even Fish, to as much profit as the best. But how shall we do, will some say, for want of hands? First, I ask, How do the Dutch, who want them more? Next, I refer them to Sir Walter Raleigh, who makes it clear, That a flourishing Country can never want people, so long as the World hath any; And that, that which flourisheth most, shall not only stock it self fastest, but drayne its Neighbours; So attractive is Wealth and Trade: He that only observes, how Vermine leave the Empty Barn, and run to the Full; And how Cattle break all Fences to come at better Pasture, needs enquire no further. And now, (waving the main dispute of the lawfulness of Usury) let me only ask the Usurer this sober Question, Whether he can find in his Conscience to ask more Profit for the forbearance of his Money, than the Borrower did or could reasonably raise by the Use of it; And whether even lawful Interest, (exceeding this measure) be not a kind of Extortion, since it is clear, The Law doth barely tolerate, not warrant, or countenance Six per Cent: And if he find it be, let him (at least for the future) content himself with such moderate benefit, as the Borrower, (Whether Gentleman, Farmour, Merchant, Tradesman, or Artificer) may cheerfully afford him. I Shall not need say much particularly for the proof of this Assertion: Whosoever reads the two precedent Chapters, and admits them, will easily agree, That if all our Lands were upon their Improvement in Tillage, Grazing, Draining, Flouding, Planting, &c. There could want no work in the Countries; That if all our stock of money, and Fruits of our improved Lands were put forth to the great variety of Manufacture, Trade, Navigation, and Building, there could be no idle hands (and consequently no Poor) in our Boroughs and Corporations; That, betwixt both, Beggery would dayly decrease, and in time vanish: As it hath done long since in Holland, where they had not such advantages as we. Only, I cannot but lament the inefficacy of some of our Laws concerning the Poor; In not preventing rather, than correcting Enormities: He that is, indeed, weary of his life, fears neither Axe nor Gibbet; And to prosecute such by the Methods of Justice, I will not say it is like the Excommunicating of Rats, But, I am sure it resembles the Outlawing of Tories: Again, To compel men to work is not the way neither, unless Wages be propounded, For Industry cannot be forced by Laws, it should be tempted with profit; or, at least, baited with a subsistence; since, in Policy, as in War, Paying and Punishing must go hand in hand. If we ask Beggers, Why they work not, They answer, No man hath hired us: Examine such as hack Woods, or pluck Hedges, they say, The Weather is cold, Fuel dear, and they know not where to earn a Penny: Challenge the Thief for Larceny, Hanging and Starving (saith he) are both but Dying: Convict a Highwayman or Coyner, His Apology is, I am a poor Gentleman, or an unfortunate Tradesman, that was neither bred to Dig, nor born to Beg: None of these, I confess, are just Excuses; yet such Pleas they are, as comming passionately from the very bottom of the heart, would make the austerest Justice relent: If in lieu of stones, our Laws could provide them Bread, and instead of Serpents Fishes; That were the very Kiss of Justice and Peace. Where such Provisions are not, in some measure, made, That People can, at best, expect but Esaus Blessing, To live by his Sword, and serve his Brother: A pregnant instance whereof we have in the Hollander; whose Industry and Fortune hath been, and still is in some measure served by most of his Neighbours, as Mercenaries, in his Wars. OF what importance, the preservation of Timber hath been always judged to this Kingdom, will best appear by the Number of Laws which have been made to that purpose, though neither the want nor use of it was formerly so great or visible as now, How little want there was of it, not only the Antient Prices declare (which forty or fifty years since, were so small, as scarce to answer charges, in places of remote and difficult carriage) but even the Prodigious waste in many of the Farm-houses of those times; Neither, indeed, was there then such use of it, as to threaten, (one would think) a future scarcity, Whilst our Buildings were few and mean, and our Shipping not very considerable. Of late years, Trees have been every where cut down like Malefactors proscribed; The very face of some Countries, near the Sea, Thames and Severn, is so altered with it, That he, who hath not seen them in twenty years, would hardly know them; Yet our use of Timber must dayly increase, if either we will enlarge, or but maintain our Trade and Naval force, without which we are lost; and to have it wholly imported to us by Foreiners, were such a mischief as we may dread the very thought of it. It is doubtless, a great straight we are in, even in this juncture; For either the Building of London must languish, or the choicest of our remaining Timber must presently fall, or we must buy it to our great Comsumption, And it is hard to decide, which we best could now spare, London, Timber, or Money. However, Certain it is, That the present Age is so well versed in Arithmetick, as to compute, That scarce any Timber can be permitted to stand, but to great loss in the Forbearance; Whereby, All that owe Money, or marry Daughters, do but discreetly (if they may) to strip their Estates to the last stick; And we all know, how few Landlords are now exempt from both these conditions: So that one would almost marvel, how there should be any Timber left standing and thriving, where the reasons for felling are so urgent, and the encouragements for preserving it so slender. But were Interest at a low rate, our Concernment could, in no regard, be so great: For since we see, the Dutch, having little Timber of their own, can yet afford, with Forein Growth, not only to supply their own infinite occasions, but even sell and build for others [their stock being at very low Interest] Why should we doubt, upon the like termes, to do the same thing? And far more profitably than they, having Ireland at hand, and our Plantations in Reserve; Where, if We can afford to fetch it, We have it for Cutting. Neither do I Question, but that many Gentlemen [encouraged with small forbearance] would both be more carefull in places of good Vent, to preserve Tillowes and young Timber-trees, And [betwixt Ornament, Convenience and Profit] Plant new Groves and Tolles for Posterity; which they might well afford to do, even in divers of our Midland Counties, where the Buildings are, for the most part, Contemptible for want of Timber. THe General Incumbrance of Gentlemens Estates, of what pernicious consequence it hath been, and must be to the whole Kingdom, is obvious enough: To it we owe the Cessation of Hospitality, the Corruption of our Manners, the Ecclipse of Honour, and Contempt even of Authority; The Degeneration of our Blood, and supplanting of our best Families; To it the great Obstruction of our Commerce (by putting most of our stock, as it were, in Mortmain) and the Captivity of many honest Tradesmen; For if Gentlemen become insolvent, or but bad Paymasters, Tradesmen, who are forced to depend upon them, must be so too: And, I conceive, the Miseries of a Country (not yet Conquered) cannot be more lively exprest, than by saying, That the best of the Gentry, & most of the People are inthralled with Debt: It is therefore worth our while to get the Receipt, that will cure this Malady. But, methinks, I hear Six per Cent. Object, You are all for the Gentleman; If you should abate Interest, what great matter would you do? Ev'n rob Peter to pay Paul; If the Gentleman be in debt, let him sell, and live within Compass; Thrift shall perserve him better than abatement of Interest: Answ, I confess, I am much for the Gentleman, because I think both the King and Kingdom are concerned with him: But I am likewise for the Usurer, And my main design is to make him a Gentleman too; which he may soon be with great advantage, By purchasing Land with his Money, and improving it so, As, betwixt his Improvement and Purchase, it will soon double in the value (A Gentle Robbery) Nay, if he continue Usurer, he may perhaps, in time, save as much in the security of his Principal, as he shall lose by the Abatement of his Interest. Neither am I convinced, That the Gentleman (in this season) can sell when he will, But upon the same termes as Lean Horses are sold in Smithfield, or Quantities of Wheat in the Market, now Corn is cheap, which, though Usurers may wish, yet Freeholders have no cause to rejoyce in: As little do I believe, That, having sold, he can (with his clipt Revenue) live within Compass; Nay, if he have a Family, I dare maintain, That, with all his Providence, he can never provide for it; But, as rents are now paid, must soon incur a Relapse, And the best Husband can only promise himself Ulysses his Priviledge, to be swallowed last. Least of all am I in love with this Notion of thrift, being rendred so necessary even to our subsistence: 'Tis time indeed to fast, if there be no meat; But sure that imports either Famine or Siege: For, Admitting such Parsimony, what shall become of Trade, his Majesties Service, and Revenues? Who shall build our Ships, Rigge our Fleets, and pay our Armies for publick Defence? If this be our only Sanctuary, I doubt, we are very unsafe. But were Interest of Money considerably abated, All such Gentlemen, as are not already free of the Prison, would soon be free from it; For, admitting Debtors to owe (one with another) each a third part of the present value of his Estate (And upon that account, there will be, in effect, one third part of the Capital, dead and lopped off, as it were, from the Commonwealth) If then he that hath 600l. per annum owe 3 or 4000l. Surely he may, (Interest being reduced) at least readily clear himself with the sale of 200l. per annum ; And his 400l. remaining shall not only, in a short time, advance to as much in the real value and Purchase, as the whole would have yeilded before; But his Pressure will be relieved, his Gangrene stopped, his Rents secured by the Ease and Encouragement of his Tenants, and his Estate must lie very unhappily, if his yearly Income likewise, with time, improve not. TO make Money easie to be borrowed, we must make it plentiful in the Land; And that, I am sure, is only to be done by the Importation of Bullion upon the Ballance of Trade, Other Importation than this, (viz. upon Loan) is worse if possible then that of Dutch Cloaths, French Stuffs, Stumme, or Logwood, as bad as would be the bringing in and cherishing of Wolves again. The only sound hope we have of importing Money this way, is by advancing the Manufacture of our own improved growth to such degree, as we may afford (at least in those Commodities) to undersel all our Neighbours, That so the Spaniard, in the Canaries, may not pinne his Wines upon us at his own rate, which we dare not refuse, Knowing, That otherwise he can have the trade of our growth as cheap, perhaps cheaper from others: And that even the French may not gain of us at least half in half in Commerce, and presently melt down the Monies so gotten [as I believe they have done most part of our Gold, least we should perceive how much we lose by the pernicious trade we drive with them:] If this were Effected, [which only low Interest can produce] Our Native Commodities [which, though not so fine & sumptuous as those in Southern parts, are yet more solid and useful] would redeem their value, and we might soon grow rich. Obj. But will not uot low Interest carry all our Money into Countries where more is given? Answ. 1. By that Rule, Those Countries, where Interest is high, should draw all the Money to them, whereas, I hear, they have very little: 2. The Hollander were then dull indeed, who never yet discovered this Mystery; Surely the Fool hath had great fortune with it, For he commands more Money than some, that have twenty time his real Estate: 3. Interest is now near double in Scotland and Ireland to what it is here; In the Barbadoes, treble; And yet I suppose, there are few Usurers [none that I have heard of] whom it hath tempted to dispose their Monies there, to so great advantage. Obj. But how shall we do for the Present? Commerce will be interrupted, and Borrowers undone, For men will not lend Money at low Interest, They will rather keep it by them: Answ. Twice before [to my knowledge] the Usurer hath set up the very same scare-crow; And now we fear it not, But rather hope, that, in time he may be perswaded to lend out of pure Charity: 2. We know him too well to believe that he will be perswaded to keep his stock dead, and live upon the Main, if he can help it: 3. When he hath done swaggering [which will not last above an hour or two at most] he will sit down, and consider his own behoof; And if he find a better vent for his Wares (as certainly he may) that Market he will chuse: 4. He will have his choice of three, Purchasing, Building, and Trading; which are the proper Channels, into which we desire to turn the Current of his thoughts: 5, Till he have resolved and fitted himself, he may probably, by agreeing with the Borrower (for their Interests I suppose may therein jump) the Law so permitting, continue his Money at the present Use; Or the Law it self may have a future Commencement, whereby both sides will have leisure to dispose of their affairs; And yet Debtors will in the mean time be somewhat relieved by the Prospect of it, in raising the value of Land. Obj. But what will become of Orphans, Widows, and other Impotent Persons, who want Judgement or Faculty to Trade or Purchase: Answ. 1. There are likewise Widows and Orphans, that have Lands; Who betwixt the Fall and Loss of Rents, and deduction of Taxes, do now suffer more, I fear, in proportion; And yet who ever dreamt of providing for them? Or judged it reasonable, that their Lands should be letten dearer than they are worth? 2. There are yet others, almost without Number, well known to the Usurer; (for most of them are in his Books) who have Farms cast up to their great loss and are, perhaps, as little qualified for Husbandry, as any Widow or Orphan can be for Purchasing or Trade; And yet do Creditors commonly take compassion of such? 3. If these be no answers to their importunity; They must know, That it is fair for them, if they be not Oppressed; They should not think of Oppressing others, which they now certainly do, By exacting more Profit for the Use of Money, than either Land or Trade will regularly bear. It hath already been proved in the Precedent Chapter; That the Reducing of Interest would enable the Gentry speedily to pay their debts, by such timely sales, as should be to the Debtors comfort, and yet chiefly to the Creditors advantage; Were this done, and did the Kingdom but begin to flourish again, by Importing Money yearly upon Trade, Borrowers would soon be few, Exigents fewer; Mortgages would be Cancelled, Judgements and Statutes vacated by thousands, Estates would unawares recover their antient Simplicity, and the same Land would then readily pawn for double the Sum; Credit would no more betray both sides, as now it doth, The Debtor to Disappointment and Extortion, the Creditor to Pre-incombrance and hazard of his Capitall; but would be great and sound, even without a Register, (though that likewise may as naturally follow low Interest, as the thread doth the needle;) Whereupon it is more than probable, That such as shall desire to lend at the Rate established, (as I suppose not many wil) must pay the Reckoning, which for their Encouragement, will not be great. IT is a common saying in this City, grounded upon too much appearance of Reason, That the Burning of London hath undone many, but the Re-building of it will undo more: For it hath been seriously computed, That, at the present or probable Rate of Materials, some of them being to be brought in by Foreiners, who may set the Dice upon us; Others to be procured at home, which the Exigence must needs enhanse: Others yet depending upon the Contingent Price of Coals; And Labourers (if not limited by Law,) growing unconscionable; The greater part of Builders Bnilders will hardly so accomplish their business, as that they may afford to let or sell at the rate the houses, being built, will yeild; Many, I grant, who have full Purses, and happy Lots, will be good Gainers: What will become of such as Build in by-places, and borrow, is somewhat doubtful. But were Interest at a low rate, whereby the charge of borrowing would be half contracted, and the value of Building doubled; None could build to loss, And we should unawares see London again. I Suppose, it will not be denied, that if the charges of our Government and Defence should encrease, as they have lately done, and (for ought appears) must still do, by the dangerous growth of our Neighbours, and yet his Majesties Revenues should yearly decline, or not improve in some measure: Whereby Purging and Bleeding by Taxes, must be, as it were, our constant Diet; If, by the Encrease of our present distemper and decay, Most men should be ill at ease in their conditions, and through discontent secretly disposed to Faction, If the Nobility and Gentry (the known Supporters of Lawfull Authority in this Kingdom) should be so weakned in their Estates and Credits, that they could contribute little to the Ayde or Comfort of their Prince; We could not, with reason, expect, but that our Peace must soon be disturbed, the Government shaken, And, in time, the Kingdom ruin'd: As on the contrary, If his Majesties Income did far surmount his Expence, Whereby burthens would cease, and with them our factions exspire; If most Estates and degrees could thrive, and our Peerage and Gentry so redeem their lustre and influence, as to be again the Pillars of this goodly Fabrick; The Imperial Crown of England were established upon such a Rock, as nothing, now visible, could assault or mine: That all this would ensue upon the reducing of Interest to a very low Rate, remains now briefly to be shewn. His Majesties Principall Revenues are, 1. Lands, 2. Customes, 3. Excise, 4. Hearthmoney, 5. Tenths and First Fruits. Of his Majesties Subjects, I have already shewn, That many will be relieved and gratified; It rests only for me to convince the three Great Faculties of their Benefit, viz. Divines, Lawyers, and Physitians. The Clergy, methinks, have as great Interest in it as any, the Tithe of all Improvements being their Inheritance, which will flow in plentifully to them, without fraud or murmur, when the Farmour can well afford it: Such of them as are dignified, may, with satisfaction, encrease their Fines, whereof they can otherwise scarce expect, without Reluctancy, to continue the former Rates. The Lawyer, besides a present Crop of Clients, which multitude of sales will bring him, may likewise solace himself in the future Encrease of Wealth, and Business, whereof, I dare say, he will likewise have, at least, his Tithe. The Physitian drives a Generall trade with Mankind; And the richer the people be, the more and better Patients, I trust, he may promise himself. Even the Usurer (if he be not of so savage a Nature, as to delight in Cruelty, or so envious, as to hate, that any should live beside him,) may find his wishes; For, doubtless, there is nothing he so greedily affects, as to Purchase, and become a Landlord upon his own terms; And what better can he ever expect, than, now, to buy Land, as he may, at twenty years Purchase, which he shall probably improve in the Rent, but may certainly, in some time, (if he please) sell again for thirty or forty, and so exchange his Chattel for an Inheritance of double Value? If yet the Interest of Goalers and Catchpoles must preponderate, our servitude is near accomplished, since we are already (it should seem) over-awed, and tongue-tyed. Lastly, The English Landlord, (who hath been crushed chiefly by the Rate of Interest, at once overtopping his Revenue, and undermining his Inheritance) will recover that Power and Credit in his Countrey, the want whereof was the source of all our late Miseries; And will be abler than ever, to serve and ayde his Majesty both with Person and Purse; How willing then he will be, I think, needs no Proof: For besides that Land, being visible and immovable, is most responsible to the Law; the Owners are likewise, for the most part, best Qualified for Blood, Alliance, and Education; so as, without some brack or controversie of title, it is scarce imaginable, how the Interest of the Land should at any time be severed from that of the Crown; That therefore which gives price and weight to Land (as low Interest can only do) must needs adde Vigour and Splendour to just Authority. The summe of all is This, Should England now again be seriously weighed in the Ballance with most of its Neighbours, (as once it was in jest,) We should, I fear, find our Scale lighter in proportion to them, than we think: For that our Land hath lost of its weight is too demonstrable; Even by the Old Rule, Tantum valet Quantum vendi potest , which seldom fails: That many of our Baggs are missing, is no lesse visible: How others have lately thriven, may deserve our first Enquiry; Next, how our own substance hath wasted: If it be found, that this secret Venome hath even consumed our Marrow, macerated our Flesh, and shrunk our Sinews; And that the Expelling or qualifying of it would yet soon restore us, with advantage to our former soundness and aud substance, I hope Usury (such Rate of it, I mean, as manifestly oppresses both our Rents and Traffique) will not hereafter find an Advocate: For who is he that would [if he could] uphold the wretched Interest of thriving, by his own sloath, his Neighbours Bondage, and his Countries Ruine. FINIS.	1668-01-01T00:00:00	Economy	Propos. 1. It will supply his Majesties present wants, Even by a Land Tax, if better Expedients be not offered, which both the Landlord and Tenant may afford once more to admit, being eased and recompensed another way. The Usurer (who could never yet be taxed to any purpose, in effect, contributing equally with him.	A discourse ,shewing the many advantages which will accrue to this kingdom by the abatement of usury [...]
EcA1676	HAving lately seen a Pamphlet under the Title of The Mystery of the New-fashioned Goldsmiths or Bankers, &c. I presently conjectured what I found it to be in the Reading; A prosecution of the design managed of late by so many clandestine whisperings of Jealousie into the Ears of unwary People, and the spreading of false and scandalous Reports, to bring that Breach upon the Credit of this famous City, (and by consequence upon the whole Kingdom) which so many of all degrees and professions have already felt no little of the evil of: The restless Spirit of this Author thinking scorn to reflect upon the most convincing guilt cast upon him by the many Ruines which his past Artifices have wrought, but as if he made it a sport to do mischief, pursues his project by a new device. Thus he endeavours by this pretended Letter to confirm those surmises with a shew of Reason, which he first attempted by rumor and surprize upon the minds of the People; well knowing that false and foolish arguings are then most like to bear a better appearance to them, when by fraud and practise their fears and jealosies are alarm'd, and (by the venomous effect thereof) they stand confounded and prejudiced in their understandings and judgments. I marveled at first, comparing the Title (where we have the Author taking upon him the Name of a Merchant) with the Letter, (where I find his opinion so cross to the sentiments of all other of that Profession) what kind of Trader this should be; especially while I find him so much at leisure, as upon so slender a Theam to trace the series of above thirty years, with such abundant industry, concerning the Rise, Growth, State and Decay of the Bankers: But my Genius soon satisfied me in this point, well remembring that there are some Newfashioned Traders, whom I forbear to define further, who under pretence thereof walk the Exchange as very Merchants, that have both time enough to busie themselves about other mens matters, and their Adventures being rather the diversion of their fancies than their business, and way of subsistance, know little, and perhaps care less, what the true Circumstances of a Merchant are with reference to the Banker: and yet (forsooth) presuming under the notion of an observing Merchant, to determine a matter of so much moment to the Interest of the Trade of the whole Kingdome, as no one thing besides it could be. But the matter having a Mystery in it (as he further tells us in his Title) he should have handled it with a little more modesty than he doth, few that attempt to open Mysteries, expounding them so right, but leave just occasion for other men to dissent from their judgments, and oft times to correct their Errors. But enough of the Title, now to the Letter. Wherein it being plain that it is the main business of our Author to dissemble his true end in the penning and publishing of it, and yet so to calculate and put it together, as to make the whole drive at the end he designs, it will be requisite to inquire into his end, What it is, and shew, that the pretended pretendeded occasion of this Letter was not the intent of his writing it; Towards which it is to be observed, That it would reflect too much imputation of Levity upon a thirty years observer and discoverer of Mysteries to tell such a long and studied Story to a Country Gentleman, upon the single occasion of his Sons disposal to a Trade, it being of all things most ridiculous in a man that would be had in reputation for wisdom, to shew himself disagreeable in his Discourses, to the nature of the subject whereof he treats. Nor will I so far prejudge his Charity to the Bankers, as that out of any private Pique or Disgust to the persons of them or any of them, he would lay about him as he doth, with a zeal so passionate and implacable. The Design then of this Paper must be somewhat more considerable, and is of a more Publick Aspect; and consequently the Product of a good Intention to the Common Good of the Kingdom; or its Contrary, i.e. the working of an Evil and Mischievous Spirit, to promote and compass some private End, that cannot be otherwise brought about but by bringing ruine upon the chief Credits of the Kingdom, and discomposure, disorder, and an unaccountable Jealousie upon the minds of the People. Of these two so contrary Ends which hath been in this Gentlemans Design, it will not be impossible from the parts of the Letter, well considered, and the timing of it, to arrive at a satisfaction in it. A good and laudable end I would willingly have found in the drift of this Paper, that however I am satisfied, the effect of what our Author hath done is mischievous, yet I might (as one who knowes that in many things we offend all) have retained a favourable esteem of his honest inclinations: But herein I can in no wise reconcile my Reason to any of the Rules of Charity. For it is generally the happiness of a good Purpose to be reduced in all its pursuits to honest Mediums in what it aims at; and it is in truth a Contradiction to the Laws of Property, to do evil that good may come on't. Had our Author design'd sincerely, he would have looked as well to give some tollerable Proof of what he recriminates the Bankers with, as to accuse them; and not only here and there one, but all of them. Nor doth the time of emitting this Paper, favour less of a Peaceable intention: Was there never a time nor occasion offered these thirty years, before this Gentleman's Son was to come Apprentice, to represent these Errors of the Goldsmiths (if they have been guilty of them) to the World? For what season then is it calculated? But to follow on the Victory which false Report, wheedling insinuations into the minds of simple and inconsiderate People, hath obtained against the Bankers Credit without cause: When the Minds of Men are so startled by this means, that no man can be trusted though of never so good Estate; and when for this cause, many Merchants and others of considerable Substance, for want of the ordinary supplies of Mony, are like to suffer in their Reputation both here and beyond the Seas; no punctual payments to be made in the course of Trade, as was wont to be; numerous Bills of Exchange returned with Protest for non-payment; Clothiers and other Tradesmen forced to keep their Commodities on their hands, because the Merchant can neither get in his own Money, nor raise any upon Credit; consequently Fraughts of our Shipping on a suddain much fallen, and few to be had. One would think the sight of these Calamites should make a wise & good Man defer the prosecution of a thing, never so much unfit in his private judgment, rather then pursue it in the sight of such woful accidents: It hath ever been the principal Wisdom of Discreet and Wise Men, even in the Seat of Government, not to be over hasty in breaking inconvenient Customs once rooted by Time and Use, for fear such Alterations might bring great Disadvantages upon the People; but to do it by a certain gradation, that the good of the remove might appear through all the accidental Discommodities of such a change; how much more should our Author in the Point in hand, have considered this Principle before he thus laid about him without fear or wit. What can this Letter then of our Authors, duly weighed with the Antecedent preparations to it, and its accompanying Circumstances, import less than an inconsiderate and destructive Design to the unhinging of all the Credits of the Kingdoms? having its Rise from Anger and Ambition, and in its end aiming at the promotion of Fraction. The matter of Design being then the Breach of the whole Credit of the Kingdom (wherein the Interest of Trade is most essentially concerned) he singles out the Goldsmiths or Bankers as the chief Seat thereof; and levels two main Pieces of Artillery against them, 1.Their Crimes, 2. Their Insecurity. Of the first Schedule of their Crimes managed between them and the Merchants in weighing and culling of Money, &c. they being applyed chiefly to the Goldsmiths of the Old Fashion (as our Author terms them) and not so material to their late and present state, as Bankers, I shall leave some of themselves to vindicate, for fear they have no Country Gentlemens Sons put Apprentices to them; only remembring him of a few things: First, That he did very ill, and not like the Man of Conscience to his Country he pretends to be, that knowing of such Practices of the Goldsmiths, and that to the term of place where they acted their Injustice to the Kingdom, he should be silent, when it was in the power of his hand to have discovered and remedied so great a Mischief; no good Laws being wanting on that behalf. Or, Secondly, If this confident accusing of them, be more then he hath grounds for, how vile and inhumane is it to reflect at such a rate upon Men, in a thing wherein not only their honesty is taxed; but their chiefest Interests lie obnoxious to danger. And Thirdly, Whether he be not unreasonably partial in his reflections; to let the Merchant pass Scot-free, upon such an occasion as that of his dealing for our heaviest Money to transport beyond Sea? For admit the Goldsmiths sold it, (which yet must not be taken for granted because you say so) yet certainly his fault was the greater, who so industriously laboured to procure such Coyn, with a setled intention of conveying it out of the Kingdom for his private advantage, and actually did so, as you accuse him. But it may be you will recollect your self, and think fit to write a Letter against the Profession of a Merchant too (excepting some of your own fashion) and when you have got him under the Foot of your Pride and Folly, as you hope shortly to have all the Bankers; we shall be brought into a fine World indeed. Nor so I ought to the contrary, but that they may well defend themselves in what you make the matter of their condemnation; more especially, in that of being Instruments of raising the value of our old Gold. Pray Sir, What made the Merchants so forward to Transport it, but that Profit was to be made of it beyond the Sea? and if so, what likelier way to keep it at home, than by advancing its Price here. And if it was sent away when the Rate was raised, would it not much more have been so, if the value had continued less? only perhaps it might have asked a little longer time, by the Merchants being put to imploy Instruments somewhat more improper then the Goldsmith, to buy it up from private hands. The like may be said for the inequality of the Rate of Guynnies (about which the Goldsmiths are also accused) which were never by any Proclamation of His Majesties, declared a Current Coyn of the Kingdom, and limited to a certain Rate; but left under the Notion of a Commodity, to rise or fall in price as the course of Exchange went in Forreign Parts; for this very reason, that by such raising of the Rate of them, they might be preserved in the Kingdom, when happily the state of Exchange might otherwise have laid a temptation before many for their private gains, to have sent them away. Thus our Author may also in other Points have been a very Incompetent Censor of what the Bankers have done in this distinct Trade and Mystery. In which Case I have sometimes known a wise Man to have confest divers things to be reasonable and good, when the Nature, Grounds, and Ends of them have been opened by one well versed and experienced therein, that he could not in his own single consideration reconcile the Notion of common good and advantage. And if our Author have any measure of Ingenuity, peradventure he also may reflect upon this his hastiness of accusing Men in such matters that he so little understands. It's pretty too to take notice what a young Sophister our Grave Observer is become, when he tells us of seven millions coyned at a time in half Crowns, which he saith was apparently reduced to less then one Million, and layes the whole blame of it at the Bankers doors. Seven Millions of what, in half Crowns? he afterwards tells us seven Millions of Silver, which our ordinary English Dialect would presently interpret to mean Pounds Sterling, if our Reason (which he never design'd his Letter to be examined by) did not contradict the possibility of the thing, and then the Peoples mouthes might be opened indeed against the Banker, which is all the Mark he aims at. But admitting our Author to be a little out of the way of writing agreeable English, and that by the seven Millions in half Crowns, and the seven Millions of Silver; he intends no more then seven Millions of half Crown pieces; Lets consider whether he be any more honest in the thing, then he is clear in the expression. Seven Millions in half Crowns, by my Arithmetick, amounts to eight hundred seventy five thousand pounds Sterling that he alledges was then Coyned: But Sir, I have met with as likely an Observer in this Point, as your self, who assures me, it will be no injury to tell you, that you are out in your Calculation almost half in half; and if you be so ignorant, or insincere in an Extream on that hand, how shall we trust the truth of your Observation and Candor in what you affirm on the other, that the Money then coyned was apparently reduced to less then one Million by a new mischeivous trade of the Goldsmiths. But I do not well so much as to name truth and sincerity with respect to any thing in this Letter, which was never designed to be drawn up by the line of any such Vertues Vettues , Blackning of Men being a far better way to do our Authors business: And it were endless to open all the false suggestions that are in the composition of it. Next to that, I find the chief crime objected against them, is, The great advantages they have made in the course of their Trade, especially when they dealt with his Majesty, and bought up Bills, Orders, Tallyes, &c. Indeed Sir you do not well to tax them at this time a Day with those Offences. Why did not such an Observer of the State of the Bankers as you, urge their Sin of 10.l. per Cent. upon them then? when if your Arguments had been powerful to touch their Consciences, they might by this time have reckoned that Charity in you, which as matters stand, they can receive under no other Notion but that of reproach and spite. And yet, hark you Sir, Hath it not been the Principle of one you know That as the occasion and Circumstances may be, there is really no wrong put upon a mans Conscience, nor injustice offered to another, to accept of above 6 per Cent. for the advance of Money, nay nor any breach of the Law therein? And if neither the person of another be oppressed, nor the Law violated, where is the Offence? But now you cry out aloud against the Banker, as an unpardonable Extortioner, if in any case he exceed the terms of 6 per Cent. which renders it not unneedful (for the Readers sake) to put one or two Cases to your enquiry about this matter. Let the first be that of Discounts upon Bills of Exchange, which you tax, among other things as against Law, and very oppressive: But, Why so? Really you puzzle my wits to find a Reason for what you say, and you have given us none to think off. A Bill of Exchange during its Negotiation hath never in any Time or Memory, gon under any other Notion than (till I can find a better word for't) a meer piece of Merchandize, which if a man whichif a m an will dispose of, he must do it at the Market rate, or (to speak more like a Merchant) at Price Currant; for there is a certain variation of the rate of Discounts as the occasions for Money are great or less; and they were never higher than your Self and your Con-sociates have lately made them by your new-fashioned Artifices. Another Case lies in the Bonds given by the Merchants to his Majesty at the Custom-house, for the additional Duty upon Wine, wherein the Act of Parl. allows the discount of 10 per Cent. to the Merchant if he pay ready money. What then if the Bankers shall lay down the value to the King upon those Bonds: I put it by way of Inquiry, since plainly that allowance was given, to accomodate the Kings present service, Whether it be an Evil in the Banker, to take that allowance, upon serving the Publick occasions with a present supply, on the Credit of those Bonds, which the Merchant should and might have had by the grant of the Law, if he had paid down the Money himself? But what the monied Men and Creditors of the Bankers will most look at, is, what our Author will alledge against the Security of Money in their hands, which therefore we must alike look into. And because the Creditor will be nice in his Enquiries here, I will first state his Objections truly, and give such Answers as I will with the same freedom, leave to the Readers judgment: My design being only to disabuse my fellow Citizens and others, that they be not frightned with shadowie appearances, nor suffer themselves to be thus play'd upon by every sly and subtil Gamster, to disturb the setled course of their lawful advantages, to gratifie the humor of any person or faction, whose end is more themselves than the Publick good. He Objects then against the Bankers Credit. First, There being no safety in dealing with the King, while the deplorable Crys of the Widows and Fatherless are such, whose Money, as he phrazeth it, they say at least, they lent his Majesty, and cannot repay them. And did they not lend it the King? (Why delight you thus in the soul course of casting Dirt?) And for that, Tallyes, Orders, and the Great Seal it self are found to be no security. Secondly, That He cannot imagine how Bread should be got by their Trade of borrowing money at lawful Interest, to lend it upon unlawful to private persons; though they can silence their Consciences forgetting Christianity, &c. Thirdly, That the Bankers are not Men of greater Abilities nor acquired Parts than other Tradsmen, nor better instructed than others to imploy greater Stocks in an advantagious Trade, &c. To these Objections respectively, a few words. To the first; I take it for granted that the Reasons urged upon account of the detainer of money in the Exchequer; and the stop of the proper Course thereof, did and may give a just hesitation to the minds of men; and his Majesty himself, as well as the People, hath, I doubt not, reflected upon that Counsel, with the greatest dislike and indignation before this day. Our Author nevertheless deals herein very uncharitably with his Majesty as well as elsewhere with the Bankers, in alledging somethings utterly untrue; for though there was in that unwarrantable Counsel, a breach upon the Course of Tallies and Orders; Yet he taxeth the Violation of the Great Seal without ground. He must refer in that point of the Great Seal, to the business of the Custom Farm, in which it is true the Patent that had already past the Seal for the main part of the Customs was resigned up again, but not forced. This Gentleman I guess cannot but well remember at whose house this houset his was acted, and who had a main hand in the contrivance of it; and if so, he may withal call to mind that the occasion of that surrender of the Seal was from some difference about the Termes of a second Pattent relating to the Wine Act, which while the then Farmers insisted upon, and more refused; some of them with less foresight than was convenient, offered the acquitting of the whole Bargain, and the Seal whereby they held their Right in the other Part; and having so offered it, it was accepted as suiting the present Design, without possibility of retrieve. This Gentleman is yet much more out of the way, to assert that the Persons concerned in the Exchequer Debt, have not their Interest to buy them Bread: May not a man well doubt the truth of his Observations for so many years past, who errs in a Point that is now in Action; for who knows not that there is a settlement of seventy thousand l. per Annum , for two years out of the Publick Revenue under the Great Seal, for the quarterly payment of those Interests to the Bankers? which is so punctually satisfied to all such whose Accounts are stated, that it is not the Kings fault, if every Creditor have not his Interest paid him every quarter day, such Security hath that Great Seal given. He knew well enough also, what fresh Assurances are lately made to the Bankers, of having the said Interest continued by force of another Great Seal, and the Additional Hopes (as is most just) of some further way of Settlement for the securing of those Debts: And it is much to be desired that his Majesty will, as from the Honour and Justice of the thing it self, so also from the Consideration of the Industrious improvement of that pernicious Counsel, to him and his Affairs; give some speedy issue to this matter. It is to be hoped that such a conjuncture of Affairs, and Inclination of our then chief Ministers, as happened at that unhappy juncture of shutting up of the Exchequer, will never meet again: Or, that God in his Mercy will give the King, in the experience of the fatal Consequences thereof, a Noble Resolution to discountenance and withstand such ill advice. To the second Objection, That there is no way for the Bankers to get Bread, if their Loans to his Majesty cease; and for which he gives us this Potent Argument, That he cannot imagine how they should. I Answer, That running upon Imaginations as he doth throughout his whole Letter, if this prove otherwise, the most part of what he hath said, may be suspected for a mear piece of fancy. He cannot imagine it, how? by borrowing Money at lawful Interest, and lending it to private persons at unlawful. No, Methinks it is plain and easie to be imagined, how Money may be got in this way, if they do (as he saith) silence Conscience, forget Christianity, and by Hook, and by Crook, make the most of their Cash by oppressive Exactions: Is it not a wonder his Imagination should fall so short, that is so much in the exercise of it? But to disprove our Authors Imagination, without these crooked ways of oppression; Are there not those among them, who (thanks be to God) have got their Bread, and it is to be hoped, enabled to lay up something for their Wives and Children, without any hazardous dealings with the King, or being so exacting as he speaks of; Hath not many been greatly intrusted and imployed this way, since the Exchequer was shut up, who are both able to pay their Creditors, and have got their Bread and somewhat more, and yet stand free from this Imputation by all, but this Gentleman, that its likely never suffered by any of them. Methinks the state of some of them that have fallen by the deadly breath of such as our Author, and have thereby their condition in Estate exposed to all, may better instruct him in this Point; and if he had that Christianity in him, which he so much blames others for, it might and should work pitty and remorse in his Soul, that by his sly Insinuations, false Suggestions, and all manner of Reproaches, he should have been a means to bring disreputation upon the Persons, and prejudice upon the Families of such who are by this means cast down. It may, and I trust will also teach those that have Moneyes in the hands of such men, not to suffer themselves to be abused by such petty Artifices, while they have thereby been made the Instruments of others undoing, and of injury to themselves, upon the meer Grounds of ungrounded Jealousy: For where is the Person that hath been so earnest upon them for Money; who can define any true Reason why he hath so done? Only his imagination hath been disordered, and his fears raised by the false Suggestions of these pestilent Incendiaries. And what have they advantaged themselves by those indeliberate and forward Demands, but the contrary; for if they had judged of these Artifices as they are, and not run so unreasonably upon those Bankers, they might as occasion required have been supplyed as aforetime, with those Summs which they are now forced to stay for, notwithstanding all emergencies, a much longer season. The third Objection consists of so many Particulars, that I must take them up as I go. He first taxeth them for, being Men of no greater Natural Abilities and acquired Parts, than other Tradsmen: What then, Sir? If they have but a proportion of understanding in their Trade, to their Fellow Citizens (for the Trading-Citizens are no Fools) and an honest Design and Caution in their undertaking it, is enough to their Creditors. I, But they are no better Instructed than others, to employ great stocks; Are they not? Then indeed I should think you in the right on't, when you tell your Country-Gentlemen, That all the Arts a Goldsmith can teach him, will not be worth one of those two hundred Pounds, he designed with him. But, pray Sir, where were your Natural Abilities and Acquired Parts, when you thus Wrote? Is there no difference in Skill of this Nature, between a Man whose Business and Education hath layn for many years in Credit, and Improvement of Money, in ways of Advantage, who is known of all that have occasion of Supply for their present Conveniences, to be Persons dealing in that Way through all the various Courses of it, and another Tradesman whose Education and Life, hath only Experienced him in the Management of some particular Commodities, and the Improvement of them to his best Interest. Sure, Sir, If you had consulted your self, your Acquired Parts would have told you, there is here some difference; but it bears the shaddow of an Argument against the Bankers to the unheedy, and then, whether Sense or Nonsense, Reason or Contradiction, Truth or Falshood, all's one with you. But, They have no greater Skill in Law than others, to judg of Securities to be taken for Money, nor have they more knowledg of Men, to Guess at the Value of their Bonds. How our Authors Passion blinds his Reason! Would you have every Banker become a Lawyer, or else leave his Trade? On common Occasions every Mans Natural Abilities and Experience in the World (whereof I hope you will grant our Bankers to have some) may serve the turn; and in cases difficult and out of the way of ordinary Dealings, they are generally Men of more Caution to their own Estates, and the Trust they have from others, than that I believe they would be satisfied with so much Law as our Author himself hath, when so many able and knowing Lawyers are so near at hand. Besides, such a Man of Wit as you, might have considered, that there is a Power in these ways of Credit, to oblige such Men as the Bankers deal with, to much to Punctuality; and but that I would fain resemble our Author in speaking once like a Man of Mysterie, I could give good Reasons for it: He is miserably out, and speaks as unlike a Merchant as ever I heard, to tell us, the Bankers knew the Characters of Men no better than others, when of all in the World they have the Advantage this way. What gives the Knowledg of Men as Men, but Converse? What of the Estates of Men, more than frequent and ordinary Dealings with them in the point of Money? Which with other Collaterial Observations that are Coincident with it, gives the truest measure of Mens Estates. How then in these ways, is the Integrity and Generosity of a Mans Dealings better discovered? This manner of Corespondence then, these Bankers having had with the most they deal with for many years, How should they but know Men better than others, and be able to proportion their demand of Security for them? But our Author is Authoris not yet at an end of this Argumentative Paragraph against the Bankers Credit: I wish his next Reasons be better than his former, and favour more of Natural Ability, and sincerity of Mind. He puts the Question very seriously from the Premises that I have already Answered, How then should they be able to make more Interest of Moneys, than other Men? How then? It's a Deduction from your Premises, is it? Why then Il'e tell you how the Case stands, if some of your Premises have no Reason in them, and others no Truth; what then becomes of your Hero then, and of all your Subsequent Arguments, or rather Artificers deduced from them. If they be really more able than other Men to improve Money; if they have as much Skill in the Law as they have ordinarily need for, and know where to go for the rest when Occasion calls, that their Security may be good; If they have more knowledg of Men than others, which are all the Principles that you derive this how then from; Why then, I may naturally turn the Argument upon you, and tell you that all your Natural Abilitys and Acquired Parts, have missed the Mark hugely, when you doubt the Bankers Trade to such a Degree, as to make it a Wonder how they should be able to Improve Money better and more securely than others. And if you would know further how they can keep open their Shops, notwithstanding their dead Stocks of Cash to answer ordinary Demands (for such extraordinary and unreasonable Demands, as your Whispering and Calumniating Gang hath lately put People upon, nothing can be Sued for) and Maintain their Servants, and pay their Landlords; I tell you again, that besides the Keepers of their Running Cash, for which they pay no Interest, the Matter lies in their Knowledg and Way of Improving Money, better than others. It's not to say what a Bankers Skill in this sense will honestly extend to: Il'e tell you they are archer Men in their Trade than you and I think of. And I am verily of Opinion, that they make (as you say they must do to get ought by it) more than Nine pound per centum of their Money, in their way of Improvement; yet I will not as you do, Charge them with Extortion therein, unless I knew things better. You may remember, I have put you two Cases, wherein possibly Ten Pound per centum may be got without a Mans becoming a Transgressor; and the Bankers, it's likely, may know more. We are commanded to have over all, Charity; a Garment that I desire to value and keep uppermost, though you seem so daringly to reject it, and to put on that of Censure and Reproach. And truly, every ones Charity is there called for, while we hear no Body crying out against them: None can be Advocate for all of a Trade, but for most of them; the chief Dealers at their Shops cannot exclaim of their Extortion, but that their extraordinary and emergent Occasions, have well born the extraordinary Requitals, which have been given to them: But certainly all will have cause ere long, if the Gentleman gain his end, to cry out upon him. The Merchant when it may be, that Two, Three, Four, or Five Hundred Pounds, which might have been had at a Bankers Shop, to serve the Exigency of his Occasions, cannot now be had in the City of London, in any reasonable time; or if he may be Accommodated by a Scrivener, the Trouble about it, Procuration for it, and the Time he must be obliged to keep it, beyond the Circumstances of his Occasion, may probably amount to more than Twelve Pound per centum , when he might have it at the Bankers at a lesser Rate. The Moneyed Man, when he sees the Banker born down without cause, and his own money lying in a Chest without improvement; himself in no way to put it out with security and profit: All that have experienced the ease, conveniency, and prosperous Trade of the City, by and under this way of Credit, and if after all, his own Conscience cry out of him, it is but that which is to be looked for, as the effect of these pernitious and ruinous Contrivances, unless it be already feared as with a hot Iron. He would put the Creditors in dreadfull doubt of the Bankers, for fear of Informers against them for notorious Contracts, and the pretence of great Charges they are at to keep off Suits of that nature, and to sue out Pardons. And though I have little reason to believe any thing he saith, yet I should have past it in silence were it not for two things. First, That I am confident he never heard of any Usurious Contracts pleaded against them, though they must have been as publick at Westminster-Hall, or the Guild-Hall in London. Secondly, I cannot imagine how our Author should come to know what Charges they are at to keep off Suits of that Nature. If he search into the matter, I am of Opinion hee'l find it quite otherwise. And for Pardons, there's an Intimate of yours, that may vye in that Point with any half dozen of the guiltiest of them if I be rightly informed. But after all these fine knacks of Conceipt (aiming at reason but unhappily falling short of it) to blast the Credit of the Bankers, he darts one more with the same purpose, and tinctur'd with somwhat more than ordinary Anger, That I cannot for my Life discern the Point of. It's Their being trusted ten times more than they are worth upon Personal Security, and many times their Note alone taken for five hundred pounds a thousand pounds, or more. And yet those free Lenders, as he calls them, (for he's very much out of Humour) would scarce be satisfied with two or three mens Bonds for a thousand pounds, that are known to be worth, at least five thousand pounds a man. Shall I ask our Author whether this was practized without reason and good experience by those that did it? Surely not without ground, while he characterizeth them to be men so wary in the disposal of their money to others. They knew then what they did; and no doubt acted upon some principles of reason herein, notwithstanding your censure of their discretion, from the meer Authority of an, I say, for that's the most powerful part of the Argument he uses against this practise, while his pretences of the hazard of the Bankers disposal of money, and their capacity to do it more than other men, have already been found so lame & ridiculous. Such an Observer as he, a man would think, might have taken up some considerations from so remarkable and continued a practise as this to have better bethought himself what he was about to do, when he began to breath out such Venom against the Bankers. Is't not obvious that the very All of a Banker lies upon his utmost punctuality, whereas other men as the exigency of occasions may be, oft times dispence with it without any suspition. Me thinks the very awe of the power of Credits continued through the course of so many years, the free, generous, and unconcern'd reliance of Men upon them; their efficacy to raise, enliven and encrease the Trade of the Kingdom to such a notable degree, should have dampt his confidence in a pursuit of this nature, and forbad his falling foule upon so sacred a thing. But the Rise of this design is such as all things must give way to. Here's Anger and Ambition, as I tould you, in the minds of some body, and a New-faction to be introduc'd. And what are the Credits of the Kingdom, the Ruines of the Bankers, Disreputation of the Merchant, Abuse put upon the jealousie of Creditors, Losses of the People, laying wast our Trade, Confusions and Disorders in the course of all affairs in the Nation. What is their own Consciences, Honour, or any thing, to the wreaking of this Anger, gratifying this Ambition, and pulling down of others that themselves may be advanc'd. To arrive at this false accusing and whispering about, from one place of Concourse to another, How is it with such a Man? Does he pay well, or's at a stand? I hope you are not concern'd. I assure you such a friend of mine hath drawn his money. I wish all be well. A word's enough to the wise. Some taking the confidence to abuse the Name of a Noble Person, because hee's accounted a wise Man and a fit Example, reporting in the City, and writing into the Country, that his Lordship hath had great sums of money in the hands of such and such which he hath called out, whereas the parties so mentioned ner'e ow'd his Lordship one farthing: And a thousand such petty (but as they have prov'd over-prevalent) insinuations have been used; vented by their half-witted Emissaries, (of which they have both young and old, rich and poor to make use of, and to act their tricks with a world of zeal and gravity) while among themselves they make the best sport imaginable, in telling what a good Instrument (they mean a fool) they have made of such and such a sober Citizen or Inns of Court Gentleman. I say to arrive at these ends of their own, none of these Machinations must be accounted a Crime. And let not our Author tax me of uncharitableness herein, or come with any such disguises, as a Letter to a Country Gentleman hereafter, For upon better Evidence than that the Coyn was carried into the Cocklofts, this is the very Rise and design of this Epistle. And what are these Gentlemen that all these things must make way for? Is it not Character enough to tell the Reader, that they are even of the same Spirit with our Author. What need we say more, or what more can be said to shew us what we are to expect from them, when they have made us the silly Instruments of their own Grandeur. Can we hope for that good from them they pretend to? Freedom from those publick Evils and Calamities they complain of? Honour and a Generous Design for the Publick is adequate and like it self in all its Parts and motions. Noble ends are never aimed at by such peaking, base, sneaking and destructive Courses. Whither will they have brought us, if they accomplish their ends and gain the Ascendant? Will their Advancement be a recompence for what we suffer by their means? I doubt, had they a Will to do good, they'l find it hath been an easier business to destroy the Trade and Credit of a Nation, than to heal it, and bind up it's Breaches. As the less difficult part of the two, it will be well if they make not use of our Poverty to oppress, and our Ruine, (much wrought about by our own hands, while we are so fondly influenced by their Subtitles) to run us still into further Calamities. For if they have decry'd Credit that the present Incumbents may fall, What will they do in their Places without it? And, if Money must be had, and no Credit be continued, what way they will advise to, I leave to other Conjectures than my own. My Lord Bacon tells us, Nothing doth more hurt in a State, then when Cunning Men pass for Wise; and yet if all will avail to make the People (whose good I charitably aim at in these Reflexions) to consider what they are doing, while they dance after the Pipe of such Crafts masters as these, and be no more entangled and bereaved of their Wits and Interests by their deceitfull pretences and practises but proceed in all their Concernments Concenments , like men endowed with Reason, I shall gain my desire. I dispair not of it, though its sad to see the generality so much enclined to another Spirit. Our Author ends with a solemn Enquiry, Whether any Man that hath Exercised the Mystery of Banking, hath living or dying gone off the Stage with a clear good Estate? I had scarce taken notice of it, but that he hath just before been telling us of Scripture Commands, and follows it with a profession that he Judges no Man. If you know none such that have been acquainted with their Mystery so long, let me tell you, You have either a very short Memory, or have been a very shallow Observer. But your meaning in this Enquiry is also very well understood. And yet it follows; I Judge no Man. No Sir, Why rais'd you the question then? If you speak the truth, I doubt you can give no very good account on't. In earnest, I hear of several that are gone off with very clear and good Estates, but I think it not Manners to expose their Names to our Authors Curiosity. Judg no man? and yet after the rate you have done, condemn and contrive their Ruine! Give me leave to end with an Enquiry too, What shall be given unto thee? Or, What shall be done unto thee, thou False Tongue?	1676-01-01T00:00:00	Economy	An Enquiry into the Grounds of a late Pamphlet Entituled, THE MYSTERY OF THE New-fashioned Goldsmiths, or Bankers, &c.	Is not the hand of Joab in all this? Or An enquiry into the grounds of a late pamphlet intituled, The mystery of the new-fashioned-goldsmiths or bankers, &c. [...]
EcA1681	"FOrasmuch as there is a very great Complaint in most of the Market-Towns in this Kingdom, of the Gr(...TRUNCATED)	1681-01-01T00:00:00	Economy	SECT. I. The Introduction.	The Trade of England Revived: And the Abuses thereof Rectified [...]
EcA1697	"THE many Objections formerly made against the East-India Trade, because was carried on by the Expor(...TRUNCATED)	1697-01-01T00:00:00	Economy	"\nSome Considerations upon Reading a Treatise, Intituled, An Essay on the East-India Trade. By the (...TRUNCATED)	England and East India inconsistent in their manufactures [...]
EcA1705	"\n\nThe Influence of the Bank considerable. NOtwithstanding that the Bank of England is a Subject t(...TRUNCATED)	1705-01-01T00:00:00	Economy	THE Introduction.	Remarks upon the Bank of England [...]
EcA1714	"THERE has been a Paper already offered to the Publick, concerning the State of the Sugar Plantation(...TRUNCATED)	1714-01-01T00:00:00	Economy	SOME OBSERVATIONS, SHEWING The DANGER of Losing the TRADE of the Sugar Colonies, &c.	Some observations, shewing the danger of losing the trade of the sugar colonies
EcA1720	"THE Miscarriage of the Naval StoreBill last Session of Parliament, leading several Gentlemen to enq(...TRUNCATED)	1720-01-01T00:00:00	Economy	A LETTER TO A Member of Parliament.	A letter to a member of parliament, concerning the naval store-bill, brought in last session [...]
EcA1731	"IT is not possible that the Island of Barbadoes in particular, without making less Sugar, can ever (...TRUNCATED)	1731-01-01T00:00:00	Economy	REMARKS Upon a BOOK, Entituled, The Present State of the Sugar Colonies considered, &c.	Remarks upon a book, entituled, the present state of the sugar colonies consider'd

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Dataset Card for lampeter_corpus

Dataset Summary

The Lampeter Corpus of Early Modern English Tracts is a collection of texts on various subject matter published between 1640 and 1740, a time that was marked by the rise of mass publication, the development of public discourse in many areas of everyday life and last but not least, the standardisation of British English. Each text belongs to one of the following genres: Law, Economy, Religion, Politics, Science, Miscellaneous

Supported Tasks and Leaderboards

text-classification: This dataset comes with dates and genre classifications for each text which can be used to finetune a model for text classification.

Languages

The text in the dataset is British English. The associated BCP-47 code is en-GB

Dataset Structure

Data Instances

A typical data point contains an id, a text, the head of the text (which can be missing on some occasions) and the title. The two features which can be used for classification are date, which is the year of publication and genre which classifies the text into one of six broad areas.

{
'id': 'SciB1735', 
'text': '\nI. WHEN I read your Defence of the British Mathematicians, I could not, Sir, but admire your Courage in asserting with such undoubting Assurance things so easily disproved. This to me seemed unaccountable, till I reflected on what you say (p. 32.) when upon my having appealed to every thinking Reader, whether it be possible to frame any clear Conception of Fluxions, you express yourself in the following manner, "Pray, Sir, who are those thinking Readers you ap\npeal to? Are they Geometricians, or Persons wholly ignorant of Geometry? If the former, I leave it to them: If the latter, I ask how well are they qualified to judge of the Method of Fluxions"? It must be acknowledged you seem by this Dilemma secure in the favour of one Part of your Readers, and the ignorance of the other. I am nevertheless persuaded there are fair and candid Men among the Mathematicians. And for those who are not Mathematicians, I shall endeavour so to unveil this Mystery, [TRUNCATED]', 
'date': '1735', 
'genre': 'Science', '
head': 'A DEFENCE OF FREE-THINKING IN Mathematics; &c.\n', 
'title': 'A defence of free-thinking in mathematics [...]'
}

Data Fields

The dataset contains the following fields:

id: Unique identifier("string"),
text: ext in the document("string"),
date: Date of publication("date64"),
genre: Broad classification("string"),
head: Often same as title. Can be missing("string"),
title: Title of document("string")

Data Splits

Train: 120

Dataset Creation

Curation Rationale

The period covered by the Lampeter Corpus, 1640 to 1740, marks a crucial period in English history and the elaboration of English as a multi-purpose language. The texts selected for the corpus reflect the standardisation process of English and historical developments between the outbreak of the Civil War and the beginning of the Industrial Revolution. To meet the needs of linguists and historians alike, the Lampeter project has attempted to create a balanced corpus rather than a randomly chosen archive or collection. A balanced corpus, then, is characterised by several transparent sampling criteria.

Source Data

Initial Data Collection and Normalization

The original data is selected according to the following criteria:

Complete texts only, including dedications, prefaces, postscripts, etc.
Texts are of varying length, ranging from c. 3,000 to c. 20,000 words.
Each author appears only once to avoid idiosyncratic language use.
Major literary figures of the time were excluded since their writing style can be studied in other, existing collections.
Generally, only first editions of the texts; later editions only if changes were made by the original authors, thus ensuring the authenticity of the language.