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But this is also personal. As a Jew who has lived in Israel and has many relatives there, I feel that the government should not be dictating how I relate to the Jewish state and in what ways I voice my objection to its policies. Regardless of how one feels about the Israeli occupation and the B.D.S. movement, Mr. Cuomo’s decision should be an unsettling precedent.<|endoftext|>Australis weekly update |
This got long, so here's a tl;dr: * We still want to land as soon as perf regressions are fixed. * Current perf regressions looking good: down to 3%, only on XP. * A new test reports a 40% regression but actual impact unclear, could take months to fix. 1) What's the current land/ship plan? Six weeks ago I talked about our plans to land as soon as possible in Firefox 25, and but backout upon uplift and actually try to ship in Firefox 26. Obviously we're not landing in 25 now! But the same basic plan remains -- land as soon as we can (i.e., when performance regressions are fixed), and stay on Nightly until we're ready to ship (i.e., when quality / UX / bugs count / etc are acceptable to ride a train to release). 2) The good performance news. Work continues on fixing our ts_paint and tpaint performance regressions. We just finished reassessing the current graphs for all platforms, since the performance numbers are getting into the noise... You can't just compare any two individual data points, but have to look at trends. (As one example, tpaint on Ubuntu32 consistently fluctuates by ~20ms: http://cl.ly/image/003S0p0K0o3d) The good news is that we're looking much better. On almost every platform -- OSX (10.6, 10.7, 10.8), Windows (7, 8), and Linux (Ubuntu 32bit, 64bit) -- we are in good shape (no tpaint/ts_paint regression compared to mozilla-central). Windows 8 is even indicating a slight (~3%) performance improvement on tpaint. The only regressing platform is Windows XP. We've slowly been grinding it down, and a number of improvements landed last week (899608, 898126, 891104, 899608) to claw back gains of a few milliseconds each. But an unrelated mozilla-central regression (ICU, bug 853301) complicated matters, by making the baseline higher and noisier. Now that's backed out, and the results are a little easier to see. On XP, tpaint (http://cl.ly/image/1P1Y1p0K090H) is now only about 4ms slower (3%). Ts_paint (http://cl.ly/image/1e242Q311H2r) is now only 14ms slower (3%). You may notice a weird bimodal distribution since 8/1 in these graphs for both m-c and UX -- this appears to be a Talos bug (901713, 901715). Also note that we're looking at non-PGO numbers because of those bugs, but they've historically been comparable so I don't expect any PGO-only surprises. 3) The bad performance news. Back in the beginning of the year, we spent a couple of months working with the performance, gfx, and layout teams on reimplementing Australis tabs to fix performance issues (see bugs 738491, 813786). We addressed the concerns, got tabs animating at 60fps even on low-end hardware, and everyone was happy. Unfortunately we've now been told that a new test being written invalidates the perf team's own previous test, and that Australis tabs are actually a 40% animation regression. (Even though we're still running 60fps on the same low-end testing hardware.) We've started discussing what to do about this. It's unclear what the actual end-user impact is, or how to balance it against a third reimplementation of Australis tabs likely blowing out the schedule by another few months. :( See bug 902024.<|endoftext|>It’s that time of the year again where America celebrates the Declaration of Independence of the country from England. How do we do that? By blowing sh*t up! I can’t think of anything more patriotic to be honest with you… |
Actually, scratch that. The only thing more patriotic would be getting drunk while doing it. America! |
But seriously, you want something that is festive and suits the holiday. Well that shouldn’t be too hard, since vodka is good during any holiday! Nothing goes down quicker than shots and this 4th of July, you should try out the Red White and Blue Shot. So now that you’re all good and fired up, lets get you drinking while also showing off your love for the USA. |
Ingredients .5 oz Grenadine |
.5 oz Blue Curacao |
.5 oz vodka Instructions Slowly pour each ingredient into a shot glass to create a layered effect. .5 oz is 1/3 of a shot glass. Variations Some people may opt to switch out the vodka for a peach schnapps since it looks whiter. I like vodka because it makes it a stronger shot. Preparation time: 2 minute(s) Number of servings (yield): 1 |
Go ahead and give it a shot and show off your patriotism this 4th of July!<|endoftext|>There's a reason why Rian Johnson has such a rabid following, and it's only partially because he's such an open presence on the social networks. He takes pretty conventional genres and adds a nifty twist to them. Take his debut,, a hard boiled neo-noir set at a high school. Or, the most whimsical crime caper in years. I can only imagine what he'll do to the sci-fi genre with, his star-studded flick involving crime syndicates in the future and plenty of time travel.Joseph Gordon-Levitt joins up with Johnson for the third time(he briefly appeared on Bloom) as a mob hitman who kills victims sent to him from the future. Things get dicey when a future version of himself, played by Bruce Willis, turns up. Empire has a brand new image which shows Willis in action, proving if anything that this will be much more violent film than anything Johnson's ever done.Johnson's gathered his most impressive cast yet for this one. Alongside JGL and Willis are Piper Perabo, Emily Blunt, Paul Dano, Jeff Daniels, Garrett Dillahunt, and Tracie Thoms. Look for Looper to turn up some time in 2012.<|endoftext|>SNc Channels: |
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May-02-2010 02:51 TweetFollow @OregonNews We Kill Our Own: The 40th Anniversary of the Kent State Massacre This week, we continue to seek the truth of exactly what happened at Kent State. |
Photos: Ohio State University and other sources. |
(DA NANG, Vietnam) - On May 4, 1970, at Kent State University, in the city of Kent, Ohio, members of the Ohio National Guard fired 67 rounds over a period of 13 seconds, killing four students and wounding nine others, one of whom suffered permanent paralysis. These were unarmed college students who were exercising their constitutional rights to speak their mind, to demonstrate peacefully, and to protest openly against the then recent incursion by US combat forces into Cambodia. Richard Nixon had been elected President in 1968. He promised to end the Vietnam War. Instead of doing so, he was part of the cover-up of the My Lai massacre and freed Lt. Calley, stating that Calley had “served enough time.” The premeditated murder of over 500 unarmed civilians, many of whom were elderly, women and children was hushed up by our government – the murderer himself freed after serving only 1 day at the Ft. Leavenworth prison and transferred to serve house arrest upon orders given by Nixon. On December 1st, 1969, the Selective Service of the US held a lottery to determine the order of draft into the Army for the Vietnam War. This was the first draft lottery instituted since World War II. On Thursday, April 30th, 1970, President Nixon announced the attack into Cambodia using the justification of “a necessary response to North Vietnamese aggression”. A promise to end the Vietnam War? A campaign promise that was yet another lie committed by this pathological lying and criminal US President. Just one of many that eventually forced Nixon to resign, the only United States President to do so, after impeachment hearings had commenced in 1974. On Friday, May 1st, 1970, a peaceful demonstration with about 500 students was held at Kent State. The Cambodian Incursion, the draft lottery, the continued escalation of the Vietnam War – all issues being protested against. The crowd dispersed at 1:00 p.m. to attend classes, but not until another rally was planned for May 4th. As peaceful, symbolic protests continued, one student burned a copy of the US Constitution. Another burned his draft card. During the evening of May 1st, 1970, trouble occurred around midnight as people left a bar and began throwing beer bottles at cars and broke downtown store fronts in Kent. This crowd was made up of several outsiders and a handful of students – all of whom were indeed angered by the escalation of the war. The police intervened and they restored order. On Saturday, May 2nd, 1970, the Mayor of Kent declared a state of emergency and asked the Ohio Governor to send the National Guard to Kent to “help maintain order”. The National Guard arrived in town that evening to find a fire had been started by an arsonist at an unoccupied and scheduled to be demolished building. The National Guard made numerous arrests and used tear gas as a large demonstration occurred at the Kent State campus and near to that same building. On Sunday, May 3rd, 1970, Ohio Governor Rhodes called the protesters un-American and referred to them as revolutionaries set on destroying higher education in Ohio. "They're worse than the brown shirts and the communist element and also the night riders and the vigilantes," Rhodes said. "They're the worst type of people that we harbor in America. I think that we're up against the strongest, well-trained, militant, revolutionary group that has ever assembled in America." Rhodes can be heard in the recording of his speech yelling and pounding his fists on the desk. These were students exercising their right to protest and to be heard. Vigilantes? More of the paranoia exhibited by our government and its leaders. During the day some students came into downtown Kent to help with cleanup efforts after the rioting, which met with mixed reactions from local businessmen. Kent’s Mayor Satrom, under pressure from frightened citizens, ordered a curfew until further notice. Around 8:00 p.m., another rally was held on the campus Commons. By 8:45 p.m. the Guardsmen used tear gas to disperse the crowd, and the students reassembled at the intersection of Lincoln and Main Streets, holding a sit-in in the hopes of gaining a meeting with Mayor Satrom and Kent State President White. At 11:00 p.m., the Guard announced that a curfew had gone into effect and began forcing the students back to their dorms. A few students were bayoneted by Guardsmen. On Monday, May 4, a protest was scheduled to be held at noon, as had been planned three days earlier. University officials attempted to ban the gathering, handing out 12,000 leaflets stating that the event was canceled. Despite this, an estimated 2,000 people gathered on the university's Commons, near Taylor Hall. The protest began with the ringing of the campus's iron Victory Bell (which had historically been used to signal victories in football games) to mark the beginning of the rally, and the first protester began to speak. Fearing that the situation might escalate into another violent protest, Companies A and C, 1/145th Infantry and Troop G of the 2/107th Armored Cavalry, Ohio Army National Guard (ARNG), the units on the campus grounds, attempted to disperse the students. Just before noon, the Guard returned and again ordered the crowd to disperse. When most of the crowd refused, the Guard used tear gas. Because of wind, the tear gas had little effect in dispersing the crowd, and some protestors launched a volley of rocks toward the Guard's line, too distant to have any effect, to chants of "Pigs off campus!" The students lobbed the tear gas canisters back at the National Guardsmen, who wore gas masks. When it was obvious the crowd was not going to disperse, a group of 77 National Guard troops from A Company and Troop G, with bayonets fixed on their weapons, began to advance upon the hundreds of protesters. As the guardsmen advanced, the protesters retreated. The guardsmen pursued the protesters and the protestors showed signs of retreat, as they waited motionless for the end of the protest. Here they remained for about ten minutes. During this time, the bulk of the students congregated off to the left and front of the guardsmen. Others were scattered between Taylor Hall and the Prentice Hall parking lot, while still others – perhaps 35 or 40 – were standing in the parking lot, or dispersing through the lot as they had been previously ordered. The guardsmen generally faced the parking lot which was about 100 yards away. At one point, some of the guardsmen knelt and aimed their weapons toward the parking lot, then stood up again. For a few moments, several guardsmen formed a loose huddle and appeared to be talking to one another. The guardsmen appeared to be unclear as to what to do next. They had cleared the protesters from the Commons area, and many students had left, but many stayed. At the end of about ten minutes, the guardsmen began to retrace their steps back up the hill toward the Commons area. At this point, at 12:24 p.m., a number of guardsmen at the top of the hill abruptly turned and fired their M1 Garand rifles at the students. In all, 29 of the 77 guardsmen claimed to have fired their weapons, using a final total of 67 bullets. The shooting was determined to have lasted only 13 seconds, although a New York Times reporter stated that "it appeared to go on, as a solid volley, for perhaps a full minute or a little longer." The question of why the shots were fired remains widely debated. Many guardsmen later testified that they were in fear for their lives, which was questioned partly because of the distance between them and the students killed or wounded. Time magazine later concluded that "triggers were not pulled accidentally at Kent State". The President's Commission on Campus Unrest avoided probing the question regarding why the shootings happened. Instead, it harshly criticized both the protesters and the Guardsmen, but it concluded that "the indiscriminate firing of rifles into a crowd of students and the deaths that followed were unnecessary, unwarranted, and inexcusable." The shootings killed four students and wounded nine. Two of the four students killed, Allison Krause and Jeffrey Miller, had participated in the protest, and the other two, Sandra Scheuer and William Knox Schroeder, had been walking from one class to the next at the time of their deaths. Schroeder was also a member of the campus ROTC chapter. Of those wounded, none was closer than 71 feet to the guardsmen. Of those killed, the nearest (Miller) was 265 feet away, and their average distance from the guardsmen was 345 feet. This week, we continue to seek the truth of exactly what happened at Kent State. Noted filmmaker and activist, Michael Moore will be broadcasting live, via his website, the Kent State Truth Tribunal which started yesterday in Kent, Ohio. commondreams.org/newswire/2010/04/30-6 michaelmoore.com/ Another very sad chapter in American History. No matter what the tribunal uncovers, absolutely nothing will bring back the students who were killed. America and its National Guard murdered innocent students that day in 1970. American citizens who were merely exercising their constitutional rights to express their concerns regarding our involvement and escalation of the Vietnam War. References: 1. Wikipedia 2. CommonDreams.org 3. Michael Moore Chuck Palazzo is a Marine Corps Vietnam Veteran, the Interim Editor for Agent Orange, and a longtime Vietnam Veterans Against the War Member. Chuck Palazzo has spent years since the war studying the impacts and effects of Agent Orange, a defoliant chemical sprayed by the U.S. govt. on the jungles of Vietnam. He says Dioxins have been re-discovered to cause all sorts of damage to humans. These include Heart Disease, Parkinsonism, Diabetes etcetera. Dioxins are already known to produce serious birth defects and a variety of cancers. The chemical is still sold in Third World Countries and causing the same problems. We at Salem-News.com welcome Chuck aboard and look forward to sharing more of his stories with our readers in the future. |
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Articles for May 1, 2010 | Articles for May 2, 2010 | Articles for May 3, 2010<|endoftext|>Every Sunday for the past decade, Canadian Anglicans have offered prayers for “our National Indigenous Bishop, Mark MacDonald.” |
For some, perhaps, it is a name that conjures little—another in a list of diocesan and national figures who have little directly to do with their home parish. Others may know MacDonald for his involvement in reconciliation and Indigenous activism, or for his sermons on environmental justice, or his columns in the Anglican Journal—or even for his talent on the acoustic guitar at a gospel jamboree. |
But MacDonald (and more importantly, the office he holds) is also the most visible example of structural change in a church still struggling to build a more equitable relationship with its First Nations, Inuit and Métis members. |
“People recognize…that [MacDonald] has this position, and behind him is this big ministry for Indigenous peoples,” says Donna Bomberry, who was co-ordinator for Indigenous ministries for the Anglican Church of Canada when MacDonald was first appointed to the role in 2007. “He lends himself well to that, brings respect and dignity to that position for our people.” |
The position of National Indigenous Anglican Bishop was created a little more than a decade ago, following a proposal at the 2005 Anglican Indigenous Sacred Circle (the national body that meets triennially to manage the affairs of Indigenous Anglicans). |
Sacred Circle tasked the Anglican Council of Indigenous Peoples (ACIP) with presenting a “fit and qualified” nominee who was both Indigenous and an Anglican bishop to then-Primate Andrew Hutchison for formal approval. Bomberry recalls that MacDonald, then serving as bishop of Alaska in The Episcopal Church (TEC), was selected because ACIP found his vision for the Indigenous Anglican church to be very much in line with their own. |
“We wanted to realize our Covenant, our Indigenous self-determining church, and we wanted him to help us in that journey,” she says, adding that she is “ever so pleased” he agreed to take on the role. “He’s the point of the wedge leading the way—which can be a difficult position also.” |
Teresa Mandricks, program associate in the secretariat of the National Indigenous Anglican Bishop, who was also involved in the interview process, noted that his charismatic, easygoing nature and democratic approach to decision-making was an important factor in choosing him. |
“He was cool, you know? He just had a charisma…that you know you can just go to him and talk,” she says, remembering the first time she met him, at the 1997 meeting of Sacred Circle. |
On January 4, 2007, MacDonald made history by becoming the first national bishop representing the interests of all Indigenous Anglicans across Canada. |
The making of an Indigenous Bishop |
While he now operates out of a corner office in downtown Toronto, and spends his time criss-crossing Canada and the globe, MacDonald’s early years were spent in the small port city of Duluth, Minnesota, where he was born on January 15, 1954. |
MacDonald recalls his family situation as being “troubled,” and his grandfather’s experience as a residential school survivor cast a long shadow of intergenerational trauma over the future bishop’s childhood. But it also prepared him for the kind of ministry he would spend much of his adult life engaging in. |
“Those problems [of trauma] aren’t confined to Indigenous people,” he says. “There was a lot of alcohol abuse in my family, and that gave me a lot of insight into some of the things that were going on in other people’s situations.” |
MacDonald heard a call to the priesthood while still in his teens, a development he sees as being deeply connected to the experiences he had growing up. |
“I had a troubled family situation, and a strong feeling that the church could have played a stronger role in my life and others like me,” he recalls. “I had a strong feeling that I wanted to work for the good in people’s lives.” |
This was amplified by the number of important clergy mentors he encountered while pursuing a BA at the College of St. Scholastica, a Benedictine university in Duluth. A professor named Caroline Schmidt, MacDonald says, “constantly put theology in the context of the prayer of the church.” |
After graduating from St. Scholastica, he studied at Wycliffe College in Toronto, receiving an MDiv in 1978 and beginning his ministry as a priest in the diocese of Minnesota the next year. |
Like many young priests, he struggled to discern exactly what he was being called to do. For MacDonald, the answer came while serving as rector at St. Stephen’s Episcopal Church in Portland, Ore. Shortly after he arrived, the parish began to foster an Indigenous mission congregation, which MacDonald became priest-in-charge of. |
When he left St. Stephen’s in 1989, it was to immerse himself completely in ministry to Indigenous people—specifically, the Navajo of the Episcopal Church’s Navajoland Area Ministry at the juncture between Arizona, New Mexico, Colorado and Utah. |
It was here, MacDonald says, that his own Indigenous Anglican perspective began to take shape, influenced by the perspectives of the elders around him, whose theology was rooted in an understanding of the gospel and the world that he believes is closer to that of the early church than they are to 20th-century Western Christianity. |
“The wisdom of Navajo elders gives insight into the gospel stories in a way that is really, really helpful, and very important, I think,” he recalls. “I felt like a was living in the New Testament.” |
Five years later, though, a job opened up back in Minnesota, and MacDonald felt it was time to go home. In 1997, he put himself forward as a candidate for seventh bishop of Alaska. He was consecrated September 13 of that year, and would spend the next decade based out of Fairbanks, Alaska. |
“As I said at the time, it’s the only place I could imagine wanting to be bishop, and the only place that I can imagine anyone wanting me to be a bishop,” MacDonald recalls with a chuckle. |
Toward reconciliation and self-determination |
In the months following the 2005 Sacred Circle, MacDonald was approached by ACIP. Would he be willing to consider standing as a candidate for the new position the Anglican Church of Canada had created? |
MacDonald says he knew immediately that, despite the challenges, this was an opportunity he couldn’t pass up. |
“I felt that there would be great difficulties, but there probably wasn’t anything, missiologically speaking, that was more important and more critical in North America,” he says. |
Not that this made stepping into the new role easier. Not only was MacDonald faced with the enormous challenge of shaping a completely new episcopate, he also needed to convince his fellow bishops that his work wasn’t a threat to their own. |
“Not everyone was happy with the creation of the position,” he recalls. |
Navigating his new role was not just about facing the expectations of his Indigenous constituents, it was also about reassuring his fellow bishops that he would respect their own jurisdictions. |
He would face this balancing act again and again in the coming years, as he worked to build better ties between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Anglicans. |
“He’s the go-between,” says Mandricks, describing MacDonald’s position as a leader who must have a foot in both Indigenous and non-Indigenous worlds. |
This position was vital in the years following 2007. Not only was the Indigenous Anglican church breaking a new trail toward the creation of a fully self-determined Indigenous Anglican church, Canadian Anglicans as a whole were wrestling with their church’s colonial history, through the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). The commission held its first national event in Winnipeg in 2010, and would hold six more before it released its final report in June, 2015. |
While most of his involvement with the TRC was pastoral, MacDonald says he thinks the commission’s work has done much to raise the profile of Indigenous Anglicans’ struggle for self-determination. |
“Although we still face a number of the problems and issues that we’ve had all along, we have a very different horizon than we did 10 years ago, and I think that has a lot to do with the TRC.” |
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