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[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, underline the text to support the argument. \n\nTag: NoKo doesn’t care.", "role": "system" }, { "content": "**edited for language\n\nHowever, all the data points over many decades — including North Korea’s hostile relationship with the United States and South Korea, its experience of U.S. carpet-bombing during the Korean War, the constant threat of a U.S. nuclear attack, the dilapidated state of North Korea’s conventional military, the cost-effective nature of investing in nuclear weapons versus conventional military assets, the prestige provided by being one of only nine countries with nuclear weapons, the experience of other countries being toppled or threatened after giving up their nuclear weapons, the incomparable strength of nuclear weapons as a deterrent, and the general paranoid [fearful] nature of the Kim regime — suggest that North Korea will not disarm in the short, medium and probably long-term.\nNot surprisingly, the U.S. intelligence community assesses North Korea will not abandon its nuclear weapons.", "role": "user" }, { "content": "all the data points over many decades\nincluding No\nKo\n’s hostile relationship with the U\nS\nand So\nKo\ndilapidated state of No\nKo\n’s conventional military\ncost-effective nature of investing in nuc\ns versus conventional military assets\nprestige provided by being one of only nine countries with nuc\ns, the experience of other countries being toppled\nafter giving up\nnuc\ns\nincomparable strength of nuc\ns as a deterrent, and the\nfearful\nnature of the Kim regime\nsuggest that No\nKo\nwill not disarm in the short, medium and probably long-term\nNo\nKo\nwill not abandon its nuc\ns", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, emphasize the rhetorically powerful parts of the text to support the argument. \n\nTag: NoKo doesn’t care.", "role": "system" }, { "content": "all the data points over many decades\nincluding No\nKo\n’s hostile relationship with the U\nS\nand So\nKo\ndilapidated state of No\nKo\n’s conventional military\ncost-effective nature of investing in nuc\ns versus conventional military assets\nprestige provided by being one of only nine countries with nuc\ns, the experience of other countries being toppled\nafter giving up\nnuc\ns\nincomparable strength of nuc\ns as a deterrent, and the\nfearful\nnature of the Kim regime\nsuggest that No\nKo\nwill not disarm in the short, medium and probably long-term\nNo\nKo\nwill not abandon its nuc\ns", "role": "user" }, { "content": "data points\nmany decades\nNo\nKo\n’s hostile\nU\nS\nSo\nKo\ndilapidated\nNo\nKo\n’s conventional\nnuc\ns\nconventional military assets\nprestige\none\nwith nuc\ns\ntoppled\ngiving up\nnuc\ns\nincomparable strength\nnuc\ns\ndeterrent\nfearful\nNo\nKo\nnot disarm\nshort\nmedium\nlong-term\nNo\nKo\nnot abandon\nnuc\ns", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, highlight the text to support the argument. Highlight approximately the amount of text specified by the highlight ratio. \n\nTag: NoKo doesn’t care.\n\nHighlight Ratio: 0.6", "role": "system" }, { "content": "all the data points over many decades\nincluding No\nKo\n’s hostile relationship with the U\nS\nand So\nKo\ndilapidated state of No\nKo\n’s conventional military\ncost-effective nature of investing in nuc\ns versus conventional military assets\nprestige provided by being one of only nine countries with nuc\ns, the experience of other countries being toppled\nafter giving up\nnuc\ns\nincomparable strength of nuc\ns as a deterrent, and the\nfearful\nnature of the Kim regime\nsuggest that No\nKo\nwill not disarm in the short, medium and probably long-term\nNo\nKo\nwill not abandon its nuc\ns", "role": "user" }, { "content": "all\ndata\nincluding No\nKo\n’s hostile relationship with the U\nS\nand So\nKo\ndilapidated\nconventional military\ncost-effective nature of\nnuc\ns versus conventional\nprestige provided\nother countries being toppled\nafter giving up\nnuc\ns\nstrength of nuc\ndeterrent, and the\nfearful\nnature of the\nregime\nsuggest that No\nKo\nwill not disarm", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, underline the text to support the argument. \n\nTag: Uncertainty alone checks.", "role": "system" }, { "content": "This upper bound on cyber attack is affected by the likelihood of attribution. If an attacker was confident that it could avoid having the attack attributed to it, the risk of retaliation would be reduced, making some attacks more attractive. Uncertainty about attribution capabilities, particularly American capabilities, combined with uncertainty about the effectiveness of cyber attack, creates caution. Public expressions of uncertainty about attribution are not shared by opponents, who know when they have been caught. Over the last decade, the United States has made a major effort to improve its attribution capabilities and has succeeded to the point where no opponent can be confident about anonymity and this, if linked to truly credible threats to impose consequences, may finally produce the cyber deterrence so long sought by the United States. \nThe implicit threshold governing cyber attack is the line between force and coercion. With very few exceptions, states have avoided cyber actions that could be judged as the use of force, based on international understandings on what actions qualify as the use of force or armed attack. Opponents have engaged in cyber actions below this implicit threshold with impunity, but they are reluctant to cross it for fear of creating a situation that they cannot control. In this, cyber incidents are more like border incursions or bandit raids than attacks.\nPublic sources suggest that at least seven countries have used cyber tools for coercive purposes. However, they have been careful to avoid anything that could be interpreted as the use of force, and they have avoided physical destruction or casualties. This suggests that countries prefer actions that advance their strategic goals without creating unmanageable risk of escalation into armed conflict. Opponents calculate the advantage they would gain from an attack against the potential cost. Miscalculation is possible, but if anything, opponents appear more likely to overestimate the risk of retaliation. ", "role": "user" }, { "content": "This upper bound on cyber attack is affected by the likelihood of attribution\nUncertainty about attribution capabilities\nparticularly American capabilities, combined with uncertainty about the effectiveness of cyber attack, creates caution. Public expressions of uncertainty about attribution are not shared by opponents, who know when they have been caught. Over the last decade, the U\nS\nhas made a major effort to improve its attribution capabilities and has succeeded to the point where no opponent can be confident about anonymity and this\nmay\nproduce the cyber deterrence so long sought by the U\nS\nstates have avoided cyber actions that could be judged as the use of force\nOpponents have engaged in cyber actions below this implicit threshold with impunity, but they are reluctant to cross it for fear of creating a situation that they cannot control\nat least seven countries have used cyber tools for coercive purposes\nthey have been careful to avoid anything that could be interpreted as the use of force\nand they have avoided physical destruction or casualties\ncountries prefer actions that advance their strategic goals without creating unmanageable risk of escalation into armed conflict\nMiscalculation is possible\nbut if anything, opponents appear more likely to overestimate the risk of retaliation", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, emphasize the rhetorically powerful parts of the text to support the argument. \n\nTag: Uncertainty alone checks.", "role": "system" }, { "content": "This upper bound on cyber attack is affected by the likelihood of attribution\nUncertainty about attribution capabilities\nparticularly American capabilities, combined with uncertainty about the effectiveness of cyber attack, creates caution. Public expressions of uncertainty about attribution are not shared by opponents, who know when they have been caught. Over the last decade, the U\nS\nhas made a major effort to improve its attribution capabilities and has succeeded to the point where no opponent can be confident about anonymity and this\nmay\nproduce the cyber deterrence so long sought by the U\nS\nstates have avoided cyber actions that could be judged as the use of force\nOpponents have engaged in cyber actions below this implicit threshold with impunity, but they are reluctant to cross it for fear of creating a situation that they cannot control\nat least seven countries have used cyber tools for coercive purposes\nthey have been careful to avoid anything that could be interpreted as the use of force\nand they have avoided physical destruction or casualties\ncountries prefer actions that advance their strategic goals without creating unmanageable risk of escalation into armed conflict\nMiscalculation is possible\nbut if anything, opponents appear more likely to overestimate the risk of retaliation", "role": "user" }, { "content": "upper bound\nattribution\nUncertainty\nattribution capabilities\nAmerican\neffectiveness\ncaution\nuncertainty\nnot shared by opponents\nknow\nmajor effort to improve its attribution capabilities\nsucceeded\nno opponent can be confident about anonymity\ncyber deterrence\navoided\nreluctant to cross it\nfear\ncannot control\nseven countries\ncoercive purposes\navoid\nuse of force\navoided physical destruction\ncasualties\nwithout creating unmanageable risk of escalation\npossible\nif anything\nmore likely\noverestimate", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, highlight the text to support the argument. Highlight approximately the amount of text specified by the highlight ratio. \n\nTag: Uncertainty alone checks.\n\nHighlight Ratio: 0.2", "role": "system" }, { "content": "This upper bound on cyber attack is affected by the likelihood of attribution\nUncertainty about attribution capabilities\nparticularly American capabilities, combined with uncertainty about the effectiveness of cyber attack, creates caution. Public expressions of uncertainty about attribution are not shared by opponents, who know when they have been caught. Over the last decade, the U\nS\nhas made a major effort to improve its attribution capabilities and has succeeded to the point where no opponent can be confident about anonymity and this\nmay\nproduce the cyber deterrence so long sought by the U\nS\nstates have avoided cyber actions that could be judged as the use of force\nOpponents have engaged in cyber actions below this implicit threshold with impunity, but they are reluctant to cross it for fear of creating a situation that they cannot control\nat least seven countries have used cyber tools for coercive purposes\nthey have been careful to avoid anything that could be interpreted as the use of force\nand they have avoided physical destruction or casualties\ncountries prefer actions that advance their strategic goals without creating unmanageable risk of escalation into armed conflict\nMiscalculation is possible\nbut if anything, opponents appear more likely to overestimate the risk of retaliation", "role": "user" }, { "content": "Uncertainty about attribution\ncombined with uncertainty about\neffectiveness\ncreates caution\nthe U\nS\nmade a major effort to improve\nattribution\nand has succeeded to\nwhere no opponent can be confident\nthis\nmay\nproduce\ncyber deterrence\nopponents appear\nlikely to overestimate the risk of retal", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, underline the text to support the argument. \n\nTag: The OLC merely provides advice without dictating a policy to adopt.", "role": "system" }, { "content": "OLC opinions might seem to qualify as statements of policy or interpretation. But the critical aspect of both categories of documents is their “formulat[ion] and adopt[ion] by the agency for the guidance of the public.” See Attorney General’s Manual, supra, at 22 (emphasis added).\nThough FOIA’s affirmative disclosure provisions fail to define “statements of policy” and “interpretation,” they complement the APA’s “notice-and-comment” requirements for informal rulemaking in 5 U.S.C. §553. Section 553 exempts statements of policy and interpretive rules from the notice-and-comment rulemaking requirements, including publication in the Federal Register. FOIA’s affirmative disclosure provision requires an agency that chooses not to publish a statement of policy or interpretation in the Federal Register to make such statements publicly available by other means. This account of the relationship between § 553 and § 552(a)(2) explains the affirmative disclosure provision’s distinct treatment of staff manuals, which are explicitly made subject to affirmative disclosure only if they effect members of the general public. Compare §552(a)(2)(C), with §552(a)(2)(B). Such a qualification is unnecessary with respect to statements of policy and interpretations, which, by definition, are issued to guide the public.\nIn explicating § 553, the Attorney General’s Manual also makes clear that only documents that provide guidance to the public qualify as statements of policy or interpretations. The Attorney General’s Manual defines interpretive rules as “rules or statements issued by an agency to advise the public of the agency’s construction of the statutes and rules which it administers.” Attorney General’s Manual, supra, at 30 n.3. Thus, the statement’s purpose must be to advise the public regarding the agency’s interpretation. And, interpretation involves construction of the statutes that the agency administers. OLC opinions are issued to advise agencies, not the general public. Moreover, OLC often construes the Constitution; even when it construes statutes, the statutes would rarely be ones OLC can be said to “administer.”", "role": "user" }, { "content": "OLC opinions might seem to qualify as statements of policy\nthe critical aspect of both categories\nis their “formulat[ion] and adopt[ion] by the agency\nonly documents that provide guidance to the public qualify as statements of policy or interpretations\nOLC opinions are issued to advise agencies, not the general public\nOLC often construes the Constitution; even when it construes statutes, the statutes would rarely be ones OLC can be said to “administer.”", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, emphasize the rhetorically powerful parts of the text to support the argument. \n\nTag: The OLC merely provides advice without dictating a policy to adopt.", "role": "system" }, { "content": "OLC opinions might seem to qualify as statements of policy\nthe critical aspect of both categories\nis their “formulat[ion] and adopt[ion] by the agency\nonly documents that provide guidance to the public qualify as statements of policy or interpretations\nOLC opinions are issued to advise agencies, not the general public\nOLC often construes the Constitution; even when it construes statutes, the statutes would rarely be ones OLC can be said to “administer.”", "role": "user" }, { "content": "formulat[ion] and adopt[ion]\nprovide guidance to the public\nadvise agencies, not the general public\nconstrues the Constitution\nrarely be ones OLC can be said to “administer.”", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, highlight the text to support the argument. Highlight approximately the amount of text specified by the highlight ratio. \n\nTag: The OLC merely provides advice without dictating a policy to adopt.\n\nHighlight Ratio: 0.6", "role": "system" }, { "content": "OLC opinions might seem to qualify as statements of policy\nthe critical aspect of both categories\nis their “formulat[ion] and adopt[ion] by the agency\nonly documents that provide guidance to the public qualify as statements of policy or interpretations\nOLC opinions are issued to advise agencies, not the general public\nOLC often construes the Constitution; even when it construes statutes, the statutes would rarely be ones OLC can be said to “administer.”", "role": "user" }, { "content": "OLC opinions might seem to qualify as\npolicy\ncritical\nis\nformulat[ion] and adopt[ion]\nonly documents that provide guidance to the public qualify as\npolicy\nOLC opinions\nadvise agencies, not the general public\nOLC\nconstrues the Constitution\nstatutes would rarely be ones OLC can be said to “administer.”", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, underline the text to support the argument. \n\nTag: Y’all better quiet down…vote negative to endorse a Transfeminist-of-color epistemology that refuses cis-white IR in the making because the girls are tired, and you should be too. Only leaning into transfeminism-of-color can carve out space for modes of theorization that genuinely subtend to the endurance of otherwise ways of being while avoiding the risk of ivory tower parasitism.", "role": "system" }, { "content": "At this stage, a crucial caveat on theorizing is warranted. In my lived experience as Trans woman of color navigating hostile spaces in the politics/IR academy, in my political engagements as an elected officer of a British political party, and in shaping the priorities of my international activism, my guiding principles stem from a Transfeminist-of-color discourse, developed by Black and Brown Trans women through the decades and profoundly inspired by Black feminist, women-of-color feminist, and Indigenous feminist thought. This \"Transfeminism of color\" is conceived, developed, and lived outside the white Trans male-dominated \"academic\" sphere of Transgender studies, which has pride of place in the ivory towers of the Western academy. The latter does not correspond to the lived experiences and the particularly toxic Transmisogyny faced by Trans women of color worldwide-most importantly, Transmisogynoir that kills.7\nTransfeminism of color is a quintessential way of life and a source of survival. Although the academy's ivory tower is just beginning to recognize the crucial importance of Black feminism to the entire realm of ivory-tower Trans theory and Transgender studies (Ellison et al. 2017; Krell 2017), it is crucial to affirm that Transfeminism of color is yet to be accorded its pleine place in the academic ivory tower. This is precisely the reason that makes a Transfeminist-of-color epistemology-developed first and foremost through the lived experience of women at the receiving end of multiple oppressive currents-best-suited to address the challenges of a neoliberal world order and its inherently unequal financial, racial, sociopolitical, and cultural stratifications. This article is also an initiative by a Trans woman of colour in political activity, who navigates transnational and multilingual spaces, to claim the rightful place for women-of-color Transfeminism, or Transfeminism of color, in the annals of the Western academy. In what follows, and unless otherwise indicated, the term Transfeminism is therefore used throughout to exclusively and systematically refer to Transfeminism of color.\nThe core concepts of Transfeminist-of-color thought, from solidarities to sisterhood beyond \"cisterhood,\" have been especially enriched by the critical work of Black feminist scholar-activists such as Audre Lorde, whose writings carry crucial messages of solidarities, movement building, racial justice, and sisterhood (see, e.g., Lorde 20n). Most importantly, the roots of Transfeminist-of-color thought lie in the historical precedent of Trans-inclusive feminist activism spearheaded by Trans women of color such as the late Marsha P. Johnson and Sylvia Rae Rivera, whose contributions were crucial to the recognition of LGBTQI rights in Turtle Island but are overshadowed by the powerful images of cis white gay men. In this sense, the Transfeminist-of-color discourse is one that strongly stands up against anti-Black racism, as well as the marginalization and erasure of Black women. 8 Inspired by the militant spirit and civil disobedience of early Transfeminist activism, present-day Trans feminist discourses are profoundly intersectional, critical, and global. The primary strength of Transfeminism emanates from the fact that it is inspired, influenced by, and learns from all currents in non-whitestream feminisms, including Black, Latinx, postcolonial, and queer feminisms. Transfeminism, to quote Silva and Ornat (2016, 221) on Brazilian Transfeminist perspectives, 'is enthusiastic, optimistic, supportive and inclusive, and fights against intersectional oppressions ... notably, class and race .... In this sense, Transfeminism is a powerful, creative intervention into our ways of being in the world, in that it goes beyond binarism and the essentialism of identities'. Transfeminism is therefore capable of forming part and parcel of, and standing in full solidarity with, all other non-whitestream feminisms.\nTransfeminism recognizes the diversity of gender(s) from one sociopolitical and geographical context to another, as well as the fact that one's gender assigned at birth does not necessarily determine one's gender identity. This broad-based understanding of the pluralities inherent in gender(s) expands the relevance of Transfeminism way beyond the confines of the English-speaking, white-dominated Western academy. Given its decolonizing and self-critiquing dynamics, Transfeminism appeals to a wider international audience. Volume 3, issue 1-2 of Transgender Studies Quarterly (Stryker and Bettcher 2016b), which was fully devoted to the theme of Transfeminism, attests to this global appeal of Transfeminism. Its preparedness to interact with, un-learn, and inspire from Indigenous feminisms and systems of knowledge production, as well as its active engagement with racial and gender justice struggles, make Transfeminism a movement that extends beyond the ivory towers of academia, the scholarly confines of white liberals, and the queer research that excludes-if not avoids empowering-peoples of color. Many exponents of Transfeminism in the academy and beyond, including myself, are also committed activists, especially in movements such as #BlackLivesMatter and #NoIWontJustMoveOn, where a fundamental tenet of activism involves ensuring lead roles to Trans and queer people of color, disabled people, and, very especially, Indigenous women and gender-plural people. Transfeminism is best inscribed not within the academy but outside its corridors, and is \"theorized\" in the work of writers, poets, and artists who contribute to enhance its decolonizing ethos.9 Transfeminist research does not follow the standard protocols of heteronormative academia, and is therefore especially relevant to discussions on decolonizing the academy and modes of knowledge production (Egafia and Sola 2016).\n", "role": "user" }, { "content": "At this stage, a crucial caveat on theorizing is warranted. In my lived experience as Trans woman of color navigating hostile spaces in the politics/IR academy, in my political engagements\nand in shaping the priorities of my international activism, my guiding principles stem from a Transfeminist-of-color discourse, developed by Black and Brown Trans women\nand profoundly inspired by Black feminist, women-of-color feminist, and Indigenous feminist thought. This \"Transfeminism of color\" is conceived, developed, and lived outside the white Trans\nsphere of\nstudies, which has pride of place in the ivory towers of the Western academy. The latter does not correspond to the lived experiences and the particularly toxic Transmisogyny\nTransmisogynoir that kills.\nTransfeminism of color is a quintessential way of life and a source of survival. Although the\nivory tower is\nbeginning to recognize\nimportance of Black feminism to the entire realm of\nTransgender studies\nit is crucial to affirm that Transfeminism of color is yet to be accorded\nThis is precisely the reason that makes a Transfeminist-of-color epistemology-developed first and foremost through\nlived experience of women at the receiving end of multiple oppressive currents-best-suited to address\nchallenges of a neoliberal world order and its\nunequal financial, racial, sociopolitical, and cultural stratifications.\nIn what follows,\nthe term Transfeminism is therefore used throughout to exclusively and systematically refer to Transfeminism of color.\ncore concepts of Transfeminist-of-color thought, from solidarities to sisterhood beyond \"cisterhood,\" have been\nenriched by\nwork of Black feminist scholar-activists such as\nLorde,\nthe roots of Transfeminist-of-color thought lie in the historical precedent of\nfeminist activism spearheaded by Trans women of color such as\nMarsha P. Johnson and Sylvia Rae Rivera, whose contributions were crucial to the recognition of LGBTQI rights in Turtle Island but\novershadowed by\ncis white gay men.\nTransfeminist\ndiscourse\nstrongly stands\nagainst anti-Black racism,\nand erasure of Black women.\nTrans feminist discourses are profoundly intersectional, critical, and global. The primary strength of Transfeminism emanates from the fact that it is inspired, influenced by, and learns from all currents in non-whitestream feminisms,\nBlack, Latinx, postcolonial, and queer feminisms. Transfeminism,\n'is enthusiastic, optimistic, supportive and inclusive, and fights against intersectional oppressions ... notably, class and race\na powerful, creative intervention into our ways of being in the world,\nthat\ngoes beyond binarism and the essentialism of identities'.\nbroad-based understanding of the pluralities inherent in gender(s) expands\nrelevance\nway beyond the confines of the English-speaking, white-dominated Western academy. Given its decolonizing and self-critiquing dynamics, Transfeminism appeals to a wider international audience.\nIts preparedness to interact with, un-learn, and inspire from Indigenous feminisms and systems of knowledge production, as well as\nengagement with racial and gender justice struggles, make Transfeminism a movement that extends beyond the ivory towers\nthe scholarly confines of white liberals, and the queer research that excludes-if not avoids empowering-peoples of color.\na fundamental tenet of activism involves ensuring lead roles to Trans and queer people of color, disabled people, and, very especially, Indigenous women and gender-plural people. Transfeminism is best\n\"theorized\" in the work of writers, poets, and artists who contribute to enhance its decolonizing ethos.\nresearch does not follow the standard protocols of heteronormative academia, and is therefore especially relevant to discussions on decolonizing the academy and\nknowledge production", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, highlight the text to support the argument. Highlight approximately the amount of text specified by the highlight ratio. \n\nTag: Y’all better quiet down…vote negative to endorse a Transfeminist-of-color epistemology that refuses cis-white IR in the making because the girls are tired, and you should be too. Only leaning into transfeminism-of-color can carve out space for modes of theorization that genuinely subtend to the endurance of otherwise ways of being while avoiding the risk of ivory tower parasitism.\n\nHighlight Ratio: 0.4", "role": "system" }, { "content": "At this stage, a crucial caveat on theorizing is warranted. In my lived experience as Trans woman of color navigating hostile spaces in the politics/IR academy, in my political engagements\nand in shaping the priorities of my international activism, my guiding principles stem from a Transfeminist-of-color discourse, developed by Black and Brown Trans women\nand profoundly inspired by Black feminist, women-of-color feminist, and Indigenous feminist thought. This \"Transfeminism of color\" is conceived, developed, and lived outside the white Trans\nsphere of\nstudies, which has pride of place in the ivory towers of the Western academy. The latter does not correspond to the lived experiences and the particularly toxic Transmisogyny\nTransmisogynoir that kills.\nTransfeminism of color is a quintessential way of life and a source of survival. Although the\nivory tower is\nbeginning to recognize\nimportance of Black feminism to the entire realm of\nTransgender studies\nit is crucial to affirm that Transfeminism of color is yet to be accorded\nThis is precisely the reason that makes a Transfeminist-of-color epistemology-developed first and foremost through\nlived experience of women at the receiving end of multiple oppressive currents-best-suited to address\nchallenges of a neoliberal world order and its\nunequal financial, racial, sociopolitical, and cultural stratifications.\nIn what follows,\nthe term Transfeminism is therefore used throughout to exclusively and systematically refer to Transfeminism of color.\ncore concepts of Transfeminist-of-color thought, from solidarities to sisterhood beyond \"cisterhood,\" have been\nenriched by\nwork of Black feminist scholar-activists such as\nLorde,\nthe roots of Transfeminist-of-color thought lie in the historical precedent of\nfeminist activism spearheaded by Trans women of color such as\nMarsha P. Johnson and Sylvia Rae Rivera, whose contributions were crucial to the recognition of LGBTQI rights in Turtle Island but\novershadowed by\ncis white gay men.\nTransfeminist\ndiscourse\nstrongly stands\nagainst anti-Black racism,\nand erasure of Black women.\nTrans feminist discourses are profoundly intersectional, critical, and global. The primary strength of Transfeminism emanates from the fact that it is inspired, influenced by, and learns from all currents in non-whitestream feminisms,\nBlack, Latinx, postcolonial, and queer feminisms. Transfeminism,\n'is enthusiastic, optimistic, supportive and inclusive, and fights against intersectional oppressions ... notably, class and race\na powerful, creative intervention into our ways of being in the world,\nthat\ngoes beyond binarism and the essentialism of identities'.\nbroad-based understanding of the pluralities inherent in gender(s) expands\nrelevance\nway beyond the confines of the English-speaking, white-dominated Western academy. Given its decolonizing and self-critiquing dynamics, Transfeminism appeals to a wider international audience.\nIts preparedness to interact with, un-learn, and inspire from Indigenous feminisms and systems of knowledge production, as well as\nengagement with racial and gender justice struggles, make Transfeminism a movement that extends beyond the ivory towers\nthe scholarly confines of white liberals, and the queer research that excludes-if not avoids empowering-peoples of color.\na fundamental tenet of activism involves ensuring lead roles to Trans and queer people of color, disabled people, and, very especially, Indigenous women and gender-plural people. Transfeminism is best\n\"theorized\" in the work of writers, poets, and artists who contribute to enhance its decolonizing ethos.\nresearch does not follow the standard protocols of heteronormative academia, and is therefore especially relevant to discussions on decolonizing the academy and\nknowledge production", "role": "user" }, { "content": "caveat on theorizing is warranted\nTransfeminist-of-color discourse\ndeveloped by Black and Brown Trans women\ninspired by Black\nof-color\nand Indigenous\nthought\nis\nlived outside\nwhite Trans\nsphere\nwhich has pride\nin\ntower\nlatter does not correspond to\nlived experiences\nTransmisogynoir that kills\nTransfeminism of color is\nway of life and\nsurvival\nTransfeminist\nepistemology\nbest-suited to address\nneoliberal world order and its\nfinancial\nracial\ncultural stratifications\nTransfeminist\nthought\nenriched by\nBlack feminist scholar-activists\nroots\nlie in\nhistorical precedent of\nactivism spearheaded by Trans women of color such as\nMarsha\nand Sylvia\ndiscourse\nagainst anti-Black racism\nand erasure of Black women\nprofoundly intersectional\nand global\nstrength\nemanates from\nfact that it is\ninfluenced by\nnon-whitestream\nfeminisms\nenthusiastic\nsupportive\nand fights against intersectional oppressions\nintervention into\nways of being\ngoes beyond binarism and\nessentialism\nbroad-based understanding of\npluralities\nexpands\nbeyond\nconfines of\nacademy\nTransfeminism appeals to\ninternational audience\npreparedness to\nun-learn\nand inspire\nas well as\nengage\nracial and gender\nstruggles\nmake Transfeminism a movement that extends beyond\nivory tower\nscholarly confines of white liberals\nand\nqueer research that excludes\npeoples of color\nfundamental tenet\ninvolves ensuring lead roles to Trans\nqueer people of color\ndisabled people\nand\nIndigenous women and gender-plural people\nbest\ntheorized\nin\nwork of\npoets\nand artists\nresearch does not follow\nstandard protocols of hetero\nacademia", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, underline the text to support the argument. \n\nTag: Only warming causes extinction", "role": "system" }, { "content": "A devastating fact of climate collapse is that there may be a silver lining to the mushroom cloud. First, it should be noted that a nuclear exchange does not inevitably result in apocalyptic loss of life. Nuclear winter—the idea that firestorms would make the earth uninhabitable—is based on shaky science. There’s no reliable model that can determine how many megatons would decimate agriculture or make humans extinct. Nations have already detonated 2,476 nuclear devices. An exchange that shuts down the global economy but stops short of human extinction may be the only blade realistically likely to cut the carbon knot we’re trapped within. It would decimate existing infrastructures, providing an opportunity to build new energy infrastructure and intervene in the current investments and subsidies keeping fossil fuels alive. In the near term, emissions would almost certainly rise as militaries are some of the world’s largest emitters. Given what we know of human history, though, conflict may be the only way to build the mass social cohesion necessary for undertaking the kind of huge, collective action needed for global sequestration and energy transition. Like the 20th century’s world wars, a nuclear exchange could serve as an economic leveler. It could provide justification for nationalizing energy industries with the interest of shuttering fossil fuel plants and transitioning to renewables and, uh, nuclear energy. It could shock us into reimagining a less suicidal civilization, one that dethrones the death-cult zealots who are currently in power. And it may toss particulates into the atmosphere sufficient to block out some of the solar heat helping to drive global warming. Or it may have the opposite effects. Who knows? What we do know is that humans can survive and recover from war, probably even a nuclear one. Humans cannot recover from runaway climate change. Nuclear war is not an inevitable extinction event; six degrees of warming is.\n", "role": "user" }, { "content": "nuclear exchange does not inevitably result in apocalyptic loss of life. Nuclear winter\nis based on shaky science. There’s no reliable model that can determine how many megatons would decimate agriculture or make humans extinct. Nations have already detonated 2,476 nuclear devices.\nhumans can survive and recover from war, probably even a nuclear one. Humans cannot recover from runaway climate change. Nuclear war is not an inevitable extinction event; six degrees of warming is.", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, emphasize the rhetorically powerful parts of the text to support the argument. \n\nTag: Only warming causes extinction", "role": "system" }, { "content": "nuclear exchange does not inevitably result in apocalyptic loss of life. Nuclear winter\nis based on shaky science. There’s no reliable model that can determine how many megatons would decimate agriculture or make humans extinct. Nations have already detonated 2,476 nuclear devices.\nhumans can survive and recover from war, probably even a nuclear one. Humans cannot recover from runaway climate change. Nuclear war is not an inevitable extinction event; six degrees of warming is.", "role": "user" }, { "content": "apocalyptic loss of life\nNuclear winter\nshaky science\nno reliable model\nhow many megatons\ndecimate agriculture\nextinct\n2,476 nuclear devices\nsurvive\nrecover from\nnuclear one\ncannot recover\nrunaway climate change\nnot\ninevitable extinction event\nsix degrees of warming is", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, highlight the text to support the argument. Highlight approximately the amount of text specified by the highlight ratio. \n\nTag: Only warming causes extinction\n\nHighlight Ratio: 0.8", "role": "system" }, { "content": "nuclear exchange does not inevitably result in apocalyptic loss of life. Nuclear winter\nis based on shaky science. There’s no reliable model that can determine how many megatons would decimate agriculture or make humans extinct. Nations have already detonated 2,476 nuclear devices.\nhumans can survive and recover from war, probably even a nuclear one. Humans cannot recover from runaway climate change. Nuclear war is not an inevitable extinction event; six degrees of warming is.", "role": "user" }, { "content": "nuclear exchange does not\nresult in apocalyptic loss of life. Nuclear winter\nis based on shaky science. There’s no reliable model that can determine how many megatons would\nmake humans extinct. Nations have already detonated 2,476 nuc\ns.\nhumans can survive\nwar\neven a nuclear one. Humans cannot recover from runaway climate change. Nuclear war is not an inevitable extinction event;\nwarming is", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, underline the text to support the argument. \n\nTag: Cephalopod research has numerous benefits including reducing effects of climate change, increasing tech, and biological innovation", "role": "system" }, { "content": "General Introduction\nCephalopods have long haunted the human imagination as monsters, inspiring mythology dating back to ancient Greek culture (e.g., the Hydra from the labors of Hercules, see Cousteau and Diolé, 1973, p. 72–73, 75; the Gordon Medusa in Wilk, 2000), to legends of sea monsters in Nordic culture and among sailors throughout the middle ages (Salvador and Tomotani, 2014), to the science fiction of the modern world (e.g., Sphere: Crichton, 1988; 20,000 Leagues Under the Sea: Verne, 1988), where they – or creatures strongly resembling them – often lurk in outer space as alien creatures from other worlds (as in the motion pictures Arrival1 and Life2, to mention some). And while they were once reviled as “stupid” by Aristotle (1910), and dangerous, as in Toilers of the Sea (Hugo, 2002), this unique molluscan taxon has now come to be admired by both scientists, artists and the general public alike (Nakajima et al., 2018). Their growing popularity is reflected in the choice of many aquariums to house them as star attractions, despite the sometimes formidable challenges associated with keeping them. They are also depicted fondly in contemporary culture from computer generated animations in blockbuster films (e.g., Pirates of the Caribbean; At World’s End3, Finding Dory4), to clothing, jewelery and artwork, to the surfeit of online videos5 featuring cephalopods. Few other invertebrates garner this degree of recognition or status.\nCephalopods have also come to be respected for their various contributions to scientific research. During the first half of the 20th century (white bars in Figure 1), they played a pivotal role in our understanding of the neuron, thanks to the relative accessibility of the giant axon in squid (Keynes, 2005). This was followed by a period of intense investigation of the cephalopodan nervous system and learning abilities, led by John Z. Young and his fellows, including B. B. Boycott and M. J. Wells among others, from the 1950s to 1970s (see light gray bars in Figure 1). Progress slowed from the 1970s to 1990 (see dark gray bars in Figure 1), due mainly to a lack of appropriate investigative tools to address outstanding questions (see Bitterman, 1975; see also Young, 1985). Thankfully, the end of the 20th century to the present day has seen a steadily growing body of work concerned with various other aspects of cephalopod biology, including genetics, welfare and the effects of climate change (see black bars in Figure 1, and detailed subject-by-subject breakdown in Figure 2).\nToday, some of the most unique characteristics of cephalopods are also inspiring various technological developments, including adaptive camouflage based on cephalopod skin that can display a variety of patterns (Wang Q. et al., 2014; Yu et al., 2014) or spontaneously match its surroundings (Pikul et al., 2017), suction cups for wound repair (Choi et al., 2016), propulsion and buoyancy systems for Autonomous Underwater Vehicles (AUV, Song et al., 2016), distributed cognitive control systems for artificial intelligence (Íñiguez, 2017) and the design of soft robots (Laschi et al., 2012; Renda et al., 2012).\nDespite their great popularity and scientific relevance, detailed information on the biology, ecology, and physiology exists for about 8% (60 species) of the 800 or so known extant species of cephalopods (Jereb and Roper, 2005, 2010; Norman et al., 2014). Much more work is needed if we are to take advantage of all the scientific, technological and cultural inspiration that cephalopods have to offer. In order to stimulate further progress, we here focus on the potential of emerging technologies and of growing interest in cephalopods to address gaps in knowledge in seven particular subfields. We highlight some recent examples of progress in the fields of cephalopod genetics, aquaculture, climate change, welfare, behavior, cognition and neurobiology, and suggest challenges meriting particular focus in the near future (summarized in Table 1). The authors are three researchers who recently completed Ph.Ds in cephalopod biology, and who are thus particularly well-positioned (and motivated) to speculate about the future of the field. This manuscript follows from a series of keynote lectures (“Cephalopod Research; Visions of the Future”) delivered during the CephsInAction and CIAC Meeting: Cephalopod Science from Biology to Welfare, held at the CRETAquarium (Crete, Greece, March 28–30, 2017). Hereafter, we first review the current state of cephalopod genetics (an especially fertile area of potential growth) and discuss some of the many ways omic technology can be applied to cephalopod research, including aquaculture. Next, we explore three topics related to cephalopod-human interactions: aquaculture, climate change and anthropogenic impact and welfare of animals in captivity. Finally, we discuss research concerning cephalopod behavior, cognition, and neurobiology, three distinctive biological innovations that occurred during the evolution of this lineage.", "role": "user" }, { "content": "Cephalopods\nFew other invertebrates garner this degree of recognition or status\nCephalopods have\ncome to be respected for their various contributions to scientific research\nthey played a pivotal role in our understanding of the neuron\nthanks to the relative accessibility of the giant axon in squid\nfollowed by\nintense investigation of the cephalopodan nervous system and learning abilities\nthe end of the 20th century to the present day has seen a steadily growing body of work concerned with various other aspects of cephalopod biology\nincluding genetics\nwelfare and the effects of climate change\nsome of the most unique characteristics of cephalopods are also inspiring various technological developments\nincluding adaptive camouflage\nthat can display\npatterns\nor spontaneously match its surroundings\nsuction cups for wound repair\nand buoyancy systems for Autonomous Underwater Vehicles\ndistributed cognitive control systems for artificial intelligence\nand the design of soft robots\nMuch more work is needed if we are to take advantage of all the scientific\ntechnological and cultural inspiration that cephalopods have to offer\nWe highlight\nrecent examples of progress in the fields of cephalopod genetics\naquaculture\nclimate change\nwelfare\nbehavior\ncognition and neurobiology\nand suggest challenges meriting particular focus in the near future", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, emphasize the rhetorically powerful parts of the text to support the argument. \n\nTag: Cephalopod research has numerous benefits including reducing effects of climate change, increasing tech, and biological innovation", "role": "system" }, { "content": "Cephalopods\nFew other invertebrates garner this degree of recognition or status\nCephalopods have\ncome to be respected for their various contributions to scientific research\nthey played a pivotal role in our understanding of the neuron\nthanks to the relative accessibility of the giant axon in squid\nfollowed by\nintense investigation of the cephalopodan nervous system and learning abilities\nthe end of the 20th century to the present day has seen a steadily growing body of work concerned with various other aspects of cephalopod biology\nincluding genetics\nwelfare and the effects of climate change\nsome of the most unique characteristics of cephalopods are also inspiring various technological developments\nincluding adaptive camouflage\nthat can display\npatterns\nor spontaneously match its surroundings\nsuction cups for wound repair\nand buoyancy systems for Autonomous Underwater Vehicles\ndistributed cognitive control systems for artificial intelligence\nand the design of soft robots\nMuch more work is needed if we are to take advantage of all the scientific\ntechnological and cultural inspiration that cephalopods have to offer\nWe highlight\nrecent examples of progress in the fields of cephalopod genetics\naquaculture\nclimate change\nwelfare\nbehavior\ncognition and neurobiology\nand suggest challenges meriting particular focus in the near future", "role": "user" }, { "content": "Cephalopods\nrecognition\nstatus\nCephalopods\nrespected\nvarious contributions\nunderstanding of the neuron\ncephalopodan nervous system\nlearning abilities\nsteadily growing\ncephalopod biology\ngenetics\nwelfare\nclimate change\nunique characteristics\ntech\ndevelopments\nadaptive camouflage\nsuction cups\nbuoyancy systems\na\ni\nsoft robots\nMuch more work\nadvantage\nscientific\ntech\ncultural inspiration\nrecent examples\ngenetics\naquaculture\nclimate change\nwelfare\nbehavior\ncognition\nneurobiology", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, highlight the text to support the argument. Highlight approximately the amount of text specified by the highlight ratio. \n\nTag: Cephalopod research has numerous benefits including reducing effects of climate change, increasing tech, and biological innovation\n\nHighlight Ratio: 0.5", "role": "system" }, { "content": "Cephalopods\nFew other invertebrates garner this degree of recognition or status\nCephalopods have\ncome to be respected for their various contributions to scientific research\nthey played a pivotal role in our understanding of the neuron\nthanks to the relative accessibility of the giant axon in squid\nfollowed by\nintense investigation of the cephalopodan nervous system and learning abilities\nthe end of the 20th century to the present day has seen a steadily growing body of work concerned with various other aspects of cephalopod biology\nincluding genetics\nwelfare and the effects of climate change\nsome of the most unique characteristics of cephalopods are also inspiring various technological developments\nincluding adaptive camouflage\nthat can display\npatterns\nor spontaneously match its surroundings\nsuction cups for wound repair\nand buoyancy systems for Autonomous Underwater Vehicles\ndistributed cognitive control systems for artificial intelligence\nand the design of soft robots\nMuch more work is needed if we are to take advantage of all the scientific\ntechnological and cultural inspiration that cephalopods have to offer\nWe highlight\nrecent examples of progress in the fields of cephalopod genetics\naquaculture\nclimate change\nwelfare\nbehavior\ncognition and neurobiology\nand suggest challenges meriting particular focus in the near future", "role": "user" }, { "content": "Few other invertebrates garner this\nrecognition\nCephalopods have\ncome to be respected for\ncontributions to scientific research\nthey played a\nrole in\nunderstanding of the neuron\nfollowed by\nintense investigation of\nlearning abilities\nsteadily growing\nwork concerned with\ncephalopod biology\nincluding genetics\nwelfare and\nclimate change\ncharacteristics of cephalopods are\ninspiring\ntech\ndevelopments\nincluding\ncamouflage\nsuction cups for wound repair\nand buoyancy systems for\nUnderwater Vehicles\ncognitive\nsystems for a\ni\nand\ndesign of soft robots\nMuch more work is needed\nto take advantage of all the scientific\ntech\nand cultural inspiration that cephalopods have to offer\nWe highlight\ngenetics\naquaculture\nclimate change\nwelfare\nbehavior\ncognition and neurobiology", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, underline the text to support the argument. \n\nTag: The dollar is solid but dependent on strong US alliances.", "role": "system" }, { "content": "The power of the US now rests almost solely on the status of the US dollar as a global reserve currency, allowing it to use sanctions and exert pressure on countries. In order to maintain this, it must also keep its allies invested in that system.\nIn fact, the US dollar is more than a currency. There is a whole system built around it. Sovereign financial instruments, be they currency or bonds, are also political documents that have behind them institutional arrangement, credible legal frameworks, international alliances as well as military, political and economic power. Any merchant who invested in Ottoman or Austrian bonds before the First World War learned that lesson the hard way.\nBut the dollar system is still solid, the only game in town, and there are no indications of its demise. On the contrary, during financial crises, people still rush to it for safety. Istanbul bazaar traders, in these times of inflation, convert their Turkish lira to dollars almost daily as a store of value. This is partly an intangible faith in its value and convertibility and mainly because there is no credible alternative.\nThis was tested in 1981 when the US dollar lost about two thirds of its purchasing power through stagflation and still maintained that status. I remember left-wing student organizations celebrating the end of American capitalism in conferences 42 years ago.\nDebt ceilings can be raised multiple times and the country will be immune to financial crises as long as it can print its currency and there is global demand for it. No matter what its share of international trade is, other currencies traded have to pass through dollar-based convertibility to be credible; even gold is priced in dollars.\nThe world as we know it needs a currency of reference such as the dollar. There is no substitute. Furthermore, the dollar is not only a currency, it is also a platform for trade and payment and dispute resolution, mainly through American courts. To understand this, imagine having to resort to Russian or Chinese courts to resolve disputes.\nIt took two world wars to dislodge British sterling from that position, and the whole post-Second World War international institutional arrangements as well, as much of international trade is reliant on the dollar since it was adopted as the global reserve currency at the Bretton Woods conference. That established the current international order and its institutions — such as the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the International Trade Organization. It would take a huge upheaval in the international system to dislodge the dollar.\nHaving said that, the very fact that we are asking these questions means that the process has begun. We are seeing numerous alliances being formed to combat the dollar: Every time the US uses sanctions against a country or blocks it from using the SWIFT financial transfers network controlled by the US Treasury or other dollar-based instruments; every time it freezes dollar-based assets, it pushes more actors to start looking for alternatives. Who knows what will happen with central bank digital currency if it also moves to interbank operations. No state can defeat the dollar on its own but alliances are forming with that sole purpose.\nWhen states have an incentive to move away from any instruments or bonds that the US can seize at leisure or displeasure, that system is no longer safe — even America’s allies are worried. A friend’s father once said that ideally banking should be boring, now it is becoming dangerous.\nRussia and China are leading the charge and are gathering allies through several mechanisms. One of them is the expansion of the BRICS alliance already composed of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. The acronym was coined by Jim O'Neill, the former chief economist of the Goldman Sachs group who has recently called for its expansion — and there are already talks with several countries, including some major oil producers, to join it.\nChina leads the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, a Eurasian economic, political, security and defense bloc that is also seeking an expansion of its members. They are already discussing alternative arrangements that would hedge against US-dollar dominance. These efforts have increased with the Ukraine war and the stepping up of Russian-Chinese trade in yuan.\nThe global economy is also going through a period of instability. In the past 12 years, especially since 2011, we have witnessed increasing protest movements that represent cracks in the post-Second World War system. In the 1980s, when we spoke of a global debt crisis it was understood to mean the debt of developing countries. In 2023, we automatically also think of some of the leading economies such as Japan and the UK, as well as the PIIGS group in Europe composed of Portugal, Italy, Ireland, Greece and Spain, with Greece having the highest debt to GDP ratio of close to 178 percent. The US is again immune to this but the consequences of a large-scale global crisis remain unpredictable.\nThere is a new generation that is questioning that world order. A generation that still pays taxes but gets fewer services than the previous one and is expected to shoulder the debt burden their parents’ generation has created. The 20th-century welfare state has sold them short. They don’t have faith in official figures, they see that survival on current salary levels is impossible. Economists are the last people to offer solutions; Greece and Argentina have the world’s best economists and the worst economies. The next change in the global order could be the result of financial implosion rather than a world war.\nThe US has also been losing influence in regions it is withdrawing from, and many of its friends have doubts about its reliability as a guarantor of their security and protection. Within the US itself there are also growing voices that question its role as a superpower and its ability to lead a stable global order. Even the Europeans are not satisfied with the current security arrangements. America forgot how much it depends on its allies. The recent Chinese-brokered agreement between Saudi Arabia and Iran is but one indication of this phenomenon.\nIf the demise of the dollar is still difficult to imagine, it is also equally challenging to think of its power as eternal. The US should review its strategy and work with its friends and allies and maintain its soft power to ensure that when change happens, it will be managed. A hostile collapse of the US dollar would have dire consequences on the interdependent global economy and most of all, on the US itself.", "role": "user" }, { "content": "power of the US\nrests\non the status of the US dollar as a global reserve currency\nIn order to maintain this, it must\nkeep its allies invested in that system\nthe US dollar is more than a currency\nThere is a whole system\npolitical documents\ninstitutional arrangement\nlegal frameworks\ninternational alliances\nthe dollar system is still solid\nand there are no indications of its demise\nDebt ceilings can be raised\ncountry will be immune to financial crises as long as it can print its currency and there is global demand for it.\ncurrencies\nhave to pass through dollar\nbased convertibility to be credible\ngold is priced in dollars\nThere is no substitute\nIt would take\nupheaval in the international system to dislodge the dollar\nHaving said that\nthat the process has begun\nWe are seeing numerous alliances being formed to combat the dollar\nNo state can defeat the dollar on its own but alliances are forming with that sole purpose\neven America’s allies are worried\nRussia and China are leading the charge\ngathering allies through several mechanisms\nthe BRICS\nThe next change in the global order could be the result of financial implosion\nUS has\nbeen losing influence\nfriends have doubts about its reliability\nEuropeans are not satisfied\nAmerica forgot how much it depends on its allies\nThe US should\nwork with its friends and allies and maintain its soft power\nhostile collapse\nwould have dire consequences on the\nglobal economy", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, emphasize the rhetorically powerful parts of the text to support the argument. \n\nTag: The dollar is solid but dependent on strong US alliances.", "role": "system" }, { "content": "power of the US\nrests\non the status of the US dollar as a global reserve currency\nIn order to maintain this, it must\nkeep its allies invested in that system\nthe US dollar is more than a currency\nThere is a whole system\npolitical documents\ninstitutional arrangement\nlegal frameworks\ninternational alliances\nthe dollar system is still solid\nand there are no indications of its demise\nDebt ceilings can be raised\ncountry will be immune to financial crises as long as it can print its currency and there is global demand for it.\ncurrencies\nhave to pass through dollar\nbased convertibility to be credible\ngold is priced in dollars\nThere is no substitute\nIt would take\nupheaval in the international system to dislodge the dollar\nHaving said that\nthat the process has begun\nWe are seeing numerous alliances being formed to combat the dollar\nNo state can defeat the dollar on its own but alliances are forming with that sole purpose\neven America’s allies are worried\nRussia and China are leading the charge\ngathering allies through several mechanisms\nthe BRICS\nThe next change in the global order could be the result of financial implosion\nUS has\nbeen losing influence\nfriends have doubts about its reliability\nEuropeans are not satisfied\nAmerica forgot how much it depends on its allies\nThe US should\nwork with its friends and allies and maintain its soft power\nhostile collapse\nwould have dire consequences on the\nglobal economy", "role": "user" }, { "content": "dollar\nglobal reserve currency\nmust\nallies invested\ncurrency\ninternational alliances\nstill solid\nno indications\nimmune\ncurrency\nglobal demand\ndollar\nbased convertibility\nno substitute\nupheaval\ndislodge\nHaving said that\nbegun\nalliances\nallies\nglobal order\nfinancial implosion\ninfluence\ndoubts\nreliability\nsatisfied\nallies\nsoft power\nhostile collapse\ndire consequences\nglobal economy", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, highlight the text to support the argument. Highlight approximately the amount of text specified by the highlight ratio. \n\nTag: The dollar is solid but dependent on strong US alliances.\n\nHighlight Ratio: 0.3", "role": "system" }, { "content": "power of the US\nrests\non the status of the US dollar as a global reserve currency\nIn order to maintain this, it must\nkeep its allies invested in that system\nthe US dollar is more than a currency\nThere is a whole system\npolitical documents\ninstitutional arrangement\nlegal frameworks\ninternational alliances\nthe dollar system is still solid\nand there are no indications of its demise\nDebt ceilings can be raised\ncountry will be immune to financial crises as long as it can print its currency and there is global demand for it.\ncurrencies\nhave to pass through dollar\nbased convertibility to be credible\ngold is priced in dollars\nThere is no substitute\nIt would take\nupheaval in the international system to dislodge the dollar\nHaving said that\nthat the process has begun\nWe are seeing numerous alliances being formed to combat the dollar\nNo state can defeat the dollar on its own but alliances are forming with that sole purpose\neven America’s allies are worried\nRussia and China are leading the charge\ngathering allies through several mechanisms\nthe BRICS\nThe next change in the global order could be the result of financial implosion\nUS has\nbeen losing influence\nfriends have doubts about its reliability\nEuropeans are not satisfied\nAmerica forgot how much it depends on its allies\nThe US should\nwork with its friends and allies and maintain its soft power\nhostile collapse\nwould have dire consequences on the\nglobal economy", "role": "user" }, { "content": "power of\nthe US dollar\nmust\nkeep its allies invested\ndollar\nis still solid\nthere are no indications of its demise\nDebt ceilings\nimmune to financial crises\nthere is global demand\ndollar\nbased convertibility\nThere is no substitute\nwould take\nupheaval in the international system\nHaving said that\nprocess has begun\nalliances are forming\nAmerica’s allies are worried\nUS\nlosing influence\nfriends have doubts\nAmerica\ndepends on its allies\nUS should\nwork with\nallies\nhostile collapse\nwould have dire consequences", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, underline the text to support the argument. \n\nTag: Cohesion’s irrelevant to alliance success.", "role": "system" }, { "content": "[TITLE]: “No consensus? No problem. Why NATO is still effective”\nCritics of the alliance (and even some supporters) have interpreted NATO’s unwillingness to militarily support Ukraine — especially during the most significant challenge to the European security order since the Cold War — as an indicator of its declining relevance, timidity, or its divisions. But that overstates the importance of political consensus to NATO’s value and understates its role as an effective and flexible defensive alliance. This is a role with potentially critical benefits for Ukraine.\nFirst, it sets too high a bar for an alliance of thirty members with aligned, but distinct, priorities. Unanimity on every issue is impossible, let alone one as complex as military support to Ukraine. Debate and disagreement, as it should be for any democratic institution, are built-in features of NATO — not bugs. In reality, it’s astounding how often NATO does reach consensus about issues big and small, creating an unrealistic expectation that it always will. The opposite of consensus is not failure. Suggesting otherwise turns any debate that doesn’t end harmoniously into an indictment of NATO, playing straight into Russian propaganda.\nSecond, a belief that NATO’s value is tied primarily to achieving consensus on every issue misses the more mundane (and important) ways it supports its allies and partners. Its affinity for process — particularly its ability to build a common situational understanding among its members — is an invaluable tool. Habits of consultation and information sharing, buttressed by deep cooperation on operations, intelligence sharing, defense planning, and interoperability, create the foundation upon which any consensus is to be built. Even in the absence of that agreement, the ability to collectively define threats and jointly train to confront them is immensely valuable in its own right. \nThird, these habits of cooperation give NATO members the flexibility to act outside of the Alliance’s frameworks. While NATO does much by consensus — such as its missions in the Baltic states — the skills it helps members develop is central to enabling them to form separate coalitions for action. This happened recently with ample success in taking on the Islamic State. Such flexibility should be a point in NATO’s favor, not evidence of its ineptitude. \nIn the case of military support for Ukraine, policymakers will find more attractive alternatives for dealing with Moscow’s aggression outside of the auspices of the Alliance. Up to and including its recent dialogue with Russia, it has taken a host of consensus actions to support Ukraine — from condemning Kremlin aggression and standing up for Kyiv politically to reaffirming its open-door policy with an expectation that Ukraine will eventually become a member. It might even share intelligence and develop training and advisory programs for the Ukrainian military. \nAnd while it won’t find a consensus to fight, it could provide the foundation for certain allies to support Ukrainian forces in ways consistent with their national priorities outside of NATO. In that case, NATO’s enabling value to its members in complicating Putin’s cost-benefit assessment should be applauded.\nLast week’s NATO-Russia Council meeting showcased an Alliance working in lockstep and finding political consensus in responding to preposterous Russian demands. NATO should always strive for this degree of consensus. But if and when this crisis intensifies, and Putin advances further into Ukraine, expectations for NATO assistance will be raised, decisions about how to respond will become more difficult, and consensus will be more elusive. \nDespite the rhetoric we might hear in response, this is not evidence of NATO’s ineffectiveness — but rather a reflection of how democratic institutions function. And even absent consensus, NATO can still contribute invaluably to Ukraine’s sovereignty.\n", "role": "user" }, { "content": "No consensus\nNo problem\nWhy NATO is still effective\nCritics\ninterpreted NATO’s unwillingness to militarily support Ukraine\nas\nindicator of its declining relevance\nBut that overstates\nimportance of political consensus to NATO’s value and understates\nrole as an effective and flexible defensive alliance\nwith potentially critical benefits\nsets too high a bar for an alliance\nwith aligned\nbut distinct\npriorities\nDebate and disagreement\nare built-in features of NATO\nnot bugs\nit’s astounding how often NATO does reach consensus\nSuggesting otherwise\nplaying straight into Russian propaganda\nmisses the more\nimportant\nways it supports its allies and partners\naffinity for process\nability to build\ncommon situational understanding\nis\ninvaluable\nHabits of consultation\ninformation sharing\nbuttressed by deep cooperation\nintelligence sharing\ndefense planning\nand interoperability\ncreate the foundation upon which\nconsensus is to be built\nEven in the absence of\nagreement\nability to collectively define threats and jointly\nconfront them is immensely valuable\nhabits of cooperation give NATO members\nflexibility\nhelps members develop\ncentral to enabling them to form\ncoalitions for action\nhappened recently with ample success in taking on the Islamic State\nflexibility\na point in NATO’s favor\nnot\nineptitude\nprovide the foundation for\nallies to support\nin ways consistent with\nnational priorities outside of NATO\nNATO’s enabling value to its members\ncomplicating Putin’s cost-benefit assessment\nthis is not evidence of NATO’s ineffectiveness\nhow democratic institutions function", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, emphasize the rhetorically powerful parts of the text to support the argument. \n\nTag: Cohesion’s irrelevant to alliance success.", "role": "system" }, { "content": "No consensus\nNo problem\nWhy NATO is still effective\nCritics\ninterpreted NATO’s unwillingness to militarily support Ukraine\nas\nindicator of its declining relevance\nBut that overstates\nimportance of political consensus to NATO’s value and understates\nrole as an effective and flexible defensive alliance\nwith potentially critical benefits\nsets too high a bar for an alliance\nwith aligned\nbut distinct\npriorities\nDebate and disagreement\nare built-in features of NATO\nnot bugs\nit’s astounding how often NATO does reach consensus\nSuggesting otherwise\nplaying straight into Russian propaganda\nmisses the more\nimportant\nways it supports its allies and partners\naffinity for process\nability to build\ncommon situational understanding\nis\ninvaluable\nHabits of consultation\ninformation sharing\nbuttressed by deep cooperation\nintelligence sharing\ndefense planning\nand interoperability\ncreate the foundation upon which\nconsensus is to be built\nEven in the absence of\nagreement\nability to collectively define threats and jointly\nconfront them is immensely valuable\nhabits of cooperation give NATO members\nflexibility\nhelps members develop\ncentral to enabling them to form\ncoalitions for action\nhappened recently with ample success in taking on the Islamic State\nflexibility\na point in NATO’s favor\nnot\nineptitude\nprovide the foundation for\nallies to support\nin ways consistent with\nnational priorities outside of NATO\nNATO’s enabling value to its members\ncomplicating Putin’s cost-benefit assessment\nthis is not evidence of NATO’s ineffectiveness\nhow democratic institutions function", "role": "user" }, { "content": "still effective\nmilitarily support\ndeclining relevance\npolitical consensus\neffective and flexible\npotentially critical\ntoo high\nDebate\ndisagreement\nbuilt-in features of NATO\ndoes reach consensus\nstraight into Russian propaganda\nsituational understanding\ndeep cooperation\ncollectively define\nimmensely valuable\nflexibility\nample success\nI\nS\nfoundation\nconsistent\noutside of NATO\nthis is not evidence\ndemocratic institutions", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, highlight the text to support the argument. Highlight approximately the amount of text specified by the highlight ratio. \n\nTag: Cohesion’s irrelevant to alliance success.\n\nHighlight Ratio: 0.4", "role": "system" }, { "content": "No consensus\nNo problem\nWhy NATO is still effective\nCritics\ninterpreted NATO’s unwillingness to militarily support Ukraine\nas\nindicator of its declining relevance\nBut that overstates\nimportance of political consensus to NATO’s value and understates\nrole as an effective and flexible defensive alliance\nwith potentially critical benefits\nsets too high a bar for an alliance\nwith aligned\nbut distinct\npriorities\nDebate and disagreement\nare built-in features of NATO\nnot bugs\nit’s astounding how often NATO does reach consensus\nSuggesting otherwise\nplaying straight into Russian propaganda\nmisses the more\nimportant\nways it supports its allies and partners\naffinity for process\nability to build\ncommon situational understanding\nis\ninvaluable\nHabits of consultation\ninformation sharing\nbuttressed by deep cooperation\nintelligence sharing\ndefense planning\nand interoperability\ncreate the foundation upon which\nconsensus is to be built\nEven in the absence of\nagreement\nability to collectively define threats and jointly\nconfront them is immensely valuable\nhabits of cooperation give NATO members\nflexibility\nhelps members develop\ncentral to enabling them to form\ncoalitions for action\nhappened recently with ample success in taking on the Islamic State\nflexibility\na point in NATO’s favor\nnot\nineptitude\nprovide the foundation for\nallies to support\nin ways consistent with\nnational priorities outside of NATO\nNATO’s enabling value to its members\ncomplicating Putin’s cost-benefit assessment\nthis is not evidence of NATO’s ineffectiveness\nhow democratic institutions function", "role": "user" }, { "content": "No consensus\nNo problem\nNATO is still effective\nCritics\ninterpreted NATO’s unwillingness to\nsupport Ukraine\nas\nindicator of\ndeclining relevance\noverstates\nimportance of\nconsensus\nand understates\nrole as\nflexible\nalliance\nDebate and disagreement\nare\nfeatures\nnot bugs\nSuggesting otherwise\nRussian propaganda\nprocess\nbuild\ncommon\nunderstanding\nconsultation\ninfo\nsharing\ncooperation\nintel\nsharing\ndefense planning\ninteroperability\ncreate\nfoundation\non which\nconsensus\nbuilt\nflexibility\nenabl\ncoalitions\nwith\nsuccess\nflexibility\na\nfavor\nnot\nineptitude\nprovide\nfoundation for\npriorities\nthis is\nhow democratic institutions function", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, underline the text to support the argument. \n\nTag: 4. Each new launch increases the risk of collision---there’s a risk they make the problem worse---flips try-or-die.", "role": "system" }, { "content": "Even when Sputnik launched in 1957, it wasn’t alone. The shiny ball was accompanied by its core stage and payload fairing, both of which tumbled around Earth in nearby orbits. Much of the hardware we launch is similarly partnered, meaning each launch can be responsible for multiple pieces of orbital debris. Much of this “debris” is, of course, composed of hard-working satellites performing valuable jobs. But the majority is derelict, either drifting past its useful lifetime or genuine trash like the spent rocket stages. And “drifting” is a relative term here: Some objects in orbit are moving at up to 17,000 miles per hour. As human technology needs have become greater, we’ve also become more reliant on growing numbers of satellites. Newly proposed “constellations” of dozens or even thousands of satellites could greatly expand the number of artificial companions in orbit around us —communications networks more or less require them in order to deliver global coverage. The well-established Iridium satellite phone network uses 66 satellites (plus a few spares if something goes wrong — more on that below). SpaceX recently received FCC approval to launch roughly 12,000 satellites for their planned space-based internet. Many of the new generation of satellites could by tiny, but numerous. CubeSats are tiny satellites much touted as gateways for even small research groups or companies to gain access to space science, thanks to the low cost of launch and development. But that very ease of access means they’re flooding the skies in greater numbers every year. The more cluttered space becomes, the greater risk there is for a collision. And this is no hypothetical. In fact, a large fraction of the debris we know about in space is the result of just two past collisions. The first, in 2007, was China’s intentional “destruction” of a weather satellite as a test of their ability to destroy objects in space. The problem is that while they very successfully demolished the satellite (one China also owned, by the way), what they also did was turn it from one orbiting object into a few thousand, many of which are still circling us today. These drifting bits of debris are a lot harder to track than one derelict weather satellite. This alone angered other space agencies, not to even mention the thorny issue of militarizing space.\n\n", "role": "user" }, { "content": "Much of the hardware we launch is\npartnered, meaning each launch can be responsible for multiple pieces of orbital debris\nworking\nthe majority is derelict\nSome objects in orbit are moving at up to 17,000 miles per hour\nwe’ve also become more reliant on growing numbers of satellites\nThe more cluttered space becomes, the greater risk there is for a collision. And this is no hypothetical.\na large fraction of the debris we know about in space is the result of just two past collisions. The first, in 2007, was China’s intentional “destruction” of a weather satellite\nwhile they very successfully demolished the satellite\nwhat they also did was turn it from one orbiting object into a few thousand, many of which are still circling us today\nThese drifting bits of debris are a lot harder to track than one derelict weather satellite", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, emphasize the rhetorically powerful parts of the text to support the argument. \n\nTag: 4. Each new launch increases the risk of collision---there’s a risk they make the problem worse---flips try-or-die.", "role": "system" }, { "content": "Much of the hardware we launch is\npartnered, meaning each launch can be responsible for multiple pieces of orbital debris\nworking\nthe majority is derelict\nSome objects in orbit are moving at up to 17,000 miles per hour\nwe’ve also become more reliant on growing numbers of satellites\nThe more cluttered space becomes, the greater risk there is for a collision. And this is no hypothetical.\na large fraction of the debris we know about in space is the result of just two past collisions. The first, in 2007, was China’s intentional “destruction” of a weather satellite\nwhile they very successfully demolished the satellite\nwhat they also did was turn it from one orbiting object into a few thousand, many of which are still circling us today\nThese drifting bits of debris are a lot harder to track than one derelict weather satellite", "role": "user" }, { "content": "each launch\nmultiple pieces of orbital debris\nreliant on growing numbers of satellites\nmore cluttered space becomes, the greater risk", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, highlight the text to support the argument. Highlight approximately the amount of text specified by the highlight ratio. \n\nTag: 4. Each new launch increases the risk of collision---there’s a risk they make the problem worse---flips try-or-die.\n\nHighlight Ratio: 0.2", "role": "system" }, { "content": "Much of the hardware we launch is\npartnered, meaning each launch can be responsible for multiple pieces of orbital debris\nworking\nthe majority is derelict\nSome objects in orbit are moving at up to 17,000 miles per hour\nwe’ve also become more reliant on growing numbers of satellites\nThe more cluttered space becomes, the greater risk there is for a collision. And this is no hypothetical.\na large fraction of the debris we know about in space is the result of just two past collisions. The first, in 2007, was China’s intentional “destruction” of a weather satellite\nwhile they very successfully demolished the satellite\nwhat they also did was turn it from one orbiting object into a few thousand, many of which are still circling us today\nThese drifting bits of debris are a lot harder to track than one derelict weather satellite", "role": "user" }, { "content": "hardware\nis\npartnered, meaning each launch\nresponsible for multiple pieces of orbital debris\nthe majority is derelict\nmore cluttered space becomes, the greater risk", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, underline the text to support the argument. \n\nTag: 4. ‘Rights’ and ‘duties’ correlate, are legally enforceable, and constitute personhood.", "role": "system" }, { "content": "The word ‘rights’ used in describing personality connotes legal relations between persons. It is interconnected with duties and it contains legally enforceable claims against others who are obliged not to breach such relations (Corbin 1920). A legal person who knows that he/she has a certain right should be able to answer the question: ‘What must another do for me?’ Corbin (1920). Hence the holder of rights needs to have the awareness of its own entitlements and others’ obligations of performance. To compel such performance, the possessor of a right is entitled to utilise the available legal recourses through the state (Corbin 1924). A right provides an option to its holder to do or not to do a certain act that is not forbidden nor commanded by law, while the act forms the content of the right in question (Terry 1916). Again, the existence of a right is a question of law, and the exercise of the right entails its holder’s conscious choice about doing or not doing something.\nAs implied above, the enjoyment of one’s rights requires the existence of duties of others and their performance of those duties. Duties of a person as a constituent element of legal relations are described as responsibilities commanded by law to do or to forbear something for the benefit of others, the failure in, or disobedience of, which will attract a remedy (Terry 1916; Corbin 1920). A person who bears a particular duty with the knowledge of its existence, compulsion in its performance, and sanctions against its disobedience, should be able to answer the question: ‘What must I do for another?’ (Corbin 1920) Similar to the enjoyment of rights, the performance of duties warrants their subject to have awareness of his/her/its (subject’s) relevant obligations, and to perform such obligations accordingly, in order to avoid legal sanctions to be exerted by the society in the event of failure or disobedience. For example, trespass to land or trespass to the person with the required guilty mind demonstrates disobedience to one’s obligations to refrain from doing so, thus committing trespass attracts liability under both torts and criminal law.\nThe rights and duties discussed above as essential ingredients of personality justify the ascription of personhood from the viewpoint of its purposes. The principal purpose of legal personhood, conferred on whomever or whatever, is to facilitate the regulation of human conduct by an organised society (Smith 1928). This facilitation is effected through the regulation of the conduct of the subjects of law by reference to legal relations, while conduct includes both acts and omissions (Terry 1916). Generally, any legal liability is imposed for a breach of someone’s right with an ultimate objective of maintaining order in the society. For example, killing of a person by an intentional act or a grossly negligent omission is penalised due to the violation of the right to life of the deceased. To this end, the imposition of a duty aims to prevent consequences which may come about in the absence or non-performance of the duty at hand; the duty not to kill someone aims to avoid that death, for example (Terry 1916). This consequence can amount to a violation of one’s right (Terry 1916). According to Lundstedt’s conception of the meaning of legal right, the sole purpose for which law exists is to prevent harm of the community or to confer social benefit (Lundstedt cited in Allen 1931). The law protects these rights by imposing duties on others and providing remedies against any breach thereof. More precisely, as West terms it, a ‘breach of duty is an act of injustice’ (West 2010).\nThe duty imposed on a person is said to correspond to the right of another where the former owes the duty to the latter; however, when the duty is imposed by criminal law, it is regarded as owed to the state (Terry 1916). Some of the paramount duties imposed by law generally include: (1) duties not to do any act which will cause injuries or death to others; (2) duties of possessors of actively dangerous things, such as ferocious animals or man-made treacherous products (industrial or social robots, for example) to prevent them from causing harm; and (3) duties not to take possession of property in violation of others’ rights or legal interest (Terry 1916). A legal interest is defined as ‘[t]he aggregate of the legal relations of a person with respect to some specific physical object or the physical relations of specific objects’ (Corbin 1920).\nCase law has consistently recognised the correlative rights and duties that attach to legal personhood. Footnote 6 It is judicially recognised that ‘[s]o far as legal theory is concerned, a person is any being whom the law regards as capable of rights and duties…. Persons are the substances of which rights and duties are the attributes. It is only in this respect that persons possess juridical significance, and this is the exclusive point of view from which personality receives legal recognition’ People ex rel Nonhuman Rights Project Inc v Lavery (Lavery). Most recently the Supreme Court of New York (NY-SC) in Matter of Nonhuman Rights Project, Inc. v Stanley (Stanley) upheld that the autonomy and self-determination of any entity are not regarded as the basis for granting it rights (Stanley 2015). Rather, the Appellate Division of the NY-SC (NY-SCAD) in Lavery (2014), which was followed in Stanley, applied the prevailing attributes of personality, in determining the personhood of a chimpanzee, that legal personhood has unfailingly been defined by reference to both rights and duties (Lavery 2014). Central to the legal personality is thus the ability to enjoy rights and to discharge duties (Duff 1929).\n", "role": "user" }, { "content": "The word ‘rights’ used in describing personality connotes legal relations between persons. It is interconnected with duties and it contains legally enforceable claims against others who are obliged not to breach such relations\nA right provides an option to its holder to do or not to do a certain act\nthe existence of a right is a question of law, and the exercise of the right entails its holder’s conscious choice about doing or not doing something\nDuties\nare\nresponsibilities commanded by law to do or to forbear something for the benefit of others, the failure in, or disobedience of, which will attract a remedy\nThe rights and duties\njustify\nascription of personhood\nThe duty imposed on a person is said to correspond to the right of another\nCase law has consistently recognised the correlative rights and duties that attach to legal personhood\nIt is judicially recognised that\n[s]o far as legal theory is concerned, a person is any being whom the law regards as capable of rights and duties\nPersons are the substances of which rights and duties are the attributes", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, emphasize the rhetorically powerful parts of the text to support the argument. \n\nTag: 4. ‘Rights’ and ‘duties’ correlate, are legally enforceable, and constitute personhood.", "role": "system" }, { "content": "The word ‘rights’ used in describing personality connotes legal relations between persons. It is interconnected with duties and it contains legally enforceable claims against others who are obliged not to breach such relations (Corbin 1920). A legal person who knows that he/she has a certain right should be able to answer the question: ‘What must another do for me?’ Corbin (1920). Hence the holder of rights needs to have the awareness of its own entitlements and others’ obligations of performance. To compel such performance, the possessor of a right is entitled to utilise the available legal recourses through the state (Corbin 1924). A right provides an option to its holder to do or not to do a certain act that is not forbidden nor commanded by law, while the act forms the content of the right in question (Terry 1916). Again, the existence of a right is a question of law, and the exercise of the right entails its holder’s conscious choice about doing or not doing something.\nAs implied above, the enjoyment of one’s rights requires the existence of duties of others and their performance of those duties. Duties of a person as a constituent element of legal relations are described as responsibilities commanded by law to do or to forbear something for the benefit of others, the failure in, or disobedience of, which will attract a remedy (Terry 1916; Corbin 1920). A person who bears a particular duty with the knowledge of its existence, compulsion in its performance, and sanctions against its disobedience, should be able to answer the question: ‘What must I do for another?’ (Corbin 1920) Similar to the enjoyment of rights, the performance of duties warrants their subject to have awareness of his/her/its (subject’s) relevant obligations, and to perform such obligations accordingly, in order to avoid legal sanctions to be exerted by the society in the event of failure or disobedience. For example, trespass to land or trespass to the person with the required guilty mind demonstrates disobedience to one’s obligations to refrain from doing so, thus committing trespass attracts liability under both torts and criminal law.\nThe rights and duties discussed above as essential ingredients of personality justify the ascription of personhood from the viewpoint of its purposes. The principal purpose of legal personhood, conferred on whomever or whatever, is to facilitate the regulation of human conduct by an organised society (Smith 1928). This facilitation is effected through the regulation of the conduct of the subjects of law by reference to legal relations, while conduct includes both acts and omissions (Terry 1916). Generally, any legal liability is imposed for a breach of someone’s right with an ultimate objective of maintaining order in the society. For example, killing of a person by an intentional act or a grossly negligent omission is penalised due to the violation of the right to life of the deceased. To this end, the imposition of a duty aims to prevent consequences which may come about in the absence or non-performance of the duty at hand; the duty not to kill someone aims to avoid that death, for example (Terry 1916). This consequence can amount to a violation of one’s right (Terry 1916). According to Lundstedt’s conception of the meaning of legal right, the sole purpose for which law exists is to prevent harm of the community or to confer social benefit (Lundstedt cited in Allen 1931). The law protects these rights by imposing duties on others and providing remedies against any breach thereof. More precisely, as West terms it, a ‘breach of duty is an act of injustice’ (West 2010).\nThe duty imposed on a person is said to correspond to the right of another where the former owes the duty to the latter; however, when the duty is imposed by criminal law, it is regarded as owed to the state (Terry 1916). Some of the paramount duties imposed by law generally include: (1) duties not to do any act which will cause injuries or death to others; (2) duties of possessors of actively dangerous things, such as ferocious animals or man-made treacherous products (industrial or social robots, for example) to prevent them from causing harm; and (3) duties not to take possession of property in violation of others’ rights or legal interest (Terry 1916). A legal interest is defined as ‘[t]he aggregate of the legal relations of a person with respect to some specific physical object or the physical relations of specific objects’ (Corbin 1920).\nCase law has consistently recognised the correlative rights and duties that attach to legal personhood. Footnote 6 It is judicially recognised that ‘[s]o far as legal theory is concerned, a person is any being whom the law regards as capable of rights and duties…. Persons are the substances of which rights and duties are the attributes. It is only in this respect that persons possess juridical significance, and this is the exclusive point of view from which personality receives legal recognition’ People ex rel Nonhuman Rights Project Inc v Lavery (Lavery). Most recently the Supreme Court of New York (NY-SC) in Matter of Nonhuman Rights Project, Inc. v Stanley (Stanley) upheld that the autonomy and self-determination of any entity are not regarded as the basis for granting it rights (Stanley 2015). Rather, the Appellate Division of the NY-SC (NY-SCAD) in Lavery (2014), which was followed in Stanley, applied the prevailing attributes of personality, in determining the personhood of a chimpanzee, that legal personhood has unfailingly been defined by reference to both rights and duties (Lavery 2014). Central to the legal personality is thus the ability to enjoy rights and to discharge duties (Duff 1929).\n", "role": "user" }, { "content": "word\nlegal relations\ninterconnected\nlegally enforceable claims\nobliged\noption\nquestion of law\nexercise\nconscious choice\nresponsibilities commanded by law\nremedy\nascription of personhood\ncorrespond\nright of another\nconsistently recognised\ncorrelative\njudicially recognised\nany being\nsubstances\nattributes", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, highlight the text to support the argument. Highlight approximately the amount of text specified by the highlight ratio. \n\nTag: 4. ‘Rights’ and ‘duties’ correlate, are legally enforceable, and constitute personhood.\n\nHighlight Ratio: 0.6", "role": "system" }, { "content": "The word ‘rights’ used in describing personality connotes legal relations between persons. It is interconnected with duties and it contains legally enforceable claims against others who are obliged not to breach such relations\nA right provides an option to its holder to do or not to do a certain act\nthe existence of a right is a question of law, and the exercise of the right entails its holder’s conscious choice about doing or not doing something\nDuties\nare\nresponsibilities commanded by law to do or to forbear something for the benefit of others, the failure in, or disobedience of, which will attract a remedy\nThe rights and duties\njustify\nascription of personhood\nThe duty imposed on a person is said to correspond to the right of another\nCase law has consistently recognised the correlative rights and duties that attach to legal personhood\nIt is judicially recognised that\n[s]o far as legal theory is concerned, a person is any being whom the law regards as capable of rights and duties\nPersons are the substances of which rights and duties are the attributes", "role": "user" }, { "content": "word ‘rights’ used in describing personality connotes legal relations\nIt is interconnected with duties and it contains legally enforceable claims against others who are obliged\nA right provides an option to its holder to do or not to do a certain act\nexistence\nis a question of law,\nDuties\nare\nresponsibilities commanded by law\nrights and duties\njustify\nascription of personhood\nduty imposed on a person\ncorrespond to the right of another\nCase law has consistently recognised the correlative rights and duties that attach to l\np\njudicially recognised\nperson is any being whom the law regards as capable of rights and duties\nPersons are\nsubstances\nrights and duties are\nattributes", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, underline the text to support the argument. \n\nTag: 7. South Korea will leak.", "role": "system" }, { "content": "In South Korea, there exists a rather “dysfunctional” relationship between the intelligence community, the policymakers and the public. Scandals of intelligence officers directly intervening in domestic politics have caused deep suspicion amongst the public, with few citizens understanding the role that intelligence agencies play or their need for secrecy. On the other hand, policymakers are often allegedly denied intelligence due to fears amongst agencies that it will be leaked. This lack of trust and ROK’s domestic politics have frequently led to obstacles in intelligence sharing with other partner states—Seoul’s refusal to ratify GSOMIA being an example. Such domestic dysfunction could risk FVEY’s perceptions regarding Seoul’s potentiality as a seamless partner to the alliance and impact their willingness to share critical intelligence on a default basis.", "role": "user" }, { "content": "there exists a\n“dysfunctional” relationship between the intelligence community\npolicymakers and the public\nScandals of intelligence officers\nintervening in domestic politics\ncaused deep suspicion\npolicymakers are\nallegedly denied intelligence due to fears amongst agencies\nit will be leaked\nlack of trust and ROK’s domestic politics\nfrequently led to obstacles in intelligence sharing with other partner states", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, emphasize the rhetorically powerful parts of the text to support the argument. \n\nTag: 7. South Korea will leak.", "role": "system" }, { "content": "In South Korea, there exists a rather “dysfunctional” relationship between the intelligence community, the policymakers and the public. Scandals of intelligence officers directly intervening in domestic politics have caused deep suspicion amongst the public, with few citizens understanding the role that intelligence agencies play or their need for secrecy. On the other hand, policymakers are often allegedly denied intelligence due to fears amongst agencies that it will be leaked. This lack of trust and ROK’s domestic politics have frequently led to obstacles in intelligence sharing with other partner states—Seoul’s refusal to ratify GSOMIA being an example. Such domestic dysfunction could risk FVEY’s perceptions regarding Seoul’s potentiality as a seamless partner to the alliance and impact their willingness to share critical intelligence on a default basis.", "role": "user" }, { "content": "“dysfunctional” relationship\ni\nc\npolicymakers\npublic\nintervening\nallegedly denied intelligence\nfears\nleaked\nlack of trust\nROK’s domestic politics\n led to obstacles", "role": "assistant" } ]

[ { "content": "Based on the argument in the tag, highlight the text to support the argument. Highlight approximately the amount of text specified by the highlight ratio. \n\nTag: 7. South Korea will leak.\n\nHighlight Ratio: 0.4", "role": "system" }, { "content": "there exists a\n“dysfunctional” relationship between the intelligence community\npolicymakers and the public\nScandals of intelligence officers\nintervening in domestic politics\ncaused deep suspicion\npolicymakers are\nallegedly denied intelligence due to fears amongst agencies\nit will be leaked\nlack of trust and ROK’s domestic politics\nfrequently led to obstacles in intelligence sharing with other partner states", "role": "user" }, { "content": "exists\ndysfunctional\ni\nc\npolicymakers and\npublic\nScandals\ncaused deep suspicion\npolicymakers\ndenied intel\ndue t\nfears\nit will be leaked\nlack of trust and\ndomestic politics\nled to obstacles", "role": "assistant" } ]