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Greek lessons for ASEAN nations - 360 Adrianus Harsawaskita Published on May 24, 2022 As global superpowers tussle for supremacy, smaller nations need to be nimble to avoid being crushed. If the ancient Greeks are to be believed, the rivalry between the current great powers, America and China, will lead to war. American political scientist, Graham Allison popularised the situation as “Thucydides’s Trap”. In a 2013 article for the New York Times, he lamented the “dynamic inherent when a rising power becomes more confident, a ruling power fears losing its edge, and entangling alliances on each side drive the parties toward war.” He said that ancient Greek historian Thucydides concluded war is fostered by “[conflicting] interests, fear, and honour” between states. However prescient Allison may prove to be, he discounts the options and choices of the smaller players in geopolitics. Thucydides pointed that there were other city-states apart from the great powers, Sparta and Athens. During the great power struggle, these lesser powers became the spectators, the victims, or both. As the world watches the rising superpowers staggering towards battle, smaller countries need to nimbly thread a difficult path. The Cold War of the late 20th century divided the world into zones, creating different international systems. The actors attempted to influence other parties to join their blocs. Seen from a Cold War perspective, the Quad – a ‘dialogue’ between Japan, USA, Australia and India – is also designed to divide the world into two camps: a democratic, standard-bearer of rule-based order; and its antithesis. Currently, the democratic camp is establishing a new multilateral security structure based on shared values and interests, including the rule of law, freedom of navigation, respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty, peaceful dispute resolution, free markets, and free trade. However, the aggresiveness and assertiveness of China is looming large in this plan. Since its inception, China has viewed the Quad as a resurrection of Cold War mentality. It dubbed it “Indo-Pacific NATO”. It is an instrument of containment or encirclement, an “exclusive clique” that targets “third parties” to undermine China’s growth. The perception of threat increases as the four democracies have deepened their co-operation in the field of intelligence and military engagements. A flicker of hope of a free and open Indo-Pacific is furnished by the “Quad-plus”. Initiated in March 2020, the “plus” is still an abstract concept, supposed to promise inclusiveness; the dialogue between Quad partners extended to other regional and global partners. But the hope is seemingly still in formation: this week’s Quad meeting in Japan will be attended by the four members only. There is no flurry of activity to invite ‘plus’ members to the Quad. ASEAN represents the voice of smaller countries in the Indo-Pacific. This month’s ASEAN-US Special Summit mentioned “commitment” and “support”, but did not mention collaboration with Quad, or how to operationalise the commitment and support. ASEAN was not invited to tackle regional issues collaboratively with the Quad, an indication of how smaller countries are discounted. It is victimisation by omission on regional issues. The rise of Athens and Sparta were at the expense of lesser powers. These smaller players were integrated under Sparta (the Peloponnesian League) or, Athens (the Delian League). The anarchical nature of the then international relations compelled the lesser powers to join the alliances for protection. They could not leave the alliance or remain neutral. It was best illustrated by the predicament of Melos, which gave birth to the so-called “Melian Dialogue”, a dramatised discussion between the great power Athens and their tiny neutral neighbour, Melos. Despite a spirited defence, the Melians were trapped in a no-win situation. An arrangement organised by geographically diverse members, operating in a wider arena across the region, reveals interests beyond regional matters. Smaller powers in the region have to be cautious not to be fooled by diplomatic niceties and fine speeches which only give a sense of importance and centrality. What matters are how the smaller powers are integrated within the regional system; having the chance to conduct balanced relations with other extra, bigger powers. The aims is to conduct foreign policy freely and independently, not merely based upon ideology. It’s not only Southeast Asian nations that should be cautious. The new cold war has come to the Pacific Islands, and the Quad are taking it seriously. First, the brouahaha in the Solomon Islands regarding the security arrangement with China. Later, the raised eyebrows after Beijing sent aid to Tonga, Fiji, and Kiribati. These small countries have become pawns in the chessboard of great power rivalry. Not only geopolitics, America and China will clash over infrastructure and 5G telecommunications contracts. Unfortunately, this clash is not about those small nations and their people. The giants victimise by monopolising the regional agenda, further omitting the interests of the local people. Gloomily, the Melian Dialogue resonates deeply and strongly, usually represented in today’s international relations as “the strong do what they can, the weak suffer what they must.” Adrianus Harsawaskita is a lecturer in Catholic University of Parahyangan, Bandung Indonesia. His main interests are in great power politics; and Indonesian politics and foreign policy. He declared that he has no conflict of interest and is not receiving specific funding in any form. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 24, 2022

Green lights and red flags in Formula 1's sustainability drive - 360 Aslı Öztopcu Published on January 22, 2024 Formula 1 aims to go net zero by 2030, but some issues are holding the sport back from a full speed commitment to reducing its carbon footprint. Formula 1 is trying to go green, but it may need to hit the accelerator and speed up to achieve its ambitious goal of net zero by 2030. The most powerful player in determining the environmental future of motorsport remains the Fédération Internationale de l’Automobile (FIA), the governing body of many auto-racing competitions, including Formula 1. Since 2009, the FIA’s Institute of Motor Sport Safety has assumed responsibility for making racing more environmentally sustainable. Under that direction, the FIA helped fund climate initiatives such as the Clean Air Fund and oversaw Formula E, an electric-powered sibling championship to Formula 1 launched in 2024, and which was recognised for its event sustainability with an ISO 20121 certification. Formula E is a glimpse at what the future might look like, on and off track. In addition to the racing being cleaner for the environment, the race day experience has been a testing ground for other sustainability initiatives. During the 2020 Formula E season, spectators were given water pouches in place of single-use plastic bottles, a measure which the FIA says saved the equivalent of over 200,000 bottles from being thrown away. But Formula E can’t be the only hope. It will likely take a long time to bridge the gap in popularity between it and Formula 1, if ever. Formula 1 is headlined by motorsport icons like Lewis Hamilton, Fernando Alonso and Charles Leclerc. The Formula E field is largely made up of one-time F1 washouts or talented drivers who are unlikely to reach the pinnacle of open-wheel racing. It remains a priority for the FIA that Formula 1 also finds ways to improve its sustainability metrics. The latest car regulations are a positive step. Starting in 2022, Formula 1 cars run on E-10 gasoline, a mixture of 90 percent fossil fuel and 10 percent ethanol. With that change, F1 says the cars themselves make up only 0.7 percent of Formula 1’s car footprint, bringing the sport very close to one component of its 2030 net zero target. But despite the strides made, challenges persist for Formula 1 to complete its net zero quest before the end of the decade. The sport has a big carbon footprint: its cars still run on fossil fuels, each Grand Prix is high on noise pollution and the surrounding infrastructure required to set up and maintain its lucrative racetracks often come at the expense of surrounding ecology. A Grand Prix weekend is environmentally taxing in many ways. The energy consumption to power a circuit, especially during night races, results in an overuse of power plants. Spectator litter, exacerbated by loose environmental regulations (such as allowing plastics, not using eco-friendly packaging on merchandise and food) also means that Formula 1 leaves a pile of landfill in its wake everywhere. Racing gear that is thrown out could be recycled or made to be renewable. Formula 1 weekends are very noisy, which is especially an issue for street circuits in cities such as Baku, Monaco, Melbourne and Las Vegas that host races in high-density areas. A Formula 1 car can reach up to 140 decibels, a level which can result in irreversible hearing loss, raising a red flag for residents near the track. Street circuits also disrupt a city’s typical traffic patterns, as roads are closed in the lead-up to and during the three days of a race weekend. The logistics side of Formula 1 is among the sport’s most extraordinary features. An incredible amount of work and ingenuity goes into making each Grand Prix happen: machinery, infrastructure and personnel are shifted country to country over 20 weekends in a calendar year, sometimes crossing continents in less than a week. However, these logistics cause huge backlogs in emissions. More efficient freighters are in construction, but it is unlikely to solve the issue: the transport required by road, sea and air all emit too much to be sustainable long-term. In the last stage of transport, Formula 1 teams often use low-emission aircraft to mitigate greenhouse gas emissions, but carbon footprints could shrink further if the sport found ways to increase usage of railroads or seas. This appears to be on the mind of organisers: the 2024 Formula 1 calendar has shuffled race order in a bid to reduce travel mileage: Formula 1 President and CEO Stefano Domenicali said organisers wanted to make the calendar “more efficient in terms of environmental sustainability”. But the challenge of making motorsport green will be a holistic effort. The FIA seems to recognise this, launching the Environmental Accreditation Program in 2011. The program gives teams and industry personnel a rating out of three stars based on environmental performance, serving as an accountability measure and incentive for improvement. In 2023, Formula 1 became the first motorsport championship to have all member teams score a three-star accreditation. The program is helping the FIA branch into new areas and generate new partnerships. Its Sustainable Mobility Program is helping grassroots organisations from Santiago to Perth, while facilitating innovation to help improve the sustainability of racing. Formula 1 tyre provider Pirelli, for instance, achieved a three-star rating for acquiring all of its electricity through renewable sources and implementing a 25 percent cut to its emissions beyond 2025. Michelin, the tyre sponsor of Formula E, is also continuing to invest in energy efficiency. The program has given a framework for local bodies to improve sustainability in domestic ventures. Italy’s Automobile Club d’Italia is, for instance, working with local rally events to raise its overall sustainability practices with an end goal of carbon offsetting. Sport is an enormous part of sustainable development. It controls huge sums of money and contributes a large amount of the cultural fabric of communities the world over. The UN recognises sport as one of the tools of its Agenda 2030 plan to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. Formula 1 is a thrilling, entertaining spectacle. But even the fastest sport in the world may need to pick up the pace on its transition to carbon neutrality. Dr. Aslı Öztopcu is an assistant professor of finance at Maltepe University. Her research interests include environmental economics, sustainable development, and behavioural economics. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on January 22, 2024

Greening the city to prevent mental illness - 360 Kristine Engemann Published on May 30, 2022 Trees, grass and greenery lower the risk of mental health problems. It’s a lesson city planners need to learn. Children who grow up surrounded by trees, grass and green space have a lower risk of developing a mental illness later in life, according to Danish researchers. Their findings, involving almost one million Danes, were more than an interesting correlation: the risk of mental health problems varied directly with the amount of green space available to the child. As more people move into cities and mental health diagnoses appear to be rising, the findings could have relevance for urban planning. More than 450 million people suffer from a mental disorder, according to the World Health Organization. And this number is expected to increase. In some places, urban residents have almost a 50 percent higher risk of developing anxiety and mood disorders compared with their rural counterparts, and the risk of schizophrenia is 200 percent higher for children who grow up in the most urbanised environments. Contact with nature has long been linked to better mental health – it’s why sanatoriums and hospitals are often found in green surroundings. Living in greener surroundings is thought to improve physical and mental health by promoting physical activity, increasing psychological restoration and stress recovery, and strengthening social bonds in neighbourhoods. EMBED START Video {id: "editor_5"} Researchers from Aarhus University used satellite data from 1985 to 2015 to map the amount of green space around Danish childhood homes. Because Denmark collects detailed health data about its citizens, the researchers could compare this data with whether the children went on to develop one of 16 mental disorders later in life. Children surrounded by the highest amounts of green space had up to a 55 percent lower relative risk of developing a mental disorder – even after researchers adjusted for other known risk factors such as socio-economic status, urbanisation and family history of mental disorders. The more green space a child had, the lower the risk of poor mental health. This ‘dose-dependent’ relationship was present across the country and the Danish population, indicating that the association is more than a simple correlation. Accounting for people moving to and from more urbanised areas, the research also showed the risk of developing a mental disorder decreased with the length of time a child was surrounded by green space from birth up to the age of 10. The same researchers explored the concept further in a survey of Danish blood donors. Around 66 000 people answered questions about their access to green space and ‘blue space’ – water bodies. Current mental well-being was associated with more green space around people's homes. Calm was particularly associated with ‘blue space’. The researchers also found that more physically active people had even stronger positive associations with green space. Green space in childhood is therefore extremely important, and it follows that urban planning for access to natural environments for all ages is likely to have benefits. The very large datasets for both studies strengthen the findings. Across time, geography, ‘dose’ level and huge numbers of people, the patterns were the same. The results are part of a larger movement of scientific studies that have found a wide range of physical and mental health benefits of green spaces. These studies are supported by many experimental studies where scientists manipulated environments that showed green space is linked with stronger cognitive development of children, reduced activity in the areas of the brain linked to depression, and enhanced stress recovery. Even virtual-reality nature exposure has an effect. This knowledge can guide future urban planning – important because by 2050 more than two-thirds of the world’s population is expected to live in a city. Integrating more natural environments into urban areas may improve the mental health of city residents. A greener approach to urban planning has the associated benefits of mitigating climate change, reducing the urban heat island effect, managing flood risk and conserving biodiversity. Working within and across research disciplines will ensure the multifunctional potential of urban green spaces is fulfilled. Local governments around the world are already starting to make cities greener. Denmark's capital, Copenhagen, recently decided to transform one of its major roads into a park to improve green-space access, and Barcelona in Spain has launched an ambitious urban greening plan for the whole city to promote the health of its citizens and support biodiversity. In a project in South Africa, Danish researchers are working with local collaborators to reimagine the City of Tshwane, Pretoria. The plan is to move towards a more liveable, healthy, equitable, biodiverse and climate-change-resilient city. Large international organisations such as the World Bank and the European Union have also seen the potential of green urban planning, including nature-based solutions – projects that tackle development problems while keeping the natural environment to the fore. Since 2012, the World Bank has supported nature-based solutions in around 100 projects in 60 countries, allocating US$1.18 billion in 2019–20; and the EU is providing funding for such projects through its Horizons 2020 programme. Competition for space is intense in the world’s densely populated cities, meaning innovative approaches to green space design will be needed – for example, green walls and roofs. Local perspectives and context are also important. Current studies on green space and mental health are mainly from developed economies, so they may not apply in developing economies. Involving local communities in planning decisions will help. Kristine Engemann is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Bioscience, Aarhus University, working on natural environments and health, climate and biodiversity using big data and GIS. She is currently working on an interdisciplinary project about green urban development in South Africa that seeks to combine perspectives from geography, ecology, landscape architecture, sociology and political science. This study was supported by the Lundbeck Foundation Denmark, the Stanley Medical Research Institute, and BERTHA – the Danish Big Data Center for Environment and Health, funded by the Novo Nordisk Foundation Challenge Programme. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story "Building mental health" sent at: 25/05/2022 10:00. This is a corrected repeat. Researchers from Aarhus University used satellite data from 1985 to 2015 to map the amount of green space around Danish childhood homes. Because Denmark collects detailed health data about its citizens, the researchers could compare this data with whether the children went on to develop one of 16 mental disorders later in life. Children surrounded by the highest amounts of green space had up to a 55 percent lower relative risk of developing a mental disorder – even after researchers adjusted for other known risk factors such as socio-economic status, urbanisation and family history of mental disorders. The more green space a child had, the lower the risk of poor mental health. This ‘dose-dependent’ relationship was present across the country and the Danish population, indicating that the association is more than a simple correlation. Accounting for people moving to and from more urbanised areas, the research also showed the risk of developing a mental disorder decreased with the length of time a child was surrounded by green space from birth up to the age of 10. The same researchers explored the concept further in a survey of Danish blood donors. Around 66 000 people answered questions about their access to green space and ‘blue space’ – water bodies. Current mental well-being was associated with more green space around people’s homes. Calm was particularly associated with ‘blue space’. The researchers also found that more physically active people had even stronger positive associations with green space. Green space in childhood is therefore extremely important, and it follows that urban planning for access to natural environments for all ages is likely to have benefits. The very large datasets for both studies strengthen the findings. Across time, geography, ‘dose’ level and huge numbers of people, the patterns were the same. The results are part of a larger movement of scientific studies that have found a wide range of physical and mental health benefits of green spaces. These studies are supported by many experimental studies where scientists manipulated environments that showed green space is linked with stronger cognitive development of children, reduced activity in the areas of the brain linked to depression, and enhanced stress recovery. Even virtual-reality nature exposure has an effect. This knowledge can guide future urban planning – important because by 2050 more than two-thirds of the world’s population is expected to live in a city. Integrating more natural environments into urban areas may improve the mental health of city residents. A greener approach to urban planning has the associated benefits of mitigating climate change, reducing the urban heat island effect, managing flood risk and conserving biodiversity. Working within and across research disciplines will ensure the multifunctional potential of urban green spaces is fulfilled. Local governments around the world are already starting to make cities greener. Denmark’s capital, Copenhagen, recently decided to transform one of its major roads into a park to improve green-space access, and Barcelona in Spain has launched an ambitious urban greening plan for the whole city to promote the health of its citizens and support biodiversity. In a project in South Africa, Danish researchers are working with local collaborators to reimagine the City of Tshwane, Pretoria. The plan is to move towards a more liveable, healthy, equitable, biodiverse and climate-change-resilient city. Large international organisations such as the World Bank and the European Union have also seen the potential of green urban planning, including nature-based solutions – projects that tackle development problems while keeping the natural environment to the fore. Since 2012, the World Bank has supported nature-based solutions in around 100 projects in 60 countries, allocating US$1.18 billion in 2019–20; and the EU is providing funding for such projects through its Horizons 2020 programme. Competition for space is intense in the world’s densely populated cities, meaning innovative approaches to green space design will be needed – for example, green walls and roofs. Local perspectives and context are also important. Current studies on green space and mental health are mainly from developed economies, so they may not apply in developing economies. Involving local communities in planning decisions will help. Kristine Engemann is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Bioscience, Aarhus University, working on natural environments and health, climate and biodiversity using big data and GIS. She is currently working on an interdisciplinary project about green urban development in South Africa that seeks to combine perspectives from geography, ecology, landscape architecture, sociology and political science. This study was supported by the Lundbeck Foundation Denmark, the Stanley Medical Research Institute, and BERTHA – the Danish Big Data Center for Environment and Health, funded by the Novo Nordisk Foundation Challenge Programme. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 30, 2022

Gridlock unlocked: lessons from the world to beat road congestion - 360 Sara Phillips Published on February 16, 2023 Traffic jams cost the world’s economies billions of dollars every year. These cities are exploring new ideas to help traffic flow more smoothly. No one likes being stuck in traffic. Yet every day, all around the world, millions of us tap the brakes, sigh, and settle into the bumper-to-bumper. In recently-released research, London again topped the list of the world’s most congested cities, with residents spending an average 156 hours a year each staring at the back of the car in front, and this is after the introduction of the famous London congestion charge, which has its 20th anniversary this week. In 2002, “the average time taken to drive across the city was slower than 100 years earlier – before the car was invented,” says Kimberly Nicholas, a sustainability scientist at Lund University. The mayor of London, inspired by Singapore, started charging people to drive in the most congested part of the city. Traffic in the centre dropped significantly and it started flowing better than it had in years. “Milan, Stockholm and Gothenburg have since introduced their own version of the charge,” she says. In research undertaken with Paula Kuss, Professor Nicholas found that of a range of potential measures, congestion charges were the most effective at reducing car numbers in the centre of examined European cities. “Removing parking spots and replacing them with bicycle and pedestrian lanes was the second most effective intervention,” she says. Similarly, Singapore’s congestion charge has seen the city have some of the smoothest flowing traffic in Asia. Walter Edgar Theseira, an associate professor of economics at Singapore University of Social Sciences says that over the past 45 years Singapore has experimented with various discouragements to car use. “Singapore today focuses on a ‘car-lite’ strategy of improving public transport to reduce the need to own and use a car as much as possible.” Theseira believes the key to the success of the congestion charge in those cities was that it was implemented with a ‘carrot and stick’ approach. The charge for driving in the city was offset by inducements towards other means of transport. It’s a lesson Jakarta could learn, as the famously jammed Indonesian capital works towards implementing its own congestion charge in 2024. “The public is generally sceptical about such a policy, and significant opposition arises particularly among car users,” says Sugiarto, a professor in transport planning and policy at Universitas Syiah Kuala. “Emphasising the problem of cars and their negative effects on the air and environment of Jakarta could be key to winning over the doubters,” he says. Carrot and stick was also key to congestion busting in Israel. Galit Cohen Blankshtain, of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, and colleagues, found the ‘carrot’ of a clear run in a expressway lane was enough to get people car-pooling once the infrastructure was put in place to support it. If people could not find enough colleagues to pack into their car, the ‘stick’ alternatives were to sit in the congested lanes, or pay a fee to drive in the fast lane. “The project, which began with a suspicious public and media, became a success story and is inspiring further high occupancy toll lane plans across Tel-Aviv,” she says. Ideas for unlocking gridlock can come from unexpected quarters. Tanya Latty, an entomologist from the University of Sydney, says that ants may influence traffic technology, particularly as more of us adopt self-driving cars. “Self-driving cars can communicate with each other to find the best route and avoid congestion, similar to ants using chemical signals to communicate and navigate their trail systems,” she says. However it’s worth remembering that not all congestion-busting ideas pan out. “Several studies from both developed and developing countries have shown ride-hailing [such as Uber, Lyft, Didi and Ola] likely increases traffic congestion,” says Alejandro Tirachini an associate professor of civil engineering at the University of Twente and Universidad de Chile. More work needs to examine the phenomenon, but it seems that “ride-hailing trips replace trips previously made by public transport and because there is also a sizeable addition of “empty kilometres” (without passengers), when drivers move from the drop-off point to the next pick-up location.” Cars are an unquestioned part of our modern cities. But they get a free ride in ways that no other form of transport does. The impacts of congestion — time lost, pollution, stress, injuries, fossil fuel wastage, use of public open space — are absorbed by our various government purses. The research into how to beat traffic congestion is deep, long, wide and conclusive. The primary obstacle to applying these research findings and getting traffic moving is not inconsiderable: that of convincing the public that something must be done. Editors Note: In the story “Gridlock unlocked” sent at: 14/02/2023 09:59. This is a corrected repeat.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 16, 2023

Grim options, grim choices: trafficked girls in India - 360 Paula Banerjee Published on June 20, 2022 Poverty and abuse often mean Indian girls and women see human traffickers as their ticket to a better life – and this only grew worse during the pandemic. Nearly 230 million Indians have fallen below the poverty line since the COVID-19 pandemic began. And it’s a sad fact that vulnerable, desperate people attract predators. Between April 2020 and June 2021, more than 9000 children were rescued from human traffickers. Strict pandemic lockdowns followed by the devastation of cyclone Amphan in coastal Bengal in 2020 left girls highly vulnerable to traffickers. But there is more to the story: Indian girls and women often have few rights and protections even before they are trafficked. Experts say they frequently see trafficking as their way out of poverty and into a life of at least some agency. The poverty-stricken Sundarban areas of Bengal, where cyclone Amphan hit hardest, have become hot spots for trafficking in women and girls, according to a report in The Hindu. Cut off from legal aid because of damaged road and telecommunications infrastructure, these areas have seen an alarming spike in human trafficking. West Bengal’s tea-plantation areas, such as New Jalpaiguri and Darjeeling, are also highly vulnerable to trafficking. Due to the pandemic lockdowns the plantation workers were practically living without food and began sending their children out to work as cheap labourers. A Bengali television channel reported district police had noticed most minor girls trafficked from tea gardens in the last two years had been found in Bengal’s red-light districts. On 30 January 2022 police held awareness camps for tea-garden workers so they knew where they were sending their children and what kind of work they were getting in the cities. Baitali Ganguly is the founder and director of Jabala, which provides support to the children of sex workers and also works on safe migration of girls particularly from plantation areas of Alipurduar. Speaking to researchers in Kolkata in June 2022, Baitali refused to accept the narrative of victimhood in relation to increased trafficking of girls from the plantations. She said “it is wrong to think the girls were unaware of the issues related to trafficking. They submit to the traffickers because for them the traffickers are not predators but a path to a world where they can escape their poverty and live their lives to the full”. For many of them this is their conscious choice. That is why even when they are apprehended by police they do not accuse their traffickers or make them responsible for their legal situation. As many as 16 million of India’s 20 million commercial prostitutes are victims of sex trafficking, according to a 2017 Reuters report. Traffickers are rarely prosecuted and are punished even more rarely. In a 2018 case, two Indian brothel owners – a husband-and-wife team from Gaya in eastern India – were jailed for life after four of their child victims, rescued in a police raid in 2015, took the stand against them. But this case was a first. Writing about the outcome, journalist Anuradha Nagaraja quoted Indian government data showing, ‘less than half of the more than 8,000 human trafficking cases reported in 2016 were filed in court by the police and the conviction rate in cases that did go to trial was 28 percent’. International reports by the United Nations and other agencies frequently note this underground aspect of trafficking. Identifying victims of trafficking is difficult even under normal circumstances, but COVID-19 is ‘making the task of identifying victims of human trafficking even more difficult’ according to a recent UN Office on Drugs and Crime report. Experts say poverty in the post-pandemic period is likely to drive many more young girls and women into the hands of traffickers. Worse, the pandemic ‘caused governments to divert resources away from anti-trafficking efforts’. During COVID-19 women and girls in poorer areas in India suffered violence from immediate family members in much greater numbers than in the pre-pandemic days. The state is obliged to protect them, but it responded only with enormous apathy. Vulnerable girls grew sicker and lived through unthinkable abuse. They got none of the benefits of their citizenship rights and so they do not fear losing those rights. Unless the state and civil society safeguard the rights of girls and women, work to reduce poverty and make migration safe for female workers, the evils of trafficking cannot be addressed. Paula Banerjee is a Professor and Head of the Department at the University of Calcutta. She is a senior researcher in Mahanirban Calcutta Research Group, an avant garde think tank on Migration and Forced Migration Studies. She is known for her work on Gender, Border and Migration. No conflicts of interest were delcared in relation to this article. This article is part of a Special Report on the ‘Changing face of migration’,  produced in collaboration with the Calcutta Research Group. It was first published in June 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Migration’s changing face” sent at: 17/06/2022 12:58. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 20, 2022

Growing calls for a stronger police oversight commission in Malaysia - 360 Nurus Sakinatul Fikriah Mohd Shith Putera, Mazlifah Mansoor, Mastika Nasrun, Norazlina Abdul Aziz, Syazni Nadzirah Ya'cob Published on June 14, 2023 To ensure police accountability, there needs to be multiple, transparent bodies involved, each with distinct roles and with the public interest at heart. The Royal Malaysian Police was ranked the highest on the list of complaints among other Malaysian enforcement agencies for two consecutive years between 2018 and 2020. Between 2015 and 2020, the Human Rights Commission of Malaysia recorded 479 complaints about excessive use of force and abuse of power by the police. Among these complaints, there were instances of deaths in custody, involving three suspects in 2021. Human rights group, Suara Rakyat Malaysia, has also raised concerns about the alleged excessive use of force and ill-treatment, as well as the lack of accountability and transparency. The group released a Human Rights Report which revealed 21 deaths in police custody recorded by the Criminal Investigation Unit on Deaths in Custody in 2022. Plans to establish better police oversight took place in the context of a long history of police abuse in Malaysia. Consistent reports of abuses, such as violence against people in detention and deaths in custody, have damaged the reputation of the Malaysian police. Research by human rights organisations has shown that police abuses have continued. Police are rarely held accountable for misconduct in cases of deaths in custody. The main concern is on the impartiality of an investigation carried out by police personnel connected to the facility where an inmate died. When investigating four reports of deaths in prison in 2018, the Human Rights Commission, however, found no evidence of misconduct by the police. It was advised that improvements should be made to both the detention process and the protocol for managing deaths while in custody. For instance, the dead’s family members should be granted access to the  body or given a full explanation to avoid misunderstandings. To ensure police accountability, there needs to be multiple, transparent bodies involved, each with distinct roles and with the public interest at heart. In Malaysia, the Enforcement Agency Integrity Commission was created in 2011, although Human Rights Watch criticised it as ineffective in curbing misconduct by enforcement agencies. In 2019, the Independent Police Complaints of Misconduct Commission (IPCMC) bill was introduced, granting the commission investigative powers and the ability to take disciplinary action against the police. However, following a change of government in 2020, the Independent Police Commission Complaints (IPCC) bill was introduced to replace the IPCMC. It will take effect in July 2023. Human Rights Watch said the bill was “a huge step backwards for police accountability in Malaysia” and called for a proper independent commission to investigate police misbehaviour. Several concerns about the IPCC’s independence have been raised in parliamentary sessions, about the appointment of commissioners, and the fact that IPCC investigators can’t visit police stations, lockups or detention centres without prior notice. There was also the fear that appointed members could have affiliations with the police which raises doubts about its independence. For an independent oversight body like the IPCC to be effective, it requires support from the executive and the parliament. According to one report, while many international police oversight bodies have members appointed or recommended by government officials, they also require the head of the body to have a strong legal background, as they do in Australia and New Zealand. In the Netherlands, the Ombudsman is appointed by the lower House of Parliament, establishing a clear link to the representative body. Similarly, in the US, the local legislative branch designates a specific number of board members. In the UK, the head of the police oversight body must not have any prior employment with the police force, mirroring the requirement of Hong Kong’s Independent Police Complaints Council that prohibits the appointment of individuals who were previously members of the police force. A significant concern in Malaysia is the insufficient investigation of complaints about the police’s failure to take appropriate remedial actions or provide a bereaved family with information in cases of deaths in custody. According to the IPCC bill, the commission will have the authority to accept, consider, and gather evidence about any written allegation of wrongdoing made by any individual against any member of the police force. The complaints committee, comprised of officers with expertise in investigations and from a legal and judicial background, would supervise the complaint. The bill also establishes a mandatory obligation for the police to promptly refer incidents involving sex crimes, grievous hurt, or death of any person in custody to the commission. While commendable, to strengthen this clause, it could be reinforced by making it legally binding for the police to submit the complaint as soon as possible. Notably, any use of lethal force, such as firearms, must consistently be subject to independent scrutiny. Prompt reporting of deaths to the commission should ensure investigations are launched immediately. While the IPCC cannot discipline officers, it does have a role in overseeing investigations and providing recommendations. It ensures the adequacy and fairness of police investigations, contributing to police accountability and transparency. Its limitations can be addressed through alternative mechanisms. One approach is to establish a robust monitoring system, where the IPCC monitors investigations conducted by the police and has the authority to intervene if investigations are inadequate. This approach is followed by oversight bodies like the Australian Law Enforcement Conduct Commission and the Queensland Crime and Corruption Commission. Police reform and the establishment of oversight bodies can have long-term impacts on accountability and public trust. The success of these programmes depends on support from the government. By effectively carrying out their functions and maintaining independence, oversight bodies can contribute to the reduction of misconduct and enhance public confidence in the police. But the IPCC falls short compared to other jurisdictions. Hong Kong, the UK, and Queensland, Australia, have independent bodies with extensive powers to investigate police misconduct. Malaysia doesn’t. To align with best practices, the IPCC could be endowed with a monitoring mechanism like the Australian Law Enforcement Conduct Commission or Queensland Crime and Corruption Commission with updates on investigations. For instance, an informant has the right to ask the Malaysian police for information on the progress of the investigation. Within two weeks of receiving the request, the police must react. A report on the progress of the investigation must also be sent to the Public Prosecutor by the Malaysian police within three months of the day the complaint was filed. Ensuring police accountability is challenging. One is the belief that police should not investigate themselves, but they are often the only ones with the necessary expertise. Finding a solution is difficult because there are no easy or cheap fixes to address misconduct within the police force. In Malaysia, the first step towards improving the IPCC bill is understanding its responsibilities alongside other police oversight agencies. This could ensure the bill can play a larger role in ensuring police accountability through reviews, audits, addressing deficiencies, community engagement, and advocating for policy changes. Nurus Sakinatul Fikriah Mohd Shith Putera and Syazni Nadzirah Ya’cob are law lecturers specialising in interdisciplinary law. Mazlifah Mansoor is a senior lecturer and her academic and research interests are in the administration of criminal justice and law enforcement. Mastika Nasrun is a law lecturer specialising in criminal law and the law of torts. Dr Norazlina Abdul Aziz is a senior lecturer specialising in constitutional law and human rights. All authors are from the Universiti Teknologi Mara (UiTM), Malaysia. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 14, 2023

Growing concerns over billion-dollar baby industry - 360 Siun Gallagher, Wendy Lipworth Published on November 6, 2023 The fertility industry is worth billions worldwide, but as demand grows and concerns rise over the cost of care, are patients getting what they need? The Australian family is getting smaller every year, with the birth rate now at 1.63 children born per woman. At the same time the Australian market for assisted reproduction technology (ART) treatments is booming, expected to hit revenues of AUD$700 million in 2023. Most Australian ART is provided by private clinics, some of which are operated by large Australian or overseas-owned corporations. This helps to make services more accessible, but there are concerns that the cost to patients and government for these treatments is rising. The Australian government currently subsidises an unlimited number of IVF cycles for people diagnosed with infertility, but the out-of-pocket costs for one IVF cycle even for those eligible for the Medicare subsidy is usually between AUD$5,000 to AUD$6,000. As part of a 2022 survey for women in the ACT, health professionals were able to hear first hand the struggles women were having in gaining ART treatments. “We could get a rebate but honestly it was just too expensive to contemplate IVF for us. If we hadn’t found the Sydney clinic that bulk bills, we wouldn’t have been able to do IVF,” one participant told the survey. “We have had to delay treatment each time we have done a cycle, in order to be able to afford it,” another said. Australian ART professionals and consumers interviewed for a recent National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC)-funded study on the influence of commercialisation on ART were concerned about the expense of co-payments, and the cost and value of services provided. There were reports of patients drawing down on their mortgages and superannuation and borrowing from relatives in order to fund treatment. The participants in the research also reported that patients are sometimes insufficiently informed about the financial costs of treatment. Regional and rural patients stand to pay even more — for travel, accommodation, and lost work, for example — and to experience discontinuities in their care. “It must have been my first—it must have been my second scan I was having, and I thought I was meeting the new consultant. I’m not a fan of ultrasounds, as many people are not, and I was quite anxious about having this second one. Got there and it was a different consultant and he was absolutely terrible … he just knew nothing about me, hadn’t read anything … and that really put me off the system because I thought I was seeing a particular doctor – and then he was there”, said one woman interviewed for the research. The combination of out-of-pocket costs and poor service access in rural and regional areas is leading to growing concern about equity of access to ART in Australia. Meeting the needs of the millennial generation, who have fewer assets and often carry education debts at the time they seek to start families, can be expected to accentuate the problems experienced by patients and funders. This is not just an Australian issue. Globally, the fertility industry has become a multi-billion-dollar market. In 2022, the global market reached USD$35.2 billion, and it is expected to grow at over 15 percent each year, to reach USD$84 billion in 2028. An April 2023 WHO report showed that 1 in 6 people worldwide experience infertility issues. Falling birth rates and rising longevity put pressure on public finance and compel governments to generate policies to reverse demographic decline. This has been accompanied by an explosion in demand for fertility services in both developed and emerging economies and a correspondingly rapid growth in IVF and other ART-related techniques and services. It is expected that demand for ART will continue to increase along with the factors (such as education levels and financial precarity) that influence the deferral of child-bearing. The growth of the private ART sector has undoubtedly stimulated innovation and provided choice for many people who have had life-changing positive outcomes. But there are downsides. Patients may also receive treatments that are not right for them or for which evidence of benefit is lacking. Some of these treatments may even be harmful. There is also concern about the sector’s advertising and marketing practices, including its promotion of ‘egg-freezing’ services. Growing commercialisation has been associated with the standardisation of care. While standardisation can be beneficial, it can be harmful if patients feel like they are ‘just a number’ or if it means that their individual clinical, psychological and financial circumstances are not taken into account. The use of ‘add-ons’ – interventions that are ‘added to’ conventional IVF treatment cycles with the aim of improving outcomes or the patient experience – is another subject of intense debate in the sector. Many add-ons are expensive. A small number are of benefit in defined circumstances, but most are of equivocal, little, or no value. They are, nonetheless, in wide use. There is already a great deal of concern in the community about the cost of ART, industry practices – such as advertising and marketing – and aspects of the patient experience, such as lack of personalised care and poor informed consent procedures. Several jurisdictions in Australia have conducted reviews and made recommendations for improving the system. If the distribution of services continues to be left to the market, regional and rural patients might continue to have less, and less reliable, access to services. In the absence of a coordinated workforce plan, service demand may outstrip supply, and the inequity of access we see already may get worse. In such circumstances, costs might be expected to rise. Without greater coordination of research and innovation across the sector, success rates may not improve as much as they otherwise could, and the proliferation of costly non-evidence based interventions is likely to continue. Without comprehensive policy and regulatory control, the safety, fairness and sustainability of services for ‘egg-freezing’ and surrogacy and sperm donation may not be guaranteed. It is likely that private sector involvement in ART will remain essential if the community’s growing need for access to fertility treatments is to be met. Depending, however, on societal values and preferences as to how public resources are spent, governments may need to explore how they use financial levers in order to get the right balance of access, quality and cost. A more balanced system with increased participation by the public sector, may also be needed if we are to address equity concerns (particularly for regional residents and lower income families) and restore the sector’s commitment to responsible innovation and evidence based practice. While there may be room to improve the ethical awareness and commitment of individual professionals and organisations, a more accountable – perhaps independent – regulatory system would help to ensure both quality of care and financial fair dealing. Increasing the role of consumer protection regulations and standards in the sector may help to protect patients’ health and financial interests. Siun Gallagher is postdoctoral researcher working in bioethics at The University of Sydney and Macquarie University. Her research interests focus on the impact of rising clinical and health system complexity on medical practice. Wendy Lipworth is Professor of Bioethics at Macquarie University. Her research focuses on the ethics and politics of research and innovation. The research was funded by a grant from the National Health and Medical Research Council (grant number APP 1181401). Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 6, 2023

Hard foreign policy choices await the next Indian government - 360 Jabin T. Jacob Published on May 24, 2024 The Russia-Ukraine conflict, the Israeli invasion of Gaza, and Chinese aggression in the South China Sea are likely to require greater action from New Delhi. India’s global standing and its capacities beyond its borders are becoming part of the aspirations and identity of a small but influential number of Indians. This is an important reason, among others, why foreign policy is becoming an ever more important part of the range of issues India’s apex leadership has to devote attention to. Unsurprisingly, India’s present political leadership has sought to use foreign policy for domestic ends. One could argue that the Balakot air strikes against Pakistan on the eve of the 2019 general elections were not exactly “foreign policy” given that Pakistan is often shorthand for signalling in domestic politics. However, the effort expended by the outgoing government in promoting last year’s G20 summit in New Delhi as some sort of coming-of-age event for India suggests a more developed effort to make foreign policy part of the domestic conversation. The three ongoing conflicts that currently dominate the international headlines — Russia-Ukraine, the Israeli bombing of Gaza, and Chinese aggression in the South China Sea — are likely to require greater action from New Delhi than mere posturing as has been the case so far. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine created a dilemma for India in having  to pick sides between Russia, an old partner and major military supplier, and the United States, a new friend with whom it shares a common adversary in China. India chose to neither throw its lot in with the West nor be entirely uncritical of Moscow. It raised its concerns privately with the Kremlin while its combative External Affairs Minister, S. Jaishankar, batted away questions from the Europeans, especially, about India’s position. It is worth remembering that this was also a performance that won admiration from a section of the Indian domestic audience for the government’s willingness to stand up to the West and its refusal to be lectured. However, with Putin’s latest visit to China and the special bonhomie on display during that visit, it is clear that the Russia-China relationship is the most important bilateral relationship for both countries as they struggle with their domestic and international challenges. The incoming Indian government will now need to carefully reconsider its relationship with Russia. Can New Delhi strengthen existing bonds with Russia if Moscow is so heavily dependent on China? For India, Russia is too far away, and China, too near — India cannot pressure Russia to support it in its contest with China but China can put pressure on India at any time. While Jaishankar has declared that India would “not let China dictate the play…”, the fact is that this is precisely what has happened in the past decade at least on the Line of Actual Control between the two countries. Whether it is in terms of China’s military transgressions on the Line of Actual Control or in the negotiations following the Galwan clash in 2020, it is the Chinese that have set the pace. What little India has achieved by way of disengagement at various friction points on the Line  has required a long, hard slog. Any new government will have to figure a way past this stasis and achieve forward movement quickly if China is not to convert its post-2020 advantages into permanent gains. But going by the manifestos of both the major national political parties – the ruling BJP and the opposition Congress – there is no such plan of action evident. The Israel-Gaza conflict has far greater domestic resonance in India with sections emboldened to support unequivocally Israel’s violent, months-long response to the October 2023 terrorist attack by Hamas, no matter that the targets are no longer the terrorists themselves but innocent civilians. Despite Narendra Modi’s initial support for Israel, New Delhi has come around to a more nuanced position. This said, India is, at best, a bit player in the conflict dynamics and will prefer things to stay that way. Unlike an earlier era, New Delhi is not particularly interested in intervening regularly in the conflict, even if only diplomatically. If the political colour of the incoming Indian government does not change, status quo on this issue is likely to continue. In the  South China Sea, New Delhi has begun to respond to China’s actions. While its regular deployment of naval vessels to the region for exercises and port calls do not yet signify any significant capacity to intervene directly, the sale  of its BrahMos missiles to the Philippines indicates a newfound willingness to push China’s buttons, at least from a distance. Closer to home, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh recently announced that India would not stop at just three aircraft carriers but would build “five or six more”, indicating concerns about China’s growing activity in the Indian Ocean. Whether New Delhi will finally agree to give the  Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, better known as Quad, more military teeth remains to be seen. There are several global issues where India is an important voice in international discussions but which do not necessarily grab domestic attention in India – climate change, cybersecurity and AI governance, and multilateral trading arrangements to name just a few. In climate change negotiations, irrespective of the electoral outcome, India  will continue to insist on common but differentiated responsibilities for developed countries, China, and other developing countries. On questions of regulation and governance in the fields of cybersecurity, AI and other frontier issues, India will insist on having a say, whatever its actual capacities in these domains. In international trade negotiations, however, it remains to be seen if India will adopt a more open-minded approach willing to take on short-term pain for its domestic industries as the price to pay for greater integration into the global economy. The more likely scenario will be one in which India will continue to insist on other developed economies opening up to services from India in return for greater Indian participation in multilateral trading arrangements. New Delhi appears to believe that it has the leverage to either get developed economies to agree to its terms in exchange for market access or to achieve its goals through mini-laterals focused on specific interests or issues. For a variety of factors – including their government’s actions – the Indian public is freshly attentive to Indian foreign policy. The new Indian government will have plenty on its plate that requires urgent attention and consistent engagement. For far too long have rhetoric and incremental steps been the default mode for Indian foreign policy practitioners. A world in flux and increasingly divided between two camps will require India to become more active and to signal its positions more clearly if its ‘strategic autonomy’ is not to be considered merely a cover for conservatism or a lack of courage to make hard choices. Jabin T. Jacob is Associate Professor, Department of International Relations and Governance Studies, Shiv Nadar University, India. X: @jabinjacobt. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Indian election” sent at: 23/05/2024 07:59. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 24, 2024

Has News Corp's one-way Voice commentary swayed the vote? - 360 Victoria Fielding Published on October 11, 2023 Australia’s Voice referendum debate has been a mess, with one powerful media company a big factor. So why haven’t its rivals held it to account? As Rupert Murdoch hands over the reins of his News Corp empire, his eldest son Lachlan takes control of the largest media player in Australia, dominating one of the planet’s most concentrated media markets. News Corp has wielded its power over Australian politics like no other media company — accused of swinging elections and deposing prime ministers. And, as Australia prepares to vote in its first referendum since 1999, News Corp appears to be pressing its thumb to the scale. Australia’s Indigenous Voice referendum on 14 October will decide if the country’s constitution recognises First Nations people and enshrines an advisory body — a body allowed to give advice to parliament about policies affecting First Nations people. The lead-up to the vote over adding 92 new words to Australia’s foundational document was a test of the country’s democratic institutions and capacity to hold healthy, mature and respectful public debate. It hasn’t been that sort of debate. Australia is yet to vote, but hopes for robust referendum debate has already been soured: coverage of the campaign has been awash with misinformation, scaremongering and racially charged discourse. Social media often shoulders much of the blame for muddying the public sphere with hate and misinformation, but Australia’s mainstream news media also failed to deliver accurate, quality information about the referendum. Instead, the media have collectively let hostile and politically motivated ‘No’ campaigners promote false  information without accountability. Some news media appear to have become campaigners themselves. The Murdoch Referendum Accountability project (of which I am lead researcher) has found most News Corp commentators and some journalists have actively sided with the No campaign. News Corp voices are confusing the public’s understanding of referendum questions, potentially scaring voters away from voting ‘Yes’. The research project, funded by an advocacy group, Australians for a Murdoch Royal Commission, calls for a more diverse and accountable Australian media. Australia has one of the most concentrated media landscapes in the Western world. Two companies own 80 percent of the readership in metropolitan and print media markets.  News Corp — owned by the Australian-born mogul Murdoch and his offspring — is the largest player, owning 59 percent. With this power, News Corp holds significant importance in its coverage of the Voice referendum. This potentially has serious implications for Australian democracy. The research has monitored News Corp’s coverage of the referendum question across national newspaper The Australian, tabloid newspapers The Daily Telegraph in Sydney and Herald Sun in Melbourne and national cable television and YouTube-based broadcast channel, Sky News Australia. In the first six weeks of analysis, between 17 July and 27 August 2023, 70 percent of the words used to argue Yes or No in the referendum were arguing for the negative. Although reporters — covering the facts around the referendum — presented both arguments evenly, commentators included No arguments in 88 percent of analysed content. The amount of commentary in these News Corp publications is also far greater than that classified as reporting. Commentary in this period contributes an estimated 130,000 words of No arguments, compared with 39,000 words that take on far more balance from reporters. The vast majority of the No arguments among the commentary is from News Corp commentators themselves, actively campaigning for the ‘No’ side of the referendum and attacking ‘Yes’ supporters. A 2021 study of Fox News, owned by the same parent company as Sky News Australia, found Fox News audiences failed to distinguish between commentary and news. Further blurring the lines between fact and opinion is the popularity of commentary hosts, who are more popular on Fox News than news hosts. The study found no fact-checking or balanced sources within Fox News’ commentary content. News Corp’s extensive commentary on the Voice referendum more closely resembles a political campaign than mere news reporting or a diverse presentation of opinions. It echoes an accusation levelled in 2018 by former Prime Minister Kevin Rudd, founding chair of the Australians For Murdoch Royal Commission. Rudd said News Corp “is not a news organisation, it is a political party” — claiming he received harsher coverage than John Howard, his predecessor from the opposing Liberal Party. Malcolm Turnbull, a former prime minister from Howard’s party, indirectly agreed with Rudd in 2020, saying News Corp is “like a political party” that works “closely with right-wing politicians to influence policy and elections”. Turnbull is co-chair of the Australians For Murdoch Royal Commission. Any one-sidedness privileging the ‘No’ campaign by News Corp makes it harder for the public to access diverse views. But this is only part of the problem. News Corp’s commentary against the Voice is littered with opinion and narratives promoting fearmongering, misrepresentations and misinformation, which undermines the public’s understanding of the referendum. Sky News Australia presenter Peta Credlin, the former chief of staff for conservative prime minister Tony Abbott, claimed the Uluru Statement from the Heart is not a 440-word one-page document but actually 26 pages. The statement, developed through consultation with Indigenous communities over many years, has been used by the ‘Yes’ campaign to lay out the case for constitutional recognition and an enshrined Voice. Credlin’s claim centred around “plenty of stuff in there about treaties, compensation and a whole lot of stuff that they’re not being upfront about.” University-affiliated fact-checkers debunked the claim on the national broadcaster’s website. Another News Corp personality, Andrew Bolt, misrepresents the Voice as an “Aboriginal only parliament”. Bolt said the Voice “completely changes the nature of democracy” because if “three percent of the [Aboriginal] people say no, they can stop the other 97”. The Voice is only an advisory body, which has no power to make laws or veto parliamentary decisions. Due to a lack of media accountability from regulators or other media outlets, Bolt is able to distort the public’s understanding, unchecked. One of the key reasons Bolt and other News Corp voices are able to sidestep scrutiny of their media content is that they present themselves as commentators merely voicing opinions. Bolt has claimed the Voice would give Aboriginal people special privileges and that it is “racist”. Previously, Bolt has suggested that some Aboriginal people are pretending to be Indigenous to claim special privileges, saying that nearly ‘a third’ of people claiming to be Aboriginal are not. Competitors appear unwilling to criticise or report on News Corp as potential political campaigners, giving them free reign to negatively interfere in public debate. The ABC’s Media Watch defended Credlin’s claims about the length of the Uluru Statement, saying “there may be some point” to what Credlin was saying. Australians rely on quality news media to hold power to account, but news media itself is mostly unaccountable. News Corp doesn’t seem to be doing its part in facilitating healthy public debate, despite its prominence and power. In studying its output, it appears the largest private media company in Australia is directing its considerable influence and power towards a ‘No’ outcome and undermining the public’s accurate knowledge of the referendum to do so. A healthy democracy relies on its media to present accurate and diverse information so that voters can fairly make up their own minds. When the media fails to do this, democracy is undermined. There are considerable concerns over the increasingly political role the Murdoch family-led News Corp’s Australian entities play in the nation’s discourse. Until these concerns are addressed, considered and analysed by something with the powers of a royal commission, the corrosive nature of media driven political campaigning is likely to corrode the foundations of our democracy. Dr Victoria Fielding is a Lecturer in Strategic Communication at The University of Adelaide. Victoria studies media representation of political contestation and the influence of media on democracy. Victoria leads a team of three researchers from the University of Adelaide on the Murdoch Referendum Accountability Project, funded by Australians for a Murdoch Royal Commission. You can read the project’s interim report here. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on October 11, 2023

Has Putin prompted a new transatlantic alliance? - 360 Tanja A. Börzel, Gregory Shaffer Published on May 24, 2022 A new transatlantic alliance is springing up in the wake of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, but what form will it have when the dust settles? Putin’s war of aggression against Ukraine has reinvigorated transatlantic cooperation, bringing the United States and its European allies closer than they have been since the end of the Cold War. A united transatlantic alliance is sanctioning Russia and supporting Ukraine. For the Europeans, the US-led campaign against Russia is not about regime change but about defending a liberal international order. The rule of Russian President Vladimir Putin has been threatened by Ukraine as the latter has democratised and sought closer relations with Europe. However, the invasion of Ukraine does more than violate democracy and human rights: it breaches every principle on which the post–World War II international order was formally built. Even non-liberal states, most notably China, supported these ideals: sovereign equality of states, territorial integrity, and non-interference in domestic affairs. But a sustained return of US global leadership, supported by the transatlantic community in defence of liberal ideals is by no means certain. Domestic political polarisation in the US is not set to recede any time soon, limiting bipartisan cooperation on foreign policy issues. On the other side of the Atlantic, Europeans continue to show little appetite for global leadership either. They will make increased attempts at transatlantic burden-sharing, particularly as regards NATO: Germany announced it would spend an additional €100 billion (US$104.9 million) on German defence to meet NATO’s 2 percent goal in 2022. Putin’s war of aggression against Ukraine has reminded the West of how fragile the world order can be. NATO has been vindicated as a defence alliance and has welcomed moves from long-time neutral Finland and Sweden to become members. The EU also has welcomed applications from Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia to join the union in order to support their democratisation. As one of the largest markets in the world, the EU and its member states hold substantial power to shape and maintain a liberal international order. Yet the EU and its member states have not tried to mobilise their power to share the burden of maintaining a liberal international order or assume a global leadership role. Europe still seems to lack the political willingness to engage more actively in countering challenges to a liberal international order, with or without the US. Despite pledges to strengthen “European sovereignty”, and German Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s aggressive “Zeitenwende” (historical turning point) speech, Europeans seem unlikely to take on an increased global leadership role. As with the US, internal challenges have undermined the EU’s effectiveness on the world stage. The euro crisis, followed by mass migration of Syrians and others fleeing civil wars, persecution and economic collapse, triggered nativist, nationalist responses within Europe. The very success of EU expansion in scope (such as monetary union) and territory (such as to the East) fractured it internally and undercut its ability to speak with a strong, single voice internationally. Divisions within Europe impede collective action. For instance, Europeans are as divided over how far to engage with China as they used to be regarding Russia. This also creates transatlantic tensions. If neither the US nor Europe is willing to take the lead in promoting and protecting a liberal international order, China might fill the power vacuum seeking to “make the world safe for autocracy” and in particular the Chinese Communist Party. The liberal economic order facilitated China’s rise, China’s economic growth relies on international markets, and China has joined and is increasingly engaged with multilateral organisations. China is party to most international agreements, and it arguably complies with them at least as much as the United States does outside of treaties involving international civil and political rights. While the US has debated decoupling its economy from China through tariffs and other regulatory barriers, China has invested in technology to enhance its place in global value chains, rather than move out of them. The most likely scenario is “selective engagement” with a liberal international order, not only by the US and Europe but also by China. In a similar move to former US president Donald Trump’s America First foreign policy, Beijing could pull back from international agreements that it perceives as not serving Chinese interests. If its attempts to shape liberal international institutions in order to defend authoritarianism fail, China might fall back on a strategy of ‘contested multilateralism or ‘cooperative counter-hegemony. China’s withdrawal could be fuelled by the US and Europe closing ranks to restore a liberal international order. A lot will depend on which side non-Western countries, including India, Brazil and South Africa, take. On the one hand, they share China’s and Russia’s rejection of US dominance. On the other hand, the war in Ukraine has served as a wake-up call: not only has it destroyed the European security architecture but it also threatens a rules-based order. Countries relying on the management of interdependence through international institutions might join forces to support a less US-dominated, and more sovereignty-preserving, rules-based international order. Tanja A. Börzel is professor of political science at Freie Universität Berlin and directs the Cluster of Excellence “Contestations of the Liberal Script”. Prof Börzel’s Cluster of Excellence “Contestations of the Liberal Script” (EXC 2055) research is funded by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (German Research Foundation) under Germany’s Excellence Strategy. Gregory Shaffer is Chancellor’s Professor of Law and Political Science at the University of California, Irvine and President of the American Society of International Law. The views expressed are his own. Both authors declared no conflicts of interest in relation to this article. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 24, 2022

Have chronic pain? You're more likely to be a woman and less likely to be believed by doctors - 360 Fiona Blyth, Saman Khalatbari-Soltani Published on February 21, 2024 Women with chronic pain want to be listened to, believed, responded to, and effectively treated. Are their cries finally being heard? If you are among the one in five adult Australians experiencing chronic pain, then you are more likely to be female. Not only that, if you’re female you’re less likely to be prescribed or recommended medication by your doctor — be they male or female. That’s because, as a recent experimental study of simulated and actual chronic pain patients showed, clinicians underestimate pain in female patients. This is not a uniquely Australian phenomenon: Gender differences in the experiences and treatment of pain holds true across many different age groups, countries, and causes of chronic pain. This issue is finally starting to get the attention it deserves. The Australian federal government has recently established a National Women’s Health Advisory Council to address systemic challenges that have led to poorer health outcomes for girls and women. Chronic pain is in the mix here: “Women have told me they’re being seen but not believed,” Federal MP Ged Kearney said when launching initiative. “They seek help for crippling pelvic pain as teenagers but suffer into adulthood from raging endometriosis.” In January, the state of Victoria also announced an Australia-first inquiry into women’s pain in an attempt to tackle “pain and stigma” around the issue. This follows the National Action Plan for Endometriosis, launched in 2018. Researchers are increasingly studying women and their pain, too — helping patients give voice to their experiences. Women living with pain are sending clear messages about what they want from clinicians. These include being listened to, having their pain accepted as being real, and having their concerns acknowledged and responded to. The International Association for the Study of Pain (IASP) has named 2024 the Global Year about Sex and Gender Disparities in Pain. The pain is real. Chronic pain that interferes with daily activities can have a profound impact on both quality of, and engagement with life across women’s lives. But women’s experiences of pain have often been overlooked in both the healthcare system and medical research. Research gaps are found across the full spectrum of research: from preclinical studies to health services research — that is, how women living with pain interact with the health system . Most animal studies in the pain field have, to date, been conducted in male mice. In general, fewer women are recruited to clinical trials of new drugs and other interventions for pain conditions that are not specific to men or women. It wasn’t until 1994 that, in the US, the National Institutes of Health (NIH) Revitalisation Act promoted recruitment of women into NIH-funded studies. In the UK, the National Institute for Health and Care Research issued guidance on sex and gender in 2020. Progress has been disappointingly slow. This was recently called out as an enduring international scandal by Kamran Abbasi, the editor-in-chief of BMJ, one of the world’s leading medical journals. As Abbasi wrote, “funders, institutions, research ethics committees, medical journals and publishers, individual researchers and clinicians—as is the case with clinical platform trials—can all play a part” in bringing about this change. Understanding the true impact of chronic pain — on individuals, and on society — can only occur by considering the broader social context in which women live. In population and health services research, too little attention is paid to the way gender identity interconnects with other drivers of disadvantage in people living with pain — for example, educational and economic opportunities, carer responsibilities, and overall health burden. Imagine a woman from an ethnic minority group residing in a rural area, who has experienced class oppression, racism, and sexism across her life, and is looking after both children and ageing parents. The health trajectory of this woman inevitably differs from those who have not encountered these disadvantages. Remote and rural women in Australia have more chronic pain than city-dwellers, partly driven by socio-economic disadvantages — and less access to pain specialists. People from non-English-speaking communities may struggle to find a clinician who understands them. Our understanding of pain burden in Indigenous Australians is extremely limited, as is our understanding of their priorities for pain management that is culturally embedded. In New Zealand, there are community-based pain management programs that have been co-designed with Māori. A similar program could be considered in Australia. There is much to do in the pain field, and it must be done with increased urgency given the emerging focus on these kinds of intersecting disadvantages. Failure to address these issues is not specific to pain research. These are longstanding structural problems in research more broadly. The good news is that, in the pain field, Australia has some strengths to draw on. Australia was the first country to hold a National Pain Summit, in 2010. That set up a blueprint for improving the lives of people living with pain with an initial pain strategy that called for people living with pain as a national health priority area, knowledgeable, empowered and supported consumers, upskilling health professionals to provide best-practice evidence-based care, improving access to interdisciplinary care at all levels, with quality improvement and evaluation and more research. Australia also became the first country with a National Strategic Action Plan for Pain Management, after that plan was established by the federal government in 2021. That plan outlined goals including recognising pain as a complex condition in its own right for the purposes of Medicare Benefits Schedule rebates and establishing a National Pain Leadership group. Several pain-related goals were also outlined in the National Women’s Health Strategy 2020-2030,which aimed to raise community and health care provider awareness of under-recognised conditions, including chronic pelvic pain conditions. While many goals identified in those plans haven’t yet been met, in Australia at least we have identified priorities. The National Women’s Health Advisory Council, for example, will focus on equity, health literacy, improving the evidence base, and upskilling the current and next generation of our health workforce. Going forward, progress could involve drawing on lessons about what has worked at the state level. In New South Wales, for example, having locally available community-based pain management programs funded through primary health networks, as well as targeted resources and training for multicultural community groups, have driven change. Increasing use of telehealth services nationally to overcome geographical inequity could also help. Another positive on the horizon: In mid-2024, a new virtual pain education initiative will be launched that will allow current and future clinicians to master pain assessment and management. While these drivers are not gender-specific, they help to overcome some of the barriers that women face in accessing timely and high-quality care for pain conditions. With work underway addressing neglected pain conditions in women, change is finally in the air. Professor Fiona Blyth is Professor of Public Health & Pain Medicine at The University of Sydney. She participated in the 2010 National Pain Summit and is a member of the consortium developing the Online Pain Education Network (OPEN) Clinical Pain Management Training Program. Dr Saman Khalatbari-Soltani is a Senior Lecturer in Epidemiology and Public Health at The University of Sydney. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 21, 2024

Health apps have potential to empower women. Are they doing the opposite? - 360 Caroline Figueroa Published on February 21, 2024 Digital health tools could help address gender inequities in healthcare — or make them worse. Here’s how to do it right. Women’s health apps and websites, also known as FemTech, boomed during the COVID-19 pandemic and continue to grow. These women’s digital health technologies aim to support women with their health during pregnancy and menopause, track periods and fertility, and manage their lifestyle and mental health. The global FemTech market (defined as any form of technology that focuses on women’s health) was valued at USD$45.75 billion in 2022 and is projected to reach USD$139.51 billion by 2031. The industry is experiencing a boost with the rise of AI-driven platforms, which opens opportunities to tailor healthcare to an individual’s needs, further revolutionising personalised medicine for women. Investing in women’s health is crucial but progress on gender equity has slowed down since the COVID pandemic. There has been an increase in online violence against women, and there are alarming reports of more maternal deaths worldwide. To compound these problems, healthcare workers, mostly women, face burnout. Healthcare is not an even playing field for women, particularly women from minority backgrounds. Funding for research on diseases that primarily affect men is still higher than for women’s health. Women, especially women of colour, remain underrepresented in medical research, and only 2 percent of medical research funding is spent on pregnancy, childbirth, and female reproductive health. Data gaps and biases lead to women receiving later diagnoses, the wrong medication dose, or having their symptoms dismissed, which happens more often to women of colour. In a UK study, for example, women were 50 percent more likely than men to have a missed diagnosis of a heart attack. Women’s digital health can bridge this gap and revolutionise women’s healthcare in several ways. It can help reduce the gender data gap by collecting detailed data about women’s health, and provide personalised health advice using AI and data analytics. Digital health tools can break down barriers to care that women face more than men, such as lack of time, money, or childcare responsibilities. They can help ease the workload of low-status healthcare workers, who are more often low-income and women of colour. Digital health can also provide support with family planning, avoiding early pregnancy, and escaping gender-based violence. Unfortunately, current women’s digital health tools are tailored towards a specific group of women, usually white, highly educated, healthy, and affluent. Because of this, women from underserved populations do not benefit, which risks increasing health inequities. App developers often treat women as a homogenous group, but different women have different needs based on their racial or ethnic background, socioeconomic status, and health conditions. Crucially, women of colour are more likely to experience poverty, social exclusion and domestic violence, which are all related to health, and face greater challenges in accessing affordable healthcare. Indigenous Australians have a significantly shorter life expectancy than their non-Indigenous counterparts, while maternal mortality rates are nearly three times higher for Aboriginal women compared to non-Aboriginal women. Black women in the US are more likely to die from cardiovascular disease, hypertension, stroke, lupus and several cancers. Yet digital health studies often do not include Black, Indigenous, or women of colour, those with complex medical needs, or who identify as trans or non-binary. The apps are also often not designed in an accessible or inclusive way. Only 17 percent of apps for managing diabetes during pregnancy assessed cultural appropriateness — whether the app’s content and instructions were in line with the patients’ culture, language, religion, customs, and beliefs — and 25 percent assessed digital literacy. With the increased use of AI, there is now a risk that biases related to race, ethnicity and gender will become integrated into algorithms, leading to less effective care or even harmful outcomes. Researchers have found that large language models like ChatGPT and Bard, which are increasingly being used in health apps, have race-based bias, such as the false idea that Black people have a lower pain threshold. Many popular women’s health apps have inadequate privacy, sharing, and security practices, and do not follow regulations like the European Union’s General Data Protection Regulation. If these apps are not secure, it could make women vulnerable to targeted advertising and cyber attacks. Policies to protect health information privacy, like the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act of 1996 in the US, fall short when it comes to reproductive health data. This is especially concerning since recent changes to abortion laws in the US have made it even more important to safeguard this information. Researchers and developers in digital health could include marginalised groups into app design and testing and ensure they will benefit in tangible ways from the research. Researchers could co-create digital solutions with marginalised groups and promote an approach in which women themselves set the research agenda, leading to digital health research that can really make a difference in their lives. To make sure FemTech is accessible for all, researchers could also ensure apps are affordable, easy to navigate, use high school-level language and are available in different languages. Incorporating gender-sensitive design, such as representing women with various skin colours and figures, and leaving out gender-biased content such as a focus on being thin and beautiful for women, or strong and tough for men, could also help. Before implementing AI, researchers and developers could seek to understand the benefits and harms, and only proceed if the benefits outweigh the harms. Providing better access to mobile internet for people in low-income areas could help ensure everyone can access digital health. Protecting women’s personal data is crucial, since there is no uniform privacy framework for health data broadly and FemTech data specifically — either globally or within national frameworks. Users need to be protected, especially those who may be more vulnerable to data breaches, such as those who are undocumented or victims of domestic abuse, and should be able to permanently delete their data. More funding and more women, particularly women of colour, leading this area can help FemTech reach its full potential of improving gender equity in health. Dr Caroline Figueroa is an assistant professor at Delft University of Technology, the Netherlands. Her research focuses on developing and testing personalised digital health tools to help individuals lead healthier lives, with an emphasis on social justice by tailoring to the needs of underserved populations. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 21, 2024

Health must be fast-tracked for 2030 - 360 K Srinath Reddy Published on September 18, 2023 The world needs more and better skilled health workers to attain the SDG targets and continue to foster global health beyond 2030. The COVID-19 pandemic might no longer be a public health emergency but the world is still facing a crisis in health, and progress on Sustainable Development Goal 3 is under threat. Climate change is bringing an array of health challenges, ranging from severe heat effects and extreme weather events to vector-borne diseases and food insecurity. Antimicrobial resistance threatens to undermine past successes against infectious diseases. Non-communicable diseases are also increasing, with malnutrition associated with both undernutrition and an expanding epidemic of obesity still to be overcome. At the halfway point for the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals there is a compelling need to take stock of the progress towards targets, assess the challenges and recommit to achieving the goals. A meeting in September will do just that and low- and middle-income countries, which constitute the vast majority of the global population, must lead this effort, with support from other nations. The Sustainable Development Goal 3 on health and well-being for all at all ages was adopted in 2015. It overcame the limitations of the Millennium Development Goals. Three of those eight goals focused on health but still failed to cover many of the world’s major health challenges including non-communicable diseases, mental health disorders, injuries and substance abuse. Comprehensive primary care, espoused by the Alma Ata declaration of 1978, was cast aside for selective primary care and vertical programmes that were mainly donor-driven. Vertical programmes typically focus on a specific condition or group of health problems and often have only short or medium-term goals. Universal health coverage was not considered an essential function of national health systems. The Sustainable Development Goals agenda overcomes these distortions by adopting a life-course approach that gives priority to all major problems undermining health and well-being. Sustainable Development Goal 3 also identified universal health coverage as the broad platform that could deliver health services while offering financial protection against inordinate out-of-pocket expenditures and debilitating catastrophic health expenditures. These expenditures were imposed by severe and often acute health conditions that called for hospital care and costly interventions. Their chronic burdens can push people — or sink them deeper — into debt-ridden poverty. Universal health coverage, when adequately financed and efficiently delivered, offers much-needed protection through high levels of population coverage, service coverage and cost coverage. Affirmation of comprehensive primary care as the lead vehicle of the universal health coverage convoy came as a clarion call in the Astana Declaration of 2018. Between 2015 and 2019, low- and middle-income countries started working towards the Sustainable Development Goals. However, progress was slow in many countries due to under-resourced health systems, shortages of skilled health workers and a hangover of restrictive vertical programmes still attuned to preset donor priorities. Yet there have been some successes too. India saw a sharp decline in maternal mortality (from 407 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births in 2000 to 97 during 2018-20). Infant mortality rates halved from 53.6 deaths per 1,000 live births in 2006 to 26.6 in 2023. Under-five mortality fell too. These declines became sharper after the launch of the National Rural Health Mission in 2005. But health system efforts on newly adopted priorities, like non-communicable diseases and mental health, were still struggling to gather momentum. The burden of non-communicable diseases continued to spiral up, initially in urban areas, but later engulfing rural populations as well. Those trends have continued over recent years in India and other South Asian countries. The emergence of the COVID-19 pandemic continued to hamper progress towards Sustainable Development Goal 3 targets in low- and middle-income countries. Health system resources were focused mostly on combating and containing the virus and saving lives. Other health services were sidelined or stalled and critical health efforts related to SDGs were deprioritised. These issues are especially acute in low- and middle-income countries. There are 14 countries in the Asia-Pacific region where maternal mortality rates are higher than the regional average and likely to fall short of the SDG target of fewer than 70 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births by 2030. A United Nations Population Fund review of 2020 found even higher rates than previously recorded because of the COVID-19 pandemic. Global attention is still on pandemic prevention, preparedness and response, with microbial surveillance and One Health — an approach that recognizes the health of people being closely connected to the health of animals and environments — emerging as major themes of ongoing global health discourse. Revision of the International Health Regulations and a new pandemic accord are on course for adoption in 2024 under the auspices of the World Health Organization. Antimicrobial resistance is another looming major public health threat. It is now being packed into the pandemic preparedness agenda, as evident from the outcome document of the G20 Health Ministers’ Meeting in August 2023. The declaration also recognises the threats posed to health by climate change and calls for climate-resilient and climate-smart health systems. With seven years left to meet the SDG targets, the world must focus on: These call for increased national and global financing for health systems and health-related multi-sectoral actions. It is futile to think of financing for health security that is defined only in terms of acute events. Since population health is the best overall indicator of success across all SDGs, global policymakers must give more funding to the health sector and health-relevant programmes in other sectors. Improved governance measures need to also ensure efficiency gains for money spent. Expansion of the health workforce must also be a priority. A recent estimate indicates that a 15 million shortage in the global health workforce in 2020 will reduce to 10 million by 2030 but with much slower progress in the WHO’s African and Eastern Mediterranean regions. But there is great danger that high-income countries with ageing populations will increasingly recruit health workers from low- and middle-income countries, weakening the latter’s health systems. High-income countries must co-invest with low- and middle-income countries to educate and train the health workers in those countries. While health workforce expansion must involve all categories of health workers, the greatest attention must be paid to those needed in primary care, which is pivotal to achieve Goal 3 targets. There is sufficient global evidence on the impactful and equity-promoting capabilities of community health workers in improving maternal and child health, non-communicable diseases, mental health and pandemic response. We need to scale up and skill up this transformational component of the health workforce. One can only hope that the policymakers, international organisations and development partners meeting in September 2023 to review progress on the SDGs will take the necessary steps to make this commitment. K. Srinath Reddy is an honorary distinguished professor at the Public Health Foundation of India. He is the former president of the foundation and formerly headed the Department of Cardiology at All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS). Professor Reddy is a member of the Leadership Council of the UN Sustainable Development Solutions Network (SDSN) and chairs the Thematic Group on Health for the SDSN. He is also a member of the Global Panel on Agriculture and Food Systems for Nutrition. This article is part of a special report on the ‘State of the SDGs’, produced in partnership with the UN Sustainable Development Solutions Network (SDSN). Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “State of the SDGs” sent at: 15/09/2023 17:03. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on September 18, 2023

Heat is on UAE to deliver at COP28 - 360 R R Rashmi Published on November 21, 2023 To meet climate goals, countries will have to get far more ambitious and quickly. Here’s what to look for at COP28. The world’s premier climate change conference next month will be hosted by a country among those arguably with the most to lose from more ambitious climate action. The global community is required to take ambitious actions to respond to climate change but host the United Arab Emirates might be one of those most challenged by the need to broker a faster shift away from high-emission fuels. When COP28 — the United Nations Climate Change Conference — convenes in Dubai on 30 November, the crucial question will be how to balance the speed of energy transition and economic transformation against the needs of sustainable development and alternative energy sources. After five years, the conference is returning to Asia, hosted by a country that is the eighth-largest global oil producer and is among the highest per capita emitters in the world. But while the United Arab Emirates is happy to host COP28, it’s too soon to say whether such a rich country would be willing to reduce its absolute dependence on oil resources. It’s also yet to be seen whether the UAE is willing to bring down its emissions in pursuit of a global goal, especially when many aspects of the Paris Agreement — a landmark climate treaty struck at COP in 2015 — are yet to become fully functional. Although the UAE is a rich nation, it is connected to developing economies by climate change. It is a part of the Global South and a member of the G77 and China group. The host nation’s political and ideological leanings on climate change align with countries that see climate change as a global challenge resulting from cumulative emissions, and also as one that affects their economic resources and infrastructure hugely and harshly. For such countries, addressing climate change means bearing a massive cost to their economies, sacrificing their development to support a clean energy transition. Just energy transition is not the only issue that will cause agitation at COP28. The UAE, as holder of the COP presidency, will have to deal with four other major tasks: getting agreements on the Global Stocktake of climate action; building consensus on Global Goal on Adaptation; setting up the Loss and Damage Fund; and advancing climate finance commitments beyond 2025. Discussions on finance will likely move slowly. The New Collective Qualified Goal of finance under the Paris Agreement is set to be finalised in 2024 and implemented in 2025, and there are still issues over raising money from multilateral development banks and the private sector. However, the host country will have to ensure that the talks go beyond just reaffirming the existing USD$100 billion pledge. An estimated USD$4 trillion a year needs to be mobilised by 2030 to support the clean energy transition. Achieving the net zero goal by mid-century requires much more than that. The UAE will need to work with governments, as well as multilateral development banks and financial institutions, to enhance the scope and scale of climate finance. The Global Stocktake and the Loss and Damage Fund, both of which have big implications for developing economies, will test the ability of the presidency to remain neutral while adhering to the principles of the Paris Agreement. UAE recently attended the G20 summit in Delhi as an invitee and climate change and energy transition were discussed at length. The G20 does not set the terms of negotiations for climate conferences, but it is hard to imagine that the COP28 host countries and other major players in climate are not influenced by it, given the grouping’s global power. The G20 has recognised and supported the global emission reduction target reductions, as suggested by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, and called for a 43 percent reduction in emissions from 2019 levels by 2030. It has also endorsed a global peaking of emissions by 2025 and backed the demand for scaled up finance — USD$5.9 trillion a year to meet the global net zero goal. The G20 has underscored the necessity of developed economies meeting their commitments on climate finance at previous COPs, exhorting them to scale up contributions from billions to the promised trillions. The first synthesis report of the technical dialogue on the Global Stocktake of climate actions was released in September 2023 by the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change secretariat. The report says the pace of global emissions does not meet desired global mitigation pathways laid out in the Paris Agreement to achieve the temperature goal of 2 degrees Celsius below the pre-industrial level. To stay below that maximum temperature, every country needs to do a lot more and effectively transform all sectors of the world economy. But the Global Stocktake dialogue report is silent on what might be done to bridge the widening gap between the existing efforts of countries and the options that can be adopted in time for the next cycle of Nationally Determined Contributions in 2025. The fractured debate over future action and on the formulations that emerged from the G20’s Delhi Declaration mean the presidency might find it difficult to seek more concessions on the fossil fuel phaseout beyond those agreed in Glasgow in 2021. In Glasgow, parties agreed to phase down unabated coal-based energy but left other fossil fuels like oil and natural gas untouched beyond subsidy reduction targets. In 2022, the G20 adopted the same language. There are no meaningful signs that developed economies have tweaked or peaked their emissions substantially since Glasgow. The strains on the global energy system and costs imposed by the Russia-Ukraine war make it doubly difficult to negotiate an immediate scaling down of conventional fuels. A reduction on conventional fuels would be difficult to achieve unless renewable energy is rapidly and significantly scaled up globally. Both the Clean Energy Ministerial of major economies and the G20 have recently raised the possibility of setting new global targets. Options raised include tripling global renewable energy capacity and doubling energy efficiency rates by 2030. There is an expectation within the oil industry that the UAE might seek support for carbon capture storage technologies as a way of balancing its emissions from oil production and use it as a condition for agreeing to such targets. India has been generally suspicious of carbon capture and storage technology because of its cost and doubts over technical feasibility. Technological progress has been slow and is yet to make any dent on the energy system. However, promising initiatives on clean technologies have emerged, including the Green Hydrogen Innovation Centre under the purview of the International Solar Alliance. A Global Biofuel Alliance has also been launched by the G20. If recognised at COP28, these initiatives might boost international efforts to produce, trade and use low or zero-emission fuels. But all of these are likely to make an impact only in the medium or long term. With the Global Stocktake sending a message that the world is not on track to meet the climate change challenge, the UAE as host of COP28 will have its task cut out. It will need to assure the world that even as an oil producer it is willing to put its weight behind the technologies and policy choices key to achieving emission cuts and use its prestige as host to achieve consensus on increased climate finance for developing economies. is Distinguished Fellow at The Energy and Resources Institute (TERI), New Delhi and a former Indian climate change negotiator. This article is being republished as part of a series on COP28. It was originally published October 19, 2023. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 21, 2023

Heat on UAE to give COP28 ambitious edge we need - 360 R R Rashmi Published on October 23, 2023 To meet climate goals, countries will have to get far more ambitious and quickly. Here’s what to look for at COP28. The world’s premier climate change conference next month will be hosted by a country among those arguably with the most to lose from more ambitious climate action. The global community is required to take ambitious actions to respond to climate change but host the United Arab Emirates might be one of those most challenged by the need to broker a faster shift away from high-emission fuels. When COP28 — the United Nations Climate Change Conference — convenes in Dubai on 30 November, the crucial question will be how to balance the speed of energy transition and economic transformation against the needs of sustainable development and alternative energy sources. After five years, the conference is returning to Asia, hosted by a country that is the eighth-largest global oil producer and is among the highest per capita emitters in the world. But while the United Arab Emirates is happy to host COP28, it’s too soon to say whether such a rich country would be willing to reduce its absolute dependence on oil resources. It’s also yet to be seen whether the UAE is willing to bring down its emissions in pursuit of a global goal, especially when many aspects of the Paris Agreement — a landmark climate treaty struck at COP in 2015 — are yet to become fully functional. Although the UAE is a rich nation, it is connected to developing economies by climate change. It is a part of the Global South and a member of the G77 and China group. The host nation’s political and ideological leanings on climate change align with countries that see climate change as a global challenge resulting from cumulative emissions, and also as one that affects their economic resources and infrastructure hugely and harshly. For such countries, addressing climate change means bearing a massive cost to their economies, sacrificing their development to support a clean energy transition. Just energy transition is not the only issue that will cause agitation at COP28. The UAE, as holder of the COP presidency, will have to deal with four other major tasks: getting agreements on the Global Stocktake of climate action; building consensus on Global Goal on Adaptation; setting up the Loss and Damage Fund; and advancing climate finance commitments beyond 2025. Discussions on finance will likely move slowly. The New Collective Qualified Goal of finance under the Paris Agreement is set to be finalised in 2024 and implemented in 2025, and there are still issues over raising money from multilateral development banks and the private sector. However, the host country will have to ensure that the talks go beyond just reaffirming the existing USD$100 billion pledge. An estimated USD$4 trillion a year needs to be mobilised by 2030 to support the clean energy transition. Achieving the net zero goal by mid-century requires much more than that. The UAE will need to work with governments, as well as multilateral development banks and financial institutions, to enhance the scope and scale of climate finance. The Global Stocktake and the Loss and Damage Fund, both of which have big implications for developing economies, will test the ability of the presidency to remain neutral while adhering to the principles of the Paris Agreement. UAE recently attended the G20 summit in Delhi as an invitee and climate change and energy transition were discussed at length. The G20 does not set the terms of negotiations for climate conferences, but it is hard to imagine that the COP28 host countries and other major players in climate are not influenced by it, given the grouping’s global power. The G20 has recognised and supported the global emission reduction target reductions, as suggested by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, and called for a 43 percent reduction in emissions from 2019 levels by 2030. It has also endorsed a global peaking of emissions by 2025 and backed the demand for scaled up finance — USD$5.9 trillion a year to meet the global net zero goal. The G20 has underscored the necessity of developed economies meeting their commitments on climate finance at previous COPs, exhorting them to scale up contributions from billions to the promised trillions. The first synthesis report of the technical dialogue on the Global Stocktake of climate actions was released in September 2023 by the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change secretariat. The report says the pace of global emissions does not meet desired global mitigation pathways laid out in the Paris Agreement to achieve the temperature goal of 2 degrees Celsius below the pre-industrial level. To stay below that maximum temperature, every country needs to do a lot more and effectively transform all sectors of the world economy. But the Global Stocktake dialogue report is silent on what might be done to bridge the widening gap between the existing efforts of countries and the options that can be adopted in time for the next cycle of Nationally Determined Contributions in 2025. The fractured debate over future action  and on the formulations that emerged from the G20’s Delhi Declaration mean the presidency might find it difficult to seek more concessions on the fossil fuel phaseout beyond those agreed in Glasgow in 2021. In Glasgow, parties agreed to phase down unabated coal-based energy but left other fossil fuels like oil and natural gas untouched beyond subsidy reduction targets. In 2022, the G20 adopted the same language. There are no meaningful signs that developed economies have tweaked or peaked their emissions substantially since Glasgow. The strains on the global energy system and costs imposed by the Russia-Ukraine war make it doubly difficult to negotiate an immediate scaling down of conventional fuels. A reduction on conventional fuels would be difficult to achieve unless renewable energy is rapidly and significantly scaled up globally. Both the Clean Energy Ministerial of major economies and the G20 have recently raised the possibility of setting new global targets. Options raised include tripling global renewable energy capacity and doubling energy efficiency rates by 2030. There is an expectation within the oil industry that the UAE might seek support for carbon capture storage technologies as a way of balancing its emissions from oil production and use it as a condition for agreeing to such targets. India has been generally suspicious of carbon capture and storage technology because of its cost and doubts over technical feasibility. Technological progress has been slow and is yet to make any dent on the energy system. However, promising initiatives on clean technologies have emerged, including the Green Hydrogen Innovation Centre under the purview of the International Solar Alliance.  A Global Biofuel Alliance has also been launched by the G20. If recognised at COP28, these initiatives might boost international efforts to produce, trade and use low or zero-emission fuels. But all of these are likely to make an impact only in the medium or long term. With the  Global Stocktake sending a message that the world is not on track to meet the climate change challenge, the UAE as host of COP28 will have its task cut out. It will need to assure the world that even as an oil producer it is willing to put its weight behind the technologies and policy choices key to achieving emission cuts and use its prestige as host to achieve consensus on increased climate finance for developing economies. RR Rashmi is Distinguished Fellow at The Energy and Resources Institute (TERI), New Delhi and a former Indian climate change negotiator. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on October 23, 2023

Here's how to control, eliminate or eradicate diseases - 360 Suzannah Lyons Published on February 18, 2024 Combining lessons learnt from past outbreaks and the opportunities afforded by new technologies will give the world its best chance of controlling diseases. The common thread that runs through any public health effort to control, eliminate or eradicate an infectious disease is cooperation. When local, regional and international communities work together, progress can be made towards containing diseases and potentially even eliminating them locally or eradicating them entirely. Yet such efforts need to be maintained in order to prevent the resurgence of a disease and to best prepare the world for the next infectious disease threats it might face. For example, the world is seeing a resurgence of measles due to missed vaccinations compounded by the COVID-19 pandemic. Yet the lessons to turn this around are already available. The top priority is raising vaccine uptake and ensuring that vaccination programmes are both accessible and convenient to fit the needs of the local communities they are serving. This also involves providing information about vaccines to address vaccine hesitancy and misinformation. Many countries require more sophisticated disease monitoring systems to better detect measles cases as well as strong political will and commitment to the fight ahead. In 2021 deaths from tuberculosis rose for the first time in a decade, some experts believe as a consequence of the COVID pandemic. While many key barriers remain in ending the TB epidemic, from the challenges posed by the bacterium that causes it to accurately diagnosing and successfully treating it, a renewed interest in funding research and action into combating the disease seems the most promising step forward to ending it. More investment could lead to more work on better vaccines to help protect against pulmonary TB in adults. In Malaysia, dengue continues to pose a significant public health challenge with more than 120,000 cases recorded last year. In response the Ministry of Health is using real-time data and machine learning to more efficiently manage cases, detect outbreaks and hence more proactively target interventions. There is also a strong emphasis on sustained community engagement to ensure people understand the dangers posed by dengue, don’t fall prey to misinformation and are motivated to participate in prevention efforts. The combination of lessons learned from the eradication of smallpox by 1980 and the technologies available today, suggests we may soon see the end of other eradicable diseases like polio. Smallpox eradication efforts showed the power of international cooperation despite the global tensions of the Cold War at the time, and the benefits of equitable vaccine distribution. Add to this mobile technologies of today that allow community members to participate in disease monitoring themselves, genetic sequencing to detect the presence of diseases in the environment and more sophisticated mapping and diagnostic tests to track transmission. With progress towards eliminating malaria stalling since around 2015, there’s a need for new solutions to better prevent, detect and treat the disease. A more protective vaccine that is effective across all strains of the disease would be a game-changer. There is also a need for more accurate diagnostic tools and new treatments to get around increasing drug resistance. Finally, targeting the mosquitoes that spread many infectious diseases can be another way of controlling them. And there are multiple approaches to doing so that don’t rely on insecticides. Modifying male mosquitoes through genetic modification, irradiation or infecting them with the bacterium Wolbachia, and then releasing them to mate with wild females can lead to the short-term elimination or suppression of local mosquito populations. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 18, 2024

Here’s how we can tackle gender violence - 360 Grace Jennings-Edquist Published on December 4, 2023 Gender-based violence remains widespread. The good news is, it’s preventable — and these advances in law, tech, and other sectors are helping the cause. Despite decades of commitments from the international community to tackle gender-based violence, it remains staggeringly widespread across the globe. Unless violence against women is dramatically reduced, the UN’s Sustainable Development Goal 5, Gender Equality, cannot be achieved. The good news is that violence against women is preventable and on paper, at least, every country in the world has committed to realising gender equality. Increasingly, policymakers are recognising that gender-based violence is a public health crisis that carries significant economic costs — not only to victim-survivors, but to communities and the state. Advances in health, law, education and technology are also helping the cause. In India, the courts are considering a landmark case that may make marital rape a crime. In Indonesia, previously unrecognised types of abuse, including online gender violence, are now outlawed following the 2022 introduction of landmark legislation to protect women’s rights. That’s just one example of the international community’s growing understanding that gender-based violence is not only physical but can take a range of forms including psychological, reproductive, and financial abuse. While technological advances have in some cases facilitated abuse of women — as with image-based abuse — tech innovations also have great potential to tackle this violence. From using virtual reality for first responder training, to multilingual AI “chatbots” to support survivors of domestic violence, increasingly sophisticated tech innovations will continue to play a part in the struggle against gender-based violence. Academics are increasingly researching how to engage men and boys in prevention of gender-based violence. From online tools that help intervene in sexist online communities, to standards for effective practice in work with boys, best-practice principles in this space are beginning to emerge. Meanwhile, educators are helping to change attitudes and questioning gender roles and stereotypes, advocates are providing accessible information about what gender-based violence is, and child protection experts have formulated new approaches to prevent child sexual abuse. And while women remain underrepresented at all levels of decision-making worldwide, this gap is slowly closing — giving women leaders the opportunity to increasingly champion issues of gender equality, including the elimination of gender-based violence. There is much work to be done still. Harmful practices including child and forced marriage have yet to be eliminated. Legal and economic reforms to give women equal rights to economic resources can help empower women, reducing their vulnerability to financial abuse and making it easier for women to leave abusive relationships. Ensuring women have access to reproductive healthcare and contraception — and upholding their rights to autonomy and privacy in making sexual and reproductive decisions — can help reduce reproductive coercion and abuse. Existing laws on various forms of gender-based violence, at both national and international levels, must also be enforced. Stigma deters many victim-survivors from reporting violence; remedying this could involve gender-sensitive training for first responders, as well as for tailored programmes for all at-risk populations, including women with disabilities and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTQI+) individuals. And although engaging men and boys in ending gender-based violence is firmly on the agenda in some countries, this work must now be scaled up — and oriented less towards individual change, and more towards structural and organisational reform. At the current rate of progress, the UN says it will take 286 years for the world to achieve gender equality. Some are more optimistic, arguing it’s possible to achieve gender equality within our lifetime. One thing is certain: Without concerted global efforts to reduce violence against women and girls, gender equality will remain an unachievable goal. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 4, 2023

Hey Dad! How sperm donors lost their anonymity - 360 Ian Smith Published on November 6, 2023 For years, sperm donors believed their identity would remain secret, but the explosion of online DNA databases changed everything. When I was a sperm donor in the mid-1980s in Australia, I was told my identity would be kept private. Forever. But it wasn’t. Victoria, where I live, retrospectively overturned its donor anonymity laws in 2017, meaning children could identify, and potentially try to contact their biological father (even those who’d  been promised anonymity.) Today, almost four decades after I first became a sperm donor, anonymity is probably impossible. My seven biological children born from my donations have been able to know who I am once they turned 18, and to get in touch if they wish. So far, four have made contact. It  has been an interesting experience — for them and for me — meeting a  person who shares half of your DNA, but whom you have never met. Some  of my donor-conceived offspring wish for, and have developed, ongoing  connections with me and some of their siblings. Some want to stay at arm’s length, just wanting to know medical history and ancestry information. It is important they are the ones to make those choices. For me there is the challenge of knowing I have seven biological children in addition to the two children from my marriage. I had no idea of these  potential complications when I signed up to be a donor all those years ago. In a world where DNA databases through commercially available genealogy tracing products are increasingly popular, children can bypass the ‘official’ channels and  track down their donor dad with ease. This raises questions about what happens to officially mandated channels for making those connections and the benefits and challenges of these  commercially available DNA databases. Donor conception involves using donated sperm or eggs to enable those who cannot otherwise have children to do so: infertile heterosexual couples, same-sex couples and single mothers by choice. Conception with the use of donated sperm (or eggs, or embryos) is commonly used in Assisted Reproductive Technology (ART) techniques such as IVF, which is big  business across the globe. Australia, along with India and the UK, was at the forefront of developing ART technology in the 1970s and ‘80s. Laws and regulations around ART lagged behind the  medical and scientific advances. The Australian state of Victoria was the first in the world to enact legislation to regulate ART, in 1984. Then, 32 years later, Victoria again led the world in retrospectively removing anonymity from all sperm and egg donors, regardless of when they had donated. The chief driver for that legislation was lobbying by donor-conceived people who wanted to be able to know the identity of all of their biological parents. As a donor, after some consideration and consultation with family, I felt OK with my identity being revealed to my biological children. But many former sperm donors were not happy with the change to the rules they had signed up for. Other states in Australia including Queensland, Western Australia and South Australia are now following Victoria’s lead in enabling all donor-conceived people to know the identity of their biological parent. Alongside those laws sit donor-linking registers and mechanisms for children and  donors to find and connect with their biological family members. There’s a complex web of state legislation, clinic-based services and informal linking mechanisms available, but Victoria has the most experience in operating these services, through the donor-linking registry of the Victorian Reproductive Treatment Authority. Over the last two decades, an alternative to those ‘official’ channels has emerged: the DNA database search services such as AncestryDNA, 23andMe, GEDmatch, and MyHeritage. With a simple DNA swab and a few clicks to set up an account, these  services offer donor-conceived people, donors and others the ability to find and connect with genetic relatives. The popularity of these services has grown exponentially since Ancestry.com launched in Australia in 2006. One estimate is that more than 30 million people have signed up to these sites. If it continues, that trend could quickly lead to DNA databases containing  data on the genetic makeup of more than 100 million people. The rise of these direct-to-consumer genetic testing services has  challenged the rules and expectations of the ART industry worldwide — an industry that had once emphasised and practised anonymity of sperm and donors. But there are benefits. Some donor-conceived people, especially those conceived in the era of attempted donor anonymity, may distrust the ‘official’ channels for finding genetic family. DNA databases offer them agency, and the practical means to find their biological family. For those conceived through informal donor arrangements rather than clinics, the DNA databases allow them to track down donors whose details have not been recorded in official state registers. But these commercial DNA databases also present legal and ethical challenges. It is now possible for donor-conceived individuals younger than the  legally specified age — 18 in many jurisdictions, and 16 in some — to  sidestep official channels and trace and contact their biological donor  parent. DNA database users may also learn of  the existence of biological half-siblings — who haven’t prepared or consented to be identified. (That said, some research has found that donor-conceived young adults report primarily positive experiences with finding same-donor peers/siblings.) They may also inadvertently reveal an individual has no genetic link to their social parent — which could have significant consequences where the child has not been told they are donor-conceived. And while official donor-linking services typically offer free expert counselling and other support services, self-service DNA databases typically offer limited support for dealing with “DNA surprises”. Direct-to-consumer genetic testing services aren’t going anywhere — and researchers have argued that their ramifications and potential psychosocial consequences should be made clearer to all parties involved. Donors should be explicitly informed about the implications of these  databases, as the European Society of Human Reproduction and Embryology Working Group on Reproductive Donation has argued. Donors also should be made aware their genetic identity might be revealed at any point through DNA testing — even if they were granted anonymity by the legislation of their home country. Similarly, in jurisdictions where anonymity is still mandated by legislation, donors should also be informed this legislation may in the future change. Donors, like me, in Australia could not have anticipated such retrospective legislative change. That experience also puts donors in other jurisdictions on notice that the same thing could happen to them. Ultimately, while ethicists might debate whose rights should prevail — donors wanting to retain anonymity or donor-conceived people wanting to know their origins — the fact is that recipient parents and donors are all already sharing their genetic information, along with methods to identify genetic links, in vast  online communities. In Australia, whether it be DNA databases or ‘official’ linking registries, donor-conceived people now have choices in how they can find their biological family. Lawmakers need to anticipate that such contact between donors and their offspring will continue to happen and that regulated arrangements will be  increasingly bypassed. Policy makers would do well to recognise this — and respond accordingly. The genie is out of the bottle, and there’s no going back. The age of donor anonymity is long gone. Ian Smith is a PhD candidate in the La Trobe University Law School.  He is  researching the Victorian donor-conception law reforms. Ian was a sperm  donor in Victoria in 1986/7. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 6, 2023

Home ownership is not only personal but political - 360 Sebastian Kohl Published on May 31, 2023 How political parties have influenced our desire to own our own homes. In the late 20th century, in most countries and even cities in the world, the majority of residents were homeowners. Some 20 years later that picture has shifted considerably, leading many to question whether home ownership remains an achievable dream. While European cities had for centuries been inhabited by large tenant majorities, they joined most other countries in a gradual rise in home ownership across the last century, pushed by sales of public housing units. Formerly socialist countries rapidly joined the homeowners club through the giveaway of state and cooperative apartments to sitting tenants after 1990. When asked about their ideal housing arrangement, most households in developed economies have persistently dreamed about owning a, preferably single detached, family home. This is particularly pronounced in the Anglosphere where approximately 40 percent of people in the UK and 30 percent of people in the US reject living in an apartment in a three to four storey building, according to a recent YouGov survey. The dream of widespread home ownership has not only been a personal but also a political dream, cherished by political parties throughout almost all democratic and even authoritarian countries. In developed economies, the modern idea to spread home ownership among the broader population, particularly the working classes, can be traced back to a rent-to-buy scheme for family houses with a garden in the French textile town of Mulhouse in the 1830s. Local employers and the municipality sought to tie mobile workers to one place, keep expenses low and counter-revolutionise the incipient labour movement. It is no wonder that Friedrich Engels attacked this model in his famous The Housing Question series of articles published from 1872 to 1873. Engels anticipated the erosion of the working classes through home ownership and considered housing a bad kind of private welfare, as housing equity is lowest when unemployed workers would need it most. The home ownership idea started a long intellectual career among social reformers through the World Exhibitions of the 19th century and eventually entered the party platforms of virtually all conservative parties, as an analysis of almost 2,000 party platforms in 19 countries showed. Given the enormous gap between wages and housing values, however, the idea was not realised — with the exception of the more realistic garden allotments or Schreber-gardens — before mortgage credit became widely and cheaply available and purchasing power rose in the 20th century. Home ownership was defended in party manifestos for being the bulwark against socialism, giving workers a stake in society, lowering housing costs after retirement and strengthening families. After 1945, the political support for home ownership pervaded almost all party platforms, when most labour and social democratic parties jumped on the bandwagon as their members and voters became more upwardly mobile. As a result, the tax system in more and more countries tended to favour ownership over renting: by not taxing imputed rents (or the rent you would pay for the house you own and live in if you were renting it instead), allowing mortgage payments to be deductible from income taxes, and exempting capital gains in housing from tax. Since the Global Financial Crisis however, fewer younger households have been able to realise the home ownership dream due to tightened credit conditions, rising house prices and, lately, the rise in interest rates. Researchers have spoken of the 2010s as the decade of a new generation rent, particularly in the costliest cities for housing. After the subprime crisis, party positions in favour of homeownership started to recede and the ‘myth of home ownership’ was under public attack. Sprawling single-family houses, unaffordability and intergenerational inequalities, and a lack of other alternatives were some of the problems identified. With the disappearance of an effective social housing alternative in most countries, the private rental sector saw an unexpected comeback. On the housing supply side, this comeback was enabled by new institutional landlords ranging from asset managers, insurers, private and public pension funds. With privatised pensions in ageing societies growing, returns on traditional government bonds being low, these investors have contributed to making rental housing a new kind of asset class. Even if home ownership rates are still far from being down to pre-1900 levels, home ownership rates have fallen considerably in the last 20 years and may decline further in some projections. And with them the common belief in the unquestioned merit of policies that advocate for home ownership at the expense of all other alternatives. is the Head of the Department of Sociology in the John F. Kennedy Institute for North American Studies at Freie Universität Berlin. His research focuses on the political economy of housing and the insurance sector, both in historical-comparative perspectives. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 31, 2023

Hong Kong works to win back its secluded youth - 360 Paul W.C. Wong Published on October 1, 2023 An ageing Hong Kong needs to end the self-imposed social seclusion of a significant number of its young people. Some efforts are showing promise. Hong Kong’s growing population faces two pressing challenges: a rapidly ageing society and an alarmingly low fertility rate. The fertility rate, at just 0.77 births in 2021, falls far below the replacement level of 2.1. Yet, the city boasts the world’s highest life expectancy, with averages of 81.3 years for men and 87.2 years for women in 2022. At a time when Hong Kong society needs the contribution of its younger generations more than ever to remain vibrant, a significant number of young people instead choose social exile. “Hikikomori” is emerging as a serious issue. Hikikomori is a phenomenon where individuals, typically young people, withdraw from society, often confining themselves to their homes for extended periods. This behaviour is marked by heightened social anxiety, reduced self-efficiency and a strong reluctance to engage in society. It contributes to loneliness, school absenteeism and unemployment and leads to the emergence of issues like Youth Not in Employment, Education, or Training and “lying flat” in China, which is a movement to avoid succumbing to the societal pressure to overwork and overachieve. Without a substantial, vibrant youth population, Hong Kong faces the spectre of rapid depopulation, casting a shadow over its financial and economic prospects and overall sustainability. Hikikomori affects 2 to 3 percent of young people in Hong Kong, South Korea and some European countries like Finland, France and the Netherlands. The phenomenon is most pronounced in Japan, where the first generation of socially withdrawn youths are transitioning into middle age. With many of Japan’s older parents retiring or dying, the nation faces the grave challenge of integrating a substantial population of disengaged and unskilled people into society. In 2019, an estimated 610,000 people aged between 40 and 65 in Japan were already experiencing hikikomori, compared with the 541,000 aged 15 to 39. There’s a lack of evidence-based prevention and intervention programmes addressing prolonged social withdrawal behaviour. While it’s reasonable to assume public talks and parent workshop programmes could raise awareness and support affected youths, they haven’t been implemented. Intervening to motivate and engage youths suffering from prolonged social withdrawal is crucial once a referral has been made. Since 2010, researchers have been developing, piloting and evaluating a comprehensive intervention programme known as Regain Momentum. This programme includes home visits, casework, group activities, transitional vocational support and even dog-assisted interventions, all designed to reintegrate youths into their communities. In a study involving 125 young people with prolonged social withdrawal behaviour, 75 percent recorded a positive response, achieving full-time (28.8 percent) or part-time (11.2 percent) employment, while 35.2 percent resumed their studies after participating. The research identified significant results, including reduced socially withdrawn behaviours, less social anxiety and increased self-esteem and self-perceived employability. However, this programme faced challenges, particularly the time required to engage youths compared with other services for young people. Despite the challenges, the programme demonstrated a promising response in Hong Kong and other countries. These withdrawn young people can be identified and return to normal daily routines if multidisciplinary efforts are provided timely and patiently. Several other projects show potential and have undergone pilot phases. A Hong Kong initiative involves a partnership between a non-governmental organisation and a university. It allows university students to work at elderly care or rehabilitation centres while pursuing a diploma in health studies (community health care). Upon completion, the government reimburses their tuition fees. Such initiatives prepare young people as potential future caregivers and offer insights into their views on ageing, helping shape future policies on aged care. There are also positive developments in South Korea, where the government plans to implement policies using big data from government offices to identify and proactively reach out to socially withdrawn youths. These policies aim to improve mental health and reduce feelings of loneliness among affected individuals. The government also intends to offer one-year living, medical and tuition subsidies to guide these youths towards becoming productive members of society. The hikikomori phenomenon, if left unrecognised and unstudied during its early stages in non-Japanese cultures, could lead to a shortage of skills and resources among future generations. Associate Professor, Paul W.C. Wong is a registered clinical psychologist and clinical researcher on suicide prevention, positive youth development, and human-animal interactions at the University of Hong Kong. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on October 1, 2023

Hot cities and the boomerang effect - 360 Arianna Brambilla, Ozgur Gocer Published on March 17, 2023 Cities and their inhabitants are a main driver of climate change and, ironically, potentially the main victims. Here’s how that could be fixed. Stand on a street corner in a big city on a hot day and have a look around at the towers of concrete, glass and steel. If the temperature is in the 30s, there’s a good chance it’ll feel substantially hotter. That’s the urban heat island effect warming you up. All that steel and concrete absorbs heat. Higher outdoor temperatures pose a threat to human health leading to an increase in heat-related illnesses, particularly for vulnerable populations, such as the elderly and young children. In some places, it can be a killer. The urban heat island also has economic impacts, such as increased energy demand for air conditioning up to almost five percent per each degree of external temperature rise. A 2016 estimate indicated cooling needs and costs in 2050 will be 750 percent higher. Ironically, city dwellers are one of the main causes of climate change, but at the same time, their actions “boomerang” back and reinforce the impacts on them and they become the main victims. As we head towards 2 degrees warming, the combined health risk  and increasing economic costs make decarbonising the urban environment even more urgent. A key solution could be to re-use existing buildings and transform the way they behave. Decarbonsing our cities includes a three-step approach: Reducing the carbon emissions related to the operation of buildings (operational carbon); reducing carbon emissions related to the construction of buildings (embodied carbon); and increasing the active role of cities in producing resources and restoring the urban environment. Reducing operational carbon —  emissions associated with day-to-day activities of a city, such as energy consumption for cooling, lighting, waste management and transportation — is a complex challenge. Beyond improving thermal performance of building stock, cities can take advantage of other solutions such as tackling carbon emissions at the earlier stages of the building process. The World Green Building Council’s net-zero emissions commitment proposes a plan to reduce to zero not only operational carbon but also embodied carbon emissions from building portfolios by 2050. Indeed, the manufacturing and transportation of building materials and construction processes contribute significantly to the embodied carbon of buildings, accounting for 11 percent of global energy-related carbon emissions. All that steel and cement used for structural purposes and lift systems in high-rise buildings are associated with the majority of their embodied carbon. Simple rules such as the greater incentives to recycle steel could save up to 60 percent of these emissions. However, this is not enough to achieve the ambitious 2050 goals. A significant opportunity to tackle embodied emissions is the adaptive reuse of buildings already available in our cities. The practice of adapting buildings involves a range of changes that can vary from preserving the building’s historical and cultural significance to transforming the building’s function for other purposes. While very simple in its conception, adaptive reuse can be transformative.It’s estimated only one-third of the 2050 residential building stock will be composed of existing buildings, while the vast majority will be new housing developments. This approach is further supported by existing policies and green building rating tools, which indirectly encourage cycles of demolition and rebuilding over retrofit and adaptation. If governments don’t take action immediately, incentivising the adoption of novel design approaches, we lose the possibility to reduce the energy consumed by cities by 70 percent. A successful example is the recent renovation of the Quay Quarter Tower in Sydney, which retained a significant proportion of the old building, almost 65 percent of the original structure and 95 percent of the original core, saving 12,000 tonnes of carbon dioxide. With over half of the global population residing in urban areas, cities are significant contributors to climate change. This is because they consume a major share of the world’s energy (around 75 percent) and account for the largest production of greenhouse gas emissions up to 50-60 percent of the total emissions. Cities are also highly vulnerable to the impacts of global warming, due to the concentration of people, wealth and infrastructure. In many cities, low-income communities are more likely to live in higher-density housing and areas with fewer green spaces, less tree cover and more heat-absorbing surfaces. As part of the discussion on “climate justice”, inequity across communities is a persistent issue.  Disadvantaged communities are disproportionately exposed to the challenges of higher density living. They often lack access to emergency plans and lack resources for training and preventative measures for disasters. Considering that buildings are among the major contributors to climate change, accounting for 40 percent of the total world carbon emissions, improving the way they are designed and built can be transformative. Even more so in cities, where high-rise buildings require more energy and materials per floor area compared to low-rise buildings. Saving our future requires a long-term vision and commitment to sustainability, as well as a willingness to invest in innovative solutions and technologies. By adopting a comprehensive approach, cities can significantly reduce their carbon footprint and contribute to global efforts to address climate change. Dr. Arianna Brambilla is an Associate Professor in Architecture at the University of Sydney. Her research offers a novel philosophical design approach in which buildings, new or renovated, are in balance with nature and become restores or regenerators for the environment instead of being consumers of resources. Dr. Ozgur Gocer is a Senior Lecturer in Sustainable Design at the University of Sydney. Her research interest and expertise focus on investigating the built environment through the lenses of occupant experience with a view of informing design and performance improvements. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Hot house” sent at: 14/03/2023 11:29. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 17, 2023

HOT take: this congestion-buster really works - 360 Galit Cohen-Blankshtain, Hillel Bar-Gera, Yoram Shiftan Published on February 16, 2023 Israel fights congestion in Tel-Aviv with sophisticated road tolls and a ‘HOT’ lane. For 13km on one of Israel’s most clogged freeways, one lane flows quickly. The westbound lane on freeway number 1, connecting Jerusalem to Tel-Aviv, is sign-posted as the “fast lane”. Drivers must pay a toll for the privilege of a clear run. The fee ranges from 7 to 105 Shekels (US$2 to 30) depending on the time of day and how much other traffic there is. The other lanes are free. But, importantly, if a car has three or more people in it (at times, four), the fast lane becomes free. It sounds complicated, but Israelis have embraced the concept and it has reduced the number of cars entering Tel-Aviv. Israel’s “fast lane” is an example of a high occupancy toll lane (HOT lane). The first HOT lanes were introduced in California in the 1990s. As of January 2019, there were 67 operating HOT lanes and 22 more planned, all in the US. Israel is the only country outside the US with a HOT lane. HOT lanes are a variant of the more common high occupancy vehicle (HOV) lanes, which drivers may only enter if they have multiple people onboard. HOVs themselves are variants of dedicated bus lanes. The key difference is that HOT lane use is allowed for cars with low numbers of people onboard if they pay a toll. The fee for driving in the fast lane can be viewed as an alternative to the congestion charge. Congestion charges have been shown to effectively reduce traffic jams and have been successfully implemented around the world – London celebrates 20 years of its congestion charge this week. But although congestion is getting worse almost everywhere, adoption of congestion charges is still rare. That’s because they are perceived as ‘sticks’ while the public (and politicians) prefer ‘carrot’ policies. A HOT lane, however, offers a carrot (a clear run) and has the potential to encourage more sustainable mobility patterns (more people in one car). They are generally less politically challenging to implement as, in many areas, HOT lanes are either new additions to existing freeways or a conversion from HOV to HOT, so don’t reduce the overall number of lanes. To reduce the (possibly politically unacceptable) congestion for the other lanes, the Israeli government offered various inducements to use the fast lane. There is a large carpark at the beginning of the HOT lane where people can meet up with friends or colleagues to carpool and take advantage of the free fast lane. There is also a free bus shuttle to Tel-Aviv (along two different routes) near the parking lots. The combination of a large free parking lot with free shuttles or a meeting point for carpooling has increased the number and types of travellers benefiting from the HOT lane. The project, which began with a suspicious public and media, became a success story and is inspiring further HOT plans across Tel-Aviv. Although the HOT lane is a small step within the system, it may be giant leap towards road pricing and clearer roads. Professor Galit Cohen Blankshtain is the head of Federman School of Public Policy and Governance at the Hebrew University, Jerusalem Professor Hillel Bar-Gera is the head of the department of Industrial Engineering and, Management at Ben-Gurion University, and the Chi Scientist of the National Road Safety Authority, Israel. He is a consultant to the Israeli department of transportation on HOT projects. Professor Yoram Shiftan is  the head of the Israeli Smart Transportation Research Center, Israel. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 16, 2023

How a cost of living crisis can fuel extremism among young men - 360 Josh Roose Published on March 4, 2024 Dire economic prospects are opening the door for an angry world of emotional manipulation that is targeting young men. On March 15 the world will mark five years since Australian man Brenton Tarrant killed 51 people at two mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand. Tarrant, who will spend the rest of his life behind bars was told by the court during his sentencing that he had “no apparent mental disorders or psychiatric conditions, and that there was “insufficient information to make a formal diagnosis of any personality disorder” Instead the court said he was described as “having held unusually racist beliefs since your late teens that have developed and intensified through your adult life”. Tarrant was primarily radicalised in online chat forums, and his ideology fuelled by his supposed experiences of travelling in Europe. He described in his manifesto as having “emotions swinging between fuming rage and suffocating despair at the indignity of the invasion of France”, which he claimed was through migration. Tarrant’s warped view of a society that he will no longer participate in is illustrative of many extremist views held by young men across Australia and the globe. These lonely, disconnected men with the chance to exert horrific violence on communities they see as enemies have been one of the stories of this generation. From the more than 200 Australians who joined ISIS in Syria and Iraq, to the rise of neo-Nazi groups taking to the streets of Melbourne and Sydney, the world is facing a collective anger problem and has been for at least a decade. The ‘hope’ and optimism of the Obama presidency was quickly replaced by a divisive, polarising Trump presidency that captured the anger and resentment of those who felt left behind. This has been the case globally as populists and demagogues have seized, and sought to maintain, their power. Australia has not been immune to this, and numerous parties and actors seek to exploit societal fault lines for political gain. Populists continue to attempt to sell simple solutions to the intractable complexity of our modern world, where an individual’s emotional response to the changing world is most important, and where anger is seen to be innately special. Because anger appears to justify many things. It is the key emotion behind Vladimir Putin’s festering resentment at the loss of Soviet power and invasion of Ukraine, the Israel-Palestine conflict and global rise of violent extremism and terrorism across the religious and political spectrum. We are witnessing new formations of violent extremism, from the far right and conspiratorial movements such as ‘QAnon’, which blame an invisible elite, through to involuntary celibates, or ‘incels’, made up primarily of younger men who blame feminism and women for their deep grievances. However, history tells us anger is not a purely negative emotion. Righteous anger at injustice and indignity is a critical agent of social change. From the parable of Jesus overturning the money lenders’ tables to the abolitionists and suffragettes to #MeToo and Black Lives Matter or the many anti-authoritarian movements across the global south, anger at the abuse of power is a central element driving progress. It appears, however, that a retributive, resentful, and anger-fuelled hatred is, at this moment, in the ascendant. This is particularly the case among men, who are more likely to vote for populist movements and make up the bulk of members of violent extremist movements. Answering why we have a surplus of angry men and what the role of masculinity is in that equation becomes crucial to understanding why. Part my research explores why men are drawn disproportionately to the narratives of reactionary politics and hate-filled violent extremists. Given Australia’s historic deep-seated gender divides and status as a settler society, where gender roles are often reinforced, it is no surprise that some of the world’s most celebrated feminist scholars are Australian. Australians, including Raewyn Connell, have been among those pioneering the modern understanding of how masculinity interacts with power. Until recent decades, the gender roles were definitively marked in what some wish to call the traditional family. This enabled a clear delineation between men occupying a particular social status as the ideal type of masculinity — typically white, healthy, wealthy and successful — and those locked out of this status who were supposedly shamed, humiliated and resented their “subordinated” status. These are the people who historically have been associated with displays of ‘hyper masculinity’. However, these scripts have been slowly changing. An economic system grounded in the male breadwinner role has shifted dramatically to a free market economic model since the 1970s. The male-dominated dividend of traditional societal structures, including traditional blue collar and white-collar work, have been eroded. As manufacturing and mining have shut down and labour hire firms have shaped the blue-collar experience, precarity and short-term work have come to characterise white collar professional work that once offered a pathway to a job for life and guaranteed pathway to middle management. At the same time, the mass entry of intelligent, competent women into the workforce with increasing protections has added a layer of complexity and competition to the traditional white collar male pathway, challenging the dominance of “mediocre men”. This led Connell to refer to ‘neoliberalism’ (free market economics) as ‘post patriarchal’. These changes have led to resentment, anxiety, and anger (not to mention nostalgia for an imagined lost past) among a sizeable minority of men. Traditional support mechanisms for men including trade unions, offering solidaristic bonds, and church, offering a sense of community, that championed the male breadwinner model have become increasingly marginalised. Many men have consequently turned online to find community and fill this vacuum and to air their grievances. Michael Kimmel refers to this as ‘aggrieved entitlement’, though increasingly, no expectation of success among some younger men emerges. We see men being drawn into the ‘manosphere’, an online ecosystem of anti-women online commentators that includes influencers such as Andrew Tate and that promote hyper masculinity, affluence, competitiveness and most importantly, belonging. These narratives blame feminism, women and ‘woke’ liberal elites. Their narrative messaging intersects with populists like Trump and violent far right and religious extremists alike and have resulted in a de-territorialised backlash against feminism including a push to reclaim control of women’s bodies, minorities including the LGBTIQA+ communities, migrants, and ‘elites’, often with a strong antisemitic flavour. Populists and violent extremist movements alike are highly skilled at calibrating their narrative messaging to target masculinity as a recruitment mechanism. Interviews for my research reveal that men are most likely to become angry and experience hatred when experiencing a perceived personal slight or disempowerment. Populists and violent extremists mobilise anger against a perceived societal level attack on men and personal experiences of emasculation. They offer upward social trajectories, be they economic, political, or spiritual and a sense of empowerment in the face of shame, humiliation and despair. For example, neo-Nazis emphasise the importance of white pride to men who would otherwise feel they have nothing to be proud of. The strategies employed to do so across the political and religious spectrum of populist and violent extremist actors are remarkably similar. Violence is framed as an honourable act and defensive mechanism against a hostile other . This has important implications for our politicians, policy makers, societal institutions, and communities alike. It can shape how we approach the education of boys and young men about manhood, but also how we advance gender equality and approaches to competition and the need to belong. It requires that our politicians and policy makers give serious consideration to an increasing group of those who feel left behind. This is particularly important in the context of a cost of living and housing crisis. As for countering violent extremism, this research informs a more calibrated approach to the development of alternative narratives that challenge the framing of masculinity as somehow in deficit, and promote positive viable alternatives for men looking for solidarities and belonging. Dr Josh Roose is a political sociologist and Associate Professor at the Alfred Deakin Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University, Melbourne. His research focuses primarily on political and religious extremism, populism and the intersection with citizenship, economies, masculinities, and the rule of law. Research referred to in this paper has been funded by the Australian Research Council Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “An angry world” sent at: 29/02/2024 06:00. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 4, 2024

How a cyclone created a new nation - 360 Shyamalendu Majumdar Published on June 19, 2023 The discontent of themillions displaced was politicised, eventually leading to a civil war and the birth of a new republic named Bangladesh. On Nov 12, 1970, a storm of such diabolical force hit the coastline of East Pakistan, present-day Bangladesh, that the World Meteorological Organisation would later declare it the world’s deadliest tropical cyclone. The devastation that ensued triggered a civil war and ultimately led to external military intervention and the final metamorphosis of East Pakistan into Bangladesh. It was a dramatic example of the ways in which shock mobility can lead to profound political and social disruption and change the course of history. Cyclone Bhola caused an estimated 300,000 to 500,000 fatalities, mostly the result of a huge storm surge overwhelming the low-lying islands and tidal flats along the shores of the Bay of Bengal. Millions overnight became the victims of shock mobility and scholars have documented that ineffective relief efforts fanned the flames of dissatisfaction with extreme political impact – social unrest, civil war and secession. Experts say it was one of the deadliest natural disasters on record, and “the 20th century’s worst natural disaster”. Just prior to the storm’s landfall, the radio repeatedly issued a warning of “Red 4, Red 4” without explanation. The victims were used to cyclones but had no specific idea that Red 4 meant “Red Alert. Catastrophic destruction imminent. Seek high ground immediately.” They were used to the previous 10-point warning system denoting the intensity of a storm. The Pakistani government under General Yahya Khan in West Pakistan (today’s Pakistan) claimed that about 191,951 bodies were found and some 150,000 were missing. Their figures did not include the tens of thousands who were washed out to sea, buried in the mud or died in outlying and remote islands never to be found. Many offshore islands were devastated. Villages were wiped out and crops were destroyed. In the most severely affected upazila (administrative division) Tazumuddin, over 45 percent of the population of 167,000 died. The hapless victims clung to trees for survival but the strong winds plucked them and the unusually high tide took their bodies out to the sea. Subsequently, the corpses were left strewn on the beaches. East Pakistani political leadership was infuriated by the indifference shown to the ecologically vulnerable landscape and the hazard-prone coastal belt. There was also the concern about inadequate machinery for relief work. Analysts have argued that “one should credit the 1970 cyclone for the political turbulence and the secession that followed”. They say Bhola “accelerated the status quo” of the prevailing socio-political and economic tensions in East Pakistan. While the cyclone of 1970 did not alter the political configuration of East Pakistan, it reinforced pre-disaster arguments and boosted East Pakistan’s demand for autonomy. Bhola put the political legitimacy of the then-Pakistani government on the line in East Pakistan. The leader of the National Awami Party Maulana Abdul Hamid Bhashani said the callousness of the federal administration was evident by their indifference towards the much-needed measures for saving the lives of millions of people in the coastal region. Bhasani was the first political leader to arrive in the storm-devastated areas after undertaking a gruelling journey. During morning prayer he called for a jihad in the flattened district of Noakhali. There ought to be a struggle against this injustice and they should have an independent East Pakistan, he said. Following Bhasani’s political trail, Awami League leader Sheikh Mujib inherited the mandate to stand up for the hapless victims of Cyclone Bhola. The natural disaster was politicised. Pakistan’s national election in 1971 gave Mujib a landslide victory. The verdict clearly projected him as the prime ministerial candidate but that was not to be. After the elections, more than 500 candidates withdrew from the East Pakistan Provincial Assembly elections to be held on Dec 17, 1970, while several eminent leaders who had held top positions in previous regimes decided to retire from political life. To the West Pakistani military, it was an outcome for which they were not ready at all. Consequently, the government refused to respect the electoral mandate secured by Sheikh Mujib. This led to the Pakistani civil war. Cyclone Bhola expedited the cry for East Pakistan’s autonomy if not complete independence. The Yahya Khan government was not ready to accept the allegations of negligence in relief operations and charged the local political leadership for exaggerating the impact of the devastation. But world media soon exposed their incompetence in handling such a crisis. For the entire political leadership of then East Pakistan, the Bhola cyclone provided a much-needed spark to the already advantageous political position they had for the ensuing election. This spark ultimately ignited a civil war. A strong national liberation movement by the Bengali ethnic political community shook the very foundation of the geographically complex structure of Pakistan. That finally led to external military intervention and the transformation of East Pakistan into Bangladesh. This violent change is a stark reminder of the profound societal and political disruptions that can arise from natural disasters. Shyamalendu Majumdar PhD is the Secretary of the Calcutta Research Group. This article is part of a Special Report on ‘Shock mobility’ produced in collaboration with the Calcutta Research Group. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Shock mobility” sent at: 14/06/2023 11:50. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 19, 2023

How acupuncture works - 360 Yin Tao Published on December 14, 2022 Acupuncture is becoming more widely accepted as a pain treatment but what is the science behind it? Finding the absolute proof that acupuncture works as a pain treatment is like finding that notorious needle in the haystack. Research into the traditional Chinese therapy, which has been used for around 2000 years, continues in institutions around the world, but particularly in China. Traditional Chinese medicine practitioners believe acupuncture can balance the flow of energy or life force — known as qi — through your body. By inserting needles into specific points, the energy flow will re-balance. Thin needles are inserted at specific points on the body that are thought to stimulate the central nervous system which in turn stimulates the body’s organs to release hormones into the muscles, spinal cord and brain. It is mostly used to treat pain but also stress, weight issues, fertility and depression. According to the World Health Organization, of 129 countries surveyed, 80 percent of them now recognise the use of acupuncture. The question many want answered is: does it really work? Dr Tao Yin is a post-doctoral researcher at the Chengdu University of Traditional Chinese Medicine who has co-authored more than 25 papers on the technique. He joined 360info for a chat. To start, we need some basic knowledge of Traditional Chinese Medicine which regards the human being as an organic whole instead of a collection of organs or tissues.  People get sick because of the imbalance between yin and yang in the human body. Acupuncture can help the body restore the balance of yin and yang. That may be too abstract, so there are three theories related to modern medicine practice which help explain how acupuncture works. The most recognised is based on the neuroendocrine immune regulation theory. Acupuncture can regulate the release of neurotransmitters, neuropeptides and hormones by stimulating the neuroendocrine immune system, which controls important functions in the body such as air and blood flow to the lungs, heart rate, blood pressure, digestion, metabolism, blood sugar, and muscle and bone growth. Acupuncture can also regulate the concentration of some neurotransmitters, including monoamines and acetylcholine, along with chemokines, which play an important role in maintaining normal physiological function in the body. Second, by inserting the needles into the local point of our muscles, it can help muscle tone and regulate muscle spasm. It also induces the release of beta-endorphins and other analgesic factors, so they can treat the pain of the muscles and joints. Acupuncture produces a tolerable complex of sensations (including soreness, numbness, etc.). These sensations are uploaded in parallel with the local pain sensation and can hinder the brain’s perception of pain signals. That is, ‘good’ pain blocks our perception of ‘bad’ pain. Third, acupuncture can help to enhance synaptic plasticity and regulate the secretion of neurotransmitters as well as influence brain activity. In this way it can improve or treat some central nervous system conditions. For example, stroke. There is evidence from neuroimaging that acupuncture could regulate the somatomotor cortex functional activity of patients with stroke. And this is how they enhance neuroplasticity, and improve their motor functions. In another study researchers explored acupuncture for depression. It turns out that when acupuncture is used together with anti-depression drugs compared with drugs only, the combined therapy can better regulate 5-Hydroxytryptophan which helps alleviate the symptoms of depression. For analgesia, acupuncture works instantly in a few minutes to tens of minutes. For the regulation of internal organ function, long-term treatment (usually 12 times a month and more) is necessary. No single therapy can cover all diseases. So they won’t work always. This kind of difference might result from the patients’ own state. Under different conditions, the body may respond differently to acupuncture stimulus and that results in different therapeutic effects. We have done research and those patients with better or stronger acupuncture sensations will have better effects of the visceral pain alleviation. There are different needles for different ailments. The most commonly used form of acupuncture is manual acupuncture. The acupuncturist inserts a very thin needle into the skin and then uses a hand needle to manipulate the acupoints. There also is electro-acupuncture where a device delivers an electrical pulse as stimulation. We combined acupuncture and the electrical stimulation to treat pain and it works well. There also are other treatments such as cupping and moxibustion which belong to acupuncture therapy. And there are some other special techniques. Fire needle is a specialised needle, and you need to burn it before treatment. It’s effective for dermatological problems such as acne and is also used for some cold symptoms and works very well for herpes. In China, acupuncturists belong to the category of Chinese Medicine Doctors. They major in acupuncture as well as traditional Chinese medicine and modern medicine courses. They should study at least five years as an undergraduate plus three years special training in a hospital. The mutual trust is of great importance in clinical practice, especially for acupuncture treatment. Research and the clinical experience showed that a good doctor and patient relationship is actually a very important, non-specific factor which influences the clinical efficiency for acupuncture. Acupuncture doctors will try to establish a good relationship with their patients. Before the treatment they will talk with the patients about why they are doing the acupuncture therapy and how they will do it so the patient can have a clear picture. During and after the therapy, the doctor will ask how the patient feels so they can adjust manipulation based on the patient’s response. One study on acupuncture for analgesia showed that the more familiar the acupuncturist and the patients were with each other, the better was the analgesic effect. There is increased synchronisation of functional activity of the sensory motor cortex and prefrontal cortex during the acupuncture therapy. Synchronisation of their brain activity will significantly affect the immediate effect of acupuncture. This view of neuroimaging work to brain science illustrates how the doctor-patient relationship can influence the therapeutic effect. Tao Yin is a post-doctoral researcher at Chengdu University of Traditional Chinese Medicine. He is mainly engaged in the research of mechanisms of acupuncture effects. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Pain treatment myths” sent at: 12/12/2022 09:58. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 14, 2022

How advertising, not social media, killed traditional journalism - 360 Amanda Lotz Published on May 3, 2024 News outlets relied for so long on advertising to sustain them, they could never recover once it went elsewhere. The debate over the future relationship between news and social media is bringing us closer to a long-overdue reckoning. Social media isn’t trying to kill journalism; because social media has never really cared about journalism. Social media is resolutely in the attention business. News propels some attention — perhaps a lot of attention for the few people who care a lot about it — but access to social media has always been far more important as a promotional tool for news outlets than news content has been to social media. The business of most news outlets has been primarily about attracting attention, not delivering the best or highest quality news. As a result, social media was always a competitor, though not in the way often imagined. Data on the shifting share of advertising, in Australia and elsewhere, makes clear the profound change of the last two decades. Money previously spent on print advertising and direct mail has migrated to search, social media, and online classifieds, such as Domain and Seek. Money spent on television advertising has moved as well, albeit more slowly and mostly just in the last decade. The development of more effective and efficient advertising tools is what killed traditional newspaper operations, not the circulation of news on social media. The commercial failure of news organisations is not due to their journalism product but because they are no longer nearly so strong a tool for attracting attention for advertisers. The capabilities of internet distribution broke the business model of the “bundled newspaper” that provided many people with enough value to enable its mass reach. Once an agglomeration of information (weather, sports scores), news (thin details on the events of the day), and journalism, most people now have specialty apps for information and we are awash in news from radio, television, notifications, and headlines we see in social media feeds. The expense of journalism could be sustained by the wide reach of a paper attractive to many homes for many different reasons beyond the journalism it contained. But advertisers became able to text and email regular consumers, social media advertising allows them to target consumers more specifically, and search allows advertisers access to consumers interested in relevant keywords. All these features are more attractive to advertisers. Unlike the business of newspapers and television, social media is an attention business that does not have the costs of creating the content that attracts attention. Its business model will always be more profitable than attention businesses that create or license content. Social media hasn’t done a better job producing or distributing news — but it was never in that business. The business has always been about attracting and selling attention. This too is the case for ad-funded news outlets; they weren’t in the news business, but the attention business. Shoring up the future of journalism has long required finding a different business model. The days of ad-supported journalism are well and truly gone. The significant challenge of reorienting the creation of journalism from other revenue has led to decades of misplaced energy spent chasing clicks and engagement that were never a pathway to a sustainable journalism. Failing to address the core of the problem, as the case with the News Bargaining Code, has just prolonged the inevitable. The challenge remains the same: find ways to fund the journalism that democratic societies need to stay healthy offering people what they need to go about daily life and participate in their community. There are now many ways to distribute journalism and help people access it. Funding is really the problem and few governments have been willing to take it on. Without coordination, dozens of entrepreneurial efforts fail in the clutter of more or less legitimate initiatives and the absence of a sustained effort to re-educate society about how to access reliable information and journalism in today’s world. Few start by talking to the people they aim to reach about their news and journalism needs and frustrations, instead pushing solutions unusable to those most in need. Universities, libraries, and education systems that are beacons of expertise have gone untapped and unresourced for new necessary roles. Substantial journalism resources are regularly overlooked: public service media such as Australia’s ABC are an extraordinary asset already in place and already much more than radio and television. Perhaps we’d all be better off if social media weren’t regarded as a place to access news. Professor Amanda D. Lotz is a leader of the Transforming Media Industries research program in the Digital Media Research Centre at Queensland University of Technology. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 3, 2024

How Africa is overcoming ‘knowledge colonialism’ - 360 Reggie Raju, Auliya Badrudeen Published on December 26, 2022 Attempts to more fairly share scientific knowledge have had the opposite effect in Africa. But a new initiative is bringing true equity. Mary Abukutsa-Onyango is a leader in her field. Deputy vice-chancellor of research, production and extension, and professor of horticulture at Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture and Technology, she has more than two decades of expertise in indigenous African food crops. But when she submitted papers to well-regarded international scientific journals describing the findings of recent research into the role African indigenous vegetables might have in addressing poverty, malnutrition and food insecurity in Africa, they were rejected. “Not because the research was not good, but because they regarded the crops I was writing about as weeds,” she says. Instead, she found an African journal and published her findings. The improved visibility and accessibility of her research influenced the Kenyan government in its development of nutrition schemes for schools. Other East African governments have also adopted the schemes. In a significant irony, global north readers are now adopting these nutrition findings to support balanced diets. It’s just one example of how African research is excluded from established science publishing. People in developed economies determine what good science is without knowledge of the varying circumstances. This means science which could improve the lives of Africans and others around the world is not being shared, understood and built upon. But as the world starts to question why access to knowledge is controlled by a small group of corporate publishers, African scientists are developing their own platform for sharing research findings. It’s sparking interest from other regions around the world. The stakes could not be higher. In exchange for making scientific papers free to read — open access — the corporate publishers will often charge an up-front fee to the scientist. This is a win-win for the publishers, who secure payment either way. Many nations have negotiated country-wide deals with publishers allowing their scientists to publish and read articles. During these negotiations in South Africa, one publisher inadvertently let slip that in determining the up-front fee for a South African scientist, the publisher weighed up whether the journal had a high ‘impact factor’ and the number of articles South Africa was likely to publish as open access. The calculations mean a South African scientist is paying almost 200 percent more in up-front fees than a UK scientist (or their institution). If South African scientists have access to read high impact journals (while not necessarily publishing in them) via such nation-wide agreements then it pushes up the up-front fee. Unfortunately, Global South authors rarely get published in these journals, as Mary Abukutsa-Onyango found, due to systemic inequalities. Other constraints, such as finances, also mean Global South scientists are not publishing as often in the leading journals. This likely means Global North scientists are being subsidised by the Global South. Governments and major funders in developed economies, driven by the philanthropic ideal of open access, have been blind-sided by the extractive business model. The nation-wide agreements, conceived in the Global North, have shifted the prejudice from reading to publishing: communities can now read the research but cannot publish their own research because they cannot afford the up-front fees. This pay-to-publish model shifts the accessibility problem from the end of the publication process to the beginning. In essence, those without the funds to pay publication fees are further disenfranchised. Paywalls have been substituted with publication walls. The new and growing business model of open access and up-front fees is milking the Global South. What is not factored is how this expands the scholarship divide between the Global North and the Global South. The 2002 Budapest Declaration and the subsequent Bethesda and Berlin Declarations on open access commit to the two-way flow of information from the rich to the poor and the poor to the rich. The declarations underscore publishing for sheer inquiry and knowledge. Unfortunately, the business model for open access has detracted from the noble founding pillars of the movement and has unintentionally created a new crisis: the entrenchment of the one-directional flow of research materials. The entrenchment of the Global North-dominated scholarly ecosystem promotes knowledge colonialism. African scholarship requires channels for the dissemination of knowledge – the publishing landscape should be more inclusive. Any interventions should be underpinned by principles of equity. Inclusivity and equity, working in concert, will transform the current publishing landscape with the ultimate goal of making scholarship open for all –  to readers and authors. The good intentions of governments and funders, publishers’ business models and the inherent biases of the publishing ecosystem have given impetus for developing an African publishing platform. This platform is intended to make African scholarship more discoverable, visible and accessible. African universities or research institutions and their journals are now ‘tenants’ on the larger platform, with the microsites providing a sense of pride in the authors and their institutions. There is no cost to the author for publishing and no cost to the users for reading. The cost of publication and access is borne by contributions from academic institutions. Currently, institutions from Namibia, Zimbabwe and Cameroon are publishing on the platform. Institutions from Benin and Nigeria will be publishing from 2023. The continental platform addresses the problems of up-front fees, rights retention and biases, both conscious and unconscious. The creation of this platform, ensuring there is no compromise on academic rigour, gives African institutions a forum to share their scholarship. Open access interventions, previously a barrier for the Global South, are barriers no longer. Reggie Raju holds a PhD in library and information studies and is a NRF-rated researcher. He has more than 80 publications with a large proportion being in the area of open access. Reggie has been in academic libraries since 1984 and is currently the Director: Research and Learning Services at the University of Cape Town, South Africa. He serves on a number of international boards that support the openness movement. Auliya Badrudeen is a principal library assistant at University of Cape Town (UCT) Libraries. She holds a Bachelor of Arts degree in English Literature (with distinction) and Classical Studies. Auliya also graduated cum laude with a Postgraduate Diploma in Library and Information Studies from UCT. Prior to her current position, Auliya worked as a Research Assistant for the Department of Knowledge and Information Stewardship at UCT. The authors declare no conflict of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 26, 2022

How AI is joining the fight against superbugs - 360 Katharina Richter Published on September 6, 2023 Scientists are exploring new strategies to win the war against superbugs. Invisible to the naked eye, bacteria are constantly evolving in their quest for survival. Over the years, the misuse and overuse of antibiotics have inadvertently fuelled the rise of antibiotic-resistant bacteria, also known as ‘superbugs’. These superbugs are equipped with ingenious defence mechanisms, like forming castles of slime called biofilms, in which bacterial communities are well protected against attacks from antibiotics and the immune system. In 2019, globally 1.27 million people died from antibiotic-resistant infections. However, scientists are not backing down. They are arming themselves with cutting-edge treatment strategies and harnessing the power of artificial intelligence to combat this growing threat. And there is global recognition of the importance of this work. In August 2023, G20 health ministers, meeting ahead of the main leaders summit in September, committed to a comprehensive strategy to continue the fight against antimicrobial resistance. Imagine antibiotics as soldiers fighting bacteria on the battlefield. Over time, some bacteria manage to survive the attack, passing on their resistance to their descendants. This process, accelerated by the misuse of antibiotics in medicine, agriculture and livestock, has led to the emergence of superbugs that can resist multiple antibiotics, rendering once-effective treatments useless. Adding to this challenge is the formation of biofilms. By default, bacteria like to stick together and build walls of slime around them. Within this ‘slime castle‘, bacteria are extremely well protected against any enemy. This makes bacteria in biofilms up to 1,000 times stronger in withstanding attacks from antibiotics or the immune system compared with single bacteria. The close neighbourhood of bacteria enables them to ‘chat’ to each other, streamline defences and exchange information on how to become resistant to antibiotics. Biofilms are involved in 80 percent of infections in the human body — such as surgical site infections, non-healing wounds and implant infections — that are extremely difficult to treat. The scientific community recognises the urgent need for new approaches to tackle antibiotic resistance and biofilms, particularly as no new classes of antibiotics have been discovered since the 1980s. Researchers are exploring various strategies, some of which hold promising potential: Bacteriophages, or phages, are viruses that infect and kill specific bacteria. They can be engineered to target antibiotic-resistant bacteria without harming beneficial ones. Scientists are creating effective ‘phage cocktails‘ that can tackle a range of bacterial infections. The human immune system produces molecules known as antimicrobial peptides and antibodies to fight infections. Researchers are exploring the potential of these natural defenders as therapies. Antimicrobial peptides can directly target bacteria, while antibodies can tag bacteria for destruction by immune cells, enhancing the body’s ability to clear infections. Cold plasma, a state of matter containing energetic ions, free electrons, and reactive particles, is being investigated for its antimicrobial properties. Cold plasma can inactivate bacteria by damaging their outer membranes, disrupting their cellular processes. This emerging field, known as ‘cold plasma medicine’, could offer an antibiotic-free and non-invasive approach to treating infections. Researchers are investigating strategies, such as small molecules (which are small enough to move through the biofilm slime and reach the bacteria inside), nanomedicine or oxygen therapy, that can weaken bacterial defences, making them vulnerable to antibiotics again. By disrupting the bacteria’s ability to resist antibiotics, enhancers could give a second life to existing treatments. Bacteria communicate through chemical signals in a process called quorum sensing. This communication allows bacteria to coordinate their actions, including the formation of biofilms. Quorum sensing inhibitors are designed to disrupt this communication, preventing biofilm formation and making bacteria more susceptible to antibiotics and the immune system. These agents target the structural integrity of biofilms, breaking them apart and exposing the bacteria within to antibiotics. By dismantling the protective slime walls of biofilms, disruptors, such as enzymes, nitric oxide therapy, essential oils, or gallium-based medicine (which looks like food to bacteria, but is actually toxic to them), allow antibiotics to reach and eliminate bacterial colonies more effectively. Known for its gene-editing capabilities, CRISPR-Cas technology could be used to target and disable antibiotic resistance genes within bacteria, potentially restoring their susceptibility to antibiotics. While these innovative strategies show promise, their development and optimisation require substantial research and experimentation. This is where artificial intelligence steps in. AI algorithms can analyse vast databases of molecular information to identify potential compounds with antibacterial properties. By simulating interactions between drugs and bacteria, AI accelerates the drug discovery process, helping scientists uncover novel treatment options more efficiently. Additionally, AI-driven models can simulate the behaviour of biofilms and bacterial colonies, aiding researchers in designing strategies to disrupt these communities effectively. This computational approach provides valuable insights that guide the development of treatments that can prevent persistent infections. The race against superbugs is a race against time. The collaborative efforts of researchers worldwide, combined with innovative treatment strategies and AI-powered insights, provide hope for a brighter future. While science is delivering potential new treatments, responsible antibiotic use is a key part of ensuring existing treatments remain effective. That means doctors and their patients have a role to play in ensuring only the necessary use of antibiotics, while the agricultural and food sectors also need to limit antibiotic use in livestock. Research funding is critical, so policymakers too have a critical part in the fight. Dr Katharina Richter is a biomedical researcher and science communicator at the University of Adelaide. Her research focuses on developing effective treatments against antibiotic-resistant bacteria and translating them from the lab to real-life applications, and improving the health literacy of society through effective science communication. Dr Richter’s research has been funded by the University of Adelaide, the National Health and Medical Research Council, the Medical Research Future Fund, The Hospital Research Foundation Group, and the European Society of Clinical Microbiology and Infectious Diseases. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on September 6, 2023

How an asteroid near-miss shocked the UN - 360 Sergio Camacho Published on June 30, 2022 Spurred by a near miss, the world built an alert system to detect asteroids heading for Earth. But it’s not clear who would decide what to do next. On the morning of 15 February 2013 a research team in central Europe was preparing its final recommendations to a United Nations subcommittee on establishing an international response mechanism to prepare for an asteroid impact on Earth. Driving the point home would be a presentation by US space agency NASA showing asteroid ‘2012 DA14’ would pass within 27,700 kilometres of Earth that very afternoon – closer than the orbit of meteorology and communications satellites. But the point would be well made before NASA’s presentation: later that morning a different asteroid exploded 30 kilometres above Chelyabinsk in Russia. The shockwave knocked down walls, blew out windows and injured over 1,600 people. No one knew the asteroid was coming. The atmosphere protects Earth from asteroids 30 metres across or smaller – most of the time. The one that exploded over Chelyabinsk was 14 metres to 17 metres across. The asteroid’s shallow entry angle and high speed of 19 kilometres per second relative to Earth allowed it to skip through. This asteroid’s surprise appearance is far from unique. Asteroid 2015 HD1 was discovered by NASA’s Mt Lemmon Survey Telescope on 18 April 2015, three days before it made its closest approach to Earth at 73,385 kilometres. If it had been on track to hit Earth, there would have been no time for deflection or disruption. Those in the impact zone could only have prepared to manage the consequences. The chances of an asteroid striking Earth are very low, but if it were to happen the damage could be catastrophic. The consequences would far surpass the death, injury and material destruction likely to follow any Earth-bound natural disaster. But asteroid impacts are the only disaster the global community can prevent – if it has enough warning. The explosion above Chelyabinsk was a definite warning, and it was heeded. The Scientific and Technical Subcommittee of the UN Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space (UN COPUOS) accepted the research team’s recommendations, and in December 2013 the UN General Assembly welcomed them “with satisfaction”. An international response mechanism was soon established to forecast asteroid impact. The International Asteroid Warning Network (IAWN) was set up in January 2014. The Minor Planet Center, part of the International Astronomical Union, hosted the inaugural meeting at the US Harvard & Smithsonian Center for Astrophysics in Cambridge, Massachusetts. IAWN’s membership includes 40 professional and amateur observatories from all over the world that have signed a letter of intention to participate in IAWN. Each observatory covers its own operational expenses. Any astronomer, whether part of IAWN or not, who detects a new asteroid reports it to the Minor Planet Center, which makes a fast but accurate calculation of the probability the asteroid will strike Earth. The centre immediately sends the report to NASA’s Center for Near Earth Objects (NEOs) at the Jet Propulsion Laboratory in California and to the NEOs research centre in Frascati, Italy, where the chances of an impact to Earth over the next 100 years are calculated using different methods. The results are compared and placed on the bodies’ respective websites, and IAWN is informed. The Space Mission Planning Advisory Group (SMPAG) was established in February 2014. Its main purpose is to prepare for an international response to a NEO threat by exchanging information, developing options for collaborative research, and conducting NEO threat-mitigation planning activities. SMPAG has prepared scenarios for combinations of different-size asteroids, various areas of impact and other parameters. If an asteroid that may strike Earth were to be detected, IAWN would alert SMPAG and the UN Office for Outer Space Affairs (UNOOSA) and inform the news media. The first practical step each space agency would take would be to prepare its government to authorise any necessary action. It is here that SMPAG’s scenarios could save crucial time. Prior calculations about an approximate match to the incoming asteroid could save two to three years in selecting the deflection or disruption to be carried out. At the same time, UNOOSA would inform all governments to facilitate coordination of an international response. The technical aspects of an international response to the threat of an asteroid impact are well coordinated between the astronomical observatories of IAWN that search for and characterise asteroids and the space agencies of SMPAG that could deflect or disrupt them. The gaps in Earth’s planetary defence lie in the decision-making process. Authorisation from the governments in the impact zone and the governments whose space agencies can carry out the missions is needed before a deflection mission can launch. The fate of the planet may rest on the decision, which may need to be made quickly. But as any mission always has a chance of failure, this will be a political, economic and humanitarian decision – and it may take time. No clear hierarchy or decision-making process so far exists. Disparate groups and nations are likely to be involved, so a clearly defined process may never exist. Both IAWN and SMPAG present yearly briefings on their work to the Scientific and Technical Subcommittee of COPUOS, increasing policymaker awareness of the issues involved in making a decision as well as the knowledge base of their own scientists. One of the largest UN committees, COPUOS and its subcommittees had 100 member states as at December 2021. In 2029 the asteroid Apophis will pass within 31,600 kilometres of Earth. For this asteroid, humankind is prepared. Its trajectory is clear, it has been mapped and it has been assessed to have negligible risk of impact. It’s the ones Earth hasn’t spotted that remain to be prepared for. From 2008 to 2014, Sergio Camacho-Lara participated in the establishment of the International Asteroid Warning Network (IAWN) and the Space Mission Planning Advisory Group. He is a member of the Steering Committee of IAWN. He is a professor at the Instituto  Nacional de Astrofísica, Óptica y Electrónica (INAOE) in Mexico and is the Secretary General of the Regional Centre for Space Science and Technology Education for Latin America and the Caribbean, affiliated to the United Nations. Professor Camacho is a former Director of the United Nations Office for Outer Space Affairs. He declares no conflict of interest. This article was originally published in June 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 30, 2022

How an athlete’s digital twin can prevent injury - 360 David Lloyd, Claudio Pizzolato, Laura Diamond, David Saxby Published on February 2, 2023 Combining several technologies to create a digital replica of an athlete’s body has made a giant leap forward in understanding what goes on. Australian basketballer Maddison Rocci is standing perfectly still in a film studio, more than 100 cameras trained on every part of her body. She stands, arms outstretched, as the shutters click away. Behind the lenses is a team of filmmakers who usually work with Hollywood directors. Today, however, they’re working with scientists. Once the cameras go quiet, a team of biomechanical engineers and software programmers from Griffith University’s Centre for Biomedical and Rehabilitation Engineering (GCORE) and movie animators from Myriad Studios and Naughty Monkey use data to create a digital twin of Rocci, that replicates her anatomy, inside and out. This is the ‘digital athlete’. It uses 3D body scans, MRI and motion capture data to give a detailed representation of the body shape, bones, joints, muscles and other soft tissues in Rocci’s daily performance environment. The scientists can now see inside her body as she runs, jumps, twists, turns and shoots. The stress on her muscles and joints is captured, the data helping coaches devise a better training routine, or a tweak in technique. For example, coaches can examine in real time when Rocci (or any athlete) does a side-step, which is both a common movement and cause of many anterior cruciate ligament injuries in the knee. The information is both instant and personalised, which is critical, because each athlete will experience different stresses due to their unique physiology. Maintaining health of and/or repairing joint tissues requires “ideal” loading and strain of tissue. Recent research has shown such ‘biofeedback’ can be achieved by integrating a patient’s personalised digital twin and motion capture with wireless wearable devices.The personalised digital twins break down movements into smaller, predictable movements, and works with neuromusculoskeletal rigid body models and real-time code optimisation and artificial intelligence (AI) or machine learning methods. Recent work has also shown that laboratory-quality biomechanical measurements and modelling can be even be achieved outside the laboratory, with a smaller number of wearable sensors or computer vision methods. Expect commercial, affordable versions of the technology in the not-to-distant future. The ability to non-invasively and accurately predict internal tissue loading in real-time in the real-world has long been considered a holy grail for biomechanists. With the development of this technology, it is possible to imagine that training and rehabilitation may soon be guided by biofeedback systems based on a digital twin of any person’s musculoskeletal system. Real-time visual biofeedback has enabled people to adjust their knee and hip movements on demand using their innate solutions or trainer directed instructions. Importantly, when patients effectively altered their movements it was associated with clinically meaningful improvements in their hip pain and function. Optimising performance for athletes is one thing. Creating a digital twin this way has other potential applications, including for the military and the disabled. This could be used to prevent common musculoskeletal injuries that are very common in the military, and for neurorehabilitation of people with spinal cord injuries. A complete integrated system, called BioSpine, is currently undergoing trials of augmented reality-based training to enable spinal cord injured people to walk in a metaverse, or do actual physical cycling with muscle electrical stimulation and motor assistance all controlled by the person’s thoughts in an immersive augmented reality environment. With development, the technology has the potential to help quadriplegics and paraplegics “walk” again. The authors wish to acknowledge the important contribution by Duncan Jones and Myriad Studios into this research. is co-founder and foundation director of Griffith University’s Centre of Biomedical and Rehabilitation Engineering (GCORE). He is a fellow of the International Society of Biomechanics. David Lloyd receives funding from Wu Tsai Human Performance Alliance, Australian Institute of Sport, Queensland Academy of Sport, Motor Accident Insurance Commission, National Health and Medical Research Council, Australian Research Council. is research-focused senior lecturer at Griffith University with experience in computational neuromusculoskeletal biomechanics and its application to rehabilitation, brain-human-machine interfaces, and wearable sensors. Claudio Pizzolato receives funding from Wu Tsai Human Performance Alliance Agility Project, Stanford University; Australian Institute of Sport. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Game changer: sport tech” sent at: 30/01/2023 11:00. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 2, 2023

How an Indian city saved 1000 lives a year - 360 Prima Madan, Priya Dutta, Dileep Mavalankar Published on February 28, 2022 Community outreach and a roofing program have saved thousands of lives in an Indian initiative. It’s been just twelve years since Ahmedabad, a major city in western India, experienced a devastating heatwave. In one lethal week in May 2010, temperatures surpassed 48 degrees Celsius and 800 people died. Authorities advised people to stay indoors during the hottest part of the day as hospitals were overloaded. Bats and birds dropped dead from the trees they roosted in. Ahmedabad has always experienced hot weather, but the 2010 conditions were exacerbated by climate change and a slow-moving cyclone. Since that tragic week, the Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation partnered with the India Institute of Public Health- Gandhinagar (IIPH-G) and the US Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC) to develop India’s first heat action plan. An estimated 1,190 deaths have been avoided each year since its launch in 2013. Heat action plans have since expanded to over 23 states and more than 100 cities and districts through the National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA). The heat action plan builds resilience to extreme heat events through public awareness and community outreach; interagency coordination to enable an early warning system; capacity building among health care professionals; and promoting adaptive measures to reduce heat exposure. People living in slums and low-income communities are particularly vulnerable — many homes are far from optimal, with few options for cooling and highly compromised living conditions. An important component of the heat action plan includes so-called ‘cool roofs’. These are coatings or materials that reflect sunlight and absorb less heat. Depending on the setting, cool roofs can help keep indoor temperatures lower by 2 to 5°C compared with traditional roofs that are often made from corrugated tin or sheets of asbestos. Building on the back of a successful pilot in 2017, in 2020, Ahmedabad announced a cool roofs program for more than 15,000 slum roofs and 1,000 government buildings as part of its heat action plan. The focus of the larger roll-out is on slum households and local government buildings. The pilot in 2017 focused on community awareness through pamphlets, hoardings and communication materials to increase local knowledge on what cool roofs are, how they can help keep indoor temperatures lower, and what materials can be used to convert to a cool roof. Ahmedabad’s initiative builds on extensive work by Mahila Housing Trust, which has installed over 100 cool roofs in low income communities in Ahmedabad, using solar reflective paint and a technology called ModRoof — a locally made material using coconut husk and paper waste — an eco-friendly, cooling alternative. Cool roofs are popping up in other parts of the country. In 2020, NRDC and Mahila Housing Trust painted the roofs of selected slum households with solar reflective paint in four cities, Jodhpur, Bhopal, Surat, and Ahmedabad. The households were selected based on the household’s electricity usage, type of roof (tin or cement), exposure to sunlight, and the number of household members sharing the space. The program across the four cities painted more than 460 roofs and provided information on solar reflective paint to 13,587 households and 67,935 individuals. With the objective of scaling cool roofs across India, the National Disaster Management Authority, working with NRDC and IIPH-G released the Heat Wave 2021: National Cool Roofs Challenge, inviting cities with heat action plans to declare targets and implement cool roofs as part of their plans in 2021. The devastating COVID-19 second wave, resulted in reduced uptake of the challenge in 2021. An extension into the coming years is now being considered. Extreme heat is not merely an inconvenience; it can be deadly. In India, nearly half a billion people live in rapidly urbanising cities, with skyrocketing development that converts open space into paved, heat-trapping roofs and roads. Fuelled by climate change, many Indian states will experience ever-more deadly heatwaves. Initiatives such as heat action plans and community outreach on reducing exposure to extreme heat have proven to be effective in enhancing heat resilience. Cool roofs and other adaptations to building design can provide simple and effective solutions to increasing heat in urban areas. Priya Dutta is an environmental health consultant at the Indian Institute of Public Health, Gandhinagar and has been instrumental in developing the scientific evidence-based case for the Heat Action Plan and Ahmedabad Air Information and Response (AIR) Plan. Prima Madan is a Lead Consultant at Natural Resources Defense Council India Program, working on initiatives on promoting sustainable cooling and energy efficient solutions at national and sub-national level in India. Dileep Mavalankar is the Director of the Indian Institute of Public Health Gandhinagar – a joint initiative of Public Health Foundation of India and Gujarat State Government. He is also a key partner in the Ahmedabad Climate, Heat Action Group and Ahmedabad AIR group. The authors have no conflict to declare. This article has been republished in the wake of heatwaves in India, China and Europe. It first appeared on March 11, 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 28, 2022

How an industry milks mothers' fears for profit - 360 Irma Hidayana Published on May 10, 2024 Baby formula manufacturers have a history of aggressive marketing and exploiting women’s anxieties to wean them off breastfeeding. There is a breastfeeding crisis unfolding in Indonesia that results in the deaths of thousands of toddlers and mothers each year. Fewer mums are breastfeeding according to World Health Organization recommendations and this steep decline, combined with a surge in the use of commercially manufactured milk formula, is being blamed. Data from the 2022 Indonesia Nutrition Status Survey reveals a dramatic decline in breastfeeding rates, from 48.2 percent in 2021 to just 16.7 percent in 2022. Formula feeding, however, surged from 45.2 percent in 2021 to 61.6 percent in 2022. While further research is needed to solidify the connection, the data suggests a correlation between aggressive formula marketing and the decline in breastfeeding. This shift is linked to exploitative marketing tactics by milk formula manufacturers who use social media influencers to promote their products, systematically engaging doctors, midwives, and their health  institutions in different marketing activities, playing on women’s anxieties and self-doubt of making enough breast milk, to using unsubstantiated health and nutritional claims on their formula ads. The milk formula industry generates about USD$55 billion in annual revenue globally, according to a WHO report. With a population of 3.38 million infants and 18 million young children, Indonesia’s market for milk formula generates around  USD$5.1 billion and is projected to reach USD$15.4 billion by 2030. Such marketing also shifts infant and young child feeding practices away from breastfeeding towards commercially manufactured milk formula feeding. For example, during the first two years of the COVID pandemic, the formula industry disproportionately targeted women, exerting influence over their infant feeding choices through direct and indirect means via doctors and government agencies. Sales people directly reached out to pregnant women and mothers with infants or young children through private messaging on social media like Instagram, Facebook, WhatsApp, text messages, and phone calls. They offered a discounted product to buy or recommend the use of a specific formula product. They also invited mothers to join a series of online sessions covering numerous maternal and child health-related topics, including pregnancy, infant feeding and nutrition and other COVID-19 child health-related topics. Maternal and child health has been heavily exploited for decades by commercial interests. Social media has intensified this exploitation. The big multinational milk formula companies continuously do their best to replace breastfeeding and culturally appropriate complementary feeding practices by exposing women to myriad formula products lacking sufficient evidence, tailored for every stage of their lives, from maternal, infant (for infants ages 0-6), follow-on (6-12 months), toddler (12-24 months), and growing-up (more than 24 months) milk formula. Despite contravening the International Code of Marketing of Breastmilk Substitutes, sales representatives from these companies continue to have direct contact with women, fostering relationships with the aim of fostering dependency on their products in efforts to maintain product sales. It typically begins with identifying first-time pregnant women, followed by sustained faux relationships until the child reaches an age where the company’s product is no longer relevant to mother and child. This exploitation of women’s emotions, which capitalises  on their fears and insecurities, was also a  common tactic before, during, and after the  pandemic. Companies routinely claim that their products can solve common infant problems, whether real or perceived, out of common infant behaviours like crying or tiredness; companies position their products as solutions, suggesting that breastmilk alone may not suffice. The WHO report reveals that while many women express the intention to breastfeed; a barrage of strategic and persuasive marketing messages, such as exploiting the historical perception of breasts primarily as sexual objects, while downplaying their nurturing function, undermine their confidence. Breastfeeding poses a hurdle for business interests because breastmilk is a powerful competitor of commercial milk formulas. The more women breastfeed, the lower formula and baby food sales will be. To combat this the milk formula industry often uses poor science to suggest women and the wider public, with unsubstantiated evidence, that their products offer solutions to common infant health and developmental issues in competition with women breast milk. It’s also evident that breastfeeding not only plays a crucial role in child survival but also offers women protection against breast cancer, contributes to improved birth spacing, and may also reduce the risk of ovarian cancer and type 2 diabetes. In fact, human breast milk is the best food for babies. Unlike milk formula, human breast milk contains antibodies that provide crucial protection against numerous common  illnesses, making it essential for the children’s survival and well-being. The WHO recommends exclusive breastfeeding for the first six months of life, followed by continued breastfeeding alongside introducing appropriate complementary foods until the child reaches two years of age or older. This aligns with the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals. If the Indonesian government fully adopts the code and strengthens milk formula marketing regulations, women, infants, and young children would be protected from unethical and exploitative marketing of milk formula. This could result in a sustained increase in breastfeeding, which is crucial in preventing stunting and other malnutrition problems. Irma Hidayana is an Assistant Professor at the School of Health Professions and Human Services in the Department of Population Health, Hofstra University, New York, USA. She is the founder of https://pelanggarankode.org/ on the unethical marketing of the milk formula industry and its affiliates. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 10, 2024

How are we going to get around in a decarbonised world? - 360 Peter Newman and Dean Economou Published on December 13, 2021 The path towards decarbonising transport has become clear over time — and it seems like consumers are interested in making it happen. By Peter Newman and Dean Economou, Curtin University Transport is the laggard in decarbonising the economy. As the International Energy Agency suggests, oil and gas can no longer hide behind coal as the climate change rogue fuel. But how hard will decarbonisation of transport be? Electric Vehicles present an attractive option to consumers: they feel good to drive, are cheaper to run and will be considerably cheaper to buy by 2030. Their competitor, oil and gas-powered cars, are under increasing pressure as the world decarbonises. EVs are driving out of showroom doors at accelerating rates – seeing 50 percent annual compound growth since 2015. Of 9,000 people in 13 countries considering buying a new car this year, 41 percent planned to buy an electric or hybrid vehicle, according to Ernst and Young. Still, in most countries EVs are bought by people with higher incomes. To reach emissions reduction targets, people earning lower incomes will need access to affordable EVs so they can stop driving petrol and diesel cars. The US is considering EV subsidies targeting lower income earners. There is one big problem: EVs charged from solar will be a very cheap form of mobility, meaning cities risk becoming even more car dependent. Vehicle congestion is still a problem, even if the cars aren’t spewing out toxic fumes. And the best cities to live in tend not to be designed around cars. It’s inevitable some version of road user pricing will come into force to help counteract congestion, coupled with increased investment in mass transit. Autonomous vehicles are coming in one form or another (though maybe never as fully driverless machines), and can support both private ownership and public transport. Most new vehicles have some form of autonomy to help with road safety including new forms of road-based transit like trackless trams. Trackless trams are guided quickly and smoothly down main roads like a high-quality light rail by a smart system, powered by batteries on the roof. They are cheaper than traditional A strong e-transit system will help balance the congestion brought by EVs, alongside increased uptake on e-rideables and e-bikes. Like EVs, growth in e-Bikes has also taken off, along with all other e-rideables (scooters, skateboards, unicycles, hoverboards). Forbes projects that, by 2030, e-Bike sales will reach 17 million per year in Europe, up from 3.7 million in 2020. They are likely to increase in the short distance transport market, if given the right protections, such as separated lanes and forward-thinking regulation. And it’s not just for commuters. Most deliveries in dense urban areas are increasingly carried out by electric cargo bikes because they are cheaper and faster than driving a car. Electric Vespa-style scooters are a burgeoning market, with well-priced, stylish and high-performance models coming out of the motorcycle powerhouse India from trusted brands like Hero. In East Africa, electric Boda Bodas are rising in popularity. These are being used in emerging cities for passengers and cargo. Walking remains the most important form of mobility for our health, and has shaped many cities designed to encourage the activity. During the pandemic, more people took to walking — and it may grow further. But it will depend on how we build our cities. There remains ongoing debate about how much we build our cities around walking and transit rather than cars. More walking, or use of e-bikes and e-rideables, presents no environmental threat, we just have to make them safe. Companies like Luna and Voi Scooters are partnering to develop and test technology for e-Scooters to detect and avoid pedestrians. The combination of e-rideables and e-transit will reduce emissions and unlock urban regeneration around station precincts that are recharge hubs, attracting investment in houses, jobs and services. Transforming the heavy vehicle sector could take longer. Trucks and freight trains were seen to be too heavy to switch to electric so much work has gone into hydrogen fuel cells instead. Emerging battery technology is now allowing big trucks and trains to go electric. These are being purchased by big mining companies, creating new jobs in regions. They will need more recharge services that are fast and extend out through the locations they are servicing. The biggest issue in transport is what to do with ships and planes that make up around 23 percent of global transport emissions. There appear to be only a few small ships and planes that can be electrified and the only drop-in decarbonised fuels that can work are still incredibly expensive. Hydrogen created from solar energy is needed to make ammonia for ships and synthetic jet fuel for planes. Advanced biofuels made from wood waste are a similar story and all need breakthroughs in science and engineering. Small decarbonised planes or ‘eVTOLs’ are a potential solution for short trips. There are about 200 companies working on this type of vehicle for intra and inter city travel at ranges up to 300 kilometres. The autonomous flying machines can do the work of helicopters and corporate jets with little noise and effectively become Ubers in the air. We could travel less for meetings — especially international ones — and continue to use platforms like Zoom, especially as taking trips becomes an ethical issue for many people and businesses. Apart from ships and planes, which require creative thought and experimentation, the path to a transport energy transition is not hard to see. A decarbonised transport system beckons. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Peter Newman is Professor of Sustainability at Curtin CUSP and a lead author for Transport on the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). He has written 23 books on sustainable cities and was awarded an Order of Australia for his contributions to urban design and sustainable transport. Peter Newman receives no financial support from the IPCC. Dean Economou is a Research Fellow at Curtin CUSP specialising in new transport technologies, maintains a transport advisory practice and is founding advisor for on-demand shared mobility provider Liftango. The authors declared no conflicts of interest in relation to this article.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 13, 2021

How Australia can win hearts and minds in the Indian Ocean - 360 Athaulla Rasheed Published on March 18, 2024 Australia has an opportunity to strengthen its relationship with Maldives, a key strategic component in the Indian Ocean ramp-up. Australia and Maldives are worlds apart. But one ocean unites them. Australia is the largest country bordering the Indian Ocean, which acts as the connector for its most important trade routes to Asia. Maldives is the smallest, but plays a key strategic role in the region. With the Indian Ocean as an important trade zone for Australians, the country is also required to focus beyond the Pacific. China heavily influences Australian policy in the Pacific, but China’s ramping up of diplomatic and trade relationships in the Indian Ocean now requires Australia to shore up its relationships there too. The Maldives, meanwhile, is a nation stuck between the economic powerhouses of the region — India and China. This gives Australia a unique opportunity. Because of Canberra’s relationship with these bigger powers it can bolster its relationship with the tiny island nation and soothe tensions in the region. The focus areas for Australia to enhance its development and security relationship with Maldives is by strengthening cooperation in the areas of climate change, governance, human development and maritime security. During 2022-23, the budget estimate for Australian Official Development Assistance to Maldives accounted for AUD$2.8 million. Out of the AUD$211 million in two-way goods and services trade, AUD$147 million accounted for Australian exports including bilateral merchandise trade comprising Australian ships and boats, and food and beverage to the Maldivian tourism industry. By training over 700 Maldivians in Australia under its government sponsorships, Australia has, over the years, contributed to the increasing human development records Maldives has met today. The Maldives’ very existence is severely threatened by the march of climate change. A one metre rise in global sea levels could result in 80 percent of its land being submerged. In this fight Australia has played its part, despite sometimes confusing domestic politics around the topic. Apart from its contribution of AUD$3.8 million over 10 years (2013-2023) to the United Nations Development Program’s (UNDP) Integrated Governance Programme in Maldives, Australia has continued to support Maldives’ climate adaptation efforts including the AUD$2 million to World Bank-run Climate Change Trust Fund in Maldives from 2013-2018. Ocean is an important part of Maldives’ development and security. Australia’s contribution to building maritime security capabilities — including regional-level joint exercises, training and bilateral cooperation in military, search and rescue, maritime strategy, and maritime surveillance – has helped Maldives to strengthen its national and regional security engagements in recent years. May 2024 will mark one year since Australia opened its first resident High Commission in Malé, the Maldives’ capital. According to the Australian Government, the opening of the High Commission has “further deepened our friendship and reflects Australia’s increased engagement in the Indian Ocean region”. In the transactional world of foreign relations, Australia now views Maldives as increasingly relevant in the world of its interests and that of its allies. The historically strong Indian-Maldives relationship has been somewhat strained recently. Maldives was caught in the spotlight of geo-strategic competition when, between 2013-2018, the government of former President Abdulla Yameen decided to expand its economic ties with China to support its national development agenda. Malé signed investment agreements with Beijing to support mega-development projects including a bridge connecting the international airport with the second largest residential island, Hulhumalé. Other infrastructure projects included housing apartments on reclaimed land in Hulhumalé. While these engagements were seen by the then government as enhancing mutual development partnerships, the growth of China’s presence in Maldives was seen by India as a potential threat to Indian Ocean security. India’s anxiety grew as the Maldives’s partnership with China grew. In 2018, everything changed. Yameen’s successor, Ibrahim Mohamed Solih, reinstated an “India-First policy” leaning the country’s priorities for development and security cooperation to New Delhi. Maldives signed further development and security agreements with India including India’s funds to help address foreign debt (from China included) and aid further mega infrastructure projects including building a bridge to connect Malé, Villimalé and two other islands. Solih’s government furthered bilateral ties with India in defence and security as part of Maldives’ active role in the broader Indo-Pacific security dialogue. However, the localised securitisation of its foreign engagements created public anxiety and distrust about Solih’s government’s handling of defence-related engagements with India. Despite the failure of Solih’s government to complete an India-supported mega-bridge project by the end of his term, the opposition’s “India out” campaign, linked to the presence of a small Indian military contingent in Maldives, gained public support in the 2023 election in which Solih was defeated. His failure to explain to the public about Maldives’ foreign security partnerships contributed to his election loss. Dr. Mohamed Muizzu took office in November 2023, and has committed to ensuring “that [Maldives] has no foreign military presence on its soil”. He has asserted that Maldives is too small to be “entangled in this so-called geopolitical fight between bigger nations“. Rather, Muizzu has committed to an inclusive “national development approach” to priorities,balanced development cooperation to support sustainability and build socio-economic resilience against climate change through mega infrastructure projects. This involves exploring foreign partnerships beyond India. Maldives has already renewed its relationship with China by signing 20 key agreements during Muizzu’s visit to China in January 2024.  His visit to Turkey in November 2023 initiated enhancing cooperation with nations outside of the Indian Ocean region. For Maldives, the expansion of partnerships does not mean there will be regional security implications. Rather, they have opened avenues for potential foreign investments required for a tourism-driven economy fighting to build climate resilience and national security. Regionally, Maldives has ongoing security cooperation with India and other Indo-Pacific partners including the US, Australia and Japan. India and Sri Lanka are the most long-standing partners supporting maritime defence capabilities in Maldives. For Australia, the 2023 Defence Strategic Review further expands its scope to “expanding regional strategic multilateral, trilateral and bilateral partnerships” with its “immediate region encompassing the north-eastern Indian Ocean”. In this respect, Australia’s defence cooperation with the Indian Ocean small states can be unique, because it essentially recognises India as an important strategic and security partner in the Indian Ocean. However, as it “strengthens its bilateral defence relationship with India”, Australia is “fast expanding to include other partners in the region, such as Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Maldives”. In this respect, Maldives-Australia maritime security interests can stand out, and engagement in this area can underscore the theatre of climate-disaster threats and transnational crimes and terrorism threats to the broader national interests of this  island state. Athaulla A Rasheed is a PhD candidate at The Australian National University. His focus is on international relations and security of small island developing states (SIDS). He is a former foreign service officer and diplomat at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Maldives, and holds a PhD in political science from University of Queensland, Australia. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 18, 2024

How automation will shape future of work in India - 360 Anita Hammer Published on February 28, 2024 Automation could reproduce informal and precarious work rather than transform existing trends. A dystopia of job loss and surveillance or a utopia of transformation and progress. This conundrum sums up the intense debate around automation and its impact on the future of work. Optimistic narratives about progress from the Fourth Industrial Revolution or a Second Machine Age are juxtaposed by predictions of a bleak future, where robots and automated processes lead to mass casualisation, surveillance and control. The reality is not so simple. Automation involves a new relationship between workers and technology, new ‘spatial fixes’, whether in global production networks or remote working, as well as enabling new types of employment relations. It is important to place global narratives on the future of work in labour-abundant economies such as India, where the effects of automation could pose a challenge for development. India has long struggled with structural inequalities, poverty, a predominance of informal work and self-employment, and rising unemployment. It also has niche expertise in information technology. Young graduates and mid-level professionals appear likely to benefit from the AI revolution. Tensions over inequality – aggravated by fears that technological innovations will undermine job opportunities and security – dominate. An assessment of how automation is impacting work in India does not support a dramatic shift from existing employment practices or major changes. Rather, the adoption of emerging technologies is uneven and patchy. It may improve employment conditions for some workers but is not likely to benefit the majority without redistribution of income and wealth. Manufacturing could be heavily impacted by automation, but its adoption needs to be balanced by the cost of upgrades and the cost of labour where labour is plentiful. High-technology export-oriented automobile and telecommunication production are more likely to adopt advanced automation, partly because of the high number of routine tasks. Labour-intensive industries such as textile, apparel, leather and footwear are less likely to adopt high technologies because of the need for high capital investments in what are predominantly small-scale firms in the informal sector, with easily available low-cost labour. Automation in the manufacturing sector is driven by ‘contractualisation’ – where contract workers are hired in place of direct hire employees to weaken the bargaining power of regular (full time), unionised workers and keep wage demands in check – and labour replacement by firms. The share of contract workers in total employment has risen while that of directly employed workers fell. It is also common for apprentices and contract workers to work alongside full-time workers to do the same job on the same shop floor, and for supply chains to source extensively from the informal economy. While new jobs may be created, increased ‘contractualisation’ is leading to worsening employment conditions. Contract workers can be easily dismissed, receive a much lower wage than permanent workers and have no access to social protection mechanisms. The other employment trend likely to intensify is a shift from wage employment to self-employment. While new opportunities for entrepreneurship may be created, evidence shows that for most, self-employment is not a choice but a necessity. Over 80 percent of the workforce in the informal sector is classified as self-employed but operates at subsistence level with little access to capital or social security. Countering the myth that this shift to self-employment represents “entrepreneurialism”, the reality is of the “hidden dependency” of self-employment, and its gendered and caste- and community-based basis. Workers are dependent on large firms or merchants, which leads to work intensification and a reliance on unpaid family labour. These self-employed are largely precarious, informal workers prone to exploitation. A shift to ‘contractualisation’ and self-employment with increased automation may signify increasing informality and precarity, and worse employment conditions for many. The impact of emerging technologies is most visible in the Business process outsourcing (BPO) and IT industries, the financial sector and in customer services. Back-end tasks are increasingly automated. However, this shift is unlikely to create widespread employment opportunities, as suggested by a significant slowdown in hiring and an increase in redundancies in the IT sector since 2016–2017. One report indicates that 640,000 low-skilled service jobs in the IT sector are at risk to automation, while only 160,000 mid- to high-skilled positions will be created in the IT and BPO service sectors. IT sector workers will need to rapidly upskill, but fewer jobs will be created in the medium-long run. Informalisation and ‘contractualisation’ through outsourcing and subcontracting are increasing, at the cost of formal employment relationships in the IT sector. The platform economy promises new economic opportunities for service workers, especially women and migrant workers, by enabling new forms of micro entrepreneurship and freelance work. It can improve employment conditions in terms of higher income, better working conditions, flexible work hours or access to banking. Platforms also promise a sense of community that can be mobilised for collective bargaining. However, leveraging these opportunities requires workers to have technical skills, when a majority have limited opportunity to upskill. This also highlights the disconnect between current education programmes and the skills employers need. Often, surveillance and control belie the rhetoric of freedom, flexibility and autonomy. Labour share platforms are unregulated, profit-seeking, data-generating infrastructures that rely on opaque labour supply chains and the use of AI to control workers by directing, recommending and evaluating them and recording, rating and disciplining them through reward and replacement. Like manufacturing, participation in gig-work is driven by the unavailability of alternative secure employment. Most people work multiple jobs for multiple employers on a piece-rate basis and lack access to formal social protection. Automation appears to be creating a flexible and controlled “digital labour” base, reproducing informality and precarious working conditions rather than positively transforming work. Agriculture remains the largest source of employment in India with a high automation potential. Most agricultural tasks can be classified as manual, such as planting crops, applying pesticides and fertilisers, and harvesting. AI technology and data analytics have the potential to improve farm productivity, highlighted by the many agri-tech start-ups in India. However, the underlying dynamics of agriculture and their pervasive and persistent role in perpetuating informal employment pose a challenge. Land ownership is concentrated amongst a few, with limited capital investment, while 75 percent of rural workers work in the informal sector, and 85 percent have no employment contract, health and social security, some being subject to “neo-bondage”. This extreme inequality combined with the decreasing size of landholdings, low growth and low capital investment means any widespread adoption of advanced farm automation and digital technologies appear unrealistic. More likely is the adoption of micro technologies and incremental mechanisation. Growing labour surplus in agriculture continues to fuel the informal economy, where workers cannot break the vicious cycle of low wages and low skills. The absence of employment creation and increasing informalisation of formal manufacturing and service-sector jobs (in the platform economy and gig-work) are likely to aggravate these challenges. Automation is likely to bypass those sectors which employ most low-skilled workers. The societal implications of this are far-reaching. The low cost of labour in the informal economy reduces the likelihood of technological adoption. High poverty levels combined with low levels of education among semi-urban and rural men and women and marginalised social groups will limit their access to any gains from technological development. This will restrict economic opportunities. Women and marginalised groups are less likely to have the digital skills and are more likely to occupy the jobs most vulnerable to the effects of automation. Self-employment is likely to increase, but not necessarily accompanied by an improvement in employment conditions. New technologies could further reinforce the vast urban–rural divide. Automation could reproduce informal and precarious work rather than transform existing trends. A fair and equal future of work is possible through the adoption of new technologies – from the growth of the platform economy to remote learning opportunities. Their effectiveness will depend on how well they are integrated with broader policy interventions which address the deep-rooted inequalities and enduring employment and skilling challenges in India’s world of work. For example, skills have been identified as key in the national strategy of automation. Yet, India does not have a history of success in up/skilling with low investment in training structures and firms’ reluctance to invest in training and reliance on informal skilling. There is a significant digital gender divide that adversely impacts skilling initiatives. Policies that facilitate the capacity of women as well as other socially disadvantaged groups to leverage new technologies will help towards an equitable future of work. Dr Anita Hammer teaches at King’s College London and researches work and employment in the Global South, with a particular focus on India and the Middle East. Anita’s research draws upon history, political economy and sociology to examine informal and precarious work, impact of technology and climate change on work and employment, and policy debates on ‘decent work’ and ‘just transition’. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 28, 2024

How battery swapping can accelerate e-motorbikes - 360 Andri Setiawan Published on November 22, 2023 Transitioning Indonesia’s millions of petrol-fuelled motorbikes to electric is a daunting task but there is a feasible solution. There are more than 122 million motorcycles in Indonesia, making them the most popular form of transport in the country. Cheap and efficient, and better on the notoriously clogged roads of the country’s biggest cities, motorbikes also come at a cost: along with other road vehicles, they are a major source of greenhouse gas emissions. The Indonesian government has set ambitious targets to transition to electric motorcycles to reduce emissions, but there are numerous challenges. One is recharging motorbike batteries. It can cost a lot of money and takes the bike off the road for up to four hours to fully recharge the battery. An alternative model would be not to recharge the battery in your bike but to swap it out for a fully charged one at a battery swapping station. This is where the idea of a standardised battery for two-wheeled vehicles would be a game changer. If electric motorbikes had standard batteries, then battery swapping becomes a cost- and time- effective way to recharge as it attracts more adopters and address climate challenges. Both battery standardisation and advancements in battery technology can significantly increase the adoption of battery swap motorcycles and enhance the profitability of battery swapping stations. However, the battery swapping industry faces several issues, including the complexity of operations, demand management, standardisation and infrastructure investment. Battery swapping is still in its early stages, and there is a need for further investigation and development. One study examined the effectiveness of policies promoting a profitable battery swapping service industry in Indonesia, using indicators like the number of electric motorcycle users, battery swapping users and profits for battery swapping providers. To examine the effectiveness of the policies, three approaches to different scenarios have been developed: Business as Usual, Rapid Innovation, and Surging Energy Price. Business as Usual assumes the electricity base price will continue to increase at a steady rate and battery prices will decrease. Rapid Innovation assumes an increase in electricity base price will be higher than in the past due to the increased adoption of renewable energy could lead to higher power plant investment cost. The need for grid reinforcement due to the nature of its intermittency. But advances in battery power density will cause a considerable decline in battery prices. Surging Energy Price assumes an unanticipated increase in the electricity price due to a shock to energy prices. Under the first approach, the revenue for battery swapping providers would come from subscription fees. The business is capital-intensive. Inspired by Taiwan’s successful electric motorcycle adoption, the Indonesian government could support the industry with money to build public charging stations, battery swapping infrastructure and incentives on import duties. Without policy interventions, the number of electric motorcycles is not significantly different between the Business as Usual and Rapid Innovation scenarios. However, in the unfavourable conditions of the Surging Energy Price scenario, the total number of electric motorcycles is about 16 percent smaller. This suggests the government’s target of 2.5 million electric motorcycles by 2025 is likely to be achieved, but the goal of 13 million by 2030 isn’t. Policy interventions are necessary to make electric motorcycles more attractive. The market tends to prefer plug-in over battery swap motorcycles, with the share of plug-in motorcycles only being smaller under the Surging Energy Price scenario. However, the share of plug-in motorcycles decreases over time under all scenarios, and the market share of battery swap motorcycles gradually increases, though it does not surpass plug-in motorcycles by 2030. As electricity prices rise, battery swap bikes will become more popular. A constant increase in battery swap motorcycles would help the profitability of battery swapping stations. The accumulated cash flow of swapping stations would continue to grow in each scenario, primarily due to the price of a swappable battery being based on the electricity base price, with a margin added. As electricity prices increase, the margin for each swappable battery sold also increases. A significant increase in plug-in motorcycles happens with the implementation of electricity price subsidies in the Surging Energy Price scenario, emphasising the importance of this policy, especially when other benefits of electric motorcycles are reduced. Policies aimed at the adoption of battery swap motorcycles, such as battery standardisation and early adoption of high-power density swappable battery technology, negatively affect the number of plug-in electric motorcycles, albeit to a small extent. Electricity price subsidies and initial purchase incentives have only a small positive effect on the number of battery swap motorcycles. The effect of battery standardisation reaches a saturation point over time, while the impact of early adoption declines due to the slowing nature of the battery capacity innovation rate. As more batteries are swapped, the better the cash flow for operators. Policies that increase the number of battery swap motorcycles, such as incentivising initial purchase costs and early adoption of battery technology, lead to increased revenue for battery swapping stations. However, electricity subsidies decrease the accumulated cash flow of battery swapping stations, likely due to the pricing structure based on the costs of swappable batteries. The simulation demonstrates that the number of battery swapping users increases with the number of electric motorcycle users, leading to better profits for battery swapping stations. Electricity subsidies help increase the number of battery swap motorcycles but reduce the accumulated cash flow of battery swapping stations. The costs of subsidies suggest the government should carefully consider the benefits in proportion to the expenses, especially given the relatively small increase in the number of electric motorcycles compared to other policy options. The battery swapping service industry is a complex system encompassing technological advancements, infrastructure, market acceptance, investments, regulations, and various stakeholders. Understanding this complexity is crucial for its successful development. The system model and research results can serve as a valuable reference for government policymakers, helping them design appropriate policies to promote the adoption of battery swapping technology for electric vehicles, not limited to electric motorcycles. The government could prioritise policies that target the supply side of battery swap electric motorcycle adoption, specifically producers and service providers. These policies can effectively address key adoption barriers, such as driving range and the convenience of using battery swap electric motorcycles. By adopting these recommendations and understanding the dynamics and complexities of battery swapping adoption, Indonesia can move closer to achieving a more sustainable and environmentally friendly transportation system. Andri D. Setiawan is an associate professor of Technology Policy at Systems Engineering, Modelling and Simulation, Industrial Engineering Department, Universitas Indonesia and visiting fellow at Technology, Innovation and Society, Department of Industrial Engineering and Innovation Sciences, Eindhoven University of Technology, the Netherlands. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 22, 2023

How big money finances Indian politics - 360 Swagato Sarkar Published on May 15, 2024 The business elite funds political parties and elections in return for economic favours or for securing favourable policies for their industry Many years ago in West Bengal, I encountered school-age boys playing Carrom or cricket all day. Curious as to why they weren’t at school or out working, they responded:  “We are all employed. We do party-r-byabsa (‘business of the party,’ or work for the Communist Party of India-Marxist).” “We participate in rallies, attend meetings, and mobilise people on election days. In return, the party gives us small contracts (such as repairing roads, tube wells, etc.).” This ‘business of the party’, as British Anthropologist F.G. Bailey called it, worked on the basis of parties distributing minor contracts to their workers at the grassroots level. Times have changed. Political parties are now corporate entities. They no longer depend on self-sacrificing volunteer full-timers, but party office bearers. These functionaries are paid handsomely, travel by airplanes or air-conditioned cars and stay in five-star hotels. They look more like party executives than workers. The party offices resemble luxurious hotels or corporate headquarters. For all this, political parties need to build a massive war chest. A part of that money must be in ‘white’ — auditable and traceable. Corporations and ultra-high net worth individuals need the ruling parties to capture regulatory apparatus, get access to lucrative natural resources and government contracts, buy state enterprises and competitors (often taking advantage of insolvency and bankruptcy resolutions) at an undervalued price. The scandal of electoral bonds in India has revealed this new quid pro quo relationship between the ruling party and the corporate world. The sectors which purchased the bulk of the electoral bonds included  mining and power generation, ‘sinful industry’ (lottery and gaming), infrastructure contractors and real estate developers, buyers of undervalued state shares, and highly regulated sectors such as pharmaceuticals, chemicals, civil aviation, banking and telecommunications. These bond purchasers stood to gain windfall profits by receiving favours from the Union government at the Centre as well as the parties running the state governments. Some companies have donated money to political parties worth more than their combined profit during the period of purchase of an electoral bond. This perhaps points to them fronting for some hidden entities. There are also allegations of shell companies donating electoral bonds. The News Minute found that many companies were raided by the Central Enforcement Directorate (which investigates money laundering) and the Income Tax Department before they purchased electoral bonds. This points to a coercive mechanism of extracting donations by the powers that be. Unsurprisingly, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has cornered a disproportionate amount of these electoral bonds, putting it in the pole position financially in the general elections in 2024. Surprisingly none of the corporate houses believed to have a close relationship with particular political parties were shown to have purchased any electoral bonds at all. The Supreme Court took a long time to pronounce a verdict but declared the electoral bonds illegal and unconstitutional. It forced the State Bank of India (the sole designated seller of the bonds) to reveal the details of the purchasers and redeemers. Nevertheless, the court allowed the recipient parties to retain and use the donations. This connection between business and politics is nothing new. At the national level, there has always been a quid pro quo relationship between the political and the business elite. The business elite funds political parties and elections in return for favourable policies pertaining to their industry. Three events have shaped these links: the liberalisation of the Indian economy in the 1980s and 1990s, the 9/11 terror attack on New York and the rise of social media. With economic liberalisation, the government’s infrastructural projects at the grassroots level increased massively, expanding the scope of offering contracts to local party leaders, workers, and followers. The commodification of land that followed was crucial. In a land-scarce country, the demand for land went up exponentially in the 1990s. Provincial political leaders in and around urban centres began to control the supply of land for real estate, industry, academic institutions and hospitals. Political parties expect their expenses covered by such local level leaders. The bigger game is played at the national level. In a liberalised economy, monopolies and oligopolies are created not by erecting entry barriers but by strangling competition, capturing the regulatory apparatus and monopolising financial resources. The politics and business nexus helps in this. The growth of social media has also come in handy for political parties in managing public perception. The parties profile and target individual voters and influence them using social media platforms.  They exploit algorithms to ensure their content is spread far and wide while  suppressing the opposition’s messages. This requires a vast war chest, to pay for party officials, professional agencies and IT workers. Money is also needed to place advertisements. This lavish ad spend makes the political terrain unbalanced. In certain instances, the opposition parties’ bank accounts were frozen to deprive them of money to buy advertisement slots and campaign. The 9/11 terror attack also affected  global financial transactions by forcing transparency.. Financial institutions must now do due diligence to track and audit the digital footprints of transactions. It is imperative for private corporations, and now even political parties, to maintain a clean money trail. After the electoral bonds scandal, however, India needs to rethink the regulation of political funding to create a level-playing field. The transformation will not be easy. Nevertheless, there may be a way forward. First by ensuring  the ruling party does not abuse the Income Tax, Enforcement Directorate and its other investigative agencies to force political donations. It should be answerable directly to Parliament and its oversight committees. Second, elections could be publicly funded. The financial resources for this could be generated from a cess 9an additional tax)  on corporations and industrial use of natural resources. Third, TV and print media could be mandated to allocate advertisement slots on a proportional basis to all recognised political parties. Finally, social media and technology companies should make declarations and furnish weekly reports on the activities of political parties and their proxies. Any deviance can be flagged and blocked. Swagato Sarkar is professor at the Jindal School of Government and Public Policy, O.P. Jindal Global University, Sonipat, India Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 15, 2024

How can a state make people stateless? - 360 Sabyasachi Basu Ray Chaudhury Published on March 27, 2024 The stateless Rohingya community with no rights remains the world’s most vulnerable and at high risk of exploitation. Imagine you are a child without a nation. From the moment you were born, you are a non-person, rendered powerless and condemned to a life in legal limbo. With no rights, no protections, possibly no home and no way to escape. For millions of Rohingya, this is their reality. The Burma Citizenship Actof 1982renderedeveryRohingya child born in Myanmar (formerly Burma) as a non-person in the country of their birth. The Rohingya, a mostly Muslim minority community in predominantly Buddhist Myanmar, are possibly the worst victims of post-colonial nation building. More than one million stateless Rohingya in Myanmar are in a state of “rightlessness”. The UN has described them as one of the world’s most persecuted minority populations. In her report to the Human Rights Council in 2018, UN Special Rapporteur on Racism, Tendayi Achiume, underscored the plight of millions of stateless people with no documentation. Their predicament is often the result of long-standing discrimination against people considered of foreign origin, even though they have been in their respective countries for generations, and sometimes even for centuries. As in other post-colonial countries, in Myanmar too, the process of ‘nation-building’ has shifted from jus soli (citizenship by birth) to jus sanguinis (citizenship by parentage and ancestry). Myanmar’s Citizenship Act of 1982 was based on the principle of citizenship by parentage and ancestry. This shift was disastrous for the Rohingya because very few of them could fulfil the ancestry requirements. More than 1.5 million Rohingya, mostly Muslim (though a miniscule minority belong to the Hindu community) have been living in the Arakan region bordering Bangladesh, for centuries. Now known as the Rakhine State, it is one of the poorest states of Myanmar. Historically, the Rohingya are believed to belong to a community that developed from several ethnic groups including Burmese, Arabs, Moors, Persians and Bengalis among others. Although the name Rohingya seems to have come into use only recently. These  inhabitants of Arakan have a long history since the beginning of the Mrauk U dynasty (1430–1785). The confrontation between the Muslims resident in the north-western part of Arakan and the predominantly Buddhist population of central and southern Arakan, has long been tense because of large-scale immigration from India encouraged by British colonialism. However, the Muslim population of the Arakan predates the arrival of the ethnic Rakhine and not all Rohingya can be termed ‘Bengali’, suggesting migrants from Bangladesh. Under the Burma Citizenship Act of 1982, three categories of citizens were created: national, associate and naturalised. Full citizenship in Burma was reserved only for national ethnic groups, or those who could prove their ancestors resided in Burma before the first Anglo-Burmese war. Under this Act, the Rohingya were reduced to statelessness. They were treated as “resident foreigners.”  Those with National Registration Cards (issued under the post-independence 1949 Residents under the Myanmar Registration Act were required to surrender them. With that they lost their chance to claim citizenship. Those few, who were able to obtain naturalized citizenship—one of the three categories of citizenship outlined by the 1982 law—were labelled ‘Bengali’. Subsequently, between 1995 and 2015, many Rohingya were issued Temporary Registration Cards underlining that they were not citizens and reinforcing their status as “foreigners”. These cards, which were white in colour (as opposed to blue, green, and pink cards given to citizens) sometimes also classified the Rohingya as ‘Bengali’. These cards were cancelled in 2015, preventing the Rohingya from voting in national elections and requiring them to go through a new round of documentation and vetting processes. New National Verification Cards (NVC) were issued to all individuals, mostly Rohingya, who were not recognised as citizens. The Burma Citizenship Act 1982 has been internationally condemned. However, it remains on the statutes, making the Rohingya vulnerable to discrimination and persecution. Once the bond between the individual and a modern state was broken for the Rohingya, their statelessness affected every aspect of their life and opened them to exploitation. Travel restrictions greatly impeded doing business and pursuing higher education. They faced frequent demolition of their homes, confiscation of property and the closure of mosques and religious schools. Even grooms with beards had to be clean-shaven before they could marry. Statelessness especially affects women and children. Rohingya women and girls were raped and attacked without any recourse to justice. Every Rohingya child born after the introduction the Citizenship Act of 1982, was automatically stateless. Since 2012, countless Rohingya children have died in the camps for the internally displaced from malnutrition and diseases because of the blockade against aid groups by the government and militant groups. The Citizenship Act of 1982 was the culmination of a process of discrimination against the Rohingya that had begun much earlier. After General Ne Win seized power in a military coup in 1962, under the 1974 Constitution, Arakan, which had no provincial autonomy until then, was granted statehood and renamed the Rakhine State. A long-term policy of exclusion of Muslims from the culture and people from the Rakhine State was perhaps initiated thereafter. In 1978 began a military operation along with a census operation called Nagamin or Operation Dragon King  in the mountains north of the Arakan, to check the identity papers of the inhabitants. It became controversial amidst widespread reports of army brutality including rape, murder and the destruction of mosques. As a consequence, about 200,000 Muslims fled to Bangladesh. The military junta claimed that those who fled in 1978 were, in fact, illegal Bengali immigrants who had entered Burma in colonial times. The fact is that, many displaced persons had either never had national registration cards, or they had been confiscated by the state authorities during the 1978 operation. Since the late 1970s, continued persecution at home, have led the Rohingya to continue fleeing to neighbouring Bangladesh. However, a mass exodus (more than 730,000) of Rohingya refugees to Bangladesh occurred after the 25 August 2017 brutal massacre of the men, women and children of the community. Despite the ruling of International Court of Justice on the Rohingya genocide issue, the world has largely remained a silent spectator.  . As stateless people, the Rohingya endlessly struggle to access social services, healthcare, education, free movement, and political participation. And, they remain the world’s most vulnerable being at high risk for exploitation, arbitrary detention, and expulsion. Given the 2021 military coup in Myanmar, and the subsequent developments, there seems no prospect of their return to their homeland in the foreseeable future. Sabyasachi Basu Ray Chaudhury is Professor at the Department of Political Science, Rabindra Bharati University, Kolkata, and member, Mahanirban Calcutta Research Group. This article is part of a Special Report on the Rohingya refugees produced in collaboration with the Calcutta Research Group and the Asian Broadcasting Union. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 27, 2024

How can Indonesian journalists be best protected from digital attacks? - 360 Herlambang Perdana Wiratraman Published on May 4, 2023 With digital attacks on journalists increasing, Indonesia’s press council formed a task force in response. But could the country’s laws be part of the problem? The 2022 attacks on media organisation Narasi have been the biggest and worst in Indonesian history. Thirty-eight current and former employees had their mobile phones hacked, some of the company’s social media accounts were targeted and its website was subjected to a denial-of-service (DoS) attack. Unfortunately, Narasi is far from an isolated case. Online feminist news organisations Magdalene and Konde have also experienced digital attacks. Personal information belonging to one of Magdalene’s journalists was hacked and she was harassed by people sending her pornographic images and demeaning messages about women. With digital attacks on journalists increasing, the Indonesian press council last year established a digital violence taskforce to ensure the legal process is followed when journalists report digital violence cases to authorities, victims are supported in their recovery, and to try and prevent future cases against individual journalists and media organisations. But Indonesia’s own laws and their implementation may be working against these efforts to protect journalists and safeguard press freedom, particularly in the digital space. For example, the number of people charged under Indonesia’s notorious Information and Electronic Transactions Law (ITE Law) has tripled from 74 cases during President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s second term (2009-2014) to 233 cases during the first term (2014-2019) of President Joko Widodo. Of the 241 people charged during Widodo’s first term and the first year of his second, 82 of them were accused of insulting the president according to SAFEnet and Amnesty International. The Ministry of Communication and Information requires all private electronic systems operators to register with the government, essentially forcing them to accept national jurisdiction over their content and user data policies and practices. This regulation becomes a repressive instrument that contradicts and even violates human rights, because it authorises the government to block access to online information. For journalists, this rule has the potential to affect citizen journalism platforms and can even target mass media outlets. It is not surprising that such provisions have an impact on journalistic work and are contradictory to efforts to advance the protection of press freedom. Journalists continue to be imprisoned under the ITE Law, while digital attacks such as hacking, doxing and other forms of online persecution continue without victims being able to seek any meaningful legal accountability. Neither cases nor people are brought to the court. There seems to be a systematic impunity for those who commit digital attacks. The situation has been further exacerbated by the ratification of the new criminal code in 2023. The Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) identified 19 articles in the criminal code that directly threaten press freedom in Indonesia, including the crime of insulting the government and the crime of attacking the honour or dignity of the president and the vice-president. Under such repressive laws all acts of power appear legitimate, and the law becomes little more than a political mechanism to support the interests of the elite. Freedom House noted that internet freedom in Indonesia was declining due to increasing pro-government information and propaganda, as well as barriers to access, content restrictions and violations of user rights. Journalists continue to face criminal charges, harassment and technical attacks due to their online work, and the Indonesian government is suspected of buying spyware to surveil them. This led Freedom House to categorise Indonesia as only “partly free” for freedom on the net. The weakening of press freedom in the digital realm goes hand in hand with the strengthening of authoritarian power politics, both those involved in and those allowing such digital attacks to occur. In their efforts to guard against digital attacks, journalists are learning how to digitally protect themselves. There is also hope that through the newly enacted data protection law they will be able to follow up the illegal distribution of their personal data or information and seek legal recourse. Herlambang P. Wiratraman is an assistant professor at the Faculty of Law, Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta, Indonesia, a secretary general of the Indonesian Young Academy of Science (ALMI), and Director of Law and Human Rights at the Institute for Research, Education and Information on Economy and Social Affairs (LP3ES). His work focuses on constitutional law, human rights and freedom of expression. Dr Wiratraman declared that he has no conflict of interest and is not receiving specific funding in any form. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 4, 2023

How can we better live with fire? - 360 Suzannah Lyons, James Goldie Published on December 11, 2023 Bushfires may be worsening, but we aren’t powerless to reduce their impacts. Everything from our homes to our words can play a role. As Australians begin the first El Niño summer since the Black Summer bushfires, researchers are warning that now is the time to have a plan — especially in the outer suburbs. Many Australians living on urban fringes may be more exposed to fire risk than they think. And in many parts of the country, the fire season has shifted or grown into the spring in recent years. Your plan can start with something as simple as deciding in advance what you’ll do on a high fire danger day and taking a few easy steps to prepare your home for any potential bushfires. And don’t forget to pack your bushfire plan when you go on your summer break, as favourite holiday destinations can also be susceptible to fire. Research shows poorer communities are more exposed to bushfires, have less capacity to prevent or respond to them and take longer to recover from them. Redressing this inequity by providing more support for local governments in these areas could improve outcomes for communities. Even people who aren’t directly affected by fires can still suffer from smoke entering their homes. Building homes that don’t let smoke in while letting moisture out can be costly. But other measures — like masks, air purifiers and particulate filters on air-conditioning systems — are more accessible, as is making people aware of the risks associated with bushfire smoke in the first place. It’s now possible to design fireproof homes that in the future would allow people to safely shelter inside them while a fire passes by. This doesn’t just rely on state-of-the-art engineering, even something as simple as the right paint undercoat can help a building resist fire. Empirical scientific evidence shows that the number of fires have increased in southeast Australia since the mid-1800s and the removal of Aboriginal care and management of Country. Solving this problem will be multifaceted, but all solutions need to be underpinned by engaging traditional owners. There are lessons in the land elsewhere too. Malaysia — home to dry, flammable peatlands — is forming volunteer groups to monitor ecosystems, as well as installing dykes to keep peatlands wet. With fire seasons growing longer, scientists are taking tech from the sporting field to the fire ground to help firefighters keep cool. Research has found consuming ice slushies, placing their forearms in cold water, applying ice packs on other parts of their body and sitting in front of a misting fan were the most effective cooling strategies. Science and engineering may be important in adapting to the fires of the future, but recognising the social dynamics of bushfire resilience — and the links between mental and physical health — could also reduce their impacts. Many older Australians living on the New South Wales south coast felt anxious or worried during the 2019/2020 Black Summer bushfires and some also experienced difficulty accessing health services. Community strategies for older residents that encourage social connection and support their mental health and resilience could help mitigate these issues in future disasters. Healthcare providers could also encourage people where possible to manage their own health needs to help lessen the impact of disruptions to healthcare services. Domestic violence increases during disasters like fires, but such incidents are often minimised afterwards. A critical first step is increasing authorities’ willingness to hear about this violence and including information about domestic violence during disasters in training and community materials, and monitoring, responding to it and reporting on it. As the climate changes, some of the language we use to describe fires may also need to change. For instance, the word “megafire” is now more commonly used to describe the new, large fires brought by climate change. Another example of how fire touches so many aspects of our lives. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 11, 2023

How child maltreatment drives mental health crisis - 360 Lucinda Grummitt Published on May 10, 2024 Many cases of mental illness in Australia could be eradicated by targeting child maltreatment. The impacts of doing nothing are devastating. The staggering cost childhood maltreatment has on the mental health of Australians now has a crushing figure attached. New research from the University of Sydney reveals childhood maltreatment is responsible for up to 40 percent of mental health conditions, including 41 percent of all suicides. Cases of sexual abuse, or physical, emotional abuse and neglect were also found to cause 21 percent of depressive disorders, 24 percent of anxiety disorders, 27 percent of alcohol use disorders, 32 percent of drug use disorders, and 39 percent of cases of self-harm. The study removes the influence of other major contributing factors, such as genetics or socio-economic conditions. This provides stronger evidence that child maltreatment causes mental health conditions, rather than just being associated with them. The results suggest it’s time the eradication of child maltreatment became a major public health priority. For perspective, smoking accounts for 24 percent of cancers in men in the US, and hypertension accounts for 23 percent of heart attacks globally. Both are treated as public health priorities and declining smoking rates across the developed world are heralded as key public health success stories. The urgency to treat childhood maltreatment as a public health priority would offer the same focus on support, intervention and hopefully eradication. In Australia, suicide is the leading cause of death for young people, while mental health conditions are the leading cause of disease burden globally and affect 13 percent of the global population. Few in Australia have been left unmoved by recent stories of intimate partner violence. Addressing childhood maltreatment works toward helping end that crisis. While most people exposed to childhood maltreatment do not perpetrate violence, experiences of child maltreatment increase the risk of intimate partner violence. Early life maltreatment and stress can affect the brain and body’s stress response, leading to hypervigilance and perceiving threats in neutral or non-threatening situations. People who have experienced trauma as a child may have difficulty regulating emotions and engaging in healthy coping behaviours. Anger and frustration can become the predominant emotion. Researchers know that serious mental illness and substance use increase the risk of violence, further highlighting the importance of addressing childhood maltreatment before developing harmful consequences. The path to ending this crisis begins with greater investment in prevention to ensure families with the greatest need have access to support. This includes both efforts to prevent childhood maltreatment in the first place, as well as supporting people who have experienced it to prevent long-term harmful consequences. Prevention includes effective home visitation and programs that provide education and support to parents. This has been shown to reduce rates of childhood maltreatment. Addressing the parents’ own mental health and substance use problems is also crucially important. More broadly, we need to address the social and structural “conditions that underlie childhood maltreatment”. Policies that ease stress on parents reduce rates of child abuse and neglect. Expanding paid parental leave, improving access to childcare, subsidising health insurance for children, increasing the minimum wage, and increasing affordable housing are all policies that have been shown to be associated with reduced rates of child maltreatment. In terms of preventing the development of mental health problems in  children, there are a number of ways we can prevent further harm. Safe and supportive environments and relationships are one of the most important ways we can buffer children from harmful long-term outcomes. Teaching healthy coping skills, and social and emotional skills can be critical in ensuring healthy development following exposure. Ensuring our schools and our primary care settings are trauma-informed is also important. These settings need to recognise the widespread impact of trauma and its symptoms of it on young people ensuring policies and practices provide support, rather than further traumatising or excluding individuals. The research shows that 1.8 million cases of mental health in Australia are caused by these experiences that occur early in life and are preventable. These aren’t just statistics; these are people’s lives. Dr Lucinda Grummitt is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow at The Matilda Centre for Research in Mental Health and Substance Use at the University of Sydney. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 10, 2024

How China’s presence has grown in the Pacific in the past decade - 360 Henryk Szadziewski Published on July 11, 2022 China’s presence in the Pacific has taken new forms. What was once purely economic, is now much deeper. From small diplomatic measures to a doubling of trade, China’s interests in Pacific Island nations have expanded in the past decade. Now, in a world of growing geopolitical instability and tension over Taiwan, China is in the position of being an enduring partner to the region. China’s former ambasador to the US recently pointed to Australia treating the Pacific as a “backyard,” still holding a view stuck in the past, while China wants a more ‘modern’ relationship with its neighbours. What began for China as an economic relationship with investments in the fisheries and mining sector has expanded to more comprehensive economic, security and diplomatic ties, particularly following the announcement of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013. Beijing has also expanded its soft diplomacy, offering Pacific Islanders education in areas such as law, agriculture and journalism. Before the economic ties there were historical ones. People of Chinese heritage have been a presence across the Pacific Islands for over 200 years as traders, speculators, indentured labourers, and political refugees moved from the south and southeast of China. Prior to 1975, most Pacific Island countries formerly recognised Taiwan (or The Republic of China). But Fiji and Samoa became the first to develop diplomatic relations in 1975. Since then eight other regional states have switched from Taiwan and developed formal relations with Beijing: Papua New Guinea (1976), Vanuatu (1982), the Federated States of Micronesia (1989), the Cook Islands (1997), Tonga (1998), Niue (2007), the Solomon Islands (2019) and Kiribati (2019). The Chinese government labels its increasing presence as an expression of “South-South cooperation”: a movement that prioritises the transfer of knowledge, resources and technology between countries in the Global South. Chinese officials often accuse Western countries of condescension towards Pacific Islanders. The step up of state engagement began in Fiji in 2006, at the first China-Pacific Island Countries Economic Development and Cooperation Leaders Forum. The gathering of senior politicians set a tone for economic cooperation through grants, loans and preferential trade. ‘Visit diplomacy’ has been a key indicator of increasing Chinese state interest in the region. Since 2014, there have been 32 face-to-face meetings between the Pacific heads of government and Chinese President Xi Jinping — an unprecedented level of contact compared to Xi’s predecessors Jiang Zemin (1993–2003) and Hu Jintao (2003–2013). The 2014 meeting in Nadi, Fiji, between Xi and political leaders from eight Pacific Island countries was a notable event in Beijing’s expansion. Xi welcomed the dignitaries to “take a ride on the Chinese ‘express train’ of development” under the BRI’s Maritime Silk Road. All of Beijing’s regional diplomatic partners have since signed BRI memoranda of understanding. Foreign direct investment also rose by 175 percent in the two years after the visit, with 70 percent of the US$2.8 billion invested directed to PNG. Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi’s tour of seven Pacific Island states in May 2022 was the latest instance of visit diplomacy – showing how China’s presence has moved beyond economic ties alone. Wang proposed that China’s 10 diplomatic partners sign up to a multilateral “Common Development Vision”, including cooperation over law enforcement, fisheries planning, developing internet capacity, new Confucius Institutes, US$2 million in funding for COVID-19 relief and 2500 scholarships. The deal also proposed a China-Pacific Islands Free Trade Area that by 2025 would double the volume of bilateral trade from 2018 levels. While the attempt fell short due to reservations among leaders. Wang secured 52 bilateral economic and security deals following the visit, consolidating Beijing’s status as a regional partner. Between 1950 and 2012, Oceania received approximately US$1.8 billion in Chinese aid. China was the second-largest aid donor, after Australia, to the Pacific region in the latest available data between 2011 and 2018. Just over two-thirds of aid disbursed was as interest-free or concessional loans and the remainder was in the form of grants. Fiji received roughly a quarter of China’s regional aid, second to PNG, which received 32 percent. There has since been a 15 percent decline in Chinese aid from US$2.9 billion in 2018 to US$2.44 billion in 2019. From 2000 to 2012, a year before the inception of the BRI, the value of trade between China and its diplomatic Pacific partners increased from $US248 million to $US1.77 billion. The value of bilateral trade with Pacific Islands Forum members (excluding Australia and New Zealand) almost doubled, from US$4.5 billion in 2012 to US$8.6 billion in 2018. The Marshall Islands, PNG and Fiji are China’s top export destinations. Between 2012 and 2018, the number of Chinese tourists to Oceania increased from 55,000 to 225,000. In the past 10 years, China has added two new diplomatic partners and maintains embassies in eight of the 10 countries it has formal relations with (the Cook Islands and Niue are the exceptions). There are currently six Confucius Institutes across the Pacific, two in Fiji and one in each of the Cook Islands, PNG, Samoa and Vanuatu. Suva, the capital of Fiji, is home to one of the world’s 20 China Cultural Centres – venues built to promote “cooperation and communication … by building a bridge for people around the globe to get acquainted with China”. China has also expanded the availability of scholarships and training for students and journalists in the past 10 years. As these ties grow and become normalised, it is important to note the Chinese presence is at the invitation of Pacific Islanders. It’s influenced by Pacific security concerns, such as livelihoods and the climate crisis. The April 2022 security agreement between the Solomon Islands and China, the exact details of which remain undisclosed, included the option for the capital of the Solomon Islands, Honiara, to request the presence of Chinese security forces to maintain social order and ensure the safety of Chinese personnel and projects. The aim to protect commercial interests was an indicator of how fixed Chinese companies (state or private) had become in infrastructure development. While some commentators have claimed the agreement with the Solomon Islands could lead to the establishment of a People’s Liberation Army base, it comes after years of Chinese military and police aid through support and training. As ‘traditional’ partners such as the United States and Australia reevaluate Pacific policies to limit Chinese presence, they do so in a world where Pacific Island nation governments can determine their own future in response to emerging geopolitical competition for influence. Henryk Szadziewski is a lecturer at the University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa. He has a Ph.D. in Geography from his research focused on Chinese state interventions in Oceania and US policy towards the Pacific Islands. The author declares no conflict of interest Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on July 11, 2022

How civil society is safeguarding Indonesia’s democracy - 360 Published on December 6, 2021 In a climate where truth and institutional independence are increasingly under attack, safeguarding Indonesia’s democracy is an all-society affair. By Therese Pearce Laanela, Australian National University When Indonesian President Joko Widodo attends US President Joe Biden’s ‘Summit for Democracy’ on Dec. 9-10, he will face many questions about his own government. Democracy in Indonesia is at a critical point. The country is no longer building or consolidating democracy, but trying to protect it. International IDEA, an intergovernmental organisation supporting democracy, has downgraded Indonesia’s democracy, classifying it as “weak” in its latest report. Driving the decline are higher recorded levels of corruption, reduced freedom of expression, and a rise in religious polarisation. Lawmakers have diminished the independence and effectiveness of Indonesia’s peak anti-corruption body, the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK). Its most active investigators have been removed, a new oversight body has been established, and the KPK is increasingly being integrated with other investigatory bodies. These attempts to curtail institutional independence do not go unnoticed in Indonesia. Civil society — whether watchdog organisations or independent analysts — remain vigilant and vocal. In 2017, the DPR (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat) — the lower house of parliament — moved to curtail the rule-making ability of Indonesia’s electoral management body (Komisi Pemilihan Umum, known as KPU). Civil society organisations such as Perludem responded forcefully in defense of the KPU, calling the legislation an impediment to the KPU’s independent work. EMBED START Image {id: "editor_1"} EMBED END Image {id: "editor_1"} As Edward Aspinall and colleagues explain, 20 years of democratisation has not served as an antidote to corruption — the legacies of Indonesia’s authoritarian regimes linger, and issues like vote-buying remain a pervasive part of elections. The KPU faces challenges on multiple fronts to maintain Indonesia’s complex electoral democracy. Indonesia requires more than 800,000 polling stations, spread across a diverse landscape — compact urban areas, densely forested areas, remote islands, and out-of-country. This places significant operational burdens on the KPU to deliver timely, accurate results in an increasingly polarised political environment. Threats such as extreme weather events, security incidents or a pandemic complicate this further. Electronic results processing is developing as a more viable alternative to costly electronic voting and slow paper-based solutions. This middle-road solution is directly informed by Indonesian civil society’s electoral observation methods. To double-check official electoral results, volunteers had to simply take photos of polling station tally sheets and send images to a central point via their smartphones to be compared against official results. The KPU started implementing a similar solution for official result processing. In 2021, civil society and the electoral authorities jointly reviewed these processes to improve the accuracy and efficacy of the vote-counting system. By focussing on simple and available technologies, vote tabulation demonstrates how civil society and institutions can jointly contribute to fit-for-purpose solutions in support of democracy. The 2024 Indonesian elections will be a key test of the ability of democratic institutions to deliver under the risk of political pressure in an increasingly polarised environment. Indonesia’s democratic institutions were already under strain, juggling the aspirations of a diverse population, spread across complex geographical terrain and living through a pandemic, extreme weather and security risks. Deliberate attempts to undermine these democratic institutions and processes make their work harder. It’s critical for civil society to defend and support these key institutions. A resurgence in civic resistance in Indonesia shows people are engaged and willing to protect Indonesia’s democracy. Civil society, as it has often done, may present middle ground alternatives that could reduce the impact of polarisation. Consolidating democracy is a slow task where all actors are needed, approaching complex issues with creativity, cooperation, and common sense. Protecting democracy from harm demands an accelerated approach and a renewed sense of shared purpose. It would be ideal if Biden’s democracy summit was the start of a fresh approach by the Widodo Government — but failing that, Indonesia’s civil society will continue to protect and improve the country’s under-attack democratic institutions. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Therese Pearce Laanela is a PhD candidate with the School of Regulation and Governance at the Australian National University. She serves as head of the Electoral Processes team at International IDEA based in Stockholm.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 6, 2021

How climate change is killing languages - 360 Anouschka Foltz Published on August 16, 2023 Forced migration is a major cause of language extinction. Environmental disasters are driving these displacements in the very regions richest in languages. On 2 May 2023, Pauline Stensgar, of Keller, Washington State, died at the age of 96. Her language died with her. The Spokesman-Review in Spokane reported she was the last fluent speaker of the n̓xaʔm̓xčín̓ (pronounced ‘in-ha-um-cheen’) language. It was a language that had been spoken by some groups of Native Americans in the Washington State region. Thanks to Stensgar’s love for her language, it is not completely lost to us. Together with Christopher Parkin, the principal of the Salish School of Spokane, Stensgar had created six textbooks and more than 100 recordings of the language. Anyone interested can still learn n̓xaʔm̓xčín̓. But for many extinct languages, we’re not so lucky. They can be lost to us forever. And in the parts of the world richest in languages, environmental disaster is forcing the displacement of millions of people — a major trigger of language extinction. Language is uniquely human, our cognitive capacities on full display. Each of the more than 7,000 living languages in the world today encodes the worldview, history and knowledge of its speakers. Many endangered languages — those that are rapidly losing speakers — hold vital knowledge about local plants, including unique knowledge on these plants’ medicinal uses. These languages also hold knowledge on animals and how to live sustainably in the local environment. This means that we not only lose languages, we also lose knowledge that can help us live better, healthier and more sustainably. We lose languages when speakers no longer pass these languages on to their children. This often happens when speakers of minority languages switch to languages that are economically more advantageous. Migration plays a large role in this. For example, most second-generation immigrants to the US speak English fluently, but not their parents’ languages. English is economically and culturally beneficial to them, but their parents’ languages are not. A look at where the most Indigenous languages are endangered reveals the impact of previous migrations. In 2021, 98 percent of Indigenous languages in the US and 89 percent of Indigenous languages in Australia were endangered. Both countries have a colonial history and have seen mass immigration from Europe in previous centuries. These earlier migrations affect Indigenous languages to this day — we continue losing languages in these countries because speakers no longer pass them on to future generations and switch to English instead. So, today’s migration will likely be tomorrow’s language loss. Forced migration plays a large role in current migration patterns. According to the Global Trends Report 2022, more than 108 million people were forcibly displaced in 2022. About 61 million of them were displaced within their own countries. More than half of those internally displaced had to leave their homes because of environmental disasters, such as floods and storms. The remaining people were internally displaced by conflict and violence. Almost all internal displacement in Europe and Central Asia in 2022 was due to conflict and violence. In contrast, almost all internal displacement in South Asia, East Asia and the Pacific was caused by weather-related disasters, such as floods and storms. Some of the most linguistically diverse countries are in South Asia, East Asia and the Pacific, those regions particularly affected by environmental disasters. Papua New Guinea has at least nine million inhabitants. Between them they speak 839 different languages with 313 of those languages endangered. The 300,000 inhabitants of Vanuatu speak 108 different languages, of which more than half are endangered. Indonesia has another 704 living languages, India has 424, and the Philippines has 175. Almost half of the languages spoken in these three countries are endangered. More than one third of the languages considered endangered are spoken in those five countries alone. The large numbers of already endangered languages combined with the large numbers of people displaced by environmental disasters make South Asia, East Asia and the Pacific particularly vulnerable to future language loss. Many of these endangered languages are spoken in a small geographic area and have only a few hundred speakers left. If speakers of those languages leave their small communities and scatter — for whatever reasons — it becomes less likely that they will pass on these languages to future generations. Outside their small communities, these languages are likely to have little economic and cultural value. The problem with forced migration is that people lose their community. So, lots of the things that people propose to preserve languages — like ensuring communities remain together, have a viable environment to live in and ways of making a living — do not necessarily apply here. There are many reasons for language loss, and migration is only one part of the puzzle. But in those parts of the world where we find many of the endangered languages, environmental disasters are a major driving force of migration. And this forced migration — and subsequent threat to languages — has the potential to accelerate. Anouschka Foltz is an associate professor in English linguistics in the Department of English Studies at the University of Graz in Austria. Before coming to Graz she was a lecturer in psycholinguistics at Bangor University in Wales. Her research is in the area of psycholinguistics, and her work focuses on adult language processing, L1 and L2 language acquisition as well as multilingualism. She is also interested in language rights and access to language. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on August 16, 2023

How cold is too cold? Getting home temperatures right - 360 Rochelle Ade Published on May 30, 2022 Policies worldwide focus on heating homes to a minimum temperature that has no evidence to support it. They cause vulnerable people needless distress. When the World Health Organization (WHO) set out to review what living in a cold building meant for our health its researchers were perplexed. Back in 1987, the WHO recommended indoor temperatures be maintained at 18℃, or 20–21℃ in rooms used by older people. But the researchers couldn’t find the evidence behind this recommendation, and when they reviewed more recent studies they concluded with only a “moderate” degree of certainty that warming a cold house (perhaps to a minimum indoor temperature of 18°C) would reduce the risk of respiratory and cardiovascular illness and death. It turns out while a cold house might make you miserable, it may not be the only thing that will make you sick. Other factors, such as damp, air movement and humidity are likely just as important. An earlier WHO report from 1985 stated that “although the incidence of the common cold increases in winter, cold winter temperature does not in itself appear to be the cause”. Also, the report did not declare a healthy temperature of 18°C. Instead, it referred to several measures that, together with temperature, create what is called “thermal comfort”: “indoor temperature of between 18 and 24°C when there is also an air movement of less than 0.2m/s, a relative humidity of 50% and a mean radiant temperature within 2°C of air temperature”. Yet many governments around the world, presuming the WHO to be the authority, use this temperature measure as a guide to determining what is a ‘healthy’ home. The strong message (often to the most vulnerable people, who are frequently unable to afford to run their heaters) is that if people do not heat their dwellings to 18°C they, and their children, will suffer from poor health, despite little direct evidence supporting this particular minimum temperature. The WHO also provides no guidance about damp or humidity, other than a recommendation that damp- and mould-related problems should be prevented. But humidity may be the key: studies indicate that a relative humidity range of 40 percent to 60 percent will slow the growth of most agents that cause poor health. Some interventions, such as New Zealand’s Healthy Homes Guarantee Act, refer to the WHO’s recommended temperatures by setting a minimum temperature threshold of 18°C, but they say nothing about the other elements of thermal comfort such as air movement and relative humidity. Legislation that requires a minimum temperature of 18°C and a fixed heating source capable of heating a home to that temperature creates two problems. First, the vulnerable people the legislation is often written to protect have been shown to have little money to spare for heating and are likely to rent rather than own their homes. These tenants usually rely primarily on their rental home’s thermal envelope – put simply, its physical structure – to regulate the indoor environment. If this thermal envelope doesn’t keep the home at a suitable temperature, then these tenants, even if they are given a heater to use, may not be able to afford to switch it on. Not being able to heat their homes may lead to more mental stress and anguish, in turn resulting in poorer health. Second, the heat pumps generally used to provide space heating can cool as well as heat a home. Recently, researchers have found that highly insulated thermal envelopes tend to overheat. Adding insulation to existing dwellings and installing space-heating devices that provide cooling may have significant unintended consequences in terms of increased energy use and subsequent carbon emissions. The authors of a 2020 review found that although advice about cold and damp housing is found everywhere around the world, there is no academic consensus on what indoor environment quality is required to deliver a “healthy home”. It is possible that the minimum temperature for improved health may be lower than 18°C. It might even be that thermal comfort is more important than air temperature and that relative humidity and air movement need to be considered too. As temperatures warm across the globe, this focus on ‘cold and damp’ ignores an increasing health risk. Heat waves are getting hotter and happening more often. Most recently, dozens died across India and Pakistan in early 2022. Strategies to make homes healthier need to get smarter. New technologies mean residents and landlords can track building performance in real time. Temperature, humidity, carbon dioxide and energy use can be logged to help turn attention to indoor environmental quality and the best ways to make homes energy efficient. Information like this could create reliable recommendations for healthy homes and help residents with limited money spend it as effectively as possible. They would also spare vulnerable people the stress of trying to warm their homes if there is no real need to. Dr Rochelle Ade (ORCID 0000-0002-5894-1941) is a New Zealand–based researcher with a passion for researching the true performance of green buildings, especially in the context of healthy indoor environmental quality. She is a research assistant at the University of Auckland. Dr Ade’s research was supported by funding from the Building Research Levy Building Research Association of New Zealand (BRANZ) [LG0644]. She has declared no conflict of interest in relation to this article. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Building mental health” sent at: 25/05/2022 09:38. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 30, 2022

How commercialising motherhood is guilt-tripping mums - 360 Vida Parady Published on May 10, 2024 Mums face a barrage of advertising claims for maternal and baby products that may pose health risks. Mother’s Day celebrates the joy of motherhood but the reality can be riddled with self-doubt. New mums face a relentless barrage of products marketed as essential – from specialised pregnancy and infant formula to breastfeeding products. Many of these products lack scientific backing and some may even be harmful to their physical and mental well-being. But the bigger issue lies in the marketing tactics themselves. By preying on anxieties and insecurities, these products create a crippling cycle of guilt and pressure to meet a certain expectation. In one recent study in the UK, five first-time mothers who documented their breastfeeding experiences revealed they were bombarded by commercial messages throughout their pregnancy and breastfeeding, and they turned to an increasing number of commercial solutions when things didn’t go as planned. The constant barrage of marketing fuelled their need for “breastfeeding paraphernalia,” making these items seem crucial, and contributing to stress and anxiety. This trend of commercialising women’s health, particularly targeting pregnant and lactating mothers, raises concerns. Products marketed as supportive often lack scientific backing and may pose risks to mothers and their infants. While nutrition during pregnancy is essential, specialised formula milk for pregnant women is questionable. According to the World Health Organization, maintaining a balanced diet is sufficient to meet the nutritional needs of pregnant and breastfeeding women, alongside nutrition education and counselling. Yet aggressive marketing tactics often imply the superiority of these specialised products despite the lack of evidence to support such claims. This exploitation of vulnerabilities extends globally. The escalating sales of milk-based formula globally, especially in regions like East Asia, signify a worrying trend. The aggressive promotion of commercial milk formula for infants and toddlers undermines their health and development. Even worse, it erodes mothers’ confidence and cynically exploits parents’ instinct to provide the best for their children. In Indonesia, the infant nutrition market is projected to grow significantly, fuelled by innovations in product development. However, such growth raises questions about the effectiveness of regulatory frameworks and highlights gaps in infant feeding monitoring systems. According to a report in 2022,  Indonesian families spent approximately 3 trillion rupiah or USD$184.6 million annually on formula milk. This expenditure is likely to rise if the breastfeeding programs face obstacles. Studies demonstrate that the marketing of infant/child milk-based formula contributes to suboptimal breastfeeding and adversely impacts maternal and child health outcomes. In 2021, Indonesia experienced a decline in breastfeeding rates, with less than half of babies being breastfed in the first hour of life and only 52.5 percent exclusively breastfed in the first six months, down from 58.2 percent in 2021 and 64.5 percent in 2018. With nearly 40 percent of Indonesia’s workforce comprised of women, UNICEF and WHO are advocating for increased support for breastfeeding mothers. They urge workplaces to implement parental and maternal leave policies and provide adequate time and spaces for breastfeeding or expressing milk. Globally, these organisations recommend early initiation of breastfeeding within the first hour after birth and exclusively breastfeeding for the first six months. The inappropriate marketing of formula milk violates the WHO’s International Code of Marketing of Breastmilk Substitutes, aimed at protecting and promoting breastfeeding. Studies have documented violations in Indonesia, indicating a need for stricter enforcement. Urgent regulation of online marketing for milk formula and other child nutrition products is imperative to safeguard maternal and child health. Efforts to promote breastfeeding, such as those in Brazil and the Philippines through advertising and marketing regulations, have led to increased breastfeeding rates. Likewise, studies emphasise the importance of supporting early initiation of breastfeeding among working mothers to enhance exclusive breastfeeding rates. The commercialisation of women’s health presents a delicate balance between providing necessary support and exploiting vulnerabilities. While innovation and awareness can benefit mothers, regulations are essential to protect maternal and child health. Prioritising evidence-based practices and supporting breastfeeding initiatives will pave the way to improve well-being of mothers and children worldwide. Vida Parady is a lecturer in the Communication Department and a researcher at the Demographic Institute and the Communication Studies in Universitas Indonesia. Vida has developed country-specific and evidence-based strategies for UNDP, FAO, UNICEF, and ILO in Indonesia. She is also a volunteer for the Orng Tua Peduli Foundation, an NGO focusing on patient safety and rational use of medicines. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 10, 2024

How compromise unravelled the UN Arms Trade Treaty’s promise - 360 Borja Álvarez Martínez Published on August 23, 2022 Whatever its final form, that the 2014 United Nations Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) would be born of great compromise was not lost on anyone. The ATT had to reconcile conflict between states’ sovereignty and their own legitimate security interests and collective security, international humanitarian law and even more problematically, international human rights law. The ATT also had to navigate the basic fact that under international law, all states are sovereign equals, but in practice, there is extreme inequality when it comes to actual arms exports and imports. Four European Union countries (France, Germany, Italy and Spain) are in the top ten exporters and at the top, the United States alone exports as much as the four next exporters combined. This gap between material reality and formal equality of the states involved in negotiating and implementing the ATT resulted in some tricky compromises. EU states were already bound by the exports control regime arising from the Council Common Position 2008/944/CFSP. For the European exporters, engaging with the ATT offered the opportunity to level the playing field by somewhat equalising the standards of their overseas competitors, thus avoiding being undercut. This can explain why key EU defence industries took such a strong interest in the ATT once the negotiations reached momentum, coordinating input and stances with their national ministries. Meanwhile, some importing states such as China, Russia or Arab countries were concerned that international humanitarian or human rights law obligations in the ATT would allow exporters to deny politically undesirable transfers and therefore pursued a framework that ensured the rights of importing states. Like the EU, the US already had already extensive domestic arms exports control legislation before the ATT but significant concessions were made to ensure its support during the negotiating stages The need to balance these diverging interests led to the ATT being a supranational legal instrument that lacked teeth compared to the EU’s Common Position to which it bears a great degree of formal similarity. It contains less transparent reporting and scrutiny of authorised exports and comparatively weaker protection in terms of international humanitarian and human rights law. Even with compromises, the US has not yet ratified the ATT after almost a decade. Plenty of scholars have written on these matters. Nevertheless, any discussion of the compromises that were perceived as necessary during the ATT’s drafting to attain acceptance must be considered within the impact the treaty has had during its first decade of life. Presently, arms exports follow demand, unless the particular transaction comes at a huge expected political cost. This is not a new trend, given that research has consistently demonstrated how arms trade exports are generally authorised despite international humanitarian and human rights law concerns This shows that the compromise-heavy ATT lacks the substance and teeth to directly impact a state’s exporting practices. Meanwhile, states are leery of any changes to the treaty’s risk assessment framework. But at the same time, the widespread adoption of the treaty has not materialised. Particularly, key exporters such as the US, Israel and Russia have still not signed, ratified, or both. Improving universal adoption remains a key objective for the ATT Conference of State Parties. However, this ongoing effort is not without hurdles. Issues such as lack of implementational capacity, insufficient political will or prioritisation and technical skill or knowledge still challenge the treaty’s widespread universalisation. In the context of the ATT and its member states, there is a growing acknowledgement of the role civil society can have in addressing broad treaty issues. It is expected that making civil society an integral part of the universalisation push, both locally and globally, will help improve treaty adoption. Civil society could play an increasing role within the implementation of several treaty aspects as well. While this could be a welcome increase in expertise, it could also produce a backlash. For example, coinciding with the aftermath of Brexit, a high-profile legal challenge brought by civil society caused the British government to introduce a series of controversial changes in its arms export regulations which significantly downgraded these regulations from a legal perspective. The wholesale involvement of civil society could therefore be problematic in a context as politically sensitive as arms exports controls. The critical situation the ATT is presently in doesn’t seem to have a clear way forward. Even with the compromises made, the reality is that states that are not parties to the ATT account for more than 60 percent of global arms exports and more than a quarter of the remainder (the EU and the United Kingdom) are already under more stringent arms exports control regimes than the ATT. To solve this impasse, it might be necessary to abandon the universal approach and move to more limited multilateralism that acknowledges the realities of the top exporting and importing states – those which ultimately determine most of the world’s arms flows. Borja Álvarez Martínez is a postgraduate researcher in the Department of Criminology at the University of Manchester. His research interests include defence procurement, human rights risk assessment, regulatory compliance and arms trade and exports control. He declares no conflict of interest in the above article. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on August 23, 2022

How conservative media fuels Australia's nuclear power debate - 360 Phil McManus Published on April 15, 2024 Debates over nuclear power in Australia continue to be stoked. Not by industry or voters, but by the media. Following a worn path that likely leads nowhere. The conversations rumbling around Australia about nuclear power are a small victory for pro-nuclear advocacy. Long dormant, the nuclear debate, has recently reinvented itself for a new era. This time, it is to fix climate change. The win is only ‘small’ because Australia is a long way from building and operating a nuclear power facility. That goal would take at least 20 to 30 years unless environmental safeguards were scrapped in a rush to decarbonise the economy. But it is still a victory because until recently, there was no debate at all. The question is, why now? In recent years, as the renewable energy conversation evolved, conservative media outlets kept the nuclear issue simmering in the collective consciousness, all the while the public debate remained effectively stifled of significant, logical discussion in the mainstream. A review of almost 600 articles between January 2015 and June 2022 analysed who is pushing the nuclear cause in Australia’s media. The media analysis found 40 pieces from the ABC, 62 from The Sydney Morning Herald, and 25 from its fellow Nine Newspaper, The Age in Melbourne. In contrast, conservative media outlets published substantially more pieces about nuclear energy, with 285 from The Australian newspaper and 181 from its News Corporation stablemate, The (Adelaide) Advertiser. However, to understand why media organisations would take an ideological stance, you must first unravel the riddle of the nuclear question in Australia. Australia is one of a few developed nations without nuclear power. Under our feet is the world’s largest known uranium deposits, and Australia is currently the world’s third-largest exporter of uranium, selling to 43 countries. Nuclear power domestically has been banned since 1998 when, under the conservative government of John Howard, the Senate passed legislation codified in the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999 prohibiting the construction of nuclear power plants. The decision was part of a deal with minor parties over updating Australia’s lone nuclear reactor at Lucas Heights in southern Sydney, home to the Australian Nuclear Science and Technology Organisation (ANSTO), which operates the OPAL research reactor for research and nuclear medicine production. When nuclear power was banned, the thinking was it was not needed. Australia had and still has abundant coal and gas deposits. Since then, the Australian government and some state governments have published reports and established inquiries into the viability of lifting the prohibitions and introducing nuclear energy. While the prohibition remains, the conversation has changed. Nuclear energy emerged as a secondary to the destructive capacities of nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. In the following atomic age, the two were hard to separate. During the 1950s, US President Dwight Eisenhower promoted nuclear energy as ‘atoms for peace’. Atomic power was presented as a clean alternative to coal with the focus on reducing the fuel’s local pollution impacts. In 2024, the focus is global climate change. Pro-nuclear environmentalists, or in their terms ‘enlightened’ environmentalists, argue climate change threats exceed those of nuclear energy, requiring us to embrace nuclear power. This sentiment is not new. A 2009 study on nuclear power in Australia analysed how The Australian newspaper correlated reporting on climate change and nuclear energy in the period 2005-2007. The data identified a shift in the framing of the debate from an environmental problem to a technological solution to the climate issue. Globally, conservative media and governments tend to support nuclear power. Studies across Europe note the use of climate change and energy security in pro-nuclear media representation and conservative government rhetoric. It is little surprise then that Australian media conservative outlets again dominate the debate. Our research revealed that The Australian and The Advertiser (Adelaide) published the most articles about nuclear and the most pro-nuclear articles between January 2015 and June 2022. The Australian, in particular, published the most pro-nuclear opinions and letters to the editor, with 132 pro and 10 anti-nuclear pieces. These newspapers called for Australia’s prohibition on nuclear power plants to end and a ‘mature debate’ about the energy source to begin. On the one hand, there has been a deliberate promotion of nuclear energy by conservative media through selective coverage of pro-nuclear voices. The opinion writers offered a unique difference, with The Australian publishing only three anti-nuclear opinions penned by former ALP politician Bob Carr, the singer Paul Kelly and the independent member of parliament Zali Steggall, as opposed to 39 pro-nuclear opinions by writers including former Prime minister Tony Abbott, his former chief of staff turned conservative commentator Peta Credlin and the shadow minister for climate change and energy Ted O’Brien. More progressive papers in Australia have hardly reported on nuclear energy. The Guardian Australia and Schwartz Media’s The Saturday Paper published less than 10 articles on nuclear power in the study period. Of opinion pieces published by The SMH and The Age in the research timeframe, five were favourable about nuclear energy, four were negative, and one was neutral. This position exacerbates the partisan media landscape. In September 2021, the Coalition government led by Scott Morrison announced an agreement with the US and UK to acquire nuclear-propelled submarines under the AUKUS trilateral security pact. What was framed as a debate around national security also reintroduced the debate about establishing a nuclear energy industry in Australia. Purchasing nuclear submarines has few safety risks for the average Australian unless an incident occurs in an Australian port. But the threat in the public’s mind remains: nuclear accidents shift media perceptions. Media reporting shifted its stance following the Fukushima accident in 2011, reducing public support for nuclear power. Just over a decade later, climate change concerns are swinging the pendulum the other way. Anthropogenic climate change, AUKUS and concerns about energy insecurity all stimulate debate and help position nuclear energy as a possible solution to a list of problems. Looking at how we have framed the conversation suggests the coming debates will continue to be polarised, following party lines and ideology rather than what is best for the consumer and the planet. Professor Phil McManus is a Professor at the School of Geosciences at the University of Sydney. He co-authored with Ida Altenkamp Nuclear Power in a de-Carbonised Future? A Critical Discourse Analysis of Nuclear Energy Debates and Media Framing in Australia, published in 2024 in Australian Geographer. The views in this current article are his own. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Nuclear future” sent at: 08/04/2024 13:08. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 15, 2024

How dangerous is extreme heat to humans - 360 Steven Sherwood Published on August 21, 2023 Heat is the silent killer of thousands each year and is only going to get worse. The media reporting around heatwaves that have hammered the northern hemisphere has been unequivocal: the simultaneous record-breaking heat has “pushed the limits of human survival”. Perhaps more alarmingly, “the UK may become too hot to endure within three decades”, which would surely be a concern to the 97 percent of humanity who live in places with hotter summers than the UK. The good news: Britons won’t have to move to Sweden by 2050. The bad news: deadly heat is already here, is getting worse, and soon may become a vastly bigger problem than it is even now in nearly every part of the world. Heat is the silent killer that is responsible for more deaths than any other natural disaster: several severe European heat waves in recent decades, including last summer, have claimed tens of thousands of excess deaths. Death tolls in developing countries are not properly counted and probably much larger. But worse is coming and we need to prepare for it. The average surface temperature on Earth is now at its highest level since records began and probably before the last ice age. Recent heat waves show clear fingerprints of global warming, more so than any other climate change impact such as flood or drought. And global warming will continue at least until we reach net zero. There is a fundamental limit to the body’s coping ability: it is a fixed goalpost. Research in 2010 demonstrated that a ‘wet-bulb’ temperature of 35 degrees Celsius or higher would make it impossible for humans to exhaust metabolic heat, due to our fixed core body temperature. It proposed this was an effective survivability limit. The wet-bulb temperature measures the ability to cool by evaporation; it equals normal temperature if relative humidity is 100 percent, and otherwise is lower. 35C is extreme — most places on Earth never experience wet bulbs above 30C. But enough global warming could push heat waves in many areas past 35C. This upended the widely held assumption at the time that humans could adapt to any amount of increased heat, i.e., that the goalposts would move. This goalpost will not. Wet-bulb temperature is used by meteorologists and climatologists to quantify heat stress. It is a combination of heat and humidity: a high wet bulb can occue in humid places at lower temperatrues, as well as in dry places at extremely high temperatures. New studies are beginning to chart out the road to 35C. One study in the US last year found that young, healthy subjects exposed to very hot conditions started to enter hyperthermia (inability to regulate core body temperature) well below 35C wet bulb, closer to 32C or less. This is an important reminder that 35C was a theoretical upper limit, not a practical one. On the other hand they would undoubtedly have found a higher tolerance had they done the study in India or Brazil, because physiology does adjust to heat over time (up to a point). The UK has a long way to go before reaching 32C and could acclimatise for a while. Wet-bulb temperatures above 32C appear only very rarely today in coastal areas of the Middle East and for very short periods, but these will gradually spread as warming continues. The heat will force us to change how we live, for example shifting outdoor summertime activities to nighttime or just eliminating them. Severe heat may already be putting people off traveling to Europe or other locations in the summer. Researchers at the University of Sydney are developing a heat warning system, and conducting exposure studies similar to the US one. It looks like we’ll soon have a clearer picture of the direct effects of severe heat on physiology. It remains challenging to measure or predict extreme heat’s overall cost to the community in terms of health, work and quality of life. To do this, climate and health researchers need to develop models that factor in human behaviour and adaptation along with physiology, weather, and climate information. We also need to understand what will happen to nature, and seek ways to protect wildlife. Above all we need to reach net zero carbon emissions as soon as we possibly can to arrest the continuing rise in heat. Steven Sherwood is a professor and Deputy Director of the Climate Change Research Centre at the University of New South Wales. He also serves on the review board of the journal Science and on the steering committee of the World Climate Research Programme’s Grand Challenge on Clouds, Circulation and Climate Sensitivity. Professor Sherwood’s research has been funded by the Australian Research Council. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on August 21, 2023

How do recent defamation cases impact press freedom? - 360 Sarah Ailwood Published on May 3, 2024 Two recent high profile defamation cases have shone a spotlight on the media’s use of the truth defence in Australia. Two recent high-profile cases against media companies in Australia have raised the profile of defamation claims and their relationship to press freedom. Political adviser Bruce Lehrmann, who sued Network Ten, lost his case when it was brought undone by the media company’s successful use of the truth defence. Lehrmann’s case followed Ben Roberts-Smith’s loss of his protracted defamation claim against Fairfax Media, also on the truth defence. As the most recent in a string of defamation claims threatened or brought by high-profile men accused of perpetrating sexual violence against women, Lehrmann’s failed claim on the truth defence raises questions for sexual assault survivors in the #MeToo era. Under Australian defamation law, a defendant publisher has a complete defence for publishing a story that would otherwise be defamatory if it can prove the publication is “substantially true” on the balance of probabilities. In this way, the truth defence forms part of the “risk matrix” media publishers consider in deciding whether to publish a story that might attract a defamation claim. The defence is particularly important in Australia, as it is in the United Kingdom, because there is no requirement that the plaintiff prove that a publication is false to bring a defamation claim; the burden of proving that the publication is true falls to the defendant. In contrast, in the United States, the burden of proof falls to the plaintiff, who must prove that the publication is false as part of a defamation claim. That means that in the US, it can be generally harder for a plaintiff to make out a defamation case against the media than it is in Australia or the UK. In the cases brought by Lehrmann and Roberts-Smith, the media publishers were successful in proving that the allegations they published about the plaintiffs were substantially true. Although this might seem a victory for press freedom, it is important to note that arguing the truth defence depends, as always, on the availability, credibility and reliability of evidence. In the Lehrmann and Roberts-Smith cases, the media publishers were successful because credible evidence was available to prove the substantial truth of the allegations. The irony of these defamation actions is that, while the plaintiffs seek vindication from reputational harm, the court process and judicial findings  might ultimately be more damaging. As Justice Lee eloquently put it in his April 15 judgement: “Having escaped the lion’s den, Mr Lehrmann made the mistake of coming back for his hat.” Since the global ignition of the #MeToo hashtag in October 2017, victim-survivors of violence, advocates, academics, journalists and publishers have decried Australian defamation law’s limitations on the freedom of the press to publish stories of sexual violence, particularly where an alleged perpetrator is identified or identifiable. Because the very subject matter of the publication — sexual violence — is notoriously difficult to prove in court, establishing a defence of substantial truth in relation to publications alleging sexual violence is likewise difficult. It proved insurmountable, for example, in the defamation case brought by Geoffrey Rush against the publishers of the Daily Telegraph for stories alleging sexually inappropriate behaviour towards an actress. The presiding judge in that case, Justice Michael Wigney, not only found insufficient evidence to establish the truth defence, but destroyed the credibility of the alleged victim-survivor, Eryn-Jean Norvill, in the process. Justice Lee’s finding that the allegation of sexual violence in Network Ten’s interview with Brittany Higgins on The Project in February 2021 was substantially true is the first case in the #MeToo context in which a defamation claim has been successfully defended by a media publisher in relation to sexual violence reporting. The truth defence was successful in part because of Justice Lee’s trauma-informed approach to the issue of consent and the credibility of Brittany Higgins’ testimony. He rejected many “rape myths” that are often used to doubt the testimony of victim-survivors in a powerful judgment that reflects changing social and cultural understandings of sexual violence and its traumatic impact on victim-survivors. The defences available to media publishers have recently been expanded to include a “public interest” defence, which applies to publications after July 2021. That public interest defence was introduced with the aim of rebalancing defamation law in favour of public interest reporting. This defence requires a media publisher to establish that the publication concerns an issue of public interest and that they reasonably believed that publication is in the public interest. In the first case to consider the defence, where former army commando Heston Russell sued the ABC in 2023, Justice Lee found that the broadcaster’s journalistic practices were not rigorous enough to form a reasonable belief that publication was in the public interest. The public interest test did not apply in the Lehrmann case because it commenced after The Project interview was broadcast. However, in considering the conduct of Network Ten and Lisa Wilkinson in publishing the interview, the judge set a similarly rigorous standard for journalists and media publishers. Justice Lee reflected at length on the “responsible and reasonable conduct of journalists” and evaluated decision-making by journalists and media publishers according to the Media, Entertainment and Arts Alliance Journalist Code of Ethics. Together, these cases suggest that, before Justice Lee at least, the public interest defence will be applied with close judicial scrutiny of journalistic rigour and ethics. The public interest test may increase the freedom of the press in reporting stories of sexual violence. Australia is witnessing heightened public and political attention on violence against women. Reporting on violence against women, including sexual violence, is likely to be seen as in the public interest. Yet with greater press freedom should come greater responsibility — particularly to victim-survivors of sexual violence. The increased press freedom of the public interest defence could also increase the risk that stories targeting male perpetrators will be published without the knowledge, involvement or agreement of the victim-survivor at their centre — as happened to Eryn-Jean Norvill. As I have written elsewhere, the harm caused by such a violation of the privacy of a victim-survivor of violence — and the failure of Australian privacy law to prevent or remedy such a harm — must be balanced against the public interest in reporting, and an expansion of press freedom in defamation law. Dr Sarah Ailwood is Senior Lecturer and Academic Program Director in the School of Law at the University of Wollongong. She researches and publishes in the field of feminist legal theory, both historically and in the present day. Her current research explores women’s legal testimony, listening and law reform in the #MeToo era, and workplace sexual harassment law. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Press Freedom” sent at: 02/05/2024 16:57. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 3, 2024

How do the five states going to the polls stack up economically? - 360 Deepanshu Mohan, Samragnee Chakraborty, Aryan Govindakrishnan Published on November 27, 2023 With five Indian states having elections, a new index helps try to understand how pre-existing economic conditions influence people when voting. With India’s national elections less than a year away, key state assembly polls have stirred the political pot with regional and national parties contesting for power across five states: Chhattisgarh, Mizoram, Telangana, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan. From Prime Minister Narendra Modi extending the PMGKAY free ration scheme for another five years, to Rajasthan Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot promising 100,000 jobs to curb unemployment, populist welfare announcements made by parties for electoral reasons are in full swing. Journalist Ajoy Ashirwad argued that the incumbent Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) national government, under Modi’s leadership, has been a symbolic force for cultural renaissance and large infrastructural development. The national opposition, Indian National Congress’ (INC) campaigns have also highlighted that an overdose of Hindutva and big business development, under the BJP have resulted in a neglect of issues like the farming crisis, unemployment, and poor public health and education infrastructure. BJP’s rival parties, especially Congress, have focused on long-term welfare schemes in their agendas for the five states to gain support from the poor and marginalised. Congress’s Priyanka Gandhi, in one of her rallies in Madhya Pradesh announced: “Congress wants to make a Suraksha Chakra (protective field) around you,” stressing the party’s socio-economic welfare credentials. To give an idea of how each Indian state and union territory is performing economically, O.P. Jindal Global University’s Centre for New Economics Studies devised the Access (In)Equality Index which ranks each on their access to basic social and economic services. The index measures to what extent essential social and economic services are distributed. It uses a holistic approach that reflects social inclusion, human capital development and labour force engagement, all crucial for economic growth. It takes a multidimensional approach and assesses the performances of the states in terms of access to five main pillars: basic amenities, education, healthcare, socio-economic security and justice (legal recourse). The idea of ‘access’ is drawn from a critical assessment of the public health literature, which studies access from the perspective of 4As: affordability, availability, approachability and appropriateness. The Index Report has three levels of classification: ‘aspirants’, ‘achievers’, and ‘front runners’. Aspirants are at the lowest end of the spectrum. Achievers are in a more advantageous position and front runners refer to the states with the highest level of performance. Madhya Pradesh falls into the ‘aspirants’ category, Rajasthan and Chattisgarh are ‘achievers’ and Telangana and Mizoram are the ‘front runners’. Given the overall composite rank is based on five pillars, it cannot ensure similar performances of the states in the individual pillars. How each state performed in each pillar is summarised below. Access to basic amenities such as electricity, sanitation and water among others are important factors people consider while voting. Of the five states having elections, Mizoram ranks top. Telangana and Rajasthan have shown satisfactory performances. Water has been a persistent concern for the voters of Rajasthan where the Congress Party under Gehlot has started building two dams to ensure access to drinking water for the towns and villages in the state’s west. Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh are the weakest performers. A 2.64 percent rise in electricity prices in Madhya Pradesh prompted Priyanka Gandhi to announce 100 units of free electricity at a rally in Jabalpur. Young voters are very concerned about better education and jobs. Of the five states, Rajasthan is the best-performing in terms of access to education. The current Congress Party government has opened Mahatma Gandhi English Medium schools, set up 300 robotic labs, and initiated several welfare schemes to ensure quality education. Chief Minister Gehlot has guaranteed to provide laptops or tablets to students in government-run colleges. Congress in both Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh has guaranteed financial support through free education and monthly allowances to students. Both these states along with Telangana have shown satisfactory performances. Mizoram is the worst-performing state, due to factors such as teaching quality and inadequate infrastructure. The youth unemployment rate in Mizoram (11.9 percent) is higher than the country’s joblessness rate (7.95 percent). The rate is also high in Rajasthan (12.5 percent) and Telangana (15.1 percent). This segment of youth voters is important for all the parties, as reflected by Congress’ guarantee of an unemployment allowance in Rajasthan and the BJP’s promise of providing 250,000 government jobs in the state. A recent survey reveals that health is one of the most important factors that can sway voters. To garner support, parties in the five states have promised health insurance to residents. Rajasthan is a ‘front-runner’ and the incumbent Congress Party has been seeking votes by offering several health insurance schemes, especially the Chiranjeevi health scheme. Telangana and Mizoram follow Rajasthan in terms of their performance, and are ‘achievers’. Bharat Rashtra Samiti, the incumbent political party in Telangana guaranteed the Arogyasri health scheme, a universal health coverage for families below the poverty line. Madhya Pradesh and Chattisgarh are the worst-performing states with healthcare centres in both regions reporting a persistent shortage of specialists and doctors. Access to social security is necessary to reduce the vulnerability of citizens when at risk and enhance their capacity to manage those risks. Telangana is the highest-ranked state, helped by the state government providing financial assistance to different groups such as lower castes and weavers. The other four states are weak performers in this category. Access to justice (legal recourse) examines access to a safe and secure environment through the legal system. Madhya Pradesh is the front runner while the other four states have shown satisfactory results. The biggest grievance among voters in all the states is agrarian issues, including high electricity rates, water crisis and high debt level, among many others. According to one survey, “voters often mention development as the most important issue for them at election time.” Media reports have shown voters are beginning to tire of Hindu-Muslim polarisation which the BJP has depended on to hold power. Congress has mostly been focused on issues related to socio-economic development, and the BJP has followed suit. For instance, the BJP in Rajasthan has announced skill training to 600,000 rural women. Drawing from the state-level performance metrics of the Access (In)Equality Index, the run-up to the latest round of assembly elections indicates to what extent issues of socio-economic welfare, especially those surrounding the agrarian economy, are likely to dominate even 2024 national elections. is a Professor of Economics and Director, Centre for New Economics Studies (CNES), Jindal School of Liberal Arts and Humanities, O.P Jindal Global University. is a Senior Research Analyst (CNES) and Team Lead for Azaad Awaaz and InterLinked initiative. is a Research Assistant with CNES and a member of the InfoSphere team. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 27, 2023

How do we pay for climate change adaptation? - 360 R R Rashmi Published on November 7, 2022 The latest round of international climate change negotiations, COP27 at Sharm el-Sheikh in Egypt, is being labelled the “Adaptation COP”. The fact the talks are being held in Africa, home to numerous vulnerable and climate-affected countries where adaptation is their only real option, gives weight to this anticipation. Why adaptation? Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has dealt the world a massive climate blow. The plans of most countries to transition away from fossil fuels and towards renewable energy have been set back. With the window for climate action closing, it’s less likely the world will act in time to prevent the worst effects of climate change. Thoughts are now turning toward adapting to a hotter planet and what that might cost. The short answer: a lot. The big question is: who pays? In 2021, COP26’s Glasgow Pact mandated two specific decisions relating to adaptation: Adaptation costs in developing countries are expected to be US$140 billion to US$300 billion a year by 2030. The more general costs of climate change to developing economies are estimated to exceed US$1 trillion per year, even if global average temperature remains below 2°C. Accordingly, the African Group and the Like-Minded Developing Countries including India proposed at Glasgow that developed countries should provide at least US$1.3 trillion a year in climate finance between 2025 and 2030. Further, it should be split equally between climate mitigation and adaptation. Unsurprisingly, the developed nations pushed back on this amount of money. They did however admit failure in mobilising the US$100 billion a year agreed in Paris in 2015. To compensate, they committed to launch a two-year work programme to work out long-term finance and a new collective finance goal in place of US$100 billion. The two year work programme and the new collective finance goal will not be finalised until 2025, so will not be concluded at Sharm el-Sheikh. Instead, the Egyptian presidency will need to work hard to get an agreement on at least the scale of adaptation finance. This will involve dealing with the ticklish question of the definition of vulnerability and the eligibility of countries for accessing the money. Attempts at differentiating between countries according to levels of exposure to extreme climate events have not had much success in the past. All countries, including developed economies, consider themselves to be universally affected. It will be crucial to build consensus on this sensitive issue. Besides identifying the scale of adaptation finance, COP27 will need to develop consensus on providing and implementing it. Adaptation depends not just on the level of finance but also the ability of communities exposed to climate change to adapt. Some communities will adapt better than others, usually due to the resilience of the ecosystems on which they depend for survival. Rewarding a community or locally led protection of the ecosystem is the surest and least costly way of promoting adaptation. This could be better recognised under the Global Goal on Adaptation. The 2015 Paris Agreement recognises that loss and damage arising from adverse impacts of climate change has to be dealt with separately from adaptation. COP25 had set up the Santiago Network to further the agenda of providing technical assistance to vulnerable countries. The Glasgow Pact, however, did not launch a specific work programme for this purpose. As a result, there is no promise for dedicated funding either for carrying out the relevant needs assessments or for meeting the losses and damages. Loss and damage due to climate change is still an inexact science, so controversy over the scale and nature of assistance for meeting loss and damage is likely. If COP27 agrees to an independent facility for addressing loss and damage, the question will arise of how the funding is to be raised. The responsibility for disastrous climate impacts lies squarely on the countries that have failed to reduce emissions. COP27 would therefore ask developed economies to explore and identify innovative sources of funding such as risk transfer and insurance facilities, or solidarity funds; establishing distinct instruments for loss and damage responses under funds like the Green Climate Fund and Global Environment Facility; and debt-for-climate swaps. India has already taken the lead in setting up a coalition for disaster resilient infrastructure  comprising more than 40 member countries. This coalition should closely co-ordinate with any facility for loss and damage that is formed under the UN. At Glasgow, India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi and others launched ‘Infrastructure for Resilient Island States’ to set up early-warning systems on island nations, preventing extensive damage. Building climate resilient infrastructure is ultimately the only way of addressing loss and damage. It is clear that the success of Sharm el-Sheikh will depend on how and whether Egypt is able to achieve a specific deliverable such as adaptation finance as promised at Glasgow. While discussions on the Global Goal on Adaptation will remain inconclusive, it would be a great step forward if a consensus on a financing window for climate resilience and loss and damage is secured at Sharm el-Sheikh. R R Rashmi is Distinguished Fellow at The Energy and Resources Institute, New Delhi and a former Indian climate change negotiator. He declares no conflict of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “COP 27” sent at: 31/10/2022 09:43. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 7, 2022

How do you eliminate or eradicate an infectious disease? - 360 Laila Khawar, Skye McGregor Published on February 19, 2024 Public health experts are looking beyond controlling diseases to see whether they can be eliminated locally or eradicated entirely. The COVID-19 pandemic gave the world a crash course in epidemiology and showed in real time how an infectious disease can spread — or, with the right strategies, be contained. Control can have enormous challenges, as the COVID pandemic made clear. But in many cases, public health experts want to go beyond controlling a disease and look at how it can be either eliminated or, in some cases when the biological, economic and environmental conditions suit, eradicated completely. As these goals get progressively more ambitious, so too does the need for resources, global cooperation and effort required to achieve them. Only one disease has ever been completely eradicated in humans, which shows just how difficult it is. That was smallpox in 1980. Here is what these different concepts mean, and why they are so difficult to achieve. All infectious diseases can potentially be controlled with the right interventions. Control is all about managing the spread of the disease — akin to taming a wildfire rather than extinguishing it. For example, the COVID response included measures like vaccination, mask wearing and early detection to slow the virus transmission. Those measures differed from place to place and changed over time as understanding of the virus developed and vaccines became available. There is no one-size-fits-all approach. Eliminating a disease goes beyond control. It aims to reduce the number of local cases to zero in a specific area or even an entire country by interrupting the transmission of the infection. It is like weeding a garden — you might eliminate weeds in your garden, but they may still persist in your neighbours’ gardens. For example, initially Australia and New Zealand pursued a COVID-zero approach (zero locally acquired cases) during the pandemic, through strict measures like community quarantines (aka ‘lockdowns’) and state and federal border controls. It was later recognised that COVID-19 is not suitable for elimination, mostly because the virus is highly transmissible, regularly mutating, and neither infection nor vaccine confer full immunity. In addition there were high socio-economic costs associated with lockdowns and border control. There are various other reasons why not all infections can be eliminated in a particular local area. These include a lack of effective interventions against certain infections, such as vaccines (for example, there is no vaccine for HIV), curative treatments (for example, there are no curative treatments for hepatitis B) or sensitive testing and diagnostic tools. People could be asymptomatic carriers, which risks causing undetected transmission of the disease to others. Global travel could hinder local control measures by facilitating the spread of an infection across borders, like what was seen with COVID-19 variants Delta and Omicron. There could also be social and cultural factors (such as stigma, discrimination, vaccine hesitancy or alternative treatments) and economic barriers (such as inadequate housing or insufficient public health funding) — which may impede elimination efforts in certain regions. There might also be tragic consequences when a disease is falsely declared eliminated but has merely been controlled to a low level. Take the case of leprosy: all but one country met the goal of less than 1 case per 10,000 people in 2000. After resource-limited countries shifted their focus to other emerging problems, unnoticed spread led to only half the real number of cases being currently reported in some countries. The pinnacle of disease control is eradication. It involves eliminating an infectious agent worldwide, so there are zero cases globally — although it may still be kept in secure medical laboratories. Not all infectious diseases are eradicable. There are critical elements necessary for it to occur. Effective interventions to interrupt the transmission should be available. The smallpox success was only achieved after concerted vaccination efforts globally. Practical and sensitive testing tools are crucial. For example, isolating the poliovirus requires testing stool samples. The disease needs to not exist in any animal reservoirs, thus eliminating the risk of it being reintroduced to humans. A reservoir refers to a natural habitat or host in which an infectious agent lives and multiplies  — it could be humans, animals, or in the environment, such as in soil or water. Polio relies solely on human hosts whereas avian influenza virus has a large animal reservoir (aquatic birds) making it impossible to eradicate. The infectious agent needs to not be able to persist in the environment for long. Smallpox virus could not survive for long outside a human host. And there needs to be a concerted and sustained global commitment to the eradication of a disease. Polio, for example, has experienced significant public health investment, and had a 99 percent drop in cases since 1988, but is not yet eradicated. Currently, polio is still endemic in two countries, Pakistan and Afghanistan. Until all countries have eliminated polio locally, there will always be a risk of global resurgence. Effective public health policies and campaigns to address immunization hesitancy, poor healthcare and sanitation infrastructure and other political and socioeconomic factors are required to address this pressing issue. The World Health Organization defines control, elimination and eradication goals in collaboration with its 194 member states, establishing strategies to reach disease targets. These strategies serve as roadmaps and guide interventions at a community or country level. While numerous infectious diseases are targeted for disease control, such as dengue fever and scabies, 27 are currently being targeted for some advanced level of control (such as HIV, hepatitis B & C and TB), elimination (for instance, measles, malaria and leprosy) and/or eradication (polio, Guinea worm disease and yaws). As the COVID pandemic showed, there’s always the risk of the world encountering a new infectious disease threat or the re-emergence of an otherwise controlled infection. But the case of smallpox demonstrated that success is possible when the whole world works together. Dr Laila Khawar is a postdoctoral research fellow at the Kirby Institute, UNSW. Her work focuses on the surveillance of transfusion transmissible infections, and tracking progress toward elimination of sexually transmissible infections and blood-borne viruses in Australia. Currently, she is working on developing new surveillance systems to determine national antenatal testing coverage for HIV, syphilis and hepatitis B. Dr Skye McGregor is an epidemiologist and senior research fellow at the Kirby Institute, UNSW. Her work focuses on the surveillance and prevention of sexually transmissible infections and blood-borne viruses, with a particular focus on health equity. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 19, 2024

How does foreign policy fare in world's biggest election? - 360 Stuti Bhatnagar Published on May 24, 2024 With India positioning itself as a global player, the microscope falls on PM Narendra Modi’s foreign policy. A post on X in April asked Indians to “Vote for BJP and make Bharat a superpower globally!” The quote was accompanied by an image that pointed to the party’s “Target audience” (India) and the “Actual Audience”, the entire world. What appears to be a standard promotional tweet by India’s ruling party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), marked the start of a six-week election campaign which will draw to a close on June 1. Results will be announced on June 4. While foreign policy tends to be a minor subject in Indian elections, the BJP’s post shows that this election campaign is equally focused on India’s place in the world, with the party taking every opportunity to boast of its global achievements since it took power in 2014. India is an aspirational great power and the last few years have been significant for its foreign policy. India hosted the G20 Summit in September 2023 and was recognised as the world’s fifth-largest economy. It has expanded international partnerships with new trade and security deals, championed the cause of the Global South and promoted its claim to a global leadership position. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government has constructed a narrative of a “New India” that is open for business and ready for a seat at the global table. In its 2024 election manifesto, in addition to highlighting its vision and “success” in “Good Governance and Vikas (Development)”, the BJP has applauded its many foreign policy achievements. The manifesto further promises Modi’s guarantee for a Bharat First Foreign Policy, one that will uphold India as a global friend — a “reliable, trusted and dependable voice”, a leader of the Global South. The BJP promises to strengthen India’s maritime vision, expanding its diplomatic network and strategic partnerships if re-elected. The manifesto claims that “Bharat is the mother of democracy” and that India’s “civilisational values, thoughts, wisdom and traditional knowledge have found a place of pride at the world stage.” This flows consistently with arguments that argue previous governments, with their insistence on non-alignment, secularism and preference for ideology over pragmatism in foreign policy, have kept India behind. Modi particularly has been credited as giving “wings to India’s aspirations of playing a larger international role”, through an assertive foreign policy that has upheld crucial national security interests while championing soft power and the promotion of India’s cultural heritage. A six-week election campaign, however, means there can be significant twists and turns. The BJP is being challenged by a multi-party political alliance that refer to themselves interestingly with the acronym INDIA that stands for Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance.  Led by the Indian National Congress, the alliance is drawing significant attention to the BJP’s failures and shortcomings. As the election unfolds, the  BJP has shifted from an initial focus on economic development to familiar tropes of inflammatory statements on Pakistan and India’s religious divide — directly targeting Congress’s historical appeasement of Muslim minorities and failure to act decisively against terrorism emanating from Pakistan. In projecting its proactive and muscular foreign policy against Pakistan, BJP leaders have returned to speeches that talk about giving a befitting reply to Pakistan. There have been renewed calls for the integration of Pakistan-administered Kashmir with India. Modi has lashed out at the opposition INDIA bloc, calling its leaders “cowards” who were “scared of Pakistan’s nuclear power”. Any incoming government will inherit foreign policy achievements but also continuing challenges. India has struggled to retain influence with almost all of its neighbours participating in China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Additionally, anti-India sentiment has grown in Maldives and Bangladesh. While the BJP manifesto makes a rudimentary promise to follow a neighbourhood first policy, the Congress has pledged to repair India’s relations with its neighbours — specifically noting Nepal and Maldives. The direct territorial challenge from China on India’s northern border continues to be a flashpoint for active conflict. Bilateral negotiations have made slow progress and both sides have intensified border patrols and infrastructure development. Although the BJP has promised robust infrastructure development in border areas, as the government in power, it has largely failed to resolve this issue. China remains conspicuously absent from the party’s election rhetoric — as noted by the opposition parties. A significant part of India’s foreign policy overtures in recent years has been towards Western powers and the broader Indo-Pacific. These advances have been based on their shared interests in countering China’s growing global footprint as well as the insistence on shared values. These refer explicitly to India’s strong democratic credentials and adherence to rule of law at home and international law abroad. However, continuing concerns over democratic backsliding in India, represented by the Modi government’s impunity to violence against minorities, restrictions on press freedom and a dwindling human rights record, are showing signs of strain on New Delhi’s foreign policy engagements. This became apparent in 2023, when the Canadian government blamed India for the assassination of Canadian citizen and Sikh leader Hardeep Singh Nijjar in Vancouver. India considered Singh a terrorist associated with the extremist Khalistan movement. While this incident has led to a souring of India-Canada relations, similar charges have since come from the US and Australia on India’s role in attempts at international espionage and extra-judicial killings. While the Modi government’s responses have ranged from diplomatic restraint to outright rejection, these issues are likely to become an irritant for future governments. India’s international posture has also displayed a lack of clarity in an increasingly polarising world. This became clear in India’s refusal to condemn or sanction Russia after its invasion of Ukraine in 2022. India chose a path that was distinct from its newfound partners in the West. Indian leadership has continued to emphasise its need and right to prioritise its own interests in this case and, after initial criticism, India’s partners have reconciled to its stand. Similarly, following Hamas’ October 7, 2023 attack on Israel and the latter’s invasion of Gaza, Indian policy has been put in a difficult situation. Although a historical supporter of the Palestinian cause, the Modi government has fostered a close partnership with Israel over the past decade, extending to an ideological alignment between the BJP and Israel. The current crisis places India in a similar conundrum as the Russia-Ukraine war. India initially abstained from United Nations resolutions calling for a ceasefire but, in December 2023, voted for a draft resolution in the UN General Assembly that demanded an immediate humanitarian ceasefire and unconditional release of all Israeli hostages held by Hamas. As the conflict continues, so does the challenge for any incoming Indian government. By any account, this is a polarising election for India between two distinct schools of thought: One that considers Modi as the “best candidate” and a “harbinger of change” and another that highlights the damage the Modi government has inflicted on India’s democratic ethos. The impact of domestic and regional challenges as well as India’s efforts to walk a tightrope in global politics will undoubtedly continue to shape foreign policy in coming years. While the government celebrates Indian democracy, it continues to condemn its friends in the West for “interference” in domestic politics. However, given the geopolitical environment, broader foreign policy goals are likely to remain unchanged no matter which government comes to power — not necessarily owing to ideological approaches or an activist foreign policy but because of the continued value for India’s economy and strategic relevance to global affairs. Stuti Bhatnagar is a visiting researcher at the Strategic and Defence Studies Centre at the AustralianNational University. She specialises in Indian foreign policy and South Asian politics. She is the author of “India’s Pakistan Policy: How Think Tanks Are Shaping Foreign Relations”, published by Routledge in 2021. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Indian election” sent at: 17/05/2024 14:01. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 24, 2024

How droughts can leave people with nowhere to go - 360 Sohini Sengupta Published on June 19, 2023 Those most affected by climate-induced droughts risk being trapped due to a lack of resources and networks to migrate. By 2050 around 145 million people in the Global South could be forced to relocate within their own countries due to the gradual impacts of worsening droughts brought on by climate change. The 2018 World Bank report, imaginatively titled ‘Groundswell’, predicted that such internal migrants would range from 86 million in sub-Saharan Africa to 40 million in South Asia and 17 million in Latin America. As areas become uninhabitable due to violent storms, scarcity of water and the collapse of agriculture, people will seek more hospitable places to live. The biggest dislocation will be from areas where communities are dependent on rain-fed crops. As these populations move, pressure on urban centres and zones of sustainable agriculture will mount and eventually, population pressure will degrade the finite resources of these host areas. A destabilised, perpetually mobile mass of people consuming increasingly scarce resources is now a normal part of the climate change policy conversation. Droughts are non-dramatic climate hazards associated with inadequate rainfall, drying up of rivers, crop loss, arid soil and collapsed rural economies. Communities in drought-prone areas have, over time, managed to adapt to the phenomenon but more frequent and severe droughts, worsened by climate change, may prove to be too much, resulting in sudden mass displacement. Such a process may in turn reveal new dimensions of seasonal scarcity tied to monsoonal variations experienced by rainfed agriculturists in tropical countries. As people migrate more frequently at short notice and outside existing routes, shock mobility may become routine. Depleted resources at home reduces the ability to negotiate a fair contract with employers, making labour in migrant destinations more precarious. Migrants travelling within national borders may be identified as a security concern as their movements become unregulated and unpredictable in response to the new risks posed by climate disruptions. Recognising people who are compelled to move due to the unprecedented effects of climate change as ‘environment migrants’ may influence the development of protective policies. Drought-induced migration tends to be internal but the people most affected by climate-induced droughts are also at the risk of being trapped in their depleted environments as many lack the resources and networks to migrate. Based on a review of case studies, demographers believe that climate change is unlikely to generate mass migration from African drylands to Europe or other continents. Instead, future droughts are likely to cause dislocation through immobility and entrapment. Important disagreements exist around attribution and complex causal paths leading from droughts to migration. Engaging with these different explanations enables the understanding of the multiple risks associated with drought migrations in terms of how they interact, how harm is distributed and whether adaptations are able to contain these effects. Hydrologists argue that frequent hot and dry years lead to water-stressed river basins that adversely affect communities dependent on subsistence farming, especially if they live in conflict areas such as the upper Nile basin. In Australia and California, competing demand on water resources, growing cities and agriculture would require balanced policy measures, which in turn may affect patterns of population mobility and settlements. In India, private irrigation wells that initially boosted the rural economy have over time resulted in groundwater over-extraction, exacerbating the effects of droughts for arid zone farmers through agrarian distress, indebtedness and forced migrations. Climate historians argue that the impact of climate change and extreme climate events on human society can be found in a variety of evidence preserved in  natural and human ‘archives’, including  ice caps, pollen, tree rings, stalactite caves and historical weather observation data – genealogies that describe famines and travels, and art that depicts natural hazards. But they warn about adhering to narrow climate determinism whereby all historical evidence of past calamity is explained as being caused by climate change, diminishing the relevance of other causal factors and processes such as war, imperialism, governments, economy, social and political institutions and religious and cultural mores. To avoid this problem, such evidence must be viewed alongside the adaptive and survival strategies of human societies. Development economists advocate entitlement protection of the most vulnerable people, so that there is not widespread starvation in times of crisis. Social scientists worry about the echoes of colonial legacies in making simplified connections between climate and populations. Anthropologists believe that the connections between rural and urban spaces are defined by the ecologies that exist in these locations. However human aspirations create the possibilities and provide meanings around mobilities, hence the contextual field to understand the effects of adverse climate. Weather information meant to help prepare communities for adversity have fuelled perceptions that link impending calamities with xenophobic sentiments. In 2021, an infographic by a bagpipe-playing private weather forecaster that painted north-western India and Pakistan blazing red went viral on Twitter. Followers responded with posts that expressed deep anxiety that rising populations in such countries would increase immigration to Europe. As future host populations become anxious about climate migrants, anti-migrant sentiments grow. Public opinion about mobile people as threatening collective wellbeing has increased in recent years with perception of diminishing social security derived from multiple processes such as climate change, reduction in public expenditure and the economic crisis. A historical and contextual understanding of climate mobilities in the Global South (and North) is required to understand how survival and adaptation trajectories form as food, energy and infrastructure systems become more climate resilient. A failure to understand what droughts bring to the surface in societies boiling with inequality and social polarisation would make it impossible to support communities that are being pushed into streams of futile and dangerous movement. A deeper understanding of migration flows and investing in adaptation works better than building fences to keep people out. Sohini Sengupta is an Assistant Professor in the School of Social Work at Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai. She has worked with grassroots organisations, drought response programmes and public policy making. The author’s research referred to in this article was supported by the Calcutta Research Group. This article is part of a Special Report on ‘Shock mobility’, produced in collaboration with the Calcutta Research Group. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Shock mobility” sent at: 14/06/2023 13:39. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 19, 2023

How education and social media regulation can combat science denial - 360 Geoffrey Dobson Published on April 17, 2024 It’s ironic that as scientific evidence on climate change and vaccines have become more compelling, public opinion on social media appears more divided. Five billion people use social media globally, and millions of posts are shared on Meta (Facebook) every minute. While a virtual life can be fun and informative, it can also be harmful. Misinformation about climate science is rife. So, too are conspiracy theories and disinformation about vaccine science, as we witnessed during the COVID-19 pandemic. This misinformation not only undermines trust in science but actively threatens public health: The World Health Organization has named vaccine hesitancy, along with air pollution and climate health, among the top 10 global health threats of our time. The evidence shows that vaccines save lives, and that climate change is strongly linked to rising water temperatures, sea level rise, shrinking polar ice caps, loss of biodiversity and more extreme weather events. 2023 was the hottest year on record. Greenhouse gas emissions hit record highs. The Earth is sounding its distress call. But ironically, as the scientific evidence has become more compelling, public opinion appears to be more divided. This hesitancy and denial appear to be founded in a misconception of how science works. Vaccines save millions of lives every year, and with improved technology, the accepted view on climate change has changed, with unequivocal data showing increases in CO2 and higher temperatures are linked to the burning of fossil fuels. This is science in action. But opponents on social media, and other outlets, claim the scientific evidence for both is undecided and conflicting. Oppositional viewpoints are often supported by a few vocal scientists in white coats spreading misinformation, uncertainty and doubt. The fossil fuel industry also plays a part in undermining science, by emphasising this so-called “dissent” within the scientific community. This tactic is not new: for decades, the industry has created shell organisations and companies to fund climate science-denial and muddy public understanding of climate science. More recently, the fossil fuel industry and other major polluters have used social media to gain new audiences. One analysis found that 16 of the world’s biggest polluters were responsible for placing more than 1700 false and misleading ads on Facebook in 2021. There will always be a few scientists who challenge the accepted view. However, more than 97 percent of professional medical and climate scientists, having reviewed the existing evidence, agree that vaccines are safe, and that human activity is increasing CO2 and warming the Earth’s surface. The key message the public needs to hear is: What matters is the preponderance of evidence, not one person’s opinion. Facts are considered true because they are based on the preponderance of evidence, whereas opinions may be true or not. It is easy to see how social media — which platforms opinions and untruths, and does away with traditional gatekeepers of knowledge such as news editors — can facilitate an impression that the science around climate change and vaccines is unsettled or “controversial.” This is especially the case because 80 percent of social media platforms do not have a content moderation policy that includes a comprehensive, universal definition of climate misinformation, according to a September 2023 report by the Climate Action Against Disinformation Coalition. Artificial intelligence (AI) can further support high quality oppositional opinions in new ways to deceive and cast doubt. AI algorithms can mean someone who clicks on one anti-vax post is then fed a steady diet of anti-vax and other anti-science content. Similarly, AI can be used to target misinformation to vulnerable audience sectors. And AI programs trained to write text using vast data sets have automated fake news generation with increased persuasive potential. Bridging the consensus gap between science believers and deniers requires education. Learning about the scientific method is important, but — in an age of conspiracy theories, misinformation and “alternative facts” — so too is critical literacy and philosophical inquiry. Broadening school curricula to help students navigate complex ideas and virtual digital realities, and to make sense of their increasingly complex world, could help. Since children engage with social media from a young age, it makes sense for our education system to help them develop new skills in assessing truths and falsehoods when confronted with new information. Education from preschool to Year 12 could include age-appropriate exercises on conspiracies commonly discussed on social media, ranging from vaccination scare tactics, to climate denialism, to flat Earth theory, to claims the moon landing was a hoax, and the Earth is 6000 years old. If started early enough, this education could align with a child’s development and transitioning thinking skills from concrete representational to more abstract learning, a process that begins around six years old. Social media platforms have been essentially permitted to self-regulate for decades. That’s a problem, because they can make money off companies that pay to promote “fake news” and other forms of anti-science misinformation. There have been some moves to regulate social media platforms in recent years, with varying degrees of success. In mid-2023, the Australian government proposed legislation that would boost the powers of the Australian Communications and Media Authority to pressure tech companies into fighting online misinformation. But the draft bill hasn’t passed, and Australia remains in the early stages of responding to fake news and disinformation. Individual platforms have their own mechanisms to reduce misinformation. For example, X (formerly Twitter) has introduced a “community notes” feature where under misinformation tweets you can see “readers added context” with the corrected facts. But X has been named as the worst offender in terms of spreading climate misinformation, according to the 2023 Climate Action Against Disinformation Coalition report. Meta, TikTok and YouTube, despite having commitments to address climate misinformation on their platforms, are lacking on policy enforcement. Rather than relying on governments to pass laws in isolation — or expecting social media platforms to effectively regulate themselves — some form of international regulation is urgently required to prevent the constant barrage of misinformation and harm pervading the online world. Project Liberty, formed in 2021, has mobilised a global alliance of technologists, academics, policymakers and citizens to build a safer, healthier internet and social media. The organisation supports work on misinformation flagging, interventions to reduce deepfakes, and teaching online news. The European Commission has also tackled online disinformation with a high-level group of experts who made key recommendations, including developing tools for educating platform users. In 2018, an International Grand Committee on Disinformation comprising the UK, Argentina, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, France, Ireland, Latvia and Singapore — met for the first time. The committee has since met in Ottawa and Dublin, and co-hosted a series of seminars in the US. These initiatives are a start. They show that cross-border collaboration on tackling the global problem of internet disinformation is possible. But given the magnitude of the disinformation problem — especially with growing concerns around AI — the international community needs to go one step further. Social media companies should be no different from global drug companies which are tightly regulated, for example, by the FDA and TGA, to produce drugs for humans that cause no harm. One solution could be the formation of a World Social Media Organisation, comprising world partners from each country, to oversee harmful content. Like the WHO to support global health, the organisation could be dedicated to advancing the responsible dissemination of knowledge, and preventing harm and hate speech, to promote the wellbeing of society. In today’s society, where digital information is ubiquitous, and changing rapidly, we need to embrace robust debate, listen to the experts, verify what they say, understand the methods they used, and not be swayed by the uninformed or naysayers. We need to be digital citizens protecting our rights, not digital subjects being manipulated by social media. If society fails to regulate social media, historians 100 years from now may write: “the people of the early 21st century became so overwhelmed with digital information that they failed to develop the skills and systems to sufficiently process its content to the detriment of their society”. Dr Geoffrey Dobson is a Professor in the College of Medicine and Dentistry and Australian Institute of Tropical Health & Medicine at James Cook University in Townsville. He holds a Professorial Chair in the Heart, Trauma and Sepsis Research Laboratory. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 17, 2024

How emerging economies adjust to inflation - 360 Teguh Santoso Published on March 28, 2023 As inflation hits developed economies across the world, what is the experience in emerging economies such as Indonesia? Inflation and the cost of living appear to be closely related but they are not the same thing. By definition, inflation is the phenomenon of rising prices in general. The cost of living indicates how much a person needs to spend at any given time to maintain their lifestyle. When inflation rises, so do the prices of goods and services, reducing people’s purchasing power. “Inflation acts neither as Robin Hood nor as Robber Baron: neither the poor nor the rich are affected in a uniform way,” economics professor David Piachaud stated in 1978. It’s common to perceive inflation as “robbing” consumers of their ability to purchase certain goods and services. Maintaining price stability is important in order to maintain people’s wellbeing. Unfortunately high inflation is affecting economies everywhere. Globally, inflation hit 8.8 percent year on year in 2022. Advanced economies such as the US, UK and Japan experienced price rises not seen since the 1980s. The spike can be blamed on the imbalance between the demand and supply sides. COVID-19 and the Ukraine war have badly affected supply. During the pandemic most production and distribution activities were disrupted resulting in global supply chain problems. The pandemic also caused labour shortage problems such as that experienced in the US and Australia where people now prefer to work remotely or in a hybrid model rather than in an office. The war in Ukraine severely disrupted the global food and energy supply, resulting in price increases. On the demand side, developed nations embarked on excessive fiscal stimulus policies during the pandemic which helped trigger inflation. The result was higher public consumption without corresponding increases in production. As a result, excess demand put pressure on the market for goods and services, contributing to price increases. Research on FEDS Notes shows that countries with large fiscal stimulus or high exposure to foreign stimulus through international trade experience extreme spikes in inflation. High inflation need not always cause a cost-of-living crisis if sustained wage increases are enough to exceed the inflation rate. The impact of inflation on cost of living tends to be smaller in countries with high consumer confidence, such as in emerging markets, according to one study. ​​In Indonesia, the consumer confidence index has soared in the last two years, from about 80 percent in 2020 to about 120 percent by the end of 2022. This indicates that consumers in Indonesia are optimistic and Indonesia is less likely to have a cost of living crisis although high global uncertainty continues to be a threat. There are several possible explanations for why Indonesia has a different experience of cost of living pressures. Emerging market countries are more used to dealing with inflation than advanced countries. The US, UK, and Japan have not experienced price shocks for more than ten years. Inflation is a daily occurrence in emerging economies and price increases can happen more often. For instance, as indicated in one study, the volatility and persistence of inflation in Indonesia is found to have a negative correlation, thus the more the prices fluctuate, the slower the inflation rate returns to its equilibrium level following the shock. Changes in producer behaviour to adapt to inflation may be smaller or tend not to change. Menu Cost theory explains why companies are so reluctant to change their prices. According to one study, Menu Cost can account for price stickiness of about 30 days, which is significantly less than the 7 to 24 month stickiness shown in services and retailing. In other words, firms did not alter their prices around inflation which may explain why high inflation may not automatically transfer into cost of living. Inflation in Indonesia is calculated from seven subgroups based on the Classification of Individual Consumption by Purpose and is further split into core inflation and non-core inflation. Core inflation is the persistent component of inflation movements that is affected by economic fundamental factors by excluding government-set prices and more volatile product prices. Non-core inflation is made up of two components. The first is volatile foods inflation, which is primarily influenced by foodstuffs’ shocks such as natural disruptions, harvest time and food price developments both domestically and internationally. The second is administered price inflation, which is primarily influenced by government price policy shocks such as subsidised fuel prices, electricity rates and transport fares. While it was generally higher than in 2021, Indonesia’s inflation rate in the first semester of 2022 was about 3.04 percent (year on year) and still within the government’s range. However, it jumped to 5.37 percent in the next semester then 5.95 percent in September 2022. External factors played a part, with increased global uncertainty caused by inflation pressures in advanced economies and other factors such as Indonesia’s fuel subsidies. The administered price group was the component that contributed the most to an increase in inflation throughout 2022. It was followed by the volatile foods group, the second largest contributor. According to the Central Statistics Agency (BPS), inflation for the administered price group reached 13.34 percent (year on year) in 2022. The increase in fuel prices due to rising crude oil prices was one of the biggest and most unpredictable factors. But even if fuel prices remain stable, inflation in Indonesia will continue to rise, largely driven by soaring food prices. As of February 2023, volatile food inflation increased to 7.62 percent (year on year) from 5.28 percent in January 2023. Seasonal weather patterns and public demand, particularly around holidays, have a significant impact on food prices. Inefficient markets such as the length of the supply chain and imperfect market structure also contributed to the increases. High pressure of the supply side, namely cost-push inflation, has more potential to influence the cost of living. This type of inflation happens when firms change their prices due to the increased cost of production and that is passed on to consumers. An increase in the price of goods and services will affect consumers’ daily expenditure, and eventually affect the cost of living. It’s undeniable that one of the largest economic issues facing the world now is inflation. Although it may be assumed that greater inflation won’t always translate into higher costs of living, preserving price stability, particularly the price of food, is still the top objective for governments and central banks. Whenever inflation is higher, it can bite consumer confidence and eventually may contribute to a higher cost of living. Teguh Santoso is a lecturer at the Department of Economics, Padjadjaran University, and researcher at Center for Economics and Development Studies University of Padjadjaran, Bandung Indonesia. His research interests are in monetary and banking. Aurellia Puteri Arfita is a research assistant at Center for Economics and Development Studies University of Padjadjaran, Bandung Indonesia. They declare they have no conflict of interest and did not receive specific funds. This story has been republished as part of a special report on the Economic Slowdown. It was originally published on March 27, 2023. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 28, 2023

How empowering kids can help protect them from abuse - 360 Daryl Higgins Published on November 29, 2023 Keeping kids safe from abuse isn’t about teaching “stranger danger” or “tricky people”. It’s far less simplistic. If you grew up in the 1970s, ’80s and ’90s in Australia, you might recall being warned about “stranger danger”. Parents, teachers and even the media used the phrase to warn children about talking to unfamiliar adults to reduce the chance of child abduction or abuse. But child protection experts now suggest a different approach to reflect that ‘strangers’ are not the main perpetrators of child abuse. These days, rather than focusing on stranger danger — or even the concept of “tricky people,” which has been doing the rounds of parenting websites — researchers suggest parents talk to children about body safety and empowerment, and teach them to say ‘no’ to secrets. The widespread fear of “stranger danger” may have been prompted by media coverage of unknown male perpetrators abducting and abusing children. But it may also stem from our fear of recognising that abuse is going on much closer to home. Keeping the focus on the rare, and exceptional event helps the majority of Australians to distance themselves from the problem ,to imagine it as a random event that happens to ‘others’. Since the 2017 report of the Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse exposed the abuse of children and young people by people in positions of power, we understand more about the need for a shift in the culture of child safety in organisations. The Royal Commission shifted the conversation, recognising that abuse goes on in organisations at the hands of those who are known and trusted, involving a process known as ‘grooming’. We now understand that most child sexual abuse occurs at the hands of someone a child knows. Of people who experienced sexual abuse before they were 15, 79 percent were abused by a relative, friend, acquaintance or neighbour. Only 11 percent were abused by a stranger. (Other perpetrators included trusted figures such as teachers, recreational leaders, religious leaders, doctors, staff in a children’s home, or corrective services personnel.) According to recent findings from the Australian Child Maltreatment Study of 8500 people, that figure is even lower: only 4.9 percent of all respondents experienced sexual abuse by an unknown adult (or about 18 percent of those who experienced child sexual abuse). What’s more, around one-third of childhood sexual abuse is perpetrated by another child or young person, which sometimes includes siblings. The uncomfortable truth is that children are abused and groomed not only in institutional settings but also within the family. Some child safety advocates have recently steered the child safety conversation towards “tricky people”—teaching kids to recognise dangerous people who may be trying to trick them. The concept was conceived by Pattie Fitzgerald, founder of educational company Safely Ever After, and has been circulated by publications in the US, Australia and beyond. But the “tricky people” concept has limitations because in reality, child abusers are often difficult to recognise as “tricky”. Those who sexually offend against children may appear to be upstanding members of their communities, well liked and respected by others. They can be charming. They are often the last person you would suspect. After all, child abusers don’t just groom their child targets; they groom everyone to create an entire ecosystem of abuse that allows them to operate unchallenged in plain sight. It is often only with hindsight that we can see who is grooming and who is just a trustworthy and wholesome person. Instead of trying to identify who are “tricky people”, researchers now call us to focus on the environment, and looking out for situations or context that are tricky and place children and young people at risk. In organisations, policies and code of conduct call out these situations (such as private communication between a sports coach and team member via a personal social media platform, rather than from a club account that is monitored by other adults). We need to recognise and modify ‘tricky places’ or ‘tricky processes’ — those situations that allow grooming and abuse to occur. Apart from minimising situations that may enable grooming and abuse, the best defence against child abuse is talking, to overcome the shame, secrecy and silence that enables the behaviour. Parents, carers and teachers are encouraged to talk to children and young people about body safety and empowerment. They can focus on teaching children how to speak up when they have concerns, and say ‘no’ to secrets (this involves differentiating between  unsafe secrets and surprises). Children and young people also need skills and knowledge in understanding their own sexuality and sexual development, and what is appropriate or inappropriate behaviour from adults and peers. Educational programs on consent and respectful relationships can help with this. So, too, can parents who describe body parts accurately, and use everyday ‘teachable moments’ to have age-appropriate conversations. They can talk about unwanted touching, inappropriate talk or solicitation of photos as something that is not OK, even if it comes from family or friends. Without putting the onus on children to be fully responsible for their safety, parents can support children to better understand risks and make judgements on when to trust or to be wary. Parents should also be on the lookout, of course — notice who is paying attention to your kids: at home, when you’re out with family and friends, or when online. Australia’s new national strategy for addressing child sexual abuse has the slogan ‘one talk at a time‘ — to encourage adults to have conversations with young people about child sexual abuse. It’s through conversations with children and young people we can raise awareness, and all help prevent child sexual abuse. Advice to parents includes keeping the dialogue open between you and your child. Be the person your child can trust. Don’t shame your child, or freak out when they share something that has happened to them. Discuss internet safety and texting safety. Start planting the seeds of consent and respect. Finally, it’s important to reinforce that sexual abuse is never a child’s fault. We need to listen, acknowledge, and believe them. Professor Daryl Higgins is Director of the Institute of Child Protection Studies at the Australian Catholic University. His research focuses on public health approaches to protecting children and child-safe organisational strategies. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 29, 2023

How feasible is nuclear power for Australia? - 360 Alan Finkel Published on March 25, 2024 Nuclear power is a credible source of abundant zero-emissions electricity, but it would take 20 years to commence operations from a standing start in Australia. The battle lines have been drawn over Australia’s energy future. With the nation committed to net zero emissions by 2050, the Albanese Labor government is committed to renewables. The Coalition wants nuclear. Opposition leader Peter Dutton’s vision for meeting Australia’s energy needs would include large-scale nuclear power plants and small modular reactors, a technology that is not yet proven, but which Coalition shadow Minister for Energy Ted O’Brien says could be “up and running within a 10-year period.” While nuclear power might experience a resurgence globally and eventually have a role in Australia, right now, no matter how much intent there might be to activate a nuclear power industry, it is difficult to envision before the mid 2040s. The reality is there is no substitute for solar and wind power this decade and next, supported by batteries, transmission lines and peaking gas generation. Any call to go direct from coal to nuclear is effectively a call to delay decarbonisation of our electricity system by 20 years. Let’s unpack the pros and cons of nuclear power, the obstacles to getting it up and running in Australia by the mid 2040s, and the longer-term prospects. From a purely engineering perspective, there is no better source of zero emissions electricity than nuclear power.  The reasons are many. Nuclear power plants can dispatch electricity when requested and they are directly compatible with the 50 cycles per second alternating current (AC) electricity system. In contrast, solar and wind power generators do not have inertia, do not have system strength, cannot dispatch when requested and do not provide synchronous AC power.  Nevertheless, these features can be integrated into the system through modern power electronics and battery energy storage systems. There is no need for battery materials such as lithium, manganese, nickel or cobalt. Nor is there need for rare earth elements such as europium, terbium, neodymium and many others. Nuclear uses modest amounts of copper, steel and concrete. The footprint for uranium mining is small because only 1 tonne of uranium in a nuclear power station is needed to produce the same amount of electrical energy as approximately 100,000 tonnes of coal in a coal-fired power station. Approximately three square km of land is needed for a 1 gigawatt (GW) nuclear generator, although there would always be an additional exclusion area surrounding the site. In contrast, solar farms need about a square kilometre of land area for each 50 megawatts of generation capacity. Thus, a 3 GW solar farm producing  the same annual generated energy as a 1 GW nuclear plant would require about 60 square km. Wind farms need almost 10 times more area than solar farms per megawatt, although  most of the land between the turbines can continue to be used for agriculture. In principle, nuclear power plants can be located close to existing transmission lines or even at old coal-fired power stations.  In practice, this may not be possible because of surrounding populations, or the power stations being repurposed by their owners. That is despite high profile accidents such as Three Mile Island, Chernobyl and Fukushima. The deaths from accidents and air pollution per unit of electrical energy generated are comparable with solar and wind power, in the extremely low end of the range at less than 0.05 deaths per terawatt-hour.  Hydroelectric power is the next lowest at 1.3 deaths per terawatt-hour. Coal has the highest rate, at 25 deaths per terawatt-hour. There are challenges for nuclear power in Australia, most notably timetable and cost. Commonwealth legislation passed by the Howard government in 1998 prohibits nuclear power.  Australia is the only country in the G20 to have a legislated ban on nuclear power.  This would need to be lifted before anything else could happen. An August 2023 poll by the Resolve Political Monitor showed 40 percent backed nuclear power, 33 percent were undecided and 27 percent were opposed. It is likely that no matter how small the opposition, it will be vocal. Large nuclear power generators cannot ramp up and down rapidly like batteries or peaking gas generators. This reduces their compatibility with a predominantly solar and wind powered electricity grid. It is expected, though, that small modular reactors (SMRs) will be better in this respect than large, conventional reactors. The various operational, political and cost challenges faced by the nuclear industry have led to nuclear’s share of global electricity generation falling from more than 17 percent in 1996 to 9 percent in 2022. After that, we would need to beef up the regulatory system, find the first site, find and license the first operator, approve and issue construction contracts, establish a waste-management system, establish the decommissioning rules and decommissioning fund, run the environmental and safety regulatory gamut, train a workforce, respond in the streets to the inevitable protests, and respond to the inevitable legal opposition all the way to the High Court. Only then could construction begin.  It is difficult to imagine all this could be accomplished and deliver an operational nuclear reactor in Australia before the mid 2040s. Coal-fired generators and nuclear power generators can dispatch electricity at full power more than 90 percent of the year.   In practice, because demand fluctuates, the typical dispatch level from the Australian coal-fired fleet is about 60 percent. For comparison, what would be the capital cost of a wind farm firmed to dispatch 60 percent of the year?  A simplified approach would be to ignore market economics and the variability of solar electricity in the system, and assume a 30 percent capacity factor for the wind energy. With these assumptions, for a wind farm to dispatch 60 percent of the year we would need to install 2 GW of wind turbines.  The first 1 GW of turbines would dispatch when the wind is blowing.  The second 1 GW of turbines would be used to charge a 7 GW-hour (GWh) battery, to be discharged into the grid on demand. Using costings from the CSIRO GenCost draft 2023-2024 report the cost in this simplified model would be around AUD$7 billion per GW.  Other, less costly, integration configurations are available. In comparison, the latest cost estimate for the Hinkley Point C nuclear power plant under construction in the UK is about AUD$27 billion per GW. Because of the enormous cost and construction delays of large-scale nuclear plants, in Australia we would be looking to use SMRs.  But we will want the reassurance of first seeing SMRs work safely and well in the UK, Europe, Canada, the US or another OECD country. The trouble is, there are no SMRs operating in the UK, Europe, Canada, the US or any other OECD country.  Nor are any SMRs under construction or approved in an OECD country. There is no data to support any claims about how much SMRs will cost when deployed as operating power stations. Still, introducing nuclear power when we can, starting in the 2040s, would bring benefits.  Most importantly, nuclear power generation would reduce the ongoing mining footprint for the regular replacement of solar panels, wind turbines and batteries and the expanded electricity generation to support decarbonising our exports and population growth. For these reasons, it would be worth removing the ban on nuclear power so that we can at least thoroughly investigate the options. Dr Alan Finkel , former Chief Scientist of Australia and author of Powering Up: Unleashing the Clean Energy Supply Chain is Chair of the ARC Centre of Excellence for Quantum Biotechnology at The University of Queensland. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Nuclear future” sent at: 22/03/2024 16:30. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 25, 2024

How FOMO might lurk behind teen social media anxiety - 360 Danielle Einstein, Carol Dabb Published on October 9, 2023 For teenagers with a high fear of missing out, high social media use is linked to increased anxiety. It might be time for a tech health check. Headlines that say using social media is safe bring tangible sighs of relief from parents worldwide. But such headlines might be too simplistic. Research reveals a more nuanced picture when it comes to teenagers, social media and anxiety. A recent paper has found that FOMO — or fear of missing out — is linked to whether teens find using social media increases their anxiety or relieves it. There’s been a rise in anxiety levels in recent years and one study sought to understand this through a focus on FOMO. FOMO is anxiety about being excluded from shared enjoyable experiences. It’s experienced by 50 percent of adolescents. A large portion of life is now online, so parents and teens need to make decisions about how many devices they should have, what rules should surround them in the home, which devices should host social media and which apps should be used. The apps available are like the nutrients a person may choose to consume. The research looked at the impact of social media use on anxiety symptoms in 951 Australian teenagers at six schools. The survey found that for 11 percent of teens, using social media frequently was associated with more anxiety and using it less came with less anxiety. These were students who said they had high FOMO and reacted badly to information about their friends’ activities, observing conversations and feared being excluded from activities. They might not have connected with safe and non-toxic groups. It’s possible these students do not mind when their use is restricted and some choose to use social media less because they can clearly see how it affects them. By contrast, students who said they weren’t affected by FOMO — 54 percent of respondents — showed stronger anxiety symptoms if they used social media less. These students might be relying on social media for connection and to manage normal feelings of anxiety. These are the students who might complain loudly if their use is restricted. They are likely to need validation more often from comments and contact with ‘friends’ and might have forgotten how to support themselves offline. The data suggested that only 35 percent of students had no association between the frequency of their social media use and reports of anxiety. These students had what could be described as a normal and healthy degree of FOMO. They want to belong, but are not obsessed by that need and have hopefully balanced their ‘nutritional intake’ of offline and online activities. EMBED START Image {id: "editor_2"} EMBED END Image {id: "editor_2"} Yet these findings follow recent research that reported no relationship between Facebook use and psychological harm. Studies like these make headlines but they run counter to a lot of individual experiences, the experience of clinical psychologists who treat young people, the research put out by Facebook employees, and to findings from many studies around the world. The limits on research might offer an explanation for this. Researchers might be limited by funding, by the length of an article that can be published in a peer reviewed journal, by varying styles of social media engagement, and even by the choices made when questions are formulated. These limitations could leave gaps in studies, like the influential research on the relationship between mental health and technology that asked participants to exclude time spent interacting with friends and family online when they rated how often they used social media. The FOMO study focused only on anxiety symptoms and not depression. So it was impossible to draw conclusions about potential links between social media and depression. But there are lessons to be taken from the FOMO study. To improve life with technology, people might need to first assess how they fit into the categories from the study. People who fall in the 35 percent where there is no relationship between anxiety and social media use can keep doing what they are doing. People in the larger group — 54 percent of respondents — who might feel slightly anxious when they are not able to use social media should do a tech health check. They might be managing normal worries by seeking reassurance, or simply using technology to escape concerns. This lower resilience can lead to problems sleeping when worries resurface at night. Sleep deficits are one of the major mental health problems associated with unhealthy technology use. For those who identify with the 11 percent in the category experiencing too much FOMO there is a need for change, but it takes a concerted effort. However, the first step is to recognise that FOMO is undermining a person’s sense of life satisfaction and social well-being. If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, visit https://findahelpline.com/i/iasp. is an Adjunct Fellow at Macquarie University, author and clinical psychologist. She specialises in anxiety, particularly the impact of device use on mental health. Danielle’s clinical and research work assists families to develop healthy technology use, via a range of resources and therapeutic assistance. is a Provisional Psychologist and PhD candidate at the Australian Catholic University. She is passionate about the mental health of parents and families. The authors’ research referenced in this article was partially funded by the involved schools. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on October 9, 2023

How Fukushima wastewater will disrupt seafood trade - 360 Ming Wang Published on April 14, 2023 Public opinion will dictate how Japanese seafood is received after the wastewater is disposed of into the Pacific Ocean. The global seafood market faces turmoil with the release of the Fukushima nuclear wastewater from Japan into the Pacific Ocean, computer modelling predicts. Japan announced in 2021 it will release over 1.25 million tonnes of treated Fukushima radioactive wastewater into the sea as part of its plan to decommission the power station when its storage capacity reaches its limit this year. Seafood is one of the most important food commodities in international trade, far exceeding meat and milk products. According to the United Nations Comtrade database, global seafood trade has grown from USD$7.57 billion in 2009 to USD$12.36 billion in 2019, an increase of 63.2 percent. The Japanese nuclear wastewater discharge raises global worries about the safety of Japanese seafood as public opinion influences consumers’ preference for seafood. In this empirical study involving American consumers, 30 percent of respondents said they reduced their seafood consumption following the Fukushima nuclear plant accident and more than half believe Asian seafood poses a risk to consumer health due to the disaster. Most of Japan’s seafood trading partners, such as China, Russia, India and South Korea, imposed temporary bans on food from several districts around Fukushima in wake of the accident in 2011. This paper models the potential impact of the Fukushima nuclear wastewater disposal on the global seafood trade using the import and export data for 26 countries which make up more than 92 percent of the world’s trade in marine products. A community classification theory of complex networks was used to classify seafood trading countries into three communities. Seafood trade is frequent among countries within each individual community and less between the communities. The first community contains Ecuador, Italy, Morocco, Portugal and Spain. The second contains Denmark, France, Germany, Iceland, New Zealand, Nigeria, Norway, Poland, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. The third community contains China, India, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, Taiwan of China, Russia, Thailand, the United States and Vietnam. Modelling shows China, South Korea, and the US maintain a steady trade of seafood imports and exports between them. Data used for the modelling shows that the rate of change in trade between China and Korea, China and the US and between Korea and the US is very close to zero. However, China, South Korea and the US are expected to increase their seafood imports from Denmark, France, Norway and other community group two countries while reducing seafood exports to them. This is because these three countries have already reduced their seafood trade with Japan. The increase in exports from community group three to community group two nations leads to a decrease in imports and exports between countries within community group two. For example, the study notes that Denmark, Norway and France are all experiencing a decrease in seafood exports and imports between each other. While the rates of change in trade between countries look very close, the size of each country’s import and export market is different, so the actual trade volume can vary greatly. The model also divided the global seafood market into two segments — the first being the Japanese market and the second comprising 25 other countries. It calculated that Japan’s seafood exports fell by 19 percent in 2021, or USD$259 million. Public opinion after the Fukushima wastewater is discharged will have different impacts on the import and export trade of seafood for each country, especially for countries which trade with Japan. What people think (about the discharge) is closely related to the amount of Japanese seafood imported by each country. The higher the amount of Japanese seafood imported by a particular country, the more negative public opinion is likely to be, according to computer modelling. Japanese imports of seafood will also be reduced, predicts the computer model. However, the amount of reduction depends on how well the Japanese public accepts local seafood after the discharge of the nuclear wastewater. The Japanese government has announced it will spend USD$260 million to buy local seafood products if domestic sales are affected by the release of Fukushima wastewater. If the Japanese public is more accepting of seafood caught in waters around the discharge area, seafood imports from other countries to Japan will likely fall. However, if public opinion does not go this way, Japan will have to import more seafood to meet local demand. If 40 percent of the reduction in Japanese seafood exports is absorbed by its own market, the modelling shows this would result in a USD$272 million reduction in Japanese seafood imports from other countries. The above table from the computer model shows the predicted decrease in the trade volume of seafood exports from 25 countries to Japan. The impact of seafood exported to Japan is also related to the community classification. Countries in the same community as Japan show a more significant reduction in their seafood exports to Japan while countries not in the same community have less impact. The planned Fukushima nuclear wastewater disposal will mainly affect countries in the same seafood trading community as Japan. These countries will see more significant reductions in their imports of Japanese seafood and in the exports of their seafood to Japan compared to countries in other communities. is a doctoral student in econometrics, complex networks and multi-modal transportation at the School of Maritime Economics and Management, Dalian Maritime University, China. He declares no conflict of interest. This article has been republished ahead of Japan’s plan to release nuclear wastewater from August 24, 2023. It originally appeared on April 14, 2023. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: Pls insert table

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 14, 2023

How G20 hopes to unlock trillions for development, climate fight - 360 Biswajit Dhar Published on September 8, 2023 The G20’s quest to strengthen institutions like the World Bank is about to hit a crucial intersection. To meet its goals, everyone needs to buy in. A core focus of the G20’s agenda at the New Delhi leaders’ summit will be on strengthening multilateral development banks, with success potentially adding trillions of dollars to fight poverty and save the climate. Development banks are linchpins in those fights and important cogs in the global economy, stepping in to lend to countries in need, whether it is financial challenges or disaster. This process of strengthening multilateral development banks  was initiated through the G20’s 2016 action plan, which directed banks to “work through their Boards to optimise balance sheets, in order to increase lending without substantially increasing risks or damaging credit ratings”. Five years later, then-G20 president Italy took the reform process forward by instituting an independent review of multilateral development banks’ Capital Adequacy Frameworks, which assess banks’ ability to meet their financial obligations. In their first meeting under India’s presidency this year, G20 Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors recognised the need for multilateral development banks to “evolve given the scope and complexity of transboundary challenges and the resultant increase in demand on their lending resources, knowledge support, and for catalysing private investment”. They asked multilateral development banks to “undertake comprehensive efforts to evolve their vision, incentive structures, operational approaches and financial capacities so that they are better equipped to maximise their impact in addressing a wide range of global challenges, while being consistent with their mandate and commitment to accelerate progress towards Sustainable Development Goals” (SDGs). The Indian G20 presidency took the logical next step, developing an agenda, based on which the multilateral development banks can carry financing the recipients. An International Expert Group was entrusted with this task, established to “address the shared global challenges of the 21st century”. The group had three broad objectives: to prepare  a roadmap for an updated development banking ecosystem that is  better equipped to finance a range of SDGs and transboundary challenges such as climate change and health, evaluate the scale of funding required by and from banks to address their increasing needs and that of member countries, and better coordinate among banks to “address and finance global development and other challenges more effectively”. The International Expert Group was tasked with spelling out the details of a plan which multilateral development banks could follow while discharging their functions. The expert group spelt out a triple agenda aiming to harness what it saw as the potential of the multilateral development banks. Under the first part of that plan, development banks had a  mandate to eliminate extreme poverty, boost shared prosperity and contribute to global public goods. The other planks of the agenda are for multilateral development banks to triple sustainable lending levels by 2030 and create a third funding mechanism which would permit flexible, innovative arrangements with investors willing to support elements of the agenda. The International Expert Group argued that additional annual spending of around USD$3 trillion is required by 2030, of which $1.8 trillion should be investments for climate action (mostly in sustainable infrastructure) and $1.2 trillion for spending to realise other SDGs. The figures imply a four-fold increase in climate adaptation, resilience and mitigation funding compared with 2019, and a 75 percent increase in spending on health and education. It takes many contributors to mobilise financing on that scale. The International Expert Group projects that the global development finance community needs to provide an additional USD$500 billion every year until 2030. Of this additionality, one-third would be concessional funds and non-debt-creating financing, while two-thirds would be for non-concessional official lending. More funding would also help mobilise private capital of up to USD$1 trillion. Multilateral development banks must provide an incremental USD$60 billion of additional annual official financing, of which $200 billion in non-concessional lending, and help mobilise and catalyse most associated private finance. In its first set of recommendations, the expert group argued sustainable lending levels from multilateral development banks should be tripled by 2030, targeting USD$300 billion per year in own-account non-concessional finance — normal commercial loans — and $90 billion per year in concessional finance — loans or other funding that might be provided at below-market rates. According to the expert group, this could be achieved if G20 members restored their contributions to the International Development Association — the soft-lending arm of the World Bank — and sharply increased contributions, tripling its funding pool by 2030. In its major recommendations, the International Expert Group asked development banks to build a financing instrument that provides rapid, automatic concessional assistance to countries in need, including middle-income countries hit by major natural disasters like Pakistan and Sri Lanka. They also asked banks to change their approach to partnering with the private sector, by working systematically with them in sovereign and non-sovereign activities. These recommendations do not bode well for the future of concessionary lending from multilateral development banks. Donor country pledges for the latest three-year cycle of International Development Association funding were well below expectations. It also raises questions over the ability of multilateral development banks to provide debt relief to countries most in need, potentially limiting the ability of debt-distressed countries to invest in development. The International Development Association’s funding challenges are unsurprising given the United States’ reluctance to contribute more to multilateral development banks. US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen told the third meeting of G20 Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors in July that the G20 must only explore capital increases after multilateral development bank reforms had progressed. Multilateral development banks hold the key to realising the SDGs, for they can provide concessional finance to developing economies. The New Delhi summit can underline the importance of these banks by garnering the necessary political support to improve their viability. Biswajit Dhar is a former professor of economics, Jawaharlal Nehru University. He is currently Distinguished Professor at Council for Social Development, New Delhi. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “G20 primer” sent at: 07/09/2023 06:00. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on September 8, 2023

How gig workers are lured into debt - 360 Diatyka Widya Permata Yasih, Nur Rafiza Putri, Indrawan Prasetyo Published on December 27, 2023 Easy to access loans designed for gig workers are almost impossible to refuse. But there’s nearly always a catch. When you’re a temporary, un-contracted worker in southeast Asia’s vast gig economy, the promise of easy finance can be too tempting to resist. For many in the precarious gig economy it’s as simple as downloading an app, answering some questions then waiting for the cash to hit your account. The World Bank’s 2023 report on gig economy workers in 17 countries shows that around 60 percent of Indonesian gig workers find it challenging to meet their financial obligations. Only 34 percent had precautionary savings. Indeed, millions of people across Indonesia and the rest of southeast Asia do not even engage with official financial institutions. As a result, informal financers — some with dubious lending practices — thrive. In recent years, the explosion of online lending has provided new ways for low-income individuals to get money. Into this scenario have stepped new players: rideshare companies such as Grab and Gojek, through collaborations with financial institutions, now provide their drivers greater access to lending schemes. Gig workers have to live without the security of a stable job and a regular paycheque. With no employee benefits, they are more likely to suffer a loss of income due to illness, injury or a downturn in business, such as during the COVID-19  pandemic. It was during the pandemic that Bank Rakyat Indonesia initiated a low-interest loan for rideshare drivers.  The loan allowed transport app companies to provide loans for their drivers who are classified as partners and micro-entrepreneurs, not employees. GrabModal Narik, offers loans through a collaboration between JULO (a fintech lending platform) and Grab. Its advertisements are squarely aimed at gig workers, using slogans like #PinterAturDuit (smart at managing money) to promote the GrabModal Narik loan scheme. They also provide an option for a driver taking a personal loan to use the auto-debit feature, where the driver’s daily earnings are automatically deducted to repay the loan to the lending institution. The option makes it easier for the driver to pay in installments. Information about the online scheme (along with an invitation to apply) is provided through a notification sent to drivers’ phones, though only to those eligible. A borrower must drive for Grab for at least three months to be eligible. Loan approval also depends on the driver’s financial record. A default limits their access to future credit opportunities. Companies offering online loans such as Finplus, Kredivo, Amartha, and Dompet Kilathave mushroomed in Indonesia. These advertise themselves as providing a fast process that excludes lengthy credit checks. This is particularly compelling, especially in times of financial hardship. With just a few taps on a smartphone, anyone can apply for a loan and have the money transferred directly into their bank account. Finplus, for instance, has just  three simple steps: Some online lending platforms (including Finplus, Kredivo, and Dompet Kilat)  are registered with the Otoritas Jasa Keuangan (The Financial Services Authority, or OJK). But others are unlicensed and considered to be operating illegally. In times of hardship, some potential borrowers are unaware they are engaging with unlicensed moneylenders, which can charge exorbitantly high interest rates (much higher than the one regulated by the OJK). Unregistered moneylenders sometimes have dubious procedural terms and misuse lenders’ private and confidential information. Taking personal loans provides precarious gig workers with an easy solution to deal with day-to-day hardship. However, their fluctuating income means they often struggle to repay their debts. Precarious working and living conditions provide the setting for the creation of new exploitative lending instruments to the benefit of financial institutions.  A Kompas report revealed that 2.5 million people are struggling to repay their online loans and 57 percent of them are young people (17-34 years old) in low-wage precarious work. For many app-based transport drivers, being trapped in debt often drives them to work long hours without adequate rest. Stress from being unable to properly support their family can also affect their health. This element of contemporary capitalism has not only outsourced the labour but also the bulk of responsibility for workers’ welfare onto the worker themselves. To address this, policy makers could aim to roll back  the normalisation of new forms of precarious work. Access to basic employment rights (minimum wage, health and safety, freedom to join a union, among others) could be extended to precarious workers in the gig economy even if they want to work more flexibly. Diatyka Widya Permata Yasih is an assistant professor at Department of Sociology and Deputy Director for Academic Affairs at Asia Research Centre, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Indonesia. Nur Rafiza Putri is a research fellow at Asia Research Centre, Universitas Indonesia and a lecturer at Universitas Nasional. Indrawan Prasetyo is a research fellow at Asia Research Centre, Universitas Indonesia This article is part of a Special Report on the Asian Gig Economy, produced in collaboration with the Asia Research Institute – University of Indonesia. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 27, 2023

How humans and robots can co-exist in cities - 360 Dody Arfiansyah Published on November 7, 2022 Robots are taking on more tasks in the world’s cities and making life easier for residents but by doing so create more challenges for policymakers. Humans are steadily handing over responsibility for the day-to-day running of cities to robots. The masters of the mundane no longer have beating hearts. Driverless cars and trains, service robots in shops, drones that deliver meals or purchases, automated pharmacists and 3D printing are just some of the more visible signs of a robot-driven metropolis. And away from the public gaze, traffic systems, policing, waste management and healthcare are being given over to machines that can process data far more efficiently than any human. Technological advances in robotics are driving the development of smart cities so much that it’s inspired an entire field of research called Robot-City Interaction (RCI), where the integration of robots in urban ecosystems and how they can improve quality of life is a major field of study.Human-Robot Interaction (HRI) is another rapidly evolving field of research. The Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) divides HRI into four areas: For now, at least, all robots are controlled by humans, either steered by continuous manual movement or intermittently monitored and reprogrammed by human supervisors. But what happens in the future with HRI is open to conjecture. HRI is applied in almost all robot tasks mentioned above and marks the ongoing disruptive era of the fifth industrial revolution, where human needs for customisation and more involvement in machines’ evolution. The rise of robots is forcing policymakers worldwide to invest in supporting the development of urban infrastructures that integrate robotic technologies. Sydney Metro is revolutionising how residents in Australia’s largest city travel with fast, reliable driverless metro services. The project boosts public spaces with vibrant transport precincts, combining urban renewal and better transport connections.Sydney joins 42 cities around the world – including Singapore, Vancouver and London – that run 64 fully-automated metro services. More than half of those are in Asia – China alone will have 32 fully-automated metro lines across 16 cities by the end of 2022. However, experts say that automation cannot be successful without human perspectives. The digital disruption associated with the fourth industrial revolution challenged established ways of doing business, social interaction, and how humans think, according to an analysis by Kai Riemer, a professor of information technology and organisation at the University of Sydney. He says it is essential to be strong on the human side of the HRI, understanding how technologies change the world rather than just dabbling in the technology itself. In most developing countries, HRI is still in its infancy. In Bandung, Indonesia, which launched its smart city in 2015, officials tried to implement it via Bandung Command Centre, which included app-based city management and development control systems; integrated smart government and smart society; and CCTV-based city monitoring. Bandung Smart City still faces many challenges and opportunities. Information and communication technology (ICT) infrastructure must support citizens’ participation as a sustainable smart city is based on humans. And in the disruptive era of IR 5.0, the extent to which stakeholders are likely to adopt HRI robots to improve cities’ services remains a challenge.In the era of disruptive technologies, business leaders and policymakers should look forward, identify the technologies that could affect them and determine how to shape markets and policies to serve their interests. Business leaders should define when, how, and whether to take advantage of new technologies and be prepared to switch. And policymakers may need to update their approaches to ease the adoption of new technologies while managing the attendant risks. It is important to have adaptive regulations that adjust to rapid change. Good policy should be technically correct, politically stable, and organisationally implementable. Research relating to the value of humans is still one of the main challenges of HRI. The question is:  If a robot can more efficiently do a job, should that job always be automated? The big question and challenge for policymakers is how they consider the potential consequences of increasing the gap between skilled and unskilled workers, whose jobs are most likely to be affected by automation. Policymakers also need to consider what jobs will emerge and whether the workforce will be able to transition. Dody Arfiansyah is a researcher at the City Future Research Centre, School of Built Environment Faculty of Arts, Design, and Architecture, UNSW, Sydney, Australia. His research is focused on smart cities and sustainability. He declares that he has no conflict of interest and is not receiving specific funding in any form. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 7, 2022

How I helped my mother to have a good death - 360 V. Srikanth Monash University Published on November 24, 2021 By V. Srikanth, Monash University When I said farewell to  my mother in India in January 2020 to go back home overseas, I didn’t know that it would be the last time I’d see her. I had been with Amma for the previous four weeks while she underwent knee surgery and was recovering from it. She had been getting much less able and mobile with a very deformed knee, and hadn’t been coping well with being forced to slow down. After I left, COVID emerged, and she and my father went to stay with my sister about five hours away in a semi-rural setting. Indeed for the next six months, she had a much improved quality of life, able to move around without discomfort. During our conversations on my visit, she had shared that if she suddenly became ill to the point of disability, she wouldn’t want any radical interventions. And so when I got the call from my brother-in-law at 4 o’clock on a Thursday afternoon to let us know she had suffered a serious stroke, my brain snapped into clinical gear fairly quickly. I was in Australia and she was near Bengaluru, and so began the very strange experience of helping my mother through her illness and to have a good death from afar in the middle of a global pandemic. I come from a medical family. I trained to be a physician and a geriatrician and I think I can make very clear decisions. My father, my sister,  my brother and my brother-in-law are all doctors too.  However, even for us there were many difficult decisions to be made. There were points where we were second guessing ourselves and questioned whether we were doing the right thing. In my job I have seen dozens of advanced-care plans. They are a good thing. But even the best advanced-care plans come unstuck. People’s wishes may not always be communicated well, and many families struggle with letting their loved ones go. Some want everything to be done until the very end, but what ‘everything’ is, might be viewed differently by different people. You can’t apply the same advanced-care plan to every scenario. Early on my mother briefly regained some consciousness, but shortly thereafter she slipped back into an unconscious state. I had seen the brain scans, I knew the odds. Neurosurgery was an option, but the likelihood of her surviving it and recovering to live an active life with good quality was extremely low. And Amma was in a large hospital in the middle of the Covid crisis. My siblings and I decided it would be best to get our mother out of that hospital environment. We were fortunate in that we knew of a small primary care facility where she could have access to nurses and a physician. What many people don’t know is that a formal system of palliative care is rare in India and is not routinely incorporated into healthcare. In fact, the medications that we use in Australia for palliative care like sedatives and opiates are very tightly regulated in India and not readily available for good palliative care. I was lucky enough to be able to speak with my colleagues here about the best practices we might use, even if those best practices were not known in India, and provide my siblings with advice. However,  we still all had to be on the same page and that is always the tricky part. When would we stop providing food through a tube? When would we stop giving intravenous fluids? What is the right amount of care to keep someone comfortable but also allow them to die? If you don’t know about palliative care and have not talked about death, these decisions can be challenging. And they are made harder when you don’t know the patient’s wishes or have a desire to ‘fix’ everything with every option of treatment available, however futile they may be. With my family it was different. We were in agreement on most things and for the most part we knew what our mother would have wanted us to do. She had held separate conversations with all of us about what she would have expected for herself. And my father, tough as it was for him, also accepted the reality of how Amma was – and trusted us to help him make the right decisions. And this is what I would say to anyone going through a similar situation. Ask yourself, to the best of your knowledge, how would your relative have wanted to live on the other side of a significant medical intervention when faced with a seriously disabling or terminal illness? Ask the doctors what are all the options and what are the specific likely outcomes of each? When the time came for my mother it was extremely peaceful, with my family by her side, and no discomfort. She would have been 80 this year, a wonderful person and she was really clear in her mind, always keeping people connected. In many ways, as she always did, she made it easier for us at the end. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Prof Srikanth is a clinical specialist in Geriatric Medicine and a research expert in health related to ageing. He is the Director of the National Centre for Healthy Ageing.  His primary expertise are in the fields of dementia, cerebrovascular disease, falls and frailty.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 24, 2021

How Inca wisdom can fix our food crisis - 360 Agustin Zsögön Published on June 29, 2022 The world currently has only 10 weeks of wheat supplies left, a far cry from the three to seven years of food supply the Incas kept in storage. The ongoing armed conflict in Eastern Europe is unraveling the shaky foundation of the world’s food system. Two-thirds of our calorie intake is provided by just three species of cereals: rice, maize and wheat. With Ukraine and Russia among the world’s largest exporters of maize and wheat, global food security is under threat. Even if this volatile situation is resolved and trade is restored, an overreliance on so few species remains the achilles heel of food security in the face of a changing climate. The negative effect of climate on food systems is nothing new. In BCE 6,400 a massive migration from Northern to Southern Mesopotomia was triggered by decades of drought. More arid lands in the south led the ancient Sumerians to develop the world’s first irrigated agricultural systems. This helped support a complex urban society, lasting at least four millennia. But overreliance on a single source of calories, initially wheat and later barley, eventually led to the collapse of the Sumerians’ entire production system, sealing the fate of their civilization. Contrast this with the highly diversified agricultural system of the Inca Empire, which at its peak spanned 4,000 km along the Andes mountain range in South America, from tropical Ecuador to temperate Central Chile. Despite coastal deserts and barren highlands, the Incas succeeded in creating one of the most sophisticated and sustainable food production systems ever recorded. By building a gigantic network of terraces and irrigation systems, scattered over thousands of kilometers, they established a highly diversified food production matrix. Local adaptation to altitude, heat, frost, drought and different soil types resulted in the breeding and cultivation of more than 50 varieties of maize and 4,000 varieties of potatoes, supported by highly resilient and nutritious crops like peppers, squashes and pumpkins, quinoa, amaranth, tarwi and goldenberry. Now consider this. The relatively ‘undeveloped’ Inca Empire – a civilization that didn’t invent the wheel, paper or written language – usually kept between 3 to 7 years’ worth of food supply in storage. The world currently has only 10 weeks of wheat supplies left. Although the Inca Empire comprised only 10 million people, its level of food security achieved through greater diversity offers an important historical lesson. In the modern developed world, farm technology, improved transportation, efficient storage and marketing have all played a large part in ensuring an annual caloric surplus of 23 per cent. Skilled breeding of a variety of plants and animals have raised yields while reducing areas of farmed land. This success has relied on the study and exploitation of diverse species with valuable attributes. But this diversity is being wiped out by the introduction of high-yielding single varieties grown on ever-expanding acres of commercial farmland. These ‘monocultures’ require enormous amounts of oil, fertilizers and agrochemicals, and specialised farming methods suited for very particular environments. This lack of diversity creates a precarious situation. A small reduction in inputs or altered climate patterns – or worse still, a combination of both – may tilt the whole system off balance and lead to widespread hunger. The good news is scientists are on the front foot, exploring ways to better preserve, study and understand a rich repertoire of ‘non-elite’ crop varieties from around the world. Despite the pre-eminence of a handful of crops in our current food system, more than 50,000 plant species are edible, with 7,000 of these considered semi-cultivated. Opportunities afforded by new, high-throughput genetic technologies are starting to contribute to a better characterisation of these valuable genetic resources. The first cases of de novo domestication have recently appeared, a technique that allows certain genes to be edited in a wild species to create traits of agronomic value. This can accelerate the design of new, highly climate resilient and nutritious crops. Tomatoes with enhanced lycopene content and environmentally resilient rice varieties have already been created. There is still time to ensure the world’s food supply is not concentrated on only a handful of vulnerable crop varieties. But a concerted global effort from both public and private sectors is needed to more effectively fund agricultural research. R&D plays a critical role in boosting agricultural productivity, improving food security and environmental sustainability. Further advances have the potential to fully ‘climate-proof’ future crops and enable us all to avoid a similar fate to the ancient Sumerians. Agustin Zsögön is Associate Professor of Molecular Plant Physiology at Federal University of Viçosa, Brazil. This article is part of a Special Report coinciding with Covering Climate Now’s joint coverage week on Food & Water. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 29, 2022

How India can counter religion in politics - 360 Rahul Mukherji Published on August 23, 2023 Six clear pathways to help India become more democratic and secular and counter the religious polarisation of politics. Less than a year out from a general election, India is in a political flux. The nation is dominated by populist, religiously polarised communal politics instead of being the secular, democratic and inclusive republic imagined in its constitution. Indian society is governed in a largely majoritarian way  — where there is little room for minority needs or views — and in a competitive and authoritarian framework. The national government’s authoritarian tendency was evidenced by the sudden removal of the special status of the only Muslim majority province of India  — Jammu and Kashmir — in the ideological capture of democratic institutions and in the weaponisation of laws against the regime’s political adversaries and critics. Jammu and Kashmir, which previously held special status and had a level of autonomy under the Indian constitution, was broken into two Union Territories that are directly governed by Delhi. However, India’s authoritarian tendencies are still not in the same league as Turkey, Bangladesh or Pakistan. There is still a chance the ballot box could be India’s best chance  of countering the threats to democracy and secularism. That would require Opposition parties to develop clear strategies to challenge the prevailing Hindutva  — Hindu-ness as the justification of Hindu nationalism  — ideology of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Possible pathways emerged after local elections in the southern state of Karnataka in May, where the BJP suffered a resounding defeat. The parties that make up the Opposition would stand a better chance at a general election if they could put aside individual self-interest in an effort to form a united front. This was the primary lesson from the Congress Party’s significant victory in the Karnataka state legislative elections. The formation of the “INDIA” or India National Developmental Inclusive Alliance compact at the national level between the Opposition parties is a step in that direction. The Congress Party’s success in Karnataka also showed the Opposition alliance needs to empower state level leaders wherever their respective parties are strong. Powerful sub-national, state-level leaders are an essential prerequisite for electoral success. The Congress party has influential state-level leaders in Karnataka, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, but not in other states. Regional parties such as the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam in Tamil Nadu, the Trinamool Congress in West Bengal and the Rashtriya Janata Dal in Bihar, enjoy an advantage over others because they are well-entrenched in their respective states. The bigger national parties need to accept their supremacy in these states. Civil society today can be an important ally of those challenging the majoritarianism of the Bharatiya Janata  Party. Bharatiya Janata Party’s mother organisation, the formidable Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh, is a force multiplier for the regime operating at the social level, spawning hundreds of so-called Hindu organisations and fronts. However, even it can be challenged. The Ekta Parishad played a positive role in dethroning Bharatiya Janata Party’s Raman Singh government in Chhattisgarh by taking on the Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh. Similarly, the Yeddelu Karnataka network brought together a large and diverse network of civil society organisations in Karnataka that played a significant role in consolidating the Muslim and Dalit vote, critical for the victory of the Congress Party. In national parties like the Congress, the central leadership could guide its state units with a lighter touch, rather than opting to exert tight centralised control. They need to pick a leader who can build consensus and resolve disputes between different party factions. They need to allow the state leadership to shine. These were all qualities on display during the legislative elections in Karnataka. An alternative popular narrative is essential to defeat communalism and authoritarianism. If the Opposition is fighting the communalism in politics, it needs a secular narrative that is inclusive of India’s religious diversity. The Congress Party in Karnataka followed this path, fighting attempts by the ruling party to get Hindu voters to close ranks behind the Bharatiya Janata Party. Congress fought , which were efforts to ban Muslim girls wearing head coverings in schools and universities. It also opposed attempts by Prime Minister Narendra Modi to communalise the polling when he urged voters to shout “Jai Bajrang Bali“, hailing the Hindu God Hanuman. Threats were also directed at the Sufi Muslim shrine in Baba Budangiri, which is revered by both Muslims and Hindus alike. Civil society groups successfully fought attempts to convert Baba Budangiri Dargah into yet another Ayodhya, where Hinduism is effectively pushing  Muslim presence aside. India’s Constitution guarantees its citizens the right to a decent livelihood with access to nutrition, health, education and work. Today, that rights-based approach is being replaced by the labharthi or beneficiary approach, which aims to create voters who feel grateful to the government for their ‘freebies’. The rights-based approach worked in Karnataka where it was articulated clearly. Rahul Mukherji is a professor and Head of the Department of Political Science, South Asia Institute, Heidelberg University in Germany. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on August 23, 2023

How India continues to punish those who attempt suicide - 360 Soumitra Pathare, Tanya Nicole Fernandes Published on April 19, 2023 Despite having the law on their side, people who attempted suicide in India are continually harassed by authorities and don’t receive appropriate help. Content warning: This article discusses sensitive topics such as suicide that some readers may find distressing. Early one Sunday morning, Latha (not her real name) and her husband were woken by police at their door demanding she accompany them to the local station. Having just returned from the hospital where she had received emergency treatment for attempting to poison herself, Latha had been relieved and grateful to finally be back home. But following this police harassment and intrusive questioning by her neighbours, a deep sorrow began to envelop her again. Latha’s story is sadly very common in India. In 2021, over 164,000 people were reported to have died by suicide in the country, a 7.2 percent increase in the number of suicides compared to 2020. Attempted suicide was a punishable offence under Section 309 of the Indian Penal Code until the passing of the Mental Healthcare Act in 2018, which in effect decriminalised suicide by creating a massive exception to Section 309. Section 115 of the act presumes that a person who has attempted suicide is under severe stress. Instead of punishment, the act urges governments to provide mental health support and rehabilitation. However, Section 115 of the Mental Healthcare Act has technically not repealed Section 309. A repeal requires a parliamentary amendment that omits attempted suicide from the Penal Code. Instead, Section 115 is an intermediary fix that waters down Section 309. It was meant to put an end to the harassment and blame faced by people like Latha and her family when seeking help. However, this has not commonly been the case. In practice, when a patient who has attempted suicide comes to a medical facility, the incident is registered as both a medical and legal case and the police are informed. The police contact the family and interview the patient and although they do not often prosecute the patient, they frequently harass and extort them and their family. Governments have also not issued any guidance to either doctors or police on how to deal with attempted suicide in light of Section 115 of the Mental Healthcare Act, allowing these old practices to continue. What they could do is require doctors who inform the police when a person is admitted after a suspected suicide attempt, to also indicate the likelihood it was an attempted suicide and the chances of any foul play. For example, the suicide attempt may have been precipitated by domestic violence or physical abuse, or it could be an attempted murder staged to look like a suicide. While police would still have to investigate under either scenario, the way they approach these situations could be very different if given the proper guidance and training, allowing them to sensitively handle attempted suicides without placing unwarranted blame and stigma on survivors. The police cannot prosecute an attempted suicide unless they can produce evidence it was caused by triggers other than stress. The fact that attempted suicide is still treated as a crime in India hampers the provision of care to this vulnerable group. The fear of criminal prosecution and harassment prevents people from seeking help early. They tend to delay going to the hospital until the medical consequences of their attempt become potentially life-threatening. Many people who attempt suicide avoid seeking medical help completely. This is particularly important because the research shows those who attempt suicide are at the highest risk of another attempt in the six months following their initial attempt. If people seek timely help not only will they get the medical care they need, but they can also receive counselling and mental health support to prevent them from attempting suicide again. Maintaining suicide as a crime in the Penal Code has not been a deterrent. If it was, suicide rates would not have risen as significantly as they have in the past five years. According to data from India’s National Crime Record Bureau, the suicide rate — defined as the number of suicides divided by the population — increased from 9.9 per 100,000 people in 2017 (after the introduction of the Mental Healthcare Act) to 12.0 per 100,000 in 2021. The ideal solution would be to completely decriminalise suicide by removing all ambiguity and scrapping Section 309 from the Penal Code. India is not alone in being one of the many Commonwealth countries which still have anti-suicide legislation in their lawbooks despite suicide being decriminalised in the UK in 1961. There was no rise in UK suicide cases following the change of law. More recently, suicide rates decreased in Sri Lanka after the repeal of laws criminalising suicide in 1996. Destigmatising suicide in this way led to a more active and holistic response to the problem, which reduced suicides in the country. India has a while to go before Section 309 is off the law books. The Home and Health Ministry, which is responsible for police and medical professionals, has yet to issue clear guidelines and protocols to handle cases of attempted suicide. Ultimately, central and state governments could intervene on behalf of those who have attempted suicide, rather than always requiring police to investigate. They could provide evidence-based interventions for aftercare support and services. Examples such as the Centre for Mental Health Law & Policy’s contact and safety planning programme that uses health workers to provide brief interventions to patients who have recently attempted suicide in hospitals are effective in reducing suicides. The roles of the government, police and medical professionals are critical in easing the crisis of suicide in India. A good starting point may be honouring the exception created by Section 115 of the Mental Healthcare Act. If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, visit https://findahelpline.com/i/iasp. Tanya Nicole Fernandes is a research associate and Dr Soumitra Pathare is a consultant psychiatrist and director at the Centre for Mental Health Law & Policy, Indian Law Society, India. Dr Pathare tweets at @netshrink, and to follow the work of the centre head to @cmhlpindia. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 19, 2023

How India uses national interest as a smokescreen to muzzle the media - 360 Simran Agarwal Published on May 3, 2024 The Indian government is weaponising ‘national interest’ measures to close down reporting it deems critical of the Modi government. The idea of a squadron of government officials storming a newsroom to shut down news-gathering and seize laptops and phones of journalists would send shivers up the spine of anyone who values a free and open democracy. However, the current Indian government routinely uses national interest as a smokescreen to raid news houses critical of it. In 2023, the state launched a series of income tax-related searches and seizures at BBC India after the UK telecast of India: The Modi Question, a documentary about Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s involvement in the 2002 communal riots in Gujarat. The BBC had to shut shop in India. Foreign correspondents, most recently from France and Australia’s ABC have been forced out of the country for their critical reports. Similar intimidation tactics through the Enforcement Directorate have been used against domestic news media for reporting on state mishaps during the COVID-19 pandemic and the farmers’ protests. It is no surprise then that India ranked 161 out of 180 countries in 2023 in the annual media freedom index released by Reporters without Borders. However, this does not seem to worry the Indian government. Invoking ‘de-westernisation’, it is in the process of drawing up its own democracy and freedom indices. All these overbroad applications of the law beg the question: Is the press a threat to India’s national interest or the government’s interest? A raft of new policies enables government overreach to “quell dissent”, by embedding vague clauses within regulations governing news creation, access, and financial structures. While revamping existing news policies, in line with the ‘new laws for new India’ campaign to replace colonial-era codes, the government incorporated in them the same coercive regimes of intimidation and control. The Press and Registration of Periodicals Act, 2023 (PRP Act), revamped after 166 years, was brought in to uphold media freedom by (finally) digitising and streamlining the process of registration of news periodicals. While the PRP Act waters down some criminal liabilities on news, it extends the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) to cancel registrations for publishers who might be involved in “terrorist act or unlawful activity” or “for having done anything against the security of the state.” Unlawful activity under the UAPA could include anything spoken or written that “disclaims, questions, disrupts or is intended to disrupt the sovereignty and territorial integrity of India” or “cause disaffection against India.” The inclusion of UAPA in news policies raises alarms given its broad application to raid the offices of NewsClick in 2023. The rules under the PRP Act, currently under consultation, make provisions for government officials to undertake unannounced physical audits at news premises for verification of documents or upon receiving complaints. The state also sirens national interest to create barriers to journalists’ access to official sources and events. The newest Central Media Accreditation Guidelines, 2022 released by the Press Information Bureau, embedded within the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, lays the basis for cancelling journalistic accreditation if they act “in a manner that is prejudicial to the sovereignty and integrity of India, the security of state, friendly relations with foreign states, public order, decency or morality or in relation to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an offence.” Soon after they were released, the Editors Guild of India strongly opposed the addition of these arbitrary conditions and the fact that publishers cannot appeal the decisions. In the same way, the Digital Advertisement Policy (2023), which aims to spread government messaging, allows the government to decline empanelment to any website (including news) found to be “anti-national, obscene, indecent, anti-social, violative of communal harmony and national integrity or deemed objectionable or unsuitable.” Revenue from government advertising is vital for small and medium-sized news media in India. Between 2022-23 the government spent 2.22 billion rupees (USD$26.3 million) on advertising in newspapers alone. Therefore, having their empanelment to receive government advertisements revoked due to ambiguous application of “anti-national” and “anti-social” content would exacerbate their financial woes. Finally, the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021, (IT Rules) go beyond the permissible ambits of the parent act to consolidate the government’s power to command online platforms to block access to specific online news content in the name of national security. These provisions – such as Section 69A of the IT Act – afford the state complete confidentiality over the reasons behind removing news content. This was evident in the recent notices to block the YouTube channels of the independent news portals National Dastak and Bolta Hindustan as well as the Facebook page of Article 19, a digital news site. Not long ago, the news magazine, Caravan was also asked to take down an article covering civilian tortures in militarised Kashmir under the same provisions. Since the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting gained these powers in 2021, it has blocked access to 174 news posts and channels. Despite the constitutional validity of the IT rules being questioned in the courts, the state is widely applying these censorial controls. The state also guarantees its powers over the news through the formalisation of the Press Information Bureau Fact Check Unit as the arbiter of truth. The IT Rules mandate that “false, fake, or misleading” content about the government — as determined by the unit — must be taken down by online platforms. The Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology hastily notified the Press Information Bureau as the “fact check unit of the government” on March 20, 2024 when the Bombay High Court refused an interim stay on its establishment. However, the Supreme Court upheld appeals from a stand-up comedian and journalists’ organisations cautioning that the excessive powers it grants the government to filter truth during the crucial period leading up to the 2024 general elections. While claiming to embark on a “soft-touch oversight mechanism” for the media, the government at the centre continually redirects final decision-making powers to itself. This includes the powers to appoint the Press Registrar General of India, the Central Media Accreditation Committee, and the Inter-departmental Committee and Broadcast Advisory Council to handle grievances from online news. Most other policies allow the central government to delegate functions in the future by using catch-all terms like “specified authority”, “designated officer”, “authorised agent”, and “as may be prescribed”. This strategic institution of unclear and open-ended news policies obscures the actual lack of autonomy of regulators and the true intentions of the state. Simran Agarwal is a doctoral researcher at the Laboratory of Excellence for Culture Industries and Artistic Creation (LabEx ICCA), Sorbonne Paris Nord University in France. Her research closely looks at the various forms, mechanisms, and impacts of state and platform governance on the digital news landscape in India. This article has been republished as part of a series on the 2024 Indian elections. It was originally published on May 1, 2024. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 3, 2024

How India's beaches can unlock a nuclear-powered future - 360 Rudra Prasad Pradhan, Kalyani Yeola Published on April 15, 2024 India’s Indigenous Prototype Fast Breeder Nuclear Reactor (PFBR) and abundant thorium reserves hold key to India’s future energy security. India’s Kerala state is famous for its languid beauty, laidback lifestyle and stunning beaches. But it’s what lies beneath that has the country’s nuclear industry excited. Kerala — ‘God’s Own Country’ — is also home to a massive amount of thorium, which India’s nuclear scientists see as the prospective mineral to help fuel an indigenous nuclear power programme. Indeed, India has the largest thorium deposits in the world, with the golden beaches of Odisha in eastern India also home to the prized mineral. Together, Kerala and Odisha account for over 70 percent of India’s thorium. The reason for the fuss is understandable: India’s Department of Atomic Energy (DoAE) scientists consider thorium as a “practically inexhaustible energy source” which will not emit greenhouse gases. India’s first home built prototype fast breeder reactor, the 500 megawatt Kalpakkam nuclear plant in Tamil Nadu, which has undergone successful tests, offers a glimpse of how thorium can help power the nation. Although thorium itself is not enough. It needs to be converted to Uranium-233 in a reactor before it can be used as fuel. The Kalpakkam reactor demonstrated that this conversion is possible. As of 2014, India’s Department of Atomic Energy (DoAE) claimed to have “established 11.93 million tonnes of in situ resources of monazite (thorium-bearing mineral)” in six Indian states. These reserves contain about 1.07 million tonnes of thorium. Last month Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi took time out from his election campaign to visit the Kalpakkam power plant to witness the “commencement of core loading”. The plant’s successful core-loading is a benchmark development to achieve India’s sustainable nuclear energy security. Once operational, the plant will mark the critical second stage in India’s three-stage nuclear power programme. Following the core loading process, the Kalpakkam reactor will undergo its first approach to criticality, leading to power generation. Given India’s patchy uranium reserves and the Nuclear Supply Group’s substantial multilateral export control regime on the supply of nuclear materials, equipment and technology, policy makers have, for some time, been working on a long-term goal of utilising indigenously available thorium. While thorium is no magic metal or a nuclear fuel by and in itself, it can, however, be used to create such a fuel. Researchers agree that Thorium-232, “the only naturally occurring isotope of thorium, is considered ‘fertile’ for fission”.  But it needs a “driver”, such as uranium and plutonium, to “trigger and maintain a chain reaction”. When sufficiently irradiated, Thorium-232 undergoes a series of nuclear reactions. This leads to forming Uranium-233 which can then be “split” to release energy to power a nuclear reactor. In a June 2019 statement in the Indian Parliament, the government said that the Department of Atomic Energy “planned the use of large deposits of thorium available in the country as a long-term option”. But this decision was not entirely new. It was part of an old plan that tied in with Atomic Energy department scientists and officials’ previously laid out three-stage nuclear power programme. If India can use its thorium, it will it from dependence on the uncertain uranium supply chain regime. In simpler terms, the three-stage nuclear power programme aimed to multiply the “domestically available” fissile resource through the use of natural uranium in Pressurised Heavy Water Reactors (PHWRs), followed by the use of plutonium obtained from the spent fuel of PHWRs in Fast Breeder Reactors. “Large scale use of thorium” will follow, making use of Uranium-233 that will be “bred” in reactors. Five years ago, the government took steps “towards technology development and demonstration” to ultimately put in place a “mature technology” so that thorium utilisation was “available in time”. While domestic energy self-sufficiency was the goal, India is also caught up in a thorium-related global race that underscores the geopolitics surrounding this ‘power’ metal. In June 2023, China took steps to issue an “operating permit” for an “experimental molten salt thorium nuclear reactor”. This reactor, located in the Gobi Desert, will be put through tests in the next few years. The US, UK and Japan are said to have shown enthusiasm for research in the application of thorium in nuclear power. Part of the Indian determination to pursue an indigenous course on nuclear energy was the lack of any significant movement by the US on commercially providing nuclear reactors. This may have stemmed from past US governmental and suppliers’ “anxieties” even after the July 2005 civil nuclear agreement that did not bear much fruit insofar as India was concerned. Mutual US-India trust and confidence appeared to have been restored in 2023 when the Biden administration sought to “tangibly consummating” the accord “by completing the negotiations for nuclear reactor sales to India”. This could give an impetus India-US collaboration in nuclear energy in general and “development of next generation small modular reactor technologies in a collaborative mode” in particular. At the same time, a potential deal between India and France, for the construction of six new large European Pressurised Reactors at Jaitapur in Maharashtra, has not been “concluded”. Negotiations between the French supplier, Electricite de France, unexpectedly stalled because of “unresolved problems”, including liability. This relates to payments in the event of an accident. India’s nuclear cooperation with Canada dates back several years. a bilateral agreement was signed between the DoAE and Canada’s Cameco in 2015in which  Cameco would supply 3220.50 tonnes of “uranium concentrate” under a long-term contract through to 2020 for India to meet its energy needs. While the governments agreed in February 2018 to “expand the on ongoing mutually-beneficial civil nuclear cooperation”, there has been little tangible progress on the ground. As recently as March, it was revealed that Russia’s state-owned atomic energy company, Rosatom, was in negotiations with India for a “possible supply of technology” for small modular reactors which can be constructed in about four years and rely on comparatively less water consumption. The slowdown in partnership commitments of western nuclear powers prompted India’s  government to make “sustained efforts” in “different areas of thorium fuel cycle” which was aligned with the much tom-tommed “self-sufficiency” in critical and sensitive areas. The DoAE’s efforts are directed at enlarging the current thorium-related research and development  work and activities to a bigger scale and towards development of technologies. However, the commercial utilisation of thorium on a “significant scale can begin only when abundant supplies of either Uranium-233 or Plutonium resources are available”. Indian researchers and scientists agree that it will take decades before the commercial establishment of the Fast Breeder Reactor (FBR) stage is achieved. But some other researchers say it is “possible to considerably advance” the thorium stage if certain technical processes are deployed before the DoAE takes steps to “enter” the FBR stage on a big scale. Notwithstanding the delay, thorium-based systems will be a game-changer in decarbonising India’s energy sector, especially when it aims to treble its nuclear power generation capacity by 2030 to “meet the twin goals of energy security and sustainable development”. While India has taken major steps on thorium-related research and is a recognised partner in most fora under the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), it remains an outsider in other “multilateral collectives” that focus on thorium-based systems. India can, however, push for thorium-based systems and fuel cycle on a faster track if it is able to leverage its R&D and non-proliferation credentials as part of international forums. Rudra Prasad Pradhan serves as Professor at the Department of Humanities and Social Sciences at the Birla Institute of Technology and Science, Pilani, Goa Campus. A PhD in International Relations, he also serves as Political Economy Distinguished Fellow at the Centre for Public Policy Research, India. Kalyani Yeola is a Senior Research Fellow at the Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, BITS, Pilani, Goa Campus. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 15, 2024

How India's COVID lockdowns impacted menstrual health - 360 Karan Babbar Published on February 21, 2024 Limited access to period products during India’s COVID lockdowns highlighted how far public health initiatives have to go when it comes to menstruation. Indian women used far fewer sanitary pads, tampons and other period products during COVID-19 lockdowns — with those items becoming hard to access due to not being initially included on the essential items list. For those in the red zones — the districts under the strictest lockdown measures — research reveals a 53 percent decline in the distribution of sanitary pads to adolescent girls, compared to girls in green zones under the lightest lockdown measures. Consumption dropped 16 per cent in the most strictly locked-down districts of India during 2020. In rural districts alone, it dropped 25 per cent. “Accessing pads in the lockdown was a major crisis for us in the village because the shops in the market were shut and there was no other source to avail it from,” one 19-year-old living in the village of Hardiya in the eastern state of Bihar said. Her solution was to band together with a group of friends to try to source the products for their village. The cost of period products soared during lockdowns too. “Since disposable pads were not available easily, this led to black marketing,” one 27-year-old professional said. “I had to pay almost double the price to procure the product.” Period poverty — the lack of access to resources and education linked to menstrual health and hygiene, including essential items like period products, washing facilities, and proper waste management — has long been a pressing concern in India. Its roots can be traced back to patriarchal notions that label menstruation as impure and dirty, restricting the freedom of those who menstruate during their periods. Despite global recognition of menstrual health as a public health and human rights issue,period poverty continues to taint the experiences of the individuals who menstruate in India. This prompted the government to initiate a Menstrual Hygiene Scheme in 2011 for adolescent girls across the country. The scheme involves distribution of sanitary pads alongside educational programmes on menstrual health. However, the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated period poverty, primarily due to the widespread job losses and financial difficulties resulting from extended quarantines and business closure. The lockdown impacted the distribution of sanitary pads under the scheme. The consumption of period products was also affected. Media reports highlighted period poverty during the pandemic in India, attributing it to the delayed inclusion of the period products in the essentials list at the beginning of the lockdown. Several factors contributed to the decline, including administrative delays for getting work permits, labour shortages due to migration and the reallocation of social workers to COVID related tasks. But overall they showed a gap in the healthcare system to address this gender equity divide. These challenges forced women and other people who menstruate to use the same period products for extended periods or resort to alternatives including clothes and rags. The effect on menstrual health was acute, including irregular menstrual cycles, heavy bleeding, and infections, which led to the genital tract-related diseases. In disaster-like situations, individuals who menstruate often find themselves at the bottom of the priority list. During the pandemic, resources were diverted to combat the virus, leaving period products unavailable and inaccessible. This, in turn, led to compromised menstrual health, exacerbating stress and anxiety among those who menstruate. Prioritising the rights of the individuals who menstruate, especially in emergency-related situations, is imperative. Moving forward, there are specific measures the government and policymakers could take to support menstrual health and hygiene. These include ensuring the availability and accessibility of period products during emergencies and  incentivising manufacturers working in the similar industry to start making period products. They could also conduct public health communication campaigns via mass media and social media channels to dispel taboos and myths surrounding menstruation, and improve measures for effective menstrual health and hygiene. By taking these steps, India and other countries can work towards a more inclusive and supportive environment for individuals who menstruate, especially during challenging times. Dr Karan Babbar is an Assistant Professor at Jindal Global Business School, OP Jindal Global University. His research sits at the intersection of education, health and gender. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 21, 2024

How India's economy and Hindu right rise together - 360 Sabyasachi Basu Ray Chaudhury Published on August 23, 2023 India’s middle class has been the big winner from a deregulated economy. In turn, that middle class helps fuel the rise of populism and Hindu nationalism. India is undergoing seismic political and cultural changes as Hindu nationalism, fuelled by the rise of neoliberal economic ideas, radically restructures the country. As ‘Hindutva’, or ‘Hinduness’, dominates public life, neoliberal themes of market and trade deregulation and privatisation to reduce the role of the state in the economy are being applied. While these changes benefit new elites and a growing middle class, they hit the working class. To understand the changes in India under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, it is necessary to recognise the essential characteristics of the ‘Gujarat model’ of development, which he has held as one to be emulated by the rest of the country. As chief minister of the state of Gujarat from 2001 to 2014, Modi oversaw an administration that sparked rapid economic growth. The model is based on the old Gujarati tradition of collaboration between the state and the corporate sector, the maintenance of low wages to increase profit, the provision of tax holidays to induce investment and the acquisition of private land to be alloted to industry at a massive subsidy. All this is done to the exclusion of social spending, winning the endorsement of the elite — the new middle class and dominant upper castes. These latent “Gujarati values” have now become the primary ingredients of the magic formula for establishing a muscular Indian nation-state. India started its post-colonial journey as a constitutionally secular nation with the goal of building itself into a liberal democracy. The necessary institutions required for establishing a liberal democracy were duly established and nurtured, despite occasional aberrations and hiccups.However, India now seems to be turning to the right, just as many other powerful countries have done in the 21st century. This rightward shift in India was aided by two inextricably linked transformations: an illiberal turn in Indian democracy and the rapid movement towards a neoliberal economic system. This has happened while India has retained most of the formal representative institutions of democracy. Neoliberalism became the dominant public discourse globally and India too moved to open up its economy in the early 1990s. This had two major consequences for Indian society. First, under the spell of the neoliberal economy, almost all economic activities became subject to the market, to be assessed primarily in terms of money. Temporary and market-based contracts displaced permanent arrangements in the economic, professional, cultural and political spheres. Second, the neoliberal economy spelt utter disaster for the organised working class. In the formerly unionised or semi-unionised organised industrial sectors, workers were gradually disempowered by  measures like the closure of industrial units or the expanded right to hire and fire through contractualisation of employment. Before the Indian economy opened up in the 1990s, there was discernible, although not consistent, movement towards creating a welfare state. While the trade unions were strong in the public sector such as the railways, the banking sector and the insurance sector, especially after their nationalisation , the overwhelming majority of the workforce was employed in the unorganised sector like the construction industry. Not unionised and unprotected by laws as in the organised sector, it was unable to negotiate effectively with the employers. Today, even in the regulated organised sector, the employees — especially in the emerging information technology and the communications sector —  are unable to unionise for the fear of losing their jobs. In the emerging gig economy, the scope for forming unions is bleak, as most of the employees are casual or contractual workers. One of the results of the liberalisation of the economy was the expansion of the middle class in metropolitan cities where quality education and better-paid jobs in service sectors were more easily available. This class, riding on the wave of neoliberalisation of the economy, has found in militant religious nationalism a new self-esteem. The neoliberal economy, in effect, created more space for the politics of the Hindu Right. Modi’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party, primarily selling this ideology, has been effective in manufacturing consent through its cultivation of the emerging middle class. That middle class appreciates the pleasure of ownership of private property, gated communities and values of individualism above all else. The new middle class and the echo chambers of the powers-that-be equally relish the close contacts and connections between the government and the captains of industry and finance. The government frequently turns to these ‘captains’ for advice, and delivers them favours by undervaluing state assets set for privatisation. State subsidisation of capitalists and its active acceptance by the middle class has become the new norm. These developments have been accompanied by a growing judicialisation of administration. This implies a strong preference for governance by decree, executive fiat or by judicial decisions instead of democratic, participatory, deliberative and legislative decision-making. Only a few years ago, the critical issues of policy-making were mostly being deliberated upon on the floor of the national and state legislatures. The government now seems to prefer to tweak the legislative process, almost keeping the opposition in the dark. Examples include overhauling the Indian Police Act or the Code of Criminal Procedure of the colonial era by placing the bills without duly itemising the agenda of the national legislature, or taking vital policy decisions when the Parliament is not in session. The state and the new middle class look up more and more to the judiciary for remedy of any ‘‘aberration’’ in the administration, while the access to judiciary remains only nominally egalitarian and extremely expensive. Businesses collaborate intimately with state actors and also have acquired a strong role in formulating legislation. This nexus brooks no criticism, so the regulatory framework favours corporations, rules are changed mid-game which favour certain corporations and new forms of digital surveillance and policing of citizens multiply. All of this undermining of traditional practices and institutions makes homogenous Hindu nationalism a dominant theme in India. And that comes at the cost of basic rights for religious and ethnic minorities and denies the country’s multiple histories and multiple geographies. Sabyasachi Basu Ray Chaudhury is Professor of Political Science at Rabindra Bharati University, Kolkata, India. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on August 23, 2023

How India's sweets industry has adapted to diabetes - 360 Ishita Dey Published on January 17, 2024 The link between sweets and diabetes has introduced a new challenge that sweets shops have decided to tackle head-on. Sweets are a ubiquitous part of Bengali diet and culture, making the state the sweets capital of India. Sweets shops form an integral part of every neighbourhood, with their versatile range of breakfast and snack-related savouries and sweets, primarily made from milk, milk base, sugar and flour. A 2023 national study charted the prevalence of overall diabetes and prediabetes across rural and urban areas of West Bengal, compounded with hypertension and abdominal obesity. Of the total number of diabetic patients in India, 101 million people were diagnosed with diabetes and 136 million were prediabetic. An important consequence of greater diabetes awareness is the increasing demand for sugar-free products. Sweets shops across India, especially in West Bengal, are making efforts to meet this demand. Recent research in West Bengal has shown how sweets shops have tried to address this health-related risk. A range of less sweet or kom mishti sweets made from chhana (a milk curd used as a base) and sucralose (a sugar substitute) have been introduced by sweets shops. Sweets are costly and lacking in nutritional value, but they carry a sentimental, emotional and cultural value. As such, these modified sweets attempt to balance health and luxury. Despite their popularity, sweets shops have a history of controversy — from being accused of diverting milk supplies essential for the nutrition of mothers and children in the 1960s to being a health risk among a population susceptible to diabetes. In 1965, West Bengal’s Chief Minister introduced bans on chhana-based and milk-based sweets through the West Bengal Milk Products Control Order 1965. The public debates that followed related to cultural heritage and loss of livelihood of sweets shop owners and artisans, showing that sweets were not perceived as essential commodities. Now the linkage of sweets with diabetes has introduced a new challenge that sweets shops have decided to tackle head-on. A special issue of Loksanskriti Gabeshana, a research journal of folk culture, on Bengali sweets features an advertisement by a sweets shop in North Kolkata, challenging the associated risk of diabetes. It reads, “Eating sweets does not lead to diabetes; diabetic patients should stay away from sweets.” This spirit has led to the making of ‘sugar free sweets’ at many popular Kolkata sweets shops. This new kom mishti or sugar-free nomenclature has taken over the glass showcases of West Bengal’s sweets shops. Sandesh, made from a cooked paste of chhana and sugar, has emerged as a site of experimentation. Sweets shops have started selling bhapa (steamed) sandesh made with less sugar or other sweeteners. The Indian government permits artificial sweeteners across 25 food items, including confectioneries and traditional sweets. A notification by the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare amending the Prevention of Food Adulteration Rules 2003 permits artificial sweeteners such as saccharin, aspartame, acesulfame-K and sucralose. Sucralose is mostly preferred over other sweeteners. Sucralose is a synthetic organochlorine sweetener that is used across food products, but scientific studies have pointed to its adverse effects. Research identifies two types of sweeteners, based on calorie count: non-calorie sweeteners and low-calorie sweeteners. The three permissible artificial sweeteners are all non-calorie sweeteners. Irrespective of calorie content, a product’s taste is judged on its comparison with a conventional sweet containing sucrose. Most sweets shops rely on synthetic sweeteners and have switched to skimmed milk or lower-fat milk to prepare these products. An informal survey of sweets shop owners reveals that although they sell low-calorie sweets, they are unable to provide an exact calorie count for such sweets without standardised methods of production. One salesman raised the question of introducing zero-calorie rosogolla, a sweet traditionally rich in sweetness and arguably the state’s most popular export. And a sweets shop owner said:  “New tags! Are we actually producing anything different? If you are not allowed to eat something because it will worsen your medical condition, stop eating that. But to hold an industry responsible for diabetes is insane.” Reiterating the advertisement of the north Kolkata sweets shop, he added: “If I am a diabetic patient, I will not indulge in sweets. Having sweets in moderation cannot be bad. What about chocolates?” The statements reflect the fraught sentiments on the connections between health risks and the sweets industry. Initiatives such as newly introduced herbal sweets from Hindusthan Sweets point to newer, health-based avenues of expansion for the industry. Healthy products can move beyond the sugar content of sweets to the possibilities of exploring combinations of other ingredients. In sweets shops with quality control laboratories, such as K.C. Das Private Limited, reproducing the taste of a low-calorie sweet remains the biggest concern. Dairy scientists warn that one must select sugar substitutes with caution. The sweeteners available to the sweets industry are primarily of two varieties: relatively sweet and high-intensity sweeteners. According to dairy scientists, a combined use of sugar substitutes and bulking agents could yield better results, especially to maintain the texture and taste of the sweet. For sweets makers, the sensory aspect of their creations is as important as calorie content and not easy to get right when substituting ingredients. It remains to be seen how sweets shops will introduce sugar-free products beyond the sandesh and expand it to other sweet items. While sweets shops are experimenting with low-calorie sweets made with sugar substitutes, the state could invest in quality-control laboratories for indigenous sweets industries across India, so artisans and owners of sweets shops receive appropriate training on synthetic sweeteners and their impact on glycemic health. To echo the sentiment of the sweets shop advertisement, sweets cannot be viewed as the enemy of diabetic patients. Instead, there should be concerted efforts to bring sweets shops into conversation about refined sugar, jaggery and synthetic sweeteners for the future of the sweets industry and people’s health. Ishita Dey teaches at the Department of Sociology, South Asian University, Delhi and has taught in various capacities in Ambedkar University Delhi and Lady Shri Ram College for Women. She is a member of Calcutta Research Group. Her upcoming monograph, tentatively titled Sweet Excess. Biography of Sweet Encounters in West Bengal and Bangladesh, follows the making of sweets and changing meanings of sweetness. Her areas of interest are food, migrant labour and senses. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on January 17, 2024

How Indonesian media has covered the war - 360 Ika Idris, Prasetia Pratama, Nala Edwin Published on February 23, 2024 Data showed the view of the Indonesian government was not very prominent in the news. The two-year-old Russian invasion of Ukraine divided public opinion in many countries. Media coverage has naturally had a significant influence on people’s views, especially in countries far removed from the conflict. The war has strained international ties, with a refugee emergency, diplomatic tension, energy supply uncertainty and global economic anxiety. While many countries have loudly condemned the war, others have responded more cautiously. In Indonesia, sentiment in the media towards Russia’s invasion has been overwhelmingly negative, reflecting widespread condemnation of the aggression. An analysis of news reports relating to the war reveals important insights about the kind of information reaching the Indonesian public and the figures who have had the most prominent voice in the news. In Indonesia, pro-Russia propaganda spread through social media, like YouTube and TikTok, as well as established news websites such as Tribun Timur and Tribun News. According to the US Global Engagement Center, Russia has five pillars of propaganda: official government communications, state-funded global messaging, cultivation of proxy sources, weaponisation of social media, and cyber disinformation. In Indonesia, the cultivation of proxy sources and weaponisation of social media have effectively influenced narratives of the war and the image of Russian president Vladimir Putin. Russia and Ukraine both have a significant role in the Indonesian economy through trade in energy and food commodities. An analysis of online news in Indonesia was warranted by the country’s ‘free and active’ foreign policy principles. Information about the war in Ukraine in online media is essential for several reasons. First, it provides the Indonesian government and public with current updates on the situation and fosters a better understanding of the conflict’s complexities, its humanitarian impact, and potential geopolitical consequences. Additionally, online media serves as a crucial platform for sharing diverse perspectives and analyses. In our analysis, we collected news from Factiva using two keywords in Bahasa Indonesia: “Russia invasion” (invasi Rusia) and “Russia attack” (serangan Rusia). From February 24, 2022, to January 31, 2024, there were 3,279 results, consisting of 2,094 online articles from publishers and 1,185 other web-based articles. Most were published by Antara (Indonesia’s official news bureau), followed by Jawa Pos, Republika, and Tribun News. Three focused media – on economy, equity, and investment – were also at the top of the list: Bisnis Indonesia, IQPlus News, and Investor Daily. We then sampled 600 articles to explore the main topics, sentiment towards Russia, types of sources in the news, and top opinion leaders. The majority of articles covered the invasion itself (30.55 percent), followed by the impact of the war (10.34 percent), victims of conflict (8.34 percent) and other related topics. From the 600 samples, we also found 294 news sources came from various backgrounds such as national leaders, academics and journalists with the most quoted sources from foreign governments and intergovernmental organisations (29.8 percent), followed by the Ukraine government (17 percent) and the Russian government (6.8 percent). From this data, it’s clear the view of the Indonesian government was not very prominent in the news. The voice of the public and civil society organisations in the Ukraine war was also very small, only around 7.22 percent. While foreign governments and intergovernmental organisations were the most quoted sources, the voices of the public and civil society organisations were relatively marginalised, highlighting a potential gap in representing diverse perspectives in media coverage. The news on the Russian invasion of Ukraine received widespread negative sentiments (65.83 percent), followed by neutral sentiments (31.33 percent), and only 2.83 percent positive sentiments. When we analysed the sentiments, we found at least two main narratives about the invasion. The first one was about Putin’s ambition to restore the glory of the Soviet Union. In this narrative, the Russian army and Putin were portrayed as easily taking down Ukraine and would soon target Baltic countries such as Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. The second narrative portrayed that Russia’s invasion was a lesson for the West’s intervention in the Soviet Union through NATO. The top influencer was Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelenskyy (quoted in 58 articles), followed by US President Joe Biden (quoted in 21 articles), Putin (14 articles), and UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres (11 articles). The only Indonesian in the top 10 list of news influencers was a professor at Universitas Indonesia, Hikmahanto Juwana (7 articles). Indonesian President Joko Widodo only appeared three times in our sample, and the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs appeared twice. So it would seem that the Indonesian government machinery has got its work cut out for it in its efforts to place the Indonesian government and Indonesian leaders more prominently in the global press. Ika Idris & Prasetia Pratama are researchers at Monash Data & Democracy Research Hub. Nala Edwin is a lecturer at LSPR Communication & Business Institute, Jakarta. This analysis is a collaboration with the Centre for Information Resilience, a non-profit dedicated to researching and tackling disinformation, investigating war crimes and human rights abuses using open source data. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 23, 2024

How investors can help send modern slavery bust - 360 Erin O'Brien Published on November 21, 2022 Two groups have the power to hold businesses to account in cleaning up their supply chains. Now government needs to step up. Investors and consumers have become key players in the fight against modern slavery. There are around50 million victims of modern slavery, with more than half in forced labour. Australian businesses are directly connected to this human rights abuse through global supply chains, profiting from the forced labour of people exploited overseas and in Australia. Australia’s Modern Slavery Act 2018 encourages businesses to address this problem by requiring companies with more than AUD$100 million in annual revenue to report on their efforts to address modern slavery in their supply chains. But compliance is a low bar — businesses are only required to produce a report, rather than find, prevent, and remediate labour exploitation. And there’s no penalty for failing to comply. In place of government-imposed penalties, consumers and investors are expected to serve as an accountability mechanism by punishing or rewarding businesses for their performance in combating modern slavery through political investorism and consumerism. Political investorism takes many forms, such as divesting from non-complying companies, signing on to shareholder resolutions, lobbying superannuation funds to divest from high-risk industries, or using their financial stake in a business to advocate for more ethical business operations. Shareholders and other investors may have more leverage than consumers in influencing corporate behaviour — investors can target a wider range of industries and are more centrally connected to a company’s governance. Companies are like democracies, in the view of some civil society organisations. If so, shareholders could use their participatory rights to vote for resolutions on labour exploitation at annual general meetings. The world’s first shareholder resolution on modern slavery was led by the Australasian Centre for Corporate Responsibility in 2019,  calling on Coles Ltd., a supermarket, to address labour exploitation in its horticulture supply chains. This action led to Coles engaging more closely with unions on labour issues. Institutional investors have also joined forces to encourage companies to act on modern slavery in their supply chains. The Investors Against Slavery and Trafficking Asia Pacific initiative, established in 2020, brings together nearly 40 investors with combined assets under management of approximately AUD$7.8 trillion, to encourage businesses to tackle the problem of modern slavery. Superannuation funds have also taken a strong lead in this area. The Australian Council of Superannuation Investors has joined forces with the Responsible Investment Association of Australasia to release a best-practice guide for investors to report on modern slavery. These initiatives, along with the Finance Against Slavery and Trafficking initiative, demonstrate the willingness of market actors to make investment decisions based on modern slavery. And consumers have power in this domain, too, starting with where they spend their money. If consumers refuse to a buy from a brand that facilitates modern slavery, or prioritise brands that are considered more ethical, there becomes a capital incentive for companies to clean up their supply chain. This kind of movement is known as political consumerism, also called ethical consumerism. Australian civil society organisations have mobilised shoppers in a bid to combat modern slavery in the production of food and fashion. The ‘Be Slavery Free’ scorecard annually ranks chocolate brands including Nestle, Mars, and Lindt across criteria, including paying a living wage and not using child labour. Baptist World Aid also takes a scorecard approach with its Ethical Fashion Guide, ranking brands like Patagonia, H&M, and Kmart based on criteria including how they respond to labour exploitation and whether they are listening to the workers in their supply chains. These scorecards aren’t just helpful for consumers — organisers report that in both cases some companies are keen to know how they can do better on modern slavery and improve their scores. There’s now even an app that can help consumers consider the labour conditions behind their clothing and accessories, giving brands a rating out of five, ranging from ‘Great’ to ‘We Avoid’. But some consumers are reluctant to pay more for ethically produced goods and services, or lack the necessary information to make a more ethical choice. Ethical consumerism campaigns can be impactful even if consumers do not change their buying habits en masse. Companies receiving low scores can receive negative media coverage, opening up potential consumer and shareholder backlash. This alone can often be enough to catalyse change. As a tool combatting modern slavery, ethical consumerism is limited as it can only target consumer-facing industries. There will likely always be consumers and investors who are unwilling to use their financial power to advocate for an end to modern slavery. Similarly, while some businesses are responsive to consumer and investor pressure, other tools are needed to deal with the laggards. Governments must play a role as consumers and investors cannot be solely responsible for solving the problem of modern slavery. Governments in other jurisdictions are considering stricter legislation to deal with the problem. For example, the European Union is contemplating adopting a mandatory human rights due diligence legislation. Other legislative proposals target specific industries, such as New York’s legislation which seeks to address labour exploitation in the garment industry. To keep pace with global trends and make a real commitment to meeting the UN’s Sustainable Development Goal 8.7 to eradicate forced labour and end modern slavery, the Australian government may need to take a greater role, imposing penalties on companies failing to take the problem of modern slavery seriously. Consumers and investors are part of the solution, but alone can’t hold businesses fully accountable. Erin O’Brien is an Associate Professor and Australian Research Council DECRA Fellow in the Centre for Justice, Queensland University of Technology. Her research examines political advocacy and lobbying, with a focus on political consumerism and investorism on issues including modern slavery and climate change. This research was undertaken with financial assistance from the Australian Research Council (Grant number: DE210100735) Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 21, 2022

How is Southeast Asia's charge to EVs going? - 360 Tham Siew Yean Published on November 1, 2023 Who’s leading the race to develop electric vehicles in Southeast Asia? The answer is complicated. Southeast Asia is racing to increase the demand and production of electric vehicles. With road vehicles responsible for 89 percent of transport-related pollution in the region, EVs are not only seen as part of the solution to reducing carbon emissions but also a way to drive new investments leading to more jobs, stronger economic development and technological advances. Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand and Vietnam are leading the charge. But it’s a long road. EV market penetration is still low. EV sales were just 2.1 percent of total vehicle sales in Southeast Asia in 2022, compared to 2.3 percent in India and 29 percent in China. The slow development of charging infrastructure and the relatively higher cost of EVs, which are usually imported, are to blame. While each nation is using tools such as subsidies and tax exemptions to reduce the cost of EVs for consumers, building electric vehicles and their components in-country is seen as the key to accelerating the industry. Indonesia, for instance, is subsidising the cost of converting motorbikes to electric along with installing more charging stations and encouraging local vehicle assembly in the bid to lower prices. The EV supply chain comprises mining and processing minerals, battery production, battery swapping, semiconductors, EV production/assembly, battery recycling, along with research and development. The battery is the heart of EV production, so each country is eager to jump-start their EV battery industry. Indonesia is leading the race due to its large nickel reserves which are banned for export to assist the shift towards activities such as the manufacture of lithium-ion batteries (see graphic). But the others are catching up with the discovery of critical minerals in Malaysia as well as the reported mining of nickel in Vietnam by Australian company, Blackstone Minerals, for production in 2025. New EV batteries are being developed that will reduce the use of nickel to a combination of minerals that are more readily available and cost-effective. Figure 1: Emerging pattern of EV development in Southeast Asia as of October 2023. Battery swapping is one way to overcome the limitations of charging infrastructure and to reduce the time needed for charging batteries, especially for bikes. This has gained traction in some big cities through various companies: Swap Energy in Indonesia, Blueshark Ecosystem in Malaysia, Swap and Go in Thailand and Selex Motors in Vietnam. The production of semiconductor chips is concentrated mainly in Malaysia and Thailand with Germany’s Infineon Technologies building a plant in Malaysia for the production of EV batteries. E-bikes have already taken off with assembly operations found in all four countries. Hyundai has a factory about 40km from Jakarta while Volvo is assembling plug-in hybrid vehicles in Malaysia. Mercedes Benz is assembling plug-in hybrids in Thailand, whereas local manufacturer Vinfast is manufacturing battery electric vehicles in Vietnam. Vietnam is the first country in Southeast Asia with a domestic producer. Recycling EV batteries is important for sustainability since the minerals used for production are scarce. Recycling will also help to reduce the environmental impact of mining these scarce resources. However, recycling is still in its infancy in Southeast Asia since many of the EVs in use have not reached the stage of having to deal with battery disposal. Malaysia, Thailand and Vietnam are planning recycling facilities with different partners. Research and development for EVs is also just budding since the technology for EV assembly is sourced from foreign investors and manufacturers. Vinfast’s R&D centre in Melbourne closed down in 2021 due to the Covid-19 pandemic. Vingroup, the parent company of Vinfast, is investing in battery research and development. China Automotive Technology and Research Centre is establishing a regional office in Thailand. Proton in Malaysia is working on the development of a homegrown EV for Malaysia, that would include esearch and development activities. The shift to EVs has to be accompanied with a shift towards a greener grid. Fossil fuels are still the major sources of electricity for Thailand, Indonesia and Malaysia, accounting for at least 80 percent of electricity production. Vietnam is the most advanced in using renewables for its electricity production. While there are plans in each country to green the grid, it remains to be seen whether the stated targets can be achieved. Southeast Asian nations are keen to shift away from internal combustion engines to EVs. With policies in place to encourage this transition, the EV sector is on the cusp of momentous change, including the shift towards domestic production and assembly. At the same time, there are tremendous technological changes, especially with batteries. This provides opportunities for other countries to hitch a ride on the EV juggernaut. However, it is important for each nation to increase the use of renewables so each can benefit from the use of EVs to facilitate the shift towards lower carbon transmissions. Tham Siew Yean is Visiting Senior Fellow at the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute and Emeritus Professor at Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. This article is being republished as part of a series on electric vehicles. It was originally published on October 30 as part of a Special Report on Energy Transition. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: Tham Siew Yean, ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 1, 2023

How Jakarta has dug itself into a hole - 360 Bosman Batubara, Margreet Zwarteveen, Michelle Kooy Published on May 17, 2023 Deepgroundwater extraction wells are built by the business elites for commercial value. Better transparency will help manage them more sustainably. Indonesia’s capital, Jakarta, is sinking. In some places land subsidence is 20cm a year. Sea level rises are around 0.5cm/year. The rate of land subsidence is therefore far above that of sea-level rise; in some places, by a factor of 40. The sinking land, combined with sea level rise, increases the flood risk of the city as a whole. Flood events have dramatically increased over the past century. In 1892, only two flood events were recorded. By 1960 that had risen to five.  By 2010 that had leapt to 10. This increase is not so much related to rainfall as the data for total monthly rainfall between 1860 – 2007 is flat. Jakarta’s increasing susceptibility to flood risk, therefore, cannot be attributed to climate change-induced changes in rainfall patterns. Engineers and geoscientists have identified at least four factors as the cause of the sinking of Jakarta —excessive extraction of groundwater; the increasing weight of buildings; compaction of the young sediment alluvial soils on which the city is built; and tectonic activities. The two biggest contributing factors are the excessive extraction of groundwater and the weight of buildings. One study shows how these two most important causes of land subsidence are directly related to the specific ways in which uneven urbanisation unfolds in Jakarta – the gradual emergence of the city as a machine to squeeze profit for the already wealthy and well-connected elites. The excessive extraction of groundwater is an extended form of the vertical expansion of the city, consisting of the pumping of ever deeper wells to supply the water needed to make life above ground possible. There is a clear correlation between groundwater extraction and subsidence. In 1879, there were 42 groundwater wells within the city, whereas in 1968 there were 352. This means that in 89 years, the number of groundwater wells increased three times. However, by 1998, there were 3,626 registered groundwater wells in Jakarta —10 times as many. The city’s land subsidence has been a problem since the 1970s, in line with the period during which the total number of registered groundwater wells increased the most. In terms of the weight of buildings, the built environment in Jakarta expanded horizontally with a sharp increase since the 1960s. From the 1770s to the 1960s,  Jakarta’s modern-planned built area grew by only 17.7 percent. But by 2014, the modern-planned part of the city occupied 83.7 percent of the city’s total area, which means in around five decades, it grew by almost 65.5 percent. There is a clear pattern: land subsidence (starting to be a problem in the 1970s), the increase of groundwater wells and the expansion of the modern part of the city, all increased distinctively since the 1960s. These changes were all shaped by Indonesia’s political context. Between 1965 and 1998, Indonesia was under the control of an authoritarian regime called the ‘New Order’, led by an army general, Suharto. Suharto came to power through a coup d’etat backed by the CIA, overthrowing Sukarno, the first Indonesian president. Under Sukarno, Indonesia embraced a nationalist-left type of development, for example through an agrarian reform programme. Under Suharto, Indonesia embraced capitalist-centralised development with Jakarta at its epicentre. How Jakarta’s land subsidence is shaped by and contributes to shaping the uneven urbanisation of the New Order regime is expressed in the causes of its sinking: vertical extended urbanisation through excessive groundwater extraction and horizontal expansion of the modern part of the city through offices, malls and residential areas. Deep groundwater wells require more money to build and that’s why usually they are built by specific sectors which can afford them, such as hotels, malls and high-class residential developments. They are the main cause of subsidence; not the shallow groundwater wells used by the urban poor settlements. Likewise, Jakarta’s heaviest buildings are in the commercial sectors which massively converted the green part of the city into myriad hotels, malls and luxury settlements. Many of the developers were identifiable as part of Suharto’s New Order crony capitalists. Jakarta’s plight has its root in the way in which Indonesia, was governed from the beginning of the New Order regime to now. Making groundwater extraction accountable – in terms of the total number of deep wells, their depth, the volume of extracted water, and the builders/ owners doing the extracting — is one possible solution to the problem. Transparent governance of groundwater can then be done in tandem with the improvement of piped water services as part of a more centralised plan for Jakarta’s development beyond the uneven urbanisation of capitalist-controlled development. Bosman Batubara is a postdoctoral researcher in Human Geography and Spatial Planning, Utrecht University, Netherlands. Margreet Zwarteveen is with the Amsterdam Institute of Social Sciences Research, University of Amsterdam, the Netherlands and together with Michelle Kooy with the Department of Water Governance, IHE-Delft Institute for Water Education, Delft, the Netherlands. They declare no conflict of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 17, 2023

How Japan and Italy look after their elderly - 360 Rie Miyazaki Published on October 1, 2023 Japan and Italy are tackling their ageing populations with similar yet distinct policies. But there are still some grey areas. Japan and Italy are geographically distant and have evolved separately over the centuries, but they share several similar traits, including a rich culinary tradition, strong cultural values, breathtaking historical sites — and, more recently, an ageing population. More than one in ten people in Japan are aged 80 or older. Beyond that, about 29 percent of its 125 million people are 65 or older, the highest in the world ahead of Italy (24.5 percent) and Finland (23.6 percent). Japan and Italy share several common welfare systems that shed light on their evolving trajectories and the policy measures needed to address their unique situations. Each country’s social expenditures are lowest towards people that are working age and highest towards the elderly. That means they spend less on family allowances, labour market incentives and unemployment benefits and more on pensions and healthcare. The effects of an ageing society on the welfare systems of countries like Japan and Italy have consequences across society: the working class bears heavier family care responsibilities while receiving less social security and lower levels of income support. Tethered to it all is substantial government debt, inflated by high public spending on ageing-related spending like healthcare and pensions that will be most felt by future generations. After the Great Recession of the late 2000s and early 2010s, the finances of large economies have become more strained and the focus of care policies in highly ageing societies shifted from focusing on a “contribution in the past” model to a “contribution in the future” system. Unlike childcare policies, the long-term care policies for older adults have received less attention, resulting in insufficient consideration of family caregivers and their work–care life balance. Japan and Italy diverge significantly in their long-term care policies. Notably, they differ on long-term cash benefits. Italy outpaces Japan and fellow European Union countries in spending on long-term care recipients. Since 2000, Japan has had a national long-term care system covered by a mandatory national insurance scheme that provides standardised in-kind services for those who need them. Japan’s long-term care provision for its elderly is mostly a state-based, in-kind care service —reducing family caregiving responsibilities, compared to Italy. But both nations are traditionally seen as familistic welfare states, emphasising strong family bonds and solidarity. In Italy, they rely on a cash-based public system, often complemented by an unofficial, relatively informal grey market for care providers, many of whom are immigrants without residency permits or employment contracts affording them legal protections. So while the Japanese system ensures a standard of care for its elderly, Italy provides funds but does less to ensure the delivery of services. Japan and Italy both have substantial gender inequalities. Men are vastly over-represented in positions of wealth and political power while women do more domestic and care work within families. There’s a need for active information sharing, robust survey data, and comparative research within the Asia-Pacific region, considering its similarities in geography, politics, economics and demographics. Understanding and addressing the challenges posed by ageing populations can help countries effectively navigate this demographic shift. By 2050, many major Asian and Western nations are expected to encounter ageing populations similar to Japan and Italy. The experiences of these two nations hold significant implications for the global community. Rie Miyazaki is a professor of social policy at Ohtsuki City College, Japan. Prof Miyazaki’s work was supported by JSPS KAKENHI (Grant no. 18K02057). Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on October 1, 2023

How Malaysia can get serious about child marriage - 360 Norhaslinda Jamaiudin Published on April 6, 2023 There are still many loopholes in Malaysia’s legal system that allow underage girls to be married. In 2018, news of a 41-year-old man marrying an 11-year-old girl in Kelantan caused outrage with many people demanding the Malaysian government take a stronger stance to ban child marriages. Malaysia has been criticised for not doing enough to address child marriage and is under pressure to lift its game. Selangor and Kedah are the only states to have increased the legal minimum age of marriage to 18. Many scholars have explained marriage below the age of 18 is an irresponsible action leading to uncertainty in married life. This uncertainty has led to long-term economic impacts, domestic violence, divorce and psychological issues for girls at a very young age. While Malaysian parliamentarians have approved several amendments to the Child Protection Act throughout the years, they have failed to include a ban on child marriage despite several proposals. It would seem to make any headway in Malaysia’s multi-ethnic, cultural and legal settings, there has to be a commitment from all parties to agree to put an end to child marriage. Child marriage deprives children of their rights to education, safety, health, social mobility and economic opportunity. According to Save the Children, by 2030, 150 million girls worldwide will be affected. Under Malaysian law, underage marriage for non-Muslims is governed by civil marriage law while underage marriage for Muslims is governed by Islamic family law in the Syariah courts. Under this dual legal system, the legal minimum age of marriage for Muslim men is 18 and 16 for women; for non-Muslim men and women, the legal minimum age is 18. Malaysia’s Federal Constitution gave each state the power to implement and change certain sections of the law as they see fit. The most debatable point of current Islamic family law relates to sections allowing the marriage of females below the age of 18 by obtaining permission from a Chief Minister or Syariah judges. The public has opposed such regulations since children at this age are considered too young to be forced into adulthood before they are prepared physically and mentally. In 2019, the Indonesian government changed its child marriage laws by increasing the minimum age to 19. Thailand and the Philippines have placed the legal minimum age of marriage at 17 and 18 respectively. Having countries, including developed countries, set the legal minimum age of marriage to 18 allows children to develop cognitively, emotionally and physically. In Malaysia, the decentralised enforcement of marriage law is the greater challenge, and reaching a consensus to ban child marriage is a struggle. From 2010 to 2015, nearly 6,268 marriage applications from those under 18 were recorded and approved by Syariah courts across Malaysia. According to the latest report, about 1,500 cases of child marriages were reported between 2007 and 2017 and, as of 2018, 1500 children have married annually, slightly lower compared to 2,107 marriages in 2017. Unicef reported that in 2018, 1,856 children were married with 90 percent of these being girls. The number of Muslim children married vastly outnumbered non-Muslims with 1,542 Muslim children compared to 234 non-Muslim children. Poverty is one reason parents marry off their children to ease the financial pressure. The government released a National Strategic Plan in Handling Causes of Child Marriage to identify five major factors placing children at risk of early marriage — poverty or low household income, lack of access to reproductive health education and parenting skills, lack of access to education and poor school attendance, stigma and social norms on child marriage, and laws that allow for marriage under the age of 18. The plan to end child marriages calls for strategic partnerships between government agencies at the federal and state levels, NGOs and the public. However, insufficient resources due to various crises and a lack of political will have hampered implementation. Despite the preventive measures highlighted in the plan, the haphazard enforcement of marriage laws by state governments and the need to improve the availability of data on child marriage remain stumbling blocks. Due to the complexity and devastating consequences of child marriage, early intervention is vital. A ban on child marriage and an increase in the legal minimum age ensures a far-reaching impact in reducing child abuse cases, early pregnancy and subsequently child marriages. Even legitimate cultural practices would have to be phased out but policymakers would need to be more responsive and prepared to make tough decisions. The benefits of increasing the minimum age outweigh the costs. This would of course put pressure on religious leaders to also act and to help build a better future and sustainability of life for children and achieve equality and empowerment of all women and girls. The implementation of tighter laws could lead to a fall in child brides which would align with the concept of the Prime Minister’s vision of ‘Malaysia Madani’ (a civil Malaysia) and a more compassionate government which could curb child marriages through legal reforms. It helps to understand this issue from a child’s perspective. Understanding this issue from their perspective is critical as their input could in hindsight put an end to any policy stalemate. This would be an important milestone in the policy-making process since their opinions are undervalued in research and policies. The conceptualisation of children’s rights can be best understood by studying and incorporating their perspective into policy measures. This would carry meaningful messages from children to policy problems and the general public and create a better environment for a child’s development and well-being for the future. Norhaslinda Jamaiudin is an assistant professor in political science at the International Islamic University Malaysia (IIUM). Her specialisation includes public governance and public sector management, public sector reforms, public policy analysis, and personnel management in the Malaysian civil service. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Child marriage” sent at: 03/04/2023 14:36. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 6, 2023

How migrant entrepreneurs find their way in South Africa - 360 Yordanos Estifanos Published on January 12, 2023 The pros and cons of the informal economy and how migrant business spaces are initiated and expanded. Migrants working in the informal economy, such as petty traders, are often criminalised but they actually can bring many benefits to the local economy. Around 60 percent of the world’s population participates in the informal sector, which is most visible in emerging and developing economies, although it is also an important part of advanced economies. Modern cities tend to exclude or marginalise informal economic activities, which are often blamed for being unsanitised, venues for illegal businesses and hotspots for crime. Still, this negative perception is slowly changing and new approaches to better manage informal economies are being introduced. Over the last decade in South Africa, national and local governments have realised the importance of the informal economy as it offers significant job opportunities. As a result, authorities have embraced a more developmental approach such as involving local councils in managing informal economies and considering the informal economy in local planning. Their main challenge is developing innovative, inclusive and supportive policies that recognise the value of the informal economy and the people working in it. Migrant entrepreneurs may be excluded from planning and policy development processes but they somehow manage to create their own spaces in South Africa’s informal economy despite exclusionary migration policies and tighter policing. They lack choice, for starters. Due to a lack of job opportunities in the formal labour market and the absence of inclusive immigration policies, migrant entrepreneurs from across Africa and Asian countries have joined physically demanding, and often risky, informal businesses in the CBDs of South Africa, primarily in Johannesburg. Locals also tend to shun these entrepreneurial activities because of their cultural beliefs and negative attitude, resulting in more opportunities for immigrants — known as the Cultural Block Theory. The lack of support and protections by the state forces migrant entrepreneurs to strengthen their own support networks, with fellow countrymen and other migrant groups. Social capital and social networks are considered equivalent to the legal and political rights locals enjoy. Language barriers and a lack of shared culture and common history with the locals, along with importing cultural institutions from home boost ties within immigrants. One result is a concentration of migrants in a particular section of a city and by tight business and social networks. Over time, the process develops into an enclave economy. Many African and Asian immigrants have settled in Gauteng province mainly because the province provides decent prospects for business. The province encompasses Pretoria, Johannesburg and many of the mines and industrial towns fuelling South Africa’s economy. A study in 2017 conducted by Dr Tanya Zack, a South African urban planner and visiting senior lecturer at the University of the Witwatersrand, showed that cross-border traders who travel to South Africa from neighbouring countries turn over an estimated 10 billion rand (US$581million) annually in Johannesburg’s city centre. Zack said an individual cross-border trader from neighbouring countries such as Zambia can inject up to 50,000 rands (US$2884) into the informal economy of Johannesburg. In Gauteng province alone, there are about 50 organisations that provide transport in 19 districts to ferry migrants and their merchandise to Johannesburg for business. Informal economies also create opportunities which attract migrants from across Africa and Asia. A plus is that starting and running their own business in the informal economy of South Africa is relatively easier. South Africa is a huge economy in Africa and South Africans have a relatively high purchasing power and a strong desire to consume with little tendency to haggle over prices. For migrant traders, while they do compete with other immigrants or locals, there’s still a better chance of bouncing back if their business fails. Diversity also flourishes. Many migrant traders opt to provide familiar products to fellow migrants, such as food and clothing that belong to a specific ethnic or national group. Cultural events and emotional attachment to the home region help provide demand for products supplied by ethnic groups. South Africa’s official policy, however, is to try to bring informal businesses into line and become part of the ‘formal’ economy. While there are some candidates for this path,  the government’s approach fails to recognise the sector’s diversity or the fact many survivalist endeavours will never be more than that but should be respected for the role they play in reducing poverty. The government’s 2017 draft White Paper on International Migration removed immigrants’ right to work, leaving them in a more precarious position. Other rules and regulations that seek to limit the rights of foreigners to trade in informal businesses are also being drafted. In addition to preventing locals and migrants from unleashing the economic potential of the informal economy  changing the social and urban forms will raise ethical and practical challenges around the governance of space, rights and representation. Disregarding the role of the informal economy and cracking down on migrants’ businesses in the informal economy ignores additional benefits they can bring, such as a decrease in crime. In Johannesburg and other CBDs in South Africa, migrant entrepreneurs are improving the safety of the precinct transforming previously criminal spots into business quarters. For example, Ethiopian migrants contributed to the economic and physical transformation of Jeppe in Johannesburg, by investing money, leasing and building properties, and connecting the CBD and township economies.  One Ethiopian migrant trader  in Port Elizabeth interviewed for a study has bought and transformed a dilapidated building that used to host drug dealers and criminals into a supermarket and guesthouse business. He not only created job opportunities and boosted the local economy but also indirectly contributed to crime prevention. There is also potential for migrants to contest gender power relations. There is evidence migration supports the economic and social liberation of women. Hence, migration and urbanisation remain powerfully unsettling processes that offer moments to renegotiate generational and gendered hierarchies. It’s not always the case in South Africa, though. For Ethiopian women, entrenched gender power relations from their homeland endure. This is mainly due to a lack of proper documentation combined with growingly restrictive labour market rules on informal businesses. South Africa’s anti-immigrant policy does not help. Yet, other factors reinforce hierarchies of power relations, including safety issues where female immigrants are often forced to depend on men for protection. It can go further, with Ethiopian male immigrants coming to dominate the socioeconomic and cultural institutions that were originally run by women resulting in role reversal. In the past, local governments dealt with the informal economy with various by-laws that would target petty traders. This approach was based on a restrictive view of the ‘problem’ of the informal economy. These negative perceptions have contributed to the marginalisation of this part of the economy. This is illustrated in the lack of adequate reference to the informal economy in many official planning and economic strategies. Besides, it is argued that the informal economy is often considered by municipal planners as a problem of space (where to locate markets) rather than as an integral part of the local economy and a key factor in preventing even higher unemployment. The reality is that the informal economy is an important part of almost every local economy in South Africa, and the requirement of integrated planning cannot be delivered if it is ignored. A shift in how urban development is discussed is required. To measure a city’s accessibility and inclusiveness, we must first understand how people seek to use the city to realise their aspirations. There should be recognition that informal economies benefit a portion of the population because of their low entry costs. They enable people to access opportunities. Instead of ‘formalising’ informal activities to fit them into standard cities, providing amenities and infrastructure in lockstep with acceptable rules and regulations could help unleash a massive dividend embedded within informal economies. Yordanos S. Estifanos holds a European Master in Migration and Intercultural Relations (EMMIR). He is currently a researcher at the Migration for Development and Equality (MIDEQ) research project based at the University of Cape Town, South Africa. This article is part of a Special Report on ‘Cities after colonialism’, produced in collaboration with the Calcutta Research Group. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: Yordanos Seifu

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on January 12, 2023

How much plastic are we ingesting? - 360 Thava Palanisami Published on February 9, 2023 Measuring microplastics in humans is challenging but researchers already have preliminary figures. Plastic waste is increasingly engulfing everything on the planet from ecosystems to people but we don’t have adequate knowledge of its full ill effects. We do not know exactly how many microplastics humans are ingesting daily and what are the possible consequences. To date, only a few studies have been launched to address these basic questions of human health. This study estimates that globally on average, humans may take in 0.1–5 g of microplastics weekly through various pathways. Commonly, these are through food and drink, inhalation and even dermally (through our skin). These minute particles (less than 5mm) then travel through the human digestive, respiratory and circulatory systems. Microplastics are often referred to as a ‘cocktail of contaminants’ due to their presence in chemical additives, heavy metals, pharmaceuticals, pesticides and other organic pollutants in the environment. Microplastics could pose a significant risk to human health in the long run as the contaminants within them have been linked to several human illnesses and diseases including endocrine disorders, cardiovascular and reproductive problems plus obesity, diabetes and cancer. It is therefore pressing that researchers determine the quantity of microplastics being taken in by the human system and its potential impacts. A definitive global average rate of microplastic ingestion (GARMI) is needed to assist in human health risk assessments and to formulate effective management and policy options. This preliminary study shows that microplastic particles are potentially ingested through the consumption of water, shellfish, fish, salt, beer, honey and sugar. Globally, humans potentially ingest between 11,845 to 193,200 microplastics per person per year ranging between 7.7g and 287g per person per year with the largest source being drinking water (both tap water and bottled water). This estimation of the average rate of microplastic ingestion can form the basis of a human health risk evaluation. Apart from food and drink, studies that probed the inhalation of microplastics via aerosols and household dust showed a high risk to humans with lungs potentially exposed to an additional 26–130 microplastic particles every day. Generally, higher counts of microplastics were reported in bottled water and this is likely due to its packaging and processing. Raw or untreated water is not included in studies as it is more challenging to identify and quantify the finer plastic particles. Curiously, the amount of microplastics found in raw water samples to date was the same as those obtained for bottled water. Identifying and quantifying fine microplastics (less than 1mm) is a key challenge facing researchers and the field is still new. Currently, Raman spectroscopy and Fourier-transform infrared spectroscopy (FTIR) are used but they are not perfect. For instance, the intensity of the laser in these instruments could damage the microplastics being studied and measured. Contaminants in microplastics have been linked to serious health outcomes. Interestingly, an experimental study revealed that the size of a microplastic particle influenced its ingestion rate. This more than its shape which suggests research focusing more on size is needed. Who is at more risk of consuming microplastics? An individual’s vulnerability to ingestion of microplastics will influence their level of exposure. For example, those with significant consumption of shellfish and bottled water and with a high-calorie intake will be more likely to have increased exposure compared to those who consume less. Individuals who often consume plastic-packaged food and drink, meanwhile, will have higher exposure as microplastics in consumables is a direct result of plastic packaging, It’s also possible that people from regions with low dependence on plastic products, better waste management facilities, quality water sources and good policies with respect to food health and safety will be at less risk to microplastic exposure compared to those from places still developing in these areas. Further research is necessary to confirm this. Nonetheless, there is enough evidence to indicate these variables influence people’s exposure and the global average rate of microplastic ingestion. There are a number of hurdles for scientists when measuring the average rate of microplastic ingestion due to insufficient data, differences in identification techniques, analytical challenges, disparate reporting metrics and uncertainties as well as varied experimental conditions. The uncertainty level goes up with every assumption and extrapolation — this situation can only be reduced with more research. Recommendations for future directions include standardising analytical methods and parameters for microplastics collected during studies (e.g. size, shape, polymer, number of particles, mass of particles). EMBED START Video {id: "editor_16"} EMBED END Video {id: "editor_16"} To determine the negative health impacts, studies on the influence of variables on the global average rate of microplastic ingestion must also be done. More detailed data from other food groups consumed daily — oils, meat, pasta, bread, corn, wheat, rice, milk etc water, milk, rice, wheat, corn — needs to be collated. Also to be further probed is the toxicity of microplastics ingested in terms of size, mass, polymer and shape and determining the extent microplastics travel from cooking and eating utensils (especially by children) and food packaging into food. The worldwide presence and pervasiveness of microplastics are accepted facts, however, the amounts of microplastics humans ingest are yet to be fully defined. Still, early data indicates that a cautionary approach is embraced now to avoid a future crisis. Thava Palanisami is Associate Professor, School of Engineering, University of Newcastle, Australia. He declares no conflict of interest. The World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF)-Singapore provided partial funding for his research. This article has been republished for World Environment Day 2023. It was originally published on February 9, 2023. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story "Microplastics time-bomb" sent at: 06/02/2023 09:35. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 9, 2023

How nanotech could make taking insulin safer and easier - 360 Nicholas Hunt, Jarryd Daymond Published on January 17, 2024 A new way of delivering oral insulin could sidestep some of the challenges people living with diabetes encounter when injecting insulin. People with diabetes may soon be able to replace injections with more palatable oral forms of insulin, such as sugar-free chocolate, thanks to advances in nanotechnology. Insulin injections are a daily reality for many of the 150 to 200 million people globally who need insulin. Everyone with type 1 diabetes needs insulin, and 20 to 30 percent of people with type 2 diabetes will also need it over the course of living with the condition. These injections, although essential for ensuring people living with diabetes have enough insulin in their bodies to make sure their blood sugar levels don’t spike, are not without their own challenges. Insulin injections can lead to people experiencing low blood sugar or hypoglycemia because they may have injected more insulin than their body needs or not timed their injections correctly around meals. Other side effects include weight gain and needle phobia. Such challenges especially affect young patients, the elderly and those with cognitive or physical impairments. Historically, taking insulin orally instead of injecting it has been ineffective, primarily due to such treatments being destroyed by acid in the stomach or being poorly absorbed by the gut. But new research has introduced a way of delivering oral insulin that sidesteps these problems through the use of nanotechnology. The system encapsulates the insulin inside nano-sized carriers known as quantum dots, which are roughly 1/10,000th the width of a human hair, or a millionth the size of your finger. These nano-carriers protect the insulin from being degraded as it moves through the stomach and are more easily absorbed in the small intestine. The carriers are then able to release the insulin at sites in the body where it is most needed. The point at which the insulin is released is influenced by the body’s blood sugar levels and the presence of enzymes, small proteins that break down sugars in the blood. How this process works is that the insulin is encapsulated inside a coating that reacts with its environment. The coating is broken down by enzymes released when there are high concentrations of sugars in the blood. When blood sugar is high, there is a rapid release of insulin, and importantly when it is low, insulin is not released. This is a more practical and patient-friendly method of managing diabetes, because it greatly reduces the risk of a low blood sugar event, as the insulin is released in a more controlled way, unlike injections in which it is released in one hit. Following the completion of pre-clinical studies, the next steps towards bringing this technology to patients are to ensure its efficacy and safety through human trials, understand any potential side effects, and address how the nano-carriers can best be produced and distributed at scale. Human trials are expected to start in 2025. The rising prevalence of diabetes in the Indo-Pacific region is a significant health challenge. It affected an estimated 296 million adults in 2021 and is projected to increase to 412 million by 2045. Type 2 diabetes, often associated with lifestyle and environmental factors, contributes to major health complications like heart disease, stroke, blindness and kidney failure. These complications lead to increased mortality rates among diabetic patients. Additionally, the high costs of diabetes care highlight the disparities in access to treatment, disproportionately affecting individuals in lower-income countries and remote areas. For example, a 10-year-old diagnosed with type 1 diabetes in 2021 could expect to live on average for another 65 years in a high-income country, but only another 13 years in a low-income country. The introduction of this new method for delivering insulin orally could provide several other benefits for people living with diabetes who are insulin-dependent and inject rather than use an insulin pump. It may improve the quality of life for patients by reducing the discomfort and stigma associated with insulin injections. For example, some people can feel uncomfortable injecting insulin because of needles being associated with illicit drug use. Or if they’re experiencing a low blood sugar event, they may feel socially stigmatised if their symptoms are mistaken for intoxication or mental illness. This method also allows insulin to be stored at room temperature rather than having to be refrigerated. The nano-carrier preserves the protein structure of the insulin and protects it from the environment. This could extend its accessibility to patients in remote regions and lower-income countries, providing them more effective diabetes treatment and reduced costs related to diabetic complications. There is also scope for this delivery system to be used to orally administer other injectable diabetes medications, for example GLP-1 receptor agonists like Ozempic. The next generation of the nano-carrier is being developed to treat the causes of type 1 diabetes and other autoimmune conditions. With the increasing number of people affected by diabetes, the development of new management strategies is critical. If successful, this technology could offer a significant change in how diabetes is treated with the potential to simplify diabetes management for millions of people, particularly benefiting those who face barriers to traditional insulin therapy. Dr Nicholas Hunt is a senior lecturer in the School of Medical Science at the University of Sydney and leader at the Biogerontology laboratory at the ANZAC Research Institute. His research interests centre around the development of new nanomaterials for use and translation in clinical medicine. He has worked on the development of quantum dots and organic nanoparticles for biological applications including the transportation of pharmaceutical agents, biologics, RNA and gene therapy. Dr Hunt is co-founder and CEO of Endo Axiom, which will be taking these therapeutics to clinical trials. Dr Hunt’s research has been supported by the Australian Diabetes Society, the University of Sydney, the Sydney Medical School Foundation, the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC), the Medical Research Future Fund (MRFF), Therapeutic Innovation Australia and the Caenorhabditis Genetics Centre. Dr Jarryd Daymond is a lecturer in strategy, innovation and entrepreneurship for the University of Sydney Business School and a Sydney Nano Institute Early Career Researcher Ambassador. He studies the processes and practices of responsible innovation of emerging technologies, including the responsible innovation of digital, quantum, and nanotherapeutic technologies. Dr Daymond is involved in projects to commercialise oral insulin and develop online cognitive-communication treatment platforms. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on January 17, 2024

How news gatherers can respond to social media challenge - 360 Sarah Zia Published on May 3, 2024 Print and electronic media are coping admirably with the upheavals being wrought by social media. When 29-year-old YouTuber Dhruv Rathee put out a video during the on-going parliamentary elections, exposing how the ruling BJP has “brainwashed” hundreds of thousands of Indians, he took much of the country by storm. In slightly over a day, his video notched up a staggering 11,836,645 views. It also picked up 200,000 comments and 1.2 million ‘likes’. Rathee, or @dhruvrathee, has 18.3 million followers on YouTube where he loves “breaking down complex issues in simple words”. On Instagram and Facebook, Rathee has 6.8 and 2.8 million followers, respectively. He freely gives interviews to journalists working for traditional media. He is a trenchant critic of the Narendra Modi government, but he also claims to be “anti-Congress”. Three weeks before his “brainwashed” video, Rathee made a 23-minute on-screen presentation, which focused on Delhi Chief Minister and Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) chief Arvind Kejriwal’s arrest. It’s been watched more than 31 million times on YouTube. Around 2.8 million people have “liked” the video and more than 344,000 have left comments. There are others like Rathee and the pantheon of Indian social media stars also includes former journalists who either quit or were gently elbowed out. They now use a wide variety of platforms to do what they couldn’t do freely when they had regular jobs. The immense popularity of social media and its ability to create ripples long before traditional media even wakes up to news, let alone print or broadcast the day’s important information, has opened up a debate on not just the viability of traditional media but also raises questions on the “existential crisis” it faces. Given the rise of the likes of Rathee, there’s an argument being made that the journalist’s role as a news intermediary has been adversely impacted by social media. However, the frontlines of this battle — between social media and traditional journalism — is not as gloomy and bleak as is often made out to be. Social media has caused innovation and competition and spurred stellar journalism. Social media often breaks news in 240 characters, but it is traditional media that splashes the insightful, investigative stories. The fillip to the many formats of story-telling – data visualisation and immersive narrative methods – are a consequence of the social media boom. Digital-first is the rage. Newsrooms today are reinventing and reimagining journalism, pushing writers and story-tellers to the limits of professional excellence. And many are rising to the occasion and making the # part of their journalistic arsenal. Many have fallen by the wayside, unable to cope with the pressures of a new news world and government repression while others have quit for other pastures. Those who persevere are learning to upskill in fact-gathering, presenting and visualising news. Journalists are also taking to innovative means to seek out newer human sources. Social media is now the “in-thing”, a powerful set of tools for ordinary people, journalists and citizen-journalists to voice angry opinions at a time when the space for the free press has shrunk considerably in India. A new tribe of social media influencers, including politicians, have also made their presence felt. In as much as social media has changed the way journalism is “done” these days, they have brought with them risks and dangers that are a threat to scrupulous journalism. This is the proliferation of misinformation and fake news that traditional forms of journalism have to contend with and guard against. The rapid emergence of fact-checking portals in India and abroad is testimony to social media’s explosive ability to sometimes legitimise unverified information. At a time when social media users worldwide have swelled to a record 4.9 billion (expected to touch 5.85 billion by 2027), neglect it at your peril. Today, not only have the means of news gathering changed much, the terrain of news consumption has also transformed. A large number of Indians, especially young people, consume news on social media or news aggregator platforms. There is no doubt that social media has affected most aspects of our lives. It has certainly transformed the news industry in more ways than is apparent. The advent of the internet did not at once lead to an explosion of web-based news products. Indeed, the dotcom experiment then nearly failed. While the main national newspapers did put out e-papers on their websites – and these could then be accessed free of cost – TV news channels started investing in the idea of citizen journalism or user-generated content. At first, cheap cameras, followed by those in mobile phones, were the preferred tools that were useful in remote areas of the country. This led to an explosion of short video clips which could potentially reach wider viewers/consumers. The era of citizen-journalists later gave way to community-led journalism that focused on hyperlocalism. This was made possible by the ever-widening geographical expanse of the internet. Riding the internet’s ever-rising crest, social media, including that operated by traditional media outlets, has made journalism cacophonous. As acclaimed travel writer Pico Iyer tweeted in 2023: “The news, which used to inform, now turns every event into a war-zone in the heart, the mind, the neighbourhood and the nation. The 24/7 news cycle works to ensure we’re enraged – and divided – at every moment, almost regardless of the issues of the day.” In other words, there is an overdose of news. Social media delivers and so does traditional media whose presence on social media ensures it too does not miss out on vital news and readers. Consequently, the beat reporter now multi-tasks: she raises sources, gathers news, uses the camera and/or the pen, edits/produces videos and even speaks into the camera. In a relatively short time, a journalist is turned into a multimedia beast who is expected to perform a wide range of functions that were previously more compartmentalised in a newsroom where division of labour was the norm. Social media has caused yet another upheaval. It has turned news gathering on its head in ways that a reporter’s source is now no longer an exclusive source, breaking news on social media and leaving the reporter almost a redundant entity in the crucial news chain cycle. Just as Marshall McLuhan theorised “the medium as the message”, today, the source is the news, eliminating the need for the reporter. In the place of the “Deep Throats” and nameless-faceless “sources”, there are now government or departmental spokespersons who share information on social media. Besides, average citizens now follow government organisations and actors on social media. They have almost direct access to news, mundane or otherwise, as much as a reporter has. As more and more people devote greater number of hours to consume news on digital sources, social media will continue to remain the dominant enabler and feeder of news. The relationship between social media, journalists and journalism will continue to be fraught in the times to come. Former US President Donald Trump’s disparaging remarks and jibes against American media organisations bring to light the adversarial relationship between power and those who seek its accountability. There is no doubt that amid all the cacophony, social media and journalism are here to stay and likely co-exist. And what is certain is that resilient and uncompromising media, traditional or otherwise, will continue to do sound journalism. Sarah Zia is a Lecturer at the Jindal School of Journalism and Communication, O P Jindal Global University, Sonipat, Haryana. Her academic interests are at the intersection of media, mobilities, identities and urban cultures. Previously, she was an Assistant Editor at HT Media Ltd. Additionally, she was visiting faculty at NLSIU, Bangalore. Her research work has appeared in peer-reviewed journals and as book chapters. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Press Freedom” sent at: 02/05/2024 05:00. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 3, 2024

How not to build a tourism city - 360 Asma Mehan, Pouria Jahanshad, Mahziar Mehan Published on January 12, 2023 Looking at the 200 vibrant oddly-shaped domes might make you feel you’re on a Wes Anderson movie set. The Majara Residence overlooking the Persian Gulf offers homes and resort-like accommodation, complete with cafes, restaurants, souvenir shops, tourist information, a prayer room, laundry, storage and more. Located at Hormuz (or Ormuz) Island, a historic port off the southern coast of Iran, the project is designed to attract tourists to the small island and serve as an alternative to high-rise developments traditionally used to house visitors. Presence in Hormuz 2 is a series of urban development projects designed by the Tehran-based ZAV Architects. Majara (which means adventure) is the second phase of this multipurpose cultural residence, aimed at binding together the lives of local people and visitors culturally and economically. On the verge of opening, this project has been heavily criticised by environmental activists and urban experts citing ecological, economic, cultural and social concerns. Such projects have made locals mere servants in service of investors, which impedes the enhancement of their quality of life. Although Iran was never colonised, Hormuz Island attracted much interest from colonial powers due to its strategic place on the trade route between Europe and India. The Portuguese captured Hormuz in 1507. Their presence was all about gaining supremacy over maritime routes rather than colonial domination. The most important long-term contribution of the Portuguese in Asia was identifying and mapping out strategic chokepoints. The Strait of Hormuz is still one of the world’s vital maritime chokepoints, with almost a fifth of global oil supplies passing through the waterway. Given its significance in delivering the world’s energy needs, this strategic maritime route recently focused on new construction project plans. Islanders struggle economically which has driven them to be involved in smuggling so direct engagement with them in tourism projects and urban policy-making is crucial. One of the reasons for the influx of government-related entities and investors to the island is the emphasis on its development in recent years. But projects have been beset by problems. To make way for tourism and construction projects, locals are evicted from their homes. A residential development has ceased due to a land dispute between the municipality of Hormuz (the owner) and the office of the Ministry of Road and Urban Development (MRUD) (the developer). A Ministry representative denies this, saying the lands are owned by the government. These contradicting statements reveal the convoluted status of land possession in Hormuz. The Majara project has been controversial from the start. Despite its architectural merit, there have been bigger environmental and ecological concerns left unanswered by the developers while critics have targeted the cycle of dispossession and land grabs. In an interview, Pouria Jahanshad, a researcher of art and critical urban studies, criticised the secretive development of the project. The Majara residence is one of three developments on Hormuz Island still unfinished. Two other projects are rapidly progressing under the radar, with little to no information on the developer or other aspects of the developments. In addition to these, the Majara developers own various other buildings and lands in the island’s north, including a mine of the island’s famous “red soil”. While the developers have claimed the project has focused on local participation, community empowerment, and infrastructure development, it’s unclear whether this has happened. To encourage confidence in the project, everyone should have access to the documents on the process of plan development. One event highlights the use of public funds for private gain. The “Soil Carpet” event in which a ‘carpet’ made from red soil was created on a site adjacent to the Majara and ended up becoming a symbol of the privatisation and dispossession of coastal lands. In this sense the “collusion” of forces behind the promoted vision were easily identified: those who control the island’s exports, those involved in the privatisation of lands and those who plan and construct the megaprojects. This was where art and commerce intersected to the detriment of the local population. Jahanshad said the lack of political establishments and the unwillingness of the central government to grant such rights has exacerbated the island’s economic and political development status. Jahanshad argued that the issue is not the lack of expertise as such; it is how that expertise is conceived as a tool in the hands of the power holders. The problem arises when the so-called design experts are more concerned with aesthetics. The experts prioritise profit over providing a conducive and sustainable living environment for the island’s residents. The Hormuz community has not seen a single benefit from the exploitation and export of red soil mines, so there were always questions as to how tourism might benefit residents. The tourism boom could actually lead to higher rents, and more expensive property and thus threaten the locals’ livelihoods. Building these large-scale tourist projects on Hormuz Island has endangered the citizens’ right to the city. The people whose island has no more land to occupy are being pushed out by non-residents. Such top-down development projects only deepen the crisis of inequality and deprivation on an island incessantly hit by power and water supply shortages. Even simple healthcare amenities in Hormuz are scarce. These developments may lead to an appealing facade but would by no means help alleviate poverty and deprivation on the island. Hormuz residents need new tools to acquire economic, cultural, and political power to stop the vicious cycle. Such investments and developments should be properly regulated either by the local community or non-government bodies to supervise the wealth distribution process. is an assistant professor at the Architectural Humanities and Critical Urban Studies, Huckabee College of Architecture, Texas Tech University, United States. She tweets at @a_mehan. is a researcher in urban planning at the School of Urbanism, University of Tehran and Municipality of Tehran, Iran. an educator and researcher in critical urban studies and contemporary art contributed to this article. Please note that parts of this interview in Farsi have been published in Sobhe Sahel News. This article is part of a Special Report on ‘Cities after colonialism’, produced in collaboration with the Calcutta Research Group. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Cities after colonialism” sent at: 12/01/2023 13:34. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on January 12, 2023

How not to do community policing: lessons from Brazil - 360 Ludmila Ribeiro Published on October 3, 2022 Brazil has an infamously high crime rate. Former President Jair Bolsanaro’s endorsement of police killings, which was generally supported by right-wing politicians, was framed as an effective public safety policy and opposing politicians were portrayed as enemies of the people. But research on police reform agrees that the only solution for the ongoing violence is community policing. It will take learning the lessons of Brazil’s many failures of police reform to truly implement a safer future for all Brazilians. In 2021, Brazil’s homicide rate reached 22 per 100,000 inhabitants, almost four times higher than the global average. Some 13 percent of all intentional deaths recorded in Brazil were perpetrated by law enforcement agents. Police especially victimise young Black men and residents of socially excluded communities (favelas). Brazilian police officers act as arresting officer, prosecutor, judge, jury and executioner. President Bolsonaro has consistently tried to exclude police officers from being charged for these killings under the Penal Code. Community policing aims to reduce police violence by institutionalising channels of accountability. This kind of policing decentralises decision-making, handing it to frontline police officers rather than to commanders; collaborates with the community to map problems and define strategies for crime prevention; and identifies and reports deviations from proper police practices. Many attempts have been made to introduce community policing in Brazil. But instead of being part of wider police reform, it was often undertaken as a separate project in poor and violent areas, to regain territorial control from drug traffickers and other criminal gangs. As a result, residents came to understand community policing as the temporary occupation of slum areas by police. The community policing programmes had success in some areas, as measured by reduced intentional deaths and police lethality. But they usually did not last more than a couple years. One of the reasons for the failure rate is that community policing projects used existing officers — those people selected for their enthusiasm to fight a ‘war on crime’. Traditional police training programmes reinforce how to operate weapons of mass destruction, and a mindset of kill or be killed. It is difficult to build trust between police officers and residents when they see each other as the opposition. When community police projects were established, officers received lectures on how to create proximity, without addressing how to break the fear that residents have of traditional police. When the police officers were deployed in areas with high rates of violence to implement preventive actions, they often fell back to their training, threatening residents with the use of force, preventing citizens from trusting them. Citizens do not feel comfortable reporting incidents of police violence to investigating agencies, because most of them are staffed with police officers. When a civilian death is recorded, the investigation is carried out by the officers’ colleagues, who forward the conclusions to a district attorney, many of whom perceive the death as one less criminal to be prosecuted, and suggest the case be closed. Residents observe this pattern and become afraid of having police officers in the area. Criteria for officers’ promotion is another reason for the community policing failures. The worst example was the wild west bonus (gratificação faroeste), adopted by Rio de Janeiro Military Police in the 1990s. It could increase officers’ salary by up to 150 percent for cases where police killed a known criminal. It caused murders by cops in the city to soar permanently — a pattern that is still seen today. Implementating community policing requires new police officers, professionally trained in working closely with citizens and who are held accountable for their behaviours. Police training also needs to be addressed. The existing army manuals and tactics need to be put in the bin and instead, professional standards should be valued. Interventions based on evidence need to be developed. For example, police internships in poor communities, modelled on social workers and community leaders, would help them to understand the problems faced by citizens, and how to create bridges to improve quality of life and to prevent crime. This is what a project called “Stay Alive” intended to do in the state of Minas Gerais in the beginning of 2000s, with powerful results in terms of improvement of police community relationships. Analysis of officers’ body camera footage can allow better understanding of what to do, and especially what not to do, when approaching someone. The change in policing attitudes could invite citizens to get closer to the police forces, allowing new channels to guarantee civilian oversight, ranging from weekly meetings with community leaders, to the possibility of witnesses of police killing testifying in trials without the fear of death. Internal police investigations need to be able to ensure the rule of law. Violent officers should be prosecuted, trialled and punished in the same way as all citizens. Moving forward with police institutional changes seems to be the only recourse for ending the violence and homicides. Without substantive and systemic changes, community policing will be used again as a catch-phrase without meaning. Without the institutionalisation of police reform, community engagement will not happen as citizens will continue to fear that officers could flip from community members to the enemy without notice or when the governors’ electoral mandates come to an end. Ludmila Ribeiro is an associate professor in the Department of Sociology and a researcher in the Center for Crime and Public Safety Studies (CRISP), both at the Federal University of Minas Gerais (UFMG). Her research interests are focused on community policing, gender violence, first appearance hearings, homicide trials, and management of the penitentiary system. She declares no conflict of interest in regards to this article. This article has been republished as part of a Policing the police special report. It was first published on October 2, 2022 in the lead-up to the Brazil presidential elections, won by Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on October 3, 2022

How one Indonesian city went beyond apps to solve problems - 360 Hendra Sandhi Firmansyah, Suhono Harso Supangkat Published on November 7, 2022 Living in a smart city means intelligent integration of all facets of urban life. After a shaky start, Indonesia is testing a new system to get it right. Smart cities are a clever idea but the trick is in the execution. Take Indonesia, for example. Finance Minister Sri Mulyani complained this year how there are too many government apps – 24,000 – and they were a waste of money. Not only were they a drain on state finances but each government department had developed its own and the myriad apps did not talk to each other. Which meant they were not much use to the millions of people trying to use them to improve their lives. The rush to develop apps kicked off in 2014 when Indonesia introduced its 100 smart cities project. The smart cities and smart solutions based on technology project has become a solution to urban problems, but they still pose a complex challenge. Many of these projects fail because: To answer those challenges, there needs to be a comprehensive approach that involves most people. Living Lab is one of these solutions. Using data, Living Lab tries to solve problems through the deployment of intelligent solutions in a specific area in a real environment. It involves stakeholders to measure their effectiveness and provide feedback on the sustainability of the improvement, from which they benefit. The programme is being implemented in the the small but densely populated  ​​Dago, Dipatiukur, and Ganesha (DDG) areas of  Bandung, Indonesia. It integrates multiple problems into one platform to solve problems and evaluate control. DDG is a hive of activity. It’s home to business, education, small-medium enterprises and healthcare. The main problems involve basic services around energy and waste management. Waste generated by the numerous small businesses is a particular issue, along with water supply.  Parking is another problem, with streets often brought to a standstill by heavy traffic. There are six initiatives integrated into one platform to try to solve these problems. The Living Lab web platform concentrates all the problems in one area, making it easier to monitor  solutions. How can the city maximise the potential of small-to-medium enterprises? Many have issues with logistics, advertising and payment. Digitisation of these businesses will make it easier to collect data then map them in a way that is easily accessible to all stakeholders. Living Lab can act as a news portal for activities around the area. One of the main problems in these areas is congestion. This system monitors traffic flow, illegal parking and violations. Waste management is a big issue. The system will monitor the success of the 3Rs project (reuse, reduce and recycle) and will use theInternet of Things for monitoring waste management such as the level of waste at temporary collection points or special waste containers. Monitoring news about the area can help address any issues such as security related to vandalism and violence, illegal street vendors and traffic congestion. Keeping all stakeholders up to date is crucial to a smart city’s success. The four main stakeholders are: Government (implementation and regulation); industry (implementation, finance and alternative solutions); academia (research and implementation, collaboration) and citizens (solutions and driving change). Living Lab has been a success in the DDG area and is set to expand into another area (Coblong) in an effort to reduce the 24,000 less productive applications to ensure public money is no longer wasted. Hendra Sandhi Firmansyah is a researcher in Smart City and Community innovation Center ITB and a lecturer in STMIK Jabar . His research interests are o Smart City, Informations system, ICT Suhono Harso Supangkat is a professor in Institut Teknologi Bandung. He is the chair of Smart City and Community Center ITB. His research interests are smart cities concepts, smart city governance, and Internet of Things. Indonesia’s Ministry of Education, Research and Technology funded this via Kedai Reka Programme Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 7, 2022

How patients with diabetes should manage their sleep - 360 Shaun Lee Published on February 12, 2024 Getting enough quality sleep is important for good health and wellbeing, but sleep problems plague many people with diabetes. Imagine sleep as the body’s nightly orchestra, conducting vital processes that repair tissues, build muscles, and optimise metabolic functions. For those navigating the complexities of diabetes, the significance of these nocturnal processes becomes even more critical, especially in regulating blood sugar levels. During sleep, the body releases growth hormone, which helps regulate glucose metabolism. As such, having adequate sleep is important as it helps improve insulin sensitivity, making it easier for the body to use insulin effectively. Poor sleep patterns, such as insufficient sleep or disrupted sleep, can lead to insulin resistance, a key factor in the development and management of type 2 diabetes. In 2021, an estimated 529 million people were living with diabetes and it is predicted to increase to 1.3 billion by 2050. Not getting enough rest and sleep can have a negative impact on people with diabetes. One outcome of sleep deprivation is an increase in the hormones ghrelin and reduced leptin levels that regulate appetite and hunger. This imbalance caused by sleep deprivation may lead to higher calorie intake during the day. This coupled with a poor sleep pattern can lead to fatigue and reduced energy levels. This can discourage physical activity and exercise, which are essential for managing diabetes. It is therefore important to keep a consistent sleep pattern and maintain a regular sleep schedule. Various interventions are being explored to improve sleep quality in people with diabetes. These may include behavioural interventions like cognitive behavioural therapy for insomnia (CBT-i), lifestyle modifications, and, in some cases, drugs. In CBT-i, a trained provider helps to identify thoughts, feelings and behaviours that make their sleep problems worse and replace them with habits that can support sound sleep. The goal is to address both the quantity and quality of sleep to positively impact metabolic health and diabetes management. While most of us are aware that having insufficient sleep is bad as it can lead to sluggishness and irritability, having too much sleep can be detrimental in many ways. Studies have shown that there is a “J-shaped” relationship, which refers to the observed association between extremes of sleep duration (too much or too little) and an increased risk of developing diabetes, with an optimal sleep duration appearing to be in the range of seven to nine hours per night. This is because too little or too much sleep may disrupt metabolic processes, potentially contributing to insulin resistance and an elevated risk of diabetes. As such, achieving a balanced and regular sleep pattern is essential for overall health and diabetes prevention. While many people may find themselves sleeping more as they get older, this should not change their sleep patterns as most adults usually need the same amount of sleep throughout their adult years. As such, if a person still feels tired and sleepy after nine hours of sleep, it might be a sign that they have other health conditions such as diabetes or heart disease. Going for a sleep study or sleep test is recommended to rule out any other possible sleep disorder. Shaun Lee is a pharmacist by profession with an interest in improving the health outcomes of communities around him and beyond. He is also a professor at Monash University Malaysia’s school of pharmacy. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 12, 2024

How patriarchal mindset prevents women in peace efforts - 360 Manzoor Hasan, Arafat Reza Published on March 8, 2023 Can Afghan and Syrian women ever be involved in the peace process or will it remain a pipe dream? Fatima (not her real name) is a university student in Bangladesh. She had just finished her classes when she received a phone call from Afghanistan, her home country. The call would change her life. “It was then that I learned they [the Taliban] murdered my father only because he supported me to pursue higher education. I am concerned about the safety of my other family members living in Afghanistan, and I do not know if the Taliban will let me live if I go back there,” she said, holding back tears. “People in Afghanistan believe that a woman is born only to give birth and care for her children and husband. She should not be doing anything else. So, there is no point in a woman being formally educated.” For decades, patriarchal norms and attitudes in Afghanistan have posed a significant challenge not only to the overall development of women but also to their participation in any constructive activity, not just peace-building. With limited access to education and deliberate exclusion from decision-making processes exacerbated by this patriarchal mindset, it is unsurprising that the path before Afghan women to make any meaningful contribution to peace-building and conflict prevention is fraught with countless obstacles. Between 2005 and 2020, nearly 80 percent of peace talks in Afghanistan have excluded women, with women participating in only 15 of 67 meetings and negotiations. Despite this arduous path, Afghan women have played an important role in preventing violence and building peace with the help of some local and international organisations. They are involved, among other things, in raising public awareness about the importance of education and peace, women’s rights, and countering extremist beliefs. “In Afghanistan, among other things, many women work for peace (albeit secretly in most cases). I, too, worked as a teacher for the UNHCR. I was involved in peace advocacy. I also helped organise seminars to raise public awareness about human rights,” Fatima said. However, she believes that with the Taliban in power, many women will now be afraid to participate in similar activities. “We have been fighting for our rights to participate in peace processes for years now, but after the Taliban takeover, I think anyone who dares to talk about peace will face brutal consequences, even death,” Fatima said. From 1996 to 2001 under the Taliban regime, women were severely restricted in their movement, barred from working or attending school, and subjected to public beatings and executions. Most recently, it is widely believed that the Taliban have violated numerous human rights of women and girls in Afghanistan, depriving them of education, work, freedom of movement and their clothing. The situation is somewhat similar in Syria where women were either excluded from or sparsely represented in the initial Syrian peace talks. However, there has been a slight improvement in recent years. In 2019 when the UN-facilitated Syrian Constitutional Committee met in Geneva, women comprised 28 percent of delegates compared to a 2018 dialogue in Russia, which only had 15 percent of women delegates. Women in Syria and Afghanistan share an unfortunate similarity: patriarchal attitudes and norms hinder their participation in peace-building and conflict prevention. Abida (not her real name), a Syrian student studying in Bangladesh said: “Women in Syrian society are constrained by conservative attitudes toward their roles and participation in social and political activities. The idea that a woman’s place is in the kitchen is very much normalised. “While they are allowed to study and work on paper, men have a strong influence in their lives, and so, whenever a woman wants to work, she is often pressured to stay at home and be a good wife and mother. Had this not been the case, more women in this country could have played a much more active role in peace-building and conflict prevention.” Despite these obstacles, women have contributed significantly to securing peace in local communities throughout Syria. They have played critical roles in several issues vital to long-term stability and recovery, successfully negotiated cease-fires in many areas, and led non-violent protests. The under-representation of women in peace processes extends beyond Afghanistan and Syria. This reflects a horrid global trend. Women made up, on average, 13 percent of negotiators, 6 percent of mediators, and 6 percent of signatories in key peace processes between 1992 and 2019 globally. This is despite the adoption of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security in 2000, under which all UN Member States are obligated to provide “equal participation and full involvement of women in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and security.” However, research suggests that the presence of civil society organisations, including women’s organisations, reduces the possibility of peace agreements failing by 64 percent. Also, agreements reached in peace processes involving women are more durable and better implemented. Gender inequality, on the other hand, increases the likelihood of terrorism and instability. To facilitate greater participation of women in peace processes, the Centre for Peace and Justice at BRAC University, Bangladesh and UN Women Bangladesh established a student-led platform called Peace Café. It aims to nurture and mentor student-led civic engagement and social entrepreneurship activities for peace-building and social cohesion. Peace Café is currently operating in five universities across Bangladesh. Its main goal is to empower students, particularly females, to promote peace, social cohesion, diversity, plurality, inclusivity, tolerance, and non-discrimination. The organisation has provided skills training to 1067 students, organised 18 student-led initiatives for community welfare and several engagement sessions to create more awareness about their programmes. Peace Cafe does not intend to limit its activities to Bangladesh alone. It wants to collaborate with universities and organisations in other countries, particularly conflict-affected countries. Fatima and Abida are both active members of Peace Café. They both believe their involvement has given them a better understanding of what needs to be done to overcome the patriarchal mindset in their respective countries and the role they can play in that regard if and when they return. “First, we need to educate people about the role women can play in the country’s overall development, not just in protecting peace. Second, we have to raise awareness about their rights. Third, the international community should push the government to ensure greater accountability at all levels,” they said. “Furthermore, governments, the private sector, and donors must arrange more funds for us. Last but not least, more women in government and key leadership positions are needed.” Manzoor Hasan OBE is currently serving as the executive director of the Centre for Peace and Justice, at BRAC University. He tweets at @manzoor__hasan. Arafat Reza is a research associate at the Centre for Peace and Justice, BRAC University. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “International Women’s Day” sent at: 06/03/2023 09:36. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 8, 2023

How people can climate-proof their homes - 360 Nicola Willand Published on March 17, 2023 Climate-resilient housing can help protect the most vulnerable Australians from the risks of climate change. From unseasonably early bushfires to flash floods, this Australian summer has already been characterised by clashing climate extremes. More unusual wet and hot weather is forecast for the next three months. As residents look to pick up the pieces, the question everybody has to ask is: “How can I protect my family next time?” Climate change is already driving more heat extremes and fire weather, and it’s expected that both drought and extreme rainfall will become worse — to say nothing of the downstream health impacts, like disease and air pollution. Homes need to be more resilient to face this climate future. We’ll need strategies to keep cool in the heat, as well as keeping out wild weather, wind, rain, insects and smoke. Materials should be able to withstand harsher conditions, help save energy and emit fewer greenhouse gases so that climate change doesn’t get worse. Strategies to keep our homes cool in a warming climate need to be sensitive to the diversity of climates zones. For example, homes in mild temperate cities like Mildura and Melbourne may be protected from overheating through a combination of high levels of insulation in the building envelope and effective shading of windows. Although heating and cooling needs are likely to change as the climate warms, they are also very different across Australia’s many different climate zones. Although heating and cooling needs are likely to change as the climate warms, they are also very different across Australia’s many different climate zones. Draught-proofing will not only help keep the heat out in summer, but the improved air tightness can also reduce the occupants’ exposure to smoke pollution from grass and bush fires. Flyscreens may protect from insect-borne diseases while allowing windows to be opened for cooling during the night. In hot regions such as the Northern Territory, however, keeping cool at home will require highly efficient air-conditioning systems and access to renewable energy supply such as solar photovoltaic roof panels to minimise carbon emissions. Adapting homes to climate change may also require changes in construction materials. Light coloured roofs and walls will reflect the sun and keep our homes cooler. ‘Green’ or vegetated roofs can lower the roof temperatures during hot days, reduce heat gain in our homes and cool their surroundings. Green roofs also absorb more water and can buffer the runoff during heavy rain events. Other climate-resilient characteristics of materials and building elements include fire and mould resistance, water permeability and the durability of components when exposed to wind, corrosion and fungal growth. Site design can also help mitigate risks. Trees provide shade, evaporation from plants produces cooling, and drought resistant vegetation can reduce the urban heat island effect. Clever landscaping can ensure water runs away from the house and does not pool to provide breeding ground for mosquitoes. Importantly, maintenance of house and garden will be key in reducing exposure over time. For example, clean gutters will ensure rainwater runoff during heavy rains and protect from flying embers during a bush fire. And vegetation around our homes needs to be controlled to ensure that the site’s bushfire risk does not increase with time. Importantly, our responses to the challenges of climate change need to consider those who are most disadvantaged. Research using data from the Black Summer fires of 2019-2020 shows that bushfires hit hardest in the most disadvantaged areas — where residents can least afford to ‘bushfire-proof’ their homes — and that poor communities also take longer to ‘build back’ after fires. Separate research shows that in NSW, vulnerable and disadvantaged communities are more susceptible to floods, storms and other disasters. Climate-proofing Australian homes must pay particular heed to the needs of vulnerable populations who cannot easily adapt their dwellings or access more resilient dwellings. Tenants tend to live in homes with poorer thermal quality owner-occupied dwellings and have limited opportunities to retrofit their homes with insulation or flyscreens. Low-income households may need financial assistance to retrofit and maintain their homes. And special considerations need to be given to older Australians, people with chronic illnesses and young children who tend to be more susceptible to heat and the challenges of natural disasters. Such concerns of equity and fairness are currently lacking in many low carbon housing policies and programs, even though Australia has committed to this moral obligation in the Paris Agreement. And the current housing and rental affordability crisis means that householders who are experiencing disadvantage and tenants have little power to move into homes that are better designed to withstand climate-related hazards. Making our existing homes more resilient to climate change also requires industry readiness. Construction trades and professionals need to be able to guide householders in their decision making, implement retrofit measures and be ready to respond quickly to calls for repair after storms and floods. Education and training is needed for the industry to adapt their construction practices, and new regulations may be needed to scale up the resilience of housing and enforce compliance. The primary regulatory mechanism to ensure the health and safety of our homes is the National Construction Code. The code is updated every three years, with the latest version coming into effect on 1 May 2023. Even though the increased stringency of energy conservation clauses is likely to make our homes more climate resilient, the new code does not include explicit provisions to support climate change adaptation or to protect homes from overheating. The new National Construction Code 2022 that mandates 7-star energy star ratings for new and renovated homes and apartments, will make homes more comfortable during heat-related power outages, but existing homes are not covered by the standard. Updates to the National Construction Code this year will mandate 7-star energy star ratings for new and renovated homes and apartments, but existing homes are not covered by the standard. The UK is one of the first countries to have introduced regulations to prevent exposure to excessive heat in residential buildings. Since last year, for example, new home designs must show that, during sleeping hours, bedrooms will not be warmer than 26°C for more than 32 hours a year. The key to keeping cool are the windows — their orientation and shading must shut out the direct summer sun, and window types and placement must encourage natural ventilation. To further future proof homes in Australia, the Australian Building Codes Board, which develops the National Construction Code, is collaborating with other countries and international bodies. The code already contains references to Australian Standards that respond directly to some climate change challenges such as building in bushfire prone and flood hazard areas. These standards aim to reduce the impact of fire and floods on homes on susceptible sites, for example, by requiring fire and ember proof shutters outside of windows. However, these standards do not present a guarantee that the buildings will not be destroyed. Importantly, though, building codes provide guidance for new homes and mostly exclude provisions for the estimated 10 million existing homes. Existing homes in Australia tend to have a poor thermal performance even in current climate conditions, yet the urgency to retrofit homes for better energy efficiency and comfort is given little political attention. Future proofing our homes is challenging. We can’t yet accurately predict the scale and effects of climate change or its impact on buildings and occupant health. In the short term, making our homes resilient to the impacts of changing weather patterns relies on voluntary actions by individual householders, cities and states. We’re still learning how exposure and vulnerability in a changing climate can be reduced. Considering that our homes have an expected lifespan of a few decades, we can test their performance using potential warmer and more extreme future weather scenarios and adapt their design to improve passive survivability in the hope of saving costs in retrofitting later. In the long term, though, the resilience of our homes and the mitigation of housing-related social and health inequalities will increasingly be determined by the extent to which housing and urban planning regulations are reformed to tackle climate change and protect those experiencing vulnerabilities. As heat waves increase in frequency, along with the risk of bushfires, future proofing our homes can’t come soon enough. This article has been updated with new information and republished as part of a package on Climate Resilience and Disadvantage. It originally appeared on 13 March 2023. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Climate resilience” sent at: 29/01/2024 06:00. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 17, 2023

How people power can counter corruption - 360 Shaazka Beyerle, Layla Hashemi Published on December 6, 2022 When it comes to fighting corruption, citizens can be drivers of disruption and change. All over the world, nonviolent social movements, campaigns, and civic initiatives, along with civil society groups and community-based organisations, have undermined corruption — be it governments, businesses, or both. Mobilised citizens can often be drivers of change to increase transparency and accountability. Building on Transparency International’s definition of the “abuse of entrusted power for private gain,” corruption can be understood as: “a system of abuse of entrusted power for private, collective or political gain – often involving a complex, intertwined set of relationships, some obvious, others hidden, with established vested interests”. In democracies and non-democracies, when elites are indifferent to civic demands, beholden to special interests, unaccountable, and institutional channels are blocked or ineffective, civil society often wields power to push for policies and practices to disrupt systems of corruption. Results have included improved public services; access to information; prevention of corruption and mismanagement; a push for policy and legislative change; and shifting norms toward integrity. People power efforts targeting corruption can disrupt dishonest activities and relationships; apply pressure through the power of numbers involving shared grievances and demands to elites; and engage with the public, powerholders, and institutions to gain support, shift loyalties towards civic initiatives, and back or even protect anti-corruption institutions, government reformers, and civil servants. There are examples everywhere. In Kenya, social audits by Muslims for Human Rights (MUHURI) curbed misuse of constituency development funds in marginalised neighbourhoods. Youth-led ReAcción Paraguay maps and monitors the country’s sovereign wealth fund resources allocated to education to improve the infrastructure of marginalised schools. In Romania, the Save Rosia Montana movement fought to prevent the destruction of villages and mountains for the construction of a gold mine. Voters Not Politicians is an ongoing anti-gerrymandering campaign in Michigan, USA that has inspired civic initiatives in other states. In Korea, CAGE 2000 (Citizens Initiative for the General Election) assessed parliamentary candidates and encouraged the election of those most fit for holding office. And in Indonesia, the Love Anti-Corruption Commission, Love Indonesia or CICAK campaigns to protect Indonesia’s Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) through unprecedented social support. Anti-corruption efforts by nature involve negatives — stopping, preventing, and punishing wrongdoing. There is also a need for more positive reinforcement of honest officials and anti-corruption practices and for shifting social norms toward integrity, collective responsibility and accountability. This can be seen through the Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan’s people power campaign to enact the Transparency and Accountability Bill in Rajasthan, India and Accountability Lab’s annual Integrity Icon grass-roots campaigns. Collaboration involving the government, private sector and civil society can contribute to tackling corruption and improving transparency and good governance. For instance, from 2009 to 2016 in Lviv, Ukraine, the Council on Competitiveness was created to shape the city’s economic strategy and the IT and tourism sectors. Local governance and decentralisation researcher Oleksandra Keudel reports that the platform also had “side effects”, such as changing the opaque governance of tenders for municipal land leasing to a transparent system of electronic tenders that was supported by businesses, civil society, and part of the political opposition. In some scenarios, a “window of opportunity” may arise, such as when a reformer is appointed head of a ministry or a non-democratic regime succumbs to a nonviolent movement that ushers in an elected government, or government corruption and linked repression stimulates public outrage and people power. Civil society is needed to monitor and disrupt, wield the power of numbers, and engage support. It may be that activists enter governments to implement reforms or institutionalise citizen-based monitoring, as was the case when the Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan’s Sowmya Kidambi became the Director of the Society for Social Audits, Accountability and Transparency in the Department of Rural Development, in India’s Telangana state government. Corruption comes in many forms and has varied consequences. Discontent over corruption may spur the revitalisation of democratic movements or it can move politics and segments of the population towards populism. Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index ranks 180 countries by perceived levels of public sector corruption using “a scale of zero (highly corrupt) to 100 (very clean)”. The Index uses data from dozens of sources, including the World Bank. Its 2021 report found that 86 percent of countries have seen no improvement over the last decade, demonstrating that corruption is a long-term and ongoing global issue. A decade of stagnation in the fight against corruption worldwide shows how important it is to address this issue to enhance democratic values. But civil society and citizens — organised in non-violent movements, campaigns, and local civic initiatives — continue to push for positive change even when faced with harsh repression. Shaazka Beyerle is a senior fellow at the Terrorism, Transnational Crime and Corruption Center (TraCCC), George Mason University and a Spring 2023 Adjunct Professor, at Georgetown University. Layla M. Hashemi is a researcher and data analyst at TraCCC and managing editor of the Journal of Civil Society. Beyerle tweets at @go_peoplepower and Hashemi tweets at @tokyomay. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 6, 2022

How religion still means power in 'secular' Turkey - 360 Ahmet Erdi Öztürk Published on August 23, 2023 As the Turkish Republic turns 100, the nation built from the ashes of the Ottoman empire continues to wield the religious power of its history. For a nation that can trace its roots back thousands of years, 2023 will stand out as truly significant in Turkish history. In February earthquakes killed upwards of 50,000 people across Turkey and over the Syrian border as the historic cities of the south-east, once the centre of ancient life, were decimated. With a nation in mourning, in May bitterly fought elections saw the increasingly autocratic Recep Tayyip Erdoğan return to power, even while the national economy spiralled out of control and obliterated the once-growing middle class. As this confluence of crises dragged on the national psyche, one calendar date was rapidly approaching: 29 October will mark the 100th anniversary of the Turkish republic, established under Mustafa Kemal Ataturk among the ashes of the Ottoman Empire. Between two men, Ataturk and Erdoğan, these two eras define Turkey’s internal battle with secularism and balancing its religious history. A nation renowned for being sandwiched between continents has forever had to juggle the differing ways of living that exist to its east and west. When Erdoğan was reelected as the president of Turkey in May, his key rival was the head of the main opposition party, Kemal Kilicdaroglu, who has an Alevi background. The Alevi people are the largest religious minority in the dominant Sunni Muslim Turkey. Despite sharing the Islamic faith, Alevis have been persecuted in Turkey for their beliefs, and politically marginalised as a result. This recognition of his faith cast the election partly along religious lines. Erdoğan’s victory was hugely significant. He is now officially the longest-serving political leader of the country, who has clearly defined himself as a devoted Sunni Muslim. Erdoğan has been at the helm of Turkish politics for 30 years — first as mayor of Istanbul and then as Turkish prime minister and finally president. As Erdoğan’s stock has risen, so too has that of Turkey. Turkey has gained huge visibility and impact in foreign policy, but at the same time the country has became a highly polarised one divided along multiple socio-political issues, and among them religion is key. The true management of religion in Turkey in its more modern form did not start under the rule of Erdoğan and his religious-oriented Justice and Development Party (AKP). Instead, it has a long historical tradition. Religion and its clashes with modernity are nothing new.The use of religion to project power is also far from new. The shimmering example of that is the Great Hagia Sophia. Standing as Christian Church for more than a millennium, it was the biggest in the world for centuries, adorned in golden mosaics. It became a mosque after the Ottoman conquest of Byzantium in 1453 until it became a museum under Ataturk in 1931, before being changed back to a mosque by the Erdoğan government in 2020. The night before the 2023 election, Erdoğan led prayers at the Hagia Sophia in the same fashion that Ottoman sultans had done centuries before as their troops headed off to battle. The echoes of the Ottoman empire continue to ring. Turkey has always been striving for modernity and its record can be read in tandem with the global narrative. In the 18th century, there were plans to reform the intersection of education, administration, and social relations. Nothing significant changed in these areas until the establishment of modern Turkey under Ataturk. Under Ataturk, unique state-society-religion relations developed: a Turkish type of secularism, or in Turkish, laiklik. In creating the Turkish republic, Ataturk abolished the caliphate, the Islamic merger of the political and religious that had existed since the 1500s. In what many in the West believe ended state contact with religion in the newly secular republic of Turkey of the 1920s Ataturk found an organisation known as Diyanet. Diyanet is Turkey’s Presidency of Religious Affairs. Modern in its title, it is still a body that closely resembles the semi-bureaucratic, semi-political institutions that controlled religion in Byzantine and Ottoman times. Diyanet has been accused of holding incredible influence, funding and control in Turkey, and of shaping international views of Turkey through its overseas works. However, fundamentally all it is performing is a very Turkish act of using both religion and politics in unison. Turkish secularism has never been a complete separation of religion and politics, but more a political practice of controlling religion and aligning its sphere with its own wishes. The intricate relationship of managing religion among politics and wider society in Turkey did not begin with the Republican period but continued a longer legacy aligned with global politics. In the Justice and Development Party era and under the leadership of Erdoğan, the two-way relationship has re-emerged between religion and political power. The ruling party has become much more repressive, has begun to monopolise religion and gets its legitimacy from the religious discourse within the majority of the Sunni Islamic structures. In those, the Diyanet is critical as one of the visible faces of political power. The Justice and Development Party period is primarily distinguished by the establishment of hegemony over religion in the aftermath of the traumatic struggle with the Gülen Movement and the transformation of the state identity after the 2016 coup attempt. Fetullah Gülen, a cleric the Turkish government claims was behind the failed coup attempt, spent decades as a close ally of Erdoğan along his road to supremacy. When their objectives differed, Gülen’s organisation and followers were imprisoned or fled the country. Erdoğan is now set to continue to shape Turkey through his narrow lens of religion being leveraged for politics. This transformation and the clash with Gülen are just another reflection of the instrumentalization of Islam as a tool by Erdoğan’s party, whose leading supporters are largely religious. Repression of all opposition groups through he monopolised religion is easy for the ruling party in Muslim-majority Turkey where it brings a low political cost. Some might argue that the Kemalists of the early republican years controlled public religious manifestation through restrictive measures while the Justice Action Party is regulating the public space by infusing religious elements. The state control over religion remains unchanged, but in its uses has become much more comprehensive. Dr. Ahmet Erdi Öztürk is a Senior Lecturer in Politics and International Relations at London Metropolitan University, currently working as the Marie Sklodowska-Curie fellow at Coventry University in the UK and GIGA in Germany. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Religion in politics” sent at: 20/08/2023 12:10. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on August 23, 2023

How riots formed Kolkata's ghettos - 360 Ritajyoti Bandyopadhyay, Ranabir Samaddar Published on January 12, 2023 Communal violence has led to clear territorial demarcation of space, access, and resources, marking the everyday experience of minority citizenship in Kolkata. Confrontation, contests and conflict have been key characteristics of Kolkata since colonial times. Class, caste and religious divides have defined many aspects of the city’s development. Throughout its colonial history, Kolkata (formerly Calcutta), had been a Hindu-majority city in the heart of a Muslim-majority province. Until the mid-20th century, despite bitter rivalry, the Hindu and Muslim populations inhabited shared spaces, even in areas populated chiefly by the members of one community. There was a complex inter-communal sharing of neighbourhoods, infrastructure and resources. This feature was evident from various colonial enquiries set up after Hindu-Muslim riots. Policemen handling any violence in various neighbourhoods repeatedly pointed out the difficulty of zone-marking any part of Kolkata as belonging exclusively to one group or the other. Ghettos did not exist to the extent they do today. The city’s character began to transform slowly in the decades between the two world wars due to the twin effects of urban renewal and communal mobilisation. It culminated in territorial defeat of Muslims in the religious war of 1946 which was followed by Independence, Partition, and the influx of Hindu refugees from East Pakistan. At ‘the stroke of midnight’ on August 15, 1947, Kolkata emerged as the Hindu-majority capital city of a Hindu-majority state — West Bengal. One of the outcomes Muslim defeat in Kolkata was the formation of ghettos on a wide scale. Kolkata witnessed two major communal outbreaks — in 1918 and 1926. These two riots were confined to central Kolkata where the city’s prosperous Marwari trading communities and their ‘up-country’ Hindu militia did battle with the Muslim working class and petty traders, residing in nearby slums, and mendicant Kabuli traders (Afghan Muslims). From the final decade of the 19th century, this area of the city witnessed massive recycling of space through various municipal initiatives such as major street schemes, making way for gentrification. Even though communal mobilisations had wider pan-regional character, the riots were also local affairs, spreading their tentacles via local and immediate animosities between communities and classes. During the riots of 1918 and 1926, the class character of communal animosity became amply clear. The territorial outcomes of these riots were mixed. Even though the Muslims were a minority in central Kolkata, during the riots, they continued to receive support and physical enforcement from the Muslim-dominated industrial belts of the city, especially from the Howrah jute belt. Hindu-Muslim riots in Kolkata became total warfare only in August 1946 (known as the ‘Great Calcutta Killings’), when religious identity of the two warring parts of the society superseded ethnic, regional, caste and class identities. The riot of 1946 exceeding its predecessors by embroiling the entire city, its suburbs, and the industrial belt in bloodshed. In the third week of August 1946, the violence left about 15,000 dead, 100,000 injured, and 200,000 homeless. The official estimate was conservative. Its impact on the city’s Muslims was decisive and irreversible. Yet, even during the 1946 riots, it was difficult for the police officers working on the ground to mark pockets of the city as exclusively Hindu or Muslim. The neighbourhoods were mixed even in places where Muslims were in a clear minority in census terms. The creation of Pakistan and Kolkata’s settlement with India, coupled with the disbandment of the Bengal Provincial Muslim League and a spectacular influx of Hindu refugees in the city, produced the conditions for the ultimate territorial marginalisation of Muslims in Kolkata. Five years after the Great Calcutta Killings, the Census of 1951 published a 50-year trend of the Hindu–Muslim population ratio in Kolkata. It registered a decline of the Muslim population between 1941 and 1951 by 191,603. The West Bengal government recorded a flight of 130,000 Muslims by 1951 because of the “fear of disturbances”. The 1961 Census found near elimination of Muslims from select wards of the city and consequent Muslim concentration in some others like Park Circus, Ekbalpore, Bowbazaar, Karaya, Narkeldanga, and Beniapukur. By 1961, Muslims were almost totally expunged from the northern, eastern, southcentral, and south-eastern wards of the city. Many of these wards also witnessed refugee resettlement throughout the 1950s. Hindu-Muslim riots in Kolkata changed after “partitioned independence”. There were three major violent outbreaks in 1950, 1964, and 1992. The 1950 riot is illustrative of how the riotscape changed with Independence. In February 1950, a riot broke out in Wards 15 and 16 of the city, along with areas adjacent to Beadon Street, Amherst Street, and the working-class areas of the eastern frontier of the city. Certain neighbourhood clubs in the affected areas were actively engaged in evicting Muslims and settling Hindu refugees in the vacant houses and hutments. A remarkable feature of the violence was the proliferation of mob lynchings of Muslims inside Muslim mohallas (neighbourhoods). Muslims fled in their thousands to locations they perceived as safer such as Park Circus, Beniapukur, Narkeldanga, Zakaria Street, and Kidderpore. The jute mills and other factories in the industrial townships around Kolkata had to close production due to the flight of Muslim workers. One of the outcomes of these post-colonial era riots was the increasing ghettoisation of Muslims. Even the middle and upper-class decided to live in these ghettos or close to the ghettos to minimise the risk of communal violence against them. What emerged was communally uniform, yet class divided and densely populated Muslim neighbourhoods — a distinctly post-colonial phenomenon in Kolkata. The segregated ghetto did not mean the end of all communal violence and added other forms of marginalisation and exclusion. When there hasn’t been large-scale violence, there has been sporadic lynching while previously mixed neighbourhoods have become sanitised zones through the expulsion of minority elements. There is clear territorial demarcation of space, access and resources marking out the everyday experience of minority citizenship. The erasure of the general presence of a population group has, ironically, made certain practices associated with minority communities even more visible, leading to a new round of persecution by Right Wing elements. One thing is clear: territory is the kernel of a city. The city, therefore, remains a contested place. Minorities must stake their claims to it if they do not want to lose out. The resources, land, infrastructure – all are subject to claim makings by various segments of urban population. Even though the Left and populist governments try to minimise the effects of the perpetual war – at times social, at times territorial – the conflict persists with winners and losers. Like the migrants, the minorities are destined to be the subjects of a perpetual war. is Assistant Professor, Humanities and Social Sciences, Indian Institute of Science Education and Research, Mohali is Distinguished Chair in Migration and Forced Migration Studies, Mahanirban Calcutta Research Group, Kolkata. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on January 12, 2023

How Russia quietly built its allies since the Cold War - 360 Ecaterina Locoman, Mihaela Papa Published on May 30, 2022 Despite widespread sanctions over the invasion of Ukraine, Russia still has many allies. This is how Russia built relationships from the ashes of the Cold War. Two weeks after invading Ukraine, Russia expanded its list of “unfriendly” countries to include 48 nations that had imposed sanctions against it for actions in Ukraine. The initial list, published in 2021, contained only two countries: the United States and the Czech Republic. Expanded in March 2022, the list now includes the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada, Japan and all European Union member states, among others. Being on the “unfriendly” list means restricted trade relations and currency transactions with Russia. While Russia imposed restrictions on economic cooperation with these “unfriendly” nations, it has intensified its cooperation with China and India. On 30 March 2022, Russia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Sergei Lavrov, visited Beijing and said Russia–China relations were “at their strongest level ever”. The countries released a joint statement on their strengthened cooperation. India has remained committed to its cooperation with Russia, refraining from criticising the invasion in Ukraine, exploring new payment models for trade, and purchasing liquified natural gas from Russia at a discount. The war in Ukraine demonstrated that the global order the world has known since 1991 has been altered: multipolarity – a reality in which there are multiple centres of global power – is the new norm. Western countries could not get the full condemnation and isolation of Russia they hoped for, and the more strongly they pushed for condemnation, the clearer it became that major powers such as China and India could not be forced to choose sides. Since the Cold War, Russia has cultivated multiple allied relationships that have proven useful. While its engagement in traditional security alliances has been limited, Russia has experimented with a range of cooperation formats. Russia followed two pathways. Regionally, it aimed to strengthen its influence in Central Asia, the Caucasus and Eastern Europe, creating a defensive alliance and economic-union-type relations with former Soviet countries. Globally, it sought to increase its bargaining leverage towards the US and diversify its foreign relationships. At the regional level, the only formal alliance that Russia is part of is the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). Policy documents treat the CSTO as the main tool for managing regional military and political threats in Eurasia, but Russian scholars don’t see the CSTO offering Russia support or “pseudo-legitimacy” during its military actions (for example, those in Georgia or Ukraine) comparable to the support the US receives from NATO. Nevertheless, Russia remains the CSTO’s guarantor and the main contributor to its budget. Beyond security-focused alliances, Russia has put its energies into creating and sustaining regional union–type relationships, including the Union State of Russia and Belarus, and the Eurasian Economic Union. The former is a union characterised by economic sovereignty, emphasising loyalty and common defence with Belarus, Russia’s closest ally. The latter is a regional integration project involving Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Russia. The Commonwealth of Independent States has also been used as a political platform to address regional issues. The fate of these Russia-championed regional organisations is yet to be known, given their main security guarantor (Russia) has disrupted the global status quo by invading Ukraine as well as through its actions in Georgia and Crimea in 2014. This has left some Central Asian countries concerned about Russia’s next moves. At the global level, a multivector approach has offered Russia more leeway in its negotiations with international partners. Russia has also diversified the tools it can use in times of crisis or when faced with sanctions. When relations with the US and the EU deteriorated, Russia’s multivectorism allowed it to adjust and pursue its goal of being a global power. Russia has been cultivating strategic partnerships with countries in Asia and Latin America for decades, experimenting with more informal, flexible and geographically diverse security relationships that come without the defence commitments of traditional alliances. Using a strategically deployed partnership framework, Russia has created a new world order oriented around more than one centre. This framework comprises bilateral strategic partnerships (the closest partners being China and India) and multilateral strategic partnerships among the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa). Russia places special weight on its strategic partnership with China. Russo-Chinese relations evolved from being framed as “constructive partnership” in 1994 to “comprehensive strategic partnership” in 2019, with Russian President Vladimir Putin even acknowledging that an eventual military alliance with China could not be ruled out. Much of Russia’s security thinking and policymaking has been a response to NATO’s existence as a security alliance in Europe. Even though in the early 1990s Russia and NATO engaged with one another through various institutional mechanisms (and there were even discussions that Russia might join NATO one day), collaboration deteriorated over time because of the Russo-Georgian war, and Russia’s engagement in Ukraine in 2014 and today. Russia’s national-security strategies have consistently treated NATO expansion as a major threat. This threat is likely to remain. Finland and  Sweden formally applied to join NATO, giving the Western alliance its biggest presence along the Russian border in its history. Russia declared it would take retaliatory steps in response to Finland’s intention to join NATO. In the short to medium term, being isolated from the West and facing economic sanctions and military expenses, Russia has fewer policy options in the international arena. It is likely to strengthen its relations with China even more, though Moscow is wary, as it does not want to be perceived as a junior partner in a potential Sino-Russian alliance. China is Russia’s main economic partner, and there is a significant imbalance in their economic relations: China accounts for around 18 percent of Russia’s total trade; Russia’s share of Chinese trade is only just over 2 percent. This imbalance will increase if the war in Ukraine continues and economic sanctions are maintained. Russia is likely to continue its anti-Western pattern of international behaviour, and its isolation from the West may outlast the war. If it wants to energise its foreign engagements, Russia will likely deepen its bilateral relations with its closest regional allies (Belarus, Kazakhstan), as well as use its relations with EU countries such as Hungary, France and Germany that may be more susceptible to its influence. However, as Russia keeps stacking up unfriendly countries, its relationships with China and India will show whether it can sink or swim in the multipolar world. Dr Ecaterina Locoman is a Senior Lecturer of International Studies at the Lauder Institute, University of Pennsylvania. She also holds an appointment in the Department of Political Science at the University of Pennsylvania. Dr Locoman and Dr Papa’s work relates to the Office of the Secretary of Defense Minerva Initiative through the Department of Navy award [N000141812744] issued by the Office of Naval Research. The United States Government has a royalty-free licence throughout the world in all copyrightable materials contained herein. Any opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Office of Naval Research. Dr Locoman and Dr Papa declared no conflicts of interest in relation to the article. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 30, 2022

How Russia's Ukraine strategy affects the Middle East - 360 Elena Grossfeld Published on February 23, 2024 Russia’s war in Ukraine has forced it to change tack when trying to assert influence elsewhere, particularly the Middle East. Two years of fighting in Ukraine has damaged Russia’s reputation so badly, it’s switching strategy when it comes to global influence. In a departure from the Soviet approach that relied on soft power — investing in satellite states’ infrastructure, education, and weapons at a significant cost while achieving limited results — Russia has switched to engaging with the proxy groups it finds useful. In the Middle East, this means Moscow is providing limited aid to Hamas, Hezbollah, and Ansar Allah (Houthis), positioning itself on the side of resistance, Russia presents its actions as seeking to right the wrongs of colonial powers represented by the US and its allies. Reports of Russian efforts to recruit mercenaries for its war in Ukraine highlight another benefit the latest Middle Eastern crisis, with its potential to turn into a regional conflict, can provide. A significant pool of potential Palestinian recruits in Lebanon, confined to refugee camps without many economic prospects, could become a welcome addition to Russian forces at a much cheaper rate of USD$350 per month versus the USD$4000 it pays domestic volunteers. Previous Russian recruitment efforts in Syria and elsewhere underline the pattern of Moscow’s interactions switching from the Soviet-era satellite model to something entirely different. The prospect of Israel attacking Hezbollah and dragging Lebanon ever closer to a failed state would increase the potential pool of recruits for Russia. Russia’s failure at soft power is a direct result of its invasion of Ukraine, manifested by events in former Soviet states such as Georgia, Armenia, Moldova and Kazakhstan. Even its friendly relations with Serbia and Slovakia are now undermined by mass protests. In the Middle East, Moscow’s once-friendly ties with Israel have soured, reverting to the familiar tropes of anti-semitism, despite Israel’s careful threading on the issue of Ukraine both in its public statements, almost non-existent military assistance to Kyiv, and coordinating its own military activity in Syria with Russia since 2015 in an effort to avoid accidents. Those days seem to be over. Since the October 7 attack, Russia came down on Hamas’s side, blaming the US for its failing Middle Eastern policies. Russia’s stance was on display in its call for the United Nations Security Council to accept a resolution condemning violence and terrorism against Gaza’s civilians, aimed mainly at Israel and omitting any mention of Hamas. This conveniently ignored Russia’s own role in inflicting violence on Ukrainians and Syrians. The latest bloodshed in the Middle East helps Russia not only by distracting the world’s attention from the war in Ukraine but by presenting the US and its allies to the Global South as a colonial power with a selective position on aggression and use of force while promoting Russia as a champion of fairness. Russia’s attempt at consolidating the anti-Western alliance follows the old Soviet textbook, which presented the Soviet Union as the protector of the world’s oppressed and a supporter of anti-colonial movements worldwide. Moscow’s willingness to work with those terrorists it finds useful is similar to the approach of the Soviet Union and Eastern Bloc allies which played a major role in arming and training various terrorist groups, such as the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), the Italian Red Brigades, the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and others, providing advice and support on organisational, political, and other issues. This time, however, there’s no cash to follow. Instead, the Kremlin’s help is limited to friendly gestures, such as receiving representatives of Hamas and Ansar Allah in Moscow, hosting the Hamas website, facilitating Hamas and its terrorist offshoot’s fund-raising through FSB-controlled cryptocurrency exchange Garantex, and participating in Iranian-backed oil supply schemes with payments redirected to Hamas. EMBED START Image {id: "editor_31"} EMBED END Image {id: "editor_31"} Other assistance includes providing Hamas with Kalashnikov manufacturing licences, pushing disinformation narratives about American-supplied arms from Ukraine reaching Gaza, and worldwide propaganda efforts blaming US involvement or lack thereof in escalating violence in the Middle East. Additional aid has included Russia facilitating Iranian arms shipments destined for Hezbollah and Hamas cells in Lebanon and Syria by allowing Iran to use the Hmeimim airport for its weapons shipments after Israel repeatedly bombed and damaged the Damascus and Aleppo airports, rendering them inoperable. The Russian Air Force was seen patrolling the Israeli-Syrian border in the Golan Heights, which, coupled with increased Hamas presence in Syria, can complicate Israeli operations in Syria. Despite Yemen’s dependence on Russian and Ukrainian grain and the widespread hunger in North Yemen, under the control of Houthis, Russia has provided no material assistance beyond the expression of outrage over recent American and British strikes. Russia’s provision of material support to the Houthis may present considerable risks in its relationship with Saudi Arabia, which has been engaged in a long conflict with the rebel group. The Saudis are still reviewing a decision to join BRICS, which Moscow is keen to expand to bolster economic influence, promote increased trade in local currencies, and challenge the US dollar’s status as a reserve currency. Russia would be treading carefully to avoid upsetting Riyadh. Occasional damage to its oil shipments does appears to be the price Russia is willing to pay for watching the global commerce rerouting efforts, attacks on the US military, and the prospects of undermining the US-dominated financial world system. The Gaza conflict and its repercussions across the Middle East exemplify Russia’s adept manipulation of regional and global divisions and disputes to advance its geopolitical objectives. This strategy not only serves to undermine the rules-based international order upheld by traditional adversaries but also bolsters Russia’s stance in its conflict with Ukraine. Elena Grossfeld is a PhD Candidate in the Department of War Studies at King’s College London, and a member of King’s Centre for the Study of Intelligence. She is a principal partner at London Washington consulting group. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 23, 2024

How science is solving food waste - 360 Published on December 30, 2022 Worried about food waste? Here’s how researchers are working to solve the problem As many of us lean back after our holiday feasts, waist-bands groaning, thoughts turn to all the left-overs. According to the United Nations, around 17 percent of all food produced globally is thrown away from shops, restaurants or households. And households are responsible for the majority of this figure. Growing food and transporting it to shops and then homes takes a huge amount of resources in the form of land, water, energy, chemicals and fuel. Food loss or waste accounts for 8 to 10 percent of global greenhouse gas emissions, contributing to climate change and extreme weather. “Reducing food loss and waste is essential in our world today, where up to 828 million people go hungry every day,” says Rosa Rolle, team leader for Food Losses and Food Waste from the Food and Agriculture Organization. According to Mark Boulet, a senior researcher with BehaviourWorks Australia, at Monash University, Australia, one deceptively simple idea has merit in helping households use up their left-overs. “Simple, well-designed visual cues have been shown to be effective in encouraging sustainable behaviour,” he says. Using marker tape for ‘eat this first’ items in the pantry or fridge reduced food waste by up to 40 percent. “It acts as a visual prompt to remind householders of food that needs to be eaten before it spoils, before it passes its best-before date or before a replacement item is purchased.” The tape was most effective in large households as a communication tool so other members knew what should be eaten or could be taken to work or school. In Indonesia, food waste charities are filling a gap in government policy concerning food waste. “Food waste is the largest category of waste in Indonesia,” says Vrameswari Omega Wati, a lecturer in International Relations at the Parahyangan Catholic University, Indonesia. “But with government intervention not yet visible, social initiatives such as food banks, food sharing and utilising technology applications have sprung up to fill the gap.” Several charity groups are using different strategies, including apps, to redistribute food to those in need, or to turn it into animal feed. Another way to prevent food waste is plastic. Although plastic has been long regarded as an environmental evil, Helén Williams from Karlstad University in Sweden says food waste is the twin environmental evil. “If packaging is the environmental disaster story, protection of food is the success story. When food isn’t consumed because it wasn’t properly protected, all the resources that went into growing the food are lost,” she says. To truly understand the environmental impact of either food waste or plastic packaging, the twins need to be looked at together. “Take beef, for example. One study showed the climate impact of beef was 780 times higher than the impact of its packaging. The same study showed the impact of a plastic water bottle was 17 times higher than the impact of the water. This means even elaborate beef packaging can be environmentally justified if it will reduce the waste of beef. Single-use water bottles, though, appear to be unjustifiable.” Indeed, elaborate packaging for meat is just one of the new ideas being floated to tackle food waste. Svenja Kloß researches packaging materials at Albstadt-Sigmaringen University, Germany. “Intelligent packaging can …provide information about the condition and freshness of the food,” she says. For example, a blue tick that fades to orange as the meat ages. But she cautions that consumer behaviour may cause such a strategy to backfire: “Consumers may reject only slightly discoloured labels, leading to an increase in unsold food – which goes directly against the goal of reducing food waste.” Ahmed Z. Naser at the University of Guelph, Canada, researches new kinds of plastic made from plant material. He says, “global production of bioplastics is expected to double from around 2.4 million tonnes in 2021 to around 5.2 million tonnes in 2023.” Plant-based plastics “have a similar molecular structure and qualities but are derived from natural resources such as plant-based starches and vegetable oils, and/or will decompose when disposed of properly,” he says. The deceptively simple idea that saves food from being wasted Charity groups tackle food waste in Indonesia Plastic packaging has an evil twin Fredrik Wikström, Helén Williams, Karlstad University The problem of too much plastic packaging will not be solved without addressing its larger twin: food waste. Plastic pollution is bad, but food waste is far worse Simon Lockrey, RMIT University Single-use  plastic is a huge environmental problem, but it can help limit food waste – another big problem. Tackling both will take ingenuity. A bad wrap? Using packaging well to reduce food waste Tammara Soma, Simon Fraser University Vast amounts of food are sent to landfill. But the jury’s out on whether  packaging is friend or foe in the fight against the problem. Meet the meat that tells you when it’s going bad Svenja Kloß, Mara Strenger and Markus Schmid, Albstadt-Sigmaringen University Intelligent packaging offers promise for reducing food waste, with smart indicators letting consumers know whether their fridge contents are still safe to eat. New plastics prepare for takeoff Ahmed Z. Naser, University of Guelph Plant-based plastics are only just starting to be more widely accepted. But challenges remain. Malaysia says no to single-use plastic Thoo Yin Yin, Monash University Malaysia Malaysia wants to get rid of single-use plastic by 2030. Bioplastics may help it get there. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 30, 2022

How sea ice blew the socks off scientists - 360 Alexander Fraser, Takenobu Toyota Published on January 24, 2024 Not all Antarctic sea ice is the same. And the finer details are what scientists need to know more about to understand its impact on the climate system. Antarctic sea ice was in the headlines for all the wrong reasons in 2023. It started with the lowest extent ever recorded in January, based on a satellite record going back to 1978 — a worrying sign in itself. Normally Antarctic sea ice reaches a minimum extent of around 3 million square km in February. In 2023, it could only muster around 2 million square km. But what came later in the year really blew the socks off experts: not only was the extent at record lows for almost all the year, but the magnitude of this record was far beyond what many scientists considered possible at the start of the year. There is usually a steady increase to a maximum of around 19 million square km in September, but in 2023 Antarctic sea ice didn’t even hit 17 million square km. The failure to grow this extra almost 2 million square km over winter is of huge concern and points to major upheavals in the climate system. Researchers have been expecting Antarctic sea ice extent to start slowly shrinking for a while now — as the warming of the atmosphere and ocean takes hold — but it’s fair to say that this huge anomaly took climate scientists by surprise. Full understanding of the 2023 Antarctic sea ice anomaly still eludes scientists, and while ice-ocean modellers work furiously toward the answers, there’s also the recognition that despite their best efforts, scientists still don’t know enough about many crucial properties of the sea ice. Because of the vast area occupied by the ice, satellite measurements hold the key to large-scale monitoring. Since 1978 researchers have been able to determine the extent of sea ice on a near daily basis. This is done by polar-orbiting satellites which can observe the subtle microwave emissions from the surface, and these measurements continue to this day. But extent is only one piece of the sea ice puzzle. To fully understand sea ice, more needs to be known about its properties, and the different types of sea ice which play different roles in the climate system. Like sea-ice extent, the drift speed of pack ice is what is called an essential climate variable. Without knowledge of the motion of the sea ice, there would be no way of accounting for ice which is produced in one area and ‘exported’ to another region — it would be like trying to understand a book by reading only its last page. Again, thanks to satellite observations of the Earth, researchers have been able to remotely monitor sea-ice motion on a daily basis since the 1990s. But knowledge of the sea-ice extent and motion are still not enough — scientists need to also know the ice’s thickness. For a long time, satellite-based thickness measurements were considered the holy grail. The most direct way to measure sea ice thickness on a global scale is with satellite altimetry — using the same technique as hardware store laser tape measures. Satellites can send down a pulse of laser light or radar energy, measure the time taken for that signal to reflect off the ice and travel back, and then estimate the distance to the ice surface. By calibrating this space-based tape measure using nearby sea surface height, they can accurately measure the height of the ice floating above the water, and hence estimate its thickness. But this technique is tricky for two reasons: as with icebergs, only around 10 percent of the ice thickness lies above the water; and researchers don’t accurately know the thickness or density of the overlying snow cover. So although scientists have been able to estimate sea-ice thickness with altimeters since the 2000s, these estimates have had fairly large uncertainty. Estimating the sea ice thickness, as well as that of its snow cover, are currently very active areas of research, but with more work, most researchers feel that the holy grail is nearly within their grasp. Sea-ice extent, motion and thickness are three big-ticket items from researchers’ shopping lists, but they also need to know more about the sea ice to fully understand how it might change in the future. One thing to know more about is where different types of ice are found around Antarctica. Sea ice can be classified by its age, for example, first-year ice, which has not survived the summer melt vs multi-year ice; whether it moves (pack ice) or not (landfast ice, which is attached to the coastline or grounded icebergs); and whether or not it is affected by waves and swell from the open ocean (in the so-called marginal ice zone). Each of these ice types has distinctly different climate roles and interactions — for example, in the marginal ice zone, ice floes can be broken by large waves, and this fracturing into smaller floes can result in accelerated melt in the springtime. Understanding of different sea-ice types is progressing, and with the launch of more advanced satellites, researchers gain more knowledge each year, but knowledge of these ice types is still comparatively limited. After every quantum leap in understanding of sea ice properties and types, climate modellers then implement this new knowledge into their models. With each model generation, new complexity is added in order to represent ice in a more realistic way, and the resulting increase in model skill is investigated. As an example, the third major version of the Australian Community Climate and Earth System Simulator ocean/ice model is now under development. For the first time, researchers will soon be able to differentiate between pack and landfast ice, and include waves in order to represent the marginal ice zone in the model. Accurate monitoring and modelling of this complex Earth system component is an expensive undertaking — leveraging billion-dollar, multi-national satellite constellations, sea-ice research voyages costing tens of millions of dollars, supercomputer time worth hundreds of thousands of dollars, and researcher salaries to bring it all together. But the societal cost of not being able to accurately understand and predict Antarctic sea ice is too great to comprehend, especially in an era of rapid climate change. Dr Alexander Fraser is a senior research fellow with the Australian Antarctic Program Partnership at the University of Tasmania. He is a recipient of the 2024 Japan Society for the Promotion of Science BRIDGE Fellowship. His research interests are in the field of cryospheric remote sensing. He will begin an Australian Research Council-funded Future Fellowship investigating the puzzle of landfast sea ice in April. Assistant Professor Takenobu Toyota works for the Institute of Low Temperature Science at Hokkaido University in Japan. His research interests include growth and decay processes of sea ice in the seasonal ice zone, ice floe size distribution, properties of sea ice and overlying snow, and estimation of ice thickness distribution with remote sensing. The research project featured in this article received grant funding from the Australian Government as part of the Antarctic Science Collaboration Initiative program. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on January 24, 2024

How social media will be weaponised in Bangladesh election - 360 Md. Sayeed Al-Zaman Published on January 4, 2024 As Bangladesh preps for its election, social media is overflowing with information – and being weaponised by political parties. As Bangladesh prepares for its 2024 elections, a familiar but chilling spectre haunts the political landscape: the potential misuse of social media, which has reshaped the landscape since the 2018 Parliamentary election. The stakes are high. More than 50 million Bangladeshis, more than half the population, are on social media, particularly young people who constitute a critical voting bloc. Yet, their disillusionment with the state of justice, education, and security casts a shadow over the political promises of a digitalised Bangladesh. Facebook reigns supreme, with over 93 percent of Bangladesh’s social media users scrolling through its feeds. Political parties have seized this opportunity, crafting narratives carefully tailored to resonate with their target audiences. The ruling Bangladesh Awami League paints a picture of progress and praises Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s virtues, while the Bangladesh Nationalist Party spins a tale of democracy under siege, urging followers to resist authoritarianism. In the realm of digital political campaigns, the Awami League has invested in 1,653 paid posts since 2022. There has been a notable surge in 2023, encompassing 1,450 paid posts, including 84 posts in December alone, averaging five posts a day. The financial footprint tallies approximately 0.49 million BDT (USD$4,479), averaging 296 BDT (USD$2.70) per ad, with premium ads costing 9,999 BDT (USD$92). Meanwhile, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, which is boycotting the election, maintains a formidable presence despite fewer paid posts (67), spending a substantial 0.95 million BDT (USD$8,684) and averaging 14,200 BDT (USD$130) per ad, with premium ads costing 69,999 BDT (USD$640). Interestingly, Bangladesh Nationalist Party took a spending hiatus in December, engaging in only 14 posts. Audience response has become pivotal in this financial ballet. The Awami League’s continuous investments still generate higher laugh reactions and lower interaction rates. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party, despite a spending break, secures higher pre-election interaction rates, challenging assumptions about financial investment and online resonance. Against this backdrop, the youth demographic — constituting more than half of the total voters, most of whom use social media — has emerged as a critical force. And while political promises of a digital Bangladesh and a prosperous future are present in ongoing campaigns, the reality is disheartening. While 74.2 percent of young voters express a willingness to participate in the upcoming election, 57.3 percent perceive a worsening state of justice in the country. More than 75 percent want to leave Bangladesh and seek better opportunities abroad, citing deteriorating standards of living, education, security, and freedom. This disillusionment manifests in the brain drain index by the Fund for Peace, where Bangladesh scores 7.6, exceeding the global average of 5.5. Despite being a target demographic for political campaigns, young people grapple with a stark reality that transcends promises, potentially affecting online political engagement and election campaigns. The battle against misinformation deploys a spectrum of strategies, from legal measures to internet control. Before the 2018 election, the Election Commission engaged a team for social media monitoring to curb potential political misinformation and harmful content, resulting in arrests of alleged misinformation-spreaders. In subsequent months, the government enacted the Digital Security Act 2018, later amended as the Cybersecurity Act 2023, which faced severe criticism for threatening freedom of speech. Despite these measures, the Election Commission continues to grapple with the complexity of misinformation identification, with social media platforms becoming fertile grounds for unchecked political fabrications. In this intricate web of misinformation and disinformation, Bangladesh has witnessed the emergence of deepfakes as a potent tool. While not as sophisticated as those in North America or Europe, these manipulated pieces of content wield considerable impact in a country where 60.88 percent of users trust the misinformation they encounter and interact with. A Facebook photo of Bangladesh Nationalist Party leader, Rashed Iqbal has become the canvas for an auto-customised video with fabricated audio disseminated through social media channels. Despite the watermark identifying it as manipulated content, the video has gained traction, highlighting the public’s susceptibility to such content. Similarly, many instances of fake content result from basic editing rather than meticulous creation. A viral Facebook post featuring a fabricated photo of a female political leader from the Bangladesh Nationalist Party wearing a bikini serves as a stark example. The image, created by swapping faces with a Russian model, has deceived many despite its apparent falsification. These instances underscore the challenges posed by misinformation, deepening the digital divide and emphasising the urgent need for enhanced digital literacy measures. Bangladesh and its closest neighbour, India, share higher social media penetration rates amid significant digital illiteracy, creating a vulnerable landscape for misinformation. Religious misinformation, when politically motivated, adds tension to the social fabric, potentially harming stability. The rise of Hindu nationalism in India influences dynamics in Bangladesh, contributing to the spread of religion and political misinformation. The Bangladesh Awami League has always been concerned with the power of the internet for political purposes. Before the 2018 election, a large volume of pro- Bangladesh Awami League misinformation was spread online. This time, AFP uncovered hundreds of fake articles published in international media outlets praising the Awami League, which garnered the attention of social media users when shared online. The League plans to launch a sizeable online election campaign with 8000 Center for Research and Information-trained activists from the Students and Youth League of Bangladesh Awami League’s two political wings. This online campaign resembles the Bharatiya Janata Party’s IT Cell, a digital army that works for the Indian government’s interests. Pro-Bangladesh Awami League and pro-Bangladesh Nationalist Party propaganda are already on the field, complicating the scenario, with online campaigns becoming battlegrounds for manipulating election outcomes. Against this backdrop, the potential repercussions on social-political stability loom large. Md. Sayeed Al-Zaman is an assistant professor in the Department of Journalism and Media Studies at Jahangirnagar University, Dhaka, Bangladesh. His research focuses on the intersection between social media and social issues, as well as digital information and online behaviour. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Bangladesh election” sent at: 04/01/2024 06:00. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on January 4, 2024

How Sri Lanka sleepwalked over a debt cliff - 360 Umesh Moramudali Published on February 27, 2023 The issues that led Sri Lanka to become an economic basket case in 2022 serve as a warning for other nations. When politicians chase popularity over sound economic management, it can spell disaster.  Just ask Sri Lanka’s former president Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Rajapaksa quit in July last year after fleeing to Singapore at the height of protests against his government’s mismanagement of the economy which resulted in Sri Lanka declaring sovereign default in April 2022.  Many blame Rajapaksa for driving the country into its worst economic crisis since independence, leading to severe shortages of fuel, food and medicines. While it’s easy to blame one person, Sri Lanka’s economic crisis and sovereign default were the result of long-lasting fiscal indiscipline, weak institutions, lack of transparency and accountability and short-sighted economic policies that were taken for political popularity. Since the default, Sri Lanka has made some progress with debt restructuring. Private bondholders have expressed a willingness to restructure debt. The Paris Club group of creditors and India have provided financing assurances. Many of Sri Lanka’s outstanding foreign debt holders have expressed a willingness to restructure debt—but not all of them. But the position taken by China, Sri Lanka’s largest creditor is concerning.  While the Export-Import Bank of China will provide an extension on the debt service to help relieve Sri Lanka’s short-term repayment pressure, China’s level of commitment to debt restructuring remains unclear and Beijing consistently insists multilateral financial institutions should also bear the burden of debt relief. These comments and lack of specific commitments have delayed IMF board approval of Sri Lanka’s request to obtain a bailout package. China EXIM Bank too had stated that it would provide a two-year moratorium for debt repayments due in 2022 and 2023, but it remains unclear on debt restructuring methods. China is Sri Lanka’s largest bilateral creditor accounting for 19 percent of its total outstanding foreign debt. Private creditors own 36 percent of outstanding foreign debt due to the large number of Eurobonds issued by Sri Lanka in the previous decade. But the country needs to fix the issues that led it off the debt cliff in the first place. Sri Lanka’s problems go back decades. While global shocks such as COVID-19 and the Russia-Ukraine war had some impact on the country’s economy, the major causes were long lasting structural weaknesses successive governments failed to properly address. Instead of fixing these weaknesses, Sri Lanka continued to focus on debt-fuelled growth. The result was economic catastrophe. Sri Lanka grappled with persistent twin deficits (fiscal and current account) that lasted decades. A fiscal deficit is when a government spends more than it earns. A current account deficit is when a government spends more foreign currency than it earns. Both of these deficits resulted in five major structural weaknesses: Falling government revenue,  stagnant exports, an overvalued currency, lack of direct foreign investment and continued losses by state-owned enterprises twinned with subsidised energy prices. Sri Lanka has lacked fiscal discipline. It has one of the lowest tax to GDP ratios in the world, meaning it  barely collects any taxes, usually a substantial part of government revenue.  In 1990, Sri Lanka’s tax GDP ratio was approximately 20 percent of GDP. By 2015 this had dropped to 10.1 percent.  Gotabhaya Rajapaksha’s decision to hand out tax cuts  in 2019 in order to fulfill an election promise reduced this further. By 2021,  Sri Lanka’s tax ratio  dropped to 7.7 percent. This decline took place while the country’s GDP per capita income increased significantly. In 1990 Sri Lanka was a low-income country with a per capita of USD$464.  Seven years later it had lifted itself to a middle-income country with a per capita income of USD$814.  Its GDP per capita continued to grow and was  USD$4,060 in 2018. Accordingly, the World Bank classified Sri Lanka as an upper middle income country in 2019. (Although it was downgraded a year later.) But while GDP per capita grew, the tax ratio fell, forcing the government to borrow heavily to breach the fiscal deficit. So people’s incomes grew but taxes fell. At the same time, government expenditure increased. From 2005, ex-president Rajapaksa’s brother Mahinda led a government which invested heavily in public infrastructure. This made him popular, with the construction of highways, a new port, an airport and massive road development projects. Foreign loans, from capital markets and China, paid for most of it. To secure this money, Sri Lanka offered government bonds at high interest rates. This meant the country would need significant foreign currency reserves to pay creditors when the bonds matured. Most of the Chinese loans were not commercial but had far higher interest rates than loans from the World Bank, ADB and Japan which were Sri Lanka’s three major traditional lenders. This infrastructure development took place largely for political reasons. For instance, Mahinda Rajapaksa decided to build a second airport in his hometown of Hambantota when the sensible option would have been to expand the existing international airport near Colombo. Corruption was also a major problem in these projects. In 2004, the share of non-concessional debt of Sri Lanka’s foreign loans was only 2.4 per cent. This rocketed to 50 percent in 10 years, increasing the debt burden. There are two reasons why: access to concessional loans fell as Sri Lanka’s income levels rose forcing the government to look for alternative foreign financing to bridge the budget deficit. And the government was obsessed with building large scale infrastructure development and maintaining import substitution policies such as increasing import tariffs. The latter resulted in a deterioration of the country’s export performance. Import substitution policies did not increase exports, instead it expanded the non-tradable sector (sectors with few exports). From 2000 to 2015, Sri Lanka’s exports as a share of the GDP fell from 39 percent to 20 percent. This meant while the foreign debt repayment burden increased, Sri Lanka’s ability to repay foreign loans deteriorated. Sri Lanka was compelled to borrow more from international capital markets to repay previous loans. This led to a massive increase of foreign debt repayment cost. Sri Lanka’s external debt servicing ratio went up to 25.4 percent in 2019 from 10.7 per cent in 2000. As Sri Lanka transitioned from a low-income to middle-income nation, successive governments facilitated rent seeking, maintained lower tax rates, expanded the public service through hiring unskilled labour for political reasons and financed loss making state-owned enterprises for political gain. The country’s growing middle class loved these policies. The government also facilitated non-tradable sector businesses by maintaining an overvalued exchange rate, high import tariffs and low interest rates. Businesses loved these policies as they offered relatively easier income generation compared to competing in the global market. This led to a stagnation of exports and imports based on non-tradable sectors. The current account deficit kept growing. By 2022, Sri Lanka ran out of foreign currency to repay foreign loans. Sri Lanka is now compelled to reverse most of these policy mishaps. Electricity and fuel prices have increased, taxes have increased, interest rates have increased, the exchange rate has increased, causing inflation to soar. In January it was 53.2 percent. This means the country’s middle-class as well as business community is struggling as the government no longer can subsidise them. Almost a year after protests against the Rajapaksa government, more protests and strikes opposing tax reforms and other policy reforms have wracked the nation. Austerity is hard and it is harder in a shrinking economy, but Sri Lanka has no choice. It is compelled to carry out reforms in order to receive the support of the IMF, other multilateral agencies and to conclude a debt restructuring progress. The lesson Sri Lanka teaches is that middle-income transitions sound and look fancy for many low-income countries. But, hurrying into it without fixing structural issues in the economy, strengthening institutions and ensuring strong checks and balances can create economic catastrophe. In the short term, people, businesses and politicians may be very happy. But that party won’t last unless the country has been able to get its  house in order.  Sri Lanka didn’t. Now Sri Lanka is trying to do it and it is not easy. Parties are fun while it lasts, but hangovers often are bitter. Umesh Moramudali is a lecturer at the University of Colombo. His research focuses on public finance, Chinese loans and investments, and political economy.  He is a Chevening scholar and holds an M.Sc in Economics from the University of Warwick. He was formerly a research analyst at the Ministry of Finance and a senior research associate at the Ceylon Chamber of Commerce. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Governments in the red” sent at: 24/02/2023 14:42. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 27, 2023

How strategic green spaces can cool cities - 360 Wanyu Shih Published on February 28, 2022 Green spaces are not the answer to overheated cities by themselves. Careful urban planning needs to consider their strategic placement. When it comes to climate adaptation options, one of the key messages coming from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change is for cities to integrate their grey and green spaces. While modern cities have largely moved on from traditional practices, our forebears may have understood more than we realise about living with nature. Increasingly, researchers specialising in how cities can cope with climate change are encouraging us to regain local knowledge of nature. City developments often don’t consider orientation, water, wind flows, and light. In face of urban warming, air conditioning remains almost the standard response in more developed nations, whatever the weather. Air-conditioners can significantly reduce heat-health risk, but the cost of electricity prices many poor people out. Air-conditioners that emit heat to outdoor environments also increase heat stress for people outdoors. All while climate change is increasing the magnitude, frequency, and duration of extreme high temperatures. Highly populated cities in warm and humid climates are particularly at risk. Urban areas are generally several degrees warmer than rural surroundings due to the replacement of natural surfaces with hard pavements and buildings, a phenomenon well known as the urban heat island effect. The loss of natural areas in the process of urbanisation reduces the mechanism of evaporative cooling and shading from tree canopy. Development that blocks natural channels of cities, such as valleys, riversides, and coastal fronts, also reduces natural ventilation. Local-level governments that determine land use and development can play a crucial role in heat-risk reduction in several ways. For example, modifying planning regulations, land zoning and building codes for improving ventilation and green spaces can lower the urban heat island effect. This adjustment of land use can have huge impacts on the health and well-being of citizens, as well as improving social equality in heat adaptation. Enhancing ventilation of cities and increasing tree coverage in hotter and less affluent areas might help reduce the need of air conditioners, and help mitigate heat-related health risks for the most vulnerable. The city of Stuttgart, Germany was famously a pioneer of ‘climatological planning’. A valley city, having suffered from poor access to light and fresh air for many years, Stuttgart was astonishingly forward-thinking in appointing climatologists to participate in urban planning in 1938. Building upon years of research, the city determined that cleansing winds were blocked from sweeping down forested hills by inappropriate building development. They adjusted the planning controls to specify a greater open-space to development ratio on hillside parcels of land. Critical geographical features that influence air flow, such as mountain forests, rivers, valleys and other green spaces, are designated ventilation zones in the urban plan. Taipei is a subtropical city nestled in a basin. Some studies suggest a sea-land circulation of air through the city. During summer days, the breeze from the sea and forested mountains follows the major river valleys of the Danshui, Keelung, and Dahan Rivers through the city, cooling as they pass. However modern urban development has ignored this natural mechanism. Many mountain valleys are developed into transportation corridors and intensive development occupies the waterfront areas. This likely blocks the breezes from penetrating the city. Indeed, with more intense urbanisation compared with other cities in Taiwan, Taipei has shown a faster and more obvious warming trend in the past few decades. Yet, when the time comes for urban regeneration, there is still a chance for planners to integrate climatological knowledge. They could identify ventilation zones with critical natural geographical features, and systematically allocate open spaces to allow prevailing winds to harness cooling services. Green spaces are well known to regulate the micro-climate of a city, lowering the temperature of their surroundings. However, this cooling effect has its limitations; beyond 100m they can barely be perceived. Development geometry around green spaces determines how far cool air can penetrate. If there are no adjacent heat sources, no physical barriers blocking air flow, and good winds, cool air might flow further. Hence, simply increasing ‘green coverage’ without considering relative location of green spaces cannot effectively reduce the problem of urban warming. Understanding this cooling mechanism is particularly critical for cities like Taipei, which has been densely built. In such contexts, green spaces need to be preserved and/or created more strategically. Large green spaces possessing greater distance from their centre to the surrounding built environments, which are the source of heat, tend to form more stable cool islands of a city. Of course, not every city can simply designate large areas of land for green space, particularly for cities that are already crowded. Yet, small patches of vegetation can reduce temperature. Clustering small green patches close to each other or distributing them around larger cool islands, such as rivers, parks and woodlands, can extend cooling. This understanding helps to provide alternatives to creating a large green space in a dense and hot city centre. Encouraging small areas of greenery adjacent to each other in school grounds, business precincts, private-owned lands, and under-utilised lands, can lower temperatures in the most crowded areas. Not every kind of vegetation has the same cooling effect. In general, areas planted with trees are cooler than areas covered with shrubs and grasses. Vegetation draws water from the ground and evaporates it from leaves. This process, called evapotranspiration, removes heat from surrounding areas. Trees, with larger a leaf surface area, generally have higher evapotranspiration rates than that of shrubs and grasses, removing more heat from their surroundings. More importantly, trees provide shade. Some studies have found that open grass areas have a similar surface temperature to pavement in summer due to direct exposure to sunlight. Unlike in temperate countries, shading from either buildings or trees is critical for outdoor activities in the tropics. In summer, people often take a route or find a spot with shade and avoid open grasslands during the daytime. The decision to increase the number of green spaces for cooling should therefore consider both vegetation types and human activity in the open spaces. Understanding the local climate is very important for heat adaptation. In hot and dry climates, we can see narrow streets amongst buildings, which allow streets to be shaded from sunlight. In temperate climates, however, open grasslands and sunshine is often prefered by the public. Street width and building height ratio affects microclimate in a complicated way. On the one hand, narrow streets and taller buildings for shade avoids direct sunlight heating up the pedestrian level. On the other hand, it can be bad for ventilation or can cause wind tunnels. Wider streets allow cooling breezes, but increase periods of direct sunlight and heat during the day. In this case, trees with broad canopies are helpful to shade wide streets. Satellite temperature measurement of Taipei City shows the particularly obvious and stable cooling effect of street trees on two major boulevards in summer. These are roads created with linear greenery and large canopies from camphor and Taiwanese rain trees. Indeed, they provide attractive shade and cooling while driving and walking across the area in summer. Green space has multiple functions, such as recreation, social interaction, wildlife habitat, noise reduction, pollution filtering, runoff mitigation, and temperature regulation. These are crucial for quality of life in urban environments and benefit health and well-being of urban dwellers. However, these functions do not necessarily co-exist. Green spaces designed to maximise cooling benefits might not contribute to other desirable functions. For example, a cooling initiative favouring a large canopy might create uniform green spaces and thus reduce the overall biodiversity of cities. In the era of cities, a changing climate means we need adaptation strategies to a warming urban environment. Greenery is often low-cost to implement, and important for a city’s wellbeing. Wan-Yu Shih is an Associate Professor in the Department of Urban Planning and Disaster Management at Ming-Chuan University, Taiwan. She tweets as @Wanyu_Shih The research was undertaken with grants from Ministry of Science and Technology, Taiwan This article has been republished in the wake of record heatwaves in the northern hemisphere. It first appeared on March 11, 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: Wanyu Shih in Taiwan

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 28, 2022

How tech and remote working have fuelled workplace sexual harassment - 360 Asher Flynn, Lisa Wheildon, Anastasia Powell Published on May 2, 2024 Survey exposes risks of tech-based harassment in work settings, highlighting the urgency for updated policies and awareness. One in four Australians admitted to engaging in workplace sexual harassment based on a recent study led by Monash University. The study funded by Australia’s National Research Organisation for Women’s Safety (ANROWS) involved more than 3000 Australians aged between 18 and 65. The findings also revealed that one in seven employees engaged in tech-based forms of workplace sexual harassment while one in five admitted to engaging in-person sexual harassment at work. It’s not just jokes and harmless flirting — the motivations behind this behaviour are often more sinister. The research challenges traditional views, showing that harassment is often driven by a desire to control, humiliate, or even frighten the victim. Those who admitted to tech-based sexual harassment at work said they did it to “hurt the feelings of” or “annoy” others. This aligns more with bullying than playful behaviour. It also suggests that prevention, education and responses to workplace sexual harassment, including tech-based harassment, need to take such problematic understandings and views into account. Those who admitted engaging in tech-based workplace sexual harassment were also more likely to describe having sexist and gender-discriminatory attitudes, for example, agreeing that “women often flirt with men just to be hurtful”, and to believe in sexual harassment myths, such as “believing women enjoy being hit on at work”. The study also sheds light on a worrying trend: the rise of tech-based sexual harassment at work. With remote work becoming the norm, inappropriate behaviour is finding new avenues. Inappropriate WhatsApp groups, sexually suggestive messages, and blurred lines between personal and professional communication are becoming an increasing threat. The COVID-19 pandemic accelerated this shift, with nearly two-thirds of those admitting to engaging in tech-based sexual harassment reporting it started after working from home became commonplace (after 1 March 2020). Another one in four respondents said the most recent incident “definitely” or “probably” occurred around the time they were working from home. This suggests there is a need for workplaces to ensure policies relating to sexual harassment cover working-from-home contexts. This highlights a crucial gap in many workplaces: a lack of clear policies to address harassment in virtual settings. Remote working conditions such as working from home and working outside regular business hours have impacted how people engage in workplace sexual harassment. This can be partially explained by our reliance on technologies to communicate for work in less traditional or formal ways, such as using WhatsApp or Microsoft Teams Chat. One example came to light in February 2024, when the media reported allegations of an inappropriate Australian naval officers WhatsApp group which boasted about sexual conquests and included sexually explicit jokes and comments about female navy members. The changing nature of the workplace also means colleagues are now interacting more often through technology, as opposed to in person, which can blur the boundaries of work and professionalism. What might be considered unprofessional or inappropriate conduct in a physical office setting may not immediately be seen in the same way in digital communication, such as a text message. In many ways, employers and governments have been slow to respond to the changing working culture and environment  after the pandemic, and policies and supports have not kept pace with changes to how, where and when people work, as well as shifts in the ways that people use and communicate with colleagues (and clients) across digital technologies. The omnipresence of someone accessing you at any time outside the confines of work was described by one study participant as — “bombarding into someone’s private space”. Recent changes to Australian law now place a legal obligation on employers to proactively eliminate sexual harassment, and the Australian Human Rights Commission has new powers to investigate and enforce compliance. What is less clear is how these laws define and regulate what constitutes sexual harassment in the workplace, including when it is perpetrated with technology or when it is perpetrated outside traditional or official workplace communications, for example, in social media apps messages. Greater awareness and clarity of how workplace tech-based sexual harassment is defined is a crucial starting point. Dr Asher Flynn is an Associate Professor of Criminology at Monash University, Australia and Deputy Lead and Chief Investigator with the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence: the Centre for the Elimination of Violence Against Women (CEVAW). Dr Anastasia Powell is a Professor of Family & Sexual Violence, in Criminology and Justice Studies at RMIT University, Australia. She is a board director of Our Watch and a member of the National Women’s Safety Alliance. Dr Lisa Wheildon is a researcher and teaching associate at Monash University and RMIT University. She is the early career representative on the Committee of Management of the Australian and New Zealand Society of Criminology. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Sexual harassment” sent at: 30/04/2024 09:46. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 2, 2024