Datasets:

blester125

/

news-dolma

like 0

Indonesia walks an APEC tightrope - 360 Nur Rachmat Yuliantoro Published on October 30, 2023 Tensions between the US and China put Indonesia, and its trading interests, in a tricky position. The US will host the upcoming APEC meeting against the backdrop of rising economic nationalism and growing tensions with China. Indeed, it is still being determined how helpful the US-led international groups like APEC will continue to be as an increasingly confident China asserts itself on global institutions. There is less certainty China will stick to established platforms because it is changing its stance, which could hurt the US’s influence in groups like APEC. This puts Indonesia, seen as a close partner of China in recent years, in a tough spot. As long as there are problems between the US and China, Indonesia needs to be careful about the agreements it makes to protect its economic interests. As China makes its presence known through the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), for example, the current order is being reevaluated in a broader sense. Because China has changed how it interacts with global trade platforms, some are worried about its commitment to groups like APEC. Historically, the US has been the most powerful country in APEC. But as tensions between the US and China rise, Beijing may rethink how useful it is to take part in platforms where the US has a lot of power. China has started and is actively participating in other trade deals, which shows it may be changing its strategy. China is leading these steps to solidify its position in regional economic unity and create rules that work for it. The RCEP, the world’s largest free trade area with 15 Asia-Pacific states, shows that Beijing is determined to change the region’s economic landscape in its way. China has proposed free trade agreements with Japan and Korea. This would strengthen business ties in East Asia. On the other side of the world, China has been strengthening its trade ties with Latin American countries, which could potentially weaken Washington’s influence in the region. These efforts might not be able to replace APEC completely, but they are part of a more significant trend in which China wants to shape economic stories in places with more power. Setting up forums that better serve China’s economic and strategic goals shows how aggressive the country is about doing business in the region and around the world. The idea of a globalised and linked international economy is in grave danger because of the rise of economic nationalism. People used to believe in multilateralism’s benefits, but big powers like the US and China are now fighting over trade and tariffs. Because of nationalist policies, trade barriers, and a focus on national interests, the global economy is becoming increasingly broken up. APEC now has to navigate these rough seas to carry out its goal of encouraging people to work together and talk to each other. The fear of nationalism makes it harder for us to solve problems in the world economy. The rise in economic nationalism severely threatens the foundations of a globalised world. As tariff fights between major powers worsen, they threaten multilateralism because it values individual interests over working together to find global answers. How well-established groups like APEC will do in the face of rising nationalism is uncertain. The world economy is getting even more complex and could change quickly because of rising protectionism. When national interests come first, the benefits of working with other countries are lessened. The threat of nationalism makes people question whether multilateral platforms can solve global economic problems. Indonesia can keep participating in groups like APEC to keep its relationships with the US and China in check. Being categorised as one middle power in Asia, Indonesia can affect how countries in the region work together on economic issues in the future. Jakarta could use its power to encourage people to talk to each other and work together, showing how valuable cooperative multilateralism is. As global dynamics change and geopolitical tensions rise, Indonesia is important in the delicate dance between major powers. Jakarta could take a more nuanced stance in light of the ongoing tensions between the US and China to protect its economic interests and keep the peace in the area. Indonesia’s diplomatic skills are valuable for multilateral settings to solve many international problems. Joining APEC is not just a sign of good faith but also an attempt to change how economies in the area work together. The APEC meeting in San Francisco will change the world as it goes on. To fully understand the current state of the world economy, it is essential to look at the rise of forums started by China, China’s dedication to long-standing international forums like APEC, the problems caused by economic nationalism, and Indonesia’s strategic balancing act. In San Francisco, world leaders  will put multilateralism to the test at a time when power relationships are changing and economic nationalism is on the rise. The results will determine how APEC moves forward and shed light on larger trends shaping how the world’s economies are governed in the coming years. The key to maintaining this precarious balancing act and establishing a resilient and inclusive international economic order is to find common ground amidst opposing interests. Nur Rachmat Yuliantoro is an Associate Professor and the Head of Department of International Relations at Universitas Gadjah Mada in Yogyakarta, Indonesia. His main areas of interest are China’s international relations, American foreign policy, and political corruption. He declared no conflict of interest. Twitter: @masrachmat Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on October 30, 2023

Indonesia: weaponising algorithms to silence dissent - 360 Dina Septiani Published on May 3, 2022 Skewing the online discussion threatens media literacy. A social media cyber war raged throughout Indonesia’s past two presidential elections. The effects are still being felt by journalists years later — online discussions have been skewed to give the impression of a majority view, and those who disagree stay quiet. Victims to what German political scientist Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann dubbed the ‘spiral of silence’ theory, citizens remain in the grip of fear and suppress their participation in public discussion. Algorithms sort a user’s social-media feed based on relevance and interest, dragging them into echo chambers where the discussion grows more and more polarised. In Indonesia, cyber warriors became influential when they used algorithms to skew the popularity of topics. In the past, the mass media could influence the public discussion by pushing a particular agenda, but now algorithms go further, distorting the public perception of the majority view. Research has shed light on the tools used to connect like-minded users through algorithms. Cyber warriors — sometimes better known as paid ‘buzzers’, arguably managed by official campaign strategists — create highly specific social media feeds that amplify and systematically move talking points into the mainstream political discourse. One of the objectives is to silence the free press by orchestrating the talking points on social media. To take some recent examples, the hashtag #TurunkanJokowi (“Take down Jokowi”) reached its peak on 7 April 2022, while #MahasiswaBergerak (“Student Move”) and #SayaBersamaJokowi (“I’m with Jokowi”) appeared on 9 April and reached their peak on 10 April. (‘Jokowi’ is the way Indonesian president Joko Widodo is popularly known.) Topics such as #SayaBersamaJokowi were created by a cyber warrior and then discussed by social media users. When journalists try to cover the student movement (with the hashtag #MahasiswaBergerak), cyber warriors focus on the criticism of Jokowi. This creates a threatening environment for journalists as they offer a different narrative to that of  #SayaBersamaJokowi in social media conversation. Gen Xers and baby boomers rely heavily on Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp to get their political information. This may close the age-related digital divide, but it does not close the gap in digital literacy. Previous generations’ lack of familiarity with the way algorithms work means they hesitate to voice their opinion if it appears to be a minority view. In this way the spiral of silence threatens the ability of journalists to play their usual role in shaping the public discussion. Indonesia is known for its active internet users. Like-minded people engage in ‘enclave deliberation’ to discuss politics with each other on social media. However, this has not led to digital literacy, even in what is supposedly a literate generation. The mocking terms “panastak” (which comes from PAsukan NASi koTAK: a (cyber) army paid as much as a lunch box costs) and “panasbung” (similar to panastak, but cheaper still) mutated and gave rise to new terms for political supporters. Jokowi’s supporters were called “cebong”, and Prabowo supporters were called ‘kampret”. Algorithms mean people who are ‘friends’ with Cebong mostly receive content that supports Jokowi, and vice-versa. Social media algorithms adjust content and further strengthen the user’s perspective, and these aspects lead to polarisation of the political discussion. Echo chambers, assisted by algorithms, strengthen polarisation through the creation of filter bubbles, and make opinions more extreme. Social media users have less complete and accurate information when they draw conclusions about what others feel and think. The spiral of silence erodes trust in the news media and poses a challenge for journalists to maintain media integrity. Enclave deliberation means political supporters encounter little opposition to their views. If this is a contest between cyber troops and journalists, the algorithm is the judge – and it will always decide in favour of the cyber troops. Algorithms have reinforced polarisation and changed the way people discuss politics with one another. The challenge for journalists is to offer a more balanced narrative, while maintaining their integrity. Above all, media institutions have a duty to relentlessly call out government oppression. Digital media literacy in Indonesia also needs to improve, and this depends on the ability to assess the truth and see the full picture. Dina Septiani (ORCID 0000000345054320) is an Assistant Professor and researcher in the Department of Communication, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia. She holds several positions in the area of global engagement. Her work focuses on political marketing communication and social media marketing. Dr Septiani declared that she has no conflict of interest and is not receiving specific funding in any form. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 3, 2022

Indonesian law systematically stifles journalists - 360 Herlambang Perdana Wiratraman Published on May 3, 2022 New media laws in Indonesia target journalists and infringe rights rather than protecting them. Digital authoritarianism is becoming entrenched in Indonesia. New media laws offered the promise of protection, but online attacks have only increased in recent years. Throughout 2019 journalists were frequently subject to criminal charges under the Electronic Information and Transaction Law (ITE Law), which makes cyber-defamation a crime. This provision can easily be misused to silence criticism, especially criticism of public officials. In September 2019, independent journalist Dandhy Dwi Laksono was targeted as a suspect in the spread of hatred. He was arrested for his post about Papua and charged under the ITE Law concerning the spread of hate speech against individuals or groups based on racial and religious hatred. The number of cases is increasing, with many digital attacks in 2020. According to the 2020 SAFENet Report, Indonesia is entering the first alert phase of digital authoritarianism. Cyber attacks in Indonesia have been widespread, targeting journalists, academics, activists or students who defend human rights, indigenous leaders, environmental activists, anti-corruption activists, and women’s groups. Threats to human rights have been carried out through various digital attacks, including hacking, doxxing (publishing an individual’s personal details with malicious intent), persecution, hacking and spying. The COVID-19 crisis has been an increasingly serious threat to civil liberties – not only the right to privacy, but also freedoms of expression and opinion. In the 2020 Global Cybersecurity Index report, Indonesia was ranked 24th out of 182 countries. It is considered far from safe. Digital attacks have targeted media companies’ vulnerabilities. Tirto.id and Tempo.co had articles containing critical views on the government’s policies on COVID-19 deleted from their websites. These attacks not only reveal the security weaknesses of the media system but also represent a direct threat to democracy and press freedom. The attacks were not limited to Tempo.co and Tirto.id but extended to four media outlets. Freedom of the press has grown worse in Papua and West Papua – and it has never been easy to report on Papuan issues. Political expression as legitimate expression can easily be subjected to repression, violence and racial discrimination, as happened in August-October 2019 in Malang and Surabaya. After a wave of demonstrations related to racism against Papuans increased, on 21 August 2019 the government shut down the internet in Papua and West Papua. A Ministry of Communication and Information press release said telecommunication services in Papua and West Papua were blocked to accelerate the process of restoring security and order. The internet shutdown in Papua clearly contradicts Article 19 of the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which was ratified by Indonesia in 2005. Indonesia’s Independent Journalist Alliance (AJI) and SAFEnet brought lawsuits to the State Administrative Court in Jakarta, which ruled that shutting down the internet was unlawful. Journalists can be targeted individually for personal activities, especially on social media. Three journalists have been charged under the ITE Law. Stretching beyond journalism, the government has enacted a Regulation of the Minister of Communication and Informatics (Permenkominfo) concerning Private Electronic System Operators. The regulation could weaken the protection of all social media platforms, applications and  online service providers, especially in relation to domestic or national jurisdiction over user data, policies and practices. Such a legal framework becomes a repressive instrument that contradicts or even violates human rights. The regulation authorises the government to block access to information online. Requests for blocking can come from Indonesian law enforcement agencies, the courts, the Ministry of Information or members of the public. The law has adopted a security approach, rather than a focus on human rights protection. It potentially affects citizen journalism platforms, and could even target mass media outlets. Such power is easily misused. Excessive power is clearly seen in the behaviour of the police force in emergency situations, especially in relation to COVID-19. The pandemic also led to digital attacks without accountability and the ability to silence criticism. This was legalised through a secret telegram letter (an official letter from the National Police addressed to lower ranks) issued on 2 October 2020. The letter instructed all ranks in 25 provinces and 300 districts and cities to prohibit demonstrations. It also instructed police to carry out cyber patrols on social media to watch for opinions that did not agree with government actions in dealing with the pandemic. The letter revealed police unprofessionalism because it issued instructions contrary to their duties and authorities. The police are also considered to have lost their neutrality in handling demonstrations about the Omnibus Law on the Job Creation Bill. The law serves investment market interests instead of protecting citizens. Digital police activities regarding police spending and the alleged formation of public opinion are considered contrary to the rule of law. Journalism and the press are affected by the Job Creation Bill, and journalists are part of the civil  movement rejecting the law’s creation. The threats to the free press in Indonesia run parallel to the development of digital authoritarianism. This has been defined as a practice of repression and control in cyberspace, especially using technological oppression with the aim of weakening groups who reject government policies they consider contrary to civil rights. Criminalisation of journalists using the ITE Law, including the use of the police telegram letter, poses a serious threat to a free press. The Joint Decree by the Minister of Communication and Informatics, the Attorney-General and the National Police, presented as a legal-interpretation document to help resolve the problems of the ITE Law, has in fact created a new problem. The Joint Decree remains easy to misuse because it contradicts the principles of legal certainty as well as the principles of law and justice. Moreover, it does not emphasise the protection of digital freedom, including stopping legal cases imposed by the ITE Law. In addition, massive surveillance attacks and the deployment of cyber troops (professional, politically motivated social-media strategists) to create misinformation and disinformation, including campaigns often targeting female journalists, represent a systematic attack on journalist safety. Indonesia cannot be considered a safe place for journalists to carry out their work. Herlambang P. Wiratraman is a lecturer in the Faculty of Law Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta, Indonesia, a member of the Indonesian Young Academy of Science (ALMI), and Director of Law and Human Rights at the Institute for Research, Education and Information on Economy and Social Affairs (LP3ES). His work focuses on constitutional law, human rights and freedom of expression. Dr Wiratraman declared that he has no conflict of interest and is not receiving specific funding in any form. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 3, 2022

Indonesian research access: quantity over quality? - 360 Toong Tjiek Liauw Published on December 26, 2022 Prestige drove Indonesian universities to open their research to the world. Now they need to tidy their files. When it comes to sharing research, Indonesia is a world leader. Around the world, university scholars share their research thoughts and findings via scholarly journals. But sharing this information has been constrained by paywalls erected by commercial publishers. Even well-funded institutions — such as Harvard — struggle to afford the subscription costs to scientific journals. Open access is a movement that arose in response. It strives to make scholarly content freely accessible to scholars and the public. Indonesia has been ranked second in the global open access dashboard by the Curtin Open Knowledge Initiative. However the reasons for such world-leading open access in Indonesia are not the same as for developed countries. Where the rich world has responded to exorbitant subscription fees, Indonesia has opened access to research as a way of building reputation and prestige. Prior to the open access movement and the proliferation of the internet, almost all Indonesian higher education institutions made thesis and dissertation collections closed, accessible only with certain permissions. A student would need a permission letter from an academic department head to be able to access or read the collection. Students were not allowed to make copies of the collection. This was the time when smartphones with cameras were still non-existent. The only way students could make copies was by taking notes manually. Using copier machines was only possible with yet another permission letter from the academic department’s head or even the dean. But the need to save physical space in libraries led to some institutions digitising their thesis and dissertation collections. Increased availability of institutional repository software in early 2000 also paved a way. Digitisation of these collections then opened the ‘floodgates’ of access. This trend, however, hasn’t been without resistance from the Indonesian higher education communities. The resistance was mainly due to the fear of increased plagiarism facilitated by digitisation and lack of confidence over the quality of the resources, which mostly are undergraduate theses. Interestingly enough the resistance seemed to disappear when the Indonesian Director General of Higher Education in 2006 started to publish the Webometrics rankings for Indonesian higher education institutional repositories. To improve their ranking, institutions need to demonstrate the quantity and quality of their digital repositories. It seems that many Indonesian higher education institutions saw an opportunity to increase their institutional prestige by increasing the quantity of documents available in their institutional repositories, thereby increasing their visibility in the eye of the directorate. Indonesian higher education institutions have a large number of undergraduate students who are required to produce theses at the end of their degree. Electronic theses and dissertations were a readily available resource to populate the institutional repositories. But the competition to populate institutional repositories has had some unintended side effects. The lack of selection process and quality control for the scholarly resources uploaded to the institutional repositories had led to some unhelpful material making it way into them: documents with supervisor’s comments still visible; documents that were compressed or password protected; documents that were uploaded as multiple image files; documents that were available only partially; and so on. Another peculiar phenomenon is documents relating to the internal management of the institutions. In quite a number of institutional repositories, the scholarly works themselves are absent; only internal reviews of the scholarly works are available. A number of Indonesian higher education institutions appear to be using their institutional repositories as (part of) their institutional information management system. When quantity trumps quality, the repositories become less effective as a means of disseminating scholarly works. So while government nudging and institutional competition has filled Indonesia research repositories, good Indonesian research is hard to find amongst the noise and chaos of the files. It’s advisable that Indonesian government puts emphasis on quality over quantity in its reward system toward its higher education sector. Additionally, academic libraries and librarians need to step up their role as the gatekeeper of quality scholarly information from their respective institutions. Toong Tjiek Liauw or Aditya Nugraha is the director of Excellence in Learning and Teaching Center at Petra Christian University, Surabaya Indonesia. Formerly the head of library, after pursuing degrees in information studies in the US and Australia, He is now an associate professor in the Department of Industrial Engineering of Petra Christian University. He declares he has no conflict of interest and did not receive specific funding. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 26, 2022

Indonesia’s anti-corruption machine is under attack - 360 Ahmad Khoirul Umam Published on December 11, 2021 Indonesia’s blossoming democracy has fallen into a backslide under the watch of President Joko Widodo. By Ahmad Khoirul Umam, University of Paramadina After 23 years of reform, Indonesia is weathering democratic setbacks under President Joko Widodo. Anti-corruption agencies have systematically been crippled, democratic pillars are regressing, civil liberties are weakening and an increasingly polarised social climate is being exploited for political gain. Leading the democratic regression is Widodo, who has used the pandemic as an opportunity to re-centralise decision-making power and further attack anti-corruption bodies during the pandemic. Pandemic-related measures have re-centralised decision-making power — public health measures have restricted movement, and given governments more control over the population. This has decreased transparency and accountability in public policies. Predatory vested interest groups have hijacked public policies to serve their own political-economic agenda. From this came scandals where no one was held responsible. Social aid programs and procurement of medical test kits, medicines and vaccines during the pandemic were all allegedly captured. Mainstream voices — university student movements, labour organisations, anti-corruption and environmental activists — are going unheard. People have taken to the streets over the Omnibus Law, which unionists say will cut wages, and moves to weaken the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK). The government reacted with a heavy-handed police response and a ramping up of propaganda. Indonesia’s democratic decline has picked up pace. The country’s democracy score decreased from 6.48 in 2019 to 6.3 in 2020 in The Economist Intelligence Unit’s Democracy Index, its lowest grade in 14 years.  Categorised as a “flawed democracy”, Indonesia’s democratic quality came in below nearby states such as Malaysia, the Philippines and Timor Leste. This trend has continued: the polarisation between “Islamic conservatives” and “hyper-nationalists” continues to be exploited for political gain by those in power. Tension between these two groups seems to limit the space for moderation (wasathiyyah) or “middle way politics” that emphasises rationality and moderation. Relations between the two groups have remained poor for the full seven years of Widodo’s administration. Many in power seem to enjoy this — the atmosphere  provides easier and cheaper ways to mobilise and consolidate their grassroots support. Widodo’s unwillingness to protect the KPK has seen the anti-corruption body lose even more power. 57 of the KPK’s senior investigators and employees have been dismissed under the pretense that they could not pass a controversial Nationality Insight Test (Tes Wawasan Kebangsaan), weakening the organisation and facilitating more corruption. To reverse this, Widodo must be firm, using his political power and resources to re-strengthen the KPK. His silence on their weakening has made civil society networks increasingly question his commitment to anti-corruption. A culture of corruption will foster instability, which is not conducive for investment and economic development. Without a clean government, the state’s economic development will be fragile and easy to demolish — as was the case at the end of President Soeharto’s administration in 1998. Widodo has three years left to correct his government’s approach to anti-corruption. Corrective measures need to respond to Indonesia’s democratic decline and weakened anti-corruption agenda: Widodo must show clear commitment to stop the abuse of power by elites in his circle,  hijacking law enforcement agencies, weakening civil liberties, and manipulating public opinion. Meanwhile, related to the deepening polarisation, there is a middle way. Moderate political parties and Islamic-based civil society groups are needed to ease the tensions between the Islamic conservatives and the hyper-nationalists. Organisations that could calm the turmoil include the Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah and also Robhitoh Alawiyah, an organisation that serves as shelters for the network of descendants of the Prophet Muhammad SAW (Habaib) in Indonesia. As anchors of the moderate Islamic communities in Indonesia, Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah, and Robhitoh Alawiyah can also collaborate with other moderate Islamic stakeholders to protect mainstream Muslims from being trapped in political frictions. The collaboration among the moderates will become a more effective way to help the people (ummah) to stay on the basis of Ahlu Sunnah Wal Jamaah paradigm, which is characteristically tolerant, moderate and progressive for the sake of Indonesia’s democratic development. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Dr Ahmad Khoirul Umam is Managing Director of the Paramadina Public Policy Institute and Senior Lecturer at the Department of Political Science & International Relations, University of Paramadina, Jakarta. He declared no conflicts of interest in relation to this article.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 11, 2021

Indonesia’s capital move mirrors the Dutch - 360 Eka Permanasari Published on January 12, 2023 Indonesia is set to move the capital Jakarta, just like Indonesia’s colonial rulers, the Dutch, did more than 200 years ago. The new capital city, which will be in Kalimantan, is intended to be very different from Jakarta which is in deep trouble as it sinks with flooding, pollution and endless traffic congestion adding to its woes. Similar issues plagued the Dutch in the late 1700s-early 1800s which prompted a shift away from the old capital to the site of present day Jakarta. This repetition of what the coloniser did feeds into interesting threads of post-colonial theory. Postcolonial theory revisits, remembers, and interrogates a nation’s development after colonialism. It seeks to investigate the relationship between the colonisers and the colonised, as well as how colonial policies and attitudes influenced both nations. One feature of the postcolonial condition is “political amnesia“, the desire to erase memories of colonial subordination and its painful history. The theory explores the symbiotic relationship between colonisers and colonised as occupied by a state of hate and desire. A postcolonial nation wishes to be distinct from its coloniser, but it distinguishes itself within the framework of colonialism. Nationalism emerged as a project of self-modernisation frequently based in a compromised form of colonial domination. In the case of Jakarta, when the Dutch East India Company invaded the city and built a Dutch fort in 1619, Batavia (now Jakarta) was transformed from a supply station city for colonial trade to the Dutch centre of power. ‘Downtown Batavia’ (now Kota) was surrounded by fortified walls and a river. Several forts along the wall protected the city from enemy attacks. The fortification and grid system of canals suggest the city was designed as a little Amsterdam. While the city was expected to function like a Dutch town, the humidity proved unbearable. The canals and river became a breeding ground for mosquitoes. Malaria and dengue fever spread easily. The heavily-polluted river became a breeding ground for cholera, diarrhoea and skin diseases. The city was unhealthy to live in and in disrepair. Most residents started leaving the decaying city and moved south. After Napoleon Bonaparte subjugated Holland in 1806, his brother Louis ascended to the Dutch throne. There followed a distinct shift of power from the Dutch to the French. Louis dispatched Daendels, the newly-appointed Governor-General of Batavia, to reorganise the city. His first idea was to relocate the dreadful old capital to a healthier area a few kilometres to the south, in a suburb called Weltevreden. Here, there are two areas that became the new centre of power: Waterlooplein (now Lapangan Banteng) and Koningsplein (now Merdeka Square). Daendels demolished the old city wall and established Weltevreden as the new centre of power. He built his magnificent palace there in front of a vast open space. While the old city was known as Downtown Batavia, the new centre of French colonial power was known as ‘Uptown Batavia’ The city’s renaming officially marked the transition of power from Dutch to French colonial power. Weltevreden was described as “A Batavian Napoleon in Miniature” However, unlike Downtown Batavia, Weltevreden’s grid system was determined by roads rather than canals. The remnants of this French colonial city can still be seen today. There is a pattern to the locus of power and colonialism. First, instead of repairing the former city, the colonial government preferred to choose a new site and build from scratch. Second, each colonial government established its own identity by establishing a centre of power different from the previous symbolism. It is part of the process of forging a new legacy distinct from the former ruler. Jakarta remained a power centre in the postcolonial era. The city expanded to the south, following the former coloniser’s axis. Buildings such as the National Monument on the former Koningsplein site, the Semanggi Interchange, the Parliament Building, and the Bung Karno’ Stadium, as well as the conversion of the former governor general’s palace and the official residence of the governor general to become the Freedom Palace (Istana Merdeka) and the State Palace (Istana Negara), reflect the postcolonial dilemma: hating the former coloniser while at the same time desiring to be like them. Decades later, Jakarta has grown into a megacity with an estimated population of 11 million. But the city has severe problems such as population concentration, excessive groundwater extraction, land subsidence, and flood, which make it the fastest sinking city in the world. Jakarta also has a poor reputation for traffic congestion, economic disparities and natural disasters. The attempt to save the sinking city was to build three layers of sea walls to protect the city from the sea flood. The Giant Garuda Sea Wall has been heavily criticised because it will close off Jakarta Bay and destroy the environment while also being prohibitively expensive to build. In contrast to a solution that properly addresses the cause of flooding, the project is merely a concrete-heavy technological approach. In 2019, the government decided to move the capital city to Kalimantan. The new capital city represents the new dream and vision: smart and sustainable, resilient, environmentally friendly, democratic, economically sound, and free of environmental disaster, pollution and traffic. Nonetheless, those postcolonialism themes have emerged. Instead of dealing with the current problems in Jakarta, the postcolonial government chose to find a new location and build a new capital from scratch. This redefining of Indonesian identity is notable in the postcolonial era. Borrowing international styles under President Sukarno, returning to traditionalism under President Suharto, and now smart and sustainable cities under Jokowi all reflect the postcolonial nation’s state of hatred and desire towards colonialism. Eka Permanasari is an associate professor at Monash University in Indonesia, specialising in urban design, architecture, and Southeast Asian studies. She has received prestigious and led international research grants such as Cross-cultural Community-based Strategies for Sustainable Urban Streams in Des Moines and Jakarta, as well as the impact of the new Indonesian capital to the communities and surrounding cities. Dr Permanasari declared that she has no conflict of interest and is not receiving specific funding in any form. She tweets @Dr_Permanasari This article is part of a Special Report on ‘Cities after colonialism’, produced in collaboration with the Calcutta Research Group. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: Eka Permanasari _ Moving indonesia’s capital

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on January 12, 2023

Indonesia's carbon tax is a small step in a giant transition - 360 Lisa Wijayani Published on November 22, 2021 By Lisa Wijayani, University of Indonesia For Indonesia to transition to a low carbon economy it must spend billions. The carbon tax it just passed will deliver a fraction of that, and so  the wide gap between its economic and climate ambition remains. Still, taxing carbon is an important and laudable step toward meeting Indonesia’s carbon reduction goals. The tax is one of only a handful in the rapidly developing region, which now dominates CO2 emissions. Indonesia is on board with the Paris Agreement, but around two-thirds of its energy currently comes from fossil fuels. It has pledged to achieve net zero emissions by 2060, in line with its more developed ally China, but its carbon emission reduction targets are highly insufficient to help meet the Paris goal of limiting the global temperature rise to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels. The COVID-19 crisis meant an earlier commitment to reduce emissions by 29% by 2030 was not updated when Indonesia submitted to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change in July. Instead, the government came up with a long-term strategy for a just and affordable transition aligned with its “One Hundred Years Indonesia” vision to deliver poverty reduction, human resource development, economic and social transformation by its independence anniversary of 2045. It instigated climate financing regulations including carbon pricing and a carbon tax to ensure the attainment of both economic and climate goals. The carbon tax bill was part of a broader tax overhaul to aid the COVID-19 recovery, and included raising the country’s Value Added Tax and cancelling a corporate tax cut. The agreed carbon tax price of Rp30/kg (around US$2.10 per ton) of carbon dioxide equivalent (CO2e) is well below the initially proposed minimum of Rp75/kg (US$5.20 per ton), and far less again than the World Bank recommendation of US$35 – US$100 per ton. To put the tax in perspective, the amount of money needed to develop Indonesia’s low carbon economy between 2020 and 2024 is estimated to be US$446.5 billion, or 34.6% of GDP. A carbon tax even at the earlier proposed tariff of US$5-10 per ton would deliver as little as Rp26 trillion, or 0.2% to 0.3% of GDP. Behind a climate financing push is Indonesian Finance Minister, Sri Mulyani. Mulyani has been selected as co-chair for the Coalition of Finance Ministers for Climate Action 2021-2023 and is focussed on mobilising funding support from public, private, and international sectors to finance climate-related projects. Some 64 finance ministers have signed up to the Helsinki Principles with the objective of bringing climate issues to the core of economic policy and financing decisions. South Korea, Japan and, more recently, China have all vowed to end financing of overseas coal power projects. This will bolster renewable energy and energy efficiency projects. Likewise,  revenue from Indonesia’s carbon tax will be used to fund renewable energy projects, and will aid other efforts in emission reduction. Given the new reduced price, however, it will not be enough to deliver the required emissions reduction target in the energy sector. And there is no current plan to soften the burden for those who will bear the cost. Indonesia’s new carbon tax will be imposed in carbon-intensive sectors such as power plants, transportation, pulp and paper, petrochemicals, cement, and building materials. Though not directly levied on the coal industry, the tax will touch upon five sectors which contribute the most to Indonesia’s carbon emissions: forestry, energy and transportation, waste, agriculture, and industrial processing. Indonesia’s 2020 carbon emissions mainly came from power generation (35%), followed by industry (27%), and transportation (27%). Given the current dependence on carbon intensive coal burning for energy, the carbon tax should help Indonesia significantly reduce emissions from coal. It follows then that the price of electricity, which is mostly sourced from coal, will increase. Producers and consumers will be encouraged toward sustainable production and consumption, but it is consumers who will ultimately pay for the tax through higher prices. Research has found for every ton of carbon reduced as a result of a carbon tax there is an economic loss of between US$4.7 – 65 (in 2007 terms). In other countries, incentives have been offered to counter this. For example, Finland calculated a carbon tax of US$150/ton could reduce welfare by US$3.5 billion. It introduced a tax-shifting package to lessen the burden on consumers. Indonesia should learn from this example. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Lisa Wijayani is a research associate at the Institute of Sustainable Earth and Resources (ISER) of University of Indonesia, and Program Manager Green Economy at the Institute for Essential Services Reform. Lisa Wijayani declared no conflicts of interest in relation to this article.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 22, 2021

Indonesia’s death penalty ‘moderation’ a misnomer - 360 Amira Paripurna Published on September 5, 2022 As Indonesia moves to shed its colonial, undemocratic past, its so-called ‘moderate’ death penalty laws — riddled with ambiguity — undermines any move forward. Indonesia is on the cusp of the biggest criminal justice reform since independence. The latest Indonesian Criminal Code is set to replace the penal code inherited from the Dutch colonial government. The Code aims to make a statement about Indonesia’s resurgent spirit, decolonising and democratising the country. However, its approach to capital punishment speaks volumes about the future of the Indonesian criminal justice system — and shows that shedding colonial ideas is often easier said than done. EMBED START Image {id: "editor_2"} EMBED END Image {id: "editor_2"} The government and legislators have agreed to retain the death penalty in the reform, perhaps owing to its long-cited public support in Indonesia. But popularity has not stopped other jurisdictions from scrapping the death penalty — in Mongolia, for instance, President Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj led calls for abolition and went on to win a second term. No faction in Indonesia’s parliament opposes the death penalty. Political leaders often promote capital punishment and champion Indonesia’s hardline policy over drug crimes as a way to gain popularity among voters. This situation, coined “popular punitiveness”, describes the notion of politicians using what they believe to be the public’s generally punitive stance for their benefit. Government leaders often cite the retention of the death penalty to flex their credentials as strong leaders that purport to protect citizens. The Indonesian government and legislators claim the latest provision in the Bill is moderation of the death penalty. Under the current penal code, the death penalty is one of the main sanctions applied to serious crimes. In the drafted reform, it is a special sanction that can, in some circumstances, be commuted to life imprisonment if certain conditions are met, such as good behaviour while in prison on a ten-year probation. To qualify for the probationary period, a court must consider at the time of issuing the death sentence that the convict shows remorse and hopes of rehabilitation, what role they played in the crime, and whether there are mitigating circumstances. It is a shift in thinking that implies legislators are thinking more about the death penalty as a last resort sanction designed to prevent and deter crimes. Despite aiming for a moderated death penalty, the provisions of the death penalty under the latest draft Code have many ambiguities. When determining who qualifies for the probationary period, the court has no guidance on what it means for a convict to “hope to improve himself”. There is also no clarity on the standards of “good conduct” or “remorse”, which sits at the heart of whether the death sentence is commuted. Such openness risks turning the reform into swathes of subjective rulings, particularly in light of alleged corruption in Indonesian penal institutions. Maintaining the death penalty complicates some of the aspirations of Indonesia’s legal reform. The draft Code emphasises that its punishments aim to rehabilitate, not retaliate. The retention of the death penalty, even in some moderated form, is at odds with such a goal. Indonesia’s suggested way forward with the death penalty is a middle ground that tries to satisfy a variety of societal interests. It is a typical Indonesian response — the so-called cari aman — which tries to avoid confrontation and conflict by making all happy, even though it does not address the real issue. But future modification of the death penalty brings its own set of challenges. In the view of Indonesian human rights lawyer Dr Todung Mulya Lubis, abolitionist movements find it difficult to progress in countries with “strong cultural notions of retribution and revenge”, especially countries with an Islamic majority (87 percent of Indonesians identified as Muslims in the last census, in 2010). Islam is, according to Finnish academic Professor Carsten Anckar, characterised “by the principle of ummah”, which states that the religion is “all-encompassing and that the religious and political spheres are therefore intertwined”. In a strict sense, Anckar explains, “this means that laws have been made by God and cannot be changed by man”. Law-making bodies in countries dominated by Muslims must have greater sensitivity to the teachings of the Quran or they risk community discontent. Those who promote the abolition of the death penalty may be at risk of being deemed ‘anti-Islam’. There is a diversity of views within the Islamic community — progressive scholars such Dr Musdah Muliah have reinterpreted Islamic texts, commenting that retribution or revenge should be weighed against forgiveness, and that the death penalty is not absolute within Islamic law. Change is happening, in law and in public sentiment. Legal non-government organisation The Death Penalty Project believes “the government of Indonesia could abolish the death penalty today and the public would accept it”. Even if that is not the case, the attempts at moderation in the draft Code shows some appetite for compromise from Indonesia’s lawmakers. Amira Paripurna is an assistant professor in the Faculty of Law at Airlangga University, Surabaya Indonesia and a researcher of Human Rights Law Studies (HRLS) UNAIR. Her research is focused on criminal law and criminal justice system, policing terrorism, international human rights law. She declares no conflict of interest and no conflict of interest and did not receive special funds in any form. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on September 5, 2022

Indonesia's G20 tightrope - 360 Idil Syawfi Published on May 24, 2022 The war in Ukraine became a test for Indonesia’s independence and active foreign policy principles, especially given its G20 presidency. Indonesia had its own interests with this year’s G20 presidency agenda. Directed toward global economic recovery post-COVID, it wanted to represent the voice of developing countries while showcasing Indonesia’s structural reform to attract more foreign investment. Instead, great power rivalry has dominated. Indonesia has called for peace but still invited Russian President Vladimir Putin to the G20 summit. But it has acquiesed to China’s request not to put the Ukraine crisis on the G20 agenda this year and echoed China’s rationale that the G20 is an economic platform, even though the Ukraine crisis is impacting the economy globally. On the other hand, it accommodated US President Joe Biden’s request to invite Ukraine President Volodimir Zelenskyy as a summit guest. US National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan says “It cannot be business as usual for Russia in international institutions and in the international community”. The US stance was followed by its allies. As a German official said: “During and after the meeting, we will be certain to send a strong message, and we will not be alone in doing so.” Former Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison chimed, saying: “The idea of sitting around a table with Vladimir Putin, who the United States are already in the position of calling out (for) war crimes in Ukraine, for me, is a step too far.” Poland took it a further step by proposing to fill Russia’s seat at the G20. “Our proposal to remove Russia from the G20 group and replace it with Poland was met with much understanding from representatives of the American administration,” said Polish Development and Technology Minister Piotr Nowak. China, on the other hand, was against the idea of excluding Russia., arguing it  was an essential member of the G20, and no single member had the right to expel another from the G20. Such posturing has caught Indonesia between great power rivalry. Foreign policy principles of independence and activeness provide limited options in responding to the pressure. The requirement to maintain good relations with all sides, a desire to be impartial, and a tendency to accommodate all interests, trap Indonesia in the great power struggle. In 2019, American author Robert Kaplan stated that a new cold war had begun. He identified that the competition between the US and China, the two most powerful countries in the world, had been brought to a global scale that will last decades. Triggered by a trade war, it involves military, economic, technological and indeed geopolitical aspects. Lately, Indonesia has been juggling lobbying on all sides. Such as meeting with Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, holding talks with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, visiting French Foreign Minister Jean Yves Le Drian in Paris, meeting with Biden, and having a phone call with Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. Meanwhile, urging all delegates to continue to listen to all views and suggestions. Such moves are not enough to avoid being caught in Kaplan’s cold war. Indonesia is not aligned with either side, so there is no guarantee that a great power will protect it. Indonesia risks remaining a victim of this rivalry if constantly trying to entertain all great power demands. And great powers will always exploit Indonesia, while its own aspirations may never be heard. But with this new cold war, all the power does not reside in only two nations. This one happens in the 21st century context of interdependence and an interconnected world, meaning no great power can endure it unilaterally. Both major powers will need support from middle and lesser powers. These smaller powers can create coalitions of like-minded countries in the context of multilateralism and voice their agendas. They have a chance to avoid becoming victims of great power politics while asserting their combined interests. Indonesia, too, could weaponise its interdependence with great power as a leverage. Idil Syawfi is an assistant professor in Parahyangan Catholic University, Bandung, Indonesia and the Head of Parahyangan Center for International Studies (PACIS). His main interests are in International Politics, Indonesia Foreign Policy, and Strategic Studies. He declared that he has no conflict of interest and is not receiving specific funding in any form. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 24, 2022

Indonesia's low-cost watch on antimicrobial resistance - 360 Ida Parwati Published on September 6, 2023 Indonesian researchers have tested a cheaper way of monitoring antimicrobial resistance that could be a key tool for developing countries. Indonesian researchers have tested a cost-effective, relatively quick method of measuring changes in antimicrobial resistance that could help developing countries fight a problem seen as a global threat. Instead of sticking to an approach that emphasises the need for intensive laboratory testing that might not be practical in many countries, they assessed lot quality assurance sampling — a system where a population’s antimicrobial resistance can be assessed using smaller sample sizes. That’s good news for the G20 after health ministers committed to tackling the threat comprehensively at their meeting last month. Antimicrobial resistance is the ability of microbes to block the effect of drugs that are meant to kill them. This makes infections harder to treat and can lead to longer hospital stays, more expensive care and increased risk of death. The high level of antimicrobial resistance in Indonesia is now becoming a silent pandemic. The United Nations has warned the rise of ‘superbugs’ could kill 10 million people a year globally by 2050 and be a drain on the world economy. Like in many other countries, the improper use of antimicrobial drugs and other factors that trigger resistance, such as poor sanitation and air pollution, are prevalent in Indonesia. In 2015, the 68th World Health Assembly adopted the Global Action Plan on antimicrobial resistance. It emphasises the importance of enhanced global surveillance, particularly in low- and middle-income countries where it is a major concern. One of the key pillars of the Global Action Plan is the support for national strategies through improved global surveillance. The proposed global surveillance system aims to estimate the prevalence of resistance by using laboratory testing of clinical samples. However, this approach is not always practical in developing countries because of their limited access to quality microbiology diagnostics. Population-based surveillance is a preferred strategy, but it is also time-consuming, labour-intensive and costly. That means many regions need a rapid, feasible and affordable surveillance strategy. Indonesian researchers found an alternative approach: they tried lot quality assurance sampling. This method, which was originally developed in the manufacturing industry to assess batch quality, involves classifying a population as having a high or low prevalence of antimicrobial resistance based on a small sample size. It has proved to be more practical and cost-effective than conventional population-based surveillance. The Indonesian research applied the lot-based approach to assess the prevalence of antimicrobial resistance in patients with suspected urinary tract infections. The researchers wanted to estimate the test characteristics for identifying populations with a high prevalence of resistance in urinary tract pathogens, provide lot-sampling classifications for 15 antibiotics in 11 different settings and estimate the cost of implementing lot sampling in a single health facility. The testing was done in the Indonesian cities of Medan and Bandung, and the exercise was repeated 1,000 times for each of the 13 lots. They found lot testing was 98 percent effective in correctly identifying populations with a high prevalence of antimicrobial resistance. Overall, the researchers were able to show that lot quality assurance sampling is a promising approach to efficiently estimate antimicrobial resistance prevalence and guide treatment decisions, especially in resource-limited settings. By significantly reducing sample size requirements and increasing efficiency, lot-based surveillance could significantly contribute to public health efforts to combat antimicrobial resistance worldwide. The findings are particularly significant in the context of the growing importance of surveillance as a crucial tool for antimicrobial stewardship. Previous studies on drug resistance have shown lot-based surveys are effective in identifying local variations in drug-resistant tuberculosis and assessing the prevalence of transmitted drug resistance in HIV. This style of survey could be implemented at sentinel sites, enabling regular assessments of changing trends, intervention impacts, or early detection of resistance development after introducing new drugs. This utility is particularly beneficial in settings with limited microbiology capacity or where empirical treatment is common, such as primary care settings globally. The cost of the lot-based surveys, including 15 antibiotics, ranged between US$403 and $514 in the 11 sites studied — relatively cheaper than conventional testing regimes. Despite some limitations, including the need for careful site selection and ensuring proper laboratory accreditation and quality control, lot quality assurance sampling shows promise in providing valuable information on antimicrobial resistance for both clinicians and policymakers. Ida Parwati is a professor at the Department of Clinical Pathology, Faculty of Medicine, Universitas Padjadjaran in Hasan Sadikin General Hospital, Bandung, Indonesia. This work was funded by the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences as part of the Scientific Program Indonesia–the Netherlands (SPIN). Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on September 6, 2023

Indonesia’s massive democracy love-in - 360 Ria Ernunsari Published on February 14, 2024 More than 200 million Indonesians go to the polls on February 14, Valentine’s Day. Love is usually in the air on Valentine’s Day. For Indonesians this February 14, it’s a chance to show their love for democracy when they vote in elections to elect a new president and vice-president, as well as legislative members at national, provincial, and district level. The numbers around this election are massive: There are more than 204 million eligible voters, more than 300,000 people from 18 political parties are contesting more than 20,000 seats in legislative bodies. There are three pairs of candidates for president and vice-president. EMBED START Image {id: "editor_1"} EMBED END Image {id: "editor_1"} One person who isn’t running this time is the current president, Joko Widodo. But that doesn’t mean he won’t have an influence on the result. The idea of ​​extending the president’s term had been circulated by Widodo’s team. The Indonesian Constitution only allows the president and vice president to serve two consecutive terms. Widodo wanted his term to be extended due to COVID-19. This was opposed by his own party. Unable to run again, Widodo threw his support behind an old adversary, Prabowo Subianto, who he beat in 2014 and 2019.  He justified this by stating that the president is allowed to support candidates who are running and the president may campaign although he is not running. The installation of Widodo’s son, Gibran, as Prabowo’s vice-presidential running mate, despite not meeting Indonesia’s age criteria for candidates, is widely seen as an attempt to extend his influence beyond his own presidency. The changing of this age rule, overseen by Widodo’s brother-in-law,  triggered the dismissal of the chairman of the Constitutional Court. The controversial change led to the chairman of the General Election Commission and its commissioners being deemed as violating ethics by the Electoral Organisers’ Honorary Council. This has sown doubt in the integrity of the election and raises doubts about the election results. Indonesia is among the countries with a high level of distrust in elections. On top of that, many are concerned about the neutrality of the military and police as well as civil servants. Regulations state that they should not favour any particular presidential or vice presidential candidates. However, behind closed doors, Widodo is using his authority to force them to support his son. Another issue is the  unusual dispersion of social assistance (Bansos) taken from the state budget.This is considered unethical and has sparked protests from various parties, including many leading universities. Other concerns surround the increase in polarisation on social media, election logistics, female representation, and political bribery. Widodo is trying hard to ensure this election is settled after one round because if it is held in two rounds (that’s if none of the three pairs of candidates reach 50 percent of the vote), Prabowo and Gibran are expected to lose. If the election goes to a second round, Indonesia will learn how a government coalition can be formed. Beyond the hustle and bustle of the presidential election, the legislative election is also a compelling issue because many legislative candidates from  coalition parties are not campaigning for the presidential candidates. Indeed, candidates in remote areas are unaware the president’s son is running. Younger people (under 40), who are estimated to make up 55 percent of the electorate this year, are sourcing most information on candidates via social media. The candidates understand this well and invest significantly to secure votes. But are young voters impressed with the work of the current government? There is no guarantee that the elections will take place in just one round. Indonesia’s love to hate politics could continues until June 26 for a second round. This is a corrected repeat.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 14, 2024

Indonesia’s misinformation army ready for war in 2023 - 360 Ika Idris, Laeeq Khan, Nuurrianti Jalli Published on January 19, 2023 With an election looming and controversial law reform on its way, Indonesia’s government is set to ratchet up its well-oiled propaganda machine. Indonesia’s heavy-handed laws outlawing criticism of the government have been ushered in under the pretence of an epidemic of hoaxes and conspiracies. President Joko Widodo insists  his government has been the victim of disinformation campaigns, causing unrest over employment reforms, Indonesia’s new capital city, and the sweeping penal code reforms set to be codified this year. But the biggest propagator of disinformation seems not to be political renegades, but the Widodo administration. Fuelled by a well-resourced propaganda machine, the government is ready to fight dirty to win over public opinion. With 12 months before the election, Widodo has two priority policies that are mired in controversy — building a new capital city and penal code reform. The government is pressing ahead. It is usually not wise for a democratically elected government to be so dismissive of public concerns, but Widodo’s government has developed a winning playbook since coming to power in 2014: delegitimise critics and flood online chatter with counter-messaging from state officials. Most recently, Indonesia’s Director-General of Information and Public Communication Usman Kansong told hundreds of government public relations officials their work to promote the new penal code in 2023 would be vital. Scholars and civil society groups worry the code is a setback to Indonesia’s democracy, outlawing insults aimed at the government and restricting what can be taught in schools. They fear the provisions will be wielded to muzzle criticism of the government. But former TV journalist Kansong told the room of officials there was nothing wrong with the code, the government just needed to more strategically communicate its content to the public. When Widodo’s administration commits to ‘strategic communication’, it tends to mean amplifying its agenda and silencing criticism. The government’s 2019 #SawitBaik campaign championed the palm oil industry during negotiations to export the product to the European Union, drowning out criticism of a forest fire at a large Indonesian palm oil plantation. During the pandemic, the government hired ‘buzzers’ people who will push a cause online for hire, to push back against criticism of Widodo’s COVID-19 reopening plan. This ‘single narrative’ focus from the government has been seen over and over. Widodo dismissed a series of 2020 protests over employment law reforms, saying complaints were based on “disinformation and hoaxes spread through social media”. There were genuine gripes with the bills: the law was unconstitutional and tabled without proper public consultation. After Widodo’s statement, sentiment on social media shifted away from rejecting the bill towards supporting the government. The following August, minister Johnny Plate was more explicit, telling all government officials that no government messaging could contradict Widodo’s policies. After being elected in 2014, Widodo established a special public relations team (Tenaga Humas Pemerintah) to spread government narratives, disorient the public and silence criticism. This team supported the government’s orchestration in countering public criticism and assuring that every government agency publishes social media posts to amplify the government policy. In 2017, Widodo dialled up the PR machine, overseeing the creation of a government social media team that reached across agencies and institutions. Sinergi Media Sosial Aparatur Sipil Negara (SIMAN) was the government’s social media “special force” — a team whose duty was to combat online radicals and pranksters, and help the government’s messages go viral. In reality, they sought to drown out any criticism of the state on social media. Any government employee could put themselves forward to join. Going viral (“viralisasi”) was the message every government official heard over and over at workshops between 2017 and 2019, which were part of the recruitment process. In 2019, around 5,946 government officers were recruited as SIMAN troops through 42 workshops. SIMAN is no longer as active as it was during the 2019 election and Tenaga Humas Pemerintah has folded. Indonesia’s Ministry of Communication prefers to call upon the government PR association, drawing members from around 900 state apparatuses spread across agencies and institutions. The government offers extra performance credits to those who push the government’s narrative online, which can be cashed in when applying for a promotion. PR officers who promoted Indonesia’s G20 presidency on their personal social media accounts were rewarded with a credit point — leading to an avalanche of pro-Widodo messages. Widodo desires a single narrative (“narasi tunggal”) and a population that supports his policies unconditionally. The government’s information laws have already been used to target online activists, but the revised penal code could take the crackdown even further. Public relations can serve a purpose in democracies — it can act as a bridge between the government and the people, helping open up lines of communication between the government and marginalised groups they serve. But when governments use their PR muscle to shut down opposing voices and add to the swirl of disinformation, it can drive democracies backwards. Based on the Widodo administration’s messaging around the G20 and employment reforms, the risk of severe state-sponsored disinformation this year is high as the government presses state officials to ‘promote’ the controversial penal code. During Widodo’s reign, the government has orchestrated a state narrative on every policy and — with more on the line than ever in an election year — there’s no sign of it slowing down. Ika Idris is an Associate Professor in Public Policy and Management at Monash University Indonesia. Laeeq Khan is Associate Professor at the School of Media Arts and Studies at Ohio University. Nuurrianti Jalli is Assistant Professor in Communication Studies at Northern State University. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on January 19, 2023

Indonesia’s misinformation program undermines more than it teaches - 360 Ika Idris Published on February 14, 2022 Indonesia’s government has funded a thorough media literacy program. But rather than stopping misinformation, it may serve to undermine independent thought. By Ika Idris, Monash University Like many countries, Indonesia’s online space is polluted by fake news, misinformation, and disinformation. As the country’s digital economy continues to grow, the government is focusing on cleaning it up. Indonesia has the largest web-based economic productivity in Southeast Asia, with a digital economy valued at an estimated US$70 billion in 2021 that will reach approximately US$330 billion by 2030. To face up to the challenge of misinformation and boost the country’s digital competitiveness, Indonesia’s Ministry of Communication and Information established a national digital literacy program called Siber Kreasi in 2018. When it was first running, the literacy program reached 125,000 people in 350 locations. Later, Siber Kreasi was divided into digital literacy and digital talent scholarship programs. In 2021, the digital literacy program reached around 12 million people through 20,000 online literacy classes. The government literacy program is the largest in the country, bigger than programs in schools, universities, Community Service Organisations, or digital companies. Indonesia’s Minister of Information and Communication Johnny Plate expects the program to reach 50 million people by the end of President Joko Widodo’s second term at the end of 2024. The program’s focus areas are digital skills, culture, safety, and ethics, with digital culture and ethics addressing misinformation. Webinars related to digital ethics stress how to be a good citizen on the internet. However, the content of learning materials, especially in the focus areas of digital ethics and digital culture, seem to emphasise obedience to the state over critical thinking and media literacy. The digital ethics topics emphasise a world-view that accords with the government’s: “becoming a Pancasila society on the internet” (living based on the Indonesian state philosophy), “digital literacy within a national perspective”, “how to go viral without losing your morals”, and “women understand ethics”. Webinars for the literacy program also remind people of the Information and Electronic Transactions Law, known as UU ITE. This law is seen as the government’s weapon against opposition and is used to stifle criticism — it was invoked during the arrest of activists in Papua. SemuaBisaKena — a  website dedicated to documenting cases on UU ITE — records 768 cases brought between 2016 and 2020. These aspects of the program give the impression of state-sanctioned intimidation of critics and dissidents. Meanwhile, the webinar format is a one-way lecture that limits interaction between speakers and audiences. With four to six speakers each, the format does not encourage critical thinking and seems ineffective at helping audiences understand the application of the knowledge. The economic advantage of social media and digital platforms is also exaggerated. In digital culture, topics include “becoming an influencer”, “earn money through social media”, or “build your brand on social media”. These matters frame social media as a fast-track to wealth.  This focus comes at the expense of an education that could teach users how to critically think about issues, such as digital advertising or the content served to them by social media algorithms. The literacy program has led Indonesians to believe the government will stop misinformation, as opposed to individuals. A 2021 national survey conducted by the Ministry of Information and Communication and Kata Data Insight shows 63 percent of 10,000 people surveyed believed the ministry was the number one actor responsible for stopping the distribution of hoaxes — an increase from 54.8 of the 1,670 respondents in 2020. EMBED START Image {id: "editor_7"} EMBED END Image {id: "editor_7"} The program can reach millions of people in a year, but the number of people who want to take action to prevent hoaxes is declining. Those who would reprimand others who spread hoaxes declined from 26.9 percent in 2020 to 17.9 in 2021, while those who will ignore or delete fake news increased from 7.4 percent in 2020 to 8.5 the year after. EMBED START Image {id: "editor_8"} EMBED END Image {id: "editor_8"} The literacy program, though reaching millions, may not be as effective as the government hopes, especially at preventing the spread of misinformation. An old African proverb says it takes a village to raise a child. Although the Indonesian government has an essential role in stopping misinformation, the entire community must actively participate to completely nullify it. The literacy program is supposed to be an empowering program to stimulate critical thinking skills, but instead it risks strengthening the state’s power over its people. Dr Ika Idris is an associate professor at Public Policy & Management, Monash University Indonesia. Her works focus on government communication, misinformation, and the internet’s impacts on society. Dr Idris declared no conflicts of interest in relation to this article. This article was first published on February 14, 2022.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 14, 2022

Indonesia's rural villages offer lessons for global tourism - 360 Fafurida Fafurida Published on September 7, 2022 The Dieng Plateau is a case study of community-led tourism development done well. The programme has helped the entire economic region. Up in the central highlands of Java, Indonesia, the village of Dieng Kulon seemingly floats in the clouds. Frosty and wet, and home of the Indonesian potato crop, Dieng Kulon, on the Dieng Plateau, it is unlike the Indonesia most of the tourists come to see. Yet this mysterious place could prove a model for tourism as Indonesia recovers from the damage wrought by COVID-19. In Indonesia, the number of foreign tourists visiting during the pandemic dropped to around 4 million people in 2020, about a quarter of the usual number. In February, hotel occupancy was still at 49 percent. However, by April it had dropped to just 12 percent. The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the Indonesian tourism sector can also be seen from the reduction in working hours. Approximately 12.91 million people in the tourism sector had their hours reduced, and 939,000 people in the tourism sector lost their jobs. One of the ways back for the struggling Indonesian tourism sector may be community-based tourism or what the Indonesian called as desa wisata or rural tourism. The concept bloomed after the enactment of Village Law in 2015 as a source of village income. Tourism activities in desa wisata are conceived by and led by the community, such as managing and renting accommodation, selling souvenirs, food and so on. By involving the villagers, income goes directly to the village, not private companies, rich entrepreneurs or the government. When COVID-19 crippled international tourism, domestic desa wisata allowed rural tourist villages to survive. The potential of nature-based and village tourism in Indonesia can be seen from the number of tourist villages spread over all the islands — currently, 1,838. Desa wisata promotes rural natural attractions, local activities, cultural performances, experiences such as fruit-picking etc, local hospitality, cultural gastronomy and enjoying the countryside. Central Java has the most tourist villages at about 353, and the number has been increasing: from 126 in 2016 to 384 in 2020. Sustainable development, a central tenet of the United Nations and supported by 193 member states, can arise from desa wisata development. When villagers realise that nature, cultural activities and cuisine of the village is attractive to visitors, it shifts perceptions. If these attractions can be sold to tourists to generate income, the community acts to protect them. Local communities’ participation in tourism development is listed in the Indonesian National Tourism Development Master Plan 2010-2025 and the Village Minister Regulations 2020. Village Funds are allocated to develop desa wisata. The local community’s participation in decision making, and community knowledge on tourism affects whether or not village tourism development is sustainable. Central, provincial and district governments monitor the implementation of desa wisata to ensure the budget benefits the villagers in the long run. Tourism also increases economic growth in rural areas due to spillover effects — wealthier tourism operators spend in their own communities. Wider rural economic development can therefore occur. In the case of the Dieng Plateau, desa wisata has proved successful, according to Alif Faozi, the head of the local tourism awareness group. The community-based tourism implementation model applied here has since been applied to several other villages, emphasising local people’s participation. It has celebrated the natural beauty of the countryside such as rice fields, rivers, mountains, and cool air; allowed cultural events, such as weddings, funerals, holiday celebrations, dancing, and food; and developed amenities and artificial attractions in the area, all supported by local communities, government, private sector, universities, and the media. The community has formed tourism awareness groups (pokdarwis) who promote the idea of harnessing tourist dollars to their community. They also created working groups (pokja) to cover different tasks to ensure everybody has the role in developing tourism in their village. The model of tourism development that has been implemented on the Dieng Plateau can be tested and improved. For the future, this community-based concept of tourism can be adjusted to the local condition of each region and implemented in many other tourist village destinations. is a lecturer in Universitas Negeri Semarang, Indonesia and department head of economic development. Her research interests are regional economic development and tourism economy. She declares she has no conflict of interest and did not receive funding in any form. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on September 7, 2022

Indonesia’s tourism a win for women - 360 Minako Sakai, Ajie Saksono Published on October 18, 2022 Tourist villages provide opportunities for women to earn money for their family and the local community without leaving their home. Women sending money back to their family have been hailed as heroes for boosting Indonesia’s foreign exchange.  But reports of abuse by overseas employers persist.The execution of two Indonesian maids in Saudi Arabia led to a total ban on sending women as domestic workers to 21 countries (mostly in the Middle East) in 2015. But as recently as July 2022 a temporary ban was instituted against sending Indonesian housemaids to Malaysia. Indonesia’s bustling tourist villages offer a safer way to make a living. In Indonesia’s agricultural sector, rural women earn less than men and patriarchy is perpetuated. While women are actively involved in agricultural production such as weeding and harvesting, they lack the physical strength to clear land and plough. Women undertake more unpaid household work including food preparation and daily chores and they take care of livestock.  Indonesia’s desa wisata, or tourism village programme, is emerging as an alternative where rural women can choose to generate an income. The tourist-popular Banyuwangi Regency of East Java Province is home to people with some of the lowest minimum monthly wages (1,7 million rupiah or about US$117per month) in the region. But it is also known as the centre of Osing traditional culture, an indigenous ethnic group, where a wide range of festivals coupled with dance and music are preserved and promoted as cultural attractions for tourists. The area offers tranquil rice field views with a variety of choices of culinary traditions, including aromatic coffee. Desa wisata can help alleviate poverty by promoting homestays as a way for visitors to have an authentic experience based on the traditional character of the destination. In 2022 the village will run 99 festivals, with an app developed by the government for potential visitors to browse what’s on offer. Using the app, tourists can book their homestay accommodation and order local traditional food from Banyuwangi. Under the government’s Smart Kampung (village) programme, villagers can participate in a digital economy platform to fulfil food orders. Cooking local specialty food, handicrafts and looking after guests typically falls to women in traditional Indonesian households. These extra business opportunities have enabled women to become secondary income-earners in addition to their household duties. Moreover, research increasingly shows that the growth of household income brings additional benefits for families: delaying child marriage, increased spending on children’s education, and a reduction in gender-based violence.  All of which help to foster gender equality.The vast majority (85 percent) of urban digital gig economy beneficiaries in Indonesia in 2021 were men, according to World Bank data. But in the case of desa wisata, women can also experience the benefit of the smart kampung programme, sharing in the opportunity to start a new business. The resulting rise of their earnings can contribute to the wellbeing of their family, and gradually women’s voices are likely to be better recognised in decision-making in rural development policies. Minako Sakai is Associate Professor and Deputy Head of School (Research), School of Humanities and Social Sciences, The University of New South Wales (UNSW), Canberra Australia.  Her latest book Women Entrepreneurs and Business Empowerment in Muslim Countries (co-authored with A. Fauzia, Palgrave Springer, 2022) explores gender equality in Indonesia and other Muslim dominant countries. Ajie Saksono obtained his PhD in Southeast Asian Social Inquiry at UNSW and now is seconded as the Head of Governance, Social and Culture Division at the Gunung Kidul Regional Planning Agency, Yogyakarta Special Province, Indonesia.  His research focuses on state-led rural development policies in Indonesia. Both authors declared that they have no conflict of interest. The research was undertaken with financial assistance from UNSW Canberra Australia and LPDP Indonesia. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on October 18, 2022

Indonesia's wedding-party democracy is a marriage on the rocks - 360 Abdul Gaffar Karim Published on December 18, 2023 Elections remain a cause for celebration in Indonesia, but without firming up the processes around it, the party might end up being just a democratic facade. Indonesians hold on to the belief that elections are a pesta demokrasi – a celebration of democracy – which dates back to the military regime, before the 1998 political reform. Yes, a celebration is exciting, but that’s where the energy ends. You may be invited to a wedding party, but it’s their marriage, not yours. There will be food, drinks and laughter. But still, it’s not your marriage. Many Indonesians view general elections as happy occasions, primarily because of the concept of pesta demokrasi. They will participate in celebrations as voters, but the outcomes are not theirs. For most of them, the general elections have no long-term, fundamental significance. Unlike the parties competing, they do not need to maintain popular control when the celebration is over. In this context, money politics in Indonesian elections makes perfect sense: cash belongs to the festivities. Many Indonesians take advantage of elections to make short-term gains rather than investing in longer-term trust and hope for better times ahead. Some politicians and voters have a running joke about how Indonesian elections work like prepaid SIM cards – you have to pay up front. The situation is exacerbated by long history and persistent evidence that Indonesian electoral management bodies are not always impartial. Recently, it seems these partisanship issues are worsening. In the second half of 2023, some in civil society criticised the election commission (KPU) on two fronts: women’s representation and the candidacies of individuals convicted of corruption. An election commission regulation demonstrates the institution’s lack of commitment to upholding the 30 percent female representation quota in parliament, while another regulation permits people convicted of corruption to run for legislative office within five years of their release from prison. In the opinion of some academics, journalists and civil society activists, the two regulations are evidence that the electoral commission aligns more closely with the interests of political parties and candidates than it does with voters. To overturn the regulations, a coalition of academics and activists requested a judicial review at Indonesia’s Supreme Court and filed complaints with electoral bodies. It didn’t work. Instead, Indonesia’s election commission continues making decisions that tend to benefit political parties and therefore trigger some criticism. In December 2023, civil society groups criticised the format of Indonesia’s 2024 presidential candidate debate, which is set to forego a vice-presidential candidate debate, despite doing so in the past. In 2024, all debate sessions will have both pairs of candidates present. Critics accuse the electoral commission of making the change specifically to benefit vice-presidential candidate Gibran Rakabuming Raka, a junior politician and the son of President Joko Widodo. The question is why such a thing can occur. The management structure of Indonesia’s state auxiliary agencies, which puts them closer to the state and away from civil society, may offer an explanation. In Indonesia, civil society groups don’t carry influence over state auxiliary agencies as they might elsewhere. Instead, agency leaders view civil society as a source of recruits and talents – not a compass for moral guidance. Political power plays an extremely significant role in recruitment, surpassing the influence of any component of civil society. There is fierce political competition during the selection process for election management body commissioners. Once elected, leaders receive the same financial support, facilities and services as state officials, even surpassing Echeleon 1 of government. It makes it exceedingly hard to ensure people in this position will serve as a conduit for the  concerns of civil society within the state. Being a state official often gives the impression of comfort. Even the subtleties of militarism have grown more prevalent in electoral institutions, particularly the electoral commission: its secretary-general is well known for his obsession with all things military. In Indonesia, election management bodies are not motivated to support the demands of civil society. Their ability to protect the interests of electoral and state actors and persuade them to heed pressure from this domain is what matters most in determining how well they perform politically. Without improvement, especially of recruitment and management in Indonesia’s state and electoral bodies, public trust in democracy may be at risk. Meaningful reform could go a long way, but whether people holding political power are willing to do so is an entirely different question. Abdul Gaffar Karim is the Head of the Department of Politics and Government, and coordinator of Election Corner, Universitas Gadjah Mada, Indonesia. He can be contacted at agkarim@ugm.ac.id. This article has been updated for a special report on the 2024 Indonesian elections. It first appeared on December 14, 2023. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 18, 2023

Indonesia’s young people are taking on Big Tobacco - 360 Putri Widi Saraswati Published on May 31, 2022 The tobacco industry profits from child labour and sky-high youth smoking rates in Indonesia. Young people are fighting back. Indonesia has been described as “Disneyland” for the tobacco industry. Lax regulation has led to some of the highest smoking rates in the world, children and young people are blatantly targeted. Now, a new youth advocacy coalition is working to stop the industry’s free ride. Images of chain-smoking Indonesian toddler Aldi Suganda flashed around the world in 2011, and the situation is just as disturbing today: 19 percent of Indonesia’s 13- to 15-year-olds (most of them boys) are tobacco consumers – compared to 7 percent of that age group globally. Three quarters of Indonesian children see tobacco advertising and nearly two thirds are exposed to second-hand smoke. Although the sale of tobacco products is prohibited at educational facilities by law, many schools are geographically surrounded by tobacco retailers with outdoor advertisements. Single cigarette sticks can also easily – and cheaply – be bought at these shops. Most retailers do not refuse to sell cigarettes to adolescents. Worse still, Indonesian tobacco plantations profit from child labour and expose their young workers to hazardous chemicals, dangerous conditions and financial exploitation. It is no coincidence Indonesia is among only nine countries not party to the World Health Organization’s Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC). It is the only Southeast Asian country not to have signed. Against the might of the tobacco industry’s resources, the Indonesian government has struggled to overcome political barriers and sign the FCTC or ratify stronger tobacco-control policies. Tobacco companies have used strategy for political gains such as forming lobbying alliances and legally countering public health regulations using trade laws and international agreements. They use deceptive corporate social responsibility (CSR) narratives to claim they have made social and economic contributions, and the government has given them multiple CSR awards. This ‘CSR-washing’ strategy seeks to deflect public attention from the industry’s negative impacts, portraying Big Tobacco as supporting education for children and preventing child labour. Young people can wait no longer. The Indonesian Youth Coalition for Tobacco Control (IYCTC) is campaigning for change. Formed in 2021 when more than 43 organisations and communities came together, the IYCTC has documented promising practices in tobacco-control advocacy by various youth movements. Young advocates have held public demonstrations against international tobacco-sponsored events and pro-tobacco regulations. They have organised seminars, mass social gatherings, and public campaigns for FCTC ratification. They have also pushed for tobacco advertisements to be fully banned and for the Supreme Court to review an Indonesian Broadcasting Bill that has loopholes that the  industry exploits to advertise during television broadcasts. Since 2010, young advocates in Indonesia have pushed for at least four of the six measures in the WHO’s MPower framework for reducing tobacco demand. They have called for protections from tobacco smoke; warnings about the dangers of tobacco; bans on tobacco advertising, promotion and sponsorship; and increased taxes on tobacco products. They have also conducted multiple studies to strengthen evidence-based advocacy efforts against the tobacco industry’s CSR-washing, especially those targeting children. Young people are at the centre of the tobacco-use issue. They are targeted and harmed by the industry, and they are important actors in demanding and driving change. Globally, tobacco control policies and programmes targeting young people have been proven cost-effective. Moreover, empowering youth advocates and strengthening youth-led initiatives are crucial in the fight against tobacco use. Wider support from the public and policymakers would help young people to offer their maximum contribution while having their rights protected, their voices heard and their safety guaranteed. Putri Widi Saraswati (she/they) is an Indonesian public health professional and medical doctor currently working as a research intern at the United Nations University International Institute of Global Health (UNU-IIGH). The author declared no conflicts of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 31, 2022

Indonesia's young voters: precarious and sidelined by the system - 360 Diatyka Widya Permata Yasih Published on September 15, 2023 Young Indonesians are told that their votes can make a difference, but the political system offers few ways to address their discontent. Younger voters have long been a major factor in Indonesian elections. Ahead of the February 2024 general election, analysts and pundits point to the large number of those who will have just turned 17 and are able to vote. Recent research estimates that the current 17–39 age demographic will make up 60 percent of eligible voters in the 2024 Indonesian general election. Campaigns by the General Elections Commission, political parties and youth organisations aim to increase political participation throughout the electoral cycle. There are increasing concerns over political apathy and dissatisfaction with the political system. The campaigns focus on young people as a deciding factor in the elections and encourage them to recognise the power of their vote and their potential to be agents of change. The myth of youth as an agent of change proclaims the importance of safeguarding the nation’s young democracy. This narrative — with its origins in the mystification of youth’s role in the anti-colonial movement, early post-colonial governance and the pro-democracy movement that toppled authoritarianism — reinforces the ideal of a progressive and nationalist youth identity. Presidential hopefuls have started to hold dialogues with young voters to make themselves more appealing. Political parties attempt to sway young voters with targeted slogans: President Joko Widodo proclaims the Indonesian Socialist Party the ‘youth’s political party‘, while Sandiaga Uno of the United Development Party calls his party ‘the home for the youth’. The National Mandate Party includes popular celebrities and social media influencers in their campaign teams. Parties and politicians also turn to campaigning on social media such as Instagram and TikTok to reach Millennials and Generation Z. This competition to attract young voters often concentrates on superficial messaging, without offering any real ideas or programs to address the structural underpinnings of youth precarity. And political parties and politicians are major players in a political campaign industry that reproduces populist messages about a divided world. The generation born in the 1980s is better educated compared with its predecessor, a result of the rapid economic growth under the New Order era of President Suharto (1966–98). Indonesia also saw rapid growth of tertiary education institutions, especially during the 1990s. These developments suggest that today’s youth have ample opportunities to live up to the promises of education and progress. But the economy has been unable to generate enough modern-sector jobs to absorb the oversupply of better-educated young workers who aspire to a middle-class standard. First-time job seekers spend months, sometimes years finding a job. Many find themselves in the pervasive urban informal sector after a period of unsuccessful job searching. Most workers in the informal sector do not have employment contracts, employee benefits, social protection or workers’ representation. Even those who manage to secure jobs in the formal sector — conventionally associated with stable work, protected by employment regulations — can be poorly paid and unable to exercise their rights at work. Under the New Order, economic growth relied on a cheap and docile labour force, which contributed to factory workers’ exploitation and political repression. The effects of the 1997–98 Asian financial crisis also led to policies that helped accelerate insecurity in the formal sector. The implementation of Manpower Law No. 13/2013, for instance, promoted contract work and outsourcing. In 2021, the enactment of an omnibus bill on jobs at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic led to more instability for young people entering the labour market. Contrary to the image of youth as the agents of change, the day-to-day reality is that many are forced into precarious working and living conditions, which are further intensified in crisis situations, such as the pandemic. Underprivileged youth with limited social capital fare even worse. The political system offers little chance for young people to remedy their discontent. As institutions of democracy have continued to be marginalised, young people’s political agency has been undermined. Young people also lack effective vehicles for social and political representation, even where democracy is taking root. Such is the historical legacy of the demobilisation and depoliticisation of youth movements under the New Order. Despite coping with daily insecurity, young people have still helped shape election outcomes. The trajectory of working and living precariously influences their political sensibilities and involvement in elections. Studies of previous elections have looked at the operation of millennial social media campaigners, popularly known as ‘cyber armies’. These are loosely made up of volunteers from backgrounds ranging from students and office workers to housewives, working without pay. Several cyber armies became a crucial part of the political campaign industry, working in coordination with professional campaign teams supporting parties and individual politicians. Their main role was to mobilise voters through promoting divisive narratives — including hoaxes and fake news — and feeding a climate of warfare in the electoral arena. Accelerated socio-economic uncertainty — often associated with the processes of neoliberal globalisation — has been linked to the global expansion of right-wing populism. Populist narratives gain traction among young people who aspire to upward mobility but face dire employment prospects and struggle to meet basic needs. Politicians who frame inequality in ethno-religious terms — demonstrated in the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election and the 2019 presidential elections — can provide precarious youth with a way to articulate grievances and make sense of their social position. This makes young people an easy target of populist mobilisation. Diatyka Widya Permata Yasih is an assistant professor in the Department of Sociology and Deputy Director for Academic Affairs at Asia Research Centre, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Indonesia. Her research activities are centred on increasing precarity in work and in life under neoliberal pressures and its link to social and political developments in contemporary Indonesia and across Southeast Asia. This article has been updated for a special report on the 2024 Indonesian elections. It originally appeared on September 13, 2023. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on September 15, 2023

Indonesia’s zero tolerance drug laws leave hundreds on death row - 360 Asmin Fransiska Published on September 5, 2022 Indonesia’s war on drugs hasn’t worked. Hundreds are on death row, executions are regular and the drug trade carries on. Indonesia’s war on drugs has been a feature of the country’s heavy-handed criminal justice system. Over half of Indonesia’s 404 death row inmates are facing execution for drug-related charges, making it — alongside countries such as Iran and Saudi Arabia — one of the most dangerous countries in the world to possess or sell drugs. And the crackdown has recently gained strength: of Indonesia’s 94 death sentences recorded since the start of the pandemic, 80 were for drug-related offences (seven of whom were foreign nationals). Support for the ‘zero tolerance’ approach is partly based on the idea that Indonesia’s laws promote deterrence. However the data tell a different story. Since the most recent execution of a convicted drug offender in April 2016, prosecution for drug trafficking in Indonesia has kept rising. This suggests that the movement of drugs into Indonesia hasn’t slowed, despite a long and concentrated effort from authorities. EMBED START Image {id: "editor_2"} EMBED END Image {id: "editor_2"} This failure has many culprits: corrupt bureaucracy within law enforcement, cultural issues within the legal field (such as tolerance of bribery), and socio-economic factors that see the poor, marginalised and victims of other crimes over-represented in the drug trade. Meanwhile, drug consumption in Indonesia is declining. Curiously this coincided with a decade in which Indonesia somewhat softened its stance on drug users. A 2009 law granted judges discretion to impose rehabilitation in sentencing drug-users, while the country’s leading health authorities established guidelines for rehabilitation and treating drug-use. The system doesn’t work well even after accused drug smugglers are arrested. Defendants increasingly receive a poor quality of legal representation owing to an underfunded legal aid system. Many accused have limited access to a lawyer in cases where their life is on the line. Foreign nationals sometimes face challenges accessing interpreters — a Filipino national was sentenced to death in 2015 in a trial in which she was provided with an English interpreter, despite needing a Tagalog interpreter, and only had her execution postponed well after the trial when additional evidence came to light. In some cases, racial prejudice towards certain groups have undermined the rule of law and fair trials. Nigerian national Humphrey Jefferson was executed in 2016 over drug-related offences, after his request for judicial review was refused by an Indonesian court. In an investigation afterwards, the Ombudsman of the Republic of Indonesia found maladministration, citing discrimination from the Jakarta District Court as the catalyst for his request denial. Indonesia’s penal code prevents the state executing people who have a mental disorder but in practice, this hasn’t always been observed in drug-related offences: in 2015, Brazilian national Rodrigo Gularte was executed despite doctors diagnosing him with paranoid schizophrenia and bipolar disorder. The UN International Drug Control Conventions says regulating and managing drug supply is a matter of public health, which is echoed in Indonesia’s domestic law. But in Indonesia’s heavy-handed approach towards drugs in all forms — illicit or not — the country has developed a punitive culture that gets in the way of achieving more positive health outcomes. Indonesia treats drug issues as a security threat and not as a public health issue, meaning the policy and regulations around it become a question of law enforcement. Indonesia’s House of Representatives plans to codify the new criminal code soon. Those involved with drafting the new laws have championed them as a substantive reform of the death penalty, but vagueness and a lack of certainty over how the code will be interpreted may mean Indonesia’s criminal law reform agenda stagnates. Even if Indonesian lawmakers believe in the deterrent effect of the death penalty, it could co-exist as an alternative punishment — deployed in exceptional cases where the court decides it is warranted. However, in the draft law, the death penalty can still be imposed as the first and only punishment for a crime — without chance for an alternative, such as a prison sentence that allows for rehabilitation. For a reform that apparently prioritises human rights, leaving in laws that fall short of the international standard brings into question Indonesia’s commitment to compliance. But so long as Indonesia’s war on drugs rages, the criminal justice system will likely struggle to overcome its stagnation. Asmin Fransiska is the dean of Faculty of Law and lecturer on drug policy and human rights at Atma Jaya Catholic University of Indonesia, Jakarta Indonesia. Her research is focused on drug policy, human rights and criminal law. Dr. Fransiska expresses no conflict of interest and do not receive special funds in any form Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on September 5, 2022

Ineffective treaty helped Russia’s nuclear threat escalate - 360 Joelien Pretorius Published on March 21, 2022 Russia’s nuclear blackmail is prompted by a flawed treaty and ambivalence by nuclear weapon states towards nuclear disarmament. The invasion of Ukraine saw Russia’s nuclear forces put on high alert by President Vladimir Putin on the fourth day of fighting. Telling the world that Russia is “today one of the most powerful nuclear states“, the rhetoric and activity goes against the spirit of the Treaty on the Non Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), the document that forms the foundation of international nuclear governance. Using nuclear weapons to deter or compel action is effectively holding humanity at ransom — blackmail of the nuclear kind. Nuclear armed states like Russia have the power to do this partly because of weaknesses embedded in the NPT and how nuclear weapon states have chosen to interpret it over the past 50 years. Of particular relevance to the current crisis are nuclear sharing arrangements. These see nuclear weapon states stationing their arms on the territory of their non-nuclear allies. As long as they retain custodianship and control over the weapons, this is seen as legal under one interpretation of the NPT. The most recent referendum in Belarus voted to lift the country’s non-nuclear status and allow Russia to station weapons on its soil. This decision comes in the context of unresolved problems with nuclear sharing arrangements: NATO stations nuclear weapons in Turkey, Germany, Italy, Belgium and the Netherlands, despite criticism from non-nuclear weapon states and Russia since 2015. Putin is not the first leader to bring nuclear weapons into a conflict: the US and Soviet Union did so on several occasions during the Cold War. US President George Bush did not raise the nuclear alert levels during the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, but implied that the US could use nuclear arms if Iraqi forces used chemical or biological weapons. The NPT, inked in 1968, was premised on a proposal that disarmament negotiations would be better served if nuclear weapons were contained to as few states as possible. It’s one of the most ascribed to treaties in history with only five non-member states (Israel, India, Pakistan, North Korea and South Sudan). The treaty has three pillars: non-proliferation, nuclear disarmament and peaceful use. Non-proliferation prevents the spread of nuclear weapons by distinguishing the countries that tested nuclear arms by 1967 — the US, the Soviet Union (now Russia), China, the UK and France — and the non-nuclear weapons states who had not. The former agree not to help other states obtain nuclear weapons; the latter agree not to acquire nuclear weapons. This arrangement entrenched power with the nuclear weapon states, but the pillars of nuclear disarmament and peaceful use helped make the NPT palatable for the other states. Nuclear disarmament is a commitment by all parties to negotiate in good faith for an end to the arms race and towards the elimination of nuclear weapons. The peaceful use pillar assures non-nuclear weapon states that they will have access to nuclear technology for civilian industries, such as nuclear power, under the supervision of the International Atomic Energy Agency. Although the NPT is credited for reducing proliferation of nuclear weapons, some of its shortcomings are being highlighted during Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Nuclear deterrence — the fourth unacknowledged ‘ghost pillar’ of the NPT, as argued by Lyndon Burford — is the asserted principle put forward by nuclear weapon states and their allies that these weapons are essential for defence, peace and stability by preventing coercion and deterring aggression. Although nuclear weapon states regularly make disarmament promises in the NPT forum, their perceived net security benefit from having nuclear weapons trumps their commitment to disarmament. The problem is encapsulated by former US President Barack Obama’s 2009 speech in Prague: the speech envisaged a world free of nuclear weapons, but also made clear that the US will possess nuclear weapons as long as they exist. NATO bases its identity as a nuclear alliance on the US policy that nuclear weapons are essential for its defence. Nuclear weapon states insist that their possession of nuclear weapons is a sovereign right and legal under the NPT. There are still almost 13,000 nuclear weapons in existence, despite the US and Russia dramatically decreasing their stockpiles after the Cold War. Disarmament seems to be reversing: nuclear weapon states are modernising their arsenals and some are increasing their warheads, renewing the nuclear arms race. Many of the bilateral nuclear arms control treaties between the US and Russia have been scrapped, including the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty and the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty. Broader confidence building agreements, such as the Treaty on Open Skies, have been abandoned. One of the last remaining nuclear arms control treaties, the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (or New START), is at risk. It was designed to put limits on nuclear weapons deployed by Russia and the US. Many civil society organisations in favour of nuclear abolition, and many non-nuclear weapon states, interpret the disarmament obligation in the NPT to mean irreversible elimination of all nuclear arms. Those in favour of total abolition believe the risk of nuclear weapons being used is present as long as they exist. The world has come very close to nuclear war, miscalculation and accidents have happened, and the fact that there has not been a major nuclear disaster since 1945 is basically down to ‘luck’. Stalling disarmament under the NPT has led non-nuclear weapon states to negotiate the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, informally known as the “ban treaty”. Adopted in 2017 and entered into force in 2021, the ban treaty closes all the disarmament loopholes in the NPT and shifts the focus from deterrence to the humanitarian consequences of using nuclear weapons. Many ban treaty proponents see it as a compatible way to fulfil the NPT’s disarmament obligation by making nuclear weapons illegal for all states rather than a replacement. Nuclear weapon states and some of their allies feel otherwise, and declined to participate in negotiations. Some actively discouraged its adoption and ratification, stating that the ban treaty has no legal bearing over them. Ban treaty supporters point to its broad-based civil society participation process, and the record time it took to enter into force. They say ongoing engagement with the treaty sends a strong signal to nuclear weapon states to take their disarmament obligation seriously. It is hoped that this may light a path to preventing nuclear risks of the kind now seen in the Russia-Ukraine conflict, or something even worse. Joelien Pretorius is an associate professor in the Department of Political Studies at the University of the Western Cape in South Africa. She is also a member of the South African branch of the Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs. Dr Pretorius declared no conflicts of interest in relation to this article. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 21, 2022

Insecure and overworked: how it's getting harder to pursue an academic career - 360 Louise C. Johnson Published on May 8, 2024 Academic careers are getting harder to maintain. What does this mean for the future of Australian universities? It was a cold June morning when the message came through. A Zoom call with the Dean, Head of School and HR at 9.30am to discuss the new organisational chart. We were three months into the COVID-19 pandemic and the many challenges of transferring all teaching content online had just wrapped up. But here I was — one of the few female professors on a regional campus, at the height of my academic game with a new book out, a string of excellent teaching evaluations, boundless enthusiasm and co-leading an emerging research centre — being told there was no place on the chart for me. Instead I was part of a sobering statistic: one of up to 27,000 university staff across Australia to lose their job in the first year of the pandemic, supposedly necessary as a result of COVID. Like the rest of the country, this university and the system were reeling from the shock of the pandemic. It was also, of course, a personal shock, but not completely unexpected as the profession I had entered many years before had transformed into something unrecognisable. Six months earlier as I fronted my annual performance review and carefully noted my many achievements, my Head of School barely glanced at the document before extolling my energy and asking if I had considered retirement. It was one of those many moments where remarkable performance was met by silence or exhortations to do more: more successful grants, more publications, more teaching initiatives; or better still, a departure to make way for someone younger. Or cheaper. A casual. For that has been one of the major changes across the past few decades. From a university system which had offered secure employment which was also fun and valued, increasingly there were fewer and fewer tenured positions and more and more sessional staff. Indeed it is estimated that at least 50 percent of all undergraduate teaching is now done by casuals. From 1990 to 2011 there had been an increase in casualisation of 250 percent compared to a 55 percent increase in non-casual academic employment. There have been many other changes too, including increasing competition and alliances across the sector, a proliferation of managers, rampant quantification of all aspects of what was increasingly viewed as a business and, underlying it all, a long-term reduction in government funding. One of the many consequences of these changes was a sense of ongoing crisis, which, along with the embrace of managerialism, produced a rolling series of restructures all in the name of greater efficiency, cost savings, market edge, matching supply to demand and continuous improvement. But now there was a real crisis. During the pandemic, universities which for years had had healthy balance sheets, were undoubtedly hit by the closure of international borders and the refusal to extend the JobKeeper wage subsidy to the sector. The response was to sack very large numbers of staff, estimated as up to 27,000 jobs in the first year of the pandemic alone. Two years in, this translated into a 10 percent cut across the system — disproportionate to the overall financial loss of around five percent. These crises have had significant impacts on staff. There had been a growing sense of employment insecurity — tenured staff were vulnerable, but even more so if you were on a short-term contract or sessional. Numerous Fair Work cases have proven that many of these staff are not paid for the work that they do. There is rampant wage theft and exploitation of university workers, tenured or not. The system increasingly relied on the good will of all academics to work unpaid overtime to keep it running. Six to seven day weeks were common and still are. There was also a growing sense of the student as client with the rights and perspective of a customer rather than a trainee scholar or professional. The pressure was therefore on to give quality if unpaid feedback and elevated marks, if only to placate the newly empowered consumer of our educational service. In addition to the ever-growing teaching, technological and administrative demands, most academics were expected to do research. Usually valued over all other activities, there is an expectation to generate income. But with the success rates of the holy grail of such grants — those awarded by the Australian Research Council — running at 20 to 40 percent it means that failure is a more likely outcome. There are also other sources of research funds — government, community, industry — with topics shaped by their needs rather than those of a discipline or sense of social responsibility. The imperative becomes to get the money, to shape projects to meet the needs of funders, a prospect that lends itself to intellectual and moral compromises. The simple solution to make universities better workplaces is not just more government money — though that would help — but far more transparency about how it is managed. As a long-term member of the Academic Board I was repeatedly told that questions around budgeting were “operational” and therefore the preserve of management. Not only could such bodies be directly elected but they could have real management oversight and be able to raise questions around restructuring, staffing and budgeting as well as teaching quality. The issue of casualisation is an industrial one — involving wage theft, underpayment, and insecurity — which could be addressed via new agreements that set limits on flexibility, fair payment and guarantee ongoing employment and academic freedom. The idea of academic freedom itself would benefit from being strengthened, not just to teach and research what years of professional training has distilled as important, but to include guarantees of employment continuity and respect that go well beyond the soft recommendations within current enterprise bargaining agreements. The new army of university managers would also benefit from real education in the morality and integrity of academic work and the social — rather than just the financial and narrowly educational role — of universities. Professor Louise C. Johnson is an honorary professor in the Alfred Deakin Institute of Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University and an honorary (professorial fellow) in the Faculty of Architecture, Building and Planning at the University of Melbourne. Her research interests include gendering spaces and feminist geography, regional restructuring and its social impacts, post-colonial planning and the changing nature of the Australian suburb. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 8, 2024

Inside out: why Balinese homes are so loved - 360 NW Meidayanti Mustika Published on May 30, 2022 Communal spaces and a connection to the outdoors make traditional Balinese homes a template for the green design of the future. In traditional Balinese homes, residents wake in the cool of the morning in their private bedrooms, walk through a rustling tropical garden to the kitchen to prepare their breakfast, then enjoy it together in an open-sided pavilion as the sun rises in the sky, the air warms around them and the day begins. The homes draw on local wisdom and knowledge of the surroundings to regulate temperature, provide access to greenery, and promote both privacy and communal living. The homes’ design supports residents’ physical comfort and mental health. It is a blueprint for the next generation of green design globally. Traditionally, homes on the Indonesian island of Bali are part of a compound shared by several families with a kinship relationship. The compound includes separate pavilions for private rooms, living areas and ceremonial activities, plus a kitchen, a barn, and a family shrine where residents can worship ancestors. Green spaces lie between the various structures. This design contributes to a sense of belonging and community, and has been maintained down the generations. That same sense of belonging connects home design and mental health: spaces that allow residents to feel at home promote relaxation and well-being. Communal living and a connection to where you live also contribute to a sense of belonging. Having a place to return to stimulates feelings of continuity, stability and permanence. Privacy is also important: it gives residents a sense of control over their surroundings and promotes ease and relaxation. By 2050 an extra 280 billion square metres globally will be covered by buildings, and most of these buildings will be in Asia. The new buildings will be vertical and concentrated in urban areas. High-rise buildings tend to create a feeling of loneliness, as their design reduces social interaction between occupants. As people spend more and more time at home, building design becomes important not only in providing access to security, warmth and comfort but also in promoting residents’ well-being. Rather than purely focus on energy and water efficiency, designers of sustainable buildings could take into account human health, wellness and experience. Traditional homes in Bali have maintained their style throughout the years while using materials adapted to local conditions. Homes consist of several buildings arranged around a natah, an open space or inner courtyard.The courtyard design and the space between buildings allow adequate airflow and promote comfortable indoor temperatures – particularly beneficial to the inhabitants’ mental health since Bali is often hot and humid. EMBED START Image {id: "editor_7"} EMBED END Image {id: "editor_7"} Each day the homes’ design promotes a positive cycle. Cooler air temperatures in the early morning and at night are maintained around the buildings. As the air warms during the day, it flows from indoors to out and escapes upwards, keeping the indoor temperature cooler. In the afternoon the walls, the floor and the rooms surrounding the courtyard are warm, providing comfort as the outdoor temperature drops. The pavilions in front of the enclosed rooms have few to no walls, allowing in plenty of natural light and promoting seamless connectivity between inside and outside. The buildings’ placement within the compound allows space between them for gardens. These views of greenery improve mental health through visual connections to the natural environment. The gap between the building walls and the compound perimeter wall reduces noise pollution from traffic in front of the house. Good landscape design and vegetation significantly reduce the noise level in the buildings as well as in the yard within the compound.The buildings face inwards towards the courtyard, creating an enclosed composition that gives a sense of safety from negative influences outside the compound. A small gate and a low wall in front of the gate also provide safety and security for the compound’s occupants – important in terms of privacy and mental health. Before modern healthy building strategies are implemented, it is important to review their precedents. Learning from the past does not mean reinterpreting previous architectural approaches but rather gathering information for current strategies. Historical local knowledge, along with technological developments, will not only add value aesthetically but also contribute to healthier dwellings, healthier residents and a healthier population. Ni Wayan Meidayanti Mustika is a Lecturer at the Architecture Department of Warmadewa University in Bali, Indonesia. Her interest is in sustainable architecture and green building. She is a Green Professional Member of Green Building Council Indonesia. She declared that she has no conflict of interest and is not receiving specific funding in any form. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Building mental health” sent at: 25/05/2022 08:39. This is a corrected repeat.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 30, 2022

Interactive: asteroid strikes - 360 Published on June 30, 2022 What would an asteroid or comet impact be like? What would an asteroid or comet impact be like? That depends on lots of things, such as how big it is, how fast it’s travelling – and how close you are to the impact site. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: Interactive: see how often comets and asteroids strike the Earth

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 30, 2022

Interactive: climate solutions - 360 James Goldie Published on November 1, 2023 Diplomats at COP28 are discussing a range of ways to get to net zero. But not all solutions are equal. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s 2022 report, Mitigation of Climate Change, makes it clear that no one technology can reduce humanity’s carbon emissions enough to get to net zero. Instead, the IPCC evaluated a suite of technologies with decarbonisation potential. Here, 360info visualises those solutions, grouping them by cost to separate cheaper — or even cost-saving — solutions from more expensive ones. However, many solutions have other considerations, like technological or ecological problems. Solutions with bigger bubbles represent more potential to reduce greenhouse gases. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 1, 2023

Interactive: Explore El Niño's global impacts - 360 James Goldie Published on July 12, 2023 El Niño’s origins are in the Pacific Ocean, but its impacts reach around the globe. Learn how it works and how countries are affected with our interactive map. Countries around the Pacific, and further afield, are preparing for an El Niño in 2023. But those preparations are different for each country. In some places, El Niño can bring dry and hot weather, prompting preparations for drought and fire. In others, it can bring heavy rainfall, making floods a possibility. Learn about these impacts by tapping on the round icons in the interactive map below, or tap the square ? icon to see how El Niño develops. El Niño’s impacts vary by country. Tap the round icons to learn about the impacts, or the square ? icon to see how El Niño forms. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “El Nino returns” sent at: 10/07/2023 06:59. This is a corrected repeat.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on July 12, 2023

Interactive: Exploring Antarctica's ice - 360 James Goldie Published on January 24, 2024 There’s more to Antarctica than the ice you see on the maps. Go on a tour of the frozen continent. The image many people see of Antarctica is the outline featured on the Antarctic Treaty. But this is just the thick ice sheet: underneath sits a rocky continent that rises more than 2km into the air in places. Our interactive takes you through the layers of Antarctica’s geography, highlighting area particularly at risk as the climate changes. Antarctica has many types of ice. Understanding how it all interacts with the Southern Ocean will help researchers predict what happens to it next. For decades, Antarctica’s sea ice appeared to be growing slightly over time. But in 2016, it reversed course dramatically, falling well below previous levels. In February 2023 it hit a record low, and this year’s ice levels of the Antarctic summer are still well below the pre-2016 average. Sea ice abruptly began shrinking in 2016. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Antarctica’s shrinking ice” sent at: 22/01/2024 06:00. This is a corrected repeat. No change to content.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on January 24, 2024

Interactive: Fire danger days are increasing - 360 James Goldie Published on December 6, 2023 See how the fire season has changed in your part of Australia. Extreme heat and changing rainfall patterns, driven by climate change, have not gone unnoticed by firefighters and communities. Now, analysis by 360info shows that for many Australians the fire season is growing and, in some cases, moving into spring. Days of high fire danger, defined as the worst 10 percent of days, were more frequent in many places in the late 1990s, 2000s and 2010s than they were in the 1970s, ’80s and early ’90s. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Living with fire” sent at: 04/12/2023 08:52. This is a corrected repeat. Fixes the chart sizing and positioning.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 6, 2023

Interactive: Global fishing hotspots - 360 Published on June 8, 2022 Fish stocks and seas face multiple threats, but marine scientists are working to find solutions to restore our vast blue ecosystem. Illegal fishing puts food security at risk and threatens marine ecosystems.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 8, 2022

Interactive: How governments, the military and business share satellites - 360 Published on May 2, 2022 Many satellites used for commercial or civil purposes are also used by governments and militaries. Interactive chart showing the overlap in use of satellites between governments, military, commercial and civil uses for a selected country. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 2, 2022

Interactive: Most popular origin and destination countries for students - 360 Published on April 11, 2022 With this interactive tool, we uncover the complex flow of students in and out of countries across the globe. On any given year, countries play host to foreign students from around the world, while their own students head abroad to study. But this is rarely an even trade, and the line of students often flows toward countries with more resources. This interactive tool allows you to select a country and see the most common inbound origins and outbound destinations for students, according to UN Institute of Statistics data. Interactive charts showing the two-way flow of international students through a selected country for a selected year. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 11, 2022

Interactive: Ocean temperature tracker - 360 James Goldie Published on August 21, 2023 Ocean temperatures are at record highs around the world. Track the global hotspots with our monthly temperature monitor. Global oceans have been hotter in July 2023 than in any July for the last 40 years — by a large margin. The global average ocean temperature (excluding polar regions) has broken its monthly record every month since March. July 2023, for example, was 20.96 degrees Celsius — over a quarter of a degree hotter than the previous July record of 20.70C in 2020. Some regions are running hot even by this standard. The North Atlantic, where experts are worried about coral bleaching, was nearly three-quarters of a degree hotter in July 2023 than the previous July record in 2019. And even though it’s the middle of winter in the Southern Hemisphere, the Southern Ocean was nearly one-fifth of a degree hotter in July 2023 than the previous July record in 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Hot oceans” sent at: 17/08/2023 06:00. This is a corrected repeat. Add sharing badge to interactive

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on August 21, 2023

Interactive: renewable electricity update - 360 James Goldie Published on November 1, 2023 Explore the growing supply of renewables and see which countries are leading the charge. In July, the International Energy Agency rated photovoltaic solar and electric vehicles as the only two climate solutions that were “on track” to meet the world’s net zero by 2050 aspirations. 360info’s map of renewable electricity data from the International Renewable Energy Agency shows that renewables more broadly are still well behind. In this map illustrating the rise of renewables, bubbles representing countries’ electricity supplies shift from brown to green as more renewables are introduced. Many medium-sized countries, like Germany, Brazil and Canada, supply over 60 percent of their electricity from renewables. But the three biggest — China, the United States and India, who collectively make up just over half of the world’s electricity — all produced less than half of it from renewables in 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 1, 2023

Interactive: The renewables transition - 360 Published on November 14, 2022 Explore our interactive map illustrating the rise of renewables over the last 20 years. As COP27 continues in Sharm El Sheikh, Egypt, 360info’s Reece Hooker notes that the shadow of several crises loom large over negotiations. There is no one technological solution to decarbonisation, but one success story has been the fall in renewable energy prices over the last 20 years. In our interactive map below, see how the take-up of renewable electricity has progressed across the world. The largest economies still have a lot of work to do to fully decarbonise their electricity systems, but renewables now make up a significant portion of most major economies’ electricity supply. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Energy transition” sent at: 11/11/2022 11:56. This is a corrected repeat. Minor fix to map embed to facilitate sharing.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 14, 2022

Interactive: Trust in the police around the world - 360 James Goldie Published on June 14, 2023 Trust in police forces varies enormously around the world. In many countries, trust has slipped since the COVID-19 pandemic. Ipsos’s annual Global Trustworthiness Index study asks people which professions and sectors they generally trust In 2022, police in just four countries were trusted by a majority of people. Trust in police forces has fallen since the pandemic in many of the countries surveyed by Ipsos. A few, like Spain and India, have seen trust improve. Trust in police also varies enormously compared to that of other professions. In some countries, like Mexico and South Africa, police are near the bottom of the pack, trusted more only than politicans and government ministers. In others, they are much more highly rated—although few countries would rate them as highly as doctors, scientists and teachers. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 14, 2023

Interactive: Watching the Geminid meteor shower - 360 Suzannah Lyons, Michael Joiner, James Goldie Published on December 11, 2023 See what the view of the Geminid meteor shower will be like near where you live across the Indo-Pacific. It’s the perfect year to observe the Geminids with a new Moon not interfering with the show, and the peak of the shower occurring while the Geminids are highest in the sky from Earth’s eastern longitudes. To get the best view of these celestial fireworks, aim to head out late on the evening of 14 December into the very early morning hours of 15 December. When observing meteor showers, comfort is probably more important than anything else, astronomer Professor Jonti Horner from the University of Southern Queensland. Here are his top tips: Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 11, 2023

Interactive: where are cities sinking? - 360 James Goldie Published on May 17, 2023 Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Sinking Cities” sent at: 15/05/2023 11:09. This is a corrected repeat. Minor fix to interactive to facilitate sharing.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 17, 2023

Interactive: who supplies and receives arms? - 360 Published on August 23, 2022 Every year, billions of dollars in weapons and other military equipment is shipped across the globe. Explore these transfers in our new interactive map. Using data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 360info has revealed the complex web of arms transfers across the globe each year. These transfers aren’t just guns: they include air defence systems, armoured vehicles, artillery, engines, missiles, naval weapons, satellites, sensors and other kinds of military equipment. Use the filter at the bottom of the map to focus on a particular supplier or recipient, or drag the slider to see how transfers have changed over the last 70 years. Interactive map of arms transfers each year since 1950. James Goldie, 360info. Data: Stockholm International Peace Research Institute Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Weapons trade” sent at: 23/08/2022 09:55. This is a corrected repeat. Minor fix to map embed to facilitate sharing.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on August 23, 2022

Interactive: who's ready for climate extremes and who's vulnerable - 360 James Goldie Published on January 31, 2024 See how well countries are positioned to fare as the climate changes. Each year, the Notre Dame Global Adaptation Initiative ranks countries’ readiness to handle climate impacts, as well as their vulnerability to them. In 360info’s chart below, economies are grouped using the United Nations Development Programme’s Human Development Index, which considers income, life expectancy and education levels. Economies assessed as highly developed tend to sit in the lower right, more ready and less vulnerable to climate impacts. Those assessed by the HDI as less developed tend to sit in the upper left — highly vulnerable and less prepared. Countries lie in one of four corners based on how ready (left to right) and how vulnerable (up and down) they are. By searching for one or more countries, you can also see how their position has changed over time. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on January 31, 2024

Interactive: Youth mental health hot spots and cold spots across Australia - 360 James Goldie, Dean Marchiori Published on October 9, 2023 The last Census provided an unprecedented view of mental health diagnoses across parts of Australia. Which areas stand out? With young people reporting higher rates of anxiety than older people, researchers are trying to understand what drives differences in mental health. For the first time, the Australian Bureau of Statistics asked Australians in the 2021 Census whether they had been diagnosed with one or more mental health conditions. The prevalence of mental health conditions in young people varies substantially across the country — even from neighbourhood to neighbourhood. 360info has delved into this data to identify youth mental health hot spots: areas with a higher proportion of mental health diagnoses in young people than their neighbours. Hot spots and cold spots can help us see how young people’s mental health is changing across Australia, but they aren’t the whole story. Areas marked as hot spots are further split into ‘isolated’ hot spots — areas surrounded by neighbours with low rates of mental health diagnoses — and connected hot spots, which are larger areas of high diagnosis rates. Likewise, there are connected areas of low mental health reports, as well as more isolated ‘cold spots’. The results show that diagnoses for conditions like anxiety or depression vary considerably for young people, even in our biggest cities. Although the data comes from the 2021 Census, which was run during the COVID-19 pandemic when many parts of Australia were locked down, the question asked respondents whether they had been told by a doctor or nurse that they have a long-term mental health condition (including anxiety or depression) in the last 12 months. This data cannot tell the whole story, though. Diagnosis rates may vary for many reasons, including the availability of health care — people who are unable to access a doctor or enough continuity of care to establish a diagnosis for a long-term condition would not be represented in these figures. Researchers also use complementary data, like detailed surveys on smaller sets of people, to try to understand the underlying drivers of mental health. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Young minds on screens” sent at: 04/10/2023 17:51. This is a corrected repeat.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on October 9, 2023

Interview: Professor Adam Habib on higher ed, imperialism and the global brain drain - 360 Adam Habib Published on April 11, 2022 Editors Andrew Jaspan and Bharat Bhushan of 360info spoke to Professor Adam Habib about the challenges and possibilities of globalised higher education. What do you think is wrong with global education? There’s a lot wrong. In many parts of the developing world, their institutions are being eroded by the very nature of the ‘global academy’. For example, scholarships provided largely by rich-country universities and governments go to talented people from around the world, allowing them to travel to study. Then, they don’t go back. Many of those do so in their 20s and 30s – precisely the period in life when people tend to develop relationships and  have children. The net effect is that brain drain is enabled rather than disabled. Developing states lose people in large numbers and, as that happens, you begin to erode institutional capacities. When you talk about undermining institutional capacity, what do you mean? I mean that you don’t enable the kinds of crucial skilled personnel required to deliver on major public services within developing countries and deal with ways to mitigate the major challenges of our time such as pandemics and climate change. I’m speaking about those countries needing the kinds of professionals required to run modern economies and societies, through either public institutions like hospitals, schools, universities, governments, governmental departments, or private facilities like private companies, businesses, manufacturing industries, IT companies, startups etc. This is why if you take a place like South Africa, which I know well, you have both a skills deficit and an unemployment crisis. You don’t have the people trained for the jobs that are available. This is a serious problem. Other than Singapore and a couple of other places, such as post-2007 China, developing countries are losing large numbers of key people to run and develop their critical infrastructure, services and economy. In India, the numbers suggest that more than 80 percent of students who go to study overseas don’t return home. There’s no data about Africa, but I would think that it would be worse than India, just anecdotally. And so you’ve got a serious challenge that, at the very moment those countries need the brightest and best, you’re weakening their institutions and human capabilities. Some countries can sustain this. India and China, both with 1.4 billion people, can sustain the brain drain because they have scale. Places that are much smaller — South Africa, with 50 million people, and many other parts of the African continent and other societies — don’t have that scale, and so the drain has a much more dramatic impact on institutional capacities. All the substantive challenges of our time have a transnational character, whether it’s pandemics or climate change, inequality or social and political polarisation. To resolve those challenges, we’ll need to ensure that the developing world has intellectual capacities and skills. You’re going to need them as much in the Philippines as in New York or London. Any research will tell you that the world’s key transnational problems require not only world-class global science and technology but also local knowledge. For example, how you structure a city map in San Francisco is fundamentally different from how you structure a city map in Nairobi simply because of the spatial structure of Nairobi. It operates in a different environment, and its cultural milieu and naming of streets don’t work in the same way. It has shantytowns too, and all these kinds of things lend themselves to a very, very different design. Linking global science and local knowledge is needed, and at the moment the global education system undermines that. Do you think that universities in the West use foreign students to cross-subsidise domestic students? Absolutely. Not all Western countries, but if you’re looking at the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia and, frankly, a number of Western European countries, there’s a massive cross-subsidisation. There is no way British higher education could survive if the supply and fees from foreign students suddenly dried up. In fact, I would argue 90 percent of the universities would be declared bankrupt overnight. I’ve said this in the United Kingdom, so I’m not saying anything new: it’s unsustainable, and sooner or later it’s going to throw them into a crisis. Given governments are either not funding universities or reducing their financial assistance to universities, is it wrong for universities to be modelled as commercial enterprises and profit from the demand? It depends on what lens you are asking through. If you’re asking me as the vice-chancellor or the director of SOAS, a commercial model is the only viable model given the existing funding constraints. If you’re asking whether this is good for the global community to address pandemics, climate change etc, I’m saying that we’re acting in the short-term interest and compromising our long-term future. What is the best way of preventing ‘brain drain’ from the developing countries to the developed world? Recently, the European Union and the African Union came together. They decided to put resources into getting European and African universities to work together in joint research centres, in joint PhD training, where you share staff, you co-curriculate and you co-credential. The Guild of European Universities and the African Research Universities Alliance had been lobbying for this for two to three years. This is a major shift for the Europeans; they are beginning to recognise that the existing model doesn’t work. We’ve got to start thinking through innovating around this model that the Europeans and the Africans are starting to explore. How do we do it on a more substantive basis? There are hundreds of thousands of people who still can’t be trained at the appropriate level, and we don’t have enough educational capacity and institutions in the right places. But if we brought global and local together in a series of very innovative partnerships, we could create networks of institutions. Partnerships can’t be structured at an individual level; it has to be thought of at an institutional level. That means co-teaching, co-curriculating and co-credentialing. It means hosting research centres that are jointly owned by Northern and Southern partners in the developing world where Masters and PhD students can, from both sides, actually have internships and locate themselves on-site. You won’t stop the brain drain, but you will mitigate its worst consequences. You’ll be training more, and then you’ll be creating the enabling conditions for people to move back, because ultimately people leave because there are no opportunities. As opportunities develop, people will begin to go back. What would equitable partnerships in global education mean? Some of this already exists, for example in public health. Ebola research centres are set up in West Africa; HIV/AIDS research centres are in South Africa, not in London. In public-health higher education they do this all the time. Why is it that we don’t do that in the social sciences, the commercial sciences and in parts of the humanities? It’s also worth noting that the technological revolution enables us to do this at a fundamentally new scale. Instead of having 1000 people in a class, all lectures could be done online and the tutorials could be face-to-face. Those tutorials can take place in Delhi, Johannesburg, London and Melbourne simultaneously, based on the same lecture that is provided globally to all of those students. There are ways to unravel the problem, but they are often only unravelled by governments when somebody fundamentally questions and shifts the system in its foundations. I’m not looking at this as a zero-sum game. You can also make shifts over periods of time. We shouldn’t see this as one or the other, but we do need a dramatic rethink of global higher education, particularly Western higher education. Adam Habib has over 30 years’ academic, research and administration expertise, spanning five universities and multiple local and international institutions. He is currently professor of political science and director, SOAS University of London. Previously, he was vice-chancellor of the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg. He is co-founder of the African Research Universities Alliance. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 11, 2022

Interview transcript: Dear Pandemic, these 'nerdy girls' are coming for you - 360 Lindsey Leininger, Tuck Dartmouth Published on January 27, 2022 In this 8-minute interview Dear Pandemic founder and public health scientist Lindsey Leininger discusses how to speak with the vaccine hesitant. 00:00:26 – 00:00:46 Early on, one of the community members on Facebook said, we have so much information overwhelming about COVID, I’m just going to block it all out and do what those nerdy girls at Dear Pandemic say. So he gave us the name. It ended up being a brand and we’ve stuck with the all woman team. 00:00:54 – 00:01:42 I think it’s this credible science with a warm hug. That’s really kind of our calling card. So, we package traditional media, we package science and we translate it and, by the warm hug aspect of it, we try to dial down people’s anxiety instead of ramp it up. And we know that the outrage machine gets clicks, gets readers and kind of causes a feeding frenzy in the news cycle. So we’re the people who help you stay safe and stay sane. That’s our tagline. So we try to turn down the temperature psychologically by being credible scientists, but by really choosing to not be fear mongers. 00:01:50 – 00:02:32 You know, the key to crisis communication is saying what you know, saying what you don’t know, saying what you’re doing about it. And I think that helps people cope with the uncertainty, but it also, it’s a deep psychological need that needs to be attended to. And women often fill that role. They’re the ones we know from sociology, they’re the ones who fill the role of health informants in families, disproportionately. So, as our audience grew up and grew past our friends and family, we’re now at one hundred and three thousand folks on Facebook and we have satellite presence on Twitter and LinkedIn and Insta. We are a primarily female community, our community is primarily women. 00:02:40- 00:05:24 The four, I would say, categories of most engaging content for our community have been, first, counteracting confusing scientific headlines. Explaining vaccine science. Last week, we had two kind of breaking news items in science and one was Merck announced that it has done a trial for an antiviral pill that looks very promising. This could be a game changer. Also, scientific controversy. Is the virus origin a bat in a cave in southern China? Or is it from a lab? These types of things. So that, I’d say, is category one. Category two is practical advice, straight up. I know my kids need a mask, what mask should I get them? So this thing’s like a consumer reports construct, right? Like, we sift through the science and the recommendations for you and we give you a recommendation. And we learned that these were popular through engagement, just building the ship. But I have learned since there is a lot of empirical science behind this. That one of the key goals of science communication is a construct called self-efficacy, I feel confident I can do a thing about this problem. So, I feel confident sending my kid to school because I know that I have a high quality mask that is not counterfeit. So that gives you this feeling of self-efficacy. So that’s what this practical things I can use bucket. So that’s bucket number two. So we promote viral hygiene like wash your hands, wear a mask, but we also promote information hygiene. How to check your sources, how to debunk the junk, how to talk to a conspiracy theorist in your life who’s sharing scary, untrue stuff on social media. Again, there’s a whole science behind this and we rely a lot on journalism non-profits, actually. And then last but not least, I would say, is that we have been intentional and proactively pushing out mental health content since day one. One of our earliest contributors, she is a nurse practitioner, Ph.D, behavioural health is her specialty. We have a family physician nerdy girl. So we have very intentionally attended to this psychological context. How do I deal with my anxiety? How do I deal with my kid’s anxiety? Why does the uncertainty feel so bad, right? We push out a lot of behavioural health content. So those are our four buckets that I think our content falls onto and that’s the most popular. And then I think, like any news, I mean, I wouldn’t call us a news organisation, I would call us a science education organisation, but, anything that’s breaking. 00:05:31 – 00:06:34 Well, I think rule number one in science communication, really communication of any type is trust. So, we build trust by leading with empathy. So common ground is the most solid starting point for a conversation. Like, I care about you, you’re a mum, I’m a mum. We both care a lot about our kids health and we’re trying to be responsible for our kids health. Like, that’s actually really solid common ground. And that’s what wins the day. It’s trusted messengers, right? So who people trust with respect to their information is very different on this corner and this corner. Whether it be a physical corner in town or whether it be a corner of the internet, right? So, I find my biggest task when I talk to someone who is vaccine hesitant, especially a fellow mum, is to get her to the right messenger. If I am not it, I will find someone. That’s really my kind of, that’s my priority. 00:06:42 – 00:07:29 We work very hard to stay bipartisan. That’s a leading, that’s kind of a leading core value for us. We know that we’re going to disproportionately reach people who are already pro-vaccine. So our mission is to equip and inform those people on being vaccine boosters in their own places and spaces. Because we all have an uncle. We all have a mum. We all have a friend who is hesitant and doesn’t think like us. I have them in my place in space. I have them in my life. So we are trying to equip an army of science communicators. Because all of us, I mean, if you really, in your heart of hearts, look at your life, we all have people who think differently than us on science. Because science is political, science is patterned by other features of our brain. 00:07:35 – 00:08:38 It depends on who that person is in your life. If it’s a stranger on the internet, it’s probably just best to walk away, right? But if it is truly a loved one, if it’s someone with whom you think you have some influence and they have some influence in your life, right? There’s like mutual kind of skin in the game and good will, then you can have a conversation. And like I said, you really have to ground yourself in empathy. I empathise with you. You are someone I love, I am someone you love. And this connection, focus on connection more than being correct, right? So, like preserve, the connection is number one. And empathy is really the lead here. Actually, go and see if you can make the most convincing argument for the other side. Make yourself do that, train your brain to do that. And that I have found in my own personal work and my own personal context, being a very powerful conversation guide. Because if I can’t articulate the best argument on the other side, I’m not centring on empathy, I’m not. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Dr. Lindsey Leininger is a public health scientist with expertise in data-driven health policy. As part of an all-female team of “Nerdy Girl” scientists, Lindsey led the @DearPandemic science communication campaign.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on January 27, 2022

IP hinders access to affordable drugs for all - 360 Biswajit Dhar Published on July 20, 2022 Changes to a global agreement allowing compulsory licensing of COVID-19 vaccines do nothing to improve access in developing economies. Cost is still a barrier. The World Health Organization (WHO) has called it “vaccine apartheid”: developed economies who can pay for COVID-19 vaccines have much higher rates of vaccination than developing economies. Only 21 percent of people in low-income countries have received at least one COVID-19 vaccine dose, partly because pharmaceutical companies have refused to temporarily waive their IP rights over the vaccines. To end the unjust divide, in 2020 South Africa and India submitted a proposal to the WTO seeking temporary waivers of the enforcement and implementation of intellectual property (IP) rights to improve access and affordability of vaccines and other treatment products for COVID-19. Two years later, a severely watered-down version of what might have been leaves cost as a major barrier to vaccine uptake. Developed economies did not join a consensus of more than 60 developing-economy WTO members supportive of waivers. Instead, rules were amended so WTO members can issue a compulsory licence of a patented vaccine. This means all WTO members will be able to manufacture and distribute the vaccines if they so wish – but they must pay the patent holders before they can do so. The pandemic has made it evident that IP rights can limit access to affordable medicines. Several intergovernmental organisations, including the WHO, have consistently reminded us that “no-one is safe until everyone is safe”. But access to vaccines and therapeutics at prices patients can afford has been a recurrent concern for the global community since the Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property (TRIPS Agreement) was adopted by the WTO in 1994. The TRIPS Agreement strengthened protection and enforcement of IP rights, which means holders of IP have enhanced opportunities to extract rents from the users of proprietary products. IP holders claimed rents were vital to incentivise their research and development efforts. Over the years, though, evidence of excessive rent-seeking by IP holders has only grown, and patent monopolies have strengthened without a commensurate mechanism for protecting the interests of the users of IP. The first major global initiative to counter pharmaceutical companies’ unfair practices came during the 1990s, against the backdrop of the HIV/AIDS pandemic. The exceptionally high prices charged for antiretroviral therapy by several large pharmaceutical companies in South Africa was one of the most glaring examples of how patients’ interests can easily be cast aside, even during a pandemic. In South Africa at the time the per-capita GDP was US$3550, but the cost of a year’s supply of the antiretroviral medicines marketed by these companies to the South African health service was US$10,000 per person — well beyond the financial capacity of the average patient. The South African government amended its law to include provisions ensuring medicines were available at affordable prices. Another provision enabled compulsory licences to produce medicines in South Africa. A total of 40 major pharmaceutical companies challenged the amendments, arguing they violated South Africa’s constitution and its commitment to the TRIPS Agreement. In 1998 the companies contended before South Africa’s High Court that the rights granted to patent owners by the agreement would be severely limited if the amendments were implemented. Developing countries, led by India, South Africa and Brazil, responded by suggesting additional flexibilities for the TRIPS Agreement to enable WTO member countries to address public health concerns. They proposed the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health, which was backed by 60 developing countries, including 41 belonging to the African Group. The proposal was adopted at the Doha Ministerial Conference in 2001. The Doha declaration was important on several counts. It recognised the “gravity of the public health problems afflicting many developing and least-developed countries, especially those resulting from HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria and other epidemics”. It also recognised that IP protection is important for the development of new medicines, but it acknowledged concerns about the effects of the agreement on medicine prices. Finally, WTO members emphasised that the “TRIPS Agreement does not and should not prevent Members from taking measures to protect public health … and that the Agreement can and should be interpreted and implemented in a manner supportive of WTO Members’ right to protect public health and, in particular, to promote access to medicines for all”. In recent years, the WHO has systematically provided evidence of high prices undermining access to critical drugs, including those for cancer treatment. Pricing policies, or their absence, have resulted in significant variability in the prices of cancer medicines, both within particular countries and in several regions. According to the WHO, when prices of cancer medicines are beyond a country’s ability to pay, coverage of essential cancer medicines is impaired, patient access to medicines is delayed and the system’s ability to achieve the best patient outcomes is limited. IP rights also impede consumers’ access to new medicines. They keep generic substitutes or biosimilars out of the market for varying periods, particularly through patents on new molecules, new combinations and variations of existing molecules, and protection of trade secrets. Several advanced countries have allowed an originator company to protect its data on clinical trials as well as other data submitted for obtaining regulatory approvals. In this way, pharmaceutical companies enjoy periods of market exclusivity in addition to those granted by patents. This all delays the entry of generic firms and the resulting competition that can lower prices. These various considerations fed into India and South Africa’s proposal in October 2020 to free COVID-19 vaccines and medicines from the encumbrance of several forms of IP rights. The proposal’s premature end and the WTO’s limited amendments to vaccine licensing rules show yet again how the interests of pharmaceutical companies can triumph over the lives of ordinary citizens in many countries who are yet to be fully vaccinated. Biswajit Dhar is a Professor at the Centre for Economic Studies and Planning, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University. He has declared no conflict of interest in relation to this article. Main image published under Creative Commons. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on July 20, 2022

Iran feels the wrath of a movement held down for too long - 360 Ladan Rahbari Published on November 25, 2022 The death of Mahsa Amini unleashed outrage at the government’s treatment of women that had long been simmering beneath the surface. When Mahsa Zhina Amini — a young Kurdish-Iranian woman — was arrested by Iranian police for not wearing a hijab her brother was told she’d be detained for a few hours and released. Three days later she was dead. Iran’s notorious ‘morality police’ — whose job it is to make sure women wear veils in public — have been accused of beating Amini, 22, so badly she went into a coma within hours of her arrest and had to be taken to hospital, where she died. Amini’s death sparked the largest protests seen in Iran since the foundation of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Hundreds were killed as thousands marched through the streets telling Iran’s supreme leader and the regime itself to ‘get lost’. The Iranian government has long been accused of perpetuating gender-based violence. The compulsory veiling mandate, suppression of gender and sexual minority groups, patriarchal family laws, legalisation of child marriage and the lack of laws against domestic violence are only a few examples of the authorities’ general attitude toward women. These  laws have also contributed to vigilante and police violence against women. As protests about Amini’s death and the treatment of women raged through Iran, a petition to expel Iran from the United Nations Women’s Commission was posted on Change.org, receiving more than 143,000 signatures. It continues to grow. Advocacy bodies have also called on the UN Economic and Social Council to expel Iran from the UN Commission on the Status of Women. Iran is one of six UN member states that has not signed the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women. Following arduous years of debate and campaigning by Iranian women’s rights activists, the Iranian parliament passed a bill to join the Convention in May 2003, but conservatives in the government blocked it. The regime’s strict interpretation of Islamic law has been blamed for the lack of action on violence against women. Iran’s laws have enshrined discrimination against women in employment, marriage and citizenship. Still, the fight to recognise violence against women has continued. In 2021, a new bill on the elimination of violence against women was proposed but has yet to be passed. The bill would make it legally possible to prosecute men who commit violence against women and children, specifically in domestic situations. But conservatives are actively blocking the bill because they interpret it as Western and incompatible with the country’s patriarchal views on gender and family. While violence against women has no specific legal status, it doesn’t mean that it goes unpunished.  It does, however,  make it difficult to charge a perpetrator in an Iranian court. This lack of recognition means reporting violence against women, including domestic violence, is rare and official support for victimised women is scarce. The situation is made more difficult by the lack of official statistics. The numbers that are reported by government officials are widely believed to be inaccurate. The lack of legal and formal recognition also does not mean violence against women is not discussed. It has, in fact, attracted a lot of scholarship, activism and public attention. While organised activism against violence against women in Iran has remained risky, it does exist. Organised and publicly visible activism to end violence against women has been part of the Iranian women’s movement’s agenda but has largely remained unorganised. By remaining scattered and disorganised, the women’s movement is less vulnerable to attack and suppression. The atmosphere of risk and fear has given rise to different forms of implicit and grassroots activism. Social media and #MeToo activism have specifically been grassroots initiatives and reliant mostly on ordinary Iranians. On the other hand, social media campaigns and cultural productions are forms of resistance and disobedience that can create a smaller scale societal impact, called implicit activism. Implicit activism is a less public form of activism and is common in countries where political or human rights activism is risky and the identities of activists must remain hidden. There are signs of activism having a nationwide impact. While state-run Iranian TV mostly offers homogeneous and traditional portrayals of women on screen, and normalises discrimination, Iranian cinema has addressed the issue in more depth. Violence against women and the problems of gender-based discrimination have been recurring themes in Iranian post-revolutionary cinema. In 2022, 800 women working in the film industry, including well-known actors and movie directors, signed an open letter known as the “800-signature campaign,” in which they condemned what they considered systematic and structural sexual violence and harassment against women working in the film industry, from within the industry. Substantial attention has also been given to violence against women in academic scholarship.  The number of master’s and doctorate-level dissertations written on women’s issues, including violence against women, has been so overwhelming that universities have discouraged students from researching the topic, especially as the findings and policy implications are rarely taken up by authorities. Studies conducted by prominent Iranian researchers such as sociologist Shahla Ezazi and legal scholar Mehangiz Kar have been influential to a new generation of scholars who continue to form a vast body of work on the topic. As says, much attention has been given to individual factors and interpersonal relations as the underlying cause of violence against women. This approach depoliticises the problem and is essentially a survival strategy. Researchers often use individual and family-oriented analysis that often finds social factors like addiction, unemployment, lack of and education to be correlated with committing violence against women, allowing them to discuss the issue without upsetting the state. While tackling violence against women in Iran requires extensive social and cultural reform, there seems to be a growing consensus among activists and ordinary Iranians that the most prominent obstacle to progress is the nation’s traditionalist view on gender. Gender politics, such as the compulsory veiling law, are a fundamental part of the national identity. Reform has been impossible, leading many Iranians to believe that fundamental changes will not be possible unless the regime collapses — a central demand in the ongoing uprising. Ladan Rahbari is an assistant professor at the Department of Sociology at the University of Amsterdam and a senior researcher at the International Migration Institute (IMI). She is a member of Amsterdam Young Academy and a board member of the Amsterdam Research Centre for Gender and Sexuality (ARC-GS). The author declares no coflict of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 25, 2022

Is AI enabling our next Renaissance? - 360 Sarah Daly Published on April 3, 2024 Europe’s Renaissance sparked a flowering of free thought and new ideas in the arts and elsewhere. AI could too. Walking through the streets of Florence, there is a resounding beauty that still echoes into contemporary society. Much of Florence was developed during the Renaissance – a time when perspectives on the world shifted – and we can feel that still. The Renaissance (from the 14th to the 17th century) marked a significant transformation in art, culture, politics, science, and the fabric of society. Now, we are poised for an era that can be compared with the Renaissance. Artificial intelligence is enabling this inflection point. As humans, we tend to search for meaning. It is when we have something to push against, that the question “What does it mean to be human?” comes to the fore. The Renaissance emphasised the importance of human beings over the divine. The philosophy of humanism shifted our perspective to the value and potential of individual achievement. This led to a renewed interest in the literature, art, and philosophies of ancient Greece and Rome, and laid the groundwork for modern human rights and the concept of individualism. The AI revolution challenges and extends the concept of humanism by raising questions about what it means to be human in an age of advanced machine intelligence. While the Renaissance celebrated human potential and achievement, AI prompts a re-evaluation of human roles, capabilities, and ethics in a world where machines can perform tasks traditionally thought to require human intelligence. So, what does it mean to be human? Is it our capability, or is it our consciousness? As machine capability evolves, these questions evolve. One area our thinking is developing quite quickly is around the concept of creativity. Creativity is thought to be a human trait. However machines, including generative AI, are enhancing and augmenting human creative capabilities. They can be considered creative in their own right. This is providing the opportunity to reflect on what creativity is, and more deeply understand the differences between human creativity and machine creativity. The Renaissance saw a revival of thought, where scholars drew inspiration from ancient Roman and Greek (and perhaps Chinese) art, literature, and scientific discoveries. This revival brought leaps in creative, scientific, technological and philosophical thought. AI also looks backwards into data that already exists, and makes predictions. It is a type of ‘thought’ that has enormous potential for our future. By looking at historical data, literature, and images to train algorithms and models, developers are training AI to achieve new ways of perceiving and understanding our world. AI then enables us to explore new types of decision-making and creativity. Conversations on the risks and rewards inherent in AI are varied, nuanced, and changing quickly. When science and creativity collide, great things can happen. Leonardo da Vinci did not see a divide between science and art. To him, these were interconnected disciplines, each informing and enhancing the other. His studies of light and perspective in art (think Mona Lisa) led to a greater understanding of optics. His explorations of anatomy contributed to more lifelike representations of the human figure. This holistic view allowed him to apply discoveries from one field to problems in another. Da Vinci’s creativity wasn’t confined to traditional art. He was a prolific inventor and engineer. His notebooks are filled with designs for flying machines, armoured vehicles, and weapons that were ahead of his time. AI is again bringing science and creativity together. In particular, the science behind generative AI is prompting an enormous shift in creativity. While the growth of AI has predominantly been led by engineers, there is now a ‘coming together’ of the creative industries, science and engineering. This has been evolving in film and gaming for some time. While it has led to opportunities that did not exist a few years ago,  the disruption is palpable for artists who feel under threat. The Renaissance saw significant global exploration and expansion, but growth was not one-way in the 14th-17th century, just as it is not now. There was a lasting impact on global trade, colonisation, and cultural exchange. Looking back at our history helps us to see where the opportunities were, and the enormous costs involved in discovery, from lost cultures to mass displacement. Hopefully, this might help us to see into the future with more care. Nations are now coming together to explore the impact of AI, recognising its potential to transform and enhance human wellbeing, peace and prosperity, and acknowledging the risks. In November 2023 a group of nations met to discuss how AI might be designed, developed, deployed, and used, in a safe manner. This resulted in the Bletchley Declaration, which states:. “We resolve to work together in an inclusive manner to ensure human-centric, trustworthy and responsible AI that is safe, and supports the good of all through existing international fora and other relevant initiatives, to promote cooperation to address the broad range of risks posed by AI.” AI has enabled an opportunity for greater co-operation between nations. How this plays out, only time will tell. The Renaissance witnessed a transformation in education, with the establishment of universities and the proliferation of printed books. This democratised learning, making knowledge more accessible and leading to increased literacy. AI is again transforming education and scholarship by making learning more personalised, accessible and efficient. It can support educators in designing curriculums, enhance student engagement and accelerate research. AI can be used as a writing co-pilot, which can speed up the process enormously. There are, however, large caveats to using AI in writing, including the phenomenon that AI hallucinates: absolutely everything must be checked. It should also be noted that researchers need to be experts in their field already to be able to usefully direct AI to help. Thinkers like Niccolò Machiavelli (The Prince), who analysed the functioning of republics and the nature of power, influenced the development of political theory that would eventually shape modern republican and democratic systems of governance. The Renaissance also contributed to the gradual shift from theocratic to secular governance. It saw the emergence of strong, centralised states, reducing the influence of the church in political affairs. This laid the groundwork for the modern nation-state. The seeds of mercantilist policy, which emphasises the accumulation of wealth by the state to increase its power, were planted during the Renaissance, and fully blossomed into the 18th century. This era also encouraged capitalism through the rise of the merchant or trader class. Now, the nature of power may again be shifting. In our modern world, it could be argued that they who own the data hold the power. AI, and the companies which are developing it and who hold our data, could enable a shift in power. The large technology firms like Google and Microsoft (which own 49 percent of Open AI) are better funded and potentially more powerful than most governments. There are less seismic ways AI is developing political and economic thought, including around enhancing decision-making processes by providing leaders with comprehensive data analysis, predictive modelling, and scenario simulation. This might encourage a shift towards more evidence-based policy-making, potentially leading to more effective and responsive governance. AI’s automation of jobs has significant implications for labour markets, leading to displacement but also the creation of new types of employment. Economic theories may evolve to address these shifts, focusing on redistribution models, universal basic income, or new forms of worker retraining and education. AI is also a key driver of innovation, affecting economic growth models. In one paper, researchers at McKinsey predicted AI could add AUD$4 trillion to the Australian economy alone. As AI continues to evolve, so too will the theories and practices that seek to understand and shape its impact on society. This is a space we need to be actively involved in, rather than passive. We get to direct how these policies develop. The more diverse our perspectives on the matter, the better the outcomes for everyone. Sarah Daly is a QUT PhD candidate working on her thesis investigating how trust affects the adoption of artificial intelligence. She is also an artist who collaborates with AI in her creative practice. You can find her work at www.sarahdaly.art. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 3, 2024

Is AI pushing boundaries or killing creativity? - 360 Shahirah Hamid Published on April 3, 2024 AI’s integration in the arts and creative industries sparks debates on ethics and innovation, challenging traditional artistic boundaries. When the fifth and final instalment of the Indiana Jones movie, Dial of Destiny, was released in 2023, it sparked a humorous exchange between generations. A millennial expressed interest in seeing the latest instalment but was met by a father’s bemused response: “Which Indiana Jones movie are you going to watch?”, emphasising the film franchise’s long history. This bewilderment was warranted. In the opening scenes of the 2023 movie, audiences meet a noticeably younger version of Harrison Ford, reminiscent of his appearance in the 1980s films. This de-aging effect was made possible by visual effects company, Industrial Light & Magic (ILM). The creators claimed they didn’t rely solely on Artificial Intelligence (AI) or machine learning but instead used a comprehensive VFX tool called “ILM FaceSwap” alongside the expertise of more than 100 visual effects artists, yet questions remain about the growing use of AI in filmmaking. It’s possible that the latest advances in AI technology could mean those visual effects artists may be redundant in the not-too distant future. ChatGPT creator OpenAI has unveiled the first short films created using its new video AI tool Sora, with filmmakers describing the creations as “totally surreal”. Early clips generated using the AI software show how it could take a simple written prompt and turn it into a realistic video of the scenario. AI technology is remarkable. But there are concerns about its benefits and ethical implications, and how it can sometimes raise eyebrows. AI is both a collaborator pushing the boundaries of artistic expression and sometimes seen as a potential threat to artists. The use of AI in film and television has been a contentious topic since last year’s Hollywood strikes, where writers and actors expressed anxieties about their future in the industry. AI has the potential to revolutionise filmmaking by creating scripts and generating visuals. However, challenges include audience acceptance, legal uncertainties surrounding copyright, and the ethical implications of AI dominance in creative industries will still plague its use. We might even see deceased movie legends gracing the silver screens soon enough. Despite advancements, AI has its limitations. Unlike AI, artists can draw on real-life experiences and challenge people to see complexities, identifying and confronting biases within arts and other media forms. The ethical and philosophical challenges of AI extend beyond aesthetics. The recent controversy surrounding the British royal family’s poorly edited photo and questions about the authenticity of Princess of Wales, Kate Middleton’s cancer announcement video highlights these concerns. The creation of sexualised deepfakes without consent, often targeting women and leaving them with lasting trauma, poses significant ethical and legal challenges, prompting a re-evaluation of existing laws and responses. AI’s influence across these creative industries necessitates ongoing discussions to ensure responsible development and a future where human creativity and technological innovation can work cohesively. Editors Note: In the story “AI and the arts” sent at: 28/03/2024 09:07. This is a corrected repeat.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 3, 2024

Is India on the cusp of a nuclear energy renaissance? - 360 K Ramanathan Published on April 15, 2024 Removing institutional bottlenecks will attract foreign and domestic participation in India’s nuclear energy programme. India’s nuclear energy expansion programme turned ambitious over the past ten years. During this time, it took significant strides towards needs-based expansion of its clean energy basket, focusing on energy security, reliability and sustainable development. As a relatively clean source of stable energy, nuclear power emerged as a potential option, especially given the advances in the development of Small Modular Reactors (SMR) and Advanced Small Modular Reactors (ASMR) alongside a favourable international environment. In September 2023, 22 countries called for “unprecedented collaboration between government and industry leaders to at least triple global nuclear capacity by 2050”. Then in December 2023, this was officially endorsed at COP28 held in Dubai, while recognising the “critical role of nuclear energy for reducing the effects of climate change”. A nuclear renaissance is thus on the horizon. India also enjoys a degree of competitive and comparative advantage on the nuclear energy front since the Department of Atomic Energy (DoAE) has been working on a three-stage development strategy for over 60 years, which has led to significant advances in technology and human resource development. The nuclear power programme is largely indigenous and it aims to utilise India’s vast thorium reserves, estimated at 1.07 MT, to achieve energy independence. But the road now and in the future remains bumpy. In the past, a number of challenges – technological, geopolitical, financing and policy-related –deterred energy planners from proceeding with nuclear projects. For instance, the construction of a prototype Fast Breeder Reactor (FBR) at Kalpakkam in Tamil Nadu, scheduled for completion in September 2010, was delayed by over 14 years, resulting in the cost doubling. At the same time, safety concerns arising out of nuclear plant-related disasters, such as the 1986 Chernobyl and 2011 Fukushima accidents, also lurk in the periphery. Add to this the concerns expressed two years ago about the safety of the  Zaporizhia nuclear plant in Ukraine. Of greater concern has been India’s institutional framework for its civil nuclear energy sector. The “deadlocks precipitated” by the Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage Act (CLNDA) passed into law almost 14 years ago contributed significantly in deferring the realisation of objectives such as sourcing about “40GW of capacity from international suppliers” and the slow progress in fulfilling the goals set out by the 2005 India-US nuclear deal. A specific provision of the act – stipulating supplier liability obligations – discouraged domestic companies from supplying components for nuclear power plants. International suppliers too were wary of this provision, causing uncertainty over the future of the Indian civil nuclear power programme. Subsequently, however, the DoAE’s clarifications did assuage domestic industry concerns, but the liability clause continues to remain a sticking point for foreign suppliers, including the French company Electicite de France which had bid for construction of six nuclear power reactors at Jaitapur in Maharashtra in 2021. American companies too have been cautious and hesitant. Westinghouse Electric Corporation, which supplies high-output nuclear power plants, has been apprehensive about sales to India because of the “absence of a durable assurance on limited liability in the event of an accident”. Talks with Westinghouse for building six AP1000 reactors in Andhra Pradesh ground to a halt some time ago, preventing the US and India from realising the “commercial promise” of the civil nuclear deal. Geopolitical challenges also loom large.  This is linked to India not being a signatory to the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT), which has led to apprehensions on the part of some countries about potential weapons proliferation. Additionally, India’s bid for membership of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG), which regulates global nuclear commerce, is seen as a challenge to the country’s full integration into the global nuclear market.Despite these seemingly insurmountable challenges, the future holds many promises and opportunities. In March, India achieved a historic landmark in its nuclear energy development with the successful core loading of the country’s first indigenous 500 MWe Fast Breeder Reactor (FBR) at Kalpakkam, Tamil Nadu.In February 2024, two new indigenously built 700 MW reactors were commissioned at Kakrapar in Gujarat, boosting domestic generation capacity The Kerala government recently proposed exploring the possibility of tapping the rich thorium deposits in the state. The Nuclear Power Corporation (NPCIL) is planning to commission a new reactor every year. To augment finances, the central government is planning to tap the private sector to invest around $USD$26 billion in nuclear energy. The Water-Water Energetic Reactor (VVER) 1200 developed by Russia promises 20 percent higher power output, a 60-year lifespan, high-capacity utilisation (90 percent), an 18-month refuelling cycle and capable of producing 9.1 trillion kWh per year. However, this could be achieved if the DoAE fast-tracks utilising its thorium deposits and developing SMRs and ASMRs, which would address many of the concerns related to technical, safety and cost aspects.  The Nuclear Harmonization Initiative of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) could help in this regard. About a year ago, the US NuScale Power Corporation received a crucial design certification from the Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) for its SMR design. This could pave the way for potential future deployments of these smaller, more flexible reactors. Equally important is the moulding of public perception on the importance of nuclear energy as a clean, secure and safe energy source. Resolving issues related to liability and insurance is therefore essential for attracting international partners and investment. A global partnership for managing the risks of reactors and proliferation also appears desirable in this context. Similarly, a dialogue between nuclear and non-nuclear states can help build mutual trust and reduce tensions. A comprehensive set of institutional reforms, a robust civil nuclear programme with sufficient checks and balances and continued thrust on engineering and research and development could hasten India’s nuclear renaissance. K Ramanathan is a Distinguished Fellow at TERI. Formerly a member on the Central Electricity Authority, Ramanathan provided consultancy support through TERI on numerous technical issues related to power sector development. He is also a member on the State Advisory Committee of Delhi Electricity Regulatory Commission (DERC) and serves as Adjunct Faculty with the TERI School of Advanced Studies. The views expressed here are personal. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Nuclear future” sent at: 11/04/2024 06:00. This is a corrected repeat.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 15, 2024

Is it time for a Universal Basic Income? - 360 Matthew Johnson, Howard Reed, Elliott Johnson, Graham Stark Published on March 23, 2023 The idea of providing every person with a guaranteed income could increase equality and raise living standards. We live in an age of crisis. The Global Financial Crisis, austerity measures, climate change, COVID-19 and war have all reduced people’s standard of living, wellbeing and even predicted lifespan. It’s a dire outlook, made worse by a fast-evolving cost of living crisis. One way to ease the burden on people would be a Universal Basic Income. In our last age of crisis, during World War Two, Western governments took the momentous decision to tackle even more serious crises through massive state intervention. Governments rapidly committed themselves to costs with few precedents in creating social security systems, healthcare systems, nationalised industry and a range of other equality-promoting measures. At a time in which countries could, apparently, least afford those policies, policymakers saw no alternative than to spend big. The consequence was three decades of growth, increased standards of living, increased life expectancy and unprecedented technological development, ended only by war-induced increases in energy prices that sent inflation spiralling. As the Financial Times recently noted, the policies adopted over the past four decades have left countries such as Britain poor, but with some very rich people. Universal Basic Income has been presented as a means of addressing this crisis. Giving people largely unconditional, predictable forms of income to satisfy their basic needs has been identified as means of restoring social security, increasing equality and supporting growth in areas of countries that have been left behind by development and promoting public health overall. There is, however, widespread belief that any monetary intervention stimulates hyper-inflation of the form found in 1920s Germany, 1990s Argentina and 2000s Zimbabwe. This is because people believe that giving consumers more money to spend leads to businesses charging higher prices to take advantage of increased purchasing power, creating a cycle in which employees demand higher wages to buy commodities, increasing the cost of production, cancelling out any benefit from the monetary intervention and actually reducing the standard of living overall. There is little evidence to support this view. UBI is no more or less inflationary than anything else that raises incomes – its impact would depend on whether the economy is at full employment, whether taxes are raised to pay for the scheme and various other factors. Where hyperinflation has occurred, it has occurred because essential goods are scarce, raising their value overall, and debt has been held in foreign currencies and paid in currencies declining in value by virtue of countries’ domestic production being disrupted or declining. Our current levels of inflation are caused by similar pressures as those in the 1970s: war leading to an increase in the cost of fossil fuels. If the logic behind objecting to a UBI on the basis of inflation were correct, then there ought to be absolutely no attempt to introduce new jobs or increase wages, since both increase purchasing power. If inflation is our sole concern, governments ought to slash wages and massively increase taxes. The point is that nobody wants either of those options because, even if they did reduce inflation, people would not want to have their wages reduced. UBI is a redistributive economic policy that can be funded by taxing those resources that contribute little to society: wealth and passive income from shares as well as income at the very top end of society. The resources of the rich are generally off-shored and contribute little to a country’s financial wellbeing. Analysis of the distributive impacts of UBI in the UK suggest its introduction would shift resources to those people and areas that need the investment most. That may increase the cost of housing and other goods in parts of countries that have been left behind, but this is a central means of enhancing community wealth and ‘Levelling Up‘. It is also a means of developing entrepreneurship and production within areas that have been deindustrialised. This support for production is, again, an essential means of supporting a bulwark against hyperinflation. Given that we live in market societies, the fear that this will lead to unchecked inflation is counterintuitive, since competition is supported by rising purchasing power and serves to check price increases. The alternative is simply to leave all but the metropolitan centres to wither away and to be dependent on the whims of finance. As our recent RSA report indicated, if governments are committed to resolving our age of crisis, they need to do as their predecessors did in the wake of World War Two: invest in transformative policies with expensive up front costs to achieve the most significant social outcomes. Nothing is more expensive than undoing climate change, dealing with pandemics and repairing the damage of social decay. In that context, there is evidence a UBI is economically feasible and voters regard UBI as a necessary means of promoting social security. Howard Reed, Elliott Johnson and Graham Stark are Senior Research Fellows and Matthew Johnson is Professor of Politics, at Northumbria University. They are currently examining the health, health economic and economic case for Universal Basic Income: http://hosting.northumbria.ac.uk/healthcaseforubi/ This story has been republished as part of a special report on the Economic Slowdown. It was originally published on March 20, 2023. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Cost of living” sent at: 20/03/2023 09:22. This is a corrected repeat.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 23, 2023

Is lab-grown meat better for the environment? - 360 Mahya Tavan, Paul Wood Published on August 4, 2023 Assessments of the environmental sustainability of lab-grown meat have led to some mixed conclusions. Lab-grown meat, also known as cell-based or cultured meat, has been attracting astronomical investments over recent years. The surge in investments is mainly due to concerns regarding the environmental repercussions of traditional meat production and the welfare of animals. But whether lab-grown meat is better for the environment has remained unclear. A common method for assessing the environmental impact of a product or process is life cycle assessment. Through such assessments, the environmental consequences of a product can be quantified at any stage from raw material to disposal. Despite long claims about their environmental sustainability, life cycle assessments have only recently been applied to lab-grown meat production. The most recent study that applied such principles to lab-grown meat production was led by the University of California Davis and was published as a preprint in 2023, meaning it has not yet been peer reviewed. This study reported that the greenhouse gas emissions associated with lab-grown meat production could be four to 25 times higher than that of conventional meat production. On the contrary, another life cycle assessment study led by CE Delft, a Dutch research and consultancy company, and published in January 2023 claimed that lab-grown meat can be much more environmentally friendly than conventional meat production. The study proposed cultured meat is “almost three times more efficient in turning crops into meat than chicken, the most efficient animal”. Let’s unpack the reasons for coming to such different conclusions. It’s important to consider that none of the companies active in the lab-grown meat space has yet been able to expand their production beyond a small-scale size hence, the input data for their environmental assessments are heavily reliant on projections and assumptions. Even the largest commercial meat culturing facility, owned by Upside Foods, currently produces approximately 22,680kg of product per year. This is equivalent to less than the weight of three beef carcasses per week as opposed to the mega-scale red meat industry capable of producing 12.6 billion kg in one year in the United States alone. It should also be noted that to ensure a fair and consistent comparison between different products, selecting a quantifiable reference, known as a functional unit is crucial. In other words, selecting relevant functional units enables meaningful comparisons by focusing on what a product is intended to do and the purposes a product may serve, such as providing nutrients or energy, as opposed to gram-for-gram comparisons. This is especially important when considering the functional and nutritional quality of meat. Being produced from cloning a single cell type — for example, muscle cells — lab-grown meat will not inherently contain several key nutrients found in meat such as fat-soluble vitamins like vitamin A, or vitamin B12 which is produced by the gut bacteria in animals. Therefore, these nutrients will either need to be added to the raw product or the lab-grown meat should be formulated with plant-based alternatives as a hybrid product to contain a similar nutrient profile. Even then there might be differences in the digestibility and bioavailability of the added nutrients which is another area worthy of further investigation. Lastly, both of these life cycle assessment studies agree that growing meat in labs is an energy-intensive process and its environmental footprint is highly sensitive to the energy mixes used for conducting the studies. The CE Delft study is optimistic that using renewable energy will solve the energy issues associated with lab-grown meat but they fail to consider that renewable energy is not accessible all around the world. This is the case for Singapore which is a pioneer in commercialising lab-grown meat. As the lab-grown industry is still in its infancy and quality data is very limited, any claims regarding the environmental sustainability of such products should be treated with caution and the limitations of each study should be acknowledged. Dr Mahya Tavan is a postdoctoral research fellow at Riddet Institute’s Sustainable Nutrition Initiative (SNi), hosted by Massey University in Palmerston North, New Zealand. She is working on the development of The iOTA Model, a dietary optimisation tool for designing sustainable diets that are nutritious, acceptable and affordable. Professor Paul Wood AO is an adjunct professor in biotechnology at Monash University and is an Officer of the Order of Australia (AO) “for distinguished service to science, and to global human and animal health, and through biopharmaceutical research and technological advances”. Professor Wood has been a research scientist throughout his career, from the University of Melbourne to CSIRO, CSL and Pfizer. He has received a number of awards, including the CSIRO Medal and the Clunies Ross Award. He now helps academic groups work with industry. Professor Wood is the chair of an insect farming company in the alternative protein space. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on August 4, 2023

Is Malaysia's premarital HIV testing doing the right thing? - 360 Rafeah Saidon Published on December 1, 2023 Premarital HIV screening for Muslim couples is justified on religious grounds. But at what cost? Malaysia is among the many countries that have enacted national laws and policies mandating premarital HIV testing. Johor, in southern peninsular Malaysia, was the first state to introduce premarital HIV screening for Muslim couples in 2001. By early 2009, Muslim couples across the country were required to submit to premarital HIV testing. Non-Muslim couples are not compelled to go through the mandatory testing, but in 2018, the then-Pakatan Harapan government suggested expanding compulsory premarital HIV testing to non-Muslim couples. The idea was quickly quashed, and the suggestion received strong objections from human rights groups, calling it an “ineffective long-term solution” to combat rising HIV cases. In 2010, the Open Society Foundations, in a report on mandatory premarital HIV testing, stated that such testing not only undermines the fundamental principles of HIV testing, but also represents an infringement of human rights, notably the “right to marry” and start a family. The premarital HIV screening aims to detect HIV early and assist patients to undergo treatment promptly. It also seeks to raise awareness about HIV prevention within the general population, reducing the risk of sexually transmitted diseases. This policy is seen as a violation of rights, including privacy, non-discrimination, equal protection, and the right to marry and start a family, as outlined in international human rights agreements such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR, which Malaysia has not signed) and Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW, which it has signed). Critics argue that mandatory testing contradicts the right to privacy, requiring informed consent and confidentiality. UNAIDS guidelines caution against coercive measures in HIV prevention, fearing reduced participation and increased alienation. Critics also claim that the policy may lead to denying couples’ fundamental rights if one partner tests positive, violating their right to marry and start a family which is protected under Article 23 of the ICCPR. Additionally, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights emphasises protecting and assisting families, with marriage requiring free consent, echoed in CEDAW Article 16. Critics argue that the right to enter into marriage freely implies not preventing individuals from exercising this right. The mandatory premarital HIV screening aligns with Islamic principles, specifically the Shariah principle of prioritising safeguarding essential values like religion, life, mind, property and descendants. Emphasis is placed on the well-being of future generations, supported by the principles of maslahah (public interest) and sad al-dhara’I (blocking the way of evil). In Islam, emphasising public interests over individual ones justifies the screening to prevent harm to spouses and future generations. Islam acknowledges the importance of marriage but underscores that if a marriage poses more harm than good, it should be avoided. Islamic rulings prioritise preventing harm, even in marriage, over securing benefit. The religion supports the mandatory premarital HIV test for early detection, immediate management and public awareness, emphasising prevention of sexually transmitted diseases to offspring. Islam sees the mandatory premarital HIV test as invaluable for couples, enabling informed decisions about their future life. Partners share mutual rights and responsibilities for sexual health. The test is crucial amid the unimproved preventive measures against HIV/AIDS, with rising infection rates, particularly among women, posing risks to children even before birth. Islamic institutions and authorities play vital roles in preventing HIV spread, reinforcing the belief in collective responsibility. It is the Muslim’s belief that the state government, religious leaders and religious institutions have important roles to play in preventing the spread of HIV. With those justifications, the state’s Islamic Religious Department and other Muslim countries enforce mandatory premarital HIV screening as part of this effort. However, it is crucial for the guardians or parents of the couple to be adequately informed, as any breach of confidentiality may lead to discrimination against an individual testing positive for HIV. Additionally, it is advisable to directly submit the test results to the Registrar of Marriage, especially in cases where the outcome is positive, as a way to prevent the falsification of results. Certain measures can be taken to enhance the effectiveness of the screening program, such as establishing standard procedures for maintaining the privacy and confidentiality of HIV-related information, ensuring informed consent and upholding ethical standards. As mandatory screening is done in a low-prevalence population, research would help demonstrate its cost-effectiveness, in keeping with the maslahah ‘ammah (public interest) principle. Since healthcare funds are limited, alternative programs that are more effective and economical could be proposed, such as screening targeted high-risk populations, as well as providing more effective public health education. Assoc Professor Dr. Rafeah Saidon is a lecturer at the Academy of Contemporary Islamic Studies (ACIS), University Teknologi MARA, Malaysia. Her areas of interest and specialisation are Islamic and civil law, family laws, Halal law and regulations, and Islamic studies. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 1, 2023

Is Maldives ready for its tactical drones? - 360 Athaulla A Rasheed Published on April 18, 2024 Maldives has launched its first tactical drones. The eyes in the sky will improve the country’s defence force’s monitoring, surveillance, and data capabilities. The recent shipment of Turkey-supplied Bayraktar TB2 armed tactical drones will introduce Maldives’ defence industry to more sophisticated military technologies. The technology is set to help patrol the Indian Ocean around the archipelago, a task that Maldives formerly performed with the assistance of India and Sri Lanka. Instead, it is now hoped the Maldives National Defence Force’s officers and crews of maritime vessels will have better awareness and surveillance capabilities against any threats emerging from and outside the country’s territory – the new drone platform will complement the existing regional arrangements. The drones were introduced by President Dr Mohamed Muizzu at the inauguration of the first Air Corps of the Maldives Defence Force in March 2024. The Turkish-made drone was brought to Maldives under a new bilateral cooperation between the countries. Some of the initial diplomatic talks gained weight in President Muizzu’s first international trip after assuming office in November 2023. The Bayraktar TB2, sold by Turkish military contractors to 33 countries, has been used in conflicts from Azerbaijan and Libya and helped Ukraine fight back the Russian invasion in the early stages of the war. But this is not a purely aggressive posturing for a drone system that can be effective in warfare. Maldives requires this new technology as a developing nation fighting against geography – this primarily involves various forms of non-traditional threats arising from the broad maritime domain. Maldives has a total land area of 20,130 square km (formed by 1190 islands) situated in 974,000 square km of the Indian Ocean that needs constant watch against internal and external threats. More than 98 percent of its territory is open water. This drone system can provide the platform for effective surveillance and search and rescue capabilities, and for collecting data on local and commercial activities at sea To understand why Maldives needs these drones, we need to understand its domestic security conditions. Five major international shipping lanes traverse Maldivian waters, and the maritime traffic passing through also uses various sea lines of communication in its territory. Maldives has harbours and airports spread across its islands that support local and commercial traffic: the Malé Commercial Harbour, Hulhumalé International Terminal (and port area), Kulhudhufushi Regional Port (north) and Hithadhoo Regional Port (south) situated across its island territory. Most threats are linked to the large ocean territory. Maritime accidents associated with climate-induced extreme weather events,  chemical and oil spills from commercial vessels in bad weather — such as the X-Press Pearl (the ‘toxic ship’) incident in 2021 —  piracy, drugs and arms trafficking, and illegal fishing all underline the importance of expanding the defence forces’ capabilities to attend to multiple events that could disrupt the sustainability, economic viability, and security of the Maldivian economy. Maldives records around 10,000-15,000 tonnes of tuna a year caught illegally by foreign vessels. Not only that,  illegal fishing vessels are also used for other crimes that originate outside Maldivian waters, such as drugs and arms trafficking. The changing patterns of these vessels must be monitored regularly to prevent potential harm to local and commercial activities. In addition to local and commercial activities at sea, maritime threats can potentially harm the effective functioning of the country’s multi-billion dollar tourism industry, which its economy relies on heavily. Protecting its assets – its picture-perfect islands – is a part of the defence force’s national security efforts and the advanced defence technology can pave the way for a better data collecting and sharing system between local industries. Giving the defence forces the ability to improve their capabilities by training its military personnel to operate drones and establishing a sophisticated technology platform to maximise performance between the Air Corps and other defence force efforts is crucial to ensuring the country’s economic future. Historically, the closest to an air-based operation the Maldives has partaken in is the World War 2 British Royal Air Force’s supply, fuelling and landing operations in its southernmost atoll, Addu’s military base. Modern warfare has, however, changed things. Maldives’ defence force is now taking new turns to own and run some of the military technologies — using drones for surveillance — to excel in it locally-based capacity, particularly in the non-traditional security domain. The local advancement will also contribute to the DOSTI trilateral exercises and Indo-Pacific partnerships. With its own fleet of drones, Maldives can streamline regional security engagements and maximise data and resource sharing with its neighbours. More importantly, it will allow the country to effectively lead some aspects of defence and security capabilities and engagements in its own territory. Athaulla A Rasheed is a PhD candidate at The Australian National University. His focus is on international relations and security of small island developing states (SIDS). He is a former foreign service officer and diplomat at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Maldives, and holds a PhD in political science from University of Queensland, Australia. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 18, 2024

Is Southeast Asia's healthcare workforce ready for climate change? - 360 Angie Bone, Gabriela Fernando Published on April 24, 2024 Across the region, it’s never been more critical to cultivate a resilient healthcare workforce capable of addressing climate-induced public health issues. Healthcare workers are at the frontline of the climate battle. As populations, particularly in Asia, confront the brutal realities of a heating planet, having suitably trained, motivated and well-equipped healthcare workers is essential. But there is a danger that vital resourcing is currently inadequate, and that the health of people, particularly vulnerable and marginalised populations, will suffer as a result. Increasingly intense and frequent extreme weather events have heightened Southeast Asia’s  vulnerability to disasters and climate change. They have contributed to rising deaths, exacerbated health risks, widened health inequities, and strained healthcare systems. Countries including the Philippines, one of the region’s most disaster-prone nations, and Indonesia, whose capital Jakarta, is the fastest-sinking mega city in the world,  face significant challenges. Extreme weather has heightened the likelihood of disasters such as the floods and landslides last month in West Sumatra and Demak-Kudus which affected more than 71,000 people and forced more than 15,000 children from their homes. Beyond such extreme weather events, the persisting rates of air pollution,  heat-related deaths, rising rates in malnutrition due to food insecurity, escalating water scarcity and poor hygiene conditions, alongside the spread of infectious diseases is concerning. Women, children and the elderly are disproportionately victim to some of these challenges – with heat-related deaths impacting women and elderly, and malnutrition hitting young children the hardest. Rising rates of mental health issues, particularly among youth in the region, further compound these challenges. Addressing these urgent climate-health threats requires a healthcare workforce capable of identifying, responding to, and managing emergencies. The workforce will also need to be able to deal with the evolving health risks and shifting disease patterns posed by climate change. While dedicated healthcare workforce toil tirelessly to provide essential healthcare across the world, particularly during climate-induced emergencies, systemic gaps and resource limitations often hamper their ability to effectively address climate impacts on public health. Currently, a majority of the healthcare workforce, particularly across the Global South, operate with limited infrastructure for emergency response and disease surveillance, and with some awareness of climate-related health risks. Challenges around inadequate training and resources, fragmented workforce deployment and coordination mechanisms and insufficient health interventions tailored to climate vulnerabilities persist. These challenges are particularly acute across rural and remote areas already experiencing health inequities. This calls for targeted investments in healthcare workforce training and capacity building to cultivate a climate-resilient healthcare workforce to strengthen the overall response and readiness of healthcare systems. The World Health Organization (WHO)’s “Operational framework for building climate-resilient and low-carbon health systems”  serves as a guiding tool for evaluating and strengthening health systems’ resilience to climate change. It emphasises the importance of developing a climate-resilient healthcare workforce and  calls for the healthcare sector to lead efforts to reduce its own greenhouse gas emissions. The framework  also focuses on fostering action across sectors to improve awareness-raising and enhancing communication about the health impacts of climate change. A key element of the framework is for countries to develop Health National Adaptation Plans, embedded within their multi-sectoral National Adaptation Plans (NAPs), which is a broader process established by the United Nations to improve ‘whole-of-economy’ resilience to climate change. The recent WHO review found that while all 19 NAPs submitted to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change by December 2020 highlighted health as a priority sector vulnerable to climate change, the extent to which climate-health risks were addressed varied. Sixteen of these plans included actions for the health workforce, suggesting that the need to strengthen the health workforce in the face of climate change is recognised, at least by this group of predominantly low and middle income countries. The COVID-19 pandemic highlighted the crucial role of healthcare workers, both in clinical and non-clinical settings, as trusted intermediaries and frontline responders. Healthcare workers fulfil diverse roles: from health promotion and disease prevention, including vaccine delivery, to safeguarding sexual and reproductive health, particularly in rural and remote areas. And when the pandemic arrived, it impacted every aspect of healthcare, from increased demand, through supply chain disruption, to healthcare worker illness and death, particularly across low-and middle-income countries. These challenges encountered – and lessons learned – during the COVID-19 pandemic offer valuable insights into the complexities of addressing climate change impacts. One parallel lies in healthcare workforce fatigue. The prolonged duration and intensity of the pandemic exacerbated burnout among frontline workers, highlighting the importance of safeguarding their physical and mental health wellbeing. Inadequate physical and mental protection during the pandemic also exposed healthcare workers to heightened health risks and deaths, underlining the need for robust safety measures. The workforce challenges during COVID-19 have also been gendered in nature, with women bearing a disproportionate burden of the crisis’s impacts. With more than 70 percent of the global healthcare workforce being women, healthcare workers faced unique challenges, including increased exposure to infection due to their higher representation in frontline roles. They are often juggling caregiving responsibilities at home, placing them at greater risk of burnout and mental health strain. Existing systemic gender-based disparities in voluntary versus paid positions among health teams and in leadership positions within the healthcare sector have also been exacerbated by the pandemic. Women have faced heightened risks of gender-based violence, both within and outside healthcare settings – adding an additional layer of vulnerability to their experiences. At a critical time of building back stronger post-COVID-19 and confronting the escalating climate crisis, it is clear, more than ever before, that if governments and health systems prioritise strengthening of climate-resilience of the healthcare workforce they will be better equipped to effectively navigate and adapt to rapidly shifting health risks posed by climate change. The global health crisis stemming from the climate crisis underscores the urgent need for action. Cultivating a resilient healthcare workforce is paramount to effectively addressing climate-induced public health challenges and mitigating the profound impacts felt by the most vulnerable populations worldwide. Gabriela Fernando is an Assistant Professor of Public Health at Monash University, Indonesia. Her key research interests are in interdisciplinary concepts across global health & policy, health equity, women’s health and gender equality, with a particular focus on the South and Southeast Asian regions. Angie Bone is a public health physician and an Associate Professor of Practice in Planetary Health at Monash Sustainable Development Institute. She has a Master’s in Public Health in Developing Countries and is a former Deputy Chief Health Officer, in Victoria, Australia. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 24, 2024

Is Taiwan still a ‘beacon of democracy’ in the Chinese world? - 360 Jie Chen Published on April 27, 2023 Taiwan is celebrated as a vibrant democracy in the shadow of a repressive China, but the complicated reality reveals an opportunity that is yet to be taken. In April 1989, thousands of students began gathering in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square to make an unprecedented cry for freedom. The protests, which began to mark the death of a popular senior Communist Party official, grew quickly. Thousands became a million as workers and ordinary people joined the students calling for democracy, including freedom of the press and free speech. Protests were rare in China and the Communist authorities were unsure how to react. The huge demonstrations lasted six weeks before the government sent the tanks in. Hundreds died as the protests were brutally quashed in what continues to be one of the most sensitive and censored topics in mainland China. In Xi Jinping’s China, the June 4 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre is a secret the authorities are desperate to keep buried. In Taiwan, however, the anniversary of the massacre can still be commemorated openly. Taiwanese democracy holds an exemplary reputation, warts and all. Ranked 10th in the latest Economist Intelligence Unit’s Democracy Index 2022 (mainland China is ranked 156th) Taiwan is considered one of three full democracies in Asia, alongside Japan and South Korea. China’s 2021 crackdown in Hong Kong placed the mission to counter collective amnesia imposed by Beijing firmly on Taiwan’s shoulders. Last year, Taiwanese activists erected a replica of the Pillar of Shame to mark the 33rd anniversary of the Tiananmen massacre. The sculpture was originally created by Danish artist Jens Galschiøt in 1997 to stand at the University of Hong Kong to honour the victims of the 1989 massacre, but was removed by authorities in 2021. Taiwan’s democratic standing now appears even more pronounced in contrast to mainland China’s autocracy under Xi Jinping’s increasingly personalised totalitarian regime — its democratic governance a trump card and the core of its soft power strategy. The contrast between what the Chinese call “Lian An San Di” (“two sides of the Strait, and three places”) became even starker towards the end of last year when the White Paper Movement broke out in China — a nationwide protest movement, the largest since Tiananmen Square. People across 20 cities and students from more than 200 universities took to the streets in shared grievances over humanitarian disasters, a loss of personal freedoms under the Covid-zero policy and the 20th Party Congress ushering another term for the Xi regime. “We want to be citizens, not slaves,” they chanted. “We want elections, not a dictator”. Xi’s domestic political repression and aggression abroad have made the United States and its allies rediscover the value of Taiwan as a fellow democracy. Supporting Taiwan’s national security and international participation has often been a response to Beijing’s challenges to regional security and rules-based international order. Despite Beijing’s warnings and military provocations, 13 nations still maintain diplomatic ties with Taiwan and several others, notably the United States, maintain “strategic ambiguity”. Last month, Taiwanese Foreign Minister Joseph Wu told The Japan Times that Taipei has been forging unofficial relations with the international community. “If you look at the number of delegations coming from Europe, or even from the United States, it’s just so many of them. We will have two delegations coming from France and more delegations coming from Germany,” Wu said. “They want to come to Taiwan, stand on Taiwanese soil and declare that they support Taiwan in the face of the threat coming from China.” Taiwan’s democratic rule is frequently cited as a factor in justifying security commitments — it adds a moral consideration on top of Taiwan’s strategic location and crucial role in the global manufacturing of semiconductor chips. For example, the 2022 Joint Statement of Australia-US Ministerial Consultations “reaffirmed their commitment to maintaining peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait”. It considered “Taiwan’s role as a leading democracy in the Indo-Pacific region” as well as an “important regional economy, and a key contributor to critical supply chains”. In a 2018 speech on Double Ten Day, Taiwan’s annual national holiday, President Tsai declared Taiwan as “a beacon of democratic transition for people in mainland China, Hong Kong and friends all over the world pursuing democracy.” Taiwan’s role as a free and democratic territory has placed it in a niche position to be able to support the cause of democracy on the mainland. But its support for this cause has garnered mixed results, according to experts in an upcoming book. Taipei has maintained active democracy diplomacy by promoting itself internationally as a great democracy deserving to be cherished by the world stage. Its flagship agency, the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy, a not-for-profit managed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, actively provides funds to activist groups in the Indo-Pacific, including mainland China and Hong Kong. It also produces the annual China Human Rights Report. But resources allocated to directly support democracy and rights campaigns launched by Chinese/Hong Kong groups remain very limited compared to other pursuits, especially compared to the rate at which Taiwanese politicians champion their democracy as a pathbreaker for all the Chinese people. Since being founded in 2006, the organisation has yet to give its annual Asia Democracy and Human Rights Award, one of the world’s most generous awards of its kind, to any Chinese or Hong Kong advocacy group or activist. Instead, representatives from many countries neighbouring China have received the well-financed award despite the lack of democracy and human rights in China posing as the most serious threat to Taiwan’s democracy and national security. Even at the height of Hong Kong’s protest movement in 2019-2020, when international democracy promotion groups were throwing support behind protesters, the Foundation for Democracy gave its annual awards to two Sydney-based NGOs. Many Hongkongers who have fled to Taiwan to seek asylum in what they assumed should be the most staunch supporter of their homeland’s democracy have also had to swallow a bitter pill. Taipei has persistently refused to create a clear legal framework for political asylum based on international refugee laws and it has been exceedingly hard to gain a permanent settlement, driving many of them to “second exile” in the US. It is natural for Taipei to capitalise on its “beacon of democracy” status to shore up international support. More and more people across the island identify themselves as “Taiwanese”, not Chinese, in order to distance their identity away from the People’s Republic of China — a growing trend is called de-Sinification. The upcoming fresh government and set of legislators, to be elected in less than a year, should remember that as Taiwan’s security ultimately lies in the democratisation of China. Dr. Jie Chen is an associate professor at the University of Western Australia. This short piece is based on a larger research project funded by The Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation for International Scholarly Exchange. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 27, 2023

Is there a chance for peace in Thailand's deep south? Yes, if women are involved - 360 Anna Christi Suwardi Published on March 8, 2023 Women’s groups in Thailand’s deep south provinces have never been included in peace talks, despite being affected by the conflict, directly and indirectly. Decades of armed conflict and insurgency still plague the lives of people in Thailand’s southernmost regions. Various attempts at peace talks over the years have all failed. However, one positive development was the appointment of the first female Muslim governor in Pattani province. Pateemoh Sadeeyamu, 57, previously served as the director of the Southern Border Provinces Administrative Centre (SBPAC). Although women were absent from formal peace negotiations, observers believe having her as the head of local government will boost women’s groups’ hope and confidence in advancing their gender equality activism and peace advocacy. Her leadership style is about bridging divides between communities; she embraces both Muslim and Buddhist communities, young people and seniors, and political and non-political agendas. Southern Thai Muslims — whose ethnicity, culture and language differ from the Buddhist majority — believe they are treated as second-class citizens. Their struggle received the sympathy of many Malaysians, due to Malaysia’s predominantly Muslim population. Malaysia remains committed to resolving the conflict that has claimed over 7,300 lives since the insurgency broke out in 2004. It has appointed a new chief facilitator and even hosted and facilitated peace talks between the separatist groups and the Thai government. Since 2013, the Thai government and Malay-Muslim insurgent groups like MARA Patani and Barisan Revolusi Nasional Melayu Patani have met to discuss peace negotiations but little progress has been made. Last month, Malaysia’s Prime Minister, Anwar Ibrahim, visited Thailand to help the country solve the insurgency and urged against the use of violence to end the conflict. Living in a heavily Malay-Muslim region, women in the deep south of Thailand find it hard to take part in building peace because of the patriarchal culture and system. Since the escalation of violence in 2004, women’s groups in the three border provinces of Pattani, Yala, and Narathiwat have been trying to engage in peacebuilding initiatives. Their roles have grown and changed over time. Despite a strong spirit of identity solidarity (religion and ethnicity), Islamic and Malay cultures have invisibly combined in smothering women’s roles in public life. Male leaders tend to define and discipline women’s roles in domestic settings. Despite this, Muslim clerics have expressed their support for women’s empowerment initiatives in recent times. Most of those projects were related to small-scale entrepreneurial skills and religious and family-based informal education. In contrast, fewer opportunities have opened for women to become leaders, especially around peace-related decision-making. This lack of women negotiators has become an issue. The military often gets in the way of women who work for peace. With the mistreatment that can accompany martial law, the most common accusation levelled at activists including women is that they are part of the insurgents and are against the government. This instils fear in women, trapping them because they are reluctant to increase their public engagement in the pursuit of peace. Despite those challenges, women’s organisations keep pursuing their agendas. Some are focused on gender equality and women’s empowerment, children’s and widowers’ protection, or legal and human rights protection. Women’s groups are also at the forefront to promote harmony and coexistence between Malay Muslim and Thai Buddhist communities. One of the most remarkable achievements was the call for a “safe space” policy by Muslim and Buddhist women’s groups. Under a consolidated movement, the Peace Agenda of Women, successfully transformed this movement into policy recommendations sent to the peace table in 2015. This movement demonstrated that cross-cultural peace initiatives can be carried out in Thailand’s deep south despite existing prejudice between the two religious groups. Peace negotiators in Thailand’s deep south could learn from the peace process in Mindanao, the Philippines that included women at the decision-making level. This remarkable case of the Mindanao peace process set the Philippines as Southeast Asia’s best example of successful implementation of the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000) on women, peace, and security agendas. When women are part of the negotiations, they will ensure that the peace agreement is fair and takes into account the needs of both men and women. Several strategies for increasing women’s participation in the formal peace process are possible. It focuses on both sides, from receiving support and assistance from men to women’s increased capabilities. Consolidation among women’s groups is a potential resource for women to unify their voices and aspirations towards the peace process. Women’s unique potential to be the bridging connectors between the security sector and communities also needs to be well tapped. At the same time, women need to improve their communication and negotiation skills. These strategies can only be implemented if comprehensive approaches are available. The negotiating parties should not be limited to the government and insurgent groups, but allow for a nonpartisan party where groups representing people in general (including civil society organisations and women’s groups) could present. This nonpartisan party is agnostic and not obligated to support either parties. The structure of peace negotiations should be open and inclusive, including gender balance and elevating the language barrier between the use of Thai, Malay, and English. As such, it will allow women to freely voice their participation. Women’s involvement in Thailand’s deep south peace process might still be overshadowed, but clearly, there is hope for more inclusive peace negotiations by allowing women to be involved at the table. Anna Christi Suwardi is a lecturer at the School of Liberal Arts, Mae Fah Luang University, Thailand. She is also the Asia coordinator for the Dialogue, Empathy, Ecology and Peace (DEEP) Network. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “International Women’s Day” sent at: 06/03/2023 09:42. This is a corrected repeat.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 8, 2023

Is there a hidden cost of China’s Pacific play? - 360 Teuku Riefky, Mohammad Dian Revindo Published on April 17, 2024 Solomon Islands host crucial elections watched from Beijing to Washington, but only China is putting its money where its mouth is in the region and it’s working China’s investment in the Pacific has redrawn the political map of the region. Since 2008, the Chinese government has committed over USD$9 billion to infrastructure, development, education and commercial projects across Pacific Island countries, accounting for around 46 percent of total official loans provided in the region. This number dwarfs the USD$1.35 billion loan from Japan and USD$0.93 billion loan from Australia, as the second and third biggest nation lender in the region. This influx of Chinese capital has had a profound impact on nations such as Solomon Islands, reshaping their economic and political trajectories. The Solomon Islands general election on April 17 will be crucial in understanding what comes next. Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare’s close ties with China and the public view on the Chinese economic presence in the country will be tested by the opposition. Opposition leaders including Mathew Wale under the Coalition for Accountability, Reform and Empowerment (CARE), Kenilorea Jr under Solomon Islands United Party banner, and Daniel Suidani have all openly expressed their concern about Solomon Islands’ economic dependence on China. Sogavare’s close ties with China were first telegraphed by the withdrawal of Taiwan recognition in 2019 and reaffirmed with a security pact with China in 2022 that allows the government to request the deployment of Chinese military personnel to assist the Royal Solomon Islands Police Force. It is easy to befriend a nation if you are building its infrastructure, sometimes for free. From Chinese firms developing deep water ports, to bankrolling the region’s Pacific Games which included the gift of a 10,000 seat stadium in the capital Honiara, it can pay to cosy up with Beijing. Compare this to the aid and development programs traditionally offered by Western powers through Multinational Development Banks such as The World Bank and nations such as Japan, EU, and Australia, and China’s investment-driven approach holds strong appeal for many of these smaller countries. A key factor is the relative lack of stringent conditions or oversight that often accompany assistance from Western sources. While Western aid often comes with requirements around transparency, human rights, and economic reforms, China’s loans to Pacific Island nations have had no such stipulations, allowing the government greater autonomy in how funds are used. Pacific Island nations officials prefer Chinese financing, citing the ‘fewer strings attached’ as a major draw. This hands-off approach is enticing to leaders who may chafe at the policy prescriptions that typically come attached to Western aid. The scale and speed of Chinese investment can also be quite alluring. Beijing has demonstrated a willingness to rapidly deploy large sums, with the Solomon Islands receiving over USD$500 million in infrastructure loans from China during 2019-2022 to ensure its influence over that of Taiwan’s. This contrasts sharply with the often more cautious, incremental approach of Western donors. For cash-strapped nations eager to kickstart development and modernisation, the Chinese model of state-directed investment can be a compelling alternative. The Chinese government claims that since the 1970s, Beijing has supported more than 100 aid initiatives in the Pacific Island region, provided upwards of 200 sets of material assistance, and facilitated the training of approximately 10,000 local labourers. However, this influx of Chinese influence also raises concerns among the international community. There are widespread fears that over-reliance on Chinese financing is leading to unsustainable debt burdens — Solomon Islands’ debt to China is expected to grow from 4 percent of GDP in 2017 to over 15 percent in 2028. This erosion of sovereignty is compounded by worries that China’s long-term strategic intentions may involve expanding its geopolitical reach and countering Western influence in the region. As China’s economic statecraft evolves, it will need to grapple with growing domestic concerns about the potential risks of its overseas investment activities. China’s own economic slowdown, with GDP growth projected to fall below 5 percent this year, has heightened scrutiny of the country’s international financial commitments. Some analysts are calling for a more cautious and selective approach to foreign investment, arguing that resources should be prioritised to address pressing domestic challenges. Ultimately, the impact of increased Chinese investment in Solomon Islands and similar countries is a delicate balance of economic, political, and security considerations. These smaller nations must learn to navigate this shifting landscape, weighing the benefits of Chinese capital against the potential risks and long-term implications. A study by the Lowy Institute suggested that while Chinese-funded infrastructure projects have improved connectivity and economic opportunities in the region, they have also saddled several Pacific Island countries with unsustainable debt. Similarly, China will need to adapt its economic statecraft to address concerns both at home and abroad, while also finding ways to maintain its influence and pursue its strategic interests in the face of intensifying great power competition. The country’s own economic slowdown and the US-led pushback against its digital ambitions add further complexity to this challenge. The delicate dance between economic imperatives and geopolitical ambitions will be a defining challenge for China in the years ahead, with the future of its engagement with smaller nations like Solomon Islands hanging in the balance. The stability and prosperity of the entire Pacific region may very well depend on all the players in the region being able to strike the right balance. The ripple effect of China’s economic statecraft in this critical part of the world will be felt far beyond the shores of these island nations. Teuku Riefky is a Macroeconomic and Financial Sector Researcher at the Institute of Economic and Social Research (LPEM), Faculty of Economics and Business, Universitas Indonesia. He has worked for various institutions as an independent consultant, including ADB, World Bank and UNDP. Mohamad Dian Revindo is the head of the Business Climate and Global Value Chain Research Group at the Institute for Economic and Social Research, (LPEM) in the Faculty of Economics and Business Universitas Indonesia. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Solomon Islands election” sent at: 15/04/2024 05:00. This is a corrected repeat.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 17, 2024

Is there an AI in the house? - 360 Hiroaki Kitano Published on August 8, 2022 The quest to discover how diseases develop in humans has been hamstrung by high costs and access to large enough datasets. Scientists are racing to change that. It would be a eureka moment: discovering precisely how the development of diseases is linked to lifestyle, environment and genetics. But a huge amount of scientific research is needed to reach that milestone. Artificial intelligence (AI) is helping set the groundwork for the breakthrough, streamlining research with the goal of creating a fully automated system that can predict diseases and discover cures on its own. In April 2022 Japan’s Okinawa Institute of Science and Technology (OIST) and the Tokyo-based Corundum Systems Biology Inc. began jointly working on a three-year project to establish an automated analytical system for microbiome and multi-omics data (data from various biological fields). The project is called MANTA: ulti-omics nalysis platform for the obel uring challenge to develop I scientists. Alongside genetics, lifestyle factors such as dietary habits and sleep and environmental considerations such as exposure to pathogens and toxic substances are considered major determinants of human health. Getting to the bottom of this mix is complicated, so it requires epidemiological studies with large sample sizes to detect and quantify the impact of each factor. To date, many projects, including case-control studies and prospective cohort studies for particular risk factors, have aimed to uncover the causes of disease. In many of these “phenotype” studies, biological samples such as blood, stool, urine and oral-swab samples are collected and tested. The resulting data guides further studies, linking a particular disease, lifestyle, location of residence or living environment with microbiome in many parts of the world. With more research, the involvement of the gut microbiome in the development and progression of multiple diseases, such as psychiatric disorders, metabolic diseases, brain diseases and cancer, gradually becomes clearer. In the long term, the MANTA Project aims to better understand how living environments and factors unique to ethnic groups may be tied to causes of particular diseases. To date, plans to expand deep-phenotype study have been challenged by high costs and the time required to get the necessary biological data. Another major hurdle has been standardisation of data quality: the number of participants needed for each study is massive and the amount of data – from genomics, transcriptomics, proteomics and metabolomics to the microbiome of each study participant – is voluminous. This makes AI-aided analysis critical to taking the next steps. Automated systems for gut microbiome and multi-omics data analysis can bring in globally consistent, replicable tests that can be reproduced en masse. It sets the stage for extensive data-building, as the same study participants can be monitored longer term and periodically at 10- to 20-year intervals, and at any location in the world. The automated nature of AI allows enormous groups of voluntary participants to be tracked for long periods, because it doesn’t involve the same cost and commitment of assigning humans to do the monitoring. The goal and expectation is that in fully integrating AI into research about disease development, many unknowns will become known. What causes diseases to spread, worsen and change, and additional early signs or symptoms that research has yet to uncover, should reveal themselves with the new frontiers made possible by automated AI. The MANTA Project is targeting full automation by March 2025, guiding a clear path for AI-supported analysis that – if successful – will speed up discoveries that assist both longevity and quality of life. Dr Hiroaki Kitano is Professor (Adjunct) of Okinawa Institute of Science and Technology (OIST), Japan. The MANTA project is partly funded by Corundum Systems Biology Inc, a Japanese company developing new businesses in the field of microbiome. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on August 8, 2022

Is this the future of meat? - 360 Suzannah Lyons Published on August 4, 2023 There are still many hurdles for lab-grown meat to overcome before it changes the way we eat. It’s been ten years on 5 August 2023 since the world was introduced to the first lab-grown burger, with its accompanying promises of slaughter-free meat produced more sustainably. But a decade later, lab-grown chicken products have only been approved for sale in Singapore and the US so far, and they’re not yet being produced at scale. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Lab-grown meat turns 10” sent at: 03/08/2023 08:12. This is a corrected repeat.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on August 4, 2023

Islam and box-office a match made in heaven - 360 Ekky Imanjaya Published on March 10, 2023 Islamic films have found a devoted market in Indonesia. Commercial success will prolong the trend. A new Islamic-themed film titled “Bismillah, Aku nikahi Suami mu” (In the name of God, I marry your husband) has just released in Indonesia. The title identifies strongly with its devoted audience. There has been a mushrooming of movies promoting Islamic values since the late 1990s when Indonesia’s Reform Era allowed a renewed religious freedom of expression. Many of these films have had substantial box-office success. Propaganda does not always have a negative vibe. From an Islamic point of view, there is actually a term which aligns with “propaganda”.  Dakwah refers to preaching, not only in the traditional way but also via new ways of communication to spread Islamic values. Dakwah and propaganda have a similar tone. And in Indonesia, entertainment and propaganda go hand in hand in promoting Islamic values.   Most films in this article are commercially successful. Movie makers in the so-called dakwah films are always aligned with commercial imperatives. The phenomenon started with the Ayat-Ayat Cinta (Verses of Love, 2008) which attracted 3.7 million viewers. The premiere was attended by Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. After the screening he said the movie could become an economic power. In the late 2000s, Islamic-themed movies boomed. Ketika Cinta Bertasbih (When Love Hymn) was the secondhighest grossing movie of 2009. In 2009, other Islamic hits included Ketika Cinta Bertasbih 2, and Perempuan Berkalung Sorban (Woman with a Turban). Others that made box-office lists include Sang Pencerah (The Englither), Dalam Mihrab Cinta (In the Niche of Love) both produced in 2010,  Hapalan Shalat Delisa (Delisa’s Salat Recitation), Tanda Tanya (Question Mark), Di Bawah Lindungan Ka’bah (Under the Protection of Ka’bah) (all in 2011), Negeri Lima Menara (The Land of Five Towers, 2012), Hijrah Cinta (The Hijrah of Love), Assalamualikum Beijing (both in 2014), Surga yang Tak Dirindukan (The Heaven None Missed) which was the best-performing movie in 2015,  Bulan Terbelah di Langit Amerika 2 (Split Moon on America’s Sky), Surga Yang  Tak Dirindukan 2 and Insya Allah Sah (both in 2017). The phenomenon did not stop in the 2020s, including  Pintu Surga Terakhir (Last Door of Heaven, 2021) and Bismillah Aku Nikahi Suamimu (In The Name Of God, I Marry Your husband) this year. In the past three years horror films with familiar Islamic teachings, such as Islamic exorcisms like Qodrat,  and Islamic terms (e.g., Ghibah, Qorin, Jelang Maghrib, Hidayah), have also become popular. The films follow the commercially successful path of more general horror films such as Danur (adapted from best-selling novels) and Pengabdi Setan (Satan’s Slaves), remade of a legendary horror film, and pioneers for these new approaches of the horror genre. Many of these films were adapted or based on best-selling novels. Some Muslim activists working in literature, such as Forum Lingkar Pena (established in 1997),  produced bestselling novels and anthologies of short stories, later adapted into films mostly by big production houses. Indonesia has a variety of Muslim denominations. In terms of producing films they are best described in three ways: The Idealists, the Commercialists, and the Ideologists. The themes have a pattern. One of them tells stories of successful people (respected professions or studying abroad) that struggle in relationships (finding spouses or polygamy) to comply with Islamic values. Others depict socio-culture and politics to criticise in comedic ways issues such as corruption as in Ketika  (2004) and Alangkah Lucunya Negeri Ini (2010). Some  films represent Muslims as world citizens  and romanticise the golden age of Islam when Muslims became the centre of global civilization (99 Cahaya di Langit Eropa, Bulan Terbelah di Langit Amerika). There are also films with international issues, such as defending Palestine’s rights over Israel in Hayya (2019) and Hayya 2 (2022). Other themes highlight specific Muslim problems such as the Hajj pilgrimage and Ramadhan/Eidin Emak Ingin Naik Haji, (2009) and Mencari Hilal (2015), blended with the importance of family values, as also underlined in Rindu Kami Pada-Mu (2004). There are films which are preachy showing characters or Muslim clerics preaching or even quoting some verses of the Qu’ran or the saying of the Prophet. The only film propagating Khilafah is a short documentary Jejak Khilafah di Nusantara (2020), by Hizbut Tahrir, a now banned Muslim organisation. More moderate and liberal filmmakers who graduated from Islamic boarding school (called santri) made films representing (anti)radicalism and religious tolerance in Indonesia such as 3 Doa 3 Cinta Khalifah (2011) and Bid’ah Cinta (2017).They represent the insider who understands Islamic values. Another trend is biopics of prominent Muslim clerics, including the founders of two of the biggest Muslim organisations: Nahdatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah. One film is about the former president BJ Habibie and his wife, Ainun. Another shows the life and struggle of a prominent Muslim figure BJ Habibie, who later became the head of the Muslim think tank Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia (Indonesian Association of Muslim Intellectuals) and the third president of the Republic of Indonesia.  The founder of an Islamic denomination that later founded an Islamic political party was part of the list of popular themes on the big screen. Madani films have Islamic values as the main message. They tell stories on Muslim culture, with Muslim problems and focusing on living Islam rather than just the doctrine. Madani films, as suggested by Bosnian female director Aida Begic and Muslim scholar Haidar Bagir, are the ones that are “the less preachy, the better.” Some politicians have benefited with the blooming of Muslim thematic films. There is a film relating to the 212 highly political movements titled 212 The Power of Love. Several politicians attended the 2018 premiere and made a statement related to the films, mostly about tolerance and moderate Muslims. Prabowo Subianto, who was a presidential candidate in 2014, made a short documentary, Sang Patriot  linking him with one of Prince Diponegoro’s officers, a prominent Muslim hero from the 1800s. Filmmakers who produce Islamic-themed movies mostly try for commercial success and the dakwah spirit in one go. After all, filmmaking is a costly and risky business, and one needs to secure their profit or “break-even point” status and at the same time spread the dakwah.  Kill two birds with one stone. Ekky Imanjaya is a faculty member of the Film Department, Bina Nusantara (Binus) University, Jakarta. He is also a film critic specialising in Indonesian cinema and published books on Indonesian films, pop culture, and Islamic culture issues. Ekky is the chairperson of the Film Committee at Jakarta Arts Council, a board member of the Madani Film Festival and Jakarta Film Week. Dr. Imanjaya declares that he has no conflict of interest and did not receive specific funding. Twitter/IG: @ekkyij Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Film as propaganda” sent at: 08/03/2023 09:33. This is a corrected repeat.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 10, 2023

Islamic terror's renewed threat to Putin’s strongman image - 360 Kirill Nourzhanov Published on April 24, 2024 Vladimir Putin’s reputation was built on fighting terrorism, yet a month after the deadly Crocus City Hall attack, his policies make Russia more exposed to it. Vladimir Putin relies on his identity as a man focused on Russia’s security and in particular fighting terrorism to cement the legitimacy of his control over Russia. For the former KGB operative, it is an easy role to play. However, with the failings of Russia’s security apparatus in stopping the Crocus City Hall attack one month ago, the increasingly fertile ground for jihadi recruitment in Central Asia is a growing threat to Putin. The question remains if he can use the same card to convince the conflict-weary Russian people and organisations like ISIS-K that he is not bluffing. In September 1999, when he was deputy prime minister to Boris Yeltsin, Putin responded to a series of apartment building bombings that killed more than 300 people, with a famous pledge to the would-be terrorists: “We will pursue them everywhere. If, pardon me, we catch them in the toilet, we’ll rub them out right there.” A few months later Putin became president and has continued a determined fight against radical militants of all stripes to the present day. The fight has not been easy and often relied on measures of dubious legality and excessive force. However, it has been successful, at least in quantitative terms. In the late 1990s and early 2000s Islamic radicals based in Chechnya and neighbouring southern regions of the Russian Federation were responsible for the lion’s share of terrorist incidents. Between 2000 and 2018, the Caucasus Emirate (CE), a loose agglomeration of jihadi groups, organised 86 major terrorist acts including the massive attacks on the Dubrovka theatre in Moscow in 2002 and a school in Beslan in 2004 causing hundreds of civilian deaths. After 2010, the number of “crimes of a terrorist nature” in the North Caucasus began to fall sharply, reaching a record low of four in 2019 compared to 778 a decade earlier. This dramatic improvement in the security situation was achieved through a combination of brute force, enhanced law enforcement and accelerated economic development of the region. For their part in the crackdown, the Kremlin gave loyal local strongmen such as Ramzan Kadyrov in Chechnya carte blanche to expunge the radicals regardless of human rights violations and abuse of power. As the urgency of the terrorist threat from the Caucasus receded, the public mood relaxed: the share of Russians fearing terrorist attacks fell from 86 percent in 1999 to 56 percent in 2015. The respite proved to be brief. Terror returned to Russia through the medium of international jihadi networks such as Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State (IS). These groups used to see Russia as a legitimate target during the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan in 1979-89, and now the country was back on their priority list due to Moscow’s support for Syria’s Bashar al-Assad. Another aggravating factor was the exodus of militants from Chechnya and Dagestan to the Middle East. Up to 5,000 radicalised Russian citizens joined IS in Iraq and Syria between 2011 and 2015 accounting for eight percent of all IS fighters and providing some of its leading cadres. IS formally declared jihad on Russia in 2015. The internationalisation of jihad produced a handful of high-profile attacks such as the 2017 suicide bombing in the Saint Petersburg metro, still, overall, it did not aggravate the security situation in Russia critically. In fact the Kremlin portrayed its operations in Syria as a resounding counter-terrorism success. It claimed to have killed 87,000 militants there in three years thus inflicting “colossal damage” upon terrorists, as Putin put it. Decimated and deprived of a territorial haven in the Middle East, their threat would be reduced to a minimum. Yet Al-Qaeda and IS managed to survive and stage a comeback through a jihadi franchise based in Afghanistan called the Islamic State’s Khurasan Province (ISKP). ISKP started in 2015 as a marginal group attracting militants from Central Asia who harboured radical sentiments towards secular authoritarian governments in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Following the US withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021, it has developed the capacity not only to fight the anaemic Taliban regime but also to stage attacks abroad. By 2023, Moscow had identified ISKP as its No.1 terrorist threat. The head of the Russian Federal Security Service (FSB) noted that the number of its fighters in Afghanistan had risen to 6,500 from the original 500. Even more alarming to Moscow was the increasing level of radicalisation among 4 million migrant workers from Central Asia fuelled in part by ISKP’s sophisticated propaganda. Social media and virtual communication platforms enabled the ecosystem of Central Asian terrorist cells to recruit, move funds, and coordinate action efficiently. Russian law enforcement tried to match this efficiency by lifting its own game. The FSB boasted that it averted 96 percent of all planned terrorist attacks in 2020, up from a paltry 10 percent in 2010. As recently as March 7, 2024 it thwarted an ISKP plot to raid a Moscow synagogue, killing two perpetrators from Kazakhstan. Yet two weeks later, four Tajik migrants mounted a successful attack on the Crocus City Hall for which ISKP claimed responsibility. The Beslan massacre in 2004 led to a serious political crisis in Russia. The assault in Moscow on 22 March 2024, despite its brazenness and magnitude, did not produce similar outcomes. Putin’s approval rating and public trust in government stayed high. The authorities’ main concern was about the rise of Islamophobia and xenophobia in Russian society. Putin called for inter-ethnic and inter-confessional harmony while Kadyrov warned that the West would try to exploit the tragedy to undermine the Russians’ unity. Notwithstanding anecdotal evidence of citizens’ outbursts against people from Central Asia, opinion polls show that anti-migrant sentiments have not jumped critically and are gradually returning to pre-March levels. It appears that Russian society still has confidence in the state’s ability to combat terrorism with the recent attack seen as a tragic but perhaps inevitable incident. It is noteworthy that contrary to the war in Ukraine, the Crocus City Hall disaster has not become a polarising issue separating Putin’s supporters and opponents: both cohorts assess the acuteness of the terrorist threat in the same way. The Russian president promised inevitable punishment to “all perpetrators, organisers and instigators of this crime”. It took the FSB five years to hunt down all jihadis involved in the 2017 Saint Petersburg bombing. On this occasion, it may not have as much time to get its men. And should another bloody attack take place soon, Putin’s legitimacy might actually suffer. is Deputy Director and Convenor of Higher Degree by Research Studies at the Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies (The Middle East and Central Asia) at The Australian National University. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 24, 2024

Island nations hope to turn the tide at COP27 - 360 Luky Adrianto Published on November 7, 2022 For island nations trying to protect their fisheries from climate change, the biggest catch at COP27 will be getting the ear of the developed world. When your homeland is surrounded by the ocean you have a keen interest in protecting its ability to support life. It is well documented that climate change poses an existential threat to island nations not only from rising sea levels but from ocean heat and acidity which threaten vital fisheries. At COP27, island and archipelago nations have a chance to be heard by policymakers around the world in their bid to shore up fish stocks and protect a vital resource. Many of these nations may be small fry but the fact is fish and other seafood products provide vital nutrients for more than three billion people and supply an income for 10 to 12 percent of the world’s population. The Archipelagic and Island States Forum was initiated in 2017 by 47 island nations to help build climate change resilience, develop the “blue economy”, combat marine pollution and build sustainable fisheries. In 2018, member nations adopted the Manado Joint Declaration which enshrined the goal of climate change resilience through sustainable fisheries as a key platform. The term “too big to ignore” was given to small-scale fisheries whose role is significant in the development of sustainable fisheries but is often forgotten in the framework of policy making. The challenge at COP27 is to ensure small fisheries have a place in solutions to ensure fishing sustainability for generations to come. COP27 also provides an opportunity for improved connections between Africa and Pacific nations. A new Africa-Pacific Ocean bloc is emerging, united by debt and climate vulnerability.  For Archipelagic and Island States Forum member countries, COP27 should be an opportunity to increase their bargaining power at international negotiations. Indonesia plays an important role in this. As the world’s largest archipelago, with 17,500 islands, Indonesia’s waters support around 4,000 species of fish. It produces 7 million tonnes of seafood each year, with exports earning the country around US$5 billion. Climate change puts all of this at risk. Sea level rises of between 15cm and 1.10m by 2100, more frequent oceanic heatwaves and changes in temperature and oxygen levels all threaten Indonesian fisheries. Future projections suggest waters in southern Indonesia are becoming less habitable for tuna due to reduced oxygen. Climate change is also thought to be the cause of the decrease in the average abundance of marine life by 5-17 percent. That means catches shrink and people have to find alternative sources of food. There are two scenarios facing fishing nations: with strong climate mitigation, the maximum catch potential could decrease by 2.8-5.3 percent by 2050. In the absence of mitigation, that increases to 7-12.1 percent. All of these would affect the resilience of coastal communities who depend on fish resources as their livelihood backbone. But in tropical nations, the maximum catch potential drops by 40 percent. Indonesia, therefore, has a significant role to play in influencing global policies related to the sustainability of marine-based economic development, including fisheries. It was at the High-Level Panel for Sustainable Ocean Economy that President Joko Widodo and other members invited the world to secure our future food, by inviting marine countries to maintain fisheries as a pillar of protecting food from the sea from the impact of global climate change. Members of the Archipelagic and Island States Forum and G20 could actively take several strategic actions such as: increasing innovation to reduce the carbon footprint of the fishery sector by providing a data system to transition from hunting to harvesting; developing a flow of research regarding the impacts of climate change on fisheries and building a framework for collaboration; implementing a fishery management plan by expanding collaborative data collection and monitoring; and building resilience to climate change by adopting progressive management from community-based fisheries through to global levels. But cooperation is crucial. And that’s where COP27 comes in. It’s a chance for island nations to build stronger connections with developed nations through the G20 or OECD and ensure future catches. Luky Adrianto is professor in fisheries resources management at IPB University, Bogor, Indonesia. He is a policy analyst in fisheries and ocean management and a lead expert on the Blue Economy Development Index hosted by UN Development Programme-AIS Secretariat. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Cop 27” sent at: 31/10/2022 09:39. This is a corrected repeat.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 7, 2022

It takes a village to end child marriage - 360 Oluwaseyi Somefun Published on April 6, 2023 School plays a significant role in reducing child marriage in Africa. Amina, from a rural village in Nigeria, was 13 when she was married to a wealthy man in his 50s who already had three wives and several children. Amina married the man after the death of her own father. When she did, her dreams of becoming a doctor evaporated.  Her life changed in other ways too. She was subjected to physical and emotional abuse. She became a mother at an age when some of her peers were in junior high school. Amina’s new husband refused to allow her to continue her education. She felt trapped in a life she never wanted. Child marriage is an intractable challenge in many countries, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa. One of the main challenges in ending the practice is related to the social context in which child marriage occurs. Studies show that girls as young as 10 are forced to marry older men, often against their will, and are expected to bear children and perform household chores. Many may choose to elope or marry because of a lack of opportunities. The emotional impact of child marriage on girls like Amina is devastating. They are denied their childhood, their dreams and their freedom. They are forced into a life of servitude and are often subjected to abuse and exploitation. Raising awareness about this issue and working towards ending the various factors associated with child marriage are essential. Child marriage is a complex issuedeeply rooted in social, cultural and economic factors in many African countries. However, there are policiesand programs targeted at giving equal opportunities to young women to bridge the inequality gap while other programs have focused on changing the social norms surrounding child marriage. These programs don’t always work. One study highlighted how improved opportunities for girls in Malawi, for example, has not translated into a reduction in child marriages. Data on child marriage remains limited, especially during COVID, althoughUNICEFreports show young girls from Ethiopia, Mozambique, Uganda and Zambia were at risk of child marriage during the pandemic. This lack of data makes it difficult to predict whether countries have had a reduction in the practice. While some countries have taken steps to prevent it during the pandemic, the long-term impact of the pandemic on child marriage rates is still unclear. There is evidenceto suggest child marriage rates may have actually increased during the pandemic. The significant impact the pandemic had on the global economy had a direct impact on the main reason for child marriage: poverty. Economic instability has often resulted in child marriages because families tend to marry off their daughters to offset financial burdens, ensure economic stability in the household or strengthen their positions in the community. The closure of schools during the pandemic also contributed. Schools can be a source of supervision and protection for young women from their families and communities who may be forcing them into unions. Girls are also able to access information at schools about their rights and opportunities available to them which may be key for them in advocating for themselves. The social network available to young women in schools may also protect them from the risks of child marriage. Flexible education options to accommodate girls who have married or who are at risk of marriage can actually help too by providing part-time or evening classes for young women so they can balance their domestic responsibilities with their education. It’s important to try to get girls back to school. Schools can offer safe and supportive environments to young women that are free from discrimination, harassment, and violence. Girls who married young may require additional support and resources, such as counselling, to help them reintegrate into the school environment. Financial assistance for women who can not afford to go back to school can also help. Other ways to get girls back to school post-pandemic can focus on raising awareness about the dangers of child marriage among families and in communities — with a specific focus on religious leaders. Religious leaders can play a crucial role in preventing child marriage by influencing attitudes and behaviours within their communities. They can use their teachings to emphasise the importance of respecting girls’ autonomy and their right to education, health and a safe childhood. These leaders can also serve as role models to young boys and girls who may see marriage as a means to an end. If religious leaders can engage with community members and establish a dialogue about the harm child marriage does, families may be less likely to engage in the practice. They could use religious and cultural values to promote the idea that education and the well-being of girls are important and frame their messages in ways that resonate with community members, emphasising the importance of protecting girls from harm. Faith leaders have a platform they could use to advocate for girls’ rights and promote education as a means to support their communities. They could foster alliances and partnerships with the government, civil society organisations and other stakeholders because of their position in African societies. It is important for religious leaders to recognise they have a key role in the prevention of child marriage. By using their influence and platform they can help create a safer and more supportive environment for girls to thrive. Oluwaseyi Dolapo Somefun is a social scientist and CARTA fellow interested in youth sexual and reproductive health, social networks, mixed research methods, health communication and policy. Currently, she is a postdoctoral fellow at the University of Ibadan, Nigeria. She declares she has no conflict of interest and did not receive specific funds. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Child marriage” sent at: 03/04/2023 12:16. This is a corrected repeat.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 6, 2023

It takes commitment to preserve a language - 360 Su Hie Ting Published on August 22, 2022 Malaysia’s Indigenous language Bidayuh is declining in use and it will take a concerted effort to ensure competing languages don’t cause its demise. Bidayuh, a language spoken by people living in East Malaysia’s Sarawak state, is at risk of disappearing outside its traditional heartland. Ethnically diverse Sarawak is home to more than 26 indigenous groups and 47 language varieties and while some of these languages remain popular, Bidayuh is declining. Researchers set out to find out why. Bidayuhs, often referred to as Land Dayak, meaning ‘people of the land’, are the second largest indigenous ethnic group in the region, behind the Iban. And while the Iban make up nearly 30 percent of the Sarawak population, the Bidayuh account for just 7.7 percent. Malay and English are already competing with the Bidayuh language, and as mixed marriages grow in the region, Iban and Sarawak Malay dialects are proving more attractive and dominant means of communication. Government agencies and non-government organisations in Malaysia support the retention of Indigenous languages, helping to preserve customary laws and culture. But the researchers found even among the Bidayuhs, upholding the vitality of their language tends to be attributed to others rather than self. The increase in mixed marriages in Malaysia means there is a growing number of children with partial Bidayuh parentage and this doesn’t appear to be supporting greater use of the language. An ongoing study from Universiti Malaysia Sarawak involving 467 Bidayuhs found 67 percent spoke Bidayuh almost every day but 11 percent did not speak the language at all during the week. Asked how to help preserve the language, only 56 percent believed speaking it at home was the way forward. Nearly half of the participants believed community activities, media broadcasts, printed materials, and education are better revitalisation initiatives. For the Bidayuh community in Sarawak, the diversity of dialects is also a challenge. Even some Bidayuh couples may not be able to speak Bidayuh with each other or their children because of the mutual unintelligibility of Bidayuh dialects, and this affects the intergenerational transmission of the Bidayuh language. The Bidayuh language is the number one identity marker but language is not the be-all and end-all of Bidayuh culture. Bidayuh couples living in cosmopolitan centres compensate for the displacement of the Bidayuh language by entrenching their children in the Bidayuh culture (for example the Gawai or harvest celebration), living among Bidayuh people, eating Bidayuh food, and making frequent visits to the village where their grandparents live. Teaching the language in schools may seem like one obvious solution, already the case for Iban and Kadazandusun, the latter first taught in primary schools in 1997 and in secondary school in 2006. But in the case of Bidayuh, work on standardising and developing an orthography has been stymied by the great dialectal variations. Even in the mother tongue education programme initiated by Dayak Bidayuh National Association (DBNA) and SIL International and implemented in some playschools and preschools, the teachers sometimes used their own spelling because they speak a different Bidayuh dialect than the teaching materials. There is tension over whether the standard Bidayuh language should comprise elements taken from various dialects or be based on Biatah, which is the largest group and somewhat easier to speak. One preservation option could be making it prestigious to speak Bidayuh, mimicking successful efforts to preserve languages in Singapore and Ecuador. Descriptions of the Bidayuh language in glowing terms through songs, speeches, printed materials, and the media could uplift the image of Bidayuh and strengthen pride in the language. If social elites, the influential, and the politically powerful among the Bidayuh were to speak the language to their children and grandchildren it could serve as a reference point for the community to follow. Associate Professor Dr Su-Hie Ting is a lecturer at the Faculty of Language and Communication, Universiti Malaysia Sarawak. She holds a Ph.D from the University of Queensland, Australia, and has published extensively on language choice and identity, academic writing, communication strategies, and health communication. She and Dr Florence Kayad contributed to the research. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on August 22, 2022

Italy: warm welcome hides a cold, exploitative reality for migrant workers - 360 Giorgio Grappi Published on June 20, 2022 Italy is increasingly using migrant workers as a labour pool for logistics and high-turnover industries, cutting corners on safety and training. In October 2021, 22-year-old Yaya Yafa went to work at Bologna’s Interporto warehouse complex and never came home. He died in a workplace accident, his death another in a series of fatal accidents within the Italian logistics industry. Yafa was a refugee from Guinea Bissau and his death highlighted an emerging issue in Italy: asylum seekers working in the high-pressure, underregulated logistics sector. As refugees flee the war in Ukraine, some reports describe their welcome into Italy. But activists and previous asylum seekers are speaking out. They say there’s a cold, racist reality behind the warm, welcoming smile. SDA, the company in charge of the warehouse where Yafa worked, is linked to the national postal service and was used to distribute the COVID-19 vaccine. The whole Interporto complex is part of a pact with local authorities for what they call ‘ethical logistics’. A parliamentary commission visited the SDA warehouse less than two months after Yafa’s fatal accident but found no particular workplace issues there. Migrants, local groups and grassroots trade unions tell an entirely different story that includes a lack of proper safety measures, long chains of contracting and subcontracting, and inadequate training of workers, who are sometimes recruited on a daily basis. A criminal investigation into Yafa’s death is ongoing. Bologna traditionally has a large number of migrant workers, and with the rise of logistics from the 2010s a new generation of migrant workers found jobs in the warehouses. The city is home to several logistics facilities, including the vast Interporto transshipment site at the city’s outskirts. It is far from the spotlight, but Bologna’s economy and politics are intertwined with what happens there. The presence of migrant workers is well known, but their relevance in the logistics sector went almost unnoticed until a series of protests in 2012 led to the first wider strike in the sector in March 2013 and to labour disputes at a scale not seen in Italy for decades. Yafa had lived in Ferrara, a smaller town around an hour from Bologna. But because he was an asylum seeker, his death distressed the hundreds of asylum seekers living in Bologna’s largest migrant-reception centre, Via Mattei, some of whom also worked at the Interporto complex. In the past year many have participated in protests against the conditions in the reception centre – which they say is overcrowded and unfit for occupation – the long processing times for their immigration applications and the lack of proper transportation between the centre and the Interporto. A month after Yafa’s death, some joined a wildcat strike at the SDA warehouse where he had worked. The asylum seekers’ organised voice adds to the many scattered voices of other asylum seekers denouncing harsh working conditions and the vicious circle created by the long processing times for their immigration applications and the need to earn an income and get their documents in order. Authorities insist good immigration policy needs to integrate migrants within Italian society. Migrants and local groups argue some integration policies that could help them – such as language classes and proper housing – leave much to be desired, while they face mistreatment by police. But the greater issue still is they find themselves trapped by vicious labour practices. In recent years this has particularly involved logistics, an industry the pandemic revealed to be essential to the entire economy. Reports from migrants and trade unionists, local news, and local authorities’ initiatives suggest the issues the asylum seekers were protesting against are far from isolated. There is a specific focus on rapidly training asylum seekers for warehouse work and recruiting them through temporary-work agencies. Turning asylum seekers into warehouse workers is particularly appealing for the logistics industry, which sees high employee turnover and frequent worker exhaustion. Asylum seekers are often socially isolated and tend to lack other employment options, so they are a useful labour pool for firms that have confronted worker turmoil and new forms of unionism and political activism. In this situation, reception centres like the Mattei function as dormitories for workers employed in logistics warehouses. But the increasingly strong link between immigration policies, including the reception of asylum seekers, and labour patterns is not limited to logistics. It is part of a wider trend. For years, restrictive migration policies have limited legal pathways into European countries. But instead of limiting migration altogether, these restrictions have pushed most migrants to seek asylum. Meanwhile, a coordinated effort has emerged to turn asylum seekers who arrive in large numbers into a new labour force. For years, immigration policies have promoted migrants’ integration into the labour market, but a more targeted policy now tries to use migrant labour to cover shortages and disruptions in specific sectors such as logistics, care work, construction and agriculture. Special programs are set up to recruit vulnerable or disadvantaged people. As local migrant-worker advocacy group Coordinamento Migranti puts it, for these people ‘the only possible integration is the integration within exploitation’. Bologna has a strong tradition of large trade unions and political activism, but this doesn’t seem to help migrant workers, so they look for new allies in self-organised groups and grassroots organisations. They may fear repercussions, but they are an essential part of the economy and they are far from docile. Yafa’s death prompted a wave of worker protests – but so long as poor living conditions and exploitative practices continue, and newly arrived refugees from regions in conflict are met with discriminatory policies, the quest for justice can ratchet up the tension at any moment. Giorgio Grappi is a Research Fellow at the Department of Political and Social Sciences, University of Bologna. He has studied migration and logistics, and is involved in antiracist movements in Italy and Europe. No conflicts of interest were declared in relation to this article. This article is part of a Special Report on the ‘Changing face of migration’,  produced in collaboration with the Calcutta Research Group. It was first published in June 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Migration’s changing face” sent at: 17/06/2022 13:06. This is a corrected repeat.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 20, 2022

It's a long road from uni innovation to commercial reality - 360 Iven Mareels Published on May 8, 2024 We may punch above our weight when it comes to research, but we certainly don’t in realising the commercial impact from it. Australia likes to think of itself as punching above its weight when it comes to research. According to our federal education minister, we produce three percent of the world’s research despite having only 0.3 percent of the world’s population. But our spending on research and development as a percentage of GDP is and has been for a very long time below the OECD average. According to Treasury this reflects a relatively low R&D spend by industry, attributed to the structure of our industries, and industries’ willingness to be early adopters rather than developers of innovation. Government in Australia is the main driving force for R&D spending, strongly supporting research at universities and other publicly-funded research organisations. It should come as no surprise that Australian innovation is driven by our universities, and that little of this innovation leads to industrial impact in Australia. One journey of Australian innovation that I’ve been a part of illustrates some of the critical issues and obstacles involved in taking research from an idea to a full commercial product. It all began with a start-up company, Rubicon Water, seeking a systems engineer for help to manage some irrigation canals. They were trying to solve a local, seriously important Australian problem: how to manage one of our most scarce resources, water. It was late in 1996. At the time, several attempts to solve the problem, involving both local and overseas water engineers, were considered failures. But then one of my former students who was working for the company suggested his professor could help. The conversation that ensued led to an ongoing collaboration between Rubicon Water and the University of Melbourne, where I was working at the time. Many conditions came together that contributed to the success of the project. At the time I had nothing to lose, in that I was a full professor already, had research funding available and even if this problem turned out to be too hard to solve, there are worse things in life than trying and failing, as every researcher knows. Importantly, if we succeeded, the Australian problem represented only two percent of the world’s problem, meaning there was a significant overseas market we could tap into as well. Water management is a serious issue as any World Water Development Report indicates. The collaboration was high risk. We both were out of our comfort zones. Why would industrial water engineers work with university systems engineers? We don’t speak the same language! But equally it was a high reward opportunity. From an academic point of view this problem had the pedigree of being hard, and modern practice, under competing interests, pointed to how difficult channel management had become. Innovation would not come easy. The fact that there were many stakeholders didn’t make things easier. To overcome the many obstacles, our collaboration had a champion in both industry, and in the university. We worked well together. We were willing to go the extra mile, keeping our focus on achieving tangible outcomes for all parties and celebrating together. Government funding reduced the risk in the initial research phase. Second tier funding to do a pilot trial at scale was obtained through a partnership between government, end users and Rubicon Water making equal financial contributions. After the successful pilot, commercial realities took over. Even the weather conspired to help us, with an unseasonable storm demonstrating the benefits of our automated systems and accelerating their acceptance among end users. Through a series of research grants, government trade funding, significant Rubicon Water investments, and serious university research efforts, Australia has now a world-leading technology in open channel water management which is exported around the globe and supports water sustainability worldwide. But that success came about more through grit than by design. Universities in Australia were not conceived to commercialise innovation, nor are they rewarded, funded or equipped to take ideas to market. Indeed by and large universities exist to create the talent pipeline to ensure society’s future prosperity. Clearly, future talent has to be innovative, challenging the status quo and to this end research is very valuable. However, this research does not have to achieve societal impact to help shape innovative talent. The journey from an idea to a typical technology level readiness that may be expected in a university, to a full commercial product that can be maintained in the market is not trivial. Market success requires much more funding, and very different talent, than what is required to demonstrate a solution inside a university, as shown by the well-discussed valley of death concept in technology development. Indeed, apart from some unicorn successes, the way from a successful research idea to market impact requires industry investment and collaboration. Innovation in Australia would benefit from industry participating in setting the national priorities for research funding, and being at the table when funding decisions are made. What it takes to realise market success, in full competition with the rest of the world, could be better understood by universities, and the amount of work involved in maintaining fruitful collaborations with industry. Since 2022, Rubicon Water has been a listed company. It only took a quarter of a century. Professor Iven Mareels is the Executive Dean, Institute for Innovation, Science and Sustainability at Federation University Australia; a Director of the Australian Academy of Technology and Engineering, and a non-executive Director of Rubicon Water. His research focuses on large scale and learning systems such as computational networks, the electricity grid, water distribution networks, and the human brain. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 8, 2024

It’s a wonderful year for a Moon dance - 360 Alex Gilbert Published on December 20, 2023 A record 12 missions are aiming to explore the Moon in 2024. Here’s why. The countdown is on for 2024, which is shaping up as the year of Moon landings. As many as 12 missions could fly by or land on the Moon in the next 12 months, the most in one year. Three missions are expected in January alone. Japan’s SLIM mission is targeting 19 January for its first lunar landing. If successful, it will be only the fifth country to successfully reach the lunar surface after Russia, the United States, China, and India (which landed there in 2023). Two companies are racing to achieve the first commercial landing on a celestial body. Intuitive Machines and Astrobotic are part of NASA’s Commercial Lunar Payload Services (CLPS) program and represent the growing ambitions of the US commercial space sector. There are three primary, overlapping reasons for such intense interest in the Moon. First, the cost of space access continues to decline as the price of launch vehicles and spacecraft systems fall. This opens the market to new participants as lunar missions can cost less USD$100 million, as demonstrated by India’s 2023 Chandrayaan-3. The development of commercial capability, like Intuitive Machines and Astrobotic, is especially exciting as it can allow purely commercial missions or delivery of payloads from nations without their own lunar landing capabilities. Indeed, Astrobotic’s mission is carrying small rovers developed by Mexico for that nation’s first lunar mission. Second, there is intense scientific and economic interest in lunar exploration and resources. The Moon likely has minable water resources, which can be used for in-space refuelling and to support astronauts. Many of 2024’s missions are either directly or indirectly focused on the search for water. Third, the re-emergence of geopolitical competition has led to significant support for civil space programs. Competing visions of international cooperation in space, like the United States-led Artemis Accords and the China-led International Lunar Research Station, are rapidly being adopted by many firstcomers to space exploration. Underscoring this competition, both China and the United States have planned flagship missions in 2024. In May, China plans to launch the Chang’e 6 mission to return the first scientific samples from the lunar far side. Following the successful sample return from the Chang’e 5 mission, Chang’e 6 will further demonstrate China’s ability to operate across all parts of the lunar surface. A successful mission will keep the country on track for its goal to land taikonauts by 2030. Notably, the lander will also host instruments from Pakistan, Italy, France and Sweden. In November, the US plans to launch the Artemis II mission to fly by the Moon carrying a human crew. Artemis II’s four astronauts, including one Canadian, will be the first to leave Earth orbit since the 1970s. This mission will lay the groundwork for a crewed return to the lunar surface in 2026 or 2027, with an expectation for continual missions by the end of the decade and establishment of a lunar surface base in the early 2030s. Beyond these larger missions, several smaller flybys, orbiters, and landers are planned. China is sending a relay satellite that can support future missions to the south pole. A Japanese mission is planning a flyby on the way to an asteroid while the private company ispace is attempting to land again after 2023’s near miss. Perhaps the most exciting of the other missions is NASA’s VIPER rover, which is heading to the lunar south pole. The Moon’s south pole is home to permanently shadowed regions, areas that never receive sunlight and are expected to contain substantial deposits of volatiles like water. The rover is designed to search for these volatiles, crossing into the shadowed regions to take samples. VIPER is solar powered, however, and so will only be able to briefly operate and explore those areas. Nevertheless, it is possible that it could confirm that there are sufficient quantities of ice to support mining operations, unlocking the potential for lunar development this decade. Not all of these missions will be successful. Even landing on the Moon is a technological challenge, as illustrated by the loss of Russia’s Luna 25 lander in 2023. Landing is the first major hurdle to securing lunar surface access. With so many commercial and national landing attempts in 2024, the success of even two or three would mark a major technological feat. Successful landings, and even lessons learned from failures, will prove that newcomer countries and private industry can reach the Moon. The culmination of so many missions this year represents the last five years of renewed focus on the Moon. Even with these high-profile missions, the most important developments for lunar development in 2024 are likely to be on Earth. After years of development, multiple launch vehicles capable of lunar delivery are expected to see their maiden flights. Astrobotic’s January mission will be launched on ULA’s Vulcan, Europe’s Ariane 6 is expected to fly mid-year, and Blue Origin’s New Glenn could even reach orbit. All three will expand lunar access. The most high-profile, however, is SpaceX’s Starship, which reached space in November 2023. An orbital launch attempt is almost certain in 2024. Starship is NASA’s human lander for Artemis III, so Starship’s success in 2024 will determine whether human landing is on track for the 2020s. Next year is also likely to see continued geopolitical progress. India joined the Artemis Accords in 2023, marking a major shift in lunar geopolitics and a success in U.S. diplomacy. More countries are likely to join either the Artemis Accords or the International Lunar Research Station in 2024. Ultimately, the next 12 months could signal that lunar exploration has irreversible momentum. If multiple landers are successful, 2024 will mark the beginning of the modern lunar era. Alex Gilbert is a fellow at the Payne Institute for Public Policy at the Colorado School of Mines and is a PhD student in its Space Resources programme. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 20, 2023

It's time for Muslims to protect children from marriage. - 360 Nur Rofiah Published on April 6, 2023 In Islam, clergymen interpret how marriage is done, sometimes allowing child brides. Clergywomen want substantive justice to stop the practice. In a country of religious people, religious interpretation is a double-edged sword. It can be a spiritual force to eradicate injustice, but is often misused to legitimise it. The same goes for religious interpretations related to child marriage in Indonesia. Mainstream Muslim permit it. The Indonesian Women Ulama Congress (KUPI) says there is anobligation to protect children from  dangerous marriages. It’s a growing problem. The numbers of underage girls entering into marriages in Indonesia has skyrocketed. The National Socio-Economic Survey(SUSENAS) in 2020showed that 8.19 per cent of Indonesian women married for the first time between the ages of 7-15. The legal age for marriage in Indonesia is 21. Girls can marry if a religious court grants a dispensation. In 2020, when COVID-19 hit, the number of marriage dispensations allowed by religious authorities almost trebled overnight. From 2016 to 2019, 60,679 marriage dispensations were granted, Religious Court of Indonesia data showed. Over the next three years that ballooned to 175,504. In 2020 alone, there were 63,382 — more than the previous four years combined. The numbers eased in 2022 but are still very high. Despite these figures, the regulation of marriage age in Indonesia is actually quite good. The law of 1974on marriage stipulates that the ideal age for marriage is 21 for both men and women. Males aged 19 could marry with parental permission. For girls that age was 16.  A law change in 2019 revised it so both males and females could not be married under 19 unless they received a dispensation from the Religious Court. Unfortunately, society has not caught up with the law. Women are still viewed as sexual objects and men’s reproductive machines. This view of women has led to the belief that women are a source of temptation that threaten men’s faith. Child marriage is believed to be a way to control children’s sexuality, as well as to prevent and overcome pregnancies outside of marriage, which are forbidden in Islam. Islam strongly prohibits sex outside of marriage. Marriage is the beginning of legal sexual relations and reproductive roles. The difference in male and female reproductive systems has significant impacts. For men, reproduction is a brief and pleasurable release. Women, however, experience menstruation for weeks, pregnancy for months, childbirth for hours or days, postpartum bleeding for weeks or months and breastfeeding for years. All of these come with painful impacts, especially for adult women, let alone underage girls. The social impacts are extreme. Married girls, especially those who become pregnant,  lose their playing time as a child, drop out of school, have low bargaining power in the job market and are vulnerable to becoming victims of trafficking. Male children can continue to play, continue their education, their bargaining power in the job market remains unchanged and they are not vulnerable to becoming victims of trafficking. Married girls are vulnerable to five forms of gender injustice at once: stigmatisation because they are seen as a source of temptation; marginalisation in the form of forced marriage and prohibition from continuing education when pregnant, especially due to adultery; subordination because they are seen only as sexual objects for men; violence in the form of domestic abuse or trafficking; and the added burden of divorce or being abandoned. The mindset that women are a source of temptation greatly influences Islamic thinking. Fatwas (a ruling on a point of Islamic law given by a recognised authority) produced from this kind of mindset follow a pattern. Actions by or involving women are measured by their correlation to their potential to cause temptation. If an action is seen as certain to cause temptation for men, it is considered haram (forbidden). If there is a possibility of causing temptation, then it is considered makruh (disliked). If it is certain that the action will not cause temptation, then it is allowed. Child marriage is believed to prevent temptation for men caused by women, so it is allowed. Female ulamas in Indonesia believe that Islam’s perspective on women sees them as complete human beings and full rulers. Both men and women are intellectual and spiritual beings and the ability to reason is a characteristic that distinguishes all humans from other creatures. They are both full rulers in the system of life because they are both khalifah (ruler) on earth, and thus responsible for realising and enjoying goodness, as well as preventing and protecting against evil. Neither men nor women should be regarded as secondary subjects or objects in the system of life. As complete human beings and full subjects, men are not the sole standard of humanity and justice for women. This means women’s unique bodily and social experiences are valid sources of knowledge. These two types of women’s experiences must be taken into consideration when formulating justice, whether in the form of state policies, social wisdom, or religious welfare. Women’s substantive justice, originally called ‘Hakiki Justice’ is justice that integrates women’s unique human experiences. It emphasises that an action is considered fair only if it does not exacerbate women’s unique bodily experiences or perpetrate any form of gender-based injustice against women. Since men do not experience these things, it is highly likely that they do not understand the pain of these unique bodily and social experiences. Due to this lack of understanding, these experiences are often ignored. Meanwhile, decision-making, whether in marriage, family, society and the state, in terms of politics, economy, culture, and religion, are still dominated by men. The knowledge system that integrates true women’s Hakiki justice sees men and women as complete human beings and full subjects in the system of life. This new mindset sends different patterns of fatwas. If an action is necessary to realise good or to prevent harm to men and/or women, then it is a must. If an action is possibly needed for this purpose, then it is recommended. If an action cannot be allowed for this purpose, then it is forbidden. The goodness of marriage in Islam is for both men and women. If a marriage has a negative impact on both parties, or only one of them, then it must be prevented. Even if the negative physical and social effects of child marriage only impact women due to their reproductive system, such a marriage must still be prevented. Protecting children from harmful marriages is therefore mandatory. The repositioning of men and women in the new knowledge system will give differences in interpreting mainstream religious texts on many other women’s issues. However, if the goal of the law is welfare for humankind, then the primary validity of an interpretation is certainly on its ability to materialise the welfare of both men and women. Nur Rofiah is a lecturer in The Institute for Quranic Science in Jakarta Indonesia She is also a national board member of LKK-NU, a sub-organisation of the largest Indonesian Muslim organisation called Nahdlatul Ulama. Dr. Rofiah is also a researcher and a facilitator on Islam and gender issues who has done some research on marriage and family issues that she shares with thousands of participants in her monthly webinar. She declares she has no conflict of interest and did not receive any specific funds.  Twitter @n_rofiah Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Child marriage” sent at: 03/04/2023 12:23. This is a corrected repeat.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 6, 2023

It's time to move beyond the welfare state to the wellbeing state - 360 Mark Fabian Published on June 7, 2023 Developed economies have largely tackled poverty, disease, ignorance, hygiene and idleness. It’s time for a new approach. There is a burgeoning sense among OECD policymakers that the 20th century policy paradigm — which emphasises material prosperity as an overarching goal — is played out. A democratic revival and a new social contract are needed, perhaps to a wellbeing state; an upgrade from the welfare state. The times suit such a revival, with nations struggling with populist backlashes against technocratic rule by elites. Unfortunately, the last forty years of (broadly desirable and effective) technocratic governance across the OECD, which have seen experts crafting large-scale policy reforms largely removed from the democratic oversight of those reforms, has left politicians ill equipped to prosecute this democratic revival. Current policies are played out because, simply put, countries in the Global North are rich. Beveridge’s welfare state sought to tackle the ‘five great evils’ of poverty, disease, ignorance, hygiene and idleness. Developed economies today are wealthy, healthy, educated, clean, and employed. Many people have it tough, but this is largely a matter of redistribution, not further growth. Awareness of this material abundance is mixed with an awareness of the unsustainable nature of our lifestyles and the need for a more environmentally-friendly political economy. To work out how to best integrate wellbeing initiatives into public policy, the question of what is wellbeing first needs to be settled. Scientists offer various answers depending on their discipline. Psychologists emphasise mental states like happiness and purpose in life, or the nourishment of basic psychological needs for autonomy, competence and relatedness. Development practitioners and forward-thinking economists focus on ‘capabilities’ — wellbeing means having a wider set of options from which to choose the life that is best suited to you. And philosophers emphasise a range of primary goods including pleasure, knowledge, virtue, enfranchisement and self-actualisation. At a high level, wellbeing is what makes a life go well. Defining wellbeing thus requires making a value judgement and this is the domain of democracy, not science. The transition to a wellbeing state is an opportunity to establish new values around which to organise society and policy. This must begin with politics, not science. But other than in the high-profile cases of Bhutan and New Zealand, most wellbeing public policy is presented by politicians as a dull change in public administration: tweaking outcome measures to be more cognisant of sustainability and mental health and putting a bit less emphasis on cost savings. This technocratic focus on high-level metrics and evaluation frameworks has merit. Twentieth-century statistics cannot capture 21st-century progress. But it can also be counterproductive. Public policy already serves a variety of goals beyond income and growth. Its ability to do so is often handicapped by the desire of central agencies, notably treasuries and finance ministries, to control policy according to a narrow set of metrics. Broadening these from income is welcome, but not if it just means bringing in more equally narrow indicators like life expectancy, years of schooling and household energy efficiency. Most public policy is highly contextual, especially service delivery. For example, health in a neighbourhood may be a concern of air pollution along a major road, access to evening exercise in an unsafe park and the personality of the local doctor. Life expectancy doesn’t inform you about any of these things. Context-sensitive policy reforms and bespoke measures and evaluation frameworks are needed. Citizens affected by policy can deliberate with practitioners who implement policy and technical experts who analyse it. This results in policy that is legitimate, implementable and rigorous. Designing metrics for policy rather than contorting policy to fit metrics is better suited to the complexity of policymaking. Most public policy is delivered by systems — for example health, defence and social security. These systems involve dozens of simultaneous, interlocking interventions that promote a wide variety of goals. Systems are different from how most academics conceptualise policy and its evaluation. Academics think in terms of discrete interventions like subsidising marriage counselling. The causal effect of these interventions can be identified experimentally using randomised-control trials (RCTs). And their effectiveness can be assessed using cost-benefit analysis (CBA). Some policies can be implemented this way but many of them are actively harmed by insisting on RCTs and CBA as analytic frameworks. For example, owing to a focus on employment as an outcome metric, social policies to address complex disadvantage in the UK have struggled to coordinate the range of services required to deal simultaneously with poverty, mental health, homelessness and substance use. Hence a narrow conceptualisation of ‘evidence-based policy’ using RCTs and CBA and of wellbeing public policy aiming for ‘life expectancy’ or whatever other high-level goal can be actively counterproductive to wellbeing. Public policy researchers have long noted that this sort of naivety about the reality of policymaking among academics impedes the translation of good science into good policy. The wellbeing state requires democracy and political leadership first and foremost. The role of the scientist in wellbeing public policy is to enhance the quality of deliberation over policy in this political project. Mark Fabian is assistant professor of public policy at the University of Warwick, affiliate fellow at Cambridge University’s Bennett Institute for Public Policy and adjunct fellow at the Institute for Social Change at the University of Tasmania. He declares no conflict of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 7, 2023

It’s time to stop worrying about Fukushima’s wastewater - 360 Nigel Marks Published on April 14, 2023 Releasing treated wastewater directly into the ocean from the Fukushima nuclear plant sounds dangerous, but going below the surface reveals the full story. Releasing 1.3 million tonnes of wastewater from the Fukushima nuclear plant into the Pacific Ocean might sound like a terrible idea. But scientific data and the world’s premier nuclear agency say the release will not hurt people, marine life or the environment. Most of the radioactivity in the water is from tritium, a type of hydrogen found in far higher quantities in the ocean. The rest of the radioactivity is so tiny that, even in the most extreme scenario, the radiation from eating fish amounts to that of a dental x-ray. The liquid waste at Fukushima would fill 500 Olympic swimming pools and is mostly regular water. A process called ALPS, or Advanced Liquid Processing System, removes problematic isotopes such as cesium-137, strontium-90 and iodine-129. Repeating the treatment cycle makes this radioactivity as small as needed. For technical reasons, ALPS cannot remove tritium or carbon-14. Both isotopes occur naturally, and so the question of safety boils down to how the Fukushima radioactivity compares to everyday life. Carbon-14 is found in all living things and is used in radiocarbon dating, but tritium is less familiar and has raised the greatest concern. Around 140g to 200g of tritium is produced in the upper atmosphere every year. The Pacific Ocean contains around 8400g of tritium, while the total amount of tritium at Fukushima is less than 3g. Japanese authorities plan to gradually release the water over a period of around 40 years. Each year, around 0.06g of tritium will be added to the ocean which will change tritium levels in the Pacific by less than 0.001 percent annually. A recent study by two government institutes in South Korea used computer models to predict how Fukushima tritium moves with ocean currents. They found tritium levels in Korean waters would rise by less than 6 parts per million, a change too small to detect. At the point of release, the water will be diluted with seawater to have a tritium concentration seven times better than the World Health Organization standard for drinking water. This dilution minimises potential impact on marine life near the discharge outlet. Decades of experience indicate that gram-levels of tritium are safe. Nuclear power plants around the world routinely release tritium every year without incident, and there are no reports of health or biological effects due to ocean or atmospheric tritium release. Locally, nuclear plants in South Korea and China release around twice as much tritium each year than is planned at Fukushima. Even so, both governments have criticised Japan. A 2021 study shows that eating a lifetime’s worth of Fukushima fish caught entirely within a few kilometres of the wastewater outlet amounts to 0.02 micro-sieverts of tritium radiation. This is less than a banana, which contains the equivalent of 0.1 micro-sieverts. The same study shows the lifetime effect of all other isotopes is 5 micro-sieverts, the same as a dental x-ray. In reality, fish will swim all over the place but it is comforting to know that, even in the most extreme case, the amount of radiation over 50 years equals one dental check-up. For fish 20km from the outlet, the lifetime dose falls by a factor of 100. This is effectively zero compared to natural background radiation, where typical exposure is between 1500 and 3500 per year. The study also considers marine life, looking at fish species, sedimentation, biological concentration and organic tritium. The story is the same as for people, with no impact. The maximum marine dose near the outlet is 7 micro-grays per year, more than 10,000 times smaller than the zero-effect benchmark of around 90,000 micro-grays per year. Despite the attention, tritium makes a small contribution to radioactivity in the ocean. Most ocean radioactivity is from other sources: 91 percent from potassium-40, 8.6 percent from rubidium-40, 0.3 percent from uranium. These naturally occurring elements have always been in the ocean and are older than Earth itself. Together, tritium and carbon-14 contribute just 0.08 percent of ocean radioactivity. For carbon-14, this amounts to 18 million grams already in the Pacific Ocean. The Fukushima water contains just one extra gram of carbon-14. This miniscule addition puts to rest the suggestion by Greenpeace that carbon-14 is a dangerous aspect of the Fukushima water. The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has examined the Fukushima wastewater plans and supports ocean release. The IAEA will perform its own measurements to ensure the water is safe. Additional cross-checking comes from the Japanese Nuclear Regulation Authority, which is independent of local authorities at Fukushima. It is understandable that some are concerned and seek reassurance. But the scientific case is strong when the full story is told. And once the water is released, much-needed space at the site will be freed up, allowing engineers to get on with vital remedial works. Nigel Marks is an Associate Professor at Curtin University. He has a PhD in Physics and previously worked in the Reactor Physics Division at the Australian Nuclear Science & Technology Organisation. He has extensive research experience in radiation damage of materials and the science of radioactive waste storage. This article has been republished ahead of Japan’s plan to release nuclear wastewater from August 24, 2023. It originally appeared on April 14, 2023. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Fukushima water” sent at: 12/07/2023 13:02. This is a corrected repeat.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 14, 2023

Jakarta acts to stop being the next Atlantis - 360 Firdaus Ali Published on May 17, 2023 Stopping Jakarta sinking cannot happen overnight, but the city is finally taking the action needed to stop groundwater extraction. Jakarta — the fastest-sinking city in the world — has finally taken action on its core land subsidence problem when groundwater free zones for highrise buildings will start to be established in August this year. If the government accelerates the provision of piped-water to all residents and enforces the ban on using groundwater, it is likely that will slow down the city’s sinking. But stopping Jakarta’s subsidence will take 20-30 years and Jakartans should wait at least 10-20 years to see any real results. Increasing the tariff for using the groundwater can control deep groundwater extraction, while encouraging building residents to use recycled water for flushing, gardening, ablutions, and other non-consumption activities. Jakarta’s land subsidence began in the 18th century when the Dutch cleared the area’s forests for plantations. This rush to clear the land degraded the soil, created erosion and resulting sediment issues in the  Ciliwung River. Over time, the accumulation of this sediment formed a delta that the city has been built on. This young soil is still undergoing natural compaction and compression. Jakarta’s growing population and massive urban development have put extra pressure on the soil, leading to compaction and land subsidence. Tectonic activity — which is common as Indonesia sits on the earthquake-prone Pacific Ring of Fire — can cause ground vibrations which lead to natural soil compaction. Jakarta has lost its hydraulic support in the soil. As a natural entity, soil has solid, liquid and gas phases. They are always in a dynamic equilibrium. Excessive groundwater extraction, particularly from deep aquifers (more than 60 metres below the surface), which is prevalent in Jakarta, results in massive pumping of both the water and air. This deep groundwater cannot be replenished immediately since the process is slow and can take up to 100 years. Meanwhile, the shallow groundwater can only be replenished during the rainy season. When the pores in the soil are left empty with loads pressing down from above, the land subsides. This phenomenon is not restricted to just Jakarta. Semarang (Indonesia), Bangkok (Thailand), Yokohama (Japan) and Mexico City all share this problem. However, if the city is on the coast,  a new problem arises. Global warming also causes the sea level to rise, averaging around 5-6 mm/year. This poses a threat to Jakarta’s coastal areas, where the land subsidence rate is around 11-12 cm/year. This makes the control of groundwater extraction crucial. The inability of Jakarta’s city-owned water company to supply piped-water from the surface water to residents has resulted in massive groundwater extraction. Piped-water coverage is limited, reaching only 48 percent. In reality, this number is even smaller, as there are households that do not receive continuous clean water supply. The quality of piped water in office buildings is poor and considered relatively expensive, causing many to secretly and illegally extract deep groundwater. The problems facing Indonesia’s capital city are immense. They’re bad enough that the government has decided to move the seat of government to a purpose-built city 1300km away in Kalimantan. In the meantime, Jakarta is taking the right steps, by attempting to control groundwater extraction — though more will need to be done to save the city from the worst effects of sinking and rising sea levels. Major engineering projects such as a giant seawall and coastal embankment will be needed to deal with the increased flood risk over the coming decades. The development of coastal embankment, which has been in planning since 2014, needs to be continued to enhance the protection of Jakarta’s 30 km coastline. This embankment can  prevent tidal floods in the northern part of Jakarta, while the giant seawall will act as a barrier not directly adjacent to the coast. The concept of a giant sea wall is still being developed by the government, with the hope that it can be a part of Jakarta’s current adaptation strategy. Firdaus Ali is a researcher and lecturer in the Environmental Engineering Study Program, Civil Engineering Department, Faculty of Engineering Universitas Indonesia. He is appointed as the Vice President of Asia Water Council since 2016, and Water Resources Management Senior Advisor for Indonesia Minister of Public Works and Housing since 2015. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Sinking Cities” sent at: 15/05/2023 09:02. This is a corrected repeat. Minor fix to map embed to facilitate sharing.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 17, 2023

Jakarta’s floods are devastating — they don’t have to be - 360 Dwita Sutjiningsih Published on October 10, 2022 Jakarta’s severe flooding is happening more often and with more intensity. A new approach might hold the key to moving forward. Flood control solutions are expensive, but the cost of inaction is far greater. Jakarta has faced large-scale severe flooding repeatedly over the past three decades, most recently in 2020. The 2007 floods were the worst to date, with inundation in some parts of the capital reaching five metres. Dozens died, thousands were displaced, and the city was paralysed for days, suffering a damage bill that reached an estimated 5.2 trillion IDR or US$400 million. And the rate of flooding is occurring more frequently, in Jakarta and elsewhere. Jakarta’s flood warning system makes use of water level monitoring observed by  Automatic Water Level Recorder (AWLR) at 21 locations. Based on the reading, one of four flood alert statuses will be stated, ranging from “normal” to “dangerous”. The system is quite effective at regulating the distribution of flood discharge according to the planned discharge on each segment of the macro system. But flood inundation still happens. Ordinary natural events can turn into disasters. Without adopting localised, specific solutions tailored to the area, the damage won’t relent. Tailored flood control solutions in Jakarta have been on the cards since 1973, originally planned for completion in 1985. The completion of Eastern Floodway was delayed almost by a quarter of a century as the government baulked at the enormous, ongoing budgetary support the project demanded. This was as high as five trillion rupiah or US$3.2 billion including the land acquisition. The solution, from Netherlands Engineering Consultants (NEDECO), was a sophisticated combination response to flooding that consisted of a macro-system divert of upstream flood water directly into the Java Sea (floodway), and a micro-drainage system of Jakarta, protected by the floodway. The draining system would consist of a gravity system and a polder system. The gravity system is designed for the area where the rainfall excess flows by gravity force into the drainage channel, while the polder system which consists of drainage channel, retention basin and pumphouse. All are specifically designed to account for Jakarta’s terrain, where elevation is lower than the mean sea level. Jakarta has developed into a megapolitan city with a population of around 12 million, from a population in the 1940s of just 540,000 residents. There is less than ten percent of green open space left, the rest is built-up and impervious. The water bodies that were originally swamps turned into areas which were ordained with various names starting with “Rawa” (swamp), for example Rawamangun, Rawasari, Rawabelong, Rawabuaya, and many more. Sites of runoff storage have been converted into residential blocks and industrial areas. The drainage system is not properly designed and implemented. They are subject to inundation due to local rainfall and worsen when combined with overflows from the river due to flooding from upstream or high tides which hamper the flow to the sea. In some locations, this is exacerbated by the occurrence of land subsidence due to uncontrolled groundwater extraction. Flood overflows from rivers generally happen because of silting and narrowing of river channels, which is caused by illegal settlements encamping along the riverbank. These factors all feed into a greatly reduced capacity for Jakarta’s infrastructure to respond when flood-like conditions arise, such as the 2007 flood disaster. That disaster saw an alignment of conditions — days of rainfall in the upper Ciliwung sending flooding to Jakarta, overflows, and high tides in the Java-sea that hindered the flow of water to the sea. In 2020, extreme rain — between 335mm and 377m of rainfall in one day — was the driving force. In the NEDECO document, daily rainfall of 210mm is projected to be exceeded once in 100 years. And, at the time, the micro-drainage and polder systems had not been fully completed, preventing the flood control solution functioning optimally. The conventional approach to flood control is to back in hard structures, such as the solutions offered by NEDECO (floodway, drainage channels, polder systems), also known as grey infrastructure. This view assumes that the issue can be managed if the cause of the inundation can be identified. But solely embracing grey infrastructure cannot completely solve a problem as multi-dimensional as flood disasters. Nature-based solutions — a combination of blue and green infrastructure — could be integrated alongside grey infrastructure to complement or enhance flood control measures. It cannot replace grey infrastructure. Nature-based solutions utilise water elements, such as retention/detention basins and wetlands, and green elements, like parks, urban forest and green roofs, to build strong environmental resilience against extreme weather. Non-structural changes have already been made to better protect Jakarta — laws and regulations that regulate matters such as water utilisation, conservation and management of water-related disasters. However, enforcement of the rules is still very weak. Standing in the way of successful reform is Indonesia’s rigid, sectoral system of state administration: it is difficult for authorities to access the budget to empower them to adequately focus on solving region-specific issues such as floods. For example, the Ciliwung-Cisadane River Basin Authority is tasked with managing water resources — including program preparation, implementation of construction, operation and maintenance in the context of conservation and utilisation of water resources. The authority also oversees the control of water in all kinds of bodies — rivers, coastal, reservoirs, urban drainage and more. The Authority also has jurisdiction over 13 trans-provincial rivers. But there are many other parties with a say in Jakarta’s flood problems. Local governments manage drainage micro-systems across the capital, which is not always aligned in the realisation of the required infrastructure development budget. The Watershed Forum, an independent group who works with local politicians to coordinate regulation of watersheds, also wants input. But overarching, unified collaboration between all the major players has yet to happen. The Basin Authority and local Greater Jakarta government struggle to work within the infrastructure development budget, while the Forum doesn’t hold much power as a volunteer-based organisation that is often more concerned with smaller scale acts (planting trees, cleaning up rubbish in rivers etc.). Unity would help mobilise action on Jakarta’s flood problem, but so too would increase spending and urgency on infrastructure. The issue is multi-faceted and, after decades of lethargy and inaction, time is running short to prevent another disaster in the vein of 2007. The solutions are, it seems, out there — it is now just a matter of implementing them in time to prevent more unnecessary tragedy. Dwita Sutjiningsih is Professor in the Civil Engineering Department at Universitas Indonesia, and teaches Water Resources Management, Stormwater Management, Engineering Hydrology, Ecohydrology and Watershed Health Audit. Her research interests are mainly on Ecohydrology and Watershed Health Audit. She declares no conflict of interest and is not receiving specific funding in any form. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on October 10, 2022

Video: Why do conspiracy theories take hold? - 360 Siva Vaidyanathan University of Virginia Published on January 10, 2024 Through the lens of QAnon and the January 6 United States Capitol attack, Professor Siva Vaidyanathan explains the attraction of conspiracy theories.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on January 10, 2024

Japan throws good money after bad - 360 Makoto Nishibe Published on December 21, 2021 By Makoto Nishibe, Senshu University and Adrian Black, 360info Japan, a stalwart of cash society, is shifting to digital as the pandemic pushes payments into a new paradigm. Cash is still king. But since 2011, the cashless payment ratio has more than doubled, and in 2020 cashless payments accounted for 29.7 percent of consumption spending in Japan. Several private, QR-code-based payment systems have been operating since 2018, and are now in fierce competition as consumers tap into their smartphones to transact contactlessly. The current leading system, PayPay, had roughly 25 million users as of February 2020. This trend is intersecting with community currencies — currencies issued at a local level to encourage growth and development — to reduce both the COVID infection rate and the outflow of currency from communities. Japan has a mature ecosystem for community currencies, having experimented with them since 1973. The Volunteer Labor Bank’s purpose was to support women volunteering in childcare and healthcare, and would offer one point (about 400 yen) to volunteers per hour of service. A decade later the scheme was replicated in other parts of the country, with varying levels of success. Gresham’s Law — that “bad money drives out good (money)” — explained the public tendency to hoard legally undervalued coins, whilst circulating legally overvalued currency. Gresham, an English merchant and financier living in the 1500s, was exploring the debasement of minted coins. But the concept of “good money” is increasingly applied to modern digital currencies such as cryptocurrencies. Hayek, an economist writing four centuries after Gresham, argued a currency could become “good money” when multiple currencies of different quality mutually compete, and offer a choice to consumers. In this case, he argued, “good money drives out bad”. Today,digital community currencies such as Sarubobo Coin in Hida Takayama City and Aqua Coin in Kisarazu City, are spreading in local communities and aiming to become “good money”. To encourage their use, employees of local government, local institutions and chambers of commerce receive those coins as part of their monthly payment packages. Whether they will be able to create a local virtual local currency market in the local community and achieve regional development is another question. If the circulation of these currencies can spread from the consumer goods market to include production goods, investment goods and labour, then these digital currencies will be on their way to becoming ‘good money’ in their communities. Both Sarubobo Coin and Aqua Coin are pegged to the Yen, offering a stability not enjoyed by many other digital currencies such as cryptocurrencies. However the principle of choice in currency does not apply while currencies are monopolised by the state and legal tender is dominant. The “one nation, one money” institution of modern money still prevails. For choice in currency to apply, the currencies must have different denominations of measure, and their exchange rates mustn’t be fixed entirely. The question is, is it a good time to be pegged to a native currency? For digital community currencies with relatively low circulation, the answer is almost certainly yes. However central bank balance sheets across the world have rapidly expanded as countries grapple to support their economies in response to the COVID crisis. The Bank of Japan, under its Abenomics policy, continued quantitative easing (QE), or an unlimited supply of cash currency with negative interest rates, in an attempt to achieve an inflation target of 2 percent. Japan has seen two prime ministers since Shinzo Abe, but its approach to monetary policy has remained largely unchanged. The weaker Yen improved the performance of exporting companies and boosted stock prices. However, inflation has not occurred as expected because banks have not increased their lending to supply deposit money to the market, because of the risks of lending in a slow economy. The government’s inflation targeting policy aims to improve the economy by raising nominal prices through an increase in money stock despite the lack of favourable investment opportunities. Elsewhere, fears of above-target inflation fuelled by pandemic-related supply chain shocks have caused markets to slide, as fears of the Omicron variant are priced in and uncertainty reigns. Will this cause native currencies to “drive out” digital community currencies? Or will the need to support local communities catalyse a revolution in community currency uptake? Time will tell whether Gresham’s or Hayek’s law will apply. Makoto Nishibe is a Professor of Economics at Senshu University. He declared no conflicts of interest in relation to this article. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 21, 2021

Jokowi anointed his son and social media reacted as you'd expect - 360 Ika Idris, Derry Wijaya, Prasetya Anugerah Pratama, Musa Wijanarko Published on February 14, 2024 Every election social media is ablaze with polarising content. This year it’s President Joko Widodo who’s stoked the flames. Indonesia’s last two national elections were marked by name-calling wars on social media between supporters of President Joko Widodo and his main rival, Prabowo Subianto. Jokowi’s supporters were mocked as cebong, a shortening of kecebong, or tadpole. His supporters, meanwhile, ridiculed Prabowo supporters as kampret, a small bat. Both monikers derided the other side’s supposedly inferior IQ. Things have been different in the lead up to the 2024 election on February 14. With Jokowi unable to run, he and Prabowo have joined forces, meaning most of the polarising comments have focused on Jokowi’s efforts to perpetuate power by inserting his son Gibran as Prabowo’s vice-presidential running mate. While his supporters believe Jokowi has acted neutrally and fairly in welcoming the election and by continuing to carry out his work agenda, there has been disappointment and anger directed his way by those who see the Gibran nomination as illegal and unconstitutional, with phrases such as “legally impaired” “morally impaired” or “ethically impaired” commonly used. In our project to monitor hate speech and online polarisation, we sampled and analysed around 42,000 posts between September and December 2023 from X, Facebook, Instagram and articles from a fact-checking collaboration website using keywords selected to capture toxicity and identity. The anger towards Jokowi can be considered a natural response to his efforts to cling to power, firstly by postponing the general election, then extending the presidential term of office from two terms to three, the merging of Prabowo (Subianto)’s supporter base with his own under the name “Projok”, and, finally, naming Gibran as a vice-presidential candidate to fill the executive seat that Jokowi would vacate. The polarisation between Jokowi supporters and anti-Jokowi supporters has often created violent clashes of opinion and tension in cyberspace. Positive messages of government achievements are countered by condemnation and criticism of policies considered controversial. The most controversial being the decision of the Constitutional Court which was chaired by Jokowi’s brother-in-law, Anwar Usman, to allow Gibran to stand as Prabowo’s running mate. After that decision, the hashtag #MahkamahKeluarga or “Family Court” as a pun to mock Mahkamah Konstitusi or Constitutional Court, began to appear frequently. Another was #Kamimuak or “we’re fed up” which was expressed as a response to netizens’ anger at Jokowi’s family political manoeuvres. The dynamics of modern politics, which make social media a battleground for opinions and political beliefs, are complicated by influencers who, voluntarily or under contract, have had their say about Jokowi’s actions. The involvement of influencers at the inaugural event of the Main House of the Magelang Military Academy on February 2 strengthened the separation of the pro and anti Jokowi camps. This event incited a social media spat because Jokowi and Prabowo used government events and facilities for the inauguration, and most of the influencers’ posts only mentioned Jokowi’s and Prabowo’s “humility” and “great leadership”. Based on our observations after the 2019 election, there is a misconception about online polarisation because mainstream media focuses only on social network analysis of X (formerly Twitter) data that showed two big clusters of conversations. But while X conversation on political issues was polarised, it does not necessarily mean society itself was polarised. The heavy reliance on Twitter social network analysis in the public discussion aligned with the Indonesian government’s goal of controlling the narrative of unified Indonesia and obsession to internalise the state ideology of Pancasila. As a result, the government’s cultural policy on Pancasila, based on its own definition and interpretation of Pancasila, must be followed by citizens. Under this policy, even a different fashion style, such as wearing a long hijab for women or growing a beard for Muslim men, is potentially labelled as radical. During each election cycle, there is a consistent rise in hate speech directed at minority groups, often fueled by misinformation and disinformation. This surge in negativity can contribute to the deepening of polarisation, increased discrimination, and the potential persecution of vulnerable communities, including religious and gender minorities. One way to counter this would be for media to collaborate with universities in devising a monitoring framework to systematically analyse and present data on a dedicated platform. The findings from this monitoring effort could then serve as a roadmap for the media to generate journalistic content that champions diversity and advocates for the rights of minority groups. This data could help prevent the inadvertent amplification of narratives that perpetuate stigma and discrimination, particularly those propagated by certain political factions. By using the insights gleaned from monitoring, mass media outlets could identify trends in hate speech usage and refrain from amplifying messages that reinforce negative stereotypes against minority groups. This monitoring approach could become a valuable resource not only for the media but also for election monitoring bodies, the press council, social media platforms, and minority rights defenders. In that way, these entities could proactively anticipate and address hate speech, mitigating its impact on social polarisation. is associate professor at the Public Policy & Management program, Monash University Indonesia. She co-authored “Misguided Democracy in Southeast Asia: Digital Propaganda in Malaysia and Indonesia”. is associate professor at the Data Science Program, Monash University Indonesia. She is the co-director of Monash Data & Democracy Research Hub. is a researcher at Monash Data & Democracy Research Hub. is a data scientist at Monash Data & Democracy Research Hub. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 14, 2024

Journalism's hostage relationship with Twitter - 360 Ruchira Sen Published on May 3, 2022 Journalists are some of the most active users of Twitter. But steps to make it a platform for unregulated speech threatens to turn a tool into a tribulation. “Twitter is an extension of journalists’ offices”, says International Federation of Journalists General Secretary Anthony Bellanger. The group that represents 600,000 journalists in 146 countries wants to see Twitter continue to be “duly moderated” following the company’s acquisition by tech billionaire and free speech “absolutist” Elon Musk. “We are concerned that Elon Musk’s plans for Twitter are going the wrong direction by exacerbating opportunities to attack journalists and threatening the anonymity of users,” Bellanger said. As Musk takes Twitter private, the digital siege on journalists continues. At one level, almost all of us are under siege from the world of data capitalism. Social media users have signed away the rights to their data and it is bought and sold as a commodity to manipulate user behaviour. Gmail, for instance, used by a sixth of the world’s population, allows third-party developers to access personal email information subject to certain criteria. Reading private email is only the tip of the iceberg. Google stores map requests, YouTube search results and general search results, all of which are leased to the advertising industry. The Snowden leaks and the Cambridge Analytica scandal showed the world how both governments and the corporate sector can manipulate social media data for ill-gotten gain. But journalists remain embedded in Twitter, encouraged to post their stories on it and use it for newsgathering. In 2014, the New York Times urged journalists to break the separation between the ‘newsroom’ and the ‘business side’ and to cultivate followers on social media. Some of the most active Twitter accounts belong to journalists. University of Texas at Austin professor, Dominic Lasorsa, along with Seth Lewis and Avery Holton studied 22,000 tweets by journalists. They found that journalists offer opinion more freely on social media than in traditional media. However, they are also more accountable and transparent about how they conduct their work than amateur newsgatherers. It is no wonder that the International Federation of Journalists would worry about the deregulation of Twitter and other social media platforms. If Elon Musk takes Twitter private, it can escape regulation from its board and the public. Twitter policy currently disallows political advertising, wishes of harm, and any content that sexualises an individual without consent. Moreover, Twitter prohibits content that denies mass casualty events such as the Holocaust or school shootings. With Musk taking Twitter private, such policies may be rolled back. Already, Twitter is a troubling place for many journalists. Independent Indian journalist Rana Ayyub recently filed a First Information Report (FIR) complaining against 26,000 abusive tweets on her Twitter handle and other social media profiles. Freelance journalist Neha Dixit has long faced online and offline harassment. In 2021 a stalker identified her exact physical location through phone calls and threatened her with rape, acid attack and death. According to a report by the Center of Media Engagement at the University of Texas at Austin, female journalists in India, UK and the US felt strong pressure to engage online and withstand the constant harassment that often spilled over into their offline lives. Complete anonymity is often not an option for journalists online and hard for anyone to maintain. Forced to live under digital siege, journalists use a combination of tools to protect their sources with secure and encrypted messaging and virtual private networks. Many keep separate devices for work and home, some maintain one social media account for their work and another for their private life. Digital safety lessons should be on the agenda for all journalism schools and newsrooms. More recently there has become a need to extend this to digital law lessons as new bills sold to voters on the basis of national security also have the effect of eroding journalists’ privacy. Dr Ruchira Sen is Assistant Professor and Assistant Dean (Admissions and Outreach) in the School of Journalism and COmmunication at O.P Jindal University. The author declared no conflicts of interest in relation to the article. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 3, 2022

Journalists step in where platforms have no answers - 360 Eleonora Mazzoli Published on February 14, 2022 Google and Facebook are hoping to improve their news algorithms to provide a more balanced view. Media industry initiatives could have the solution they need. By Eleonora Maria Mazzoli, London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) All your news is curated by unseen hands. Content moderation and content curation measures are two sides of the same coin, and they sit at the heart of digital intermediary services. Soft behavioural nudges behind those measures can channel Google Search and Facebook audience choices in one direction or the other, through processes that law expert Karen Yeung describes as “subtle, unobtrusive yet extraordinarily powerful”. Questions about which content the public should see have always been part of media and communication discussions. Newsrooms and parliaments alike echo with debates about free speech and what content is in the ‘public interest’. And while governments mull how to intervene with the digital giants to preserve democratic institutions and provide diverse, trustworthy news to the public, the media industry is attempting to address the problem from within. News organisations around the world are advancing principles and criteria that could define who “public interest news providers” are. One of the leading examples is the Journalism Trust Initiative (JTI) in Europe. It started as a collaborative standard setting process, according to the guidelines of the European Committee for Standardisation (CEN), led by Reporters Without Borders, and supported by the European Broadcasting Union (EBU), Agence France Presse (AFP), and more than 120 experts and entities. In 2019, it published a reference document, establishing technical standards and professional norms for journalists and media outlets. These standards introduce a number of clauses, such as transparency requirements over ownership, funding, editorial mission, and data collection practices, but also accountability requirements aimed at fostering higher levels of professional norms, accuracy and both internal and external accountability systems for those media outlets that apply for the JTI certification. These standards could enable trustworthy and public interest journalism to thrive in the digital era. As the implementation phase proceeds, JTI is also calling for these standards to be factored into the algorithms of search engines and social media platforms, in order to surface, recommend, and make more prominent “reliable and trustworthy sources of information online for the benefits of societies and democracy”. Such measures could be applied through either self-regulatory instruments, a code of practice, or more stringent co-regulatory frameworks. To ensure the JTI’s standards are implemented through fair and accountable frameworks, the self-assessment and accreditation processes have to to be independent and auditable. This is especially the case if governments were to support its implementation through complementary co-regulatory interventions, as transparent and procedurally fair processes for reviewing the criteria for ‘public interest’ journalism will be crucial. While prominence algorithms have potential to promote trusted news sources, they can likewise be exploited for soft forms of censorship or propaganda, having implications for democracy and human rights. These standards also need to find broad support and consensus among journalists and media outlets, which could be a challenge. In certain countries there are existing independent regulators for the press with their own industry standards, to which not all press and news providers have signed up to (such as IPSO and IMPRESS in the UK). And with the rising concerns around misinformation online, other networks are also striving to develop principles and guidelines for ‘trusted’ or ‘public interest’ journalism, such as News Guard and its ‘trust ratings’, the Trust Project with its ‘trust indicators’, or the Credibility Coalition and its guidelines to promote online information quality. As highlighted by the European Digital Media Observatory, using indicators as the single means for determining trustworthiness of content sources may create a media environment in which “established players gain further competitive advantage, while new players face unprecedented barriers to entry,” leading to problems for media pluralism and distortion in the media market. The benefits and consequences would have to be assessed, reflecting on the voluntary nature of both technical standards and other emerging indicators, and the need for transparency about the indicators’ methodology so that users can be aware of their limits. Following growing public pressure, services like Google Search and Facebook have been improving the transparency of their algorithms. However, as highlighted by the 2020 Ranking Digital Rights Accountability Index, they still have a long way to go. When it comes to prioritisation of content on these services, as argued by the 2020 study of the Council of Europe, these companies are increasingly mixing their usual commercial criteria with some vague public interest considerations. For instance, in Google’s search ranking guidelines, among criteria such as meaning of the query, relevance, recency, and context, its algorithms also take into account the “quality of content” and “expertise, authoritativeness and trustworthiness”. Whether a news source is deemed to be trustworthy or authoritative, and therefore is granted a higher ranking, seems to be determined on several factors, one being whether “other prominent websites link or refer to the content”. However, it is unclear what other factors are considered and how they are weighed in the final recommender system. Industry standards do not seem to be one of the differentiating criteria. Facebook provides some general information on how the company curates and ranks “newsworthy content”. The company says its choices are based on “a balancing test that weighs the public interest against the risk of harm”. They mention that the tests and related judgments are based on “international human rights standards”, but which standards and what types of human rights risks are not clear. These measures show that search engines and social media companies are willing to reduce misinformation also through measures that support public interest news providers. But there is an overall lack of coordination. Industry standards shared across the world, or at least benchmarked best practices, are likely to help guide the digital giants. Meanwhile, in both Google Search and Facebook’s cases, there are no independent evaluations of how these criteria feed into their content prioritisation measures, how they are weighed against other criteria that value popularity, relevance, or user engagement, and what impacts they have on users’ access and consumption of news. Increased transparency of these factors would promote real change. Ultimately though, the core purpose of digital intermediaries like these is to moderate, curate, select, and filter what content can be found on their services. It remains to be seen whether they would embrace signing up to non-discrimination and public interest principles. Industry and policy practices could benefit from a more coordinated approach. If society is hoping to future-proof regulatory proposals that can also be scaled up at European and international level, then it needs to expand its scope, as ultimately, we are dealing with shared issues of flawed platform governance systems. Good practice principles for prominence algorithms could include industry technical standards like JTI, but also leverage on existing Council of Europe’s recommendations relating to freedom of expression and information, media freedom and media pluralism. It is a question at the intersection of freedom of expression, media freedom and media pluralism that demands our attention. Eleonora Maria Mazzoli is an ESRC-funded researcher at the LSE Media and Communications Department. Alongside her current academic work in the area of content curation and platform governance, she also acts as external expert and policy advisor, consulting on media and digital policy challenges to European institutions, media industry organisations, and civil society groups. Prior to this, she worked for the Legal and Policy Department of the European Broadcasting Union, and RAI, the Italian public service broadcaster. Ms Mazzoli declared no conflicts of interest in relation to this article. Ms Mazzoli’s ongoing PhD research project is funded by the UK Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) through the Doctoral Training Partnership (DTP) Scholarship n° 2098308. This article was first published on February 14, 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 14, 2022

Justice a distant dream for acid attack survivors - 360 Sebanti Chatterjee Published on December 5, 2023 Despite various legal provisions to address, acid attack as a form of gender violence does not get the importance it deserves. Rima, 38, (name changed) has suffered repeated episodes of domestic violence after marriage, owing to her inability to pay dowry. In 2000, she chanced upon her widowed mother-in-law with another man. Humiliated, her mother-in-law and Rima’s husband forced her to drink acid. Rima lost her speech and has difficulty chewing or swallowing even now. Her condition calls for constant medical attention but medicines are expensive. Her mother, who earns a subsistence income cooking food at a nearby temple, barely manages to keep up. More than 20 years later, Rima has not yet received disability compensation, despite her attack-related deformity being covered under the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act 2016. Meanwhile, the perpetrator has been released from prison and is remarried with a son. Rima’s story is, unfortunately, not uncommon. According to the National Crime Records Bureau, there were 83 acid attacks across India in 2011. This rose to 249 in 2019, but fell to 176 in 2021. West Bengal and Uttar Pradesh record the highest numbers of acid attacks every year. These attacks irreversibly impact survivors and their caregivers. Survivors often find themselves unable to work and bear the lifelong burden of social stigma. They are maimed: their ears, nostrils, eyes, lips, neck, head, back are often irreparably damaged, while internal organs can also be affected. Simple tasks like eating and drinking often become burdensome. Sustaining physical activities for long periods can also be difficult. Acid attacks can occur in private or public. These attacks are often rooted in ‘jilted lover’ syndrome or as a manifestation of continued domestic violence. Few cases offer a different narrative: one woman was attacked to teach her father a lesson about property disputes. Ultimately, acid attack is yet another demonstration of patriarchy’s brutishness. In February 2013, India’s Supreme Court took decisive steps to tackle this issue. An acid attack now attracts 10 years imprisonment. The Court also asked state governments to draw up a victim compensation scheme amounting to a minimum of INR 3 lakh (USD$3600). Subsequently, as part of the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act 2013, Sections 326(A) and 326(B) were inserted in the Indian Penal Code to impose more stringent punishments for this crime. The NALSA scheme 2016 had formulated additional benefits for acid attack survivors. Additionally, the Prevention of Acid Attacks and Rehabilitation of Acid Attack Victims Bill 2017 more tightly regulated the sale, supply and use of acid, requiring shopkeepers to maintain a record of a buyer’s identity, quantity of acid purchased and the buyer’s stated purpose. These changes follow a landmark compensation package for acid attack survivors ordered by the Delhi High Court in 2006. My (unpublished) research in 2021 with acid attack survivors (including Rima), lawyers, police and other stakeholders in West Bengal — as part of a collaboration between National Human Rights Commission and National Law School of India University, Bangalore — found that despite these various legal advances, acid attack as a form of violence is not prioritised as an issue needing immediate attention, unlike rape and child trafficking. This is largely because acid attacks mainly occur around the fringes of cities in West Bengal and affect poorer people. These attacks are also associated with shame. Survivors may be left to feel they “brought it on themselves”, especially when the attacks involve spurned lovers. My research found some police are willing to work with other stakeholders, such as lawyers and the Women’s Commission, to respond to acid attack violence. Some officers voiced the need for more stringent laws and pointed out the general apathy and stigma around acid attacks in Indian society. Yet when it comes to threatening situations indicated by women before they face an attack, police aren’t prompt with action, as one survivor recounted. Shopkeepers interviewed said that although the state government has started issuing licenses for obtaining acid and requiring buyers to be over 18, bathroom cleaning agents could still be used to maim victims. In addition, there are insufficient restrictions around the sale of sulphuric acid. There are also practical difficulties in bringing acid attack cases to trial. The District Legal Services Authority and State Legal Service Authority are usually responsible for ensuring free trials for acid attack survivors (although many survivors seek help from NGOs or pro bono lawyers). These state services pursue acid attack cases for a limited period of time. Many cases end abruptly as the victims stop engaging, struggling to juggle multiple medical procedures with attending court. Bureaucratic apathy adds to the problem. There is no priority assigned to case numbers. Acid violence is just one of the many case files stacked on government legal officers’ desks. There are several ways in which acid attacks could be better curbed. In West Bengal, survivors I interviewed were looking for more than compensation for the initial surgery; they needed compensation to cover ongoing medical assistance and care. They voiced their need for rehabilitation opportunities through employment or skill-building. Many wanted to contribute to their children’s wellbeing. While stigma and psycho-social trauma lives on after acid attacks, what helps is for survivors to not feel like a burden. Survivors also cannot access compensation if they fall short of the 50 percent burns threshold required to obtain a disability certificate. Under Indian law, that certificate allows a monthly compensation of INR 1000 (USD$12). Indian law needs clearer definitions regarding punishment, degree of regulation of acid sales, and concrete visions for rehabilitation programs. The compensation amount could be increased, especially to provide for follow-up procedures and medical access on an ongoing basis. Some lessons might be learned from Bangladesh, which was once known for high numbers of acid attacks, but has more recently emerged as a best practice model. Bangladesh’s Acid Control Act of 2002 regulates the sale and distribution of acid more tightly than India, provides more generous compensation to victims and makes the death penalty the maximum punishment for acid attack perpetrators. Although economic inequality and socio-cultural attitudes sometimes overpower legal protection, Bangladesh has engaged national and international organisations in a meaningful dialogue, including through delivering some healthcare models with a feminist standpoint. Organisations that specifically support acid attack survivors could also be further funded and supported. Currently, Acid Survivors Trust International, which supports the development of six partner organisations in Bangladesh, Cambodia, Pakistan, Nepal, Uganda and India, is the only organisation whose sole purpose is to work towards ending acid violence across the world. Acid Survivors and Women Welfare Foundation, founded in 2010 and Socio Legal Information Centre, West Bengal Unit, set up in 2000, have been crucial in aiding the rehabilitation of acid attack survivors in West Bengal. They provide access to jobs for survivors and two among them found jobs in the respective organisations. One runs an informal support group for acid attack survivors called CHITKAR. However, these groups are a rarity. One survivor suggested the government set up an association of survivors where they each find something to do depending on the degree of physical damage. They could collectively earn money. Steps could also be taken to counter the apathy that looms large because this form of violence is mostly located in outer neighbourhoods rather than the central city. The police could be sensitised to the psychosocial concerns of people from lower socio-economic status. Family disputes should not be treated as normal but addressed with efficiency and care to prevent the escalation of domestic abuse, including acid abuse. Finally, society could de-stigmatise acid attacks, which should be treated like other heinous forms of gender-based violence that invite prompt reactions. Sebanti Chatterjee is Assistant Professor, Liberal Arts at SRM University, Andhra Pradesh. She is a cultural anthropologist with an interest in gender studies, sound studies and religious studies. Occasionally, she dabbles with children’s literature and storytelling. This research was part of a collaboration between National Human Rights Commissions and National Law School of India University (NLSIU), Bangalore. Correction: This article has been updated to reflect the correct year for Rima’s acid attack. The attack was in 2000, not 2019. It was 21 years, not four years, that Rima had not received her disability compensation. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Gender violence” sent at: 05/12/2023 15:39. This is a corrected repeat.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 5, 2023

Keeping everyone in the tent: the Pacific Islands Forum remains whole - 360 Tess Newton Cain Published on July 11, 2022 A last-minute agreement has avoided rupture in the Pacific Islands Forum. As the agreement was negotiated, regional strengths and vulnerabilities were revealed. It went down to the wire, but it looks as if the threatened break-up of the Pacific Islands Forum has been averted. Subject to final approval when the forum leaders meet in Fiji next week, an agreement has been brokered that everyone can accept. This means the ‘Micronesian Five’ (Federated States of Micronesia, Kiribati, Nauru, Palau and the Republic of the Marshall Islands) will remain members of the region’s apex political organisation. These countries had previously activated (and then paused) procedures to give up their forum membership. This was in response to a February 2021 vote in which the position of secretary-general was given to Henry Puna of Cook Islands in preference to Ambassador Gerald Zackios of Marshall Islands. Ambassador Zackios had been put forward as the Micronesian candidate on the basis that it was Micronesia’s ‘turn’ to hold the senior leadership position at the forum’s secretariat, in Suva. This in turn stemmed from an informal agreement that was made in 2013 when Micronesia agreed to support Dame Meg Taylor as secretary-general in preference to a Micronesian candidate. Zackios had been identified by Marshall Islands well in advance of the vote in February of last year. Negotiated by a subgroup of the regional leadership who met in person in Suva in early June, the agreement has several aspects. Mr Puna will step down as secretary-general in 2024. He will be succeeded by a Micronesian, who will serve a five-year term. Going forward, the secretary-general position will rotate between the three subgroups of the region – Melanesia, Micronesia and Polynesia. In addition, there will be three deputy secretary-generals in the forum’s secretariat, one from each of the Pacific subregions. There will also be a sub-office of the secretariat in the northern part of the region. The President of Federated States of Micronesia, David Panuelo, said the agreement meant a “big dark cloud” had been lifted from the region. More recently, President Lionel Aingimea of Nauru welcomed this breakthrough that looks to have achieved its objective: keeping everyone inside the tent. Meanwhile, plans are being finalised for the July 12-14 meeting of the forum leaders. The meeting will be the first time the leaders will have met in person since 2019. It has been a journey of twists and turns to get to this stage, with many complicating factors along the way. The most significant drivers and blockages have arisen within the forum grouping. But the increased tempo of geopolitical competition has created added urgency as the situation has unfolded. It has also led to more external attention and scrutiny than might otherwise have been the case. Quiet shuttle diplomacy has played a major part in resolving the situation. COVID-19 and associated border closures have seriously limited opportunities for face-to-face meetings, but a high-level dialogue group within the forum has worked hard to overcome these hurdles and deliver a solution.Prime Minister Bainimarama of Fiji is the current chair of the forum and has played a key role in the events of the last 18 months. He personally apologised to the Micronesian members for the hurt and embarrassment they suffered when Puna was elected as secretary-general. Significantly, both Australia and New Zealand were willing and able to take a back seat throughout the process. In part this was a response to criticism – largely unfounded – that they had exercised undue influence to get Puna into the top job. But it also appears to reflect a degree of self-awareness that their economic strength should not necessarily make them leaders in everything. This situation required Pacific diplomatic skills, rhetoric and gravitas that were located elsewhere. Just as it looked as though there may not be a resolution ahead of the forum leaders’ meeting, Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi conducted a Pacific tour. This, plus his government’s (failed) attempt to secure a ‘China plus 10’ region-spanning economic, trade and security agreement, threw into sharp relief Beijing’s apparent intention to ramp up multilateral engagement in the region. Previously its energy had been focused on bilateral relationships. This may have galvanised a degree of regional solidarity and a recognition that membership of the forum creates a buffer for small states as they seek to withstand external pressures. In the immediate term, the resolution of this impasse means the meeting of forum leaders can focus on some critical issues, including approval of the 2050 Strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent. This is expected to be a foundational document to guide Pacific strategy in the near to medium term. Some of the promises made to the ‘Micronesian Five’ carry significant price tags. It is unclear who will pay for additional deputy secretary-general positions in Suva and a new sub-office in the region’s north. One of the most notable achievements of the previous secretary-general, Dame Meg Taylor, was to restructure the funding of the forum so 51 percent of its costs are now met by the Pacific Islands membership. (The remaining 49 percent is provided by Australia and New Zealand.) This was a very important step, but if the costs of the agreement’s new promises are borne by Australia and New Zealand there is a risk this will change. Another likely implication is that there will be an increased focus on and engagement with subregional groupings. Until this furore arose, the Micronesian Presidents’ Summit was little known. But the chair of this group – President Lionel Aingimea of Nauru – was a critical voice in many of the most important engagements. The group and its counterparts, the Melanesian Spearhead Group and the Polynesian Leaders’ Group, may become more visible and influential in the patchwork landscape that is Pacific regionalism. Not surprisingly, there have been calls for a review of the forum and the operations of its secretariat, including by Professor Steve Ratuva, a leading Pacific voice. The desire for processes and systems that are fit for purpose is very welcome, but there needs to be more to regionalism than simply reviewing regionalism. This process has highlighted the importance of Pacific regionalism and the centrality of the Pacific Islands Forum. Lessons learned along the way are likely to inform how the forum operates in the future and how well it can meet the needs and expectations of its membership. Dr Tess Newton Cain is project lead for the Pacific Hub at the Griffith Asia Institute. She has written extensively on Pacific regionalism and is a dual citizen of Vanuatu and the UK. She declares no conflict of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on July 11, 2022

Keeping space clean for future exploration - 360 Nicol Svárovská Published on April 12, 2022 Responsibility for cleaning up space can be modelled on strategies to mitigate climate change. Satellites orbiting Earth provide essential services to humanity. They connect us via the internet, they help with mapping and GPS and they monitor our changing climate, among other things. But ‘space junk’ threatens our use of satellites. Decommissioned satellites or their dislocated parts may lead to a chain reaction where small pieces of debris tear apart large objects in a cascading event creating more and more debris. Responsibility for space junk removal is an environmental problem similar in some ways to climate change – it’s a collective responsibility. And just as managing climate change is assisted by satellites, so managing satellite debris can be assisted by climate change. Like climate change, the problem of space junk can only be tackled by international cooperation. The UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, signed at the Rio Earth Summit in 1992, was the first and most complex instrument of international law to address climate change and can provide some insights into how to manage space junk. The convention includes a principle called Common but Differentiated Responsibilities (CBDR). It says “states should be held accountable in different measure according to their respective historical and current contributions to the creation of global environmental problems and their respective capacities to address these problems”. With climate change, nations acknowledged that industrialised countries had contributed significantly more to climate change than countries with developing economies and therefore should bear greater responsibility for managing its consequences. According to the  “polluter-pays” principle, the extent that a country has contributed to climate change as well as its capacity to mitigate climate change is taken into account. All space activities are threatened by space junk contamination. The plans of nations that do not yet possess the resources to engage in space activities may be rendered meaningless by it, and that’s even if only the space objects that are still in use are considered. Countless defunct objects cloud Earth’s orbit and they are growing in number. When they have developed the means to do so, these nations may discover they can no longer exercise their right to explore space. Philosophers throughout history have pondered how best to coordinate international cooperation and decision-making. In considers the repercussions of humanity entering a universal community where violations of the law in a certain part of the world are experienced everywhere. Envisioning the world as a federation of states promoting international trade and abolishing war, Kant proposes ‘cosmopolitan law’ as the foundation for global society to guarantee lasting peace. Kant’s ideas influenced the establishment of the League of Nations as well as the contemporary United Nations. In 2002, the International Criminal Court (ICC) was formally established. It introduced a new version of cosmopolitan law that transcends Kant’s concept. Its version reflects the tendency of international law to weaken state sovereignty or the fact that an individual is subject to their national laws. It gives people rights and responsibilities under international law. Nations share common experiences, such as climate change, and they rely on the same global prices. They transit weapons to other countries and affect the lives of people on the other side of the globe. International relations scholar Anthony Burke speaks about a “common space of life and death that we have created”. He argues that “globalised human existence” should be understood as “a networked set of interdependencies and obligations beyond all borders”. Such a global society system would assist long-term human security. Nations and their militaries would need to behave responsibly with regard to future generations and the sustainability of the global ecosystem. Burke acknowledges that pursuing universal values and global ends would require the transformation of states and international law. Power and cooperation on global issues would be reconfigured. He refines Kant’s concepts simply as: “act as if both the principles and consequences of your action will become global, across space and through time, and act only in ways that will bring a more secure life for all human beings closer”. Developing an international legal instrument for space junk mitigation would expand the concept of sustainability from Earth to outer space while shifting the issue of orbital debris in a cosmopolitan direction. New laws could follow the architecture of the Kyoto Protocol and the responsibility principle that underpins it. The responsibility principle was crafted to tackle global environmental problems and is therefore perfectly applicable to space junk – an environmental problem on a global scale. Nations that only recently initiated their space activities, or plan to do so, face environmental degradation for which they bear no responsibility. The equitable way forward is for the nations that were responsible for space-junk to clean it up. This accords with the United Nations Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space when it says “mitigation of existing debris should take into consideration the [responsibility] principle”. Dr Nicol Svárovská is a graduate of international law at the Geneva Academy of International Humanitarian Law and Human Rights, researcher, and anthropologist with experience in journalism and teaching. As a communication consultant at the United Nations in New York, she covers the Third Committee, mostly human rights issues. This corresponds with her academic focus on international refugee law, international humanitarian law, and international human rights law. Dr Svárovská disclosed no conflicts of interest in relation to this article. This article has been republished to align with World Space Week. It was first published on April 11, 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 12, 2022

Keeping traditional knowledge free - 360 Raghunath Mashelkar Published on July 20, 2022 Recent work has strengthened the intellectual property rights ecosystem to protect traditional knowledge from commercial patents. It’s poetic justice: attempts to misappropriate the developing world’s traditional knowledge by claiming patent rights over it have led to a better, fairer intellectual property (IP) system that safeguards traditional knowledge from future such attempts. It began with the University of Mississippi’s claim for a US patent on the wound-healing properties of turmeric, and US company RiceTec’s claim for a UK patent on genetically Indian basmati rice. Those who fought these claims prevented the commercial patenting of traditional knowledge, something that has existed for generations in developing economies. They also helped create a global monitoring and watch system for future patent claims. The resultant Traditional Knowledge Digital Library and Traditional Knowledge Resource Classification link to patent offices across the globe. In March 1995 the US Patent and Trade Office granted the University of Mississippi Medical Center a patent on the “Use of turmeric in wound healing”. The patent application had claimed that the administration of an effective amount of turmeric through local and oral routes to enhance the wound-healing process was a novel finding. The Council of Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR) in India followed a “re-examination process” permitted under the law to challenge the validity of the patent. The CSIR showed that the wound-healing properties of turmeric were well-documented traditional knowledge in India. It cited 32 references, from centuries-old Sanskrit texts to references in Hindi, Urdu and other Indian languages. The CSIR filed a formal request for re-examination with the US patent office in October 1996. Five months later, in March 1997, the patent office issued a re-examination order rejecting all six patent claims. The judgment said the result was “anticipated by the submitted references” – the CSIR’s evidence. The medical centre’s claims were found to be invalid under the US legal code that lists the conditions for patentability and novelty. In a bid to enter the international basmati market with its brands Kasmati and Texmati, RiceTec applied for a trademark over ‘Texmati’ with the UK Trade Mark Registry. It provided as evidence the US patent granted to it by the US patent office in 1997 for a basmati-like rice. It lodged 20 claims covering not only a novel rice plant but also various rice lines (parents), resulting plants and grains, seed-deposit claims, and methods for selecting a rice plant for breeding and propagation. Some of its claims were for a rice grain with characteristics similar to those from Indian basmati rice lines. If legally enforced, these claims would have shaved billions of dollars off  Indian exports. The Government of India swung into action. Basmati, an aromatic rice, has been grown in the Indian subcontinent for centuries. In many countries the term is often applied only to rice grown in the subcontinent. A technical committee gathered evidence and decided on a strategy to challenge the trademark application. A re-examination case was filed in April 2000. Soon afterwards, RiceTec withdrew its basmati-like claims for its brand Texmati. Later, the US Patent Office passed a judgment that “a substantial question of patentability has been raised in respect of the remaining claims” of RiceTec. RiceTec later withdrew the crucial patent claims and the threat to the export of basmati rice lines from India was averted. India also learnt its lesson and introduced sui generis systems – i.e. ones developed to suit each country’s needs and priorities – to avoid future challenges. The turmeric and basmati cases, and later the attempt to patent the fungicidal properties of the neem tree, brought into focus the threat to traditional knowledge and the need to protect the rights of communities to such knowledge by keeping it in the global commons. In 1998–99, your correspondent chaired the Standing Committee on Information Technology of the World Intellectual Property Organization in Geneva. He used this opportunity to sensitise the 170-plus member states to misappropriation of traditional knowledge, using the example of the turmeric case. During a special visit to the US patent office in Washington, your correspondent pointed out that the claims to novelty in several patents awarded by the office were invalid, since the relevant knowledge already existed in India’s traditional knowledge systems. The patent office wondered why its search process had not revealed that prior knowledge. It was because it had conducted its search using the International Patent Classification system, which did not consider traditional knowledge. This led to the idea of creating a Traditional Knowledge Digital Library. The Indian CSIR and the Department of Indian Systems of Medicine and Homoeopathy set up an interdisciplinary Traditional Knowledge Digital Library task force, drawing top experts from organisations across the country. The task force evolved a scientific classification and retrieval system called the Traditional Knowledge Resource Classification. The system’s structure enabled an easy link with the International Patent Classification used universally by all patent examiners. In turn, the World Intellectual Property Organization set up an International Patent Classification taskforce comprising the US, Japan, the European Union, China and India to look at the challenge of modifying the International Patent Classification to include traditional knowledge. India’s proposal to create a Traditional Knowledge Resource Classification was fully endorsed by the taskforce. From just one subgroup for medicinal plants in the International Patent Classification, the categorisation rose to 207 subgroups, besides having access to the Traditional Knowledge Resource Classification’s 27,000 subgroups. To solve the problem of issuance of wrong patents, access to the Traditional Knowledge Digital Library – with 34 million pages of formatted information – was given to 14 patent offices around the world, including in the US, Canada, Japan, and some countries in Europe, Latin America and the Asia-Pacific region. For the first time, these IP offices were equipped with a search tool to eliminate potential misappropriation of traditional knowledge. In addition, the CSIR-Traditional Knowledge Digital Library Unit has an integrated global piracy-watch system. It files third-party observations and pre-grant oppositions to patent applications related to Indian traditional knowledge. So far 265 global patent applications have been withdrawn, amended or set aside on the basis of Traditional Knowledge Digital Library evidence. For the first time within the global IP rights framework, traditional knowledge has been recognised as a legitimate knowledge system. Efforts to achieve this recognition have demonstrated that authentic and accessible documentation as well as easy access based on trust and global partnerships can resolve conflicts over IP rights and avoid the misappropriation of traditional knowledge that is free and must remain free. Raghunath Mashelkar, FRS, is Chancellor of the Jio Institute and former Director General of the Council of Scientific and Industrial Research in India. He was involved in the response to the patent claims on turmeric and basmati. Dr Mashelkar has declared no conflict of interest in relation to this article. Main image licensed under creative commons. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Who owns IP” sent at: 13/07/2022 10:48. This is a corrected repeat.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on July 20, 2022

Kerr's curse cuts to the heart of racism in Australia - 360 Matthew Klugman, Christopher Sonn Published on March 25, 2024 Discussions around the allegations facing Sam Kerr have again highlighted Australia’s problem with racism and attempts to address it. Once again the topic of race and sport is dominating news headlines — this time centred around Matildas captain Sam Kerr. Kerr was charged earlier this month with racially aggravated harassment over allegations she called an English police officer a “stupid white bastard”. The case brings the wicked problem of racism in Australia once more to the fore. The presumed entitlement of many white people to be able to categorically state what racism is, even if you have never experienced it yourself, has been on stark display in discussions around the case. Suddenly people who’ve long denied systemic racism in Australia have been proclaiming that Kerr’s alleged insult was clearly racist. What is missing here is an awareness of how the white police officer and Sam Kerr, a person of colour, would be treated differently by society. A white police officer is unlikely to be asked where they came from. And if they gave the answer of a particular place in England, it is again unlikely they would then be asked: “Where do you really come from?” It is also unlikely they would be told to “go back to where you come from” or had other instances where they were discriminated against on the basis of their perceived race. One of the entrenched misconceptions around racism is that it is always deemed to be ‘somewhere else’. But such is the power of sport in Australia that it has been able to unsettle this notion multiple times. As far back as 1971 when the white South African men’s rugby union team toured the country the Gumbainggir scholar and activist Gary Foley used the public movement against apartheid in South Africa to draw attention to the systemic racism he experienced in Australia. “Pardon me” — read the placard that he held up at an anti-apartheid rally — “for being born into a nation of racists.” The most striking example remains the moment in 1993 when Noongar men’s Aussie rules footballer Nicky Winmar lifted his guernsey, pointed to his skin, and proclaimed “I’m black and I’m proud to be black”. Yet even in response to this iconic moment, many prominent white men argued Winmar was not making a statement about race and the horrendous racist abuse he received on a weekly basis. With Winmar pressured into silence, it was left to the photographer Wayne Ludbey to publicly uphold the truth of what he had seen and heard Winmar say. After other Indigenous athletes began to follow Winmar’s lead and publicly call out the racism they experienced in this country, a pattern began to emerge. White men and women would attempt to refute each instance of abuse by stating categorically that actually the abuse was not racist. The vile booing of Adam Goodes was an emblematic example. A parade of prominent media figures and former footballers insisted that the booing had nothing to do with race, even though their explanations always returned to the issue of race, as The Weekly’s Charlie Pickering showed. In effect these responses seek to shut down not only discussions around systemic racism in Australia, but also to limit broader movements for justice and communal healing. The intractable debates about racism have frequently become distractions to this work — the more the topic is debated, the less time there is for action around systemic change. The effect of this is that those in positions of social, cultural, and political power in this country have turned the issue of racism in sport into another site of systemic dehumanisation of black and brown people. The lived experiences of black and brown athletes are not only debated, but typically dismissed. Their humanity is contested, their authority to tell the truth of their lives is undermined. Racism remains a “wicked problem” on this continent and surrounding islands, along with many other places in the world. Entrenched and enduring, racism is very difficult to address in part because of its deep roots in ideas around a hierarchy of humanity. Both the defensive denials of racism when it is voiced by others who are not white, and the eager glee to proclaim that brown and black people can also be racist — as seen in the Kerr case — distract from work to bring about justice, equality, and communal healing. In order for discussions to have a chance at actually addressing the problem, white people in the Global North could take the unfamiliar step of removing themselves from the centre of these discussions. And to realise, when they speak, that they are not objective observers from a distance, just beings who have had the privilege of never having their purported race lead to debates about the level of their own humanity. It is only those comfortably sitting at the top of racial hierarchies who have the luxury of believing they are not part of this problem. Instead of centering themselves, white people with cultural, social, and political power could learn how to be in equitable relationships of solidarity that are grounded in the respect for the sovereignty, autonomy, and hard-won knowledge of other humans. Sport might be one of the few places where race can be publicly discussed in Australia, but those discussions would benefit from no longer entrenching the devastating and dehumanising effects of systemic racism. Associate Professor Matthew Klugman is a researcher at Victoria University’s Institute for Health & Sport with the Community Identity and Displacement Research Network (CIDRN) where they examine the intersecting histories of sports, emotions, race, gender, sexuality, medicine, science, migration, the visual, and bodies. Associate Professor Klugman’s research has been funded by VicHealth. Professor Christopher Sonn is a researcher at Victoria University’s Institute for Health & Sport and Moondani Balluk Indigenous Centre. He is with the Community Identity and Displacement Research Network (CIDRN) where he draws on critical community psychology to examine dynamics of power in the context of identity, community, and belonging. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 25, 2024

Ketamine helps change thinking patterns in people with treatment-resistant depression - 360 Liane Schmidt Published on October 11, 2022 Its effect is fast and sustained. Ketamine – a drug used primarily by doctors and veterinarians as an anaesthetic, sedative and pain-killer – is a promising therapy for people with treatment-resistant depression, producing a rapid and sustained decrease in depressive symptoms. The small study of French patients has also provided insight into the overwhelmingly optimistic view of the world that people tend to have. The World Health Organization says depression affects five percent of adults worldwide and is a major contributor to the overall global burden of disease. Depression involves cognitive impairment that colours a person’s perception and interpretation of life events. People with depression view the world with pessimism, as worthless and hopeless. In this state of ‘pervasive pessimism,’ the person can also resist information that counters their highly negative beliefs about the future. Around one-third of people with major depressive disorder or bipolar depression do not have significant improvement even after months of treatment. Ketamine’s impact on thinking patterns can be understood better when considering the way that healthy people think. When people make decisions, they usually first make some assumptions or guesses about the likely result of these choices. Research has previously found that humans have a strong optimism bias — most people will overestimate the likelihood of positive events, such as success in the job market, or winning a lottery. People also underestimate the likelihood of negative events such as being in a car accident, or suffering from cancer. People are also more likely to believe good news if it relates to themselves, an effect that is termed ‘the good news/bad news bias.’ But studies on other neurological conditions found that ketamine changes the way healthy people update their beliefs when faced with new information, making them more optimistic. While there is evidence people’s optimism bias can help maintain mental and physical health, studies show this optimism bias is absent in people with depression. These beliefs seem to play an important role in depression and in treatment resistance. The new research, published in JAMA Psychiatry last week, looked at whether ketamine restored optimism biases, what might be happening in the brain to bring about any change and whether the changes had longer-term antidepressant effects. The study compared 56 people; 26 had treatment-resistant depression and 30 were healthy ‘control’ participants. All subjects were tested using both a depression rating scale, and a test of how their beliefs changed following good and bad news. Healthy control participants were tested twice, one week apart, without receiving any ketamine or any placebo. The participants with treatment-resistant depression were tested once and then injected with ketamine three times over one week and tested four hours after their injection and again a week later. The study was not structured as a clinical trial of the drug, meaning more work would be needed before scientists can say for sure that ketamine could be useful as a treatment. The results showed the ketamine produced a rapid antidepressant effect at the four-hour test. Other ketamine studies have looked into the effects at the 24-hour mark, and found even stronger results. The effect was also sustained, with patients showing a reduction in depression scores a week later. The study also showed that patients with treatment-resistant depression had a significant increase in their optimism bias. The research findings give new insights into how ketamine could be used to reset the ‘optimism bias’ cognitive mechanism in people who are suffering from treatment-resistant depression. The study also offers promising perspectives for augmented psychotherapy for people with mood disorders. If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, visit Find a helpline for free, confidential support from a real person over phone, text or online chat in your country. Liane Schmidt is a cognitive neuroscientist at the French Institute for Health and Medical Research (INSERM) and co-leads a research team with Professor Philippe Fossati at the Paris Brain Institute (ICM), where she combines brain-imaging tools with behavioural testing to explore motivation, reward expectancy, self-control, and placebo effects. This study was supported by the Agence Nationale de la Recherche. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on October 11, 2022

Key factors shaping Malaysian state polls - 360 Awang Azman Awang Pawi Published on August 7, 2023 Ethnic politics, political controversies and an early assessment of Anwar Ibrahim’s unity government are all at play in Malaysian state elections. Economic development and the role of ethnic and religious politics will be critical factors when six of Malaysia’s 13 states go to the polls on August 12. Political controversies are also likely to influence voters, while the assessment of Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s fledgling government by the 40 percent of Malaysians aged under 40 will also be important. 2023 Msia state elections by Shahirah Hamid Malaysia goes to the polls in six states on August 12 in what is seen as a litmus test for the new coalition government of prime minister Anwar Ibrahim. Voters in Kedah, Penang, Kelantan, Terengganu, Selangor and Negeri Sembilan will deliver the first electoral progress report for Anwar’s government since his Pakatan Harapan-led coalition swept to power in the general election last November. While the 245 state assembly seats at stake decide only who holds power at the state level, the stakes are high for national leaders as the contest also evaluates the standing of Anwar’s coalition against the Perikatan Nasional (PN) coalition led by former Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin. Even the youth-led party, Malaysian United Democratic Alliance is taking a swing after parting ways with Anwar’s coalition. Economically, there is a divide between the states going to the polls. Penang recorded the highest GDP growth of any state at 13.1 percent last year, while Selangor also recorded strong growth (11.9 percent) and is Malaysia’s biggest economic contributor, driving 25.5 percent of the national GDP. Negeri Sembilan’s growth rate was 6.6 percent. Development in Kedah, Kelantan and Terengganu is generally much less vigorous and those three states have much higher rates of poverty. Migration to their more developed neighbouring states is also an important pattern. Kedah, Kelantan and Terengganu are all held by Perikatan Nasional. They are Malay majority states with many farmers helping to make up a large working class. They are often Barisan Nasional (BN) voters, before moving to Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) and Malaysian United Indigenous Party (Bersatu). Parents from these groups enrol their children in PASTI (Pusat Asuhan Tunas Islam) kindergartens, aimed at exposing them to Islamic teachings at a young age. These kindergartens are managed by the youth wing of the Islamist party, PAS, which is part of the Perikatan Nasional coalition. PAS sees this investment in early education as an opportunity to increase its influence. The political ideology is different in the more urban and developed states of  Selangor, Penang and Negeri Sembilan, which are all held by Pakatan Harapan (PH). There, exposure to national education, vernacular schools (known for teaching in non-national languages such as Mandarin and Tamil), and political developments are reflected with the participation of the Democratic Action Party (DAP), People’s Justice Party (PKR), National Trust Party (Amanah), and now BN. DAP previously held a centre-left political position but has adopted a more moderate political approach in line with the agreement between BN and Pakatan Harapan. In Selangor, Penang and Negeri Sembilan, satisfaction with the performance of state governments is likely to influence voters to keep the three states under Pakatan Harapan. Many government initiatives have been implemented to help residents, leaving few major issues that could undermine Pakatan Harapan’s position. Perikatan Nasional wants to expand its influence in these three states but faces a struggle without strong socio-economic initiatives from its national leadership. Ongoing corruption, defamation and sedition charges are also likely to influence voters and pose a political risk for the national opposition. In March, Muhyiddin, former prime minister and head of the Perikatan Nasional coalition, was charged with four counts of abuse of power involving RM232.5 million (USD$51.1 million) over projects awarded under his government’s COVID-19 stimulus programme. He was also charged with three counts of money laundering involving RM200 million (USD$43.84 million). Pakatan Harapan and the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), a component party under BN, hope to expand their influence in the Perikatan Nasional-held states of Kedah, Terengganu and Kelantan where they have been actively campaigning. In this context, Perikatan Nasional needs to be more concerned about its position in its stronghold. Perikatan Nasional is seen to be still campaigning on religious, ethnic and royalty issues although its position is not strong because the state has a record of changing administrations. The political controversy could also be a factor in Kedah, where the caretaker chief minister, Muhammad Sanusi Md Nor of PAS, is also facing sedition charges for allegedly insulting the country’s sultans. Voters under the age of 40, who represent more than 40 percent of the electorate, along with Malay voters, will be determinant factors, especially in conservative Malay areas. If the Pakatan Harapan coalition improves in these state elections it would indicate Anwar’s leadership is becoming more widely accepted, with his concept of Malaysia Madani (Civil Malaysia) expected to receive a positive response. If UMNO’s position strengthens, Perikatan Nasional will lose ground and many of its members will slowly leave the party. If voters shift the other way, it would be a blow to UMNO and its leadership. UMNO members may question the relevance of collaborating with Pakatan Harapan. However, this will not bring UMNO to cooperate with Perikatan Nasional because it lacks the strength and numbers to form a federal government. Dr Awang Azman Awang Pawi is an associate professor and sociopolitical analyst from the Academy of Malay Studies, Universiti Malaya. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Malaysian elections” sent at: 07/08/2023 06:00. This is a corrected repeat.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on August 7, 2023

Killing journalists cannot kill the truth - 360 Peter Greste Published on May 3, 2024 If we criminalise, dismiss, or sideline journalism that tells inconvenient truths, we will destroy our capacity for sensible public debate. As I write, the grim count of journalists killed in Gaza since last October  has reached 97.  Reporters Without Borders (RSF) puts the number slightly higher at 108. In the first 50 days of the conflict, journalists were being killed at a rate of roughly one per day, making Gaza indisputably the most dangerous conflict for journalists since the Committee to Protect Journalists began keeping records in 1992. By the time you read this, the toll is likely to have climbed even further. The dead include two Israeli journalists killed in Hamas’s initial attack on October 7 last year, and three Lebanese killed in an Israeli artillery strike in south Lebanon. But the vast majority – more than 90 – are Palestinians killed in Gaza itself. Some of those were the inevitable ‘collateral damage’ of a conflict that the Hamas-controlled Gaza Health Ministry says has already claimed more than 34,000 lives, caught in crossfire because they were working close to active fighting. But the CPJ, RSF and a host of other news organisations accuse Israeli troops of targeting many of the journalists because of their work. According to RSF, “many of them were reporting in the field and were clearly identifiable as journalists. Others were killed by strikes that specifically targeted their homes.” The news organisations have demanded an investigation into the allegations and, if confirmed, it would constitute a war crime. It also undermines Israel’s claim to be the only democracy in the Middle East that respects freedom of the press. Of course, a journalist’s life is worth no more than anybody else’s, but this is not so much about their safety as it is about our right to know. Currently, Israel only allows Israeli and foreign journalists into the Gaza Strip on carefully controlled “embeds” – escorted trips with their own troops that necessarily give a myopic view of the fighting through Israeli gun sights. The problem is not a lack of information. Social media is awash with rumour, conjecture, opinion and bloviation, but without information underpinned by the necessary journalistic rigor, it becomes impossible to filter out reliable fact from conjecture, rumour and pure fiction. In short, without journalists free to work on the ground, we would be left with only social media posts of civilians caught in the violence, and the highly subjective news releases from Hamas and the Israeli military. Attacks on the press are not limited to Gaza. Across the world, journalism is under unprecedented assault. The CPJ also tracks the number of journalists in prison around the world, with a snapshot taken on December 1 each year. Last year was the second highest on record with 320 behind bars. (It was also the first time Israel made the top six jailers of journalists, by imprisoning Palestinian reporters in the West Bank.) The figures have also steadily increased since 2000 when only 92 were behind bars. In an analysis of the charges the journalists are facing, the CPJ found that almost two-thirds of them are being held on what the organisation broadly describes as “anti-state charges”. That’s things like terrorism, sedition, and treason. The troubling conclusion is that governments have taken to treating journalism not as something that supports the state by upholding democratic values such as transparency, accountability and vibrant public debate, but as an existential threat. When he was the US President, Donald Trump routinely dismissed journalists as “fake news” and accused them of being at “war” with democracy. The editor of the Washington Post famously retorted, “We are not at war. We are at work.” But Trump’s  casual dismissal of the media gave his supporters all the excuse they needed to brush off critical reporting, and the opportunity to choose their own ‘alternative facts’. Societies can’t work like that. We need a common core of well researched, verified, balanced and independent information. Social media remains awash with conspiracy theories about COVID vaccines and climate change, and if that’s what floats your boat, you’ll find something to support whatever lunacy you choose. If we criminalise, dismiss, sideline or otherwise marginalise journalism that unmasks inconvenient truths, we will destroy our capacity for sensible public debate. Like anything involving humans, journalism is deeply flawed. Reporters are as vulnerable to human foibles as anyone else. But when it’s done properly, it comes with a set of professional standards and ethics that help keep it broadly focused on what is true and giving a fair airing to the opinions of all those involved. The results are not always comfortable, but they are not meant to be. The Israeli government may not like reporting that alleges that their soldiers have committed war crimes, just as Hamas condemns claims that they use civilians as human shields. But killing or locking up the journalists who report those stories does not change the truths they are exposing. Peter Greste is Professor of Journalism at Macquarie University and Executive Director for the Alliance for Journalists’ Freedom. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 3, 2024

Know the threats: keeping children healthy on social media - 360 Yatan Pal Singh Balhara Published on October 9, 2023 Young people and those closest to them need to be alert and equipped to fight the mental health threats that can come from some social media use. Rajat, 16, started using social media apps after he turned 14. He would check his posts first thing each morning and be online late into the night. If his posts hadn’t gathered ‘likes’ or got only a few views and shares, he would feel unloved and worthless and increase his time online trying to do ‘better’. His parents believed social media had hijacked his life, but their efforts to help made him irritable and even physically aggressive. His daily routine became a challenge. They got psychiatric help when they realised Rajat was deeply depressed. Rajat is not the teen’s real name but he is one of many Indian adolescents grappling with the many challenges posed by social media. Its increasing relevance in young people’s daily lives and how they interact with it has raised significant concerns about how it affects their mental well-being. Research on the impact of social media on mental health has shown mixed results, reflecting the complexities involved. Research shows that social media can be a valuable add-on in our lives but its uncontrolled or unregulated use is detrimental to our relationships, performance and self-efficacy. It can also lead to mental health problems that include stress, decreased subjective happiness, and a sense of mental deprivation as well as disorders like depression, anxiety and sleep disturbance. Excessive and problematic use can also manifest as an addictive pattern that is characterised by loss of control, prioritising social media until it is detrimental to other responsibilities, and an inability to control its use, whatever the consequences. Addiction to social media is actively researched. The limited data makes it difficult to draw definitive conclusions about the extent of the problem but it remains a priority during interactions with adolescents, parents and teachers. The effect of social media on mental well-being is shaped by factors like individual vulnerability, psychological factors like personality traits and coping skills, environmental factors like ease of access and societal acceptance, and social media-related variables. Its design, the algorithms it uses, the level of anonymity offered that can make it more or less engaging, shape our behaviour. Young people’s social media use can also expose them to potentially dangerous experiences like cyberbullying, which involves repeated hostile or aggressive behavior on a digital platform. They could also face cyberstalking, where online links are used to stalk or harass; and cyber grooming, which involves befriending a young person online to facilitate online sexual activity or a physical meeting with the goal of committing sexual abuse. While the excessive use of social media is widely discussed, young people need to be made aware of other problems associated with social media use, like its impact on mental well-being. This is largely determined by the way young people interact online. The level of supervision and guidance around youth social media use shapes whether its use escalates to problematic levels. Young people, parents and educators to be well informed and equipped with tools to counter the negative impacts of social media use. Being aware of the potential challenges is a good start. Young people need to know their rights if they become victims. In India, they are outlined in the Information Technology (Amendment) Act, 2008. Parental guidance can ensure age-appropriate use of social media. It is imperative to be aware of why you are using social media and having realistic expectations. Social media is not a substitute for in-person interactions and its use should not get in the way of daily routines. Investing time in activities that are physically and mentally relaxing can help overcome the stress and anxiety associated with undesirable experiences on social media. It is also important that those who have experienced these negative experiences are offered appropriate support and psychological interventions, including psychotherapy and counselling. Excessive and questionable patterns of social media use should be identified as early as possible and consultation should be sought from a qualified mental health professional to ensure early and appropriate intervention. If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, visit https://findahelpline.com/i/iasp. is a Professor of Psychiatry at All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS), New Delhi, India. At AIIMS, he runs the Dual Diagnosis Clinic and Behavioral Addictions Clinic. He is the coordinator of ‘BehavioR’, the regional resource hub on behavioral addictions and ‘master’, an online resource hub and telehealth portal on Mental Health and Addictive Disorders. He is the current Secretary General of the World Association on Dual Disorders (WADD). Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on October 9, 2023

Kolkata's domestic workers left insecure - 360 Paula Banerjee Published on January 12, 2023 Cities cannot function without domestic workers in India but their employment conditions remain precarious. Domestic workers are the third-largest category of workers after agriculture and construction in India. They form a significant part of the total workforce in the informal sector in India. An overwhelming majority of them are women. The employment fragility of domestic workers has been often brought out in the media. Their wages are entirely self-negotiated and dependent on the employer’s goodwill. Without the protection of legally-binding contracts or legislated agreements, they cannot afford to fall sick for fear of losing their jobs and being replaced. In Kolkata, a domestic worker can work on full-time or part-time basis, may be employed by a single household or by multiple households, may be residing in the household of the employer (live-in worker) or may be living in her or his own residence (live-out). A vast majority of them are migrant workers. These domestic workers were engaged in cooking, cleaning, driving, looking after elders and children, care work in sickness and in health and other household services for remuneration. It is a precarious living and it took a pandemic to reveal just how much. Lower wages and less secure working conditions have become the norm since COVID-19. The suffering of female domestic workers during the pandemic revealed their insecure working conditions. Jargi Orao, a domestic worker in her 50s from Chhattisgarh found employment in a genteel household in Kolkata’s Salt Lake area. Her situation was particularly good as her employer was a woman who took good care of her. Jargi had one married son and an unmarried daughter, who was mentally unstable and living in an institution. Her problems started with the lockdown. The asylum where her daughter was staying forced some patients to return home. Since Jargi’s daughter did not have a home of her own, her brother brought her to their mother. But when Jargi requested her employer to let her daughter stay, she was summarily dismissed. Having lost her job during the lockdown, she had to go back to her son’s home in the Dum Dum slum where seven people were forced to live in one room. Because of the loss of income, Jargi was forced to live off her meagre savings, which led to further insecurity. Jotsna Naskar, from the South 24 Pargana district, worked as domestic help in the Shaktigarh area of Jadavpur before the pandemic. She worked in five households and earned 6,000-7,000 rupees per month. After the lockdown on 20 March 2020, suburban train services were stopped and all transport from villages to the city was disrupted. “I came to collect my salary in the last week of April,” she said. “I went to the houses where I worked. Some of the apartments did not even allow me to enter the premises. Some of them had given me the salary of March and then said not to come ’til the (COVID-19) vaccine became available in the market.” Another domestic worker, mother-of-two Purnima Paik, 35, lived in Kolaghat village in the South 24 Pargana district. “We had good income and our economic condition before lockdown was good,” she said. “I used to earn 7,000-8,000 rupees per month. My husband’s earnings were also particularly good. Now, the wages have become very low in the agricultural sector. “I lost my job where I worked for several years as domestic help. Some of the families were not willing to allow anyone into their houses. They are especially afraid of us as we commute by train every day. Now many of the households are seeking people who can stay for 24 hours in their houses and are ready to pay more for that. But I cannot as I have to take care of my own children and have to do my own household work. ” The International Labour Organization places the number of domestic workers in India at 4.75 million, (of which 3 million are women). However, this is considered a severe underestimation and the real number could be anywhere between 20 million to 80 million. One reason why women make up an overwhelming number of domestic workers is this kind of work is seen as an extension of their gender roles. In a cruel twist, they are paid less than men in the same sector. In India, women make up 8.8 per cent of the total registered workforce, underlining how important domestic workers are in urban India. According to the World Bank the Female Worker Population Ratio in Bengal has risen steadily but the state has lagged historically compared with the rest of India. In 2020, the ratio in Bengal was 23.1 percent while the national average was 28.7 percent. Most of this increase has been in urban areas. Between 1991 and 2001 women’s work participation rate doubled in Kolkata from 6.91 percent to 12.84 percent. While middle class women sought jobs in the city, their homes were being looked after by domestic workers. However, the increase in numbers did not prove to be an improvement in standards of living. In November 2022, the state government of West Bengal agreed to consider the demands of Paschim Banga Griha Paricharika Samiti and decide on a minimum wage for domestic workers.  Although this is a move in the right direction, the question remains how that will help domestic workers, particularly female domestic workers. Without laws that enforces employers to register their domestic workers these women will remain irregular workers and outside the reach of any legislation. is the convener,  Department of South and Southeast Asian Studies at the University of Calcutta and editor of Refugee Watch. She is a former Vice-Chancellor of The Sanskrit College and University and has been dean of Arts, University of Calcutta, a former president IASFM and director of MCRG and Foreign Policy Studies. This article is part of a Special Report on ‘Cities after colonialism’, produced in collaboration with the Calcutta Research Group. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on January 12, 2023

Korea's chaebol set to enter the twilight zone? - 360 Michael Carney Published on May 10, 2023 Korea’s family-owned conglomerates have enjoyed their privileges for decades. That may be set to end. Lee Jae-Young was halfway through a five-year jail sentence for fraud, embezzlement and bribing Korea’s then-president when he was granted a special presidential pardon in August 2022. Lee, heir to the multi-billion dollar Samsung corporation and a former chief executive, was jailed in 2018 for offences including embezzling company funds to buy a $USD800,000 horse for the daughter of a friend of the then-president Park Geun-Hye. The government justified the decision by claiming that Korea’s most significant company needed him back at the helm to boost Samsung’s flagging performance. He was duly appointed not long after his release from jail. Known as the chaebol, these family-owned conglomerates, which include Samsung, Hyundai and LG Group, powered Korea’s surging economy between 1961 and 1997 and continue to dominate Korea’s domestic economy. However, public sentiment toward the chaebol (a group of massive, mostly family-run business conglomerates) is ambiguous: while there is pride in their economic success, there is also widespread animosity toward them. While the middle classes seek to place their highly educated children in the chaebol, they view them as corrupt, thwarting social justice, while many family owners behave as if they are above the law. This ambiguity extends to the government. In the past two decades, successive governments have sought to limit chaebol dominance. Targeting the wealthiest families, Korea levies some of the world’s heaviest estate taxes, as high as 65 percent, when inherited assets belong to a family with a controlling firm share. The Korea Corporate Governance Improvement (KCGI) Fund and the National Pension Service are building up equity stakes in chaebol firms. They play an active role in defending the interests of minority shareholders and opposing self-serving decisions by family majority owners. Yet governments broadly protect and enable the more successful business groups. Commuting prison sentences is commonplace for the family members of Korea’s major business groups. Concentrated ownership of conglomerates creates tension in mid-sized industrial economies such as Korea. There are advantages to having powerful large-scale businesses that can compete successfully in international markets. Domestically, the chaebol appear to have a dangerous dominance. Yet Korea has only one representative (Samsung Electronics) in the World Investment Report’s Top 100 non-financial multinational enterprises (China has 10 and Japan nine). The government’s simultaneous support and constraint of chaebol looks to have the balance right. For more than 30 years, Korea pursued a heavily subsidised export-oriented development strategy. The mid-1990s represented the high point of the chaebol’s economic success. But the 1997 Asian financial crisis undermined the position of the most highly leveraged chaebol. Ten of the top 30 in 1997 were bankrupt and dissolved by 2003, including fourth-ranked Daewoo. Subsequently, Chinese competition in manufacturing industries has reined in the surviving chaebols. Many chaebol firms now face a precarious future. Consider Hanjin’s trajectory. The owner of Korean Air Lines and Hanjin Heavy Industries, a major shipbuilder, Hanjin attracted global infamy in 2014 with the ‘nut rage‘ incident. Heather Cho, a KAL vice-president and daughter of Hanjin Chairman Cho Yang-Ho, scolded and repeatedly struck a flight attendant who served her macadamia nuts in a canned package instead of a plate when departing JFK airport in New York City. Cho then ordered the chief flight attendant off the plane, requiring it to taxi back to the airport’s gate. She was convicted of coercion and abuse of power then served five months in prison. Hanjin also made risky investment bets with disastrous consequences. Hanjin Heavy Industries attempted to corner the booming market for giant container ships, building a USD$2.3 billion facility at Subic Bay in The Philippines in 2006. In October 2018, Hanjin delivered the world’s largest container ship, the Antoine de Saint Exupery, to French shipping company CMA-CGM. In January 2019, Hanjin Philippines abruptly declared bankruptcy and closed the Subic Bay facility, throwing 28,000 people out of work. Despite low wages in the Philippines, Hanjin could not stay competitive with lower-wage rivals from China. A few months later, activist investor KCGI increased its holdings in Korean Airlines and engineered the Cho family leadership handover to a shareholder-appointed chief executive. In April 2019, KAL’s Executive Chair Kal Cho Yang-ho died suddenly aged 70, leaving his son Cho Won Tae with a ruinous estate tax estimated at USD$149 million, shrinking the bereaved family’s ownership stake in the group. Estate taxes threaten the chaebol‘s dynastic intentions by limiting father-son succession. Not all chaebol are as fragile as Hanjin of course. Samsung remains vital, and the midsized Hanwha Group has flourished recently. The founders of Korea’s Google-style tech and media companies, such as Naver and Kakao have publicly rejected their dynastic intentions and expressed commitment to adopting professional management. However, the combination of low-cost international competition in legacy industries, activist government investors, aggressive inheritance and estate taxes, the often decadent behaviour of chaebol family members, along with the tenuous succession of privileged third-generation family members may signify the coming twilight of Korea’s chaebol. is a Professor at John Molson School of Business, Concordia University, Montréal, Québec Canada and Concordia University Research Chair in Strategy and Entrepreneurship. His research focuses on entrepreneurship and the comparative analysis of business, financial and governance systems and their influence upon the development of firm capabilities and national competitiveness. Dr. Carney declared he has no conflict of interest and did not receive any specific funds.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 10, 2023

Lab-grown answers to food’s triple threat - 360 Elisabeth Abergel Published on June 29, 2022 A food crisis like few have ever seen could be the impetus for lab-grown and other food alternatives to thrive. But it won’t be without its own challenges. Climate-related disasters, fallout from the pandemic and the Ukraine war are a toxic triple combination for food security. One recent global report estimated the number of people in food crisis has doubled since 2016. The problem is being exacerbated by rising fertilizer and energy costs and declines in regional grain supplies driven by droughts. Supply chains bear the impacts of these cascading effects making it difficult for food systems to adapt sustainably. But technology startups and large food corporations are finding new ways to disrupt traditional food systems and supply chains — for many, the toxic triple combination offers an opportunity.Affordable, sustainable, alternative protein foods are gradually becoming a commercial reality. We now see meat, seafood, dairy and eggs produced entirely from plant-based analogs or lab-grown foods. One company even creates alternative protein from the air we breathe. Lab-grown meat involves a combination of tissue engineering, regenerative medicine, biomedical engineering, and biomaterials science enabling stem cells harvested from live animals to grow and proliferate in a bioreactor. As cells assemble into tissues, natural or synthetic scaffolding material enables cell attachment, replicating the 3D multicellular structure of meat. Depending on the complexity of the final product, whether it be minced meat or steak, tissues can be harvested directly from the bioreactor or may undergo further design steps before final assembly. Scientists are also producing meat using 3D bioprinting technology, where successive layers of cells (or bioink) are deposited on a substrate using computer-aided design and grown into muscle fibers. Japanese scientists at Osaka University recently created Wagyu beef using bioprinting, reproducing the uniquely beautiful Sashi marble design. They aim to automate cell-based meat production by 2025. But all that glitters is not gold. While some companies aspire to end hunger and animal farming in large industrial manufacturing facilities – such as Upside Foods’ new California meat plant – others imagine “micro-carnery’s”, similar to craft breweries, focusing on niche markets and urban consumers. Either way, it signals a shift in the production of cellular-based products from rural to urban centres. Despite advances, the field of cell-culture faces high production costs, bioreactor design flaws and food safety concerns. Many cell-based startups still rely on Fetal Bovine Serum as a source of nutrients, weakening the industry’s animal-free ethical claims. Lab-grown products combine new technologies developed for biomedical purposes with food production. Their arrival into the food space raises challenges about adequate regulations and labeling requirements. Plant-based analogs represent another sustainable food pathway. Advanced fermentation technologies are currently being used in the production of plant-based meat, dairy and egg alternatives using synthetic biology or genetically engineered protein in yeast or bacteria. Fermentation provides large quantities of raw materials at relatively low cost, but also plays a key role in supporting plant-based and cultivated meat industries. For instance, the bleed in the Impossible Burger is created by leghemoglobin, a soy protein engineered in yeast. As the production of cultivated meat is scaled-up, fermentation will grow large volumes of nutrients and ingredients for cell culture. While these new food techs may seem promising, plant-based meats still have unsustainable aspects. The narrow focus on protein as a solution obscures the diversity of animal and other farming practices that may contribute to climate-friendly food security. As startups race to normalise alternative protein products in our diets, massive layoffs in the biotech sector may threaten the expansion of these industries or at least reduce the number of companies currently operating in the space. Another possible solution involves genome editing techniques such as CRISPR, which aim to increase crop yield and create animals resistant to disease. US-based firm Recombinetics recently bred genetically altered Angus cows to have short, slick coats, making them more ‘efficient’ in hot climates. Gene editing promises to be cheaper than GM technology and faster than conventional breeding. Meat from gene edited animals is also on the horizon. Gene editing does not insert foreign genes in plants or animal genomes; however, the technique may introduce unintended effects and potential risks with unknown health and environmental consequences. The US and the UK do not require an extensive review process to bring these plants and animals to market, however, the EU plans to regulate them as GMOs and demands stricter regulations. While the promises made by high-tech foods to save the planet and feed the world rest on changing the dietary habits of consumers and their willingness to eat foods never previously eaten, the extent to which they will disrupt the global food system remains uncertain. The challenges facing future foods revolve around the feasibility, transparency and reality of technology to effect social change and to solve environmental issues. Élisabeth Abergel is Professor in the department of Sociology and the Institute for Environmental Science at the Université du Québec à Montréal, Canada. She studies how technological convergence and new life technologies construct the future of agriculture and food. This article is part of a Special Report coinciding with Covering Climate Now’s joint coverage week on Food & Water. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 29, 2022

Laos faces a delicate balancing act as ASEAN leader - 360 Ratih Indraswari Published on March 5, 2024 How Vientiane approaches its obligations to ASEAN and its debt to China will be a key to the bloc’s fortunes in 2024. Laos took over the presidency of ASEAN in January and already faces its first major test. How does it approach the issues — tensions in the South China Sea, escalating problems in Myanmar and the growing rivalry in the Pacific between the United States and China — that its predecessor, Indonesia, was unable to fully address? This raises doubts about Laos’ capacity to lead the struggling regional organisation. As the most economically disadvantaged and smallest member state of ASEAN with a population of just  7 million, Laos faces the daunting responsibility of ensuring ASEAN’s continued relevance amid not only its own domestic economic challenges but also international pressures. The 50-year Commemorative Summit between ASEAN and Australia which starts March 4 could give a clue as to how Vientiane will tackle maintaining ASEAN’s central role in the region. The talks will mark the historical roots of the Australia-ASEAN relationship which date back to 1974 when Australia became ASEAN’s Dialogue Partner. Canberra’s commitment to enhancing ASEAN-Australia dialogue relations was evidenced by its accession to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) in 2005 and the establishment of the Australian Mission to ASEAN in 2013. During the ASEAN-Australia 40 Years Summit in 2014, leaders proclaimed the elevation of ASEAN-Australia dialogue relations to a strategic level. At its core, the primary obstacle to ASEAN’s relevance lies in the threat to its centrality, a position the bloc must uphold. The conception of centrality is constantly defended against the encroachment of outside powers, particularly in light of the US-China competition over the past 10 years. China’s rise prompted then-US President Barack Obama’s pivot to Asia in 2011. While Obama pursued a policy of re-engagement, his successor flipped that upside down.  Donald Trump implemented aggressive tactics with his America First policy and initiated a trade war with China. After Trump’s defeat in 2020, Joe Biden continued this trend by establishing security-focused partnerships such as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) and the security deal between Australia, United Kingdom and United States (AUKUS) to circle China. Since ASEAN’s core principles of centrality conflict with the exclusive nature of minilateralism that focuses only on small, specific like-minded states, US security-focused minilateralism undermines and poses risks to ASEAN centrality. Laos and Australia find themselves in conflicting positions amid the current geopolitical rivalry. Laos has become highly dependent on China due to its economic ties. Exacerbated by COVID-19,  Lao’s total debt exposure to China reached an alarming 64.8 percent of total GDP in 2022, making Laos susceptible to Chinese influence. Australia has consistently aligned with the United States and is a participant in QUAD and AUKUS. Australia’s decision to engage in strategic cooperation with the US is motivated by its identity as a democratic state, a proponent of liberal values, and a member of the “Anglosphere.” For the last decade Australian leaders have expressed growing concerns about Chinese President Xi Jinping’s increasingly authoritarian approach, leading to a shift in bilateral relations from a “cooperative partnership” to a “competitive rivalry.” The contrast between Laos and Australia’s positions poses a challenge to Vientiane’s leadership capability. The question is whether Vientiane can bridge this gap with Canberra. Geopolitically, ASEAN functions as a viable hedging strategy, offering Australia substantial benefits derived from its association with the region. On paper, Canberra is poised to demonstrate its commitment to ASEAN Centrality. The plan of action to implement the ASEAN-Australia Strategic Partnership (2020-2024) reaffirms the priority of shaping a peaceful, prosperous, and rules-based region with ASEAN at its centre. During the first ASEAN Australia Summit in 2021, both parties agreed to establish an ASEAN-Australia Comprehensive Strategic Partnership (CSP), reflecting their mutual commitment to ASEAN centrality, the promotion of regional rules, and support for the ASEAN-led regional architecture. Despite the QUAD Indo-Pacific Strategy, Australia has reassured its ASEAN counterparts by adopting the Joint Statement of the Second Annual ASEAN-Australia Summit on Cooperation on the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP) in 2022. That means  the success of Laos’ presidency in maintaining ASEAN’s centrality hinges on the country’s determination to counter Chinese influences. It has done so before. Despite being the smallest country, Laos effectively managed Chinese demands during its presidency in 2016. So there is hope. Vientiane has underscored its foreign policy focus on peace, independence, friendship, and cooperation. It acknowledges the crucial role of ASEAN as the primary platform to publicise its foreign policy. Under its ASEAN Presidency in 2024, Laos has prioritised the theme of “Enhancing Connectivity and Resilience,” emphasising the need to bolster resilience to uphold ASEAN centrality and sustain its relevance. For the time being, Laos’ presidency can serve to bridge differences by playing up the steadfast commitment to ASEAN centrality from all stakeholders. Progress can be achieved with Australia by prioritising non-security cooperation through the Aus4ASEAN Initiatives. Anthony Albanese’s visit to China — the first by an Australian PM since 2016 — sent a favourable message that Australia is eager to improve ties with China, relieving pressure on Laos to close the gap. However, a shift is anticipated by the end of the year, particularly after the  US presidential election and the possibility of the adoption of a new security posture in the Indo-Pacific. Therefore, Laos must tread carefully in its relations with China and maximise the remaining time to garner collective support for ASEAN centrality. Ratih Indraswari is an assistant professor in the International Relations Department at the Catholic University of Parahyangan, Bandung, Indonesia. They are currently pursuing Ph.D. at Ehwa Woman University in Seoul, South Korea, with research interest in ASEAN and South Korea Foreign Policy. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Australia and ASEAN” sent at: 04/03/2024 14:07. This is a corrected repeat.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 5, 2024

Laos’ Mekong dam collapse leaves a sad legacy - 360 Naho Mirumachi, King’s College London Published on February 28, 2022 This article was commissioned by 360info as part of a collaboration with Water Science Policy, including an interactive river journey of the Mekong. You can enjoy the full experience and learn more about this unique river here. When Laos’ Xe-Pian hydropower dam collapsed in the summer of 2018, it killed 71 people and reportedly affected a further 14,440 more. For villagers in this impoverished southeastern part of the country, losing their possessions and homes was difficult enough. But the aftermath was worse: prolonged, degrading living circumstances without adequate access to water and sanitation extending to this day, more than three years after the disaster. Displaced local communities have yet to receive compensation and many still live in temporary housing. They have few prospects for recovering their livelihood. During a visit to the region in 2019, UN Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights Prof Philip Alston said people told him “they didn’t have money to buy food or drinking water, didn’t have money to send their children to the hospital, and were going into debt just to get by”. The United Nations later called out both the state and businesses involved in project construction and finance for their collective lack of redress. Fingers have been pointed in many directions. Banks responsible for financing projects came under scrutiny from human rights groups, as did the Korean and Thai construction companies accused of shirking their responsibility to uphold human rights while profiting from hydropower development. The Laos government was also criticised by community activists for failing its citizens. The dam disaster illuminates the findings of a recent study led by King’s College London: the actions of water-intensive industries produce far-reaching impacts on the human right to drinking water. Large-scale projects escalate competition for access to water with local users, and the surge in manufacturing and energy production often increases the risk of water water quality degradation. It has been suggested that businesses are responsible for 70 percent of global water use and pollution. Voluntary mechanisms have failed to ensure sustainability and safety. Even where businesses opt into these practises, issues regarding water quality and affecting access to drinking water are often overlooked — these latent impacts are not fully examined in many human rights impact assessments or due diligence processes for project development investments. This is partly because it is difficult to conceptualise: water availability and quality degradation can manifest gradually and not be immediately visible. The political economy of water, as well as the cultural and institutional backdrop informing water use and regulation, also needs to be understood to understand well to unpack the effects a project may have. An awareness of how and when water is sued by farmers, how large agri-businesses and industries operate, the work of local communities and traditional customary rules of water in certain pockets would be helpful in these environments. As the sustainability of the Mekong becomes increasingly tenuous, governments and business could play an important role in securing its future by Dr Naho Mirumachi is an expert in water sustainability and works as Associate Professor at the Department of Geography, King’s College London, UK. Dr Mirumachi declared no conflicts of interest in relation to this article. The study was requested by the European Parliament’s Subcommittee on Human Rights, funded by the European Parliament, and the copyright is with them. The content of study is the sole responsibility of the authors, and any opinions expressed herein do not necessarily represent the official position of the European Parliament. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Water conflict” sent at: 21/02/2022 09:03. This is a corrected repeat.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 28, 2022

Lapdog or watchdog? The media under Marcos - 360 Maria Diosa Labiste Published on May 3, 2023 After six years being sapped by Rodrigo Duterte, Philippines media is now struggling to hold Ferdinand Marcos Jr properly to account. Philippines President Ferdinand Marcos Jr must have been stung by his own words at times. During the launch of a national tax campaign, he asked the public to “pay the amount of taxes on time” to support economic recovery and expansion. His appeal could be construed with irony, not of statesmanship. Marcos owes the government 203 billion pesos (USD$3.6 billion) in estate taxes. Marcos and his mother, Imelda, are the administrators of the estate of the late dictator, Ferdinand Marcos Sr who was ousted by an uprising in 1986 and died in Hawaii in 1989. The estate taxes remain unpaid since 1998. Marcos, through a spokesperson, also announced an ambitious digital media literacy campaign for vulnerable communities so they acquire the knowledge and tools to be “discerning of the truth”. Accordingly, the government will hold a media literacy summit, create laws on media literacy and identify fake news peddlers. Perhaps Marcos should look no further than his own circle. In the 2022 elections, fact-checkers noted that the Marcos campaign used disinformation as a strategy to rehabilitate the legacy of his father and attack opposition candidate, former vice president Leni Robredo. Through a network of influencers, bloggers, trolls and misinformed voters, Marcos tried to overrun social media platforms with historical falsehoods. The latter included claims there were no human rights abuses, corruption, censorship or political repression during the 14 years of martial law under his father. In both incidents, the media would be expected not only to report on the statements of Marcos and his associates but also to provide context to the stories. Enterprising reporters could access estate tax documents from the Supreme Court as these are public documents. As for media literacy proposal, journalists could hold the government to account for hypocrisy. Marcos wants to raise awareness of disinformation and the ways to combat it despite he and his family whitewashing his father’s dictatorship. However, the media’s treatment of the controversial statements was mixed. Some news organisations included the information on the unpaid estates taxes but others didn’t bother. It was the same with the story on media literacy even though there is enough evidence the Marcos family has been pushing the narratives on martial law contrary to what historical records show. The Marcos presidency tests the media’s resilience in dealing with a source with a freight of historical ill will. At the beginning of Marcos’ term as president, some newsrooms reportedly struggled whether to use “dictator” to refer to his father. Eventually, the word was dropped, in favour of “former president”, “strongman”, “Marcos patriarch”, and the like. This terminological dilemma indicates economic and professional constraints in media. Economic constraints refer to the ties of media owners with the Marcoses and the shrinking revenue sources that affect newsroom operations. For example, the Manila Standard is owned by the Romualdez family, in which House Speaker Ferdinand Martin Romualdez is a member, and whose interests include mining and media. Romualdez is a cousin of President Marcos Jr. The imperatives of economic constraints could lead journalists to look for stories that align with their employers’ idea of what news should be. Writing a story is like putting a frame on a picture — some parts get highlighted while other parts are left out. Framing is a process through which a journalist defines, interprets and morally evaluates an event. In this regard, threats to press freedom, job security, and safety could narrow the news frame. These threats are present in the media in the time of Marcos, sometimes not overt but in some indistinct ways. For instance, Marcos has reduced the number of his predecessor Rodrigo Duterte’s exemptions on what documents and information should not be released to the public, under so-called Freedom of Information laws. From a total of 166 exemptions, Marcos designated only nine. However, doubts were raised on the sincerity of the government to become more transparent. The Philippine Daily Inquirer‘s request for documents of Marcos’ constant foreign trips, during his first 100 days in office was denied. The six months of Marcos presidency has not restored the media’s confidence to perform their watchdog role that was sapped by Duterte. Bloggers, pro-Marcos influencers and far-right media and their supporters are still invited to cover presidential events, a practice inherited from the Duterte administration. The ABS-CBN network remained shuttered under Marcos after the Duterte-dominated Congress did not renew its franchise in 2020. Rappler and its CEO Maria Ressa, a Nobel laureate, still face various cases although they have won some. Two journalists were killed in the first six months under Marcos. One was Percival Mabasa, popularly known as Percy Lapid, apparently for his critical commentaries. While suspects in Mabasa’s slaying were brought to court, the chilling effects persist. Calls for the release of community journalist Frenchie Mae Cumpio, after three years in detention on made-up charges, continue to be ignored by the government. When it comes to relating with the media, the difference between the Duterte and Marcos administration is superficial. Marcos’ style of speaking is unlike Duterte who cursed, rambled on, and was incoherent. Marcos dutifully reads the script and this makes it easy for reporters to write the speech story. The Marcos speeches are replete with cliches and generalities delivered uninspiringly, sometimes with little detail and without much meaning. However, their blandness appears to be easiest to manipulate to a particular point of view by pro-Marcos media and trolls because this effect relies on the relationship between an indifferent leader, misinformed citizens, and the kowtowing section of the media. Judging from the recent workshops, agreements, and forums to discuss the plight and hone the skills of journalists, it appears the media is trying to regain its bearings after spending six years under Duterte and almost a year into Marcos, all of which entails a cautious balance between asserting press freedom and pulling through under a popular authoritarian president. It’s safe to say journalists were transformed by the experiences so there’s a reason to be upbeat. Ma. Diosa Labiste is an associate professor in the journalism department of the University of the Philippines College of Mass Communication. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Press freedom” sent at: 01/05/2023 12:18. This is a corrected repeat.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 3, 2023

Laporan Khusus: Ekonomi Pariwisata - 360 Tasha Wibawa Published on September 7, 2022 Ketergantungan yang berlebihan pada industri pariwisata bisa menjadi masalah. Inilah beberapa solusi negara negara yang mengatasinya dengan efektif. Pariwisata adalah salah satu industri dengan pertumbuhan tercepat, menyumbang 10 persen dari PDB global pada tahun 2019. Tetapi saat pandemi, menjadi jelas ketergantungan yang berlebihan dapat merugikan jutaan orang yang bergantung pada pariwisata. Setelah dua tahun yang panjang, suntikan ekonomi dari pembukaan perbatasan membuat lega banyak pihak.Tetapi banyak tujuan wisata yang khawatir kalau overtourism akan balik. Diversifying ekonomi pariwisata tidak akan mudah, atau bisa langsung terjadi. Indonesia akan menjadi tuan rumah forum World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) World Tourism Day bulan ini, dengan fokus pada “Rethinking Tourism”. EMBED START Image {id: "editor_1"} EMBED END Image {id: "editor_1"} Sandiaga Uno, Menteri Pariwisata dan Ekonomi Kreatif, mengatakan pekan ini bahwa koordinasi yang tidak efektif dan kurangnya pemahaman masyarakat dalam upaya konservasi adalah beberapa isu dalam bidang pariwisata. “Harapan kami ke depan semakin banyak kunjungan wisata yang berkualitas dan berkelanjutan,” ujarnya. Zurab Pololikashvili, Sekretaris Jenderal UNWTO mengatakan bahwa pandemi COVID-19 telah menunjukkan kepada kita “tantangan sekaligus peluang besar untuk memastikan lebih banyak orang mendapatkan manfaat dari dimulainya kembali pariwisata.” “Memikirkan kembali salah satu sektor ekonomi utama dunia tidak akan mudah. ​​Tapi kami sudah berada di jalur yang baik,” kata  dalam sebuah pernyataan. Kedatangan internasional global menurun 71 persen selama dua tahun pertama pandemi, menurut UNWTO. Pada 2022, angka-angka itu mulai pulih, tetapi masih turun 54 persen secara global dibandingkan dengan 2019. Hilangnya pendapatan ekspor dari pariwisata internasional pada tahun 2020 diperkirakan mencapai US$1,1 triliun atau 16.379. triliun rupiah. Ini mewakili 42 persen dari total kerugian dalam perdagangan internasional pada tahun 2020. Penelitian menunjukan pariwisata global menyumbang 8 persen dari total emisi gas rumah kaca pada 2018. Kutipan ini berasal dari Tom Baum dari University of Strathclyde, Skotlandia: “Apa yang kita saksikan adalah konsekuensi dari retakan struktural dan budaya jangka panjang yang telah meluas menjadi jurang sejak kedatangan COVID-19.” Kutipan ini berasal dari Can-Seng Ooi, University of Tasmania, Australia: “Pariwisata pascapandemi harus bertujuan untuk keberkelanjutan bagi komunitas tuan rumah. Seiring perubahan masyarakat, demikian juga dengan industri.” Membayangkan ulang pariwisata Pasifik dengan berpikir lokal Regina Scheyvens dan Apisalome Movono, Universitas Massey, Selandia Baru Orang-orang Kepulauan Pasifik kuat ketika pariwisata dihentikan. Sekarang setelah dibuka kembali, dunia dapat belajar dari apa yang mereka inginkan. COVID-19 bukan satu-satunya terdakwa atas krisis pekerja pariwisata Tom Baum, Universitas Strathclyde, Skotlandia Pandemi memaksa para pekerja untuk melompat ke sektor lain di mana mereka menemukan prospek yang lebih baik. Tidak ada perbaikan cepat untuk membawa mereka kembali. Wisata kuliner dapat membantu meregenerasi planet kita Francesc Fusté-Forné, Universitas Girona, Spanyol Pariwisata regeneratif adalah langkah selanjutnya dalam perjalanan berkelanjutan dan kuliner dapat memainkan peran utama di dalamnya. Dari pantai Bali yang berserakan ke pariwisata berkelanjutan Sri Hastjarjo dan Rutiana D. Wahyunengseh, Universitas Sebelas Maret, Solo Penduduk sebuah desa di pulau Jawa menetapkan aturan bagi wisatawan yang berkunjung ke daerah mereka, bekerja sama dengan pemerintah setempat untuk membantu melindungi situs-situs populer. Model pariwisata ekonomi yang baru dan bertahan lama Pauline J. Sheldon, Universitas Hawaii, Amerika Serikat Menciptakan struktur ekonomi baru untuk pariwisata akan membutuhkan perubahan nilai yang mendasar. Ketika memberi dan menerima dapat menghentikan tempat yang dicintai sampai mati Phoebe Everingham, Universitas Newcastle, Australia Pariwisata bukanlah masalahnya, konsumsi massal adalah masalahnya. Begini cara kita dapat mengubahnya. Pelajaran dari ekonomi pariwisata yang melayani masyarakat Can-Seng Ooi, Universitas Tasmania, Australia Pendapatan pariwisata tidak selalu menguntungkan masyarakat dan ekonomi lokal. Desa-desa pedesaan di Indonesia menawarkan pelajaran untuk pariwisata global Fafurida, Universitas Negeri Semarang Dataran Tinggi Dieng merupakan studi kasus pengembangan pariwisata berbasis masyarakat yang dilakukan dengan baik. Program yang sukses telah membantu seluruh wilayah ekonomi. Memikirkan ulang pariwisata budaya setelah pandemi Valid Hasyimi, Santi Novani SBM ITB Bandung dan Hossny Azizalrahman, King Abdulaziz University Jeddah, Saudi Arabia Pariwisata sering menjadi saksi pengorbanan antara kepentingan ekonomi, sosial dan lingkungan, tetapi ketika COVID-19 muncul, Surakarta menemukan cara untuk mengubah pengorbanan menjadi peluang. Wisata masa depan melalui digitalisasi, Saidatulakmal Mohd Universiti Sains, Malaysia Saat pariwisata tradisional menjadi andalan untuk ekonomi, pariwisata cerdas adalah jalan ke depan pasca-COVID-19. Bagan: Kecepatan pemulihan pariwisata Yu Luo & James Goldie, 360info Sepuluh tujuan wisata teratas telah pulih dengan kecepatan yang sama setelah pandemi.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on September 7, 2022

Laporan Khusus: Literasi Tidak Hanya di Ruang Kelas - 360 Charis Palmer Published on September 27, 2022 Literacy begins before school and extends throughout a lifetime. 360info considers ways to support access to literacy outside traditional settings. Literasi dimulai sebelum sekolah dan meluas sepanjang hayat. 360info mempertimbangkan berbagai cara untuk mendukung akses ke literasi di luar konteks tradisional. Dua tahun gangguan akibat COVID-19 terhadap proses belajar mengajar berdampak pada literasi di seluruh dunia. Sebuah laporan terbaru dari Bank Dunia menemukan secara global, antara Februari 2020 dan Februari 2022, sistem pendidikan ditutup sepenuhnya untuk sekolah tatap muka rata-rata sekitar 141 hari. Hasil akhirnya adalah “skala kerugian yang hampir tidak dapat diatasi untuk sekolah anak-anak”, dikatakan Robert Jenkins, Kepala Pendidikan di UNICEF. Kehilangan pembelajaran bahkan dirasakan di negara-negara dengan akses internet yang cepat dan di kalangan tingkat keterampilan digital yang tinggi. Tetapi bagi anak-anak di negara-negara berpenghasilan rendah dan menengah, dampaknya sangat berat. “Karena 7 dari 10 anak usia 10 tahun di negara-negara berpenghasilan rendah dan menengah saat ini tidak dapat membaca teks sederhana, pemimpin politik dan masyarakat harus bergerak cepat untuk memulihkan masa depan generasi ini dengan memastikan strategi dan investasi pemulihan pembelajaran,” kata Jenkins. Sekitar 24 juta siswa mungkin tidak kembali ke sekolah formal, menurut UNESCO, membuat kasus kesempatan belajar tidak hanya di ruang kelas untuk mengatasi masalah literasi sebelum menjadi terkendala.Menjelang Hari Literasi Internasional pada 8 September, UNESCO mengatakan kepentingan transformasi ruang belajar untuk  memungkinkan pembelajaran literasi sepanjang hayat. Di sebagian besar negara, peningkatan pendidikan berarti bahwa kaum muda memiliki kesenjangan literasi yang lebih kecil antara pria dan wanita pada tahun 2018, dibandingkan orang dewasa pada umumnya. Meskipun tingkat melek huruf global telah meningkat selama 50 tahun terakhir — 86,68 persen pada tahun 2020 — ada perbedaan substantif di antara berbagai kelompok rentan berdasarkan gender dan lokasi geografis mereka.Di negara-negara berpenghasilan tinggi, 90 persen dari semua anak dibawah umur 12 bisa membaca dengan pemahaman cukup tinggi. Untuk negara-negara dengan kinerja tertinggi, angkanya mencapai 97 persen atau lebih. Namun sejak pandemi, banyak anak-anak yang jarang membaca. Di beberapa bagian negara Brasil, sekitar 3 dari 4 anak di kelas 2 tertinggal dalam membaca. Dimana sebelum pandemi hanya 1 setiap 2 anak. Di Afrika Selatan, anak-anak sekolah berada di antara 75 persen dan satu tahun sekolah tertinggal dari seharusnya.Di Asia Selatan, 78 persen anak tidak memiliki kemampuan literasi minimum, naik dari 60 persen sebelum pandemi.Tanpa tindakan, generasi siswa saat ini berisiko kehilangan US$21 triliun pendapatan seumur hidup dalam nilai sekarang, atau setara dengan 17 persen dari PDB global saat ini, menurut Bank Dunia. Kutipan ini diatribusikan kepada Zulfa Sakhiyya, Universitas Negeri Semarang: “Adalah mitos bahwa literasi secara otomatis menjamin mobilitas sosial vertikal. Mitos ini diperparah oleh fakta. Mitos literasi Zulfa Sakhiyya, Universitas Negeri Semarang Literasi bukan hanya soal peringkat. Di Indonesia, kesalahpahaman tentang literasi menciptakan kesenjangan yang lebih luas. Dengar ya: bagaimana buku audio dapat membantu literasi di Indonesia Irfan Rifai, Universitas Bina Nusantara| Karena orang dewasa belajar secara berbeda dengan anak-anak, memanfaatkan media yang sudah dikenal dapat membantu meningkatkan literasi. Literasi akhirnya masuk dalam daftar bacaan dalam kurikulum Indonesia Tati L. Durriyah, Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia Selama bertahun-tahun, literasi tidak di prioritaskan di pendidikan Indonesia. Ini bisa berubah setelah kurikulum baru yang ditunggu-tunggu diperkenalkan selama pandemi. Mencegah anak-anak menjadi burung beo saat mereka belajar membaca Chong Su Li, Universiti Teknologi Petronas Terlalu banyak penekanan pada anak-anak yang mengetahui cara membaca kata-kata tidak membuat membaca bermakna. Program Literasi di  India gagal Vachaspati Shukla, Institut Penelitian Ekonomi dan Sosial Sardar Patel Terlepas dari pendidikan yang diamanatkan pemerintah, terlalu banyak orang India yang tetap tidak dapat membaca dan menulis. Saatnya meninjau kembali kebijakan. Menumbuhkan ‘ruang ketiga’ untuk meningkatkan literasi di kalangan remaja Faizah Idrus, Universitas Islam Internasional Malaysia Rumah dan ruang kelas sendiri sering kali tidak menawarkan lingkungan terbaik untuk membuat para remaja membaca. This article has been republished for Indonesia’s National Teacher’s Day. It was first published on September 27, 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on September 27, 2022

Lapuran Khusus: Hukuman mati - 360 Reece Hooker Published on October 11, 2022 Memperingati Hari Anti Hukuman Mati Internasional tanggal 10 Oktober. Hukuman mati tetap menjadi salah satu isu yang paling kontroversial dalam peradilan pidana global. Saat lebih banyak negara bergerak untuk mengakhiri hukuman mati, beberapa di antaranya berlipat ganda. Agustus lalu, negara bagian Oklahoma AS mengeksekusi James Coddington atas pembunuhannya pada 1997 terhadap Albert Hale yang berusia 73 tahun. Sebulan sebelumnya, Coddington meminta dewan pembebasan bersyarat untuk  diberikan penangguhan hukuman. Panel diberitahu bahwa Coddington terpapar penyalahgunaan narkoba dan alkohol sejak ia masih bayi, dan menunjukkan penyesalan atas kejahatannya. Panel merekomendasikan hukuman Coddington diringankan menjadi penjara seumur hidup tanpa prospek pembebasan bersyarat. Tetapi gubernur — yang memegang kekuasaan pengambilan keputusan — tidak setuju. Putra korban, Mitch Hale, mengatakan bahwa Coddington “memilih jalan ini … dia tahu apa konsekuensinya, dia melempar dadu dan kalah.” Amerika Serikat adalah salah satu dari sedikit negara yang masih aktif mempraktikkan hukuman mati — hanya 18 negara yang diketahui melakukan eksekusi tahun lalu. Dari mereka, hanya 11 yang terus melakukannya selama lima tahun terakhir. Saat pembatasan pandemi mereda, eksekusi dilanjutkan. Singapura telah menggantung sepuluh orang tahun ini, termasuk empat dalam sebulan terakhir. Pada bulan Juli, Iran mengeksekusi tiga orang — termasuk mantan pengantin anak yang dihukum karena membunuh pria yang dinikahinya pada usia 15 tahun. Hukuman mati di Myanmar melonjak sejak militer merebut kekuasaan dalam kudeta Februari 2021. Pada bulan Maret, Arab Saudi membunuh 81 orang dalam apa yang disebut Amnesty International sebagai “obral eksekusi“. Beberapa bagian dunia memanfaatkan disrupsi proses peradilan pidana akibat pandemi untuk menjauh dari hukuman mati. Malaysia telah setuju untuk menghapus hukuman mati wajib untuk kejahatan seperti perdagangan narkoba, pengkhianatan negara dan pembunuhan. Zambia, yang mempertahankan moratorium hukuman mati sejak 1997, berjanji untuk mengambil langkah berikutnya dan sepenuhnya menghapus hukuman itu. Pendukung penghapusan hukuman mati melihat alasan untuk mengakhirinya atas prinsip. Hukuman mati berpotensi digunakan untuk menghukum para pembangkang dan aktivis di negara-negara dengan peradilan yang tidak kuat. Bahkan di negara-negara dengan sistem peradilan yang tepercaya, masih ada kemungkinan salah vonis terhadap orang yang tidak bersalah. Bagi negara yang akan tetap melaksanakan hukuman mati, isu besarnya adalah apa bisakah eksekusi dilakukan dengan lebih manusiawi — diperlakukan sebagai hukuman yang jarang digunakan dan khusus untuk kejahatan berat, atau sebagai sanksi alternatif daripada hukuman wajib. Per Desember 2021, 144 negara telah sepenuhnya menghapus hukuman mati dalam status hukum atau praktiknya, sementara 55 negara mempertahankannya. Setidaknya ada 28.670 orang di seluruh dunia yang diketahui terpidana mati pada akhir tahun 2021. Di Amerika Serikat, 63 orang dijadwalkan akan dieksekusi antara sekarang dan April 2026. Kutipan dari Madoka Futamura, Universitas Hosei: “Kebijakan hukuman mati tidak ada dalam ruang hampa. Mereka mencerminkan bagaimana pemerintah memahami hukuman pidana, yang terkait erat dengan sikap mereka terhadap hak asasi manusia, pemerintahan, ketertiban dan keadilan.” “Pemerintahan yang naik turun, tidak stabil, atau sering didemo cenderung merasa lebih sulit untuk melakukan kontrol atas wilayah tersebut, dan dalam situasi seperti itu, lebih rentan menerapkan hukuman mati untuk tujuan sewenang-wenang atau politik.” Kutipan dari Anugerah Rizki Akbari, Universitas Indonesia: “KUHP baru Indonesia akan menandai babak baru dalam sejarah peradilan negara ini, tetapi itu tidak akan menghentikan perdebatan lama seputar hukuman mati.” “Jalan ke depan yang diusulkan adalah membentuk kompromi yang mungkin tidak menyenangkan siapa pun.” “Meskipun moratorium saat ini, penghapusan total hukuman mati di Indonesia tampaknya menjadi prospek yang jauh bagi para aktivis dan kritikus. Namun, dalam batas-batas politik arus utama Indonesia, ada ruang untuk menghadirkan versi hukuman mati yang lebih sesuai dengan hukum internasional.” Pendukung penghapusan hukuman mati mematahkan mantan musuhnya Madoka Futamura, Universitas Hosei Hukuman mati memiliki lebih sedikit praktisi daripada sebelumnya, tetapi momentum gerakan penghapusan ini dapat dihentikan oleh beberapa orang yang berkomitmen pada hukuman mati. Delapan alasan mengapa AS masih menerapkan hukuman mati Matthew Robinson, Universitas Negeri Appalachian Percampuran politik, hukuman, agama dan tradisi yang kacau membuat hukuman mati memiliki masa depan yang terjamin di Amerika Serikat. Bagaimana sistem peradilan Bahrain mengecewakan pekerja migrannya Lucy Harry, Carolyn Hoyle, dan Jocelyn Hutton, Universitas Oxford Pekerja asing yang menghadapi hukuman mati di Bahrain mengalami eksploitasi tenaga kerja hingga kondisi yang menyiksa dalam kurungan. Hak-hak mereka sering diabaikan. Belarus berdiri sendiri sebagai pembela terakhir Eropa dari hukuman mati Natalia Antolak-Saper, Universitas Monash Belarusia adalah sempalan, sebagai negara Eropa terakhir yang mempertahankan hukuman mati.  Mereka semakin kuat dengan adanya amandemen baru. Pengadilan India berjuang melawan gelombang hukuman mati Anup Surendranath, Universitas Hukum Nasional, Delhi Pengadilan India mengeluarkan lebih banyak hukuman mati karena hukuman mati menjadi pilihan untuk jenis kejahatan yang lebih luas. Tapi pengadilan tertinggi mereka menentangnya. Menemukan kepastian dalam ketidakpastian hukuman mati Indonesia Anugerah Rizki Akbari, Universitas Indonesia Indonesia mengubah pendekatannya terhadap hukuman mati, tetapi tindakan setengah-hati tidak akan cukup untuk menghentikan hukuman mati secara gamblang. WNA perempuan menanggung beban hukum narkoba Malaysia yang keras Lucy Harry, Universitas Oxford Undang-undang perdagangan narkoba yang ketat di Malaysia secara tidak proporsional menempatkan WNA perempuan di hukuman mati. Hukuman mati Indonesia yang ‘moderat’ adalah keliru Amira Paripurna, Universitas Airlangga Saat Indonesia bergerak untuk melepaskan masa lalu kolonialnya yang tidak demokratis, apa yang disebut undang-undang hukuman mati ‘moderat’ – yang penuh dengan ambiguitas – melemahkan langkah apa pun ke depan. UU Narkoba tanpa toleransi di Indonesia membuat ratusan orang masuk barisan terpidana mati Asmin Fransiska, Universitas Katolik Atma Jaya Perang Indonesia melawan narkoba belum berhasil. Ratusan terpidana menanti hukuman mati, eksekusi masih rutin terjadi dan perdagangan narkoba terus berlanjut. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on October 11, 2022

Laws haven’t kept up with online revenge porn - 360 Lidwina Inge Nurtjahyo Published on November 29, 2023 Online sexual violence can be deadly. A landmark new Indonesian law is a promising start, but doesn’t go far enough to stamp it out. A few weeks ago, a 16-year-old Indonesian girl committed suicide after nude images, allegedly taken by an ex-boyfriend, were spread on social media. The teenager, from North Central Timor Regency in East Nusa Tenggara, had felt “embarrassed” after the images were spread to her school friends, police said. The case comes about 18 months after Indonesia introduced landmark legislation aimed at protecting the rights of women: The Sexual Violence Criminal Law No. 12 of 2022. This law had wide scope, from catcalling, sexual violence in digital spaces, to rape and sexual exploitation; from marital rape (in order to strengthen the Domestic Violence Elimination Law No 23 of 2004) to sexual violence committed by corporations. Among other things, the law sets out nine kinds of sexual abuse, including sexual violence committed in digital spaces. Rates of online gender-based violence have risen significantly since COVID hit, as the pandemic increased dependency on online communication. Indonesia’s National Commission on Violence against Women received 940 reports in 2020, a nearly 400 percent increase from 2019. The abuse suffered by the teen victim in East Nusa Tenggara – non-consensual sharing of sexual images – is one common type of online gender-based abuse, commonly called ‘revenge porn’, and is overwhelmingly targeted at women, by men. This kind of abuse is on the rise – 70 percent of online gender-based violence involves images, according to the Association of Women for Action and Research (AWARE). Typically, the victim and perpetrator know each other and were once dating, or married. The perpetrator distributes, or threatens to distribute, non-consensual intimate content involving the victim, created during the relationship. Sometimes, the perpetrator uses ‘deep fake’ images — where an artificial image is created of the victim. This form of image-based sexual abuse can also be used to blackmail the victim. Image-based sexual abuse can also take place where the victim and perpetrator have no personal relationship, such as images taken without the victim’s knowledge (“up-skirting”). Non-consensual sharing of intimate images can cause trauma and extreme distress in victims. One account of this crime, published in Konde, describes how a woman in her early 20s was harassed via WhatsApp and texts to her smartphone, with threats to share images of her in bed. “This situation made her feel stupid and helpless,” according to the report. Image-based sexual abuse holds “great destructive power … because these threats can be sent directly … and can be carried out at any time’’. Victims can experience feelings of shame and loss of control “because of how hard it is to fully eradicate a piece of content from the internet when it has been shared.” Victims can also suffer financial hardship and social ostracisation such as isolation and ‘social rupture’. They cut connections with their family and friends, withdraw from social media and from society. This shut down of communication then affects the victim’s professional life. They often experience obstacles in returning to work which in turn can affect their financial wellbeing. Socially, the victim often suffers because she is embarrassed, or afraid that the public, her family or new partner will recognise her photos or videos once they’ve been spread. As a result, the victim sometimes limits her interactions with other people, isolating herself further at the very time she needs support. In the case described in Konde, the victim sought help from people closest to her and service providers. However, not all victims can access this assistance. The teenager in East Nusa Tenggara is one example of how this abuse can turn deadly. Similarly, a woman in Egypt committed suicideafter her husband threatened to share a nude video unless she relinquished her rights to money and furniture in their divorce. The Sexual Violence Crime Law is a crucial step forward. Its presence is an important point of resistance to digital-based sexual violence in Indonesia. Several regulations related to digital content and sexual violence, for example the Information and Electronic Transactions Law and the Personal Data Protection Law, still do not accommodate protection for victims of digital-based sexual violence. When the Electronic Transactions Law is implemented for a digital-based sexual violence case, especially if combined with the Anti-Pornography and Porno-action Law, the victim will experience criminalisation because they are considered to have contributed to creating and disseminating it. But it does not go far enough in creating mechanisms to actually hold perpetrators accountable. Other challenges remain. Many police still think sexual violence should involve actual touching. Digital expertise is also needed to track down offenders online. And coordination between police and social media platforms and search engines to provide evidence is not always smooth. There are potential conflicts for platform providers and search engine managers when it comes to privacy. There also is no mechanism for imposing restraining orders on perpetrators. In cases of digital stalking or “revenge porn”, how can we ensure the perpetrator does not attempt to access the victim’s social media account? A judge in Pandeglang District Court, Banten, Indonesia, banned a man from the internet for eight years. The sentence begged the question of proper enforcement. How can authorities ensure he will not access the internet during the specified time? In the end, the man and his lawyer were successful in having the sentence revoked on appeal. Perpetrators of image-based abuse are also hard to catch because many share images anonymously. Especially with “deep fakes”, law enforcement and prosecutors may not be able to tie the non-consensual images to their creators. In Indonesia, as in many countries, the onus is often placed on the victim to produce evidence of the content’s creation or attribution. Victims of online-based gender violence need family and community support, not blame. Some victims of digital sexual violence fear being stigmatised for appearing in nude content, which may impact their willingness to report these crimes or otherwise seek help. It is important for the Indonesian government to build reporting mechanisms that are more victim-friendly and less victim-blaming. The public also needs education to not redistribute the digital content which are containing sexual violence. Lawmakers and policymakers can also work to introduce ’rights to be forgotten’, the mechanisms to remove intimate content that is distributed non-consensually, based on a victim’s request. They also could impose laws allowing victims to seek restraining orders on perpetrators, as well as preventing perpetrators from stalking their victims or committing other repeated violence against the victims. Lidwina Inge Nurtjahyo is a lecturer and researcher in the Faculty of Law University of Indonesia. She has developed a women and children legal clinic at the University of Indonesia. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 29, 2023

Laying down the law on air pollution - 360 Cecep Aminudin Published on August 15, 2022 Air pollution is an international problem. Domestic and international laws could work together to combat it. It’s like trying to catch smoke. Forest-fire haze drifting from Indonesia to neighbouring countries every dry season has eluded domestic efforts to curb it. Land clearing by burning is prohibited by administrative, criminal and civil laws in Indonesia, but putting polluters on trial remains a challenge. Underexplored legal avenues may provide new solutions to the decades-old problem. Forest and land fires in Indonesia have attracted global attention since the great fires in 1982–83 and 1997–98. Large haze events occurred again in 2007, 2012 and 2015, causing international alarm and cross-border pollution throughout Southeast Asia. Smoke from these sorts of fires is the biggest source of air pollution in Indonesia after transportation and energy emissions. Companies – mostly oil-palm producers – have used fire as a tool to clear forests and peatland areas for agriculture, even though Indonesia and Malaysia are well aware of the need to strictly enforce bans on the practice. Indonesian and Malaysian laws since the 1997 haze event have not prevented local burning. And penalising foreign companies for their actions in Indonesia and Malaysia has been hampered by cronyism and corruption, lack of awareness and education, weaknesses in the institutional framework and lack of political will. Also, the penalties are too low to deter further pollution. In recent years Indonesia’s environment ministry has brought more land- and forest-fire cases to court. Civil laws holding businesses accountable for the fires they cause have had some effect, according to a ministry report. The ministry filed 21 cases between January 2015 and September 2020, and of these 10 were successful and 11 are still pending. Businesses have been ordered to pay compensation and restoration costs totalling almost US$1.38 billion. These outcomes are related to the application of the precautionary principle in decision-making by Indonesian civil courts, as is common in environmental cases that involve scientific evidence. According to this principle, lack of full scientific certainty shall not be used to make a decision regarding environmental protection. Indonesian courts applied the precautionary principle in the determining liable party and judging evidence even when there was scientific uncertainty. Providing sufficient evidence in forest- and land-fire cases is often very difficult. Scientific evidence in the form of studies and expert opinion plays a crucial role in proving illegal fires have occurred, who started them, and how much environmental damage and loss they have caused. Laboratory test reports can also be used as evidence in civil environmental-justice cases. Entirely at the judge’s discretion, these reports can be treated as expert testimony. Their relevance, which includes validity and reliability, and support from other expert testimonies, is a critical point in a judge’s decision to admit them as compelling legal evidence. External regulation could complement and support the legal framework in each Southeast Asian country to ensure the activities of transnational companies meet environmental standards and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) notion of cooperation. A legitimate legislative framework could impose and enforce international environmental standards recognised under human rights obligations. In this way, plantation companies could be held accountable under international law for the pollution they cause elsewhere. The victims of transboundary pollution and other environmental destruction are the people whose health will suffer, either in the short or the long term. Many countries have also suffered economic loss from direct damage and loss of economic activity. Holding polluters accountable will not just uphold domestic laws but also demonstrate political willingness to recognise air pollution as a human rights issue. Cecep Aminudin is a PhD candidate in environmental law at Padjadjaran University, Bandung, Indonesia. He is the Chairman of ECOTAS, a research institute on sustainability. Apart from pursuing his doctoral degree, Aminudin conducts research, delivers training and consults on environmental law. He declares no conflict of interest in relation to this article and does not receive special funds in any form. This article has been republished to align with the International Day of Clean Air. It was first published on August 8, 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on August 15, 2022

Learning to see through the lies with media literacy - 360 Kwan Yee Kow Published on May 3, 2024 In Malaysia’s post-truth era, information overload and manipulation hinder informed decision-making, demanding media literacy solutions. Misinformation and media literacy has become a touchstone subject for many nations and Malaysia is no different. So much so, the fact-checking community in Malaysia is evolving, with AI and old-fashioned human beings at the coalface of verifying what’s real and what’s not on social media and other platforms. This combination of AI and human expertise, reminiscent of an era where fact-checking relied solely on human judgement, highlights the complexities of navigating the digital age. While Malaysia grapples with press freedom concerns and the “weaponisation” of information, the need for a well-informed society has never been greater. This underscores the long-term impact of media and information literacy. There’s a growing reliance on machine learning algorithms for detecting misinformation in the industrial sector. These algorithms analyse large volumes of data and identify potentially false or misleading information. At the same time, people are manually fact-checking content to verify its accuracy. In November 2022, Malaysia launched its first fact-checking alliance called JomCheck, to address the spread of mis/disinformation online. JomCheck aims to be a platform in Malaysia to fight against misinformation. This alliance of professional fact-checkers, journalists, and even students created a dedicated tip line where anyone can submit suspicious claims and get them verified by a trusted source While this approach may be more time-consuming, it offers a level of nuance and contextual understanding that algorithms sometimes lack. JomCheck partners collaborated to debunk claims and provide clarification during both the 15th general elections and the 2023 state elections. Other JomCheck alliance partners, such as independent educational groups like Arus Academy, the Media Education For All (ME4A) movement, and the Society of Media and Information Literacy Educators (SMILE), focused on empowering young people through workshops and training sessions. In April, the Malaysian Ministry of Communications launched ‘AI untuk Rakyat‘ (AI for people) which uses artificial intelligence (AI) to help users verify information they received, avoiding misleading news and falling victim to scams. The ministry has even urged news consumers to equip themselves with media literacy skills to know how to obtain, consume and read information from credible sources. By equipping people with the skills to critically evaluate and analyse information, media and information literacy becomes not only an exciting but a vital solution in the fight against misinformation. Despite the urgent need for this competency, there is no media and information literacy education in Malaysia’s formal education curriculum or syllabus. Several strategies have been implemented by the Malaysian Communications and Multimedia Commission to address the issue of misinformation and social media abuse. These include educational initiatives such as Klick Dengan Bijak (click wisely) and the Malaysia ICT Volunteer aimed at empowering Malaysians to become digital citizens and contributing to the development of a smart digital nation. Besides establishing its own verification platform such as sebenarnya.my, the communications ministry is also working with global digital platforms including Telegram, Tik Tok and Meta on content moderation. Authorities would request the online platforms to take down content supposedly violating local laws. This has backfired as critics have accused the government of stifling freedom of speech although the government clarified it wanted to remove controversial posts on issues such as race, religion and royalty. These platforms would review and remove content that is against their community guidelines; otherwise, they then assess if it truly infringes upon local laws as claimed. While indisputable content such as pornography, scams, illegal sales, and gambling-related material should be erased, questions remain about what qualifies as “misinformation” and “unfavourable content” under local laws. These laws are highly restrictive and subject to debate, leaving questions about transparency, fairness and power centralisation on digital content moderation. Despite these efforts, distinguishing genuine signals from the vast array of online content remains challenging, especially given the diverse formats and types of information circulating on social media platforms. Research emphasises the effectiveness of media and information literacy education in mitigating the spread of online falsehoods, positioning it as a promising long-term and sustainable solution to the widespread of misinformation. In contrast to Western nations where media and information literacy education is integrated into formal systems, Asian and developing countries face unique socio-cultural and political challenges. Initial initiatives in developing countries around the world are often supported by international NGOs such as UNESCO and UNICEF, aiming to enhance media and information literacy competence among young students, fostering critical thinking towards media content, and promoting human rights-oriented content creation. In countries such as China and Vietnam, efforts are made to equip students with media skills while advocating for children’s rights. Singapore has established comprehensive guidelines and modelled programs from its Ministry of Education to integrate information literacy across various educational levels. However, there’s a noticeable gap in attention and implementation regarding media literacy. Hong Kong has adopted a unique network model strategy, fostering grassroots community movements to promote media and information literacy education by leveraging diverse sources and facilitating its development. Overall, combating online falsehood should not solely focus on identifying misinformation and inaccuracy. Instead, it should empower media content consumers to recognise bias in all sources of information. To achieve this, concepts such as objectivity, impartiality, fairness, and balance should be integrated within the context of media and information literacy education. Kow Kwan Yee is a lecturer at the School of Communication & Creative Arts, University of Wollongong, Malaysia. Her research interests include media literacy education, press freedom, media reform, and communication policies and practices. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Press Freedom” sent at: 03/05/2024 13:34. This is a corrected repeat.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 3, 2024

Leaving a lasting ocean legacy - 360 Robert Richmond Published on June 8, 2022 Island communities have developed some of the most effective practices to support the sustainable use of coastal and ocean resources, we just need to take heed. In a vast ocean area with around 30,000 known islands, traditional navigators of the Pacific have been known to say, ‘first you choose your destination, then you figure out how to get there’. The health of our ocean and all who depend on it are facing a multitude of threats. If our destination is an ocean that provides sustenance and support for present and future generations, we have a lot of navigating to do, including a major course correction from our present path. Indigenous communities know what’s required to preserve our oceans. Island people have developed some of the most effective practices to support the sustainable use of coastal resources from fishing techniques, tools and timing, to wise land-use practices in watersheds affecting coral reefs and offshore ecosystems. For example, some fishers on Yap Island in the Federated States of Micronesia, use kites made from native breadfruit leaves and pandanus spines to carry their coconut fibre fishing lines over the reef. They use shark muscle bands instead of hooks. They can only catch long-nose needlefish and avoid other species so nothing goes to waste. Chiefs in Palau close off fishing in reef channels during grouper spawning events (this practice is known as a “bul”) to protect these important species when they are most productive and vulnerable. Palauans also protect mangrove forests and use taro fields to protect coastal coral reef ecosystems from damage from terrestrial runoff and sedimentation. However, these traditional tenure systems did not have to address present-day problems. The ocean is suffering from the push-pull of too many toxic things being inputted, and too many valuable resources extracted at levels that undermine the health and longevity of marine ecosystems. Human-based sources of pollution and the use of pesticides, microplastics, mercury accumulating in tuna, large-scale toxic sewage outfalls, oil spills, industrial level overfishing, illegal fishing, as well as global climate change are all contributing to the ocean’s destruction. While the problems appear daunting, solutions exist. Each of us can make decisions on the products we buy, such as avoiding single-use plastics and personal care products with microbeads, and researching the food we eat. Several mobile phone apps such as Seafood Watch help consumers identify whether their fish is caught or farmed responsibly. Consumers can also put pressure on companies to reduce the use of things like glyphosate (the active ingredient in Roundup, commonly used in the United States), which is not only used for killing weeds but to dry oats. All of these examples work, but effectiveness comes down to scale, consistency, broad engagement and access to reliable information. Understanding the psychology of sustainability and effective climate change communication is essential in shifting behaviours at scales that matter. If each person influences ten others to make changes that matter, there is hope, as one begets ten, which begets 100 and affects 1,000. It’s human nature to experience action fatigue and end up making a few gestures while continuing a majority of bad behaviours that are unsustainable. Politicians and decision-makers can drive change. But the lack of political will to support ocean sustainability is the result of a combination of insufficiently and poorly communicated information (including from the scientific community), disengagement, voter cynicism, and false advertising from those who can gain financially from inaction. Global climate change is the biggest threat to the world’s oceans and our entire planet. Substantial effects are already being felt from elevated sea surface temperatures resulting in mass coral reef bleaching events, reduced ocean productivity from acidification, increased storm frequency and intensity impacting marine ecosystems, sea level rise damaging coastal areas and the migration of open-sea fish due to warming waters. Reducing local level stressors is a strategy to buy time and address climate change impacts, including using online calculators to track our carbon footprint and adjusting accordingly. But there is an urgency as levels of atmospheric CO2 have already exceeded healthy limits. Reducing greenhouse gases, while still critical, will no longer be sufficient to protect many ecosystems, and carbon sequestration (the process of capturing and storing carbon dioxide)will need to be considered on a wider scale. Traditional leaders and stakeholders in the Pacific Islands always consider actions in the context of the legacy they leave to their future generations. The longevity of what they leave behind does not match the myopic vision of electoral cycles that guide many politicians. If our precious ocean ecosystems are to be protected for future generations, we need leaders who will act on the abundance of sound science we already possess. The clock is ticking and the worst action is inaction. Our ocean is threatened but not doomed, and the outcome is totally up to us. Robert H. Richmond, Ph.D. is a Research Professor and Director of the Kewalo Marine Laboratory, University of Hawaii at Manoa. He is also a Pew Fellow in Marine Conservation, Aldo Leopold Fellow in Environmental Leadership and Fellow of the International Coral Reef Society. The author declares no conflict of interest. This article has been republished for a Special Report on Indigenous lessons. It was first published on June 6, 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 8, 2022

Legal loopholes don't help victims of sexualised deepfake abuse - 360 Asher Flynn, Anastasia Powell, Asia Eaton, Adrian Scott Published on April 3, 2024 Sexual deepfake abuse silences women causing lasting harm, and laws to protect them are inconsistent. In early 2024, pop megastar Taylor Swift became the centre of a disturbing controversy. Millions of sexually explicit deepfake images of her flooded social media, raising concerns about the misuse of this Artificial Intelligence (AI) technology. Only after one image was viewed more than 47 million times, did social media platform, X (formerly Twitter), remove the content. Swift’s case provided a wake-up call to how easy it is for people to take advantage of generative AI technology to create fake pornographic content without consent, leaving victims with few legal options and experiencing psychological, social, physical, economic, and existential trauma. The trend began in 2017, when a Reddit user uploaded realistic, but entirely fabricated, sexual imagery of female celebrities superimposed onto the bodies of pornography actors. Seven years on, nudify apps are readily accessible and advertised freely on people’s social media feeds, including Instagram and X. In Australia, a Google search of ‘free deepnude apps’ brings up about 712,000 results. A 2019 survey conducted across the UK, Australia and New Zealand found 14.1 percent of respondents aged between 16 and 84 had experienced someone creating, distributing or threatening to distribute a digitally altered image representing them in a sexualised way. People with disabilities, Indigenous Australians and LGBTQI+ respondents, as well as younger people between 16 and 29, were among the most victimised. Sensity AI has been monitoring online sexualised deepfake video content since 2018 and has consistently found that around 90 percent of this non-consensual video content featured women. What happened to Swift is sadly nothing new, as there have been numerous reports of sexualised deepfakes being created and shared involving women celebrities, young women and teenage girls. These digitally manipulated images pose significant ethical and legal challenges, prompting a reevaluation of existing laws and responses to such abuses. This is complicated on platforms with encrypted content, such as WhatsApp, where deepfakes may be shared without fear of detection or moderation. This has been recognised in a variety of forums, including the public campaigning of victim-survivors following deepfakes of Swift, comments from the Australian Federal communications minister and the US House of Representatives’ March 12 hearing on the harms of sexualised deepfake abuse. Australia has led the way in criminalising image-based abuse and its harms, as well as providing alternative avenues, such as the image-based abuse victim reporting portal facilitated by the eSafety Commissioner, who also has legal powers to compel individuals, platforms and websites to remove sexualised deepfake content. Except for the state of Tasmania, the distribution or threat to distribute sexualised deepfakes of an adult without their consent is captured under Australia’s existing image-based abuse laws. However, the non-consensual production or creation of a sexualised deepfake of an adult is not specifically captured under Australian law, except in the state of Victoria. Elsewhere in Australia, there is much ambiguity as to whether non-consensually creating or producing a sexualised deepfake of another adult is a crime, and whether possession of such non-consensual content is a crime. It’s the same around the world. In the UK, the Online Safety Act 2023 criminalises the non-consensual sharing or threat to non-consensually share a sexualised deepfake of an adult, but it does not include the production or creation of sexualised deepfake imagery. In the US, there is currently no national law criminalising either the creation or distribution of sexualised deepfake imagery of an adult without consent. However, much like Australian states and territories, some states have criminalised the non-consensual distribution of sexualised deepfake imagery of adults, and at least three states — Hawaii, Louisiana and Texas — have amended laws to include the non-consensual creation of sexualised deepfake imagery. A UK review ranked deepfakes as the most serious social and criminal threat using AI. With claims that open-source technology producing deepfakes ‘impossible to detect as fake‘ will soon be freely accessible for all, there is a need to improve legal and other responses. A new Australian Research Council study seeks to do just this, exploring sexualised deepfake abuse, including the number of victims and perpetrators, the consequences, predictors and harms across Australia, the UK and the US, with a primary focus on improving responses, interventions and prevention. The ambiguity around the illegality of creating, producing and possessing non-consensual sexualised deepfake imagery of adults suggests that further legal change is required to provide more appropriate responses to sexualised deepfake abuse. It may also go some way towards curbing the accessibility of sexualised deepfake technologies. If it is illegal to create or produce non-consensual deepfake imagery, then it would likely reduce the capacity for the technologies, like the nudify apps, to be advertised. It is important that any new or amended laws are introduced alongside other responses which incorporate regulatory and corporate responsibility, education and prevention campaigns, training for those tasked with investigating and responding to sexualised deepfake abuse, and technical solutions that seek to disrupt and prevent the abuse. Responsibility should also be placed onto technology developers, digital platforms and websites who host and/or create the tools to develop deepfake content to ensure safety by design and to put people above profit. Outside of sexualised deepfake abuse, there is a pressing need for guidelines around the responsible creation of deepfake content — whether to avoid the spread of disinformation or to avoid gendered or racial bias, such was the case with the sexually altered image of Victorian MP Georgie Purcell. Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni is seeking EU€100,000 in damages from two men after deepfake pornographic images using her face were circulated online. According to Meloni’s lawyer, the money was “symbolic” and the demand for compensation was intended to empower women to not be afraid to press charges. As identified elsewhere, a key problem with AI image manipulation is that these tools rely on the biased social norms and information that our human society has generated. As the use of AI and digital image manipulation becomes more mainstream, such as the controversial British royal family edited photo, there should be ethical guidelines around how deepfake content is created, shared and discussed. There are long standing legal precedents in many countries for regulating deceitful, harmful expressions that others perceive as true. Guidelines and regulations pertaining to the ethical and responsible creation of deepfake content could sit within a similar framework. Given the truly transnational nature of this challenge, it is important that global action, collaboration and responses are facilitated, which focus on preventing harm and ensuring responsible and ethical content development. A global approach is vital if society truly wants to address and prevent the harms of sexualised deepfake abuse. Dr Asher Flynn is an Associate Professor of Criminology at Monash University and is Deputy Lead and Chief Investigator with the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence: the Centre for the Elimination of Violence Against Women (CEVAW). Dr Anastasia Powell is a Professor of Family & Sexual Violence, in Criminology and Justice Studies at RMIT University. She is a board director of Our Watch and a member of the National Women’s Safety Alliance. Dr Asia Eaton is a feminist social psychologist and Professor of Psychology at Florida International University (FIU). Since 2016 Asia has also served as Head of Research for Cyber Civil Rights Initiative (CCRI). Dr Adrian Scott is a Reader in Psychology and Co-Director of the Forensic Psychology Unit at Goldsmiths, University of London. He is also a Chartered Psychologist within the British Psychological Society. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “AI and the arts” sent at: 28/03/2024 06:00. This is a corrected repeat.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 3, 2024

Legal obstacle course for surrogacy in Indonesia - 360 Sonny Dewi Judiasih, Deviana Yuanitasari Published on July 19, 2023 Surrogacy is banned in Indonesia but that may not always be the case. How does the conversation about legalising it begin? Surrogate motherhood is prohibited in Indonesia but it exists nevertheless. There have been cases of surrogacy in several regions of Indonesia, carried out by individuals secretly through family connections. On Facebook, for example, it isn’t difficult to find young mothers from Indonesia registering to become surrogate mothers. There are no strict and clear sanctions for parties who violate Indonesia’s surrogacy ban. This has led to the practice being conducted in secret or within a family. But the ban will not necessarily remain forever. Surrogacy will likely become a legal issue in Indonesia in the next five to 10 years. Since 1970, the fertility rate in Indonesia has been in decline. Use of reproductive technology is growing but surrogacy via family connections is more affordable despite the current ban of the practice. If reality mimics art, an upcoming film Dear Jo could reflect the future situation in Indonesia, where many couples decide to use surrogacy for various reasons. Discussions about surrogate motherhood have been studied extensively in Indonesia, but no formal references have been established because of a reluctance of those involved to go public. While doctors and clinics face severe penalties for providing surrogacy services, intended parents fear prosecution due to the illegality of the practice. Surrogate mothers may be considered immoral, and the child illegitimate. As an initial step towards a more genuine discussion of surrogacy in Indonesia, the proposal of ‘uterus leasing’ could be the answer. Under Indonesian law, for a contract between parties to be valid, it requires capable and consenting parties, as well as the object of the contract and its articles to be supported by applicable regulations. The objects and articles necessary for the practice of surrogacy in Indonesia are currently not fulfilled. Indonesian law states that a legitimate child is one born in or as a result of a legal marriage. Children born out of wedlock only have a civil relationship with their mother and her family. So, children born to surrogate mothers are the legitimate child of the surrogate mother, not the child of the would-be parents. The status of the child can be changed to that of the intended parents if it is agreed in the surrogacy contract that the child born automatically becomes the child of the intended parents, so that the surrogate mother has no rights over the child. In a uterus leasing agreement, the subject of the agreement are the services rendered by a surrogate mother as a substitute for the process of pregnancy and childbirth. If the subject is the services of a surrogate mother, then based on Indonesia’s Civil Code, it is under the category of the class of doing or performing an act. This is based on the reason that the surrogate mother provides services in the form of renting her uterus and then caring for the baby in the womb until birth. In relation to objects, another article on the Civil Code states that “every item and every right that can be an object and property rights”, so the definition of objects (zaak) is “everything that can be the subject of property rights”. Objects regulated in the Civil Code are tangible objects (vehicles, houses or land). However, the uterus cannot be classified as an object or a thing, because it is an entity given to a woman by the Creator. Despite the fact the uterus is a solid object (people can see and hold it), it is not one of the objects referred to in the Civil Code. There is no specific codification of the uterus in the Civil Code. Furthermore, there can be no revocation of a woman’s property rights to her uterus by the government in the public interest, except for medical issues. Any object owned by a person, then by order of the legislation can be taken by the government with the payment of appropriate compensation. Therefore, it is not logical for the uterus to be included as an object. In addition, based on the law of leasing, “a lease is an agreement by which one party undertakes to grant the other party the use of something, for a certain period of time and with the payment of a price that the latter is willing to pay”. From the above definition of lease in the case of surrogate mother, it is true that there is an agreement between two parties. Indonesian Civil Code also says “only tradable goods can be the subject of a contract“. There is no mention of a rented uterus. If the uterus can be constructed as an object that can be rented, then this will be the first procedure that will allow the practice of uterus renting based on a surrogacy contract. The fact that the wombs are rented to continue the family lineage can’t be ignored by the law. If surrogacy is to become legitimate in Indonesia, the uterus as a recognised object of a contract should come first before other regulations follow. Sonny Dewi Judiasih is a professor of civil law and the head of the Department of Civil Law in the Faculty of Law, Universitas Padjadjaran, Bandung Indonesia. Her research interests are in civil law and family law. Deviana Yuanitasari is a lecturer and researcher for the Economic Law Department in the Faculty of Law, Universitas Padjadjaran, Bandung Indonesia. She is currently pursuing her doctoral degree at Universitas Indonesia. Her research interests are in civil law, trade law and consumer protection law. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “State of surrogacy” sent at: 17/07/2023 06:00. This is a corrected repeat.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on July 19, 2023

Less snow means more problems for winter sports - 360 Marie Cavitte Published on January 22, 2024 Ski resorts in Europe’s Alps are confronting a snow problem. Solutions won’t just fall from the sky. As a child, our family would go to the Ardennes in central France for the winter break.  My memories are of us skiing or sledding in the snow, which usually lay thick on the ground. The Ardennes range between 350 and 500 metres above sea level on average but, sadly, the snow cover of my childhood is no longer a reality. In January, the European Union’s climate research body, Copernicus confirmed that 2023 was the hottest year since records began in 1850. It was 1.48°C warmer than the pre-industrial level, bringing the world dangerously close to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s 1.5°C threshold. With increasing temperatures, this implies that precipitation that used to fall as snow, might now fall as rain which is incredibly unfavourable to snow cover as it accelerates the melting of the little snow there already is. This has dire consequences for the snow playgrounds in Europe and elsewhere, and for the sports which rely on them. In the past two years, there has been a large snow deficit across several regions of Europe. For every 1°C increase in air temperature, snow cover is reduced by 8 percent. In other words, not only is snow cover shrinking in many regions of the world due to global temperatures rising, but when it snows, there is less of it. By 2050, no matter what happens with global carbon emissions, models predict a shorter snow season by a few weeks and a reduction in the snow height of around 10 to 40 percent at low and mid altitudes (up to 2000m). This dire lack of snow accumulation in the winter translates into greater glacier melting in summer. Glaciers, lacking their snow blanket, melt more readily under the increasingly warm temperatures, which means poorer conditions at the start of the following winter for snow to accumulate (snow “survives” better on a cold ice surface than on warm rock/sediments). In order to continue providing the same tourism industry (which is perhaps a maladaptation, see later), ski resorts will need to continue investing in artificial snowmaking and increased piste grooming. This in itself has a knock-on effect of increasing their carbon footprint. In France, 80 percent of ski resorts are already equipped with snow cannons. Piste grooming helps in maintaining skiing conditions longer as groomed snow is more compact and therefore melts slower. However, these adaptations have a climatic cost. In ski areas, the carbon budget is dominated by snow ploughs (60 percent of a ski area’s total carbon budget) and snow cannons (25 percent). These are what we call maladaptations as their use solves the immediate issue of reduced snow cover, but in the longer term increases the issue by pumping more greenhouse gases into the atmosphere. Some adaptations might also become obsolete quickly due to rising temperatures such as snowmaking, which can only occur when air temperatures are below -2°C. Some ski areas in Switzerland and Italy take these maladapted solutions to the extreme, such as covering glaciers in white plastic tarps in the summer to ensure their survival and reduce the amount of snowmaking needed in the winter. However, this solution impacts flora, fauna, carbon emissions and contributes to microplastic pollution when they degrade. There are other big contributors to carbon emissions at ski resorts, such as the mode of  transport vacationers use (in the Alps this is mostly cars) to get to the resort (60 percent of the carbon budget of a skiing resort). Then there is the negative impact the skiing industry has on biodiversity. Snow cannons, for example, consume about 4000 cubic metres of water per hectare of snow, which has a significant impact on water resources, diminishing water available for human consumption, local fauna and flora and agriculture. Snow cannons are also incredibly loud and disruptive to wildlife. Permanent reservoirs are often built to store water for snowmaking, which destroys the local habitat where they are built. The same goes for ski lifts and high altitude huts. Constant grooming of the pistes compacts the snow more than it would compact naturally with successive snowfalls, therefore melting more slowly in the spring and shortening the time that flora has to grow and bloom when water is readily available. According to the latest climate model simulations, all mountain glaciers will lose 25-40 percent of their mass by 2100. Snow cover is shrinking both in terms of amount (snow height) and duration, to the order of five days per decade. The predictions are pessimistic for the smallest glaciers which are less resilient and will therefore disappear first. By 2100, we might see 94 percent of the European Alps deglaciated. This will impact winter mountain sports. Downhill skiing, with its heavy environmental footprint, could find itself neglected to the advantage of winter sports with a lesser environmental impact such as snowshoeing and cross country skiing, neither of which require ski lifts or piste grooming. Ski resorts are already looking to diversify away from just downhill skiing, with some eyeing off summer activities, such as hiking and mountain biking (which could also put ski lifts to use). Despite the annual snow trips as a child, I was a relative latecomer to serious skiing, only taking my first class in 2018. I entertained my friends a lot that year making all those rookie mistakes (including getting stuck hanging upside down from a ski lift).  But as the snow retreats, and while my children might have a chance to experience these things on future trips to winter resort areas, it’s more likely they’ll be mountain biking or hiking. Marie Cavitte is a F.R.S.-FNRS postdoctoral Researcher at the Earth and Life Institute, Université catholique de Louvain-La-Neuve, Belgium Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Climate and sport” sent at: 18/01/2024 06:00. This is a corrected repeat.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on January 22, 2024

Less talk, more action needed to reform IP for all - 360 Joel Lexchin Published on July 20, 2022 IP laws are supposed to work to aid pharmaceutical innovation in rich nations. Can a new system support treating illnesses rife in developing economies, too? The World Trade Organization’s limited and short-term waiver of intellectual property (IP) on COVID-related products, announced on 17 June 2022, prompted a passionate response from the pharmaceutical industry. The industry said the rapid development of COVID-19 vaccines justified the continuing need for IP rights. But the real reason vaccines were produced in less than a year after the onset of the pandemic is the €86.5 billion (US$88.2 billion) governments poured into their development. The industry is taking the lion’s share of the credit for the vaccines while resisting pleas to waive their patents so low- and middle-income countries can manufacture them. Its argument that IP is an incentive for medical innovation ignores the failure of the patent system to enable new treatments for illnesses primarily afflicting poorer parts of the world. IP is vital for the pharmaceutical industry. According to the Geneva-based International Federation of Pharmaceutical Manufacturers and Associations (IFPMA): “Intellectual Property Rights incentivise innovation, research and development and allow the biopharmaceutical industry to improve existing and bring new medicines, vaccines, and treatments to people and in turn help improve and save lives”. But there is a very real commercial reason for the industry to support IP. The Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) Agreement gives new medicines (and all other products) 20 years of patent protection from the date the patent application is filed. On average, it takes about 12 years from that point to when the medicine is marketed. That means companies have an eight-year monopoly on their product, during which time no other firm can produce the same drug. The provisions in the TRIPS Agreement were largely the result of the pharmaceutical industry acting in concert with the software and music industries. Pfizer and its then-CEO, Edmund Pratt, played a key role in convincing the US government to make IP a major issue in the talks that eventually led to the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the TRIPS Agreement. Those eight years of monopoly protection translate into tens of billions of dollars for some products. Humira, a biologic used to treat various types of bowel disease and arthritis, earned over US$20 billion for its maker, AbbVie, in 2020. And by filing additional patents, AbbVie has put off the expiration of its monopoly on Humira for 39 years. Given the potential to make billions per year over many years, it’s not hard to understand why the industry aggressively defends even small incursions into what it sees as its patent rights. In the early 1970s, the small Canadian province of Manitoba (population about one million) passed a law making it mandatory for pharmacists to substitute cheaper generic drugs for those named on prescriptions. The response from the head of the Pharmaceutical Manufacturers Association of Canada could be seen as a veiled threat: “It is each company’s decision whether the size of their Manitoba market will merit the cost of properly servicing that market. If they can’t meet the prices they could be forced out of business”. A few decades later, compulsory licensing (issuing a licence to a generic company to produce a drug that is still under a valid patent) was proposed as a way to deal with the unaffordability of AIDS drugs in Africa. Harvey Bale, president of the IFPMA, argued: “If anyone wants to kill incentives for further research into a targeted disease area (e.g., AIDS) then one of the quickest ways to do this is to institute a compulsory licensing regime for drugs that treat that disease. Compulsory licensing benefits nobody except the fortunate commercial entity that is the beneficiary of the largesse offered by such licences”. After Thailand issued a compulsory licence for an AIDS drug produced by Abbott, the company responded by withdrawing all new drug applications from the Thai Food and Drug Administration. In April 2022, Pfizer argued that intellectual property is a human right that would be violated if the Dominican Republic issued a compulsory licence for its COVID-19 treatment, Paxlovid. As the quote above from the IFPMA shows, the industry justifies its passionate defence of intellectual property on the grounds that patent protection is essential to innovation. When it comes to developing new drugs for diseases that predominantly occur in low- and middle-income countries – i.e. neglected diseases – that argument cannot be justified. Only four new chemical entities were approved for neglected diseases between 2000 and 2011, accounting for 1 percent of the 336 new chemical entities approved during the period. Researchers investigated the effects of the TRIPS Agreement on investment in pharmaceutical research and development (R&D) and concluded that “patent protection in developing and least developed countries did not stimulate investment in new treatments for diseases that primarily affect poorer countries”. At the same time, patent protection delays the introduction of generic drugs, increasing costs and decreasing access for patients in those countries. Even highly placed people in the pharmaceutical industry recognise the patent system is unsuitable for developing drugs for low- and middle-income countries. As CEO of Novartis Daniel Vasella said: “If you want to establish a system where companies systematically invest in this kind of area, you need a different system”. In developed countries the situation is different; there, increased patent protection does seem to stimulate R&D investment in diseases that affect high-income countries, but there is still the question of the additional therapeutic value of the medicines that result from that R&D. Independent assessment of treatment gains show more than two thirds of new drugs approved by the Food and Drug Administration and the European Medicines Agency in the decade between 2007 and 2017 lacked high therapeutic value. And there are costs associated with the patent system. Companies aggressively marketed their patent-protected drugs to the tune of almost US$29.9 billion per year in the United States. Companies spend large sums on legal expenses defending their patents and seeking to extend them, as AbbVie has done with Humira. In the US, from 1999 to 2018, the pharmaceutical and health-product industry spent an average of US$233 million per year, or a total of US$4.7 billion, lobbying at the federal level in defence of the patent system, among other things. All these expenses are ultimately reflected in the price purchasers pay for medicines. Multiple alternatives to the patent system have been proposed for developing new drugs, especially for low- and middle-income countries, such as the Health Impact Fund, an R&D convention, an R&D prize fund and a public drug development agency. The pros and cons of most of these are discussed in depth in a 2012 report by an expert working group set up by the World Health Organization. It’s time to move beyond discussion and start implementing these alternatives in real life. Joel Lexchin received his MD from the University of Toronto in 1977. He is a  Professor Emeritus in the School of Health Policy and Management at York University in Toronto, Canada, where he taught health policy until 2016. In addition, he has worked in the emergency department at the University Health Network, also in Toronto, for more than 33 years. In 2019-2021, Joel Lexchin received payments for writing a brief on the role of promotion in generating prescriptions for Goodmans LLP and from the Canadian Institutes of Health Research for presenting at a workshop on conflict-of-interest in clinical practice guidelines. He is a member of the Foundation Board of Health Action International and the Board of Canadian Doctors for Medicare. He receives royalties from University of Toronto Press and James Lorimer & Co. Ltd. for books he has written. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

news-360info

2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on July 20, 2022