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Lessons from COVAX could help vaccine equity - 360 Putri Widi Saraswati Published on April 22, 2022 COVAX was supposed to be the elixir for vaccine inequality – it wasn’t. However, lessons can be taken from previous global experiences to help make progress. Most early deaths caused by COVID-19 happened in developing economies. The global scale of the pandemic made clear where most vaccines are distributed and who bears the disproportionate health burden due to not having access to them. Low-income economies, clearly, had less access to vaccines. Vaccine manufacturers have been heavily criticised by advocates for prioritising profit over making access to vaccines equitable by retaining high-profit margins, holding on to intellectual property rights and production rights, and prioritising ‘those who can pay most’. Criticism of ‘pandemic profit’ is particularly directed at manufacturers who use mRNA technology, a relatively new and promising vaccine technology. Meanwhile, the term ‘vaccine nationalism’ was used to describe how countries – especially developed ones – saved large amounts of vaccine doses for their own population, limiting access to doses for low-income economies. To improve international vaccine equity, the COVID-19 Vaccine Global Access mechanism (COVAX) was developed, co-led by the World Health Organisation (WHO), vaccine alliance Gavi, and the Coalition For Epidemic Preparedness Innovations (CEPI). It’s designed to be a global pool of funds that serves as a procurement mechanism Backed by donors and high-income economies, the goal is to make COVAX the most attractive customer bidding for vaccines, with the bargaining power to negotiate pricing and enter advanced purchase agreements with manufacturers. In reality, COVAX is plagued by complex political power imbalances between the countries in need, developed economies and the private sector. For example, the so-called self-financing countries that helped finance COVAX had — in many cases — already struck purchasing deals with vaccine manufacturers before COVAX amassed enough buying power to secure doses at scale for developing economies. Donor countries failing to honour their pledge to ‘dose share’, lagging on their deliveries, earmarking donations, or donating on an ad hoc basis, all caused delays that meant only a small proportion of pledged doses were delivered and many near-expired doses wound up being dumped as ‘donations’. Meanwhile, manufacturers have not donated any pledged vaccine doses to COVAX and shifted instead to selling doses ‘at cost’ through commercial deals. Work is underway to develop domestic capacities in developing economies that will reduce dependence on more powerful countries. Tech-transfer can play an important role in expanding the vaccine manufacturing capacity in developing economies, improving access and lessening donor dependency. In June 2021, the WHO announced a partnership with a South African consortium to establish a multilateral technology transfer hub for mRNA vaccines for COVID-19 and other diseases. The consortium, Afrigen Biologics and Vaccines, will manufacture the mRNA vaccines themselves and train up another manufacturer. An additional 10 countries will receive tech transfer from the WHO for mRNA vaccines — Indonesia, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Serbia, Vietnam, Tunisia, Kenya, Egypt, Nigeria, and Senegal. Important elements for vaccine production are the transfer of the technological know-how and relevant clinical data, human resource training and capacity building, and addressing the issue of intellectual property rights. Another partner for the tech-transfer hubs, the Medicines Patent Pool, has stated that “technology used in the hub is either not covered by patents or that licences and/or commitments-not-to-enforce are in place to enable freedom to operate” via “voluntary participation of intellectual property holders”. There is still concern from experts that the reluctance of mRNA vaccine manufacturers to fully abandon their intellectual property rights will significantly undermine the hub’s activities and its sustainability. The innovative financing mechanism tried by COVAX — and the challenges it faced — raises a critical issue for technology transfer sites in developing economies: how to find and sustain financing. The methods and materials used in mRNA technology are still relatively expensive, challenging the potential for scalability and cost-effectiveness. The upfront total cost to produce 100 million doses of mRNA vaccines annually is between US$127 million-US$270 million, according to modelling. One widely cited as successful example of innovative vaccine financing is the International Finance Facility for Immunisation (IFFIm). The facility issues ‘vaccine bonds’ to investors, mostly based in developed economies, mobilising the funds to frontload the immunisation of children in developing economies with secondary support from government donors. The IFFIm has helped deliver vaccines to children who would have otherwise missed out but its model has issues. Its complex relationship between the development sector and the private capital market has transferred a significant amount of profit to the private actors involved in the form of costly transaction fees, intermediary fees, or interest with financial risks backed up by public money. Health interventions that can save many lives, such as vaccines, should be accessible to everyone at the time they need them – especially those who are most vulnerable. Many approaches have been taken to make vaccine equity a reality, from ethical-based pledged agreements to market and tech-based solutions. But the pandemic and issues around vaccine access show the right mix is needed to solve a highly complicated problem in which political and commercial interests intersect with a need to save as many lives as possible. Putri Widi Saraswati is an Indonesian public health specialist and medical doctor currently working as a research intern at the United Nations University-International Institute for Global Health (UNU-IIGH), the UN think tank on global health. The author declares no conflict of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 22, 2022

Lessons from tourism economies that serve the community - 360 Can-Seng Ooi Published on September 7, 2022 Tourism revenue doesn’t always benefit the local people and economy. It’s time to change that. Tourism looks to be back with a vengeance this year. International arrivals will reach about 70 percent of the pre-pandemic level and some places are even struggling with the increased demands. But it wasn’t long ago global organisations advocated for financial support and suggested the crisis was an opportunity to rethink tourism — to make the industry stronger, more sustainable and more resilient in the aftermath. As tourism emerges out of the pandemic, we should reconsider how to make the sector more responsible toward the people it affects. Unchecked tourism development and overtourism are likely to return to pre-pandemic levels unless regulations are put in place. If tourism wants to develop in a manner that pays back to the community, lessons are already available from many places around the world. Applying a tourist tax is just one of several ways to rebuild the industry for the better. For example, Bhutan’s “High value, low volume” tourism development strategy required tourists to fork out at least US$200 a day through its Minimum Daily Package Ratebefore the pandemic. Of that sum, $US65 was for a sustainable development fee, while the rest was for services provided by the tour operator, including accommodation and meals. The industry is now going through a “reset” as it emerges from the pandemic. The sustainable development fee is now US$200 and the daily package rate has been abolished. Visitors will still need to use the services of a tour operator to enter the country but now these operators can decide on what to charge for their services, on top of accommodation, meals and administration. Revenue from the fees will be used to care for the environment, improve infrastructure, provide training to employees in the industry and improve services. In Singapore, the tourism board receives government support, but its main source of funding is through a 3 percent tax charged directly to guests staying at hotels. Being well-funded, the tourism board not only works on attracting visitors, but also oversees the development of attractions, infrastructure and amenities. All of which also serve the community and not just tourists. These include festive lighting in popular tourist spots as well as rebranding and marketing local neighbourhoods. Many tourist products often support nation-building messages, contribute to local cultural development and engage with community groups. For instance, the tourism board was central in the renewal of Singapore’s ethnic enclaves — Chinatown, Little India and Geylang Serai. These places became accepted as authentically Singaporean by residents as a result, in line with the government’s multicultural social engineering program. While there are criticisms of the touristification of Singapore — in terms of its culture and heritage — tourism itself has now become a part of Singaporean culture. In many countries, the attempt at finding balanced tourism development for residents and travellers is thwarted by different stakeholders and their vested interests. For instance, a city and a village should have different tourism development strategies due to their different demographics and interests. Developments that attract a larger pool of interest can destroy the character and fabric of the destination. You can see this in ‘over developed’ spots such as Bali’s Kuta Beach, Indonesia, or Las Vegas, United States where local members of the community are not often consulted. Many residents who are not working in the industry may not feel they benefit from the visitor economy. They may also experience the inconveniences, and become an unwilling part ofthe tourism destination product as they suffer from overcrowding, inflation and less affordable housing. For instance, in Lombok Island, Indonesia, many residents have less access to water, sanitation and hygiene than tourists. Tourism development plans should evaluate new attractions and consider whether they are something the community needs first. The community is the host to visitors, they are part of the tourist experience. Which is why it’s crucial to consult them and gain their support for the industry to become socially sustainable. Currently, it’s more common for community groups to approach tourism businesses for support. This can lead to local groups lacking bargaining power and becoming disenfranchised. Protesting residents will not make visitors feel welcome, for example. Many big hotels, as part of their corporate social responsibility, voluntarily give back to community projects such as sponsoring events at a local sports club. The challenge is corporate social responsibility-washing  — good deeds that are used to improve reputation for marketing purposes rather than altruistically serving the community. But community-serving demands can be placed on major tourism projects when there is political will. For the Olympic games, for instance, bidding cities must show that their games will bring a lasting legacy to the community. The games should not just be a vanity, profit-driven project. Tourist developments, like mega shopping centres and big resorts, can be required to provide permanent art spaces for local artists, take on the responsibility of maintaining a natural park or support the running of a cultural institution. In this way, these tourism businesses can be shown to be contributing directly to the community. Bigger developments should not only consider the community, they will contribute directly to society, despite the added costs that could incur. At the height of the pandemic, tourism-dependent communities rallied around local tourism and hospitality businesses. But such strong community support for the industry is not limitless. Which is why post-pandemic tourism should aim to be sustainable for host communities. As society changes, so can an industry. And there’s no better time to start. Can-Seng Ooi is a sociologist and Professor of Cultural and Heritage Tourism at the School of Social Sciences, University of Tasmania. He lived and worked as an academic and researcher in Denmark, Singapore and Scotland before moving to Australia in 2017. He declares no conflict of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on September 7, 2022

Lessons from volcano warnings in predicting the next pandemic - 360 Carina J. Fearnley, UCL Warning Research Centre Published on March 28, 2022 COVID-19 alerts and warnings can be better developed by bringing together lessons learned from natural hazards like volcanoes. Just a year after COVID-19 was identified, the world’s pandemic warning system was deemed a failure by both the World Health Organization and its independent panel, which found the world was not prepared for what lay ahead, despite the warnings. There are still no standardised alert systems for viral threats that cut across borders, but many lessons can be learned from the management of other hazards and threats. Warning systems for volcanoes are well established, and can provide best-practice ‘lessons’ for the development of much-needed pandemic-alert systems at all scales. Volcanoes have the most diverse range of any hazard. They are subject to one of the world’s most frequently used warning systems, which consists of more than 80 volcano observatories that have been reviewed and improved to enhance their effectiveness over decades. Though pandemics unfold differently to volcanic crises, volcanic eruptions involve many of the same issues. Scientific uncertainties, large at-risk populations, different industries, government bodies and non-profit organisations are all involved. We do not have time to reinvent the wheel and fine-tune global health warnings. Volcanoes are incredibly complex and require constant anticipatory monitoring. It is often too late to evacuate the surrounding region once a volcano erupts, when pyroclastic flows at temperatures over 1000 degrees Celsius can travel at the speed of a jet plane. Volcanologists use a wide range of monitoring equipment to detect the movement of magma under the earth, the movement of the ground as the magma rises (ground deformation), gas emissions (gas trapped in the magma escaping to the surface) and water chemistry (mixing of the magma with groundwater). All this data provides clues about what a volcano is doing, but combining it is extremely challenging, so alerts are often issued in anticipation of potential activity. Scientists, emergency and disaster specialists, local communities and different levels of government must cooperate well to prepare and immediately respond. The 1985 tragedy of Nevado del Ruiz in Colombia, where warnings were not acted upon, resulted in more than 23,000 deaths. The White Island Whakaari volcano eruption in 2019 killed 22 people who were part of a tour group exploring the New Zealand island. These events taught the hard lesson that, despite improvements in scientific data and warnings, tragedy can still result if no action is taken in response. The level of monitoring and warning we apply to volcanoes is needed to detect future pandemics. Most pandemic warnings focus on the event once it has spread to the community, but a radical shift to anticipatory warnings is needed. Too little attention is paid to the prevention of circumstances that increase health risks, such as deforestation, land-use change, intensive livestock production and climate change. Many nations have devised alert-level systems to protect local populations during the shift from full COVID-19 lockdown precautions to normality. To be effective and timely, these alerts must be embedded in an extensive system of observation and communication that integrates different expert cohorts, tipping points, communication channels and iconography. Existing warning systems are already used for hazards and threats such as severe weather, tsunamis, terrorism or chemical accidents. They often follow a traffic-light colour structure or numerical order (as commonly used in military contexts) and are standardised at national and international level. Numerous alert systems were devised or used during the COVID-19 pandemic, there is no comparative study to establish which were most successful, and why. However, there have been some success stories seen in New Zealand, South Africa, and South Korea amongst failures as seen in the UK, and the US. COVID-19 alerts and warnings can be better developed by bringing together lessons learnt from the warning world from a range of hazards and threats to review elements of what makes warnings succeed and what makes them fail. There are three key lessons. Firstly, warning systems can be effective in generating general awareness and acting as triggers for initial communication, policy and action. But they require everyone in the scientific and decision-making communities to understand and effectively communicate all relevant information both ways. ‘Mind the gap’:this phrase bellows out of most London Underground stations but captures the essence of the second key lesson learnt —the challenges of negotiating gaps between  hazard and risk information.Alert levels can change due to the perceived threats at hand, but the decision to progress or downgrade these levels can be challenging due to difficulties in interpreting scientific data and understanding what response is required. Finally, the decision to move between alert levels requires negotiations of perceived political, livelihood and environmental factors rather than just evaluation of the scientific data. Standardisation of alert systems is also vital to convey information across communities, but systems need to be designed according to national and international policies while considering local threats (see Figure 3). This is very hard to achieve due to the diversity and uncertain nature of hazards across different geographical areas, as well as cultural and political factors. But many volcanic communities globally can do this for volcano ash hazards. EMBED START Image {id: "editor_13"} EMBED END Image {id: "editor_13"} Fearnley and Kelman, 2021, p. 25 Decision-makers at all levels have often failed to recognise or act upon early warnings. This lack of action is a huge problem for all hazard and threat warnings, and will inevitably play a role in the next big pandemic, which will arise sooner than we might think. Plenty of examples exist of excellent science communication but lack of action. Action depends on collaboration across the many silos that exist in organisations, disciplines and hazards, and the newly founded UCL Warning Research Centre aims to foster such collaboration. We can draw on hard lessons learnt from other hazards and threats to be more resilient to single, multiple and cascading hazards. It is action that is needed the most, yet the ability to make the necessary changes remains our biggest challenge, especially if we don’t go beyond the silos. Dr Carina Fearnley is Director of the UCL Warning Research Centre, and Associate Professor at the UCL Department of Science and Technology Studies. She is an interdisciplinary researcher, drawing on relevant expertise in the social sciences on scientific uncertainty, risk and complexity to focus on how natural-hazard early-warning systems can be made more effective. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 28, 2022

Lessons to stop drought becoming disaster - 360 Ilan Kelman Published on June 22, 2022 The best of traditional and modern approaches can support each other to avoid droughts becoming disasters. Human-caused climate change seems to be worsening some droughts, prompting the world to confront a daunting challenge: how will we live with limited freshwater? For cities, this feels like a new problem. In reality, communities around the globe have been living with drought for millennia — and there is much that modern planners can learn from them. The key is understanding that drought is more than just the amount of freshwater available. It is also about how much water is used. From the beginning of modern science, we’ve seen that water (over)use and (mis)management cause drought, not merely reduced rainfall or snowmelt. Countering drought means adapting water supply systems and reducing water demand. Much is being made of currently low precipitation and river/lake levels across the US southwest, but it matches previous megadroughts. Given the region’s long drought history, as well as large cities being built across these arid lands, constrained supply is to be expected. Yet demand remains high. People plant water-intensive manicured lawns with non-desert vegetation in Nevada, and support water-intensive cropping such as almonds in California. Los Angeles developed presuming plenty of freshwater. The city pumped from Owens Lake, 300km to the north, depleting the lake, and undermining the Indigenous culture and local environment. Leaky pipes are a problem globally and 3 to 4 percent of Los Angeles’ annual water supply is lost to leakage, although not all suppliers monitor their loss rate. From the other side of the world, Bangladesh’s northwest offers lessons. The indigenous Santal people live where drought is continual. They carefully select crops and livestock to match water availability. Households also collect and store rainwater. Such lessons could be applied more to Los Angeles. Other Santal strategies include seasonal migration to areas with more jobs which reduces local water demand. But migration, however temporary, transplants water use elsewhere, while taking people away from their homes and families. Often, migrants are exploited for low-wage, insecure labour. And water must be stored carefully. Aside from the cost of purchasing and maintaining tanks, and keeping them insect-free, in Bangladesh water can be polluted and can support microbes. In the Sahel, in Africa, societal changes have undermined local approaches. Nomadism combined with farming helped people manage major rainfall variations. They preserved and stored foods during water abundance, to live on ‘famine foods’ during water deficits. Diversified livestock and crops meant that some form of food would be available irrespective of rainfall, especially since they managed small plots of land across wide areas and ecosystems rather than consolidating into one large farm in a single location. Helping out a neighbour in need through exchange and sharing also hedged against local drought. Then, governments forced settlement, touting advantages in income, education, and health services. It undermined local coping. Colonialist land management practices imposed top-down control, consolidated ownership, and created international borders that prevented at-will crossing. Governments dug boreholes that reduced water deficits in the short-term but discouraged migration so vegetation became overgrazed. The attempts to ‘modernise’ dryland management led to high mortality during a drought from 1968-1974. Rather than galvanising typical local responses, the lessened rainfall made the Sahel reliant on external humanitarian assistance to survive through what became a drought disaster. With about one-third of the Earth’s land considered drylands of some form, a balance of approaches and flexibility – grabbing the best of older and newer techniques – will help people survive and thrive during drought. Iran, where 90 percent of the country is labelled arid, demonstrates these trade-offs in action. Settlement in the capital city of Tehran was supported by water availability. Underground tunnels (called qanats) were constructed to bring a steady freshwater supply from the surrounding mountains, minimising losses and cooling traditional buildings in the hot climate. The water is available there because earthquake faults permit it to flow up toward the surface. But these advantages resulted in overuse. The number of people using qanats, and water use per capita, increased, which limited their effectiveness. And the seeming abundance of water led to a megacity in a seismic zone with poor earthquake readiness. Societies today at least know how to build for earthquake zones, but it takes a long time to retrofit a vulnerable city. Similarly, technology continues to advance for local desalination meaning coastal communities should never really be short of drinkable freshwater, no matter what the weather. This, though, depends on investing in desalination even as the costs continue to decline. After all, increasing water consumption per person makes sense for health and hygiene. Flush toilets, frequent bathing, and handwashing underpin improved health. Meeting menstrual hygiene needs is essential for teenage girls to remain in school full time and to reduce disadvantages to women in the workforce. Not all traditional approaches considered these factors. Modern contributions include low-flow toilets and showers. Water from hand washing and kitchen sinks can be directed to gardens and toilets, reducing overall consumption despite augmented demand. The climate always varies. Now, because of our greenhouse gas emissions and land us, many locations experience more concentrated periods of water intensity and deficit. The latter does not need to mean people are worse off, if we put effort into living with drought. As scientific pioneer Anne Fleuret explained: “Drought is a subjective phenomenon”. Ilan Kelman (ORCID) is Professor of Disasters and Health at University College London, England, and a Professor II at the University of Agder, Kristiansand, Norway. His overall research interest is linking disasters and health, including the integration of climate change into disaster research and health research. No conflicts of interest were declared in relation to this article. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 22, 2022

Lessons unlearned from India’s online schooling emergency - 360 Dipanjan Chakraborty Published on January 27, 2023 The poor miss out when teaching goes online, leaving millions without proper education. Millions of children in India may never return to school following the severe disruptions of rolling COVID-19 lockdowns in 2020 and 2021. Online teaching — meant to replace in-classroom instruction — mostly failed for a variety of reasons. Poor internet coverage and the prohibitive cost of decent bandwidth for many families was a major factor. Despite increasing takeup of mobile phone plans, the kind of coverage taken for granted in developed nations is still lacking, or too expensive, in India. As a result, the dropout rate of secondary students surged to as much as 17 percent. Girls were the worst affected. Up to 10 million girls were at risk of dropping out. Several surveys showed child labour rates had shot up, as had instances of child marriage. “We might be risking a lost generation of children who may never return to school. The impact on girls is disproportionately worse,” said UNICEF India representative, Yasumasa Kimura. In 2020-21, there was an assumption schooling could be conducted online during lockdowns but for a majority of schoolchildren in India there was almost no access to schools for months. Economists Reetika Khera and Jean Dreze documented how children in their formative years lost out on learning and social skills while children dependent on the mid-day meals served in the schools lost out on essential nutrition. In one paper researchers documented the impediments in accessing online education for a large majority of school children in India during the COVID-19 lockdowns. It pointed out theimportance of human layers in building resilience during emergencies and provides policy suggestions for future emergencies. The primary assumption behind relying on online schooling is that there is universal and equitable access to the internet for school-going students. With the introduction of cheap Android smartphones and the price-wars among major telecom operators, the number of internet users in India has been increasing at a rapid rate. But on closer inspection the quality of access such as better bandwidth is more important for online schooling. Most basic prepaid telephone packs with 4G internet access provide 1 to 1.5GB usage allowance per day. This is not enough to sustain the high bandwidth requirements for online schooling, which for six hours of daily schooling, would conservatively consume around 3GB of data daily per child. Many households have multiple school age children, so the costs would multiply. A more fundamental barrier is unavailability of Internet-enabled devices (like smartphones) in households, or households having just one device to share. Research showed parents tended to prioritise older children over younger children in access to resources for learning when they were limited by the number of available devices and bandwidth caps. Teachers reported having to cut down on school hours to enable parents to conserve bandwidth. Mobile signals are also often poor, especially in rural areas, and are unsuitable for streaming applications such as online schooling. Children sought out hilltops and high altitude areas to get a strong signal for classes, leaving the safety of their homes during the lockdowns. Which questions the rationale of keeping schools closed in the first place. The availability of network, bandwidth or signal was not the only factor behind low traction for online schooling. Several socio-cultural factors played out at the same time. Many children had lost parents to COVID-19 while others had to take up jobs to support their families as the parents had lost their livelihoods. These children were forced out of schools and may never return to a formal education. Other researchers have documentedfemale students who dropped out during the pandemic might never return to school. There have been online education success stories such as supplemental ed-tech platforms like Byju’s. But these platforms cost money and not all households could afford the fees, meaning they were almost exclusively used by wealthier families. Children from less well-off families without access to these platforms found it more difficult to cope with online schooling. This also highlights the importance of institutional education for children from poorer communities. Teachers reported children did not perceive the homes as an environment for learning. Some students were actually unaware of the pandemic and assumed schools were on a long vacation. Online schooling also deprived children of learning and interacting with their peers. Teachers reported parents would prefer children do household chores instead of lessons. But there have been innovations and improvisations to get kids learning. Several teacher groups broadcast lessons on village loudspeakers, although students would soon lose focus and concentration in the absence of the enabling environment of a school. Another group used a community radio station to broadcast lessons on a timetable and also had repeat broadcasts to help students who may have missed lessons. Teachers and students were invited to the studio. The use of radio can potentially overcome the barrier of internet costs. Radio also works with many smartphones. Using a timetable also enabled multiple children in a household to share a device. The presence of children in the studio and their interaction with the teachers provided the children listening at home with a sense of being in a classroom. The students were given assignments and the radio station recruited a community of around 160 teachers to set and monitor the assignments and conduct tests. When switching to online learning, policymakers did not take into account the digital capabilities of the teachers. Teachers complained about a lack of standardisation and guidance, and a lack of access to suitable tools. Many felt they were left to fend for themselves and improvise. Some repurposed WhatsApp to deliver lessons and assignments to students. The biggest casualty of the school closures was among children who were just beginning to read and count. The ramifications of the loss of guidance during the formative years will become apparent in the next few years when these children reach higher classes. Online schooling also largely left out children with disabilities or learning difficulties. Despite the lessons from 2020-21 India is no better prepared for the next pandemic. Policy needs to work towards ‘digital welfarism’ which improves quality of access to the extent of making it a basic necessity and improving human capabilities to use digital platforms. The answer to the larger question of whether online education can ever adequately replace traditional schooling is clear. It can’t. Dipanjan Chakraborty is an assistant professor at the Birla Institute of Technology and Science, Pilani, Hyderabad Campus (dipanjan@hyderabad.bits-pilani.ac.in). The author declares no conflict of interest. Additional writing and reporting by Mrunal Dhaygude and Naitik Lapsiya. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on January 27, 2023

Life doesn't end with a diabetes diagnosis - 360 Piya Srinivasan Published on January 17, 2024 Better ways to address the global diabetes crisis are urgently needed. Diabetes has become a global health challenge with high mortality and morbidity rates. A metabolic non-communicable disease, it puts a significant burden on healthcare systems and economies. In 2021, an estimated 529 million people were living with diabetes, predicted to increase to 1.3 billion by 2050. Diabetes is a chronic condition that can lead to serious complications, including heart disease, stroke, blindness and kidney failure. The Asia-Pacific region is projected to be the biggest contributor to the global economic burden of diabetes by 2030. The skyrocketing cost of insulin exposes the inequity in diabetes management and influences who has access to treatment. Diabetes is not an equal-opportunity disease. For a variety of reasons, racial and ethnic minorities are more susceptible to type 2 diabetes, the more prevalent form of diabetes. Structural inequality across geographic regions affects access to diabetes awareness and care. Research has established a historical link between famine and diabetes, which doubles the next generation’s chances of a diagnosis. Four in every five people living with the disease are in low and middle-income countries. Globalisation has made commodities like sugar and sugary drinks cheaper, while cultures of global capital have driven out locally produced food and loss of connections to land, resulting in undernutrition that often presents itself as obesity in low- and middle-income countries. The World Health Organization estimates that the Pacific region has some of the highest obesity rates in the world, which comes at a huge economic cost. There is an urgent need to find effective ways to address the escalating global diabetes crisis. New research points to novel solutions for diabetes management. Technological advancements in administering insulin, a feature of type 1 diabetes, promise more patient-friendly and pain-free care. Lifestyle adaptation to diabetes is critical for long-term care. Digital therapeutics can be a promising step towards self-management as well as preventive care. Some countries in Southeast Asia have succeeded in incorporating diabetes into their cultural and religious world view. Foods with cultural and emotional value like sweets in South Asia have also found their way around diabetes-induced restrictions. 360info’s Special Report explores the technological and cultural breakthroughs in understanding, managing and living with this chronic condition. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on January 17, 2024

Limited gender data deepens inequalities - 360 Ronald Musizvingoza, Claudia Abreu Lopes Published on March 8, 2022 Without accurate and timely gender data, resources may be wasted in programs that do not work. The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic has been disproportionately felt by women, from their health to security, social protection and financial stability. It deepened pre-existing gender inequalities and highlighted the need for gender data to guide effective decision making by governments. As Amina Mohammed, Deputy Secretary-General of the United Nations, once said, “Data is the lifeblood of decision-making and the raw material for accountability”. Gender data reflects the experiences and situations of women and men, girls and boys, transgender men and women, and non-binary people. It is needed to understand progress and challenges in gender equality. It can help set priorities, design better policies that cover different populations, plan and assess the impact of interventions for particular groups. We need to know what policies or programs work, why, how and for who, considering the perspectives of all involved. Without accurate and timely gender data, resources may be wasted in programs that do not work and with unintended consequences for gender equality. To build back better after the pandemic, we need to develop a global evidence base to inform policy decisions and to monitor and evaluate progress on gender equality. The 2021 United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (UN SDG) Report found women spend about 2.5 times as many hours as men on unpaid domestic and care work; 1 in 3 women around the world (736 million) faced physical or sexual violence at least once in their lifetime since the age of 15. Women’s involvement in decision making is far lower than men’s with only 25 percent represented in national parliaments globally. Women are also underrepresented in the digital sector with only 12 percent of developers being women. The economy and health are domains with the most gender data globally. But for areas that cover the connection of people and the environment, only one gender-disaggregated indicator is collected, despite climate change posing specific challenges for women. When it comes to gender statistics, the issue is not only the lack of data, but the available data being incomplete, inaccurate and outdated. For example, data collection on households rather than individuals is often biased against women and girls as it relies on information from the head of the household, traditionally men. Instead, time-use surveys that show how people spend their time — working, travelling, exercising, doing household chores, caring for others — are better data-gathering methods that consider gender inequities. Data about women are often of reproductive age, with wider gaps for older women and adolescent girls. More than 75 percent of gender-related data is over a decade old. Despite the widespread use of empowerment, agency, autonomy or power to explain gender inequities, these concepts are difficult to measure. A lack of international measurement standards and time-series data also adds difficulty in accurate cross-country comparisons on any gender equality progress. Several organisations like , , , Open Data Watch, Paris21 and the highlight key issues in producing data that accurately reflect the reality of women’s and girls’ lives. But more work is needed from governments and international donors to collect and gain insights from gender data. While gender statistics are often embedded within national statistics, the issue is not prioritised, and it is under-funded. For example, only 0.3 percent of official development assistance projects focus on data collection. A lack of gender data reflects and contributes to deepening inequalities between countries and demographic groups. Nations with larger gender data gaps are those who would benefit the most from it but are often limited in resources. African countries contribute to the major gaps in the availability, adherence to standards, frequency and timeliness of gender data for measuring the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). For example, while data is the driving force behind digital transformation, a recent report, ‘Where are women in AI?’, showed a feedback loop shaping gender bias in Artificial Intelligence (AI) and machine learning systems. Gender biases get built into machine learning systems from training data that underrepresent certain groups and encode historical bias toward certain demographics, geographies and populations. These systems may further discriminate against women, non-white and gender diverse groups in their access to finance, employment, and healthcare. These biases can be corrected as they are the result of individual decisions on what data to collect, how to curate it and modelling assumptions that reflect analyst and developer values and knowledge of gender dynamics. The fairness of AI systems can be improved with more literacy training among gender experts, more diverse and inclusive teams of developers and by centring the voices of women, particularly those from the Global South, and non-binary individuals in the development, creation and management of these AI systems. The production of gender statistics requires cooperation from governments, the private sector and civil society organisations to work together. Exploring other non-traditional big data sources such as social media, call details records, credit card transactions and  mobility data can highlight gender differences in expenditure, migration, vulnerability to disasters and climate change. This may imply leveraging administrative data sources and working with grassroots organisations to produce citizen-generated data and ensuring it’s provided in readily accessible and user-friendly formats. Citizen‑generated data provides a way for local communities to produce data on issues that affect them. For example, Cosas de Mujeres is a feminist digital public good uses WhatsApp to generate gender data on sexual and gender-based violence in Venezuela and Colombia. The pandemic disrupted data systems due to budget cuts and reduced capabilities, mainly in the Global South where gender data is most needed to monitor progress. As countries recover from the pandemic and move towards the 2030 deadline for the SDGs, there is a window of opportunity to capitalise on new technologies and methods to make gender data more visible, particularly in areas where women’s and girls’ lives are disproportionately affected. Dr Ronald Musizvingoza is a Post-Doctoral Fellow at the United Nations University International Institute for Global Health (UNU-IIGH). His work at UNU-IIGH falls at the intersection of gender equality, health, and well-being. Claudia Abreu Lopes is a Research Lead for Capacity Development at United Nations University International Institute for Global Health (UNU-IIGH). Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “International Women’s Day” sent at: 07/03/2022 12:27. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 8, 2022

Listen up: how audiobooks could help literacy in Indonesia - 360 Irfan Rifai Published on September 8, 2022 Since adults learn differently to children, tapping into familiar mediums could help boost literacy. For the Gen Xers of Indonesia, radio dramas of the eighties like Saur Sepuh — a show dramatising the power struggles of the Majapahit empire — were akin to the Netflix of today. Some of these shows were so popular they helped to preserve regional languages. Decades on, Indonesia’s literacy levels are not where they could be. Encouraging more Indonesians to embrace audiobooks could be a way forward. While the COVID-19 pandemic accelerated the global use of digital applications for people to consume and exchange information, Indonesia’s digital literacy index is still at the “medium” level. The government wants to increase digital literacy among women, those with a low income, and low-educated and senior citizens, all groups who are falling behind on digital literacy. Unlike children, adults learn using their existing base of knowledge and life experience. And for Gen X and Y, groups which collectively make up 47.75 percent of Indonesia’s entire population, radio dramas are a good frame of reference. These generations have also witnessed the change in people’s behaviour toward data consumption and storage, not to mention the transformation of texts into eBooks, and then to other forms integrating visual and audio-visual components. In the United States, adults aged 30 to 49 years are the biggest users of audiobooks, helping to drive overall growth in the sector. Despite the rising popularity of audiobooks, many language and literacy scholars still question the platform’s contribution to supporting students’ comprehension. Some argue that for non-disabled students, listening to an audiobook is “cheating” as it does not provide the same experience as for those reading regular books or texts. On the other hand, many literacy skills and strategies used by audiobook readers are comparable to those used by text readers. For example, students must use background knowledge and inferencing to understand stories, at the same time improving their comprehension, while listening to audiobooks. The patterns of stress and intonation in a language spoken by narrators, known as prosody, can also help listeners clarify the meanings of certain ambiguous words.  Despite the lack of popularity of audiobooks in Indonesia, and scholars dismissing them, the habits of listening to narratives told in audio forms could become a significant “fund of knowledge” for adults wanting to improve their literacy via a familiar medium. Busy Indonesians are already big users of Spotify, and audiobooks suit their fast paced lifestyle, able to be consumed while commuting, any time and anywhere. Younger, more active adults can listen to audiobooks as they exercise, jog, or visit the gym. Those in rural areas or with poor internet infrastructure can even listen to audiobooks by having them pre-downloaded on their cell phones from school or public library computers. For human beings, listening is a foundational skill for all kinds of learning. But as with any other skill, getting better at it requires practice. Listening and reading are two integrated receptive skills required to significantly improve one’s mastery of a foreign or second language. A regular habit of listening to audiobooks could also help build phonemic and phonological awareness or awareness of the sounds in their own language. Students can start by listening to longer audiobooks than they read. Irfan Rifai is a lecturer in the English department, Bina Nusantara University, Jakarta Indonesia. He is actively involved in Indonesia Literacy Educators’ Association. His research focuses on Reading and Writing Instructions ; Literacy ; and Readers’ Response. Dr. Rifai declares no conflict of interest and did not receive any funding of any form. This article has been republished for Indonesia’s National Teacher’s Day. It was first published on September 5, 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on September 8, 2022

Listening to women in labour - 360 Rosalynn Vega Published on December 14, 2022 Last year, when I gave birth to my daughter, my experience of pain was dismissed by hospital staff, leading to life-threatening complications in labour. Unfortunately, my experience is not unusual, with recent studies showing that medical personnel do not listen to women and especially women of colour enough when they raise concerns. When I arrived at the hospital, I told the labour and delivery nurse that I was not planning on having an epidural as I had my own way of dealing with pain. She responded, “Brave girl. We will see.” I let the nursing staff know that my way of processing pain is not often visible to others, but that I could feel labour progressing. After about eighteen hours of labour, my midwife asked me how I was feeling. I told her that I was further along than she thought and that I could feel my cervix dilating. She and the labour and delivery nurse exited the room to speak in the hallway, then my midwife left the hospital. During my next contraction, I felt the baby drop twice. I urged my husband, “Go get the nurses, now!” He immediately ran out into the hallway and alerted the charge nurse. Moments later, the charge nurse performed an exam and yelled to her staff, “She is plus three!” The baby was crowning, but no obstetrician or midwife was at the hospital to deliver her. The charge nurse and her staff turned me onto all fours. They asked me to lay my head down on the hospital bed so that gravity would keep the baby in my womb while an obstetrician rushed to the hospital. In this position, my baby’s heart rate slowed for over two minutes, leading to fetal distress, risking my baby’s life and the potential for an emergency caesarian. When an obstetrician arrived, a tray of surgical tools followed him. He instructed me to push with all my might, or he would have to cut or suction the baby out. On that day, I was one of more than 10,000 women to give birth in America. Many, like me, experience complications during labour, and postpartum conditions. For example, Serena Williams’ medical team did not initially take her concerns seriously. The tennis star had to insist on needed postpartum care. While Williams is able to advocate for herself, many other women can’t. The answer to this problem is not greater access to high-tech medical interventions, but, simply, the art of listening. In my case, my descriptions of the progressing labour were dismissed. My voice was not taken seriously because my pain did not outwardly resemble what my medical team was used to seeing. My baby and I have recovered from the experience, but unless the medical profession properly listens to mothers, other women will not be as lucky. Rosalynn A. Vega is associate professor of medical anthropology, program coordinator of medical humanities, and graduate program coordinator of the masters in interdisciplinary studies with a concentration in anthropology at the University of Texas Rio Grande Valley. She declares no conflict of interest Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 14, 2022

Literacy finally on the reading list in Indonesia’s curricula - 360 Tati Durriyah Published on September 8, 2022 For years, literacy has not been the centre of education in Indonesia. This could change after a long-awaited new curriculum was introduced during the pandemic. When the Indonesian government first set about improving poor literacy levels in 2015 it regulated 15 minutes of reading for pleasure before the start of a school day. Schools were energised, book displays and literacy festivals flourished, and while awareness of the idea of ‘literasi’ may have risen, the extent to which literacy learning is facilitated in the classroom generally isn’t clear. Then, in the face of looming problems driven by the removal of face-to-face learning during the pandemic, the government took the opportunity to change the curriculum. Though largely absent from the Kurikulum 2013, the word ‘literasi’ is found substantively in the simplified Kurikulum Merdeka, introduced in 2022. Literacy in the Kurikulum Merdeka was aimed toward facilitating students’ general capabilities to think and to make sense of their knowledge and foster a love of books. But the Kurikulum Merdeka also embeds a much more coherent theoretical framework for literacy. In the past there has been a lack of text resources, and teaching instruction, particularly when it comes to the progression of literacy learning at the primary and secondary levels. The government has also replaced what was a high stakes national exam with Minimum Competency Assessment, moving away from testing contents taught in school, this assessment narrowed the focus on assessing students’ general skills, namely literacy and numeracy. The literacy test measures Indonesian students’ general literacy capabilities of utilising and evaluating the knowledge they learn from many school subjects to formulate and solve problems, that is, critical thinking. This is quite a departure from the old National Exam, which emphasised measuring students’ mastery of school subjects  or content areas. However, improving Indonesia’s literacy education demands more than a piece of national curriculum regulation. More literacy resources (texts/books) and qualified literacy teachers are required to ensure literacy learning in Indonesian classrooms. Making quality book resources available to support literacy learning is a big issue the government must tackle. Non-government services such as Room to Read and The Asia Foundation’s Let’s Read provide free-to-download quality children’s books published by Indonesian nonprofit publishers like the Litara Foundation. But greater effort could be directed towards improving qualified Indonesian literacy teachers. This is challenging because literacy learning in the Kurikulum Merdeka emphasises nurturing general capabilities and a love of books. For this to happen demands teachers that meet such qualifications. Literacy teachers should be comfortable engaging students with books for reading skills and discussing difficult topics raised in the book. For example, amid a classroom book discussion about a girl who rescued her kidnapped brother, one boy questioned an issue of equal payment based on gender. The story triggered his response regarding whether or not a capable girl should receive an equal salary. The boys’ response appeared to come from his home background, where his mother was a full-time housewife, and the father was the dominant figure. This type of teachable moment allows students to share their points of view with teachers guiding them to think critically regarding gender equality and equity. In many Indonesian classrooms, this opportunity can be easily ignored in class. But in a true literacy classroom, a difficult topic like this should be a norm to discuss. Tati L. Durriyah (Tati D Wardi) is an associate professor in Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) /Indonesian International Islamic University (IIIU). She is the Head of MA in Education. She authored chapters on children’s literature and student teachers’ reading engagement in two books and serves as an external review board in the Journal of Literacy and Language Education (JOLLE) of the University of Georgia. Her expertise in literacy education helps  the Ministry of Education, Culture, Research and Technology, in devising the conceptualisation and development of literacy. This article has been republished for Indonesia’s National Teacher’s Day. It was first published on September 5, 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on September 8, 2022

Live-in lover law opens door to attacks on freedoms - 360 Arpan Acharya Published on April 10, 2024 Imagine a knock on the door at midnight, not because you are charged with sedition or tax evasion but because you are in a live-in relationship and haven’t registered it. This could happen to you in the Indian state of Uttarakhand. Under Section 378 of the Uttarakhand Uniform Civil Code, those who are in a live-in relationship are required to register it with the authorities. The Code has received the president’s assent and the state government says it will implement it as soon as possible. Two questions arise: one about the content of the law and one about how it will be enforced. One of the substantive law questions is that of privacy and the requirement to register a live-in. This is especially relevant after the Puttaswamy opinion of the Supreme Court of India, which held privacy was a constituent of the fundamental right to life and liberty. Even if it is held that the state has the right to demand this information from citizens, the Code falters when it comes to basic procedural requirements. The Code seems to ignore a foundational precept of administrative law — the rule of law. Rule of law is the opposite of the rule of the prince, meaning citizens should be governed by properly formulated laws rather than the whims of officials. In its most basic form, it stipulates that a person can only be held liable for actions which are a distinct breach of law and that public officials will always be guided by powers granted to them by law. It is the foundation of the idea that citizens in modern democracies must be protected from the arbitrary exercise of power by public officials. In his celebrated dissent in the Habeas Corpus case, Justice Khanna warns that a citizen’s liberty cannot be the handmaiden of the administrator’s benevolence. Legal philosopher Joseph Raz, a proponent of legal positivism — which does not see a necessary link between law and morality — argues that a citizen must be able to plan their lives and to do so they must know the sphere of freedom. For that, it is imperative to understand the coercive limits of state action in a particular circumstance. Raz’s idea of rule of law does not concern itself with questions of fairness and justice. Part 3 of the Code seems to fall short of even this threshold. A live-in relationship is defined in section 3(4)(b) of the Code as one where a man and a woman cohabit in a shared household through a relationship “in the nature of a marriage”. The reason marriage is used as a marker is very simple. To be married, one must take an objective step — the wedding. This step, however it may look in its ritualistic form across cultures, has the same meaning for everyone and is understood as such. While the kind of marriage one is in is a personal question, the fact that one is in a marriage is an objective fact if one is wedded. Consequently, if everyone is aware that bigamy is a crime, they know what not to do to be held guilty, meaning not to be married to two people at the same time. In a sense, the social and legal understandings of marriage converge, giving rise to an efficient law in its capacity to guide behaviour. Unfortunately, there is no such socially understood threshold for a live-in relationship. Live-in relationships are mostly self-defined. Especially when a relationship starts out, there is very little clarity on what it means for the participants. The ‘talk’ about where the relationship is headed constitutes an important milestone for many. This is where the relationship often ends as people may not be ready for the commitment of a live-in. What this commitment means looks very different for various couples. It is by its nature messy and not capable of being tied down to objective standards. It seems like an egregious violation of the rule of law to demand that one provides the state with knowledge that one has no way to objectively assess even for one’s own relationship. When the terms used to define a crime are vague and do not converge with any kind of accepted social understanding of the behaviour concerned, it increases the risk of arbitrary decision-making by the concerned authority. Whimsical and capricious behaviour by public officials is not the sign of a democratic polity, but an absolutist one. The rule of law becomes the rule of the petty bureaucrat. It does not stop there. Section 386 empowers the Registrar to act suo moto — without the prompting of another party — or on a complaint to insist on compliance with the provisions. Not only is there no objective standard for a person to peg their conduct to and avoid criminal liability; everyone else’s subjective viewpoint potentially becomes the line. The idea of love and cohabitation has not been a purely personal question in India and is wound up with questions of identity and community mores. Constitutional law scholar Gautam Bhatia says the Indian Constitution was meant to protect the citizen from the state and the community. In the process, it was meant to undo the legacies of injustice which, in Indian history, have often constituted the state-subject and the individual-community relationships. Provisions like Part 3 of the Code depart from this emancipatory vision of the constitution. The committee formed for framing the Code consists of retired judges, Indian Administrative Service officers, academics and social activists. They are experienced enough to understand the administrative implications of the provision. What it seems to instead do is discourage live-in relationships by making it everyone’s business to regulate them. is Assistant Professor of Law at Jindal Global Law School. He believes in an interdisciplinary approach to questions of law and governance. His current interests are law and religion, and regulatory approaches to emergent areas in law and technology. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 10, 2024

Local wisdom guards fisheries in Indonesia’s Maluku Islands - 360 Yanti Amelia Lewerissa Published on June 8, 2022 Indonesia is rich in marine resources, but aggressive overfishing could unravel it all. Could the solution lie in the ancient tradition of Sasi Laut? Across Indonesia’s 16,056 islands and expansive coastlinelies a rich reserve of marine resources, and a magnet for illegal fishing. But in the Maluku Islands, local wisdom is safeguarding precious fisheries, building sustainability and economic resilience in the process. Maluku Islands province is one of Indonesia’s most high-potential fishery areas. Its area is 92.4 percent ocean, so fishing has been central to local culture for generations. Local wisdom guarded and preserved since ancient times, Sasi Laut offers guidance in managing and utilising fishery resources. It is made up of Tutup Sasi (Closed Sasi) and Buka Sasi (Open Sasi). Tutup Sasi is a prohibition on catching a certain number of fish, on the use of certain fishing gear and on catching fish in certain areas. Every Sasi Laut practice begins with the Tutup Sasi ceremony, marked by placing young coconut leaves on the sasi area. During Tutup Sasi, all fishing activities in the area close to the sasi are prohibited. The Tutup Sasi period can last three months, six months or even a full year. The Tutup Sasi period follows a time when particular fish species are breeding, so the ban on fishing helps preserve certain types of fish and keeps the marine ecosystem running well. The prohibition on using certain types of fishing gear and the ban on catching fish in certain waters (for example, in conservation areas) greatly help prevent overfishing and damage to the environment. Sanctions such as fines enforce these prohibitions. During Buka Sasi (Open Sasi) people may catch fish using reasonable gear in Maluku Islands waters. As the customary law of the Maluku Islands, Sasi Laut is highly respected and the community complies with it fully and sincerely. Sasi Laut has obtained further legitimacy through a constitutional mandate requiring the state to recognise and respect customary law and traditional community rights as long as the practices are ongoing and in accordance with the development of society and the principles of Indonesia. This has allowed the people of the Maluku Islands to sustainably benefit from the marine resources in their area. By contrast, large-scale theft of fish by foreign vessels and the use of environmentally destructive fishing gear have left most Indonesian waters in critical condition. Several fishery management areas are categorised as red for their number of fish species and other marine biota. Red means the areas have been overfished. The Maluku Islands’ potential marine resources, including fish, crabs, lobsters and prawns, total 1.64 million tons per year – 26.3 percent of the national potential. Three other Indonesian fishery management areas also have high potential: the Banda Sea, the Seram Sea and its surroundings, and the Arafura Sea. The fishery potential of the Seram Sea area is 431,069 tons per year, of the Banda Sea 631,701 tons per year and of the Arafura Sea 1,992,731 tons per year. The Aru Sea, Arafura Sea and East Sea have suffered overexploitation of yellowfin tuna, skipjack tuna, mackerel, squid, shrimp, lobster, crab and small crab. Similar conditions prevail in the Java Sea, so tuna, lobster and squid are increasingly rare in these waters. If this overexploitation continues, the fish biomass in Indonesian waters will decline to 81 percent by 2035. Illegal fishing has interfered with the sustainable management of Indonesian fisheries. Authorities could tackle the problem through criminal sanctions or by taking a more preventive, non-penal approach. Other provinces in Indonesia have customary laws about fisheries similar to Sasi Laut, such as panglima laot in Aceh Province (at the northern tip of Sumatra) and Limbo Tombuluruha in the Wakatobi islands of southeastern Sulawesi. This local wisdom could be a model for a preventive approach to reducing overfishing and stopping illegal fishing. Meanwhile, the ancient customary law of Sasi Laut provides an illustration of how community buy-in has helped preserve a rich marine ecosystem in the Maluku Islands. Yanti Amelia Lewerissa is an Associate Professor in the Criminal Law Department of the Faculty of Law at Pattimura University, Indonesia. She is a member of the Society of Criminal Law and Criminology (MAHUPIKI). Her work is focused on crime and crime-prevention policies, especially in fisheries. Dr Lewerissa declared that she has no conflict of interest and is not receiving specific funding in any form. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 8, 2022

Long after the tsunami destroyed lives, the waves are still felt - 360 Ashok Gladston Xavier Published on June 19, 2023 Nearly two decades after the 2004 tsunami devastated the Indian state of Tamil Nadu, trauma from the disaster remains. On 26 December 2004 an earthquake off the coast of northern Sumatra in Indonesia triggered a series of giant waves across the Indian Ocean. The tsunami killed some 230,000 people, making it the deadliest in recorded history. Having severely damaged the east coast of Sri Lanka, it reached the eastern shores of Tamil Nadu, India’s southernmost state. The government of Tamil Nadu claimed 13 districts were affected and four coastal districts suffered severe loss of life. In India alone, 10,749 people died, 5,640 people were missing and 647,599 were displaced. But this was only the beginning of the tsunami’s impact on the state. Thousands of families who lived on the coast lost their homes. They were moved to a variety of places such as schools, wedding halls, temporary sheds or any public place at least 200 metres away from the ocean. In some cases their displacement was temporary and in other cases permanent. Of the estimated 600,000 people who were displaced, nearly half were able to return home in about a month after staying in relief camps. The other half were moved to temporary shelters from the relief camps to await permanent homes. They were repeatedly hit by monsoon rains that came in 2005. The temporary shelters were often made of tar sheets not meant to last for more than six months. Some people ended up living in these shelters for over three years. A significant number of people in Tamil Nadu continued to live in temporary shelters that were becoming unliveable. KP Sasi’s documentary film aptly titled If It Rains Again portrays the wretched situation of the shelters of the most marginalised communities more than two years after the tsunami. Amidst the displacement, Coastal Regulation Zones were being enforced. This meant that people could not build their houses within 500 metres of the coast. For a fishing community that had lived on the sea embracing its dangers this came as a threat more dangerous than the tsunami. As someone interviewed by researchers said: “The tsunami came and went in 2004. It not only took away our families and loved ones. It took away our culture.” Their livelihoods could not be carried out living away from the sea, but houses built in violation of the regulations were not handed over to the community. Living half a kilometre away meant they could not leave their boats, motors, nets and other equipment unattended on the shore. The fishing communities also saw this as a ploy to evict them and handed over coastal lands to private developers to build tourist resorts and luxury bungalows. So they organised themselves and started protesting against this move across the state. They realised that consenting would be a recipe for a disaster resulting in permanent displacement from their traditional homes and livelihood. In some cases, the coastal communities went on huge protests against the Coastal Regulation Zones and staged dharnas or street protests. This attracted support from fishing federations in the neighbouring state of Kerala. Peter Thomas, the general secretary of the National Fisherworkers Forum, told researchers: “We are fishermen and we have braved the most difficult climates and weather conditions. Storms and cyclones are not new to us. We understand the sea like our family, we will never let our families be displaced and disposed of from the ocean.” While such struggles were taking place, there were other people who were not able to organise themselves and were left at the mercy of the authorities and relief workers. These were the communities who depended on the fishing communities. Those who repaired nets, those who sold fish and those whose lives were based on backwater fishing were severely affected as all their jobs were linked to the fishing industry. They started to look for alternative livelihoods with little success. Farming communities, especially in Nagapattinam and Thanjavur districts, were also in for a rude shock. The waves gushed into the fertile paddy fields and ruined their land for farming for years. Small and marginal farmers whose only source of income was agriculture had no source of income. Compensation paid by the government was far too little for a decent living. There were also a reasonable number of daily wage farm labourers who had to migrate as a result of losing their jobs. This resulted in an exodus of people in search of jobs to the cities like Chennai, Madurai, Thanjavur, Coimbatore and Tirupur. Tales from the 2004 tsunami are replete with many stories of tragedy, princes turned to paupers and homeless within minutes. The road to recovery from the tsunami has been long and hard. The tragedy of loss and displacement compounded the trauma for disadvantaged communities. Ashok Xavier Gladston is an Associate Professor and head of the Social Work Department at Loyola College in Chennai, India. He is an expert in the field of conflict and peacebuilding, and has done substantive work providing training on trauma awareness and recovery, arts-based approaches to peacebuilding, sustainable development, strategic planning and management, and restorative justice. Some of the author’s research referred to in this article was funded by Oxfam America. This article is part of a Special Report on ‘Shock mobility’, produced in collaboration with the Calcutta Research Group. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Shock mobility” sent at: 19/06/2023 10:25. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 19, 2023

Long road ahead for true gender equality - 360 Piya Srinivasan Published on March 8, 2024 Economic empowerment, targeted legislation and cultural shifts are required to create gender-just societies and restore women’s dignity It’s been nearly 50 years of celebrating International Women’s Day but the gains for women have been incremental at best and sometimes just plain regressive. Women across Indo-Pacific countries continue to bear the brunt of misogyny, violence and sexism at home, in public and the workplace. Australia’s recent report on the gender pay gap  is a  reminder that economic equality remains distant, even in developed economies. Beyond celebrating women’s achievements, International Women’s Day offers the opportunity to address obstacles in the path to gender equality through collective action. This year’s theme “Invest in Women: Accelerate Progress” is a timely reminder to examine not just overt but insidious forms of women’s disempowerment: economic, social and political. The gender pay gap, the unchanging nature of women’s care burden, roadblocks to leadership roles and healthcare access, sexual violence, domestic abuse, precarious working conditions, lack of social protection and inequity that carries into old age all coalesce to deny women their rights to full lives. Women continue to pay the marriage and motherhood penalty which affects incomes, promotions and employment, largely due to the time spent on unpaid care work — childcare, elder care, cooking and domestic tasks — as compared to men. In most countries, women’s increased presence in the workforce has not been accompanied by men sharing the burden of care work. Due to their care burden, women are more likely to join informal work in both developed and developing economies. This requires more stringent policies around decent pay, enhanced labour legislation and greater gender sensitivity in workplaces. This is true for all nations, but especially for developing economies, where domestic work is largely unregulated and highly precarious. For domestic work to be seen as “work” cuts across economic and social considerations for both paid and unpaid domestic work. In workplaces, this would translate into more robust labour legislation that includes maternity benefits, insurance, equal pay and health and safety considerations. At the household level, it means reducing the disproportionate burden of care work on women. The distribution of high-skilled and low-skilled jobs in labour markets is different for developed and developing economies. In Australia, women have entered the workforce in larger numbers, resulting in job creation for low-skilled work like domestic work and childcare, again largely dominated by women. Indian data reveals rural women are more economically empowered than urban women, with a sharp increase in women engaged in agricultural work – a symptom of household distress. This throws cold water on the glitzy association between urbanisation and women’s empowerment. There are simply not enough jobs to absorb the educated female labour force. India has failed spectacularly  to address gender inequality in other ways. Violence against women continues unabated. India’s rape culture has made headlines again, testifying to the licence to commit grievous assault that Indian men have from their elected representatives even as women stand up to male dominance. And no wonder. Convicted rapists are granted remission, celebrated and roam free with impunity. We’ve been here before. Last week, two minor girls were found hanging in India’s Uttar Pradesh, after being gangraped by a brick-kiln contractor and his relatives at their place of work. This has its foundation in deeply entrenched patriarchal practices and a total absence of social protection. Economist Amartya Sen’s ‘missing women’ thesis rings truer than ever for India and China, which have the highest rates of female mortality. National Crime Records Bureau data from 2019-21 reveals over 1.33 million women and girls went ‘missing’ in India during that period, exposing their extreme vulnerability despite various legislations and government policies towards gender equality. Reasons vary from domestic violence, trafficking, infanticide, nutritional neglect of girls, maternal mortality, domestic servitude, and forced marriages. While countries like Indonesiarecorded higher rates of domestic violence in the case of unregistered marriages, being married also means women are discouraged from joining the workforce in developing economies. Life is no easier for divorced women. A recent notice issued by India’s Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs requires divorced women to obtain a No-Objection certificate from their husbands to use their maiden surname again. If ministries enshrine gender discrimination in their edicts, can men be far behind? Maternal and child health is in crisis, alongside sexual and gender-based violence in different conflict zones. Between October- December 2023, women and children accounted for 70 percent of Palestinian deaths. A famine spurred by halting of aid reveals unprecedented rates of preventable maternal and infant mortality due to malnutrition and dehydration. You can be forgiven for thinking life gets better as you age. The experiences of gender inequity multiply with age. Older women face multiple burdens of poverty, ill health, abuse and abandonment, lack of savings, precarious property ownership and poor mental health. So what can “Investing in women” look like? It means collective action along multiple fronts. International Women’s Day is premised on hard-won struggles for women’s suffrage and workers’ rights, for better pay and working conditions. The historical exclusion of women from the fields of health and medicine, politics, STEM and academia plays a significant role in making women’s problems invisible. Governments need to set the balance right urgently. Son preference remains one of the biggest roadblocks to gender equality in many Asian societies. Societal transformation requires shifts in attitudes, economic investment, giving women leadership roles and economic opportunity, and eliminating barriers that prevent women from being seen as equals. South Korea is an exception. It  managed to balance its skewed sex ratio over the decades through changing social attitudes, investment in women’s education and targeted legislation, including pension schemes and family law reform. What is required? Nothing short of a systemic overhaul. Rwanda has a record number of women legislators in Parliament. This was achieved simply by giving women their rights: a 30 percent quota for women in all decision-making organs of the state, revamping inheritance laws that gave women access to property and increased business opportunity, reinstating their economic power. To effect change at the national and global level requires addressing the worm eating the rind: the fundamental inequality that operates at the individual and household, which often mimics the actions of states and politicians in power. Traditional gender norms persist at the household, local and national level in most countries and actively impede women’s participation in the workforce. An economic shift demands a cultural shift towards achieving true gender equality by addressing structural disadvantages through a mix of policy and legislation, gender budgeting, measures to prevent violence, changing mindsets through education and cultural transmission, information and equal opportunity, reducing the digital gender divide, recognition of care-based labour and redistribution of care work. Any investment in women’s progress remains tokenistic if social and institutional structures do not remove systemic barriers towards creating equitable societies. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 8, 2024

Lula's mission to restore Brazilian democracy - 360 Mauro Kiithi Arima Junior Published on August 30, 2023 Brazil voted out the Bolsonaro government, but its impact on institutions hasn’t gone away. The Amazon summit in Belem, Brazil that concluded on 9 August came at an opportune time for Brazilian president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. The summit presented Lula, as he is widely known, a chance to restore his country’s environmental and international reputation after what he called four “disastrous” years under his predecessor, Jair Bolsonaro. At the close of the summit, eight South American countries – Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Guyana, Peru, Suriname and Venezuela – signed a joint declaration laying out a detailed roadmap to promote sustainable development, end deforestation and fight organised crime contributing to deforestation. But the summit attendees failed to agree on key demands of environmentalists and Indigenous groups, including adopting Brazil’s pledge to end illegal deforestation by 2030 and Colombia’s pledge to stop new oil exploration. The outcomes revealed the challenges that still lie ahead for Lula. Democracy in Brazil took a turn backwards under Bolsonaro’s presidency. Regaining that ground will require continued effort. Bolsonaro’s victory in 2018 was a big win for the powerful conservative forces of evangelicals, farmers and middle-class voters outside the cities. It also exposed the vulnerability of the country’s democratic institutions. According to a 2022 report by Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index, Bolsonaro “repeatedly demonstrated that he poses a threat to democracy in both his rhetoric and concrete actions”. During his first campaign for the presidency, Bolsonaro railed against some of the most sacred values enshrined in the constitution – human rights, the rights of minorities, protection of the environment and valorisation of national science. Once in office, he moved from discourse to deeds. Bolsonaro dismantled institutions protecting human rights and the environment, using various strategies to control them – putting allies in key positions, cutting budgets and degrading their credibility. Policies in support of historical reparations or for the protection of traditional peoples were a particular target. For instance, the Palmares Foundation, dedicated to Afro-Brazilian education and culture, underwent a transformation. Bolsonaro appointed as its head an Afro-Brazilian who opposed affirmative action for disadvantaged minority groups, directly countering the foundation’s principles. The foundation’s list of honoured black personalities was revised, removing important names such as popular musician and former Minister of Culture Gilberto Gil. And it changed the process for recognising former quilombos, communities originally founded by escaped slaves. Like Indigenous lands, these areas seek to preserve traditional ways of life and enjoy special legal protections. Another strategy was used to undermine organisations linked to science, research and the environment. The National Institute of Spatial Research, whose purpose is to identify fire-prone areas in the Amazon, saw its resources reduced. The result was the absence of reliable data on fire outbreaks, jeopardising their ability to respond to fires and pursue those involved in illegal burning. The Brazilian Institute of the Environment and Renewable Natural Resources, the most important environmental agency in Brazil, also suffered cutbacks, hampering their environmental protection functions, such as the monitoring of illegal deforestation and illegal mining in indigenous lands. Other administrative actions had far-reaching consequences. Critical positions with the National Mechanism to Combat Torture, such as those in prisons under federal authority, were terminated. In 2019, Bolsonaro issued Decree 9831, dismissing the eleven experts of the National Mechanism for the Prevention and Combat of Torture. In 2022, the Decree was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. The Ministry of Labor was folded into the Ministry of Economy, which effectively subordinated the social agenda to the economic agenda. The standing dialogue between the government and the workers’ union was eliminated. The Amnesty Commission and the Commission on Political Deaths and Disappearances were dismantled, hindering the clarification of serious human rights violations that occurred during the military regime that held power from 1964 to 1985. Bolsonaro’s migration policy gave the authorities instruments for rapidly removing foreigners from national territory. The Ministry of Justice issued Ordinance 666/2019, establishing summary deportation of migrants based on suspected involvement in terrorism, criminal organisation or drug trafficking, among other crimes. Suspicion was enough to frame migrants as dangerous persons. Bolsonaro also denied the severity of COVID-19 and the effectiveness of public health measures and vaccines. His rejection of the seriousness of COVID and scientific recommendations – such as his arguments against the Brazilian Health Regulatory Agency’s position on social distancing and systematic vaccination – marred public health institutions’ credibility. The rate of COVID infections and deaths in Brazil was disproportionately large. Bolsonaro then lost the 2022 election to Lula, whose campaign emphasised the need to rejuvenate democracy and strengthen its institutions. Recovering the functionality and power of those bodies is central to Lula´s mandate. If budget cuts and political interference are easy to execute, undoing what has been done is not. One way to restore credibility is through foreign policy, and resuming the dialogue and relationship with strategic partners, international organisations and NGOs. This step is crucial to re-establishing a standard by which to assess national institutions and public policies. Additionally, Lula might emphasise themes such as the environment, human rights and poverty eradication, aiming to clarify the substantial link between the objectives and the operations of such entities. Anti-democratic forces are still active in Brazil, as seen in the coup attempt that took place in January this year. Trials are underway for the organisers and participants who stormed the Supreme Court, the Congress and the presidential palace, but some facts still need to be clarified – especially the degree of involvement of the former president and public officials, including police and members of the armed forces. Lula will continue to face challenges inherited from the previous administration and that still exist among his own allies. He will also have to contain the most radical wing of his own Workers Party, which appears at times to seek undemocratic solutions in internal politics, such as through control of the press and mass media – much like the leftist authoritarian governments in Venezuela or Cuba. An important lesson in Brazil’s recently troubled politics is that threats to democracy are embedded in the state bureaucracy and the party system itself. In times of weakened traditional parties and discredited institutions, anti-democratic agents seize the opportunity to organise their social base. In Brazil, these came in the form of fringe right-wing parties, members of the armed forces and police officers. Brazilian democracy is still under construction long after the end of the military regime, and any oversight can cause dangerous setbacks in terms of public freedoms and social and environmental rights. Mauro Kiithi Arima Junior is a lawyer based in Brazil. He is a senior researcher and legal coordinator of the Centre for Global Trade and Investment and an invited professor of the Business School of Getulio Vargas Foundation (FGV). FGV is a Brazilian higher education institution and research think tank offering undergraduate and postgraduate programmes in economics, finance, law, politics and more. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on August 30, 2023

Machine learning to help predict future dengue fever outbreaks - 360 Mauridhi Hery Purnomo, Wiwik Anggraeni, Berlian Al Kindhi Published on August 8, 2022 Indonesia’s dengue fever outbreaks are increasingly frequent. Artificial Intelligence can help to predict where the next hotspot will be. With 390 million dengue virus infections a year, researchers need all the help they can get in tracking infections. Recently, machine learning, a subset of artificial intelligence, has been used to make predictions about where the next outbreak will occur. Dengue outbreaks used to happen about every five years. Now in Indonesia, as in other parts of the world, they happen more frequently. The number of dengue cases actually reported to the WHO increased more than ten times over the last two decades, from 505,430 cases in 2000, to 5.2 million in 2019. Some 4,032 people, mostly children, died of dengue in 2019. Predicting dengue outbreaks can help authorities take action to prevent an outbreak or  better tackle the outbreak. Machine learning studies data on past outbreaks, seeing how many cases there were at that time, in what period, and how the climate conditions in the area were at that time. In Indonesia, dengue usually occurs in the rainy season. No dengue cases were noted in some periods in the dry season. The intermittency of the Indonesian data makes finding a trend more difficult. By using machine learning techniques, the model can change dynamically according to the number of new cases entering the system. The chance of producing future predictions that correspond to reality is improved. Other studies on dengue have tried approaches ranging from statistical techniques to time-series. Some combine models and strategies with the expectation they can increase the forecasting accuracy. Machine learning, especially deep learning as part of AI, has performed better than these approaches in predicting the spread of the number of dengue fever cases. Machine learning can also be used to identify relationships between dengue patients and find spreading events or individuals. The AI clusters patients depending on climatic and geographical variables. Then, an analysis of their interactions, known as social network analysis (SNA), is used to find the qualities and centrality of the relationships. AI combined with SNA is used to dig deeper into the locations and times where a substantial spread is possible. AI with SNA provides an accurate and rapid understanding of dengue fever in a particular region. The approach can find areas that require special attention for medical intervention. AI technology, including machine learning, provides an alternative way of handling many national problems, especially dengue fever. Such technology could be used in Indonesia to support government programmes to achieve international commitments to prevent dengue fever outbreaks. Wiwik Anggraeni is a lecturer at the Department of Information Systems, Faculty of Intelligent Electrical and Informatics Technology (F-ELECTICS), Institut Teknologi Sepuluh Nopember, Surabaya, Indonesia. Mauridhi Hery Purnomo is a lecturer at the Department of Computer Engineering, Faculty of Intelligent Electrical and Informatics Technology (F-ELECTICS), Institut Teknologi Sepuluh Nopember, Surabaya, Indonesia. He is the Chair of the Laboratory of Multimedia Computing and Machine Intelligence The authors declare they have no conflict of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on August 8, 2022

Machines are learning to track wartime destruction - 360 Hannes Mueller, Andre Groeger Published on May 2, 2022 A new automated analysis of satellite imagery can reveal the extent of building destruction in conflict zones, providing vital information for humanitarian aid. Among the shocking images to emerge from Ukraine in recent weeks is the sight of civilian lives torn apart by shelling. Shredded apartment buildings, with their ordinary contents – microwaves, shoes, cushions – incongruously spilling into the muddy, rubble-strewn streets. Building destruction during war is a form of violence that is particularly harmful to civilians. Used by aggressors as a strategy to displace populations, it is responsible for tremendous human suffering beyond loss of life. The Red Cross warns that massive urban destruction has dramatic knock-on effects on health, as it often involves destroying water and power supplies, as well as hospitals. Reliable and up-to-date data on destruction in war zones plays an important role in humanitarian relief efforts. It also informs human-rights monitoring, reconstruction initiatives and media reporting, as well as the study of violent conflict by researchers. As high-resolution satellite imagery becomes more readily available, images can be monitored for building destruction weekly or even daily. At the same time, recent advances in machine learning have provided sophisticated tools to extract information from these images. Recent research has demonstrated a tool that automatically analyses satellite imagery to identify buildings destroyed by shelling. The method combines existing state-of-the-art computer-vision methods with a new strategy of augmenting the labels applied to destroyed or intact buildings. An additional post-processing step improves classifier performance. The standard approach for this kind of task is something known as convolutional neural networks (CNNs). These have achieved unprecedented success in large-scale visual image classification with accuracy rates beating humans’. The new method trained a CNN to spot destruction features from artillery and bombing in satellite images – for example, the rubble from collapsed buildings or the presence of bomb craters. The researchers tested the concept on six Syrian cities, including Aleppo, which suffered significant damage during the civil war of 2012–16. Even in heavily bombed cities, the percentage of destroyed buildings relative to intact ones is low. This means that even a small number of mistakes will result in unacceptable false-positive predictions. This would yield data that is useless for all practical purposes. In heavily bombed Aleppo, only 2.8 percent of all images of populated areas contained a building that was classified as destroyed by the UN Operational Satellite Applications Program (UNOSAT) in September 2016. To expand the computer’s training dataset, the research used a series of images taken over time. This brought down error rates, although it added complications caused by seasonal changes in vegetation or non-war related building demolition. The researchers then tested the tool on images of other bombed Syrian cities, with good results. Organisations such as the United Nations, the World Bank and Amnesty International currently use humans to manually classify satellite images to produce damage-assessment case studies. Academics studying violent conflict often rely on news organisations, who themselves rely on eyewitness accounts. All these methods are slow and subject to bias. An automated building-damage classifier for use with satellite imagery, which has a low rate of false positives in unbalanced samples and allows tracking on-the-ground destruction in close to real time, can therefore be extremely valuable for the international community and academic researchers alike. The researchers calculated that manual labelling of the images from Syrian cities would have cost US$200,000. Such a tool could also work with humans. It could take a first pass through masses of data to flag the most noteworthy images for human classification. More training and checking by humans could also improve the computer’s predictions. Monitoring of conflict tends to reduce armed violence, which suggests that a monitoring tool could be a vehicle for greater peace. However, sometimes the opposite has been true: violence increased because someone was watching. Because building destruction is often used to create wholesale displacement of people, information about atrocities and destruction may help aggressors displace a population. If the aggressors do not fear repercussions linked to the monitoring of these atrocities, then monitoring itself can increase violence. Covert monitoring could be used in such a situation. As satellite images improve in quality and resolution, a computer monitoring tool to automatically reveal building destruction in times of conflict can be expected to increase in reliability. Lower-cost, automated monitoring offers the possibility of long-range, long-term, safe assessment of urban destruction and its toll on the innocent citizens of cities at war. Hannes Mueller is a tenured researcher at the Institute for Economic Analysis (IAE(CSIC)) and an associate research professor and program director for the Data Science for Decision Making M.Sc. at the Barcelona School of Economics (BSE). Andre Groeger is assistant professor of economics (tenure track) and Serra Húnter fellow at Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (UAB), affiliated professor at the Barcelona School of Economics (BSE), and fellow at Markets, Organizations and Votes in Economics (MOVE). A.G. and H.M. were supported by “La Caixa” Foundation Project Grant CG-2017-04, title: ”Analysing Conflict from Space”; and by Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation, through the Severo Ochoa Program for Centers of Excellence in R&D Grant CEX2019-000915-S. H.M. was supported by Spanish Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities Grant PGC-096133-B-100. A.G. was also supported by Spanish Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities Grant PGC2018-094364-B-100. J.H. and A.M. were supported by the Chapman University Faculty Opportunity Fund. A.M. was supported by the Smith Institute of Political Economy and Philosophy at Chapman University. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 2, 2022

Made by men, for men: Why medicine’s gender bias matters - 360 Grace Jennings-Edquist Published on February 21, 2024 Almost 4000 years since “hysteria” was blamed on the wandering uterus, sexism in healthcare persists. The costs to women are catastrophic. The healthcare system has largely been made by men, for men. Medical researchers historically excluded women from experiments — partly because they believed hormonal fluctuations in female lab animals would complicate data, partly citing concerns about harming women’s fertility, and partly because of researcher bias. As a result, the male body has been treated as the biological default. This healthcare gender prejudice has left gaping knowledge gaps around how illness and pain impact women. Those knowledge gaps have often been filled with sexist narratives: among them, that women’s pain or symptoms are exaggerated, rooted in emotion, or “hysterical”. That term has origins in ancient Egypt in 1900 BC, where it was suggested a spontaneously wandering uterus was the cause of women’s mental illness. Almost 4,000 years later, medical misogyny persists. (“Hysterial neurosis” as a psychological diagnosis was only removed in 1980, when the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental was updated.) Women remain largely under-represented in medical research, despite moves by some countries to mandate inclusion of women in medical trials. Gender and sex remain poorly analysed and often not reported in research. And despite gender parity in Australian medical schools, in the working world the sector remains dominated by men. Women represent just 28 per cent of medical deans, 14 percent of the highest-paid medical specialists in Australia (neurosurgeons), and 12.5 percent of hospital chief executives. Outright discrimination, sexist bullying and unconscious bias in the sector is common, with almost one-third (30 per cent) of female surgeons saying they have been sexually harassed at work. Over time, these inequities can lead to female doctors leaving. All this results in real-life disadvantages for women patients. Research has found women practice medicine differently; among other things, they are more likely to provide preventative care and use patient-centred communication. Male doctors — of which there are far more than female doctors — may therefore be more likely to “gaslight” (invalidate and dismiss) female patients with unexplained symptoms. Doctors take women’s pain less seriously then men’s, and prescribe fewer powerful painkillers for pain. Despite the fact that 70 percent of people with chronic pain are women, a whopping 80 percent of pain studies are conducted on men, or male mice. Many medicines that were approved after being tested mainly on men have sometimes had such adverse impacts on women that they have been withdrawn from the market– showing how the assumption that the male body is the “baseline” for all bodies can be catastrophic. Conditions that disproportionately impact women have historically been underfunded: endometriosis, anxiety disorders, and migraines among them. Receiving a diagnosis and treatment can, accordingly, be harder for sufferers of these conditions compared to conditions suffered mainly by men. Women wait longer for a diagnosis for men. Diagnoses are often delayed or missed in the case of ADHD, autism spectrum disorder and heart attacks, where the symptoms can show up differently — because doctors have been trained to view men’s symptoms as “the norm”. Indeed, women presenting with chest pain at emergency departments wait 29 percent longer to be evaluated for possible heart attacks. So pervasive is this phenomenon that there’s a term for it — “the Yentl syndrome” — coined to call attention to the under-diagnosis and under-treatment of women. The costs of sidelining women in medical research and treatment are great. From the financial burden of securing diagnoses and treatment in a system that routinely dismisses women’s symptoms, to decreased quality of life when treatment or medication is denied, to unexpected side effects from medication tested mainly on men– medical misogyny puts women’s health, and lives, at risk.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 21, 2024

Making global health greener, fairer, and younger - 360 Renzo R. Guinto Published on November 14, 2022 Global health organisations are missing many of the voices affected by their decisions. The COVID-19 pandemic has been a chaotic dress rehearsal for more serious health crises in the future. And the blunders of the past few years revealed what is missing from the politics of intertwining domestic and foreign policy with global health. The failure to ensure universal access to vaccines — especially in low- and middle-income countries — highlights some nations’ selfishness. The existential threat of climate change presents new health problems that will require more international collaboration and consensus. There is a way to do this. And it involves bringing in the views of those not currently dominating global health discussions. The climate emergency is a global health issue that has dramatic consequences for the health of the world’s population from rising dengue fever and heat-related illness, to worsening undernutrition and ‘climate anxiety’, especially among young people. It affects every health arena and every agenda item of the annual World Health Assembly. Butbecause climate is seen as a ‘tomorrow’ problem and is also not seen as being linked to healthcare,it barely features in World Health Organization negotiations, government relations or boardroom discussions. But the health sector needs to be ready to respond to the health impacts of climate change and be able to develop a strategy on how to influence other sectors (for example energy and agriculture) that primarily drive climate change through their emissions. Therefore the climate crisis must be a top issue for health diplomacy, integrated into all aspects of global health deliberations. Protecting the planet improves human health in return. Future health diplomacy should begin caring not only about the health of people but also the planet. Keeping the focus on people and forgetting about the planet will lead to the continuation of rapid and damaging global environmental change that will in turn affect the health of people. This concept of planetary health has only recently become popular among the scientific community but its message — that the health of people and the planet are inextricably intertwined —  is something many indigenous communities across the world have been embracing for centuries. Ignoriong health in climate discussions means health impacts are not considered in decisions on mitigation, adaptation or financing. Climate change, after all, is an issue of human survival. Framing climate change as a public health emergency will help create a greater sense of urgency on climate action. The Paris Agreement, which the WHO once described as a ‘public health treaty’, only mentioned health once — in the preamble. Last year’s COP26 in Glasgow, which was postponed 12 months because of COVID-19,  featured a health pavilion while more than 50 countries made a commitment to build climate-resilient and low-carbon national health systems. It is perhaps a sign that health will be more than a footnote or a side event at future COP meetings. Health diplomacy could also be fairer. At the moment, the voices, needs and interests of the powerless and poor (people and countries alike) aren’t given as much consideration in global health decisions (for example in relation to vaccines); global health policy continues to favour the rich and powerful. Discussions are growing around the idea of ‘decolonising global health’. This recognises that the global health sector evolved from colonial roots and continues to reflect that power imbalance in education and research, governance and financing, diplomacy and policy making. Health leadership is entrenched in the Global North — it’s very white and very male. The annual Global Health 50/50 reports have documented the uneven distribution of power and opportunities for global health leadership. Academia is the same — there are still global health journals whose Global North-dominated editorial boards remain far from truly global while journal articles about health issues in Africa — some still conducted through ‘parachute, safari, or parasitic research’ — continue to be published despite the absence of African scientists as lead authors. Aside from vaccine apartheid’, global health professionals from the Global South have also been enduring ‘visa apartheid marred by long waits, humiliating interviews, and visa denials, which further limit their participation in global health conferences. Even in the era of Zoom, when discussing health issues affecting poor black women in Africa, ‘manels’ (all-male panels), ‘whanels’ (all-white panels) and “HICanels” (high-income country panels) continue to dominate. The voices, perspectives, needs and lived experiences of non-male, non-white and non-HIC need to be taken into account in discussions and decisions. Health diplomacy could involve young people and even incorporate the perspectives of generations not yet born. A youthful contribution to discussions is being missed, while neglecting the perspectives of future generations leads to policies that are short-term, destroy the planet and steal their ability to live and thrive in the future. Decision-makers are becoming increasingly receptive to youth participation in health diplomacy. This year, the WHO launched its first youth council, consisting of representatives from major international youth and student networks. Youth organisations such as the annual Youth Pre-World Health Assembly of the International Federation of Medical Students’ Associations, which commemorates its 10th year in 2023, have been proactive in advocating to WHO and other global health agencies. The highly influential Lancet Commissions are also beginning to include young people. A decade ago, the first Lancet Youth Commission focused on global governance for health. One of the proposals then was for the UN members to appoint an ombudsperson for future generations. Next year, the first Global Model WHO will be held and it is possible health diplomacy may eventually move beyond youth simulations and instead engage true young diplomats in actual negotiations. Caring for the Earth, dismantling inequitable power structures and meaningfully engaging young people should be the new tenets of post-pandemic health diplomacy. A greener, fairer and younger future requires demolishing colonial mindsets towards the planet, marginalised groups and youth and replacing them with humility, commitment to inclusivity and reverence for all. Renzo R. Guinto, MD PhD is the inaugural director of the Planetary and Global Health Program of the St. Luke’s Medical Center College of Medicine in the Philippines. An Obama Foundation Asia-Pacific Leader, Renzo was included by Tatler Magazine in its Gen.T List of 400 leaders of tomorrow who are shaping Asia’s future in 2020. The author declares no conflict of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 14, 2022

Making sustainable shopping easy - 360 Maike Gossen Published on July 28, 2022 A maze of eco-labels and certification means consumers are easily confused. A German initiative aims to provide clarity. When Berliner, Anna Maierski went online shopping for a new pair of jeans, she was overwhelmed with choice. Not only were there hundreds of jeans from dozens of outlets around the world, some claimed to have eco-friendly credentials. As an environmentally aware consumer, Anna was interested in the eco-labels but wary of ‘greenwashing’ – when companies give themselves fake or puffed-up green credentials to increase sales. Anna is certainly not the only one to experience such confusion with online shopping. But research shows that when provided with clear and reliable information about sustainability, consumers are willing to, and do, shop greener. A growing initiative from Germany is trying to transform good intentions into real behaviour. Private consumption is a key driver of climate change and environmental degradation. But although environmental awareness is increasing, sustainable consumption – where consumers purchase the greener option – remains niche. A lack of detailed and reliable information about the environmental impacts of products was presumed to be the problem. The first sustainability label was Germany’s Blue Angel, back in 1978. In recent years, with a rise in environmental problems and awareness, sustainability labels have flourished. By promoting transparency and trust in sustainability-related qualities, the labels are supposed to facilitate greener purchasing and encourage companies to improve their environmental performance. In fact, though, sustainability labels have become a confusing “label maze” – too many different labels, no way to compare labels, and lack of credibility. Rather than encouraging consumers to make sustainable choices, the maze of eco-labels may discourage people from reading labels at all. This bamboozling sustainability information and the resulting limited effectiveness of eco-labels were the inspiration for the Green Consumption Assistant, a joint project funded by the German environment and consumer protection ministry. Partner organisations the Technical University of Berlin, the Berlin University of Applied Sciences and Technology and the green search engine Ecosia are developing features that are continuously released, tested and tweaked on the Ecosia website. Sustainable products are identified in Ecosia’s shopping tab with an easy-to-understand ‘sustainable’ (nachhaltig) banner and a leaf icon on the product images. The aim of the recommendation system is to facilitate sustainable consumer decisions through credible product information direct to people searching online. The products are classified as sustainable based on the German initiative Siegelklarheit (label clarity), which evaluates labels based on a previously developed Sustainability Standards Comparison Tool (SSCT). It is a transparent and reliable ranking of products, unlike many other online-store sustainability tags, filters or browser extensions, which in most cases rely on non-transparent product information or uncertified private labels. Private labels, which are not certified by a third party, lack independence. There is a risk that some unscrupulous retailers might use private labels for greenwashing, conveying weak sustainability requirements or even disseminating false information to consumers. Even independent labels struggle to weed out underperforming companies. A recently published report identified a worrying lack of accountability and independence across even well-known initiatives such as Cradle to Cradle certified or the EU Ecolabel. The report found no evidence of enforcement or consequences for companies who committed to targets but failed to meet them. At the EU level, the issue of greenwashing is currently being tackled by the initiative on substantiating green claims. The legal framework proposed aims to ensure companies provide evidence of the environmental footprint of their products using standardised methods. The Green Consumption Assistant GreenDB database was developed to select and score green products. The database is updated weekly and currently contains more than 300,000 products from the largest online retailers in several European countries. The GreenDB deliberately focuses on products that are in high demand: an analysis of search terms from Ecosia users determined the 26 product categories, currently mainly fashion and electronics. The GreenDB is publicly available for research purposes and can be used for other AI applications to make sustainability information more transparent and trustworthy. For researchers, the GreenDB has not only promoted sustainable consumption but also provided an overview of sustainability information in online shopping. Only 14 percent of the products in the database are certified with credible sustainability labels. An overwhelming two-thirds of the products in the database have private eco-labels. This shows how difficult it is for consumers to identify sustainable products. The low uptake of sustainable consumption, the proliferation of confusing, unreliable and niche labels, and the clarity provided by the Green Consumption Assistant all point to the need for a more strongly regulated labelling system. If assigning sustainability tags were exclusive to a familiar and credible third-party-verified label, it would remove some of the obstacles to greener consumption. Previous research has come to similar conclusions. A joint labelling programme by policymakers and retailers could make progress in developing and promoting a truly helpful sustainability label. Maike Gossen is a researcher at the Department of Social-Ecological Transformation at the Technical University of Berlin. She coordinates the Green Consumption Assistant project and has a PhD on the topic of sufficiency-promoting marketing. Her research focuses on sustainable consumption, sustainability marketing, digitalisation and sufficiency. This research was funded by the German Federal Ministry of the Environment, grant number 67KI2022A. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on July 28, 2022

Malaysia: Fake Viagra is no joke - 360 Gan Siew Hua Published on July 27, 2022 The rampant trade in fake sexual stimulants is a reminder of how easy it is for substandard medicines to take hold and the need for greater public awareness. Challenges in substandard drugs affect all regions of the world to varying degrees, but in Asia, it’s thought to be worse with an estimated 1 in 10 medical products in both low and middle-income countries reported being substandard. In Malaysia, sexual stimulants make up the majority of substandard medicines, with more than 1,000 products found on the market. Men are more likely to use substandard sexual stimulants which is not surprising considering Malaysian men were, according to the country’s own health minister, the world’s highest per capita user of Viagra (sildenafil). This was when the drug was first introduced two decades ago. Though the prevalence of male sexual dysfunction in Malaysia is rather high (26.8-69 percent), it is still lower than that reported in Singapore (51.3-73.0 percent) or Hong Kong (63.6 percent). Malaysia’s single biggest drug bust in 2007, worth MYR14 million (US$3.14m), was of ‘Miagra’, a fake Viagra® destined for both Malaysian and Thai markets. Fakery on this scale isn’t being deterred by the legal system — the punishment for such an offence is a fine of just MYR50,000 (around US$11,000) or three years’ jail (or both). Stronger penalties may help stem the problem. Alarmingly, sildenafil was also put into coffee sachets that were distributed nationwide. The coffee mixture was given to ‘perk-up drinkers beyond the usual stimulation provided by caffeine but later confiscated by the Malaysian Ministry of Health. It’s a lesson in the riskiness of Malaysians looking for quick medical fixes.  Many prefer to purchase cheap medicines without taking into consideration their effectiveness or side effects. A culture of self-diagnosis, as well as self-prescribing, further perpetuates the problem. Patient education is critical. One study looking at patient awareness of medicine in Malaysia found as many as 25 percent of respondents did not understand the information written on the drug packaging, while an even higher percentage (29 percent) did not read the recommended storage conditions. The latter is dangerous considering higher temperatures in tropical countries in Asia may contribute to the degradation of not just substandard drugs but all drugs. Data from Thailand suggests incorrect storage and handling has contributed to five percent of substandard drugs. Patient education should focus on the need to distinguish between good and poor medicinal sources, supporting informed decision-making on trustworthy self-medication as well as building confidence in health care professionals. And yet the number of educational and promotional activities conducted by the Ministry of Health remains low, although it is showing a positive trajectory. Educational activities have been expanded to schools and institutes of higher learning. More pharmacists should be empowered to play a bigger role in patient education. Improved surveillance by regulatory agencies like the Ministry of Health is required to ensure all products sold in the market are registered, keeping in mind that registration numbers can be falsified, be used for other substandard products or be printed on counterfeit medicines. One strategy is to incorporate a Meditag hologram on all pharmaceutical products delivering safety features that can easily be monitored. Another important strategy is to step up border control for imports or for the Customs Department and the Trade and Industry Ministry to come down hard on the smuggling of counterfeit medicines from neighbouring countries. Rampant advertising and sales propagated on social media are areas enforcement agencies should regularly and randomly monitor for suspicious marketing activities. While spelling mistakes in such advertisements can give away counterfeit medicines, recognising substandard medicines is more challenging. Normally, the likelihood of substandard medicine is higher when there is a failed therapeutic response or in the presence of uncommon adverse events. The public can play their role by reporting medicines advertised on suspicious websites, especially those that do not display any landline contact numbers or physical addresses. As more around the globe gain Internet connectivity, the risk of supply and distribution of substandard medicines also grows. Import bans on medicines produced by certain manufacturers suspected of the production of substandard medicines like Ranbaxy should be imposed. Building public awareness of the problem would also help. The World Health Organization had as of November 2017 released 20 alerts on global medical products as well as regional warnings with technical support in place for more than 100 cases of substandard medicines. Stamping out or at the very least minimising the impact of substandard medicines is a global challenge requiring global cooperation. Professor Gan Siew Hua is head of Monash University Malaysia’s School of Pharmacy. She declares no conflict of interest with the above article. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Bad medicine” sent at: 25/07/2022 09:31. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on July 27, 2022

Malaysia makes case for smoking end game - 360 Farizah Mohd Hairi Published on May 31, 2022 Malaysia’s plan to phase out tobacco will cost the country tax revenue, but economics suggest it will benefit the country in the long run. Malaysia is set to deny those born after 2005 from ever legally purchasing cigarettes, including vapes, as part of a ‘Generational End Game’ policy. In a move emulating similar recent legislation in New Zealand, the proposed regulation is expected to be tabled in parliament in July 2022. Wales too is floating a similar initiative to end smoking by 2030. The initiative is expected to deter people currently under 17 years old from ever starting smoking and possibly create a healthier nation. A survey conducted by Malaysian Green Lung Association found Malaysians were largely receptive to the policy. The online public poll, supported by the Southeast Asia Tobacco Control Alliance (SEATCA) showed that more than 97 percent of 928 respondents were in favour of the phase-out. But respondents also voiced concerns about the impact of the authoritarian policy on personal choice, weak enforcement, and the sale of contraband cigarettes. As it stands, Malaysia is number one in a world ranking of tobacco black market activity due to a lack of proper policies in regulating vaping products. An argument against the policy, especially among major tobacco companies, is that the Malaysian economy will be affected by the tax revenue from tobacco products. In 2017, Malaysia made RM3.94 billion (US$895 million) in ‘sin tax’ from tobacco products. Tobacco companies said smoking could continue through the supply of black market cigarettes and banning tobacco products would only serve to rob the country of RM5 billion (US$1.1 billion) in tax revenue. When announcing the proposed new law, Malaysia’s health minister, Khairy Jamaluddin said tobacco use is among the leading causes of cancer in the country, contributing to 22 percent of cancer deaths. He also pointed to an 11 percent rise in the number of cancer cases in recent years. So while tax revenue may fall from tobacco, the public health costs of treating patients with smoking-related illnesses are also expected to fall. Former deputy health minister, Dr Lee Boon Chye said with the government and the private sector each spending RM7 billion (US$1.5 billion) to RM8 billion (US$1.8 billion) a year to treat smoking-related illnesses such as lung cancer and heart problems, there may even be economic savings to the tobacco endgame. More economic savings are expected, considering the indirect costs due to absenteeism and loss of productivity from smoking breaks. Meanwhile, the clean-up costs of tobacco waste, including discarded cigarette butts, are generally borne by municipalities; the same goes for the associated disposal costs of that waste including heavy metals and poisons that leach from cigarette butts once in landfill, including arsenic waste. Filters are made of a kind of plastic and do not readily decompose. By omitting or minimising these true costs, tobacco companies can effectively shift their responsibility to the taxpayers, enjoying a hidden subsidy. A pattern of environmental damage is clear throughout the life of a tobacco product, from toxic chemicals associated with growing and curing; to energy inputs during manufacturing and distribution; and from the effects of consumption including second and third-hand smoke; to post-consumption waste. There are also implications for the health of farming communities and vulnerable elements of the population, including children. In the past few years, Malaysian health and finance authorities have come together to use taxation as a highly successful form of tobacco control. Similar efforts could be made by environmental and health authorities, who already collaborate on shared concerns such as air pollution. The environmental consequences of tobacco consumption have changed, from being an individual problem to being everyone’s problem. It is not just about the lives of smokers and those around them, or even those involved in tobacco production. A concept known as Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) seeks to reduce a product’s environmental impact by making the manufacturer responsible for the costs associated with its end-of-life disposal. Properly implemented, this would result in tobacco product price rises while relieving municipalities and their citizens of a significant and unreasonable cost. To cite just one example, the city of San Francisco in the USA estimated that clearing up tobacco waste costs US$22 million annually. A global EPR programme could initially be applied to tobacco product waste, given that tobacco litter is the biggest component of litter worldwide (around 6.25 trillion cigarettes were consumed in 2012 alone). Such policies are also likely to be popular with citizens tired of seeing urban landscapes covered with tobacco litter. EPR could also be applied to other areas of tobacco-related damage, including agrochemical use, deforestation, carbon dioxide and methane emissions, manufacturing, transport, and toxic waste. Dr Farizah Mohd Hairi is currently an associate professor at the Department of Social and Preventive Medicine, Faculty of Medicine, University of Malaya. Her focus areas are in community geriatrics, elderly care, tobacco control and health services management. She also served as a public health physician with the Ministry of Health, Malaysia. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 31, 2022

Malaysia says no to single-use plastic - 360 Yin Yin Thoo Published on June 15, 2022 Malaysia wants to get rid of single-use plastic by 2030. Bioplastics may help it get there. Goodbye, single-use wrap; hello, bioplastics. Malaysia’s ambitious roadmap to phase out single-use plastics by 2030 faces challenges such as food waste and rising food prices. Bioplastics could be the answer – but they will need to be developed, managed and disposed of with care. Traditional petroleum-based plastic packaging is strong, versatile and durable but not fully recyclable or biodegradable. It contributes approximately 5.4 percent of global food-system greenhouse gas emissions – far more than any other part of the supply chain, including transportation. Without effective packaging, though, food waste may increase. And it’s already a big problem: Malaysia wastes 17,000 tonnes of food daily. Every kilogram of food thrown into landfill produces the equivalent of 2.5 kilograms of greenhouse gas. It leaves policymakers to choose between the two evils of plastic-waste emissions and food-waste emissions. Malaysia’s roadmap encourages local industries to embrace biodegradable and compostable plastic alternatives. These products protect food as effectively as petroleum-based plastics, but they are designed to degrade in a controlled environment of high temperature and sufficient oxygen and require industrial composting. Plastic alternatives not fully broken down and composted will simply end up in landfill, so their biodegradability needs to be verified to ensure they do not pose an environmental hazard. Alternatively, a nationwide integrated waste-management system is needed to process plastic-alternative waste. The current sustainable packaging alternatives are biodegradable polymers derived from natural sources (carbohydrates, proteins and fats) or synthesised from renewable materials (microbial production, plant biomass). These biopolymers are safer alternatives for human health and the environment. Compared to traditional petroleum-based plastics, though, biopolymers cost up to three times as much to make, which has limited the growth of the biopolymers market. A research group at Monash University Malaysia is working to produce affordable biopolymer film using renewable raw materials. Biopolymer-based packaging materials decompose quickly and do not produce toxic compounds. Cost and scale have prevented widespread use of these materials so far, but biopolymers derived from natural sources could ultimately be a cheaper plastic alternative. Malaysia has been slow to adopt biopolymer-based packaging. Evidence-based studies and new biopolymer-based products are needed before plastic alternatives will appear more often in the food industry. Support from manufacturers, suppliers and business operators is essential if Malaysia is to achieve the goal of its roadmap by 2030. Industries could work with government, research institutes and universities to drive the growth of commercial products using biopolymers. Thoo Yin Yin (ORCID 0000-0002-2581-1112) has teaching and research responsibilities in food science and technology. She is a researcher at Monash University Malaysia with expertise in biopolymer-based packaging and alternative methods of preserving and processing food. The author has declared no conflict of interest in relation to this article. This article has been republished for World Environment Day 2023. It was originally published on June 9, 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 15, 2022

Malaysia: University campuses blending local with international - 360 Andrew Walker Published on April 11, 2022 International campuses are learning by doing, integrating local knowledge and approaches to world-class institutions. Universities have been slow to globalise. In the late 1980s there were only 30 or so international campuses: students moved, universities didn’t. Things started to change in the early 1990s and the following twenty years witnessed a mini-boom in international higher education operations. The pace has slowed in the past decade — a steady stream of failures has prompted caution — but the number of global campuses continues to grow. Recent estimates range from about 250 to almost 500 overseas campuses from universities based elsewhere. The higher number probably includes one- or two-room operations within a host university; the lower number is more reflective of what we expect when we talk about a ‘campus’. Universities from developed economies have dominated this emerging market. The three largest ‘exporting’ countries are the US, UK and France, with Australia and Russia active, but at a lower level. There is a parallel concentration in the importing nations: China and UAE are the most active hosts of international campuses followed a good way back by Singapore and Malaysia. These international university operations aim to challenge the historically dominant flow of students seeking high quality education in developed nations. But these flows were already being transformed by the emergence of new centres of university influence, especially in Asia. To a large extent, the success of international campuses in educating locally depends on how international campuses and their ‘parent’ universities shape their engagement with the host country. In the early stages of offering degrees in off-shore locations, parent universities are focused on quality control. As they establish operations far from home, they need to ensure that the educational experience of off-shore students matches that of students at the base campus. There is a strong emphasis on curriculum consistency, and comparability in facilities and student experience. Students and parents in the host country derive real benefits from this duplicative phase. They can be reassured that they are receiving a genuinely international education and that the degrees are not a second-rate reproduction. But it also has its disadvantages. It is motivated by a push for consistent quality but, ironically, it raises quality concerns as neither students nor teachers have a stake in the content. Students can become restless about an imported curriculum that is disconnected from the local context. And good quality teachers cannot be expected to deliver a curriculum over which they have minimal creative control. This duplicative approach is a form of educational globalisation that involves little technology transfer. In response to these limitations, universities have combined duplication with localisation. International campuses develop their own case studies, courses and even degrees to cater for local tastes and employment opportunities. These initiatives provide a richer, and more engaged, educational experience for local students, while benefiting from the quality assurance and reputational stature of the parent university. But ‘localisation’ still carries the assumption of a ‘head office’ that is the primary driver of content, quality and standards. It still remains a Western-centric mode of operation. International campuses can go further, but perspectives would have to shift. To avoid privileging the head office, ditching the terminology of ‘branch’ campuses, would be a useful start. This would shift perceptions of them to platforms for engagement and collaboration in globally networked universities. As ‘platforms’, they can become partners in the production of transnational curriculum (and research) that enriches the entire university, rather than just localising content for students in the so-called branch. And, as platforms, they can be active partners in processes of global quality assurance, instead of being framed as overseas risks that need to be carefully monitored. Appropriately reimagined, international campuses can become nodes of collaborative engagement with universities, government, civil society and industry in their host countries. They can provide students with an educational experience that is simultaneously international and locally engaged. They can also serve as bridges to the first class institutions that have emerged in new higher-education landscapes. The fundamental benefit of an international campus lies not in revenue (usually less than expected) or reputation (mixed). It lies in their potential to transform the DNA of the universities that establish them, orienting them towards global associations that fully explore the possibilities of a mutli-centric higher-education world. Andrew Walker is Pro Vice-Chancellor and President of Monash University Malaysia. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 11, 2022

Malaysian English is not mangled, it’s unifying - 360 Hajar Abdul Rahim Published on August 22, 2022 Malaysian English or Manglish plays a central role in the lives of locals. Its benefits outweigh the drawbacks. There is a common misconception that Malaysian English is an ‘improper’ adaptation of the English language, causing problems in communication, especially with native English speakers. In reality, it binds Malaysia’s multicultural speakers together. Malaysian English, in whatever form – spoken or written, standard or informal – is a robust, widely used variety of English across the country. Most Malaysians, who are second-language speakers of the English language, benefit from their own brand of English. It reflects their identity and creates a sense of belonging through a sense of solidarity with fellow Malaysians. The assumption that English with ‘proper’ conventions, such as British or American English, is the only acceptable version is short-sighted. It doesn’t take into account how language can adapt. To expect Malaysians or any non-native speakers of English to speak and write within boundaries defined by others is unrealistic. Malaysian English, also sometimes referred to as ‘Manglish’ is a localised form of English language with nativised features, varying in meaning, sound, and structure. It is recognised as a new variety of English, similar to the adopted versions of the English language in Singapore, India, and the Philippines. Rooted in British English, like many other Asian nations with adapted English languages after colonial times, what was once considered a ‘foreign’ language has evolved into a localised variety. It has distinct features that reflect the identity of its culturally rich and multiracial communities. The formal version of Malaysian English is more similar to British English but demonstrates some level of nativisation, for example, through borrowing words from the local Malay, Chinese and Indian languages, such as ‘rakyat’ (citizens), ‘balik kampung’ (returning to village/hometown), ‘ang pau’ (red money packets), ‘Bumiputera’ (Malay and indigenous groups) and ‘pasar malam’ (night market). This version is more commonly used in written texts such as newspapers, books, and articles. The appearance of these localised forms can be challenging for non-Malaysian readers. But they are increasingly being used in many instances including by multinational companies to sell products in advertisements, as well as local English radio and TV presenters who switch between standard and informal Malaysian English. Its informal varieties are more commonly found in casual conversations, and exchanges in shops and on the street, demonstrating a unique mixture of local words, pronunciation, intonation, and the liberal use of the particle ‘lah’ or ‘la’. This form is also known as ‘rojak English’, named after the popular Malaysian dish ‘rojak’ known for its variety of ingredients. The choice between the formal and informal forms is often situational; whether in professional settings or casually, to project a sense of Malaysian identity and develop camaraderie with fellow speakers. Communication involving non-Malaysians or native English speakers comes with its own challenges. Miscommunication that arises in formal situations can have repercussions, including errors, misunderstanding, and not least lost job opportunities: a recurring complaint amongst local Malaysian graduates is their inability to find private-sector employment or jobs in multinational companies due to their limited command of formal English. Despite this, Malaysia was ranked as one of the top Asian countries with high English proficiency by education company, EF’s, English Proficiency nations of 2021 — a move up from its ‘moderate’ rating the year before. Over the years, the government and educators have implemented various policies to improve English language proficiency, such as the 2003 English-Malay bilingual education policy, the integration of literature in the school English language curriculum, and the use of English as a medium of instruction for science and technology courses in local universities. The most recent is the Malaysia Education Blueprint 2013-2025, which among other things, adopts an international benchmark to ensure young Malaysians achieve English fluency that is on par with international standards. This latest attempt, as with previous policies, has met with criticism from various quarters, including teachers, due to problems in implementation. The issue of the Malaysian language is therefore complicated and calls for a nuanced approach. Beyond national aspirations, trending ideas, entrenched culture, and political agenda, the development of language policies must take into account teachers and students’ perspectives, should be based on comprehensive feasibility research, and most importantly, suitable for the context of Malaysia and Malaysians. Hajar Abdul Rahim, PhD, is a professor of linguistics at the School of Humanities, Universiti Sains Malaysia, Penang. She declares no conflict of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on August 22, 2022

Malaysia’s blueprint to block cyber attacks - 360 Julia Juremi Published on December 14, 2023 Malaysia faces a surge in cyber attacks, prompting the need for a national cybersecurity commission. Malaysia has witnessed a surge in high-profile cyber attacks over the past year. From Malaysian insurance companies grappling with global data theft to AirAsia’s encounter with a ransomware attack affecting millions of passengers, and iPay88, a payment gateway system facing a breach in online card data transactions, the country has not been immune to cyber threats. Telekom Malaysia also faced a significant data breach involving its customers’ personal information. These incidents underscore the pressing need for robust cybersecurity measures in the country. Malaysia recorded over 4,000 cyber threats in 2022. As of October 2023, nearly 3,000 cyber incidents had been reported to the National Cyber Coordination and Command Centre (NC4) under the National Cyber Security Agency, a national agency dealing with cyber security-related matters. Malaysia is working towards setting up a national Cybersecurity Commission and amending laws on protecting personal data to counter scammers. It’s hoped the creation of a dedicated commission and consolidation of responsibilities and expertise under one umbrella will help centralise cybersecurity efforts and allow better coordination among government agencies, industry and cybersecurity experts. The goal is more efficient decision-making and responsiveness to emerging threats. Cybersecurity in Malaysia is fragmented, distributed among multiple government agencies. The lack of coordination has left gaps in the nation’s cyber defence, potentially leaving it open to sophisticated cyber attacks. However, any collaboration between government agencies, the private sector and international bodies in sharing threats could face obstacles, such as concerns over privacy, bureaucratic complexities, or the lack of standardised protocols for sharing information. Another challenge involves the need to adapt swiftly to evolving threats with continual updates, training and a proactive approach, which might be difficult to sustain. What works as the best defence one day may become ineffective the next. Ensuring compliance and consistency in regulations might be another challenge because of differing priorities. Obtaining ample funding, technological resources and skilled personnel could be challenging, as a shortage of resources might constrain the commission’s ability to execute comprehensive cybersecurity measures and initiatives. Malaysia has a distinct cyber landscape, encompassing diverse sectors, technological advancements and evolving threats, including cybercriminals using social engineering and phishing tactics to exploit human vulnerabilities for unauthorised access to sensitive data. The rise of sophisticated ransomware poses a substantial risk to essential services such as healthcare, finance and government services. The growing network of interconnected devices, from smart homes to industrial machinery, raises concerns about data privacy and unauthorised access, creating potential vulnerabilities for malicious exploitation. This tailored approach enables the commission to identify and prioritise critical areas of vulnerability. These customised policies and frameworks can also serve as a blueprint for cohesive cybersecurity practices across various sectors, fostering a shared understanding of cybersecurity priorities, facilitating standardised practices, and promoting a collective effort towards safeguarding Malaysia’s digital infrastructure. Tackling the significant shortage of cybersecurity specialists in Malaysia poses a crucial challenge, considering that virtually every industry and sector relies on cybersecurity experts to safeguard and fortify their digital environments. Canadian firm BlackBerry Limited recently signed an agreement with the Malaysian government to establish a cybersecurity centre in Kuala Lumpur to address Malaysia’s shortage of 12,000 cyber professionals. The centre will offer cybersecurity education, ‘always-on’ threat intelligence, and incident response teams to enhance the country’s defences against malicious cyber activities. The commission could bridge the gap by fostering collaboration between government bodies, academia, industry and others. A key goal would be to attract, train and retain skilled cybersecurity professionals with competitive salaries, career advancement opportunities and conducive work environments. By promoting collaboration, the commission could encourage the exchange of threat intelligence across sectors, the use of state-of-the-art threat detection technology, and the launch of skill-development initiatives grounded in real-world scenarios. The heightened demand for cybersecurity professionals presents abundant opportunities for graduates, who would have the pick of the jobs. Prioritising cybersecurity awareness programmes can help educate the public and organisations about best practices and empower individuals with the knowledge to protect themselves against cyber threats. Heightened awareness fosters a healthier cyber environment, such as using unique passwords, practising multi-factor authentication, creating regular data backups, employing encryption techniques, and keeping operating systems, applications, and security software up-to-date to minimise susceptibility to cyber attacks and enhance overall cybersecurity readiness across Malaysia. Julia Juremi is the Head of the Forensic & Cybersecurity Research Centre at Asia Pacific University of Technology and Innovation (APU), Malaysia. Her credentials include a Certified Cybersecurity Analyst (CySA+), Certified SOC-IR (Security Operation Center-Incident Responder), Certified ISACA trainer and practitioner. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 14, 2023

Malaysia’s digital ambition and law are misaligned - 360 Ashraf Shaharudin Published on October 3, 2022 Malaysia’s digital transformation efforts look good on paper but an access to information act is still nowhere in sight. Malaysia is gearing up to revolutionise its digital infrastructure. In September, a private company launched a new data centre worth over US$50 million to complement existing data centres in accelerating digital transformation across the country. But more needs to be done before Malaysia has something to cheer about. The country’s digital ambitions will not progress beyond buzzwords unless an Access to Information (ATI) act is enacted. Malaysia’s Digital Economy Blueprint launched in 2021, details the country’s vision to become a regional leader in the digital economy by 2030. The blueprint recognises the need to review and amend laws including on intellectual property, competition, and internet infrastructure. However, the federal government it yet to table an ATI motion in Parliament. There is no better time for Malaysia to adopt and implement the said law if it wants to uphold the country’s democratic rights. The Digital Economy Blueprint acknowledges open data as a requirement for digital transformation with data being an asset for innovators to develop digital solutions. The open data agenda involves proactive disclosure of data whereas an ATI law is typically a by-request disclosure. ATI laws create a foundation for a consistent supply of data, without which, business models that rely on open data would not work. An ATI law compels the disclosure of data that relates to the public sector’s activities, including information that the government may be hesitant to share. Such data is needed by civic technologists to come up with solutions in the public interest. An ATI law, which is also known by different names such as freedom of information (FOI) or right to information (RTI), formalises the right of people to access information held by public and in some cases private entities. It provides clear processes for people to request information and for government bodies to respond to such requests. As of 2021, about two-thirds of countries globally have an ATI decree, whether in the form of a law or an actionable regulation. Around 91 percent of the world’s population and 96 percent of the population in the Asia Pacific live in a country with an ATI decree. Thailand, Indonesia, Timor-Leste, Vietnam, and the Philippines are among those countries. Malaysia still does not have an ATI decree at the national level. In Malaysia, the overarching law protecting public and state information is the Official Secrets Act (OSA). The OSA provides broad authority to individual government bodies to declare information as restricted, confidential, or secret. In contrast to an ATI law that sets openness as the standard  approach towards information sharing, the OSA implies restriction. Many public servants are hesitant to share information due to legal uncertainty. In July this year, a group of 36 civil society organisations, including Greenpeace Malaysia, called for the disclosure of reports including an environmental impact assessment on a proposed durian plantation at Gunung Inas Forest Reserve, Kedah after around 1,500 villagers were displaced and three people died in a massive flood in Baling, Kedah. The flood was suspected to be linked to the land-clearing for the plantation. Responding to the tragedy, the co-chair of the Bar Council Environment and Climate Change Committee, Kiu Jia Yaw, noted that the OSA is partly the root of the problem. “The Official Secrets Act makes it a crime for people to disclose [sensitive information], so it has become instinctive to hide information. That’s the current culture, and it’s completely dystopian”, stressed Kiu. The OSA has also been used to suppress reports related to government procurements including reports by the Public Accounts Committee (PAC). Only two states, Selangor and Penang have an FOI law, but both state-level FOI laws have no power over the federal-level OSA. Many ATI laws around the world embody the ‘open by default’ principle by listing specific grounds on which information is exempted from disclosure such as due to privacy and security reasons. Unfortunately, both state laws also have wording that implies analogue format for information access, which is no longer appropriate for the digital age. Meanwhile, the Personal Data Protection Act (PDPA), which is the only data privacy law in Malaysia, is very limited in its scope. It only covers data for commercial transactions and does not apply to data that is processed by the federal and state governments. Without a strong data privacy law, the risks of privacy infringement and data misuse are high. Access to data policy goes hand-in-hand with the data privacy policy. Balancing the privacy and openness of data is not straightforward. Releasing data inevitably carries risks. While many stakeholders in developing countries cite privacy considerations as the obstacle to open data, these countries do not have strong privacy laws Two scenarios then become possible: opening up data without strong privacy laws may cause harm that results in pushback and a reversal of the open data agenda. Or, privacy concerns would continue being an excuse for governments not to disclose data against the backdrop of weak privacy laws. The answer to both these scenarios is to strengthen privacy laws. Without legislative preparedness, the country’s digital ambitions are mere buzzwords. In an increasingly digitalised society, digital threats such as loss of privacy and misuse of data are inevitable. Recently, a group of hackers claimed to have broken into the ePenyata Gaji (ePaySlip) system and threatened to sell civil servants’ personal data. Previously, a cybersecurity expert claimed that personal data of vaccine recipients was (mistakenly) published on the Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI)’s website before it was later taken down. The potential harms due to the loss of privacy include psychological harm, loss of insurability and employability, and market and political discrimination. The public may be less inclined to contact government agencies if they are not confident that their data will remain confidential or if they worry that their data will be misused by the government. A more robust legal landscape would allow Malaysia to optimise its digital potential while mitigating the negative consequences of digitalisation. Ashraf Shaharudin (@ashraf_aaas) is a PhD candidate at the Delft University of Technology, Netherlands. He receives financial support from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement No 955569. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Your right to information” sent at: 27/09/2022 10:40. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on October 3, 2022

Managing COVID in 2022: first do no harm - 360 Francisca Mutapi Published on December 13, 2021 After two years of living through a pandemic, the consensus is we must learn to live with coronavirus. It’s time to evaluate our mitigation strategies. By Francisca Mutapi, University of Edinburgh As the world reaches its second year of living with the global pandemic, a grim picture is emerging. More than 119 million people were pushed back into poverty in 2020, an equivalent of 255 million full-time jobs were lost, and the number of people suffering from hunger — which was already climbing before the pandemic — is estimated to increase by 83-132 million. And this is before contemplating the illness, death and stresses on healthcare systems that COVID-19 has wrought. Nor the wider impacts of the restrictions of movement and social distancing. The introduction and widespread uptake in vaccinations in some countries is reducing symptomatic illness and hospitalisations, but even those countries with high vaccination rates still face acute challenges with new virus strains; people are still getting infected, and  immune protection is waning.The consensus is settled: we are going to have to learn to live with the virus. What does living with the virus imply? It means evaluating our mitigation strategies to ensure they are effective, proportionate, appropriate and sustainable. That they don’t escalate the damage already inflicted by the pandemic. The past year has shown that lockdowns do not satisfy these four requirements. The impact of the pandemic has been different across continents. Contrary to predictions by prominent global health experts, Africa has experienced the lowest burden of COVID-19 and death. Even allowing for lower reporting rates and low vaccine access, the mortality rate in Africa remains well below Western Europe or North America. Our studies and those of others indicate that several factors, including a younger and more rural population, have reduced Africa’s vulnerability to infection and disease. When considering the wider indirect impacts of the pandemic on world economies, lower and middle-income countries have so far been the worst affected as they have weaker defences against economic shocks and tend to depend more on a few sectors, such as commodities and tourism. Lockdowns have been disproportionately damaging to Africa because they did not play to the continent’s strengths and circumstances. Lockdowns stopped childhood vaccination programs that protect African children from diseases much more deadly to them than COVID-19, such as measles, pneumonia and meningitis. Schools, which are centres of so many child health and welfare programs were closed, even where most teaching is conducted outdoors. Of those who will die due to the indirect effects of COVID-19 by the year 2030 in Africa, 80 percent will be children under 5Analysis of the pandemic in the World Health Organisation (WHO) African region did not find benefits to stringent restrictions, such as social distancing and movement restrictions. Restrictions applied for a long time — or reintroduced late in the pandemic (for example, during an outbreak)— delivered, at best, a weaker, attenuated effect on the spread of the virus and the number of deaths. The recent Wellcome Trust Global Monitor Report called for the COVID-19 tests, treatments and vaccines to be made available everywhere they are needed, highlighting that this will cost only a fraction of the economic loss the pandemic causes weekly. Where do we go from here? The first thing is to make optimal use of the tools we already have for making interactions safe. Regular testing before mixing with others, especially in large social settings, is recognised as an important tool to reduce transmission when those testing positive self-isolate and do not expose others to the infection. L are now a credible alternative to PCR testing. Making them widely available at point of care will improve public uptake and compliance. Vaccination is a highly effective tool that can make contacts safe but there is a need to increase vaccine availability to allow for better uptake. To do so requires wider distribution of the currently available vaccines and  removing barriers such as restrictive Intellectual Property ownership preventing countries being allowed to produce their own vaccines. Further, if the IP and supply chain blocks are lifted, that would allow Africa to produce COVID-19 vaccines for locally circulating variants.  We know Africa can produce vaccines — such as the Johnson & Johnson’s COVID-19 vaccine — so any barriers to this need to be lifted. Aside from IP issues, several vaccine candidates are stuck on African laboratory shelves for lack of funding, mechanisms and supplies to progress them to the vaccines needed. Efforts need to be scaled up to address vaccine hesitancy, an important aspect in achieving individual and community protection through herd immunity. Reasons for hesitancy or low vaccine uptake are variable so there is need for locally relevant strategies to address them. Some countries are making COVID-19 vaccination mandatory, but the impact this has on vaccination rates may be modest and the controversy surrounding this approach is unlikely to fade quickly. There needs to be other ways to encourage buy-in. One approach is community engagement to build trust between health workers and the community. For example, engaging local and religious leadership to get their endorsement for vaccination, as has happened with the Pope, sends a powerful message to communities. Finally, health systems must be strengthened to serve those who require care for COVID-19 as well as the other health needs of the community. The lifesaver for critically ill COVID-19 patients is medical oxygenwe in Africa as early as March 2020, a scenario that has been repeated in other continents. Health systems must serve all patients optimally, and not just a proportion of the people in the world. The uncovered racial bias in oximeters, devices that indicate when natural blood oxygen levels are critically low, is a reminder of the work ahead. Oximeters overestimate the amount of oxygen in dark-skinned patients and this is believed to have cost lives of ethnic minority patients during the COVID-19 pandemic in the UK. The knowledge of that bias in oximeters is not new, several scientific papers have been published on the topic and discussed in the media. Taken together, these interventions will help us mitigate the impact of COVID-19 in a more sustainable way that also minimises the negative impact on progress towards the Sustainable Development Goals. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Francisca Mutapi is Professor of Global Health Infection and Immunity at the University of Edinburgh where she is also the deputy Director of the NIHR Global Health Unit TIBA (Tackling Infections to Benefit Africa). She is a Fellow of the African Academy of Sciences, Royal Society of Edinburgh and a 2021 TED and Aspen New Voices Fellow. The underlying research supporting this publication was commissioned, in part, by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Global Health Research Program (16/136/33) using UK AID from the UK Government. The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and not necessarily those of the NIHR or the Department of Health and Social Care. The funders had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the article.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 13, 2021

Managing fire the traditional way - 360 Sam Johnston Published on December 21, 2022 Fire fighting methods used successfully for generations in Australia can help more communities globally counter the threat of wildfires. Wildfires moving unpredictably with flickers as tall as buildings are happening more regularly around the world. As the scale and magnitude of the 2020 Australian summer wildfires still looms large across the national and global psyche, there is a need to reimagine how natural landscapes can be better managed to prepare for similar disasters in the future. Fighting fire with fire might seem counterintuitive to many people, but Indigenous Australian burning techniques have made a significant difference to wildfire management for centuries, and are now being trialled globally. The International Savanna Fire Management Initiative was established in 2012 to share the northern Australian traditional fire management techniques around the world.  It’s an active network of world leading Indigenous organisations, traditional owners and experts with decades of experience and funding from the Australian Government’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. Fire is often seen as a threat and not a tool — with suppression still dominating the way the world approaches wildfire management. By using the valuable lessons from Indigenous communities in northern Australia and adopting the techniques at scale, traditional fire management can provide a solution to increasingly intense climate change-induced wildfires. Indigenous Australians have used traditional fire burnings for generations. Combining their traditional knowledge with modern science and technology, they burn early, keep fuel loads down and reduce destructive wildfires. This leads to a decrease in greenhouse gas emissions, which in turn provides carbon market opportunities. The experience and knowledge developed by the rangers in northern Australia is transferable to other contexts and environments. It is not, as one might expect, only relevant to the local context and country where the knowledge exists. Traditional fire management requires fewer resources, reduces the amount of wildfire by around half, protects biodiversity and is much safer than European-style fire management. These methods are being trialed in Botswana with positive results — they protected Tsodilo Hills, a World Heritage Site, from the 2021 destructive late dry season fire and abated 15,000 tonnes of greenhouse gases.More international collaborative work is now set for Zambia, Zimbabwe, Angola, Mozambique, Brazil, Belize, Indonesia, Papua New Guinea and Timor-Leste. The first Australian project to use traditional fire management to generate carbon credits was the Western Arnhem Land Fire Agreement in 2006.Since 2014, four north Kimberley native title groups — Dambimangari, Wilinggin, Wunambal Gaambera Uunguu and Balanggarra — generated more than one million Australia Carbon Credit Unitsby undertaking fire management projects and became the first Indigenous groups in Australia to register carbon businesses across their exclusive possession native title lands. It has provided communities with much needed revenue to continue traditional fire management methods and set up other commercial businesses such as producing bush tucker (food). Today there are 75 traditional fire management-inspired greenhouse gas emissions reduction projects across a quarter of northern Australia’s 1.2 million square kilometre fire-prone savanna region producing tangible benefits for communities and the environment.An analysis by Charles Darwin University found savanna burning projects have halved the frequency of wildfire on Indigenous lands over the last decade at an annual average reduction of nearly 3 million hectares, an area equivalent to nearly half the size of Tasmania. The application of traditional fire management, the improvement in the fire regime and income generated from carbon credits have also generated substantial additional benefits by creating market-based jobs in remote and vulnerable communities, improving biodiversity, reinvigorating culture and improving food security and health. These projects, the rangers and Indigenous organisations involved are now the front line of fire fighting and management across northern Australia. Despite the progress, wildfires have been increasing in severity and frequency around the world due to climate change and will only get worse.  As a result the world needs more traditional fire management. Given the widespread fear of fire, effectively retraining people and communities to adopt traditional fire management requires real demonstrations undertaken by real people.  Simulations and other training tools using ex situ methods have a very limited impact.  This means there is no substitute for two-way knowledge exchanges. Scale is key for effectiveness. Traditional fire management relies on preparation and burning actively, strategically and at appropriate landscape scale before the fire season starts. In northern Australia, Indigenous rangers burn on average 30 percent of the landscape in the early dry season to reduce the risk of late dry season wildfires. In southwestern Australia, fire management practice established since the 1960s shows prescribed fuel reduction needs to be undertaken annually in more than 10 percent of forested landscapes to reduce wildfire risk, with substantially greater mitigation efforts in close proximity to communities and other assets. A couple of small sites, with a few local people, will not make the impact that is necessary.  The entire community needs to be involved and much more seasonal burning undertaken than has been possible so far. A significant increased resourcing of traditional fire management approaches, including contracting Indigenous rangers and local community groups, will help alleviate recognised problems associated with diminishing climate-safe days for implementing prescribed mitigation burns. Traditional knowledge and practices of Indigenous Australians is gaining increasing recognition around the world, not only as a viable strategy to mitigate bushfires, but also as a potential greenhouse gas mitigation option. We just need to take in the lessons of those who have been managing their land for centuries before us. Sam Johnston is a lawyer with over 30 years of international experience and a senior fellow at the University of Melbourne Law School. He leads the International Savanna Fire Management Initiative, a not-for-profit initiative working in partnership with Indigenous peoples, local communities, research institutes and governments toward revitalising Indigenous fire management and fire management techniques. His work is funded by the Australian Government, UN Food and Agriculture Organisation and Green Climate Fund. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 21, 2022

Many elections, many consequences - 360 Sam Hendricks Published on April 22, 2024 With a vast number of citizens around the world voting for leaders and legislatures this year, much will depend on their trust in the electoral process. More than 50 countries are holding national elections this year, making 2024 the biggest year for democratic voting in history. By year’s end, around 2 billion people will have had the chance to go to the polls, including in eight of the ten largest nations. Democracies are made up of many moving parts, arranged in various formations, but they all start with one essential component: popular elections. The simple fact that so many people now have the opportunity to vote – the equivalent of the entire world population a century ago – is an extraordinary demonstration of how far democratic rights have advanced. But elections also mean transitions – and risk. The peaceful transfer of power to the winner is non-negotiable, and when doubts are raised about the vote, things can unravel quickly. One need only look at the ongoing fallout of the 2020 US presidential election to see the consequences: ‘election denial’ has become a fully fledged political strategy. Bangladesh, Pakistan and Indonesia, among the largest populations in the Indo-Pacific region, have held elections already this year. Each one has had a rocky relationship with democratic governance. India, known as the world’s largest democracy, is about to kick off a six-week, multi-phase election involving 968 million registered voters, amid a climate of Hindu nationalism, sectarian division and crippled press freedoms. The mechanics of elections make for a logistical exercise like no other – triumphant, celebratory expressions of people power that require the strictest possible oversight and control. The perception of election integrity is directly linked trust in government bodies. The institutions that embody democratic governance – parliaments, courts, the executive, and so on – owe their legitimacy to citizens’ faith in their promise. Trust is the glue that holds it all together. Misinformation, spread mainly through social media, has undermined trust in election processes and outcomes in many democracies. Rising nationalist authoritarianism and hyper-partisan ‘culture wars’ have fanned the flames of misinformation around electoral conduct and results. The media has also played a part in creating this scenario, as partisan news outlets cater to their audiences’ confirmation biases and shun contradictory views, with emotions trumping evidence. The erosion of trust in elections has serious consequences – shrinking civic participation, undermining the social contract and accelerating political instability. The resulting breakdown of democratic societies can have not just national, but regional and global implications.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 22, 2024

Many pathways to justice in Ukraine - 360 Tom Buitelaar, Monique Cormier, Clare Frances Moran, Erin Pobjie, Denakpon Tchobo Published on May 23, 2022 It is unlikely the ICC will bring lasting justice in Ukraine, but there are many legal avenues that could help. The campaign to hold Russian President Vladimir Putin accountable for war crimes in the International Criminal Court (ICC) faces what could be insurmountable hurdles. But there are other options. From proceedings in domestic courts that exercise universal jurisdiction over war crimes to post-conflict processes designed to help stabilise peace, there are a variety of avenues that the international community may invoke in pursuit of justice. On May 13, a court in Ukraine started the trial of a 21-year-old Russian soldier accused of war crimes. It is the first domestic legal proceedings to be started in Ukraine with regards to the invasion and offers a roadmap for how countries could help issue justice. “Many countries have their own laws regarding international crimes and are encouraged to prosecute persons accused of war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity, even if committed elsewhere in the world,” said Monique Cormier, senior law lecturer at Monash University. “Other countries may also wish to try those who are present in their State, using universal jurisdiction for war crimes and crimes against humanity. Germany and Sweden, most recently, have engaged in the prosecution of ISIS fighters for their conduct in Syria,” said Clare Frances Moran, lecturer in law at Edinburgh Napier University. “Trials which take place in domestic settings, such as in Ukraine, offer a greater likelihood of securing effective justice for the victims. Patience is key to securing the prosecution of high-ranking individuals for war crimes, but time may not be on the side of either the prosecutor or the victims.” A Truth and Reconciliation Commission is a court-like restorative justice body that allows both sides to share their stories and uncover truths about human rights violations that take place during a conflict. “If Ukraine survives this war intact and maintains control over the Donbas region, there will be serious post-war tensions between the Russian-speaking and Ukrainian-speaking parts of the country. These groups are likely to have different versions of what happened in the war and who was accountable for it,” said Tom Buitelaar, assistant professor at Leiden University. “In tandem with criminal accountability for those most responsible for atrocity crimes, it will be important to establish efforts focused on reconciliation and establishing shared truths. A Truth and Reconciliation Commission might be one option, although its designers will have to ensure it has enough political support, it’s accepted by victim groups, and it focuses on reaching out to the Ukrainian society at large.” A feature of many Truth and Reconciliation Commissions is the offer of some form of amnesty, which helps incentivise parties to come forward with information and confessions. “Truth and Reconciliation Commissions have become a staple ingredient in the post-conflict or post-repression approach to rebuilding societies. Proponents claim that they avoid some of the divisive and antagonistic approaches of criminal justice and that they are more victim-centred with a focus on the recognition of crimes and suffering and an emphasis on apologies. “Critics, however, suggest Truth and Reconciliation Commissions are a concession to war criminals, who get away scot-free by issuing an apology and avoid serious prison time. They also question [the] Commission’s impact since they sometimes end up as a primarily elite process with limited influence – or are made irrelevant because of insufficient political support.“ The crime of aggression is committed when a leader of a country plans, prepares, initiates or executes an act of aggression by one country against another. The crime of aggression as such has not yet been prosecuted before an international judicial body. Crimes against peace (defined as ‘planning, preparation, initiation or waging of a war of aggression’) were prosecuted before the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg and Tokyo following WWII. “I recommend that the crime of aggression is punished. The prosecution of that crime needs also to start from somewhere one day for the maintenance of international security and peace,” said Denakpon Tchobo, adjunct professor of law at Case Western Reserve University. “For the first time in history, individuals who suffer harm as a result of a crime of aggression have a right to be recognised as victims under international law. At the International Criminal Court, victims can participate in the proceedings, and present their views and concerns to the court,” said Erin Pobjie, assistant professor of international law at the University of Essex. “Significantly, and in a historic first, victims of the crime of aggression also have a right to seek reparations from the convicted person. This means that if Putin were ever brought before the ICC — as unlikely as that may currently seem — Ukrainian civilians, members of the Ukrainian armed forces and even Russian civilians who have suffered harm from his war of aggression can be recognised as victims at the ICC and seek reparations from him if he is convicted.” To date, Individuals have never been officially recognised as victims of this crime. Until recently, only countries were considered victims of aggression under international law. “When the International Criminal Court was given jurisdiction over the crime of aggression for the first time, this gave rise to the possibility of individual victims of wars of aggression to be recognised before an international court and seek reparations for the harm they have suffered,” said Pobjie. “Although Russia’s aggression against Ukraine is a manifest violation of the United Nations Charter, the most obvious forum for prosecuting Putin (and other senior Russian political and military leaders) — the International Criminal Court — does not have jurisdiction over the crime of aggression in this situation.“ “Since Russia is not a party to the International Criminal Court, the only way the ICC can exercise jurisdiction over this crime is by referral of the UN Security Council, on which Russia wields a veto.” “Alternative avenues for prosecution are therefore being explored, including the creation of a special tribunal. A unique benefit of prosecuting Putin and other leaders for the crime of aggression at the International Criminal Court — perhaps possible after regime change in Russia — is that it would allow Ukrainian victims of the war of aggression to participate in the proceedings, have their voices heard and seek reparations for the harm they have suffered.“ Tom Buitelaar is an Assistant Professor in the War, Peace & Justice program of the Institute of Security and Global Affairs at Leiden University. Tom holds a PhD from the European University Institute and is also the co-chair of the Dutch Peacekeeping Network. Monique Cormier is a Senior Lecturer at Monash University Faculty of Law in Australia. Her area of expertise is international criminal jurisdiction and she is the author of The Jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court over Nationals of Non-States Parties (Cambridge University Press, 2020). Clare Frances Moran is a lecturer in law at Edinburgh Napier University. She specialises in international criminal law, with a focus on the authority of international law, the work of the International Criminal Court and the link between refugee law and international humanitarian law. Erin Pobjie is a Lecturer (Assistant Professor) in International Law at the University of Essex and a Senior Research Affiliate at the Max Planck Institute for Comparative Public Law and International Law in Heidelberg, Germany. Denakpon L. Tchobo holds a Doctor of Juridical Science (S.J.D.) in international criminal law from Case Western Reserve University where he is currently an adjunct professor of law. He is the author of the proposed convention for the prevention and punishment of crimes of groupicide. He was one of the recipients of the Case Global Service Award 2021. No conflicts of interest were declared with regard to this article. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Putin and the ICC” sent at: 20/05/2022 13:03. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 23, 2022

Mapping the fish highways we should be protecting - 360 Veronica Relano Published on June 8, 2022 Large Pacific fish return to their own hatching sites when they produce offspring. A new map of their migration routes could mean better protection for them. Invisible highways criss-cross the Pacific: the migration routes of tuna, marlin and other large fish. Science has so far been unable to chart these ‘blue corridors’, but new research might have mapped them, making for better marine sanctuaries. Understanding the migration cycles of large Pacific fish is important for commercial and artisanal fisheries, indigenous cultures and marine conservation. Traditionally, scientists have used tagging, satellite tracking and examining genetic links between populations to map migration routes, but these have produced an incomplete understanding of where the fish go. Large Pacific species tend to return to the places they were born (their natal sites) when they produce offspring, so the researchers of a recent study made a deductive leap: the fish migrations must involve a loop that completes an annual cycle. Focusing on 11 species with high catch rates, such as skipjack tuna and striped marlin, the researchers proposed migration routes based on findings from traditional research and the tendency of Pacific fish to return to their natal sites. The researchers’ hunch was right: when they compared their proposed routes with a map showing reconstructed catch data from 1950 to 2016, similarities emerged. The catch data showed where the fish were caught, and this matched up with the researchers’ deduction about where the fish would be based on previous research findings and the idea the fish would return to their natal sites. The new map below shows areas of the Pacific used as a habitat by the 11 species and highlights the areas of high and very high priority for conservation based on how many species are present. EMBED START Image {id: "editor_3"} EMBED END Image {id: "editor_3"} In blue corridors, industrial fishing of large species would ideally be banned or reduced, rebuilding stocks and boosting fisheries. The recommended blue corridors would cover at least the “very high priority areas” for conservation (in red on the map) and better still the “high priority areas” (in orange on the map) as well. The best-case scenario consists of two large bands in the North Pacific and South Pacific. In the North Pacific a protected blue corridor would run from Baja California to the Federated States of Micronesia all the way down and along the equator. The South Pacific a blue corridor would run roughly from the Pitcairn Islands to eastern Australia and then all the way up to and along the equator. Blue corridors may change over time in response to climate change, but they could be managed with the same principles driving the most effective marine protected areas. International cooperation and development efforts have done a lot to protect marine resources. But national and commercial interests (shipping routes, fishing and military operations, deep-sea mining plans and the like) create complex challenges for ocean management. Polynesians and other Pacific Islanders have a long history of resilience to environmental variations and unpredictability because of their traditional fishing methods and management of their environment. Commercial activities and climate change are now threatening this resilience, leaving Pacific communities vulnerable to food insecurity. Agreements within blue corridors may include stricter regulations or partial bans of industrial fishing, while artisanal and subsistence fishing could be encouraged in the 12-nautical-mile territorial seas around islands. Many remote areas in the Pacific are not well studied, so management of marine resources will benefit from more research on historically and culturally grounded conservation efforts. The researchers’ proposed migration routes suggest possible areas for effective conservation of large Pacific fish. Their findings are a way to begin a conversation about large-scale conservation of marine ecosystems – and in future the conversation would ideally also be a platform for Pacific peoples to share their local and traditional knowledge. Stronger governance and cooperation will support the recovery of tuna, marlin and other large Pacific species – all essential to the undersea world and vital resources on which so many people rely. Veronica Relano is a researcher at the Institute for the Oceans and Fisheries at University of British Columbia. Her focus is on marine protected areas, ecological connectivity, fishery economics and people. The author received funding from PEW Charitable Trusts. This article has been republished for World Fisheries Day. It was first published on June 6, 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 8, 2022

Maps: Suburbs most at risk of bushfires - 360 James Goldie, Dean Marchiori Published on December 11, 2023 Australia’s bushfire season is upon us. 360info has collated data from every state and territory which shows the fire risk to every suburb in every region. The following interactive maps show how prone each suburb in Australia is to bushfire. You can share and embed these maps by using the gold share button on each map. Scroll to the bottom of this article for more information about how the data is collated. State and territory governments use maps of bushfire risk areas to increase bushfire resilience and to ensure that homes built can withstand bushfire attack. Every government defines these risk areas slightly differently. In the following map, the suburbs in brown have a high percentage of areas that are deemed at risk of a bushfire, while yellow ones only have a small percentage (or none at all). Not having areas deemed at risk doesn’t mean that a bushfire is impossible, just that there is less risk. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 11, 2023

Material difference in ski technology - 360 Published on February 9, 2022 High-tech materials have moved beyond the preserve of elite ski athletes. These days, skiers across all levels exploit ground-breaking materials technology By Marc Zupan, UMBC – University of Maryland, Baltimore County While the pandemic may have interrupted skiing holidays, the development and implementation of new materials into skis progressed with pace. The speed of progress becomes clear when looking at a standard set of rental skis with the words ‘LYT DONE RIGHT: MULTILAYER CARBON. KARUBA. GRAPHENE’. Some of the most advanced individual materials are brought together in the ski. Carbon fibre akin to those used in advanced air and spacecraft, specifically chosen low-density stiff wood called Karuba (Paulownia spp.) for weight, and graphene for strength. Graphene is an emerging material discovered in the early 2000s. Only one atomic layer thick, it is used in a variety of applications ranging from targeted drug delivery, electronics and semiconductors, energy, membranes, to creating drinking water and ultralight sensors. These have been hybridised into a ski that an amateur can purchase and even routinely rent. Alpine skiing is one of the most popular winter activities, with millions of people participating annually worldwide. New skiing equipment develops quickly, and the competition between ski manufacturers is acute. The effects of modern equipment are apparent at the professional and Olympic levels, and all the way down to the recreational level. The modern ski is shorter, lightweight, durable, and easier to use. Advances in equipment have contributed to Olympic records tumbling, and also the popularity of skiing as a broad recreational pursuit, where the progress is manifested in shorter learning periods, increased comfort and safety, and a more rewarding experience. The drive for new technologies and new material selection in designs is further accelerated in response to the growing demand for equipment. The alpine ski has evolved through the years in a fairly predictable manner but has undergone more radical changes in recent years due to improved design and manufacturing technology. The advanced materials selected reflect the need to balance performance with protection against injury. Skis are selected according to a skier’s weight, height and ability to handle the slopes. That’s why when buying or renting skis vendors ask those questions. Overall skiing performance is a result of both the user and the equipment. Bad equipment hinders a great skier; good equipment lifts the amateur person up. Many factors determine performance and they interact in complex ways with each other. Skiing is a highly dynamic sport with several forces acting on the skis simultaneously. The pressure on the skis, resulting from the speed and body weight, is constantly shifted from one side of the ski to the other, exposing the skis to high forces at their edges. The pressure also varies as a function of the skier’s speed, radius of turn, and terrain conditions. If the skier is too heavy for the type of ski chosen, it will cause ‘chatter’ and poor edge control, especially under icy or hard snow conditions. Underloading, where the skier is too light for the ski, on the other hand, leads to difficulties in turn initiation, particularly in soft or deep snow. In early ski design and construction, concepts were limited primarily by material availability. Wood was the obvious choice; it was readily available, its properties and characteristics were reasonably well understood, and woodworking was an established practice. Wood could be handcrafted or machined and formed to shape. Despite its apparent advantages, wood has negative characteristics. Because of its fibrous structure, it is anisotropic – strong in some directions, but not others. Wood does not respond well to twisting forces and it can be sensitive to humidity and moisture, which can increase its weight and result in distortion and warping. Ski designers and manufactures moved from traditional monolithic wood structures and incorporated plastic bases, steel edges, aluminum alloy structural members, and high strength engineered fibres, including but not limited to carbon, kevlar, glass, and graphene. Performance improvements through new metal alloys and new polymer compositions are often incremental, time-consuming, uncertain, and expensive. To leapfrog the materials selection and design process, manufacturers not only implement the newest emerging materials but they leverage the opportunities that ‘hybrid materials’ provide, hence the tag ‘LYT DONE RIGHT: MULTILAYER CARBON. KARUBA. GRAPHENE’. Combining two or more existing materials allows a superposition of their properties. Ski designers use hybrids to create ‘new’ material performance capabilities filling gaps in the desired material performance. Hybrid materials with specific design-led property performance metrics tailor flex and torsion according to performance requirements. Structural members of stiff, strong skins separated by a lightweight core, known as sandwich panels, now embody the modern ski. This construction allows the flex of the ski to be tailored while remaining light-weight. The stiffness of a ski is critical in giving the skier performance. A ski that is too soft will be challenging to control. Conversely, an overly stiff design will not allow the user to carve a turn or manoeuvre. Reduced weight with tailored stiffness and strength enables an athlete to push the limits of their performance. With the unique alpine downhill course of the Beijing Olympics already causing trouble among athletes on early days of the competition, this will be more evident than ever. Modern ski hybrid materials combinations may include more than 30 different sub-components created from various material types. They can give a progressive change in stiffness or other mechanical response along the length of the ski. The design provides the combination of properties that offer performance, safety, and response while keeping the weight low. High technology is typically associated with Olympic and competitive skiing, implying a high degree of performance under extreme conditions, including high speeds and challenging terrain. But even rental skis now exploit hybrid technologies and the most advanced materials. The modern hybrid ski’s performance metric is also based on the ease of operation at the beginner level and the contribution to the learning process for the developing skier. The beginner skier can rapidly advance to the intermediate level, and broadly skiers are much better equipped to attain expert status, a category of skills once reserved for only a small fraction of recreational skiers. Emerging materials and novel hybrid ski designs have and will continue to transform Olympic and professional-level racing and have opened new avenues in the sport of skiing to less gifted athletes. Marc Zupan is an Associate Professor of Solid Mechanics and Materials in the Department of Mechanical Engineering at UMBC – University of Maryland, Baltimore County. His research targets novel weight-efficient composite hybrid sandwich panels for vehicle systems enabling design lead optimisation of material selection in a multidisciplinary design space. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: Marc Zupan in Baltimore County

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 9, 2022

Measuring China’s diplomatic reach in the Pacific - 360 Graeme Smith Published on July 11, 2022 China’s investments in the Pacific can be ad hoc and fragmented, but its diplomatic presence has consistently grown. News that China plans to launch a military attack on Australia from its nearest neighbour, Papua New Guinea, would have alarmed local viewers of Channel Nine’s 60 Minutes program last week. While this author hopes the speculation of World War III put forward in their story, Too Close To Home, proves wrong, it’s worth weighing up what’s changed about China’s diplomatic presence in the region. The last time a Chinese foreign minister conducted a grand tour of the Pacific before this year was 2006. Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s recent eight-country tour of the region was labelled ‘unprecedented’ by nearly all media outlets, but his  predecessor Li Zhaoxing visited all eight countries in the Pacific that recognised China at the time. These include three that Wang overlooked — the Federated States of Micronesia, the Cook Islands and Niue, where Li asked the government to “refrain from attending conferences or anything to do with the Taiwanese government”. The constant in China’s diplomacy is The One-China Principle — the desire to reduce Taiwan’s global diplomatic space. As China’s presence grows, Taiwan’s representatives were shown the door in the Solomon Islands and Kiribati in 2019, just in time for the 70th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic. The number of diplomats staffing China’s embassies has not grown appreciably across the Pacific — a quirk in the nomenklatura system means central government positions are capped. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs makes up the numbers by drawing officials from provincial and city governments and universities. Embassies also continue to lack the three currencies of Chinese bureaucracy — ren, cai, wu (personnel, funding and facility) — a situation exacerbated by disruptions caused by the pandemic. While harder to quantify, the calibre of their representatives has improved; recent ambassadors and economic counsellors (who represent the Ministry of Commerce) have been better at engaging with local communities and the media, unlike their predecessors who were preoccupied with sending good news back to Beijing. Xue Bing, former ambassador to PNG, was a recent standout for his role in developing closer relations between the two nations but has since moved on to take up a post elsewhere. These ambassadors’ skills have been in great demand. Wang’s recent wide-ranging regional trade and security agreement was rebuffed by Pacific leaders and rebadged within the Chinese system as a position paper. But his visit still triggered a rapid uptick in bilateral deals signed with Pacific Island nations. The title of these agreements suggests they contain elements of the regional deal, but some details of the contents have not been made public. China has also expanded its military and policing footprint in the region, with China’s first defence attachés dispatched to PNG and Fiji in 2020. A Chinese police liaison officer was deployed to Fiji in 2021 to lead attachment programs and enhance cooperation between the two nations. In addition to the much discussed (but not yet public) security pact with the Solomon Islands, China had previously inked policing (2011) and security (2014) deals with Fiji. China’s aid to the Pacific is substantial, but according to Australian think-tank the Lowy Institute, it peaked in 2016 in line with an overall decline in aid to the region. This could change dramatically if some aid mega-projects — particularly the Ramu 2 hydropower project or the PNG national road network — come to fruition. However, despite the advent of a central aid coordination agency in Beijing (CIDCA), China’s aid to the region remains ad hoc and fragmented. The line between China’s aid and investment is getting blurrier in the Pacific and elsewhere. One example is the Kumul Submarine Cable Network, majority funded by US$270 million preferential buyer’s credit from China Exim Bank, channelled to localstate-owned enterprise PNG DataCo, a wholesale subsidiary of Kumul Telikom Holdings, with work contracted to Huawei Technology. While China’s official aid is in decline, the presence of Chinese companies is not. Investments by Beijing have been linked to office official visits, using state-owned enterprises as an arm of its foreign policy. In the year when PNG hosted the APEC forum in 2018, the number of registered Chinese state-owned enterprises in PNG increased from 21 to 39. While a reliable dataset of China’s companies in the region is currently being compiled by the author, it is clear they have come to dominate the construction, energy and mining sectors of many Pacific Island states. As well as a near monopoly of Chinese business migrants (largely from Fujian and Guangdong provinces) in the retail sector. Graeme Smith is a senior fellow at the Australian National University’s Department of Pacific Affairs and co-hosts the Little Red Podcast with Louisa Lim. The author declares no conflict of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “China in the Pacific” sent at: 08/07/2022 14:30. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on July 11, 2022

Measuring happiness in Thailand has ties back to the late king - 360 Kalayanee Senasu Published on June 7, 2023 Measurements of happiness are often tied to culture. The sufficiency economy philosophy rooted in Thai policies is no exception. Gross domestic product is arguably the most commonly used measurement of productivity and growth, but it ignores one key element of society — our wellbeing. In Thailand, successive governments have emphasised the importance of balancing economic and social development with conservation and the environment. The focus on reducing inequalities by moderation goes back to a pearl of Thai wisdom introduced by the late King Bhumibol called a ‘sufficiency economy’, following the economic devastation brought about by the 1997 Asian financial crisis. It aims to guide the lives and behaviour of people at all levels — from families and communities through to national development and public administration. Attitudes, behaviours, belief systems and moral values are a core part of many Thai people’s lives. The sufficiency economy philosophy has since been incorporated into several policies, including Thailand’s 20-year National Strategy — the country’s first long-term strategy to achieve “security, prosperity and sustainability”. Based on the philosophy, the ultimate outcome of Thai public administration is to ensure public servants’ happiness so it trickles into other aspects of their lives, but there is still a long way to go before we can see concrete results. The Thai Government has been attempting to collate data on the wellbeing of its people for more than 20 years. But so far, its applications in formulating policies, management and public administration have not been unified and there are few practical results. Happiness is often tied to culture. The ultimate goal of Buddhist practice is spiritual happiness, characterised by freedom from craving, different from the type of happiness often conceptualised in Western social science. As a majority Buddhist country, virtues of tolerance and coexistence also strongly influence people’s resilience and levels of happiness. This is specifically measured by the state of their family life, quality of community life and work life, according to a 2017 study, where the state of their work life was seen as the biggest contributor to their happiness. A Thai Happiness Index developed in 2019 used data from more than 6,000 people across 13 provinces gathered in 2017 and 2018. It measured happiness based on how sufficient people felt different aspects of their lives were. It found many people are completely happy without achieving sufficiency across all aspects of their lives, which included how they felt about their quality of life, the government and their standard of living. People might have financial challenges or limited education but it did not prove detrimental to their overall happiness.The living standards enjoyed today could be enjoyed by future generations. But policies and government action are still needed to improve the areas where people feel their lives are lacking. A sufficiency economy considers people’s and the government’s ability to protect themselves against internal and external impacts. It requires knowledge — prudence and caution, as well as academic consultation at every step of planning and operation. There must also be an awareness of ethics — including morals, honesty, integrity, diligence, patience and wisdom. These core beliefs will need to be well incorporated in every aspect of government policy to truly make a difference in improving wellbeing and happiness.A content population has many advantages over one that is not. Happy citizens create more social capital, work harder, are healthier and are more self-sufficient. Everyone plays a part. Kalayanee Senasu is a professor of economics (human resource management) in the Graduate School of Human Resource Development, National Institute of Development Administration, Thailand. Her research focuses on happiness, quality of life, and sufficiency economy philosophy. She declares no conflict of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 7, 2023

Measuring the real cost of sand mining in the Mekong - 360 Edward Park Published on February 28, 2022 Sand mining in the Mekong is happening far more than officially reported — meaning the damage is far worse. More sustainable options are available. Zoom in on a satellite map of the Mekong River anywhere in Cambodia or Vietnam and you are likely to find cranes and transport boats lining the shores. This is sand mining — a large-scale, environmentally devastating process that is transforming the Mekong River. Since 2014, the estimated volume of sand mined in the Mekong Delta each year has been independently measured. By using high-resolution satellite imagery and river incision maps, the spatiotemporal distribution of sand mining crimes and suction dredges can be traced and an estimate can be formed. In 2015, the total amount of sand mined in the Mekong Delta was 38,000,000m3. Three years later, in 2018, the estimation was 43,000,000m3 — more than twice the amount officially declared. The volume kept increasing in 2020, registering at an estimated 47,000,000m3. Mining sand may sound strange — unlike gold or diamond, it is a resource that seems naturally abundant. But sand is more essential to humans than many recognise: after water, it is the second most exploited natural resource in the world — underpinning any concrete structure, including buildings and roads. The demand for sand has been increasing exponentially since the first industrial usage in the 19th century and is expected to accelerate in the future. And sand from river beds is the most highly sought after type, for its inherently durable properties make it best suited for construction projects. Sand from the sea is too smooth and desert sand is too sticky to be well-suited for construction. However, these ‘inferior-grade’ sands serve other purposes, such as land reclamation. For this reason, the lower stretch of big rivers such as river deltas, where settlement of sandy materials is naturally favoured due to low gradient, have become the major sand supplier across the globe. In Southeast Asia, erodible mountains and rainfall are abundant and that favours the formation of big rivers, which are the natural producers of sand. Moat, including the Mekong, Red, Ayeyarwady, Chao Phraya and other big rivers in Sarawak and Indonesia have been extensively mined. Intensive sand mining in the Mekong River started in the early 1990s. Some of the mined sands are locally consumed, but most are exported to the region’s mega-cities such as Hong Kong, Taipei, Seoul and Singapore. Large-scale sand mining in rivers has often irreversible environmental repercussions. Dredging the riverbed destroys the habitat of the many riverine organisms. Simultaneously, removing sand deepens the riverbed and lowers the water level. This overall lowering decreases the volume of floods during wet seasons, which may lead to lesser water availability for irrigation, industry and domestic use. Riverbed mining also facilitates river bank collapse and causes seawater intrusion which threatens the livelihoods of farmers that reside in deltas. Combined with the sand deficit caused by the expansion of hydropower dams in numerous big rivers in Southeast Asia, the environmental impacts from sand mining in the deltas have been exacerbated. The United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) recently declared sand mining one of the major sustainability challenges of the 21st century. Despite the extensive environmental repercussions, sand mining remains poorly studied. The general public is also largely unaware of this environmental threat — perhaps because the current scale and intensity of the activity is hard to comprehend. Quantifying the sand mining rate of a river isn’t a simple task, simply because the extraction happens underwater. The conventional way to do it is by surveying the riverbed elevation: a costly, time-consuming task for big rivers. The river area of the Mekong Delta is around 800 km2. The survey would also have to be conducted at least twice, with a minimum of a one-year interval to measure the elevation change in the bed that has been extracted. Financially and logistically, this is difficult. Because of the challenges of independently quantifying rates of sand mining, most official statistics rely on declarations by mining companies. Officially, 20,000,000m3 of sand was extracted from the Mekong Delta in 2018. However, the actual amount is suspected to be much more given how widely illicit sand mining has been openly conducted. The gap between the official numbers and reality makes it more likely for environmental consequences to be overlooked. The world will continue to develop, and the demand for river sand is unlikely to decrease. A practical and sustainable option is required. It is viable to mine sand from floodplains, where a similar quality of sand can be obtained. Floodplains are the ‘natural sinks’ of sand where river sediments are deposited through annual flooding during wet seasons. It is not fully without consequence: mining sand in floodplains leads to habitat removal, but inundation and disruptions to water level are less likely. This will mitigate one of the major consequences of river mining, the deficit of water resources. Floodplains are generally further from the sea relative to the river, pushing up transportation costs. But it’s a cost tradeoff with big consequences for the future of rives and the people reliant on them Edward Park is an assistant professor of physical geography at the National Institute of Education and a principal investigator at the Earth Observatory of Singapore, Nanyang Technological University. Dr. Park declared no conflicts of interest in relation to this article. Research referred to this article has received funding from Nanyang Technological University (NTU) and Ministry of Education (MOE) of Singapore. This article has been republished for World Rivers Day. It was first published on February 21, 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Water conflict” sent at: 23/09/2022 07:28. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 28, 2022

Media in the Philippines bite back against Duterte - 360 Maria Diosa Labiste Published on May 3, 2022 Duterte’s presidency rapidly eroded press freedom in the Philippines. Media organisations see the May elections as a chance to set things right. Threats, assault, ‘red-baiting’ – even deaths: the Philippines is a dangerous place to be a journalist. Ahead of the May elections, journalists are moving to restore public confidence in the media after six years of President Rodrigo Duterte’s punitive populist rule. More than 400 journalists and 50 media organisations have pledged to provide critical coverage of the elections, hold themselves to high standards of journalism and stand together if “harassed by state agents, political parties, candidates, or private groups”. Two fact-checking coalitions, Tsek.Ph and FactsFirstPH, sift through the election-related falsehoods, disinformation and conspiracy theories that overrun social media platforms. Released before the start of the election campaign, the pledge represents the media’s attempt to reposition itself as a credible and authoritative source of information, after losing ground to trolls, hate-speech mongers and other bad-faith actors who support Duterte. The multi-platform, multi-format fact-checking initiatives are intended to counteract a firehose strategy of disinformation that uses various platforms, influencers, trolls, bots and fringe media organisations to relay posts and narratives. This strategy was seen in the viral outbreaks of disinformation that favoured presidential candidate Ferdinand Marcos Jr (son of former dictator Ferdinand Marcos Sr) and his running mate, Sara Duterte (the current president’s daughter). Red-baiting is a form of disinformation that alleges a link – however unfounded – between journalists or media organisations and the clandestine Communist Party of the Philippines. In the context of the Anti-Terror Law of 2020, such imputations are a form of prior restraint on media because it allows the government to favour one type of content over another. Reporter Tech Torres-Tupas was red-tagged by a retired general in a Facebook post that accused her of potentially aiding terrorism because of her report on detained members of the indigenous community. The general also warned Torres-Tupas that her story could be used against her. When he was criticised by the media, he later apologised. Frenchie Mae Cumpio, a community journalist in Tacloban City, Leyte, has been in jail since February 2020 and faces charges for keeping firearms and explosives allegedly as an officer of the communist party. Cumpio’s arrest followed red-baiting and surveillance by men on motorcycles without plate numbers – one of them boldly left a bouquet with her photo in their newsroom. Cumpio was editor of Eastern Vista, a community newspaper, and the anchor of the radio show Lingganay han Kamatuoran (Bells of Truth), both known for reporting on social issues and human rights violations. Ineligible for re-election because presidents may serve only a single term, Duterte has said that the country’s media can generally express wide-ranging views and can operate without government restrictions. However, media monitoring groups note the erosion of free press and expression since 2016. The Philippines ranked 137th out of 180 in the 2021 World Press Freedom Index, falling two points from the previous year. It joins other Asia Pacific countries whose laws and decrees criminalised dissent during the COVID-19 pandemic. In a national survey in 2021, 45 percent of respondents agreed it was dangerous to publish anything critical of the Duterte administration, while only 25 percent said it was not dangerous. Melinda Quintos De Jesus, executive director of the Center for Media, Freedom and Responsibility, provided an unpromising assessment of press freedom in 2021, saying she found “little that is hopeful”. The centre placed press freedom among the critical concerns that must be addressed in the recovery of democracy. Among the Reporters Without Borders gallery of press freedom predators, Duterte is on record as saying that “Just because you’re a journalist you are not exempted from assassination”. His stance on the media has enabled aggression towards and distrust of journalists. Twenty-one journalists were killed in the line of work and 208 cases of threats and harassment were recorded from June 2016 to November 2021. Online news site Rappler and the country’s largest television network, ABS-CBN, were in the crosshairs of media restrictions and legal challenges after Duterte accused them of biased reporting, and violations of labour, tax, foreign-ownership and securities laws. ABS-CBN’s franchise was not renewed, forcing the network to shut down and more than half of its 11,000 employees out of a job. Rappler and its CEO Maria Ressa face 11 charges ranging from cyber libel and tax evasion to foreign-ownership irregularities. Ressa was convicted of cyber libel and is now appealing that conviction, but she saw the case as part of a plan to suppress independent media critical of Duterte. When Ressa was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, sharing it with Russian journalist Dmitry Muratov, it brought global attention to the struggle for media freedom and human rights in the Philippines. Independent news sites have been subject to recent takedown attempts by hackers. The Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) listed at least 11 instances of Distributed Denial of Service (DDoS) attacks from October 2021 to March 2022 targeting media organisations such as Rappler, VERA Files, GMA News, ABS-CBN, CNN Philippines, several independent and community press outlets such as MindaNews, Mindanao Gold Star Daily and PressONE, and alternative news site Bulatlat. The PCIJ noted that the attacks were election-related because of the timing and the election-related content involved. Journalists have been criticised on social media for providing “biased” coverage of candidates, but the candidates themselves can make it difficult for journalists to do their job – and also show disregard for journalists’ safety. Rappler’s Lian Buan was blocked and shoved by Marcos’ media officer and security staff at a political rally. Journalists have started to challenge red-baiting and the government’s vilification of the media. Ressa recently filed an administrative complaint against Lorraine Badoy, a spokesperson for the government’s anti-communist task force, for red-baiting. Badoy, an undersecretary of the presidential communications and operations office, called Ressa a “mouthpiece of the enemies of the state”, which, according to Ressa, is not only false but also a violation of the code of conduct for government officials. These institutional and legal challenges to Duterte have only happened during the last six months of his term, but they represent an awakening of the media in the Philippines. Journalists and media organisations have realised how quickly press freedom can be crushed. They may have been caught unprepared or hesitant to tackle the top newsmaker whose populist rhetoric brought traffic to news sites, but the tide is turning. Standing together to uphold high standards and fact-check online content, journalists in the Philippines are working to create a healthier media landscape after Duterte. Ma. Diosa Labiste is an associate professor in the Department of Journalism in the University of the Philippines College of Mass Communication. Her work focuses on disinformation, media and democracy. She is a member of https://www.tsek.ph/about/, a collaborative fact-checking project by academic, media and civil society groups. Dr Labiste declared no potential conflict of interest with respect to authorship or publication of this article. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 3, 2022

Medical burnout battle rests with employers - 360 Karen Walker-Bone Published on September 9, 2022 Burnout in healthcare workers has spiked during the pandemic and, unless employers act, the crisis threatens to get even worse. Canadian family physician Franklin Warsh had a problem. At work, he was “groaning about patients that created minor nuisances” and, when he got home, he was “reaching for a drink” instead of love from his wife and kids. He saw “no value” in his job. “One tantrum later,” Warsh declared, “I gave my notice”. Warsh’s story resonates across many industries, but especially with healthcare workers. The symptoms he described are attributable to “burnout”, a term coined in the 1970s but only adopted by the World Health Organization (WHO) in 2019. A syndrome conceptualised as “resulting from chronic workplace stress that has not been successfully managed”, burnout sufferers exhibit low energy levels and exhaustion. They often feel isolated from their job and can suffer from compassion fatigue — cynical, negative feelings about their work. Those afflicted often become unable to respond to excessive demands of the job, leading to a drop in productivity and output, as well as a feeling of being devalued. The WHO does not classify burnout as a medical condition, but as an occupational phenomenon. This distinction draws an important link: burnout is inherently tied to the workplace, and implicitly seems to be onset by poorly managed professional stress. The pandemic has left a vast majority of healthcare workers feeling burnt out. Pre-pandemic, somewhere between 11 percent to as many as one-third of healthcare workers could be defined as “burnt out”. During the pandemic, a 2020 online survey of Australian frontline healthcare workers found that over 70 percent of the 7800 respondents were burnt out. The focus has been on individuals in early proposals to treat burnout, examining personality traits and how that may have contributed to the risk of the syndrome. The proposed fix was building individual resilience to workplace stressors, and seemingly overnight an industry of training courses, books and workplace interventions sprung up. These strategies are only addressing part of the issue and proving insufficient. They may even be causing more harm, blaming the individual for their reaction to stress rather than challenging employers to better prevent or mitigate the stressful environment.Shifting the burden to healthcare employers — the more influential, better resourced party in the equation — could unlock new avenues to address burnout. Employers have the means and capacity to holistically target burnout prevention and mitigation. There are broadly six relevant domains that organisations could consider to prevent burnout in their staff. Adequate staffing is an immediate intervention to address burnout, but doing so is a multifaceted fix. Funding to train, employ and roster enough employees around the clock requires major investment, but would likely pay dividends in reducing burnout. And beyond having an appropriate amount of staff on shift at any given point, maintaining a healthy reserve of additional employees to tap into when required — such as covering for illness —  would help ease the strain. But burnout isn’t just about the number of employees in the room. Creating systems that give line managers clear visibility of each staff member’s workload would make it easier to react and respond when problems arise. Part of that is keeping shifts within the agreed parameters. Healthcare employers can intervene to prevent overworking by eliminating compulsory overtime, encouraging better adherence to correct start and finish times, and limiting out-of-hours contact with employees, either as a company policy or by encouraging employees to switch off their work phones when not on shift. Workers who are empowered by their employer to manage their own workload may be less likely to experience burnout. This starts with each staff member having clarity over their role, and being presented opportunities to discuss their work demands with a line manager. Autonomy over how to undertake work tasks where possible can help employees. Offering choices over how tasks are shared and prioritised, as well as the timing of breaks, embeds flexibility in a work day. Delegating responsibilities and investing trust in appropriately-trained staff, such as allowing their influence over work patterns and vacation schedules, are more measures that can promote a culture of sharing responsibilities within a team. With these freedoms, employees who are encouraged to take rostered breaks and use holiday leave may be less likely to get burned out and feel more supported in their workplace. Paying employees more is an intuitive way to address burnout, even if it doesn’t resolve everything. Giving staff more opportunities for professional development and pathways to not only get paid more for the work they already do, but step into higher roles that offer a pay bump, is a way to mitigate the feeling of grind that characterises some cases of burnout. But the reward has to go further than the figure at the bottom of the paycheque — intrinsic reward, such as acknowledging effort and good work — matters, too. And showing an appreciation for staff by granting them a range of leave options, such as volunteering leave and cultural holidays, is likely to contribute to a healthier work environment. A healthy workforce is likely to be more resilient to burnout. Encouraging and facilitating good lifestyle choices — promoting cleaner eating and exercise by making it accessible, such as providing complimentary healthy snacks at work or subsiding gym memberships, is a way that employees can show support for healthcare workers. Making mental health resources accessible, such as providing free confidential counselling, and fostering a culture that de-stigmatises seeking help would likely help reduce burnout. If employees are able to seek help before, or as, burnout becomes an issue, it could alleviate the phenomenon. Employees tend to be less burnt out if they feel their workplace is a community of friends and allies. Employers have the power to make or break a culture. Facilitating relationships between staff through initiatives that promote supportive, effective and transparent team-working can help set the groundwork for future friendships, and thinking carefully about healthcare developments to avoid dividing or isolating a team can help prevent adversarial pitfalls arising. For instance, radiologists and patients have benefited from the efficiency of improved electronic reporting systems, but the advancements have come at a tradeoff — radiologists can now perform their role 100 percent electronically without need for consultation with a wider healthcare team, isolating them from colleagues. Those managing radiologists in these situations could be mindful to find other avenues in which to integrate them, socially or professionally, with other employees to lower the chance of burnout. Underpinning a preventive culture are clear, strong lines of communication — employees feeling like they can hear and be heard without inhibition. Conflict resolution in the workplace can be a quagmire to navigate, but ensuring it is based on strong principles can reassure employees that any concerns that arise will be dealt with appropriately. An environment in which all workers feel treated the same, where issues are dealt with transparently, and there are reliably strong procedures to dispense justice, is likely to be one in which employees are better able to avoid burnout. Coalescing many of the other domains into a mission statement of sorts from the employer solidifies a strong culture. Making everyone feel like they matter, prioritising meaningful work and doing so with effective, supportive leadership is at the heart of creating a workplace big on preventing burnout. If employees feel like they have a voice, flexibility within their work and a balance with their life outside of work, they are far less likely to suffer the symptoms of burnout. Leadership plays a two-sided role — not only in expressly encouraging a work-life balance verbally and through policy, but modelling it: taking breaks and holidays themselves, and restricting contact with employees out-of-hours. Karen Walker-Bone is Head of the Monash Centre for Occupational and Environmental Health and Professor of Occupational Rheumatology. She leads research to enable healthy work participation for all. Dr Walker-Bone declared no conflicts of interest in relation to this article. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on September 9, 2022

Meet the meat that tells you when it’s going bad - 360 Mara Strenger, Markus Schmid, Svenja Kloß Published on June 15, 2022 Intelligent packaging offers promise for reducing food waste, with smart indicators letting consumers know whether their fridge contents are still safe to eat. When looking in the fridge recently, your correspondent noticed a package of minced meat sitting at the back of one of the shelves, totally forgotten. A check of the best-before date revealed it had expired two days earlier. Like so many consumers, your correspondent felt an internal struggle emerging: risk food poisoning or discard a potentially safe product? One possible solution for this conundrum could be ‘intelligent packaging’. Intelligent packaging monitors the condition of the food or the environment surrounding the packaged food. Standard packaging plays one or more of four roles: protection, communication, convenience and containment. Protection can be regarded as the most important function, as it can influence whether the food ends up as waste. Intelligent packaging can fulfill the four main functions and can also provide information about the condition and freshness of the food. Radio-frequency identification (RFID) tags, electronic labels and QR codes or barcodes are one form of intelligent packaging, mainly used for storing product information, ensuring its authenticity and easily transferring it in the supply chain. They can also expand the information on the packaging by directing consumers or logistics staff to online information in combination with smartphone applications. For example, some apps allow customers to be reminded of nearly expired best-before dates or can even forecast the remaining shelf life based on the actual storage conditions. The customer only needs to scan the provided label on the packaging into the app and input the temperature of the fridge, and their smartphone will calculate a more exact expiration date and remind them before it is due. All these benefits can fight food waste. Packaging fitted with sensors or indicators is another form of intelligent packaging. These can monitor environmental conditions or can be placed inside the packaging to detect food quality directly. Time-temperature indicators are relatively simple and inexpensive gadgets that change colour depending on the environmental temperature. This is especially helpful for refrigerated products, which need properly adhered-to cool chains (refrigerated storage and transport) and regulated temperatures to stay safe to consume. For example, Fresh-Check is a heavy blue oval whose centre is clear if the product has been kept cool. When the colour of the centre matches the blue outer ring, the product should be consumed soon; when the centre is darker than the outer ring, freshness is no longer guaranteed. Consumers do not always go directly home from the supermarket, and the interior of parked cars can reach extraordinarily high temperatures, making this a potentially helpful indicator. Another example of intelligent packaging are freshness indicators that monitor the quality of the packaged food directly. Food spoilage often occurs because of microbial growth, which can also lead to chemical changes in the products. Freshness indicators placed inside the packaging can detect these spoilage markers and indicate by colour changes the level of food degradation. One example of these kinds of indicators was SensorQ by the now-defunct company Food Quality Sensor International. When the packaged food was fresh, the colour of the label was bright orange. The label changed to brown when it detected a critical level of molecules released by the microbial spoilage processes of protein-rich food such as meat and poultry. Sensors are usually somewhat more complex than indicators, consisting of a receptor that picks up a specific quality-related parameter and a transducer that displays the generated information. Sensors can be used for detecting the concentration of certain gases or the formation of pathogens. Manufacturers usually calculate best-before dates by estimating environmental conditions for the whole lifetime of the food. As conditions in real life can vary from estimates, the calculated best-before dates can be imperfect. Both indicators and sensors could reduce food waste and increase consumer safety. They could be a useful addition to the traditional best-before date and may even replace it under certain circumstances. Data carriers like RFID tags and barcodes are already widespread in the food industry. But indicators and sensors have struggled to be widely adopted. SensorQ never took off and another system, Food Sentinel, also went bust. It costs companies more to add indicators and sensors because they are made of expensive materials. This is an obstacle in fast-moving consumer goods such as food. And intelligent packaging has risks that need to be assessed before it is widely adopted. Increased use of colour-changing labels could lead to unfavourable changes in buyer behaviour. Consumers may reject only slightly discoloured labels, leading to an increase in unsold food – which goes directly against the goal of reducing food waste. Packaging with intelligent labels may not be recyclable. And consumers should not be encouraged to rely solely on intelligent packaging, as the systems may fail or be misused. At this stage, intelligent packaging sensors and indicators may be some way off replacing traditional best-before dates. The system needs to become more robust against false indications, and consumer reactions to indicators need investigation. Research continues. Until those kinks are ironed out, consumers will need to rely on their eyes, nose and tongue to decide whether to eat the forgotten food at the back of the fridge. Svenja Kloß is Research Group Leader with a focus on smart and especially intelligent packaging at the Sustainable Packaging Institute SPI of Albstadt-Sigmaringen University. Mara Strenger is Deputy Institute Director and Research Group Leader with a focus on sustainable packaging concepts at the Sustainable Packaging Institute SPI of Albstadt-Sigmaringen University. Markus Schmid is Institute Director of the Sustainable Packaging Institute SPI and Professor at Albstadt-Sigmaringen University. This article has been republished for the International Day of Awareness on Food Loss and Waste Reduction. It was first published on June 13, 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 15, 2022

Mental health a major concern for young Australians - 360 Suzannah Lyons Published on October 10, 2023 New data released by the Australian Bureau of Statistics has shown mental health conditions are most prevalent among young Australians aged 16 to 24. Ahead of World Mental Health Day on 10 October, new data released as part of the National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing has found more than two in five Australians have had a mental health condition at some point in their lives. Half of those people had experienced symptoms in the 12 months prior to responding to the survey. Of the nearly 16,000 Australians aged between 16 and 85 who took part in the research between December 2020 and October 2022, mental health conditions were most prevalent among young Australians between the ages of 16 and 24. Almost two in five 16 to 24-year-olds — or 1.1 million people — had had symptoms of a long-term mental health condition in the previous 12 months. The number of people surveyed also meant the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) was able to provide a state and territory breakdown of the proportion of people living with different types of mental health conditions around the country. The value of this data, said the ABS head of health statistics Linda Fardell, “is that it gives researchers and policymakers insights into which groups are most affected by mental disorders, so they can plan for what kind of interventions might be needed”. The data revealed an increase in the number of young people seeking help for mental health conditions, said the Department of Health and Aged Care’s Deputy Chief Medical Officer for Mental Health Dr Ruth Vine. “But I have to say, it’s around about the 50 percent mark, which still means that a lot of people are either not reporting that they sought help or are not seeking help,” she said. One way to address this is to look at other intervention strategies to engage with young people — particularly young men who are less likely to seek help — about their mental health, for example in places like sporting clubs or where they work. “I do think it’s really important to recognise that sometimes we need to think about opportunistically enabling people to express what’s going on in their lives, rather than necessarily them needing to be help-seeking through the health system,” Dr Vine said. Clinical psychologist from the University of Sydney Professor Adam Guastella said what he found surprising was the lack of support for young people to address their needs. “Lots of young people are reporting great difficulty accessing support, even to the point of digital tools,” he said. “We saw that seven percent of young people report using digital tools for support. And in this sort of society where young people are on their phones and use computers all the time, it really surprised me that they’re not getting high-quality supports using digital technology.” According to Professor Guastella, one way to address this is to improve digital technologies and digital access to evidence-based supports. “We don’t need media influencers providing evidence about what works,” he said. “What we need is reliable information about supports that can help young people deal with anxiety, substance misuse and other mental health concerns, and also as a source of truth that they can rely on this information and get the supports they need.” If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, visit https://findahelpline.com/i/iasp. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Youth mental health” sent at: 09/10/2023 06:53. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on October 10, 2023

Microfinance promises women a future instead it traps them in debt - 360 Nedha De Silva, Samanthi Gunawardana Published on March 8, 2023 Micro loans promised Sri Lankan and Cambodian women affected by war a way out of poverty as they rebuilt their lives. Instead the loans trapped them in debt. Soma is a Sinhalese woman in her early 50s, living in a rural village on the outskirts of Vavuniya, in northern Sri Lanka with her two girls. Her husband died during Sri Lanka’s civil war, and her entire family was displaced. After the war ended in 2009, Soma was determined to rebuild her life. With the promise of a fairytale, she joined microfinance to begin a small business. Her dream was to build a small house and provide for her children. A decade later, after enduring violence and harassment at the hands of the microfinance industry, Soma now lives in the same half built house trapped in a debt spiral. Soma’s nightmare experience has been repeated thousands of times by other women borrowers in Sri Lanka and Cambodia. These women borrowed to rebuild their lives after war but instead have been subjected to debt and violence at the hands of microfinance lenders. With few choices, women borrowers become heavily dependent on debt not only for entrepreneurial activities but for living expenses. As they continue to borrow at more usurious interest rates, they find themselves in a state of continued debt dependence, taking out multiple loans to pay off other debts. The debt spiral begins. Microfinance has often been introduced as a development tool that acts as a panacea for poverty alleviation. However, research conducted in the past three decades highlights that microfinance not only fails to alleviate poverty but instead makes the lives of the vulnerable even more uncertain. There are several structural, cultural, social and legal factors that lead to the rising indebtedness of women borrowers in Sri Lanka and Cambodia. Microfinance lacks regulation, giving free reign to institutions to act in predatory ways. Excessive interest rates that go up to 300 per cent, violence and harassment to intimidate borrowers and misleading documents are common practices. Since women in post-war zones have limited access to formal financial structures (they’re often referred to as the unbankable populations), microfinance is often the only viable option to access funds. As a result, women turn to microfinance despite the predatory practices. Today in rural Sri Lanka, there are thousands of women who live on the margins of survial teetering on the edge of destitution with microfinance debts.  Cambodian borrowers are classified as “over indebted”, with microfinance leading to social exclusion including through land dispossession. Women’s experiences of debt have led to a more holistic understanding of economic security, going beyond the traditional understanding of it as financial capability. It emphasises how economic security is deeply embedded in all aspects of everyday life and poses challenges for vulnerable communities. There are alternatives being put forward which give greater control to the communities that are affected, and take into account the multiple traumas and oppression that war affected communities face. Rotating savings and credit groups, credit cooperatives, debt  as well as offering more long-term support rather than quick fix loans are all potential solutions. Economic security and justice is important for ensuring a peaceful life and research demonstrates that it is often talked about as a higher order priority for those affected by war. However, it has been marginalised in peacebuilding efforts under the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, although it is included in the ‘Relief and Recovery” pillar of the four WPS pillars. As the microfinance example shows, inclusion in economic programs without questioning or transforming economic structures that can have harmful gendered outcomes can drive greater insecurity. Nedha De Silva is a PhD candidate in the School of Social Science and the Monash Gender, Peace and Security Centre. Her research examines the gendered impacts of structural violence generated by microfinance in Sri Lanka. Dr Samanthi J. Gunawardana is a Senior Lecturer in Gender and Development in the School of Social Science and a member of the Monash Gender, Peace and Security Centre. Her research examines the impact of economic development policy on the livelihoods, employment and autonomous organising efforts of women in conflict affected environments. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 8, 2023

Migrant labour marches into the line of fire - 360 Samata Biswas Published on April 29, 2024 Indian migrant workers have a long history of repression and poor treatment. In 2024, nothing has changed. In the award-winning Sea of Poppies, Indian novelist Amitav Ghosh immortalised the journey of 19th century indentured labour migrants— called “girmitiyas“—aboard a ship to Mauritius during the heyday of British colonialism. It’s 2024. Another group of migrant workers trudges through New Delhi international airport carrying cheap plastic suitcases, wearing clothing bought off roadside flea markets. They are the new age “girmitiyas” in search of a promised El Dorado. More than 60 Indian construction workers left for Israel in early April amid mounting concerns for their safety and rising opposition from trade unions in India, but to no avail. The low cost Azerbaijan Airways flight, which took these worker armies to the outskirts of Tel Aviv, was jam-packed. Some workers were shunted off to an Ethiopian Airways flight which took an even more circuitous route to the promised land. These workers travelled despite their government having warned Indians that Israel is now a war zone and it’s best to avoid any travel there. In March, the Indian government advised Indians in Israel to move to safer locations following the killing of migrant worker Pat Nibin Maxwell. But India’s worker-migrants have kept marching. When Israel’s war on Palestine erupted last October, Israel cancelled the permits of Palestinian workers, and sought to replace them with as many as 100,000 migrant workers from countries like India, continuing an agreement between the two governments. While Israel’s recruitment of workers in a conflict zone is worrying, far worse is India’s willingness to send its workers into the line of fire. More than 18,000 Indians, mostly care workers, already work in Israel. Another 6,000  were to join them in April. Some reports indicate that the travel plans for the remaining are on hold. The motivations of the Indian government — which actively facilitated the recruitment of Indian workers to Israel under its National Skill Development Corporation — come into question. The answer can be found in India’s strained relationship with its migrant workers — both under British colonialism and after independence. After the first steps were taken toward the  abolition of slavery in the 19th century, Britain recruited more than 1 million workers from colonial India to work in sugar, coffee, rubber, tea and cotton plantations, in laying railway tracks and in mining, in colonies across the globe, from the Caribbean, to the Pacific as well as in India itself. The indentured workers entered a contract for three to five years. They would be advanced a certain amount of money, and at the end entitled to free passage home. Across the great Gangetic plains, thousands of agricultural workers in economic distress joined the sea voyages, part of the system that continued until 1917. To the government, they came to be known as “coolies”. While the workers were supposed to be subjects of the British Indian government, in reality plantation lobbies and commercial interests had considerable say in the system. From the moment they signed up for indentureship, the workers were subjected to multiple authorities, including the labour recruiter, the agent, the ship’s captain and eventually the plantation owner. Plantation work and other work was often risky and backbreaking. The presence of single women was  considered ‘immoral’, leading to calls by Indian nationalists to demand an abolition of the system. Some commentators have termed indentureship a “new system of slavery“, while others argue that indentureship was better than the life of poverty and hunger they left behind in debt-ridden United Provinces or modern day Bihar. Between 1914 and 1918, more than 500,000 Indian signed up as non-combatants in World War One, working in the medical, ordnance and transport services, as grass cutters, blacksmiths, veterinary personnel and in various other jobs that need to be done in and around a regiment. These included porters recruited from prisons as well as young men signing up to the Indian Porter Corps and Indian Labour Corps from United Provinces, Bihar, Assam, Bengal, Orissa, Burma and the North Western Frontier Province–much of it the same catchment area which supplied the indentured workers. More than 17,000 Indian non-combatants were killed in the World War One. The wounded were racially segregated for treatment, which was not up to the standard of care for the British. Much like indentured workers who were denied their rights as sovereign British-Indian subjects, or the workers shipped out during the World War One, the migrant workers in Israel will be navigating work amidst an ongoing war and a newly developing crisis with Iran, with no safety net in place. As for the modern-day labourers, their willingness to sign up to work in a conflict zone such as Israel is testimony to their acute financial distress. A recent International Labour Organization  report shows that total unemployed youth in India almost doubled from 35.2 percent in 2000 to 65.7 percent in 2022. The COVID lockdown of 2020 and the spectacular distress of migrant workers, employed in various unorganised sectors ranging from agriculture to construction, showed the precarious nature of their employment and their flimsy incomes. Construction workers selected for jobs in Israel were quoted in the media as saying that despite the obvious dangers of their job, the payment was too lucrative to turn down. For many, it was almost ten times what they make in a month. For others, devoid of any safety nets, their existing jobs also leave them vulnerable. Two Indian workers recruited under false pretences but made to work with the Russian military were killed in the past two months, while reportedly 100 like them continue to work in Russia, having migrated through an agent. Although not in a conflict zone, various Gulf countries, including Qatar, have been criticised for large numbers of migrant worker deaths — especially in the lead up to the FIFA World Cup in 2022. Between 2014 and 2022, 2,400 Indian nationals were reported to have died in Qatar, falling victim to harsh working conditions and unfavourable laws, including the now-scrapped Kafala system. Families claim  the only time the Indian government steps in to help migrant workers and their families is when their bodies have to be returned home. The case of Pat Nibin Maxwell was no different. Maxwell travelled to work in Israel through a recruitment agency, unlike the ones now being recruited through direct government intervention in Haryana and Uttar Pradesh. The Indian Embassy’s first intervention in his life was in his death, as it was for Hemil Mangukiya and Mohammed Asfan in Russia. Meanwhile, as their families grieve, five other Indian states are keen on joining the recruitment process. Postcolonial India does not seem any better than its colonial avatar in caring for its migrant workers. The state retreats from its obligations of security and protection of its citizens, this time, outside its borders. Samata Biswas is Assistant Professor of English at The Sanskrit College and University, Kolkata and a member of Calcutta Research Group (CRG). Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 29, 2024

Migrant workers paid a huge price for COVID-19 - 360 Manish K Jha Published on June 19, 2023 The mass movement of migrant workers during the pandemic allowed India’s authorities to weaken labour rights. When COVID-19 took hold in India millions of migrant workers fled the cities back to their villages to wait out the lockdown. As they waited at home — sometimes for months — there was a seismic shift in their relationship with the government and their employers. On the pretext of responding to the emergency, central and state governments introduced several labour policies that impacted workers adversely. At every stage — migration, lockdown and return — labour control was consolidated through exceptional rules and guidelines without any debate or scrutiny. When the government had to respond to the migrants’ desperate exit from the cities, its response came in the form of an advisory to employers not to terminate their workers’ contracts and ensure the payment of full wages. The advisory was non-binding and therefore destined to fail. Instead, there were large-scale job losses, layoffs and non-payment of wages or wage cuts. However, after realising the extent of economic damage that labour shortages could entail, employers and the government tried to prevent the migrant workers from leaving. Huge numbers of informal sector workers (construction, domestic work, home-based work, handloom and power loom sector, beedi making and brick kilns) were pushed into an even more insecure, unsafe, and unprotected sector, subject to non-formal and non-standard employment practices. The Indian government seized the opportunity provided by the pandemic and proposed drastic changes in labour laws by combining 44 central labour laws and around 200 state-level laws into four labour codes. Although the Indian Parliament had already passed the Code on Wages before the pandemic; the remaining three — the Industrial Relations Code, 2020; the Occupational Safety, Health and Working Conditions Code, 2020; and the Code on Social Security, 2020 — were hurriedly passed by parliament during the lockdown. Although these codes compromised workers’ rights and increased the uncertainty of employment conditions, they were justified on the ground that the previous labour laws were tedious, costly to implement and resulted in employers adopting strategies to circumvent them. State governments seized the opportunity as well and changed their labour laws either by amending their provisions or suspending some others. They in effect transferred risks from the employers to the workers. This allowed industries in Rajasthan, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh to increase the working day from eight hours to 12 hours for six days a week, in violation of International Labour Organisation (ILO) Convention on the hours of work, to which India is a signatory. In Gujarat and Uttar Pradesh, the industries were not even required to pay overtime to workers. These states scrapped the Industrial Employment (Standing Orders) Act, 1946 which requires employing firms to define and submit to the certifying officer the terms and conditions of employment. Except for Haryana, all the other states announced that these changes would be in force temporarily. Gujarat announced that except for laws about the payment of minimum wages, safety norms and compensation for workers for industrial accidents, no other provisions of the labour law would apply to new companies that wished to operate in the state for at least 1,200 days, as well as for those that had already been operational for that period. This regime of labour control was deeply embedded in official policies during the pandemic. The term “labour-control regime” refers to the social need of the market economy to integrate labour into the production system and structure the labour process. Exercising control is easier when the labour market has migrants and casual workers, production takes place outside the organised sector, trade unions are weak or absent, work schedules are flexible and subcontracting is prevalent. Shock mobility ensures a ready supply of labour which is both insecure and vulnerable, willing to accept lower wages, work harder and longer, and with little or no claim on social security, labour rights and entitlements. The opportunity provided by the pandemic-induced shock mobility was used to push through a neoliberal economic agenda, which sees the government’s specific function as producing a conducive environment for the operation of the free market and then retreat. During the pandemic, ‘ease of doing business’ was presented as the rationale for contracting out work and increasing labour market flexibility by changing labour laws and mandatory government oversight. Such policies tend to exacerbate inequality during disasters or crises. The fact the shock situation was deployed for maximising the interests of business and compromising the work and social security of migrant labour has been a telling reality of the neoliberal political economy in operation. The pandemic was also used for the expansion of the platform and gig economy, which swiftly made inroads into everyday life. This sector works on replacing one set of migrant workers with another to keep the wages low, making the worker easily replaceable and providing minimal labour protection. The pandemic put vulnerable migrants at greater risk of life and livelihood while India’s various governments responded with impunity, compromising the dignity of the workers and controlling their mobility. Government defended the demands of corporations leading to the expulsion of marginal workers and their subsequent incorporation into an emerging political economy under more severe conditions of precarity. As the pandemic showed, an infusion of shock in society only made worse the vulnerabilities of migrant workers. Manish K Jha is a Professor at the School of Social Work at Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai, India. His research interests include social policy, structural social work, poverty, and social justice, migration, and middle classes in Indian cities. This article is part of a Special Report on ‘Shock mobility’, produced in collaboration with the Calcutta Research Group. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Shock mobility” sent at: 14/06/2023 16:53. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 19, 2023

Migrants against the machine - 360 Elspeth Guild Published on June 20, 2022 Artificial intelligence offers new possibilities to states assessing visa applications, bringing new urgency to the need for international standards. Algorithms, artificial intelligence and machine learning have permeated our daily lives, delivering new conveniences, and new threats to our privacy. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the treatment of the personal data of migrants. The data once collected on forms and filed away is now immediately digitised — just last month the US put a stop to paper forms for noncitizen visitors travelling under its popular visa waiver program. The alternative ESTA form,  online and fairly inexpensive, has become longer and longer as more questions have been added to it over the years. Each additional question is designed to reveal more about the personal behaviour of the individual, such as the destinations of previous travel or immigration records elsewhere. And it’s a trend repeated in more and more countries, including in the  European Union as it establishes its own travel authorisation system. The personal data requested for these forms is far more than what would normally have been collected where a tourist presented him or herself at a border without the pre-authorisation procedure. International standards are now needed to ensure migrants are not the object of unjustifiable data grabs by states, whether they’re travelling for tourism or other reasons. People agree to give up their personal data because they want to travel. Those who want to move for a longer period usually have to obtain visas which require substantially more personal data not only about them and their family members, but also sensitive information such as income, assets and tax returns. While citizens are generally protected from intrusive data questioning when entering their own state because they have a right to enter, foreigners have no such shield. If they refuse to hand over their personal data to the authorities they will not be able to travel. In the past, this data was filed manually or electronically in a file specific to the individual and was rarely consulted except in exceptional circumstances. But the development of new AI and machine learning technologies has provided state authorities with a whole new set of possibilities. Data collected for border and immigration purposes is being used for multiple purposes, not all of which are consistent with the reasons for which the data was first collected. Nor are the uses necessarily benign. State authorities are taking decisions and discriminating on the basis of flawed profiles. In 2020 a report by the UK’s Independent Chief Inspector of Borders found authorities were using an AI tool to classify visit visa applications of nationals of certain countries according to profiles which they had developed: GREEN (to be approved), YELLOW (to be reviewed) and RED (recommended for refusal). But the tool resulted in what has been described as racist decision making: assumptions built into the profiles resulted in prejudice in the assessment of applications. When challenged in the courts, the UK government decided to withdraw the use of the tool rather than to try to defend its use before a judge. In the private sector, data brokers face regulation of their data collection under national and international measures. But when the authority collecting personal data is the state and the purposes are opaque not only do national constitutional protections come into play but their applicability to migrants becomes critical. Elspeth Guild is a law professor at Queen mary university of London. She is also a practising lawyer at Kingsley Napley London. The author declares no conflict of interest. This article is part of a Special Report on the ‘Changing face of migration’,  produced in collaboration with the Calcutta Research Group. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 20, 2022

Millions forced to move by war, famine and disaster - 360 Bharat Bhushan Published on June 19, 2023 Shock mobility is a response to acute disruptions like natural disasters, wars, pandemics or economic crises. The war in Ukraine has led to around 20 percent of the country’s population fleeing overseas. Even after 12 years, the war in Syria remains the world’s largest refugee crisis. Since 2011, more than 6.8 million Syrians have been forced to flee their country and almost an equal number remain internally displaced. Wars alone do not lead to shock mobility. The shock of the sudden COVID-19 lockdown of 2020 led to millions of workers migrating from Indian cities back to their villages on foot as public transport had been stopped. Shock mobility refers to the sudden movement of people due to acute disruptions such as a tsunami, cyclone, earthquake, war, pandemic, economic crisis or any other unexpected or unpredictable event. People are forced to migrate from their homes in search of security and survival elsewhere. To mark World Refugee Day on June 20, 360info in partnership with the Calcutta Research Group asked migration experts to analyse the impact of shock mobility on migrants as well as society. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Shock mobility” sent at: 19/06/2023 10:28. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 19, 2023

Mind your language - 360 Renita Coleman, Esther Thorson, Cinthia Jimenez, Kami Vinton Published on July 28, 2022 Heatwaves might seem an opportune time to talk about climate change action – but research suggests this could prove ineffectual. That climate change is human-induced is not ground breaking news. But it is a trigger for some people in societies where climate change is politicised. Faced with new information about climate change, they dig into their pre-existing attitudes rather than consider new information with an open mind. This is a problem as people are forced to adapt to the very real consequences of a changing climate. As large parts of the world are gripped by intense heatwaves, new research suggests talking about adaptation could be more effective at changing some people’s behaviour than making the link between heatwaves and climate change. For journalists and others who want to provide important information to the public without making the problem worse, the study makes a case for eliminating the phrases ‘global warming’ and ‘climate change;’ and replacing them with ‘weather’ and ‘weather impacts’ instead. By not using these words, the researchers found people in the study were more accepting of the news stories they were presented with. They felt like the stories’ positions were closer to their own views rather than biased against them, and expressed interest in reading more stories like them, and talking about them with other people. This worked because the study participants felt like the adaptive stories were not trying to manipulate or persuade them as much as the stories that included the trigger words. Second, the stories included information that people and their communities could use to adapt to extreme weather. For example, a story about heat waves talked about heat stroke and dehydration, cooling centers, and a registry where people can share their information with first responders in advance of an emergency. This strategy of including things people can do easily represents ‘adapting’ – that is, making smaller, incremental changes rather than monumental tasks required to prevent or reverse climate change. Research on adaptation and mitigation suggests putting the focus on easy-to-implement, incremental actions rather than the cause of the problem would give people more of a sense of control, leading to intentions to do some of the things recommended in the stories. The word ‘adapt’ and its derivatives was also used several times in the stories and headlines. The study tested these strategies by comparing the same stories – one set written without the trigger phrases and with the adaptive actions, and one set written the opposite way. Except for this, the stories were identical so the researchers have confidence that it was these changes and not something else that caused the results. The study participants included 1,200 US adults, half of whom were skeptical of climate change. The study is not without its limitations – it only used two topics, heatwaves and rising sea levels, out of a multitude of climate issues. Nor can it conclude that everyone in the US would react the way these participants did. The stories also did not attempt to change people’s attitudes about the issue, but rather aimed to get them to accept the stories and want to read more like them and talk with others about the information. Journalists’ goals are not typically to persuade people to change their behavior, but to give them the information they need to make decisions that are in their own best interests. The take-away is that there is indeed something journalists can do to educate and engage science skeptics on climate change. Currently, people who need this kind of information the most are shutting down at the first mention of something that conflicts with their beliefs. It should not violate journalists’ oath to occasionally not repeat the well-worn fact that climate change is man-made. Nor do the authors suggest that journalists never write another story that eliminates this phrase; only that they do so occasionally and when it is not essential to the story. Language changes are not unheard of in the industry as journalists have recently altered their language in immigration stories, replacing “illegal” and “alien” with “undocumented.” Making these few small changes in climate news stories has the potential to advance the greater good by respectfully engaging all people in the conversation about what can be done about weather impacts, providing them with much-needed information, and perhaps even reducing polarisation in society. Renita Coleman, Cinthia Jimenez and Kami Vinton are professor and Ph.D. students, respectively, at the Moody College of Communication, University of Texas at Austin. Esther Thorson is professor at the College of Communication Arts, Michigan State University. Research funding provided by Michigan State University to Esther Thorson. The researchers declare no conflicts of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on July 28, 2022

Mining the heavens - 360 S. Vicknesan Published on September 22, 2023 Going to the Moon and other planetary bodies in search of natural resources may alleviate critical shortages on Earth. Vast amounts of the most vital natural resources we use on Earth exist on nearby planetary bodies, practically untouched by humans. Water, gases and minerals are on the Moon, as well as comets and asteroids, in large quantities, offering an ambitious option to meet increasing terrestrial demand. In 1969, rocks were brought back from the Moon and, decades later, two Japanese spacecrafts successfully landed on asteroids and collected dust grains, first in 2005 and again in 2019. On September 24, a NASA spacecraft — the OSIRIS-REx — will return to Earth with samples from the asteroid Bennu. Although space mining technology is still in its infancy, governments and private entities are gearing up now for first-mover advantage. The space mining market is estimated to be worth USD$1.99 billion by 2027 although no space mining operations exist as yet. But the issues surrounding the industry are complex, starting with the technology and high costs. Then there are regulations, policies and ethical questions to consider, involving national or private entities’ right to mine, distribute and sell space resources. There are also environmental considerations involving the Earth-based sectors of the industry. How will mining in space benefit humanity? Will it descend into a Dodge City-style gold rush with outlaws ruling? Is the technology ready? What is science and what is fiction? 360info peers into the future of space resources. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on September 22, 2023

Mining the sea means mining public support too - 360 Aline Jaeckel, Quentin Hanich, Harriet Harden-Davies, Judith van Leeuwen, Holly Niner, Katherine Seto, Michelle Voyer Published on July 5, 2023 Gaining social legitimacy of deep sea mining should consider who makes the decisions and how. Scouring the deep ocean for minerals such as copper, cobalt and manganese — commonly found in electronics and other goods — could start soon, despite scientists’ concerns about its environmental and social impacts. The regulatory body for deep sea mining on the international seabed, the International Seabed Authority, is under pressure to finalise international regulations by July but there are a range of issues that have not been addressed, including the equitable distribution of profits, impacts on the fisheries industry and ecosystem damage. Major international companies like Google, BMW, Volvo and Samsung have called for a pause on deepsea mining, and there are risks it could face consumer boycotts if the industry does not gain social legitimacy — or follow societal norms and beliefs. We’ve seen this in the failed deep sea mining project in Papua New Guinea which faced financial challenges, but also public rejection. The International Seabed Authority has the legal mandate to regulate deep sea mining under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.  As such, it can decide whether to allow seabed mining or not. However, concerns revolve around whether its current decision-making processes benefit humanity as a whole, as mandated in the UN Law of the Sea. Its obligation to act on behalf of humankind requires the International Seabed Authority to consider the environmental impacts and possibilities of negative economic effects, particularly for developing economies, when regulating deep sea mining. This is because the Law of the Sea classifies minerals on the international seabed as the common heritage of humankind, meaning they should be managed for the benefit of all. It states a portion of economic benefits from seabed mining must also be shared with the international community, but how much and for what purposes has yet to be clarified. To obtain a mining contract from the International Seabed Authority, mining operators need a sponsoring state. States may receive royalties and financial benefits from mining operators in return for acting as a sponsor. But the legal, social and economic risks may outweigh any  potential benefits to local communities. Mining arrangements between small island states and a mining company from a developed economy can create benefits, but it can also undermine the collective interests of developing states. For example, sponsoring states can be held liable under international law for environmental damage. Nauru, Tonga, and Kiribati currently sponsor exploration contracts for The Metals Companybased in Canada, previously known as DeepGreen. The company has links to the now insolvent Nautilus Minerals, which sought to mine seabed minerals in waters off Papua New Guinea. The endeavour failed, leaving Papua New Guinea USD$120 million in debt. Deep seabed mining also relies on high technology and robotics to conduct much of its operations and is thus unlikely to foster a local workforce. As a new industry, the technology used to mine remains unproven at scale, and significant environmental concerns persist. Gaining wider acceptance of deep sea mining will not only need to consider what decisions are made, but also how and by whom. Those likely to be most affected — the fishing industry, indigenous and local communities, the tourism sector and other ocean-based industries — should be able to have a say and be represented in the decision-making process. Given that the international seabed is the common heritage of humankind, the interests of future generations also need to be considered. Transparent, fair and inclusive engagement with a broad range of stakeholders can help to avoid future conflict and create more equitable outcomes, including by not placing a disproportionate burden on developing countries. As the clock ticks down, we may see increasing pressure on industry and governments to rule out using minerals sourced from the oceans. But seabed mining is a long way from obtaining a social licence from the people most affected. Dr Aline Jaeckel is Associate Professor at the Australian National Centre for Ocean Resources and Security (ANCORS) at the University of Wollongong. She received funding from the Australian Research Council’s DECRA scheme. Professor Quentin Hanich leads the Fisheries Governance Research Program and is a Nippon Foundation Ocean Nexus Research Chair at the Australian National Centre for Ocean Resources and Security (ANCORS) at the University of Wollongong. Quentin is also the Editor-in-Chief of the journal, Marine Policy and a member of the UN Experts Panel for the World Ocean Assessment, and the IUCN World Commission on Protected Areas. Dr Harriet Harden-Davies is Director of the Nippon Foundation Ocean Voices Programme at University of Edinburgh. Her research focuses on the governance of marine areas beyond national jurisdiction. Judith van Leeuwen is Associate Professor at the Environmental Policy Group of Wageningen University. Dr Holly Niner is a Research and Knowledge Exchange Fellow at the University of Plymouth focusing on the governance of marine and coastal resources and space. Her research is funded by the United Kingdom Research and Innovation (UKRI), Global Challenges Research Fund (GCRF) and One Ocean Hub. Dr Katherine Seto is an Assistant Professor in the Environmental Studies Department at the University of California at Santa Cruz. Her research focuses on access, sustainability, and equity in the use of marine and coastal resources. Dr Michelle Voyer is an Associate Professor with the Australian National Centre for Ocean Resources and Security (ANCORS) at the University of Wollongong, Australia. Her research examines the social and governance challenges surrounding the emerging Blue Economy. The article is based on two previous publications, from 360info and one in NPJ Ocean Sustainability. For the second paper, the authors hold the copyright but the publishing agreement requires them to ‘acknowledge and reference first publication in the Journal’. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “MINING THE DEEP” sent at: 03/07/2023 07:36. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on July 5, 2023

Misinformation won’t go away, but media literacy can help fight it - 360 Tanya Notley Published on February 14, 2022 Misinformation won’t disappear, but teaching the community to spot it can strip the falsehoods of their power. By Tanya Notley, Western Sydney University The spread of misinformation has had very real consequences during the pandemic — myths about vaccines and false claims about the virus have undermined public health orders, increased risk of disease and divided families. Despite attempts to suppress its spread, misleading information is rife: 59 percent of the 2,034 Australians in a 2021 survey had encountered misinformation in the week prior. And Australians don’t feel equipped to deal with it — although 74 percent of the 3,510 adults in a different survey feel that the online spread of misinformation needs to be addressed, fewer than four in ten are confident in their ability to check whether information they find online is true. Young Australians face the same struggle. Only one in three of 1,069 children aged 8-16 surveyed believe they know how to tell false and misleading news apart from trustworthy, factual news. This problem often feels intractable but improving people’s media literacy can help. Media literacy refers to the knowledge and skills that people need to think critically about how media work, how they represent the world, and how they are produced and used. Developing a higher level of media literacy increases people’s ability to detect misinformation by stimulating their critical thinking, boosting their knowledge of how media industries work and by informing their decision making. A fully media literate citizen will be aware of the many ways they can use media to participate in society. They will know how media are created, funded, regulated, and distributed and they will understand their rights and responsibilities in relation to data and privacy. In Australia, the Digital Platforms Inquiry made recommendations for government action on media literacy in 2017. Nearly five years later, the federal government is yet to implement any significant media literacy policies and programs. This follows the trend of many administrations around the world. is one notable exception, where a national media education policy is supported across government departments. Finnish policies have also been enabled by high quality-learning resources and between national public cultural institutions, educators, media companies, community-based organisations, NGOs and public sector bodies. In most countries though, media literacy efforts are instead being led and implemented by libraries, public and community broadcasters, schools and civil society organisations. Some of these efforts have been well evaluated and have been shown to support learners to identify and avoid misinformation, In the United States, the free and open Stanford Civic Online Reasoning Course (COR) was developed in response to a large study that found most high school students were unable to distinguish advertisements from news stories, nor could they identify false and misleading misinformation published by parties with vested interests. The COR course was designed by observing the practices of professional fact-checkers. Learners are encouraged to ask three critical questions when they encounter information online: who is behind this information, what is the evidence being presented to me and what do other sources say. A number of evaluations show that the COR course is effective: it helps students to apply critical thinking to information so they can make more informed decisions about who and what to trust online. The IREX Learn to Discern project, originally designed to address state-sponsored disinformation campaigns in the Ukraine, has been implemented in many countries. It focuses on developing critical-thinking skills and abilities to help citizen’s discern manipulative content from trustworthy information. The course has been customised for use with different audiences and implemented in schools, libraries and community centres. One evaluation of the course run with Ukranian adults found that people who had taken the course were more likely to demonstrate sophisticated knowledge of the news media industry and were better at identifying a fake news story. The researchers found this effect still held more than a year after people had completed the program. Individuals seeking to develop their basic media literacy skills canaccess a range of free, online courses. Many media literacy courses are often built on a key concepts model that helps to frame the kinds of questions that should be asked. The Australian Media Literacy Alliance key concept framework encourages learners to ask critical questions and supports educators to adapt questions depending on the context. To help them to identify false and misleading information, learners should be encouraged to ask: These kinds of questions can then be embedded within learning activities which can be designed to be creative, fun, interactive and memorable for the audience they seek to engage. Beyond critical questions, there are a range of technical skills that will help people to identify manipulated or fabricated images – these are often used as part of disinformation campaigns to grab people’s attention. Misinformation is not going away and facing this challenge is complicated. Developing the media literacy of both children and adults is one way to push back against the problem, and build a sustainable future for a global information and media ecosystem. Tanya Notley is Associate Professor of Media at Western Sydney University and Deputy Chair of the Australian Media Literacy Alliance (AMLA). Dr Notley discloses that an aim of the AMLA is to develop and promote a government-endorsed national media literacy strategy for Australia. The survey referring to the media literacy of Australian adults referenced in the article was part of a project that received funding from the National Association for Media Literacy Education (NAMLE), located in the United States, who used a grant they received from Facebook. The survey referring to the media literacy of young Australians  referenced in the article received funding from Google Australia and the Museum of Australian Democracy. This article was first published on February 14, 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 14, 2022

Mobile Indonesians powering the economy - 360 Meirina Ayumi Malamassam Published on November 21, 2022 Population growth isn’t automatically good for Indonesia. Developing young people, and helping them to move are both key to economic development. Indonesia’s President Joko Widodo recently talked about the ‘demographic dividend’ in an Instagram post pointing out the high numbers of young Indonesians should not be viewed as a burden on the country but a strength, powering the motor of the Indonesian economy. The demographic dividend refers to the dominance of young working-age people within the population who, with their purchasing power, can generate wider economic growth. Reaping the potential of this dividend requires improving human capital – the skills, health and education of the young. Jokowi’s post included an illustration of young Indonesians working on laptops, in labs, in fashion and in various other industries. While education has been the most prominent tool to accelerate human capital, migration can be an alternative or a complement. Through movement to other regions of Indonesia, individuals can improve their skills and productivity, improving income, access to opportunities, education and health facilities, and securing prospects for their future. At the regional level, previous studies have shown not only can in-country migration play a critical role in the growth of human capital, the increasing stock in human capital attributed to migrants can also accelerate social services and public amenities, increase tax receipts, and create intangible gains such as knowledge dissemination in local communities. EMBED START Video {id: "editor_3"} EMBED END Video {id: "editor_3"} Migration has been a major driver of population growth in several cities in Indonesia. Since migration is dominated by young and educated individuals, destinations can reap the demographic bonus. The capital Jakarta and its surrounding regions are the main destinations of young migrants. Another is Yogyakarta. This region – home to a great number of reputable public and private universities – has a crucial role in human capital. The majority of young migrants in this region move for education reasons. Yogyakarta also has an important role as a human capital redistributor. Once they graduate, most former students migrate again, either to their hometowns or new regions. The redistribution of human capital through multiple migrations can improve economic performance across regions. The population growth in a high-profile industrial city, Batam, has also mainly been attributed to the flow of internal migrants. The presence of a large number of manufacturing industries has attracted many migrant workers. In the eastern part of Indonesia, Sorong City experienced rapid growth in retail, transportation, hotel and accommodation, food and beverage, finance, education, and government services in recent decades. Compared with western Indonesia, the labour market in the east is less competitive, allowing many migrants to develop careers in a relatively short time. According to Indonesia’s 2020 Census, there were about 44 people in non-working age groups (the very old and the very young) for every 100 people in the Indonesian working-age population, down from 51 in 2010. This trend is predicted to continue for the next 10-15 years before it rises again along with the increasing proportion of the older age population. EMBED START Video {id: "editor_10"} EMBED END Video {id: "editor_10"} The low ratio of dependents to workers should be seen as a window of opportunity for reaping the demographic dividend, which is realised when a population’s human capital — knowledge, skills and competencies — is effectively used in the labour market. Since 2016, Indonesia has had a high level of human development. Most Indonesians have at least attended secondary school, and nearly a tenth have obtained higher education. However, while the average years of schooling was 12.4 years, the knowledge gained during formal education was equivalent to just 7.8 years of schooling. The growth of the young population needs to be worked on so that it can become a national strength, as touted by Joko Widodo. Alongside human capital development, migration can be enhanced to provide greater opportunities for development and spread economic benefits more broadly. is a researcher at the Research Centre for Population, Indonesia’s National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN), with primary research interests in population mobility and regional development. She is on Instagram @AyumiMalamassam Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 21, 2022

Mobile workers key to Pacific prosperity - 360 Paresh Kumar Narayan, Bernard Njindan Iyke Published on July 11, 2022 Encouraging work abroad schemes could help Pacific Island nations to steer their way clear of crippling debt. Pacific Islanders have always been travellers. Setting forth in ocean-going canoes, they first spread to new lands and new prosperity more than 5,000 years ago. Today, they are still going. In 2017-2018, before COVID-19, more than 18,000 Islanders travelled to New Zealand or Australia for work. Pacific Island countries rely on the money wired home. Seven of the top ten recipients of remittances, as measured by share of gross domestic product, are in the Pacific region. Far from being a problem, remittances play a major role in maintaining national debt in the Pacific at a sustainable level. If Pacific Island countries were to negotiate with their key trade partners — Australia, New Zealand, and China — to facilitate the movement of skilled workforce, they could expect skills, income, and increased government revenue. Globally, we have witnessed a rapid growth of debt over the past three years, due to the need to shore up economies against potential economic and financial crises due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The rate of global debt accumulation during the COVID-19 pandemic was faster than the early phases of the Great Depression and the Global Financial Crisis of 2007/2008. Nearly 60 percent of developing countries, which include Pacific Island countries, are now either in distress or at risk of distress. For example, Papua New Guinea’s gross financing needs (the sum of primary fiscal deficit and maturing debt obligations) between 2021 to 2023 are projected at 13.4 percent of gross domestic product, which is 6.4 percent above the pre-pandemic level. This substantial growth in debt in Pacific Island countries has exposed them to debt problems, which are expected to worsen in the coming years. Currently, none of the Pacific Island countries are in distress but most are high risk. The Pacific Island countries’ average debt-to-gross domestic product ratio has increased from 32.9 percent in 2019 to 42.2 percent in 2021. Fiji, Vanuatu and Palau all recorded debt-to-gross domestic product ratios of above 70 percent in 2021. Historically, remittances from workers abroad have played a major role in keeping fiscal deficit in the Pacific at a sustainable level. Remittances enhance government revenue by increasing household consumption of local goods and services and their associated taxes. Remittances increase deposits in the financial system, which are channelled to support government debts via treasury bond purchases by banks. Moreover, remittances increase the demand for money (and for banking sector liabilities) thereby increasing the revenue the government generates by issuing currency. This is called seigniorage revenue. In Samoa and Tonga, for example, remittances make one-sixth and two-fifths, respectively, of their gross domestic product. However, these countries have recently experienced a decline in remittances, as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic and restricted travel. The World Bank estimated that remittances to the Pacific will decline by 4.3 percent for 2020 on account of COVID-19. Palau’s remittances were projected to decline the most, at 29 percent. Conversely, some of the Pacific Island countries experienced record growth in remittances. In 2020, for instance, Tonga recorded the highest remittance inflows of approximately 38 percent of its GDP. Similarly, Fiji’s inward personal remittances grew by 14.6 percent in 2021, reaching a new high of US$842.2 million. Even though the debt road ahead is not a smooth one for the Pacific Island countries, the performance of remittances during these uncertain times suggests that policymakers can better tap them to bolster their countries’ debt position. To assist in labour mobility, Pacific Island countries could be negotiating with wealthier trade partners for special visa arrangements and immigration schemes. These countries could lower visa requirements, encourage businesses to employ workers from the Pacific Island countries, promote equal workplace rights for these workers, and lengthen the maximum residency of these workers. This will increase the inflow of workers from the Pacific to their trade partners. The workers can then develop skills, earn income, support their families and communities, and in turn increase remittances and government revenue in the Pacific Island countries. Professor Paresh Narayan is a highly cited researcher at the Monash Business School, Monash University, a consultant to numerous governments, central banks and financial institutions, and a Commissioner at the Fiji Higher Education Commission. Dr Bernard Njindan Iyke is a research fellow at the Monash Business School, Monash University. He regularly collaborates with central bankers. They declare no conflicts of interest Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on July 11, 2022

Modern slavery rife in the ‘last frontier’ at sea - 360 Brock Bergseth Published on November 21, 2022 Sustained pressure, from governments to seafood shopping consumers, could help end the suffering of migrant workers in offshore illegal fisheries. Far out to sea, away from oversight, the big blue ocean is often referred to as the ‘last frontier’: a place of quiet desolation and — for criminal syndicates — legal impunity. Some fisheries have exploited this isolation to practice modern day slavery, subjecting migrant workers to horrible conditions and bringing in lucrative returns for their crimes. This ‘out of sight, out of mind’ phenomenon means fishers have very little oversight until they come into port. Developing economies are often most affected, but conditions of indentured servitude and modern-day slavery have been reported all over, including Korean vessels fishing within New Zealand’s coastal waters. Estimates suggest that more than 100,000 fishers die every year due to unsafe working conditions, poor oversight, labour abuses, and modern day slavery. This phenomenon begins well before fishers step foot on a vessel. In many Southeast Asian countries, migrant fishers are targeted by predatory recruitment agencies and human traffickers. Often, these agencies go to poverty stricken rural villages in Indonesia, Thailand, Laos, Vietnam and Cambodia promising lucrative contracts to workers with few other options to support their families. When the workers arrive, supposedly to board their vessel or work in processing factories, the recruitment agency takes their passports, cuts them off from contact with the outside world and often locks them away in apartments with abysmal conditions until they are placed on a boat, where rape, near starvation and other violations often occur. A main stipulation of these agencies and complicit captains is that workers pay off their placement and visa fees. This system is very similar to that used with indentured servants sent to British-American colonies in the 17th century. The system is rigged against them, taking years of hard labour, often working up to 20 hours a day, to pay off exorbitant fees, let alone make money to send home. Often, fishers report never receiving the wages they were promised, even after fulfilling their contracts. Once they finally get on the boat, living conditions are worse – sleeping next to hot engines and breathing unfiltered exhaust, eating scraps or rotten bait fish, being starved, beaten, abused. There’s no way for them to report this – they’re often out of mobile phone reception (if it hasn’t been confiscated on boarding), have no idea where they actually are and simply struggle to survive. These conditions are even worse on distant water fishing vessels, which can be at sea for months to years at a time. Boats are often resupplied at sea (and away from oversight) by larger boats, where fish catches and at times, fishers themselves are transferred (referred to as transhipping) to different vessels. The risk of labour abuses and modern-day slavery depends a lot on the type of fishery. For instance, nearshore, shallow water fisheries that return to port on a regular basis have lower risks than distant water fishing fleets that spend most of their time on the hard-to-police high seas. The risks are also higher if vessels are flagged in countries with limited oversight on their fleets, such as Thailand, Taiwan and China that are notorious for allowing, or at least exhibiting, very little control over their distant water fleets that target squid, prawn, tuna, and other lucrative species. In the last ten years, high-risk investigatory reporting has provided damning evidence of the abysmal conditions fishers are exposed to – withholding of wages, verbal and physical abuse, starvation, being fed amphetamines so fishers can work around the clock, kept chained up while not workingimprisonment in private prisons on remote islands, even murder. Registering a vessel in a country with limited control and oversight of their vessels is known as ‘flags of convenience’ – a substantial loophole that, if closed, could increase oversight on these fleets. It is incredibly difficult and dangerous to uncover these abuses – operations that engage in these practices are often tied to or run by crime syndicates and operate with impunity far out to sea. However, combining risk-based assessments with technological capabilities such as satellite monitoring and big data analysis is making it easier to shine a light into the murky waters surrounding labour abuses in fisheries. As awareness and ability to detect abuses increases, so do our options. Vessels undertaking illegal fishing and labour abuses tend to stay at sea for a long time – there are economic reasons for this, but it also means they operate outside of any nation’s control except that of the flag state. Because these flag states exert very little actual control over these vessels, one recently proposed solution is to hold flag states fiscally responsible for the actions of vessels flagged in their countries. But many vessels do eventually come into port – and if they’re up to no good, they tend to choose ports in places with very little oversight or risk of inspection. Advocates continue to pressure countries to sign and ratify binding international agreements that increase oversights in ports and on vessels themselves, including the UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization’s Port State Measures Agreement, the International Labour Organization’s Work in Fishing Convention, and the International Maritime Organization’s Cape Town Agreement. Individual consumers can make a difference too. Transparency in fisheries and their supply chains is notoriously bad. Being clearer about who is fishing where, what they are catching, and the way fish are moved through the supply chain to end up in our supermarkets is fundamental to reducing modern day slavery and illegal fishing. Companies are sensitive to consumer sentiment. The strongest consumer action would be to stop buying high risk seafood such as prawn and tuna. But a more concerted effort to buy products not associated with slave labour in the supply chain — such as those with Marine Stewardship Council’s Blue Tick — is consumer action that, if done at scale, would make a noticeable impact. Consumer advocacy — such as asking seafood companies if and how they audit their supply chains to ensure slave labour is not involved in the production of their product — may tip the scales. After investigative articles by the New York Times and The Guardian showed how slave labour was producing prawns and pet foods sold in major supermarket stores in the US and the UK, many companies made public commitments to eliminate slave labour from their supply chains. Sustained pressure from both top-down policy interventions and bottom-up consumer pressure could ensure fisheries brands realise the drive to end labour abuses is not a fad, but an ongoing imperative supported throughout the world. Brock Bergseth is an ARC Discovery Early Career Research Fellow at James Cook University. His work seeks to understand and influence human behaviour to bolster conservation outcomes. As a multidisciplinary conservation scientist, he blends psychological, ecological, economic and cognitive science approaches to understand and shape the nature and implications of human interactions with marine ecosystems. His work focuses on addressing pressing issues in conservation, including human rights, illegal fishing, overfishing and poaching. As an environmental writer, Brock also works to counter the deluge of negative public perceptions about the state and future of our planet, to showcase those working to conserve our planet and to galvanise environmental action in today’s youth. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 21, 2022

Money for nothing and clicks for free - 360 Ika Idris Published on November 20, 2023 Liars and fake news merchants are profiting from misinformation in Indonesia — can it be fixed? A new business model is fuelling disinformation in Indonesia, cashing in on incentives from revenue generators like Google AdSense to produce and amplify unverified news. Termed ‘the incubator model’, the scheme makes money by hosting a cadre of small news websites that produce a huge number of articles per day with miniscule teams of editors. The articles, produced under intense time constraints, don’t undergo any scrutiny or fact-checking. Payments are based on page views and incomes generated from Google AdSense, which automates the placement of advertisements and rewards host websites when an ad is clicked through. The incubator model was first introduced in 2019 by Indonesian legacy news organisation Pikiran Rakyat Media Network, which has an affiliate network of websites. Within Pikiran Rakyat Media Network partnerships, each incubator website requires at least three people to serve as editors, responsible for producing news and overseeing the website. The earnings are divided between Pikiran Rakyat Media Network and the website’s management. Pikiran Rakyat Media Network sets a target for each newsroom to publish at least 100 articles per day and follow a recipe set by the Pikiran Rakyat Media Network team to game the algorithm — following the recommendation of Google’s search console, Google Analytics, and Google Trends. In this space, quantity is king. There is minimal concern with setting a news agenda, producing good writing or verifying the information being published. Creators even ‘recycle’ previously published content by tweaking the title and first paragraph, then passing it off as a new story. The more efficiently a story is created, the sooner a content creator can get onto producing the next piece. Adopting new methods of content production enables the Pikiran Rakyat Media Network to collect information from other online sources, including foreign websites, social media, WhatsApp statuses and instant messengers. Pikiran Rakyat, for example, cultivates content creators to develop many small websites instead of hiring journalists. Within two years of launching its networks, the Pikiran Rakyat Media Network had 2,500 writers and 210 portals. The network claimed its model as the first ‘sharing economy’ in media business. My interview with content creators and partners of Pikiran Rakyat Media Network revealed that the practice is closer to a form of modern slavery. Some informants told of predatory and exploitative practices in the model. They allege content creators do not receive any salary, allowance or health insurance from Pikiran Rakyat Media Network. The honorarium is based only on the share of traffic and Google AdSense generated from their articles. This pay-per-click income model drives the writers to produce content quickly, and measures such as fact checking only slow them down. Recycling articles by copying, pasting and tweaking is efficient and fast, too. Pikiran Rakyat Media Network targets a young audience, promoting the incubator as a new way for young people to make money. For example, a high-achieving content creator in 2021 generated an honorarium of IDR$160 million (USD$10,301), equal to 88 times the minimum wage In West Java. That creator apparently produced 400 articles in a month, around 15 per day. Amplifying unverified information has consequences, as Indonesia saw during polarising 2021 debates on Islam versus Pancasila, the country’s state ideology which has recently drawn the ire of conservatives. At the time of the debates, Pikiran Rakyat Media Network’s Facebook page posted around 197 times per day, making them the most prolific Indonesian news site on the platform. Most posts were articles that relied on statements from politicians and social media influencers, posted without verification or challenge. Many included opinions, assumptions, speculation, hate speech, and accusations related to Pancasila and Islam, Palestine and Israel, and Indonesia’s anti-corruption body, the KPK. Pikiran Rakyat Media Network is not the only player that actively amplifies the unverified information to profit from Google AdSense. Kompas Gramedia Group, one of the largest media companies in Indonesia, has built products to publish low-quality journalism under its subsidiary, Tribun Network. Kompas and Pikiran Rakyat companies both have a reputation for producing high-quality news and ethical journalism. Both have become Indonesian references on key issues such as public policy, corruption and human rights. But they are also responsible for the sins of their secondary networks. Tribun’s power to spread disinformation and propaganda in Indonesia was aptly observed in coverage of the Russia-Ukraine war. When I collected ‘Russia-Ukraine” conversations on Facebook and Instagram spanning 12 months and starting March 2022, the data revealed that accounts affiliated with Tribun Network posted the most about the war relative to other media. Of the 102,003 related posts made on Indonesian Facebook pages over 12 months, 28,034 (27.48 percent) were uploaded by Tribun. Meanwhile, of around 10,000 uploads on Instagram, 2,555 (25.5 percent) came from Tribun accounts. YouTube search results for videos about Russia and Ukraine are also dominated by Tribun Network, especially Tribun Timur. With such a large amount of content to produce, verifying sources is difficult. Misinformation or disinformation slips through. Tribun were caught out, uncritically reporting unreliable sources on the massacre in Bucha, Ukraine. According to NewsGuard, one of the most widely shared pieces of disinformation was that Russia believed Ukraine engineered the massacre of civilians in Bucha. NewsGuard’s investigation showed that the Russian massacre happened. Yet still, the Tribun Network uploaded videos on its YouTube and TikTok accounts, originating from unproven sources or accounts spreading Russian propaganda. An October 2023 national survey on misinformation released by the Center for Strategic and International Studies showed that Indonesians have the highest trust in online media (86.7 percent), followed by social media (64 percent) and Google search results (63.6 percent). Since 2018, Google, through Google News Initiatives in Indonesia, has been actively training media organisations on monetising websites, maximising profit and reaching sustainable growth. One of its partners to conduct training is Promedia Networks, which was established by Agus Sulistriyono — the same person who developed the pay-per-click model in Pikiran Rakyat Media Network and used to develop Tribun. In other words, the program is designed to teach website owners to maximise profit, not to focus on producing good journalism. Verification is expensive — it takes time, skills and resources. Having high-quality journalism is even more expensive. Google should differentiate the incentive for yellow journalism and high-quality journalism. Ika Idris is Co-Director of the Data & Democracy Research Hub at Monash University Indonesia. Prof Idris’ research is funded by Monash University Internal Research Grant. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 20, 2023

Montana’s TikTok ban a wake up call on data privacy - 360 Milovan Savic Published on June 28, 2023 The response to Montana’s TikTok ban reveals lawmakers’ misconceptions about privacy and data security and hints at how they could get it right. Montana, the first US state to ban TikTok, has picked a battle with the younger generation’s favourite app – a fight it is unlikely to win. Montana’s new law, set to come into force on 1 January 2024, faces an uphill battle to lock TikTok out of the state. The unprecedented move has sparked a range of concerns and reactions. While legal experts have questioned the constitutionality of the ban, young people took their revolt to the app posting videos mocking politicians for their lack of understanding of the app. This has  caught the attention of more progressive politicians, such as US Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who publicly opposed the ban. Still, uncertainty lingers over whether such a ban can even be enforced. As it stands, the law won’t target individual users. Instead, it will focus on entities that allow access to and downloads of TikTok within Montana state lines. In other words, the onus would be on Apple and Google, which operate the app stores through which TikTok is downloaded, to limit access to the app. Non-compliance by these providers would attract hefty fines of up to USD$10,000 per day. Storefronts like Apple’s App Store and Google Play store operate on a country rather than a state level. While they could potentially identify Montana-based users using their billing address, this would place an administrative burden on the app stores. Users could also  circumvent this by changing their address. While apps can be removed from national digital storefronts (like how TikTok can’t be downloaded in India), the responsibility for blocking Montana residents from accessing TikTok falls with the platform itself, operated by its parent company Bytedance based in China. However, to do so, TikTok would need to collect geolocation data to determine if someone is in Montana and block their access accordingly. This creates a glaring irony because TikTok would need to collect more personal data, raising the very privacy concerns the law intended to address. It is a situation where the solution introduces a new set of privacy issues. Still, even if there are technical ways to enforce the ban, residents can use alternative strategies to circumvent it. For example, since users wouldn’t be punished for using the app, they could cross the state border to download and use it when they are back in Montana. Alternatively, more tech-savvy users could bypass the ban using a VPN (virtual private network). VPNs are affordable and accessible, allowing users to make it appear like they are accessing a website, an app or a service from a different location, effectively bypassing local restrictions. If Montana believes people won’t go to such lengths to keep using TikTok, they are in for a rude surprise. In particular, younger users have a strong attachment to the platform, the creators they follow, and the communities they have built. Around 60 percent of TikTok’s users in the US are from Generation Z – those born in the late 1990s and early 2000s. The app also has a significant impact on e-commerce. As such, a sudden and arbitrary ban on the app would have economic consequences. The global advertising revenue is projected to reach USD$ 15.2 billion in 2023. This comes with the whole ecosystem of full-time content creators relying on TikTok to reach their audience. A  ban would affect not only the users but also the livelihoods of those creators. While Montana governor Greg Gianforte proclaims the law is to “protect Montanans’ personal and private data”, his frequent references to the Chinese Communist Party while justifying the ban suggest this is more of a geopolitical clash than a data security concern. Following TikTok CEO Shou Zi Chew’s testimony before the US Congress and the strained US-China relations, the Republican governor is coming down harder on the Chinese-owned social media than his party ever did on Silicon Valley counterparts. US legislators are indeed correct in expressing concerns about data security and social media platforms. In today’s digital age, when there is an ever-increasing amount of personal data collected about each of us, it is essential to prioritise privacy and data security. However, by directing their ire on TikTok due to a broader geopolitical stoush, policymakers are missing out on more comprehensive action to address privacy and data concerns across the digital landscape adequately. Recent data leaks in countries like Australia have highlighted the need for action across the digital landscape. This means addressing privacy and data security on popular social media including TikTok, Facebook, Instagram, Twitter and others – but also all other websites and digital services collecting enormous amounts of personal data. One starting point to consider addressing these concerns is developing a legislative framework mirroring the European Union’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). The GDPR is a set of rules designed to protect the personal data of individuals within the (EU). It establishes guidelines for how organisations handle and protect personal information, ultimately enhancing individuals’ control and rights over their data. Since its introduction in 2016, GDPR has become a model for many countries worldwide, including the US state of California. Australia, a few steps behind in this regard, may benefit from following the EU and implement robust privacy and data protection regulations. By doing so, users would have greater control over their data, including the ability to request data deletion and opt out of certain data collection practices. These regulations would also require companies to be transparent about collecting, using, and storing personal data. This would ensure better protection for individuals’ data and foster trust between users and online platforms. In addition to data regulations, it is also essential to prioritise data literacy among the population. This includes directing attention and investment towards data literacy programs, primarily targeting young people but accessible to everyone. Unlocking data literacy allows individuals to understand better and appreciate the value of their private information. These skills are imparted through data literacy programs, educating individuals on the potential consequences of sharing their data, protecting privacy, and responsibly engaging with digital platforms. Armed with this knowledge, people can better safeguard their privacy and mitigate potential risks. While Montana’s efforts may not directly halt the popularity of TikTok, this event can hopefully be a wake-up call to introduce stronger and holistic privacy regulations and prioritise digital literacy initiatives. This would lay the foundations for building a more privacy-conscious and healthier digital ecosystem in the future. Dr Milovan Savic is a Research Fellow at the Swinburne node of the ARC Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision-Making and Society (ADM+S). Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 28, 2023

More health scare than healthcare for women - 360 Alison Downham Moore Published on May 10, 2024 From historical myths to modern femtech apps, the focus of medical products aimed at women is often profit, not well-being. For centuries, women have been bombarded with a relentless marketing push for unnecessary medical products and services that often have questionable benefits for their health. From Victorian-era manuals promising control over a baby’s sex to the booming modern-day female technology or femtech app market, the focus seems to be on creating a market of “worried well” women rather than addressing genuine health concerns. Women are known to spend far more on health compared to men, with more of women’s health services subject to higher out-of-pocket expense — a healthcare cost gap that exacerbates gender-based pay inequalities. Scare-mongering medical marketing may be contributing to this problem by driving more women to unnecessary tests or treatments. Historically, doctors viewed women as the “sicker sex,” leading to a surge in medical advice manuals — many focusing on female reproductive health — as early as the 1820s. These manuals, often rife with misinformation, were a prime example of capitalising on women’s anxieties. One of the most commercially successful popular medical books of the 19th century gave medical advice to women about how to influence the sex of their child through specific foods and conceptive practices. Another book in the late 20th century sold even more copies with a focus on this same topic. Even as numerous medical experts and research studies had long debunked the notion that the sex of infants could be influenced, products and services purporting to assist women in this flourished. Today this is still the case but in a different form: IVF clinics in some countries provide for women and couples who wish to have a child of a specific sex, by selecting embryos on this basis. It’s a costly process: US fertility clinics charge around USD$4,500 for sex selection — on top of the cost of IVF, which sets patients back around USD$12,000-$14,000 per cycle. Menopause is another area heavily targeted by marketers. This natural life stage has long been a major focus of gendered commercial targeting– through advice manuals, hormonal balancing programmes and coaching services, and especially through hormonal and pseudo-hormonal products. In 2024, the market for menopause medical products was valued at around USD$758.5 million, outstripping other medical products marketed at women worldwide by more than double. In Australia, a major 2023 study found there are strong financial incentives to “catastrophise” menopause to drive women to purchase treatments. The authors from the Australasian Menopause Society, the Women’s Health Research Program at Monash University and Jean Hailes for Women’s Health, welcomed the fact “that perimenopause and menopause are now being discussed publicly” — but cautioned medical marketers to avoid “catastrophising” menopause, “particularly in the advertising of goods and services, as it could have the unintended consequences of eroding women’s resilience and stigmatising women as they approach midlife.” While there is no doubt that some women suffer disruptive hot flashes and other symptoms in menopause, many do not at all, and known menopause symptoms are claimed to be found only in Western cultures. The globalisation of menopause marketing is therefore creating new markets of “worried well” women who otherwise might not consider they needed medicating. Researchers have referred to this as “disease-mongering”. In the case of menopause products, it may be deeply problematic given the emerging evidence that hormone products taken by midlife women may influence their later risk of diseases of ageing such as dementia and stroke. The rapidly growing femtech industry is another area where some companies are cashing in on women’s health — in a way that may not always benefit women as promised. Femtech is a form of women’s health technology that has been rapidly growing since 2018. In 2023, the femtech app market was valued at approximately USD$30 billion and is projected to reach USD$135 billion by 2032 — that is an expected compound annual growth rate of 16 percent. The rise of femtech apps seems like a step forward, offering support for issues like reproductive health or general wellness, which are often overlooked by traditional medicine. Femtech may provide support for some women’s health issues that are currently underserved by medical services, such as endometriosis, women’s ADHD, and seronegative chronic diseases that often result in women’s “medical gaslighting“. However, the huge profits generated by the femtech industry’s expansion raise questions about whether such projects are primarily aimed at improving women’s well-being or rather at maximising the potential of women’s health concerns as an extractable market. There is growing concern that many women’s health apps have inadequate privacy and security practices. Fertility apps, for example, often collect sensitive data about pregnancies and menstrual cycles — and sometimes then share it with others, exposing it to “re-identification” and data breach risks. These apps are not always transparent about the data they trade with and collect from other companies. Alison Downham Moore is an associate dean of research at the School of Humanities and Communication Arts, at Western Sydney University. She is also an associate professor of History and Medical Humanities at the Translational Health Research Institute (THRI). Her latest book is The French Invention of Menopause and the Medicalisation of Women’s Ageing: A History. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 10, 2024

More marine heatwaves could spell disaster for ocean life - 360 Alex Sen Gupta, Katie Smith Published on August 21, 2023 Marine heatwaves are becoming more frequent under global warming and this is having a significant impact on species’ ability to recover. Since April, the world has seen record high ocean temperatures and that’s bad news for the plants and animals that call the ocean home. Longer and more frequent bouts of extreme temperatures can cause the exodus of some species and the invasion of others, with potentially devastating impacts on the resident ecosystem. Global warming manifests as a gradual increase in temperatures over time around the world, caused by increased greenhouse gas emissions. However, scientists are finding that the most important impacts come from short-term spikes in temperature. In the ocean, these discrete periods of extreme temperatures, lasting weeks to months, are called marine heatwaves. Marine heatwaves can be generated by either the atmosphere or by ocean processes. For example, weather systems like high pressure systems can lead to low cloud and greater solar heating while ocean changes can be driven by strengthened poleward currents that move heat from high to low latitudes. The likelihood and intensity of these atmospheric and oceanic drivers of marine heatwaves can also be affected by large-scale phenomena like El Niño or La Niña. Larger portions of the oceans are likely to experience marine heatwaves during El Niño events. Marine heatwaves can have dramatic impacts on marine organisms and ecosystems that may extend for long periods after temperatures have returned to normal. Impacts range from the suppressed growth of microscopic marine plants to mass deaths in fish and marine mammals, encroachment of invasive species and toxic algal outbreaks. Importantly, marine heatwaves have been associated with extensive dieback of species like coral reefs, kelp forests and seagrass beds that form the homes and breeding grounds for a large amount of the ocean’s biodiversity. These impacts can have devastating knock-on effects for fisheries, aquaculture and tourism industries, with individual events linked to direct losses of up to hundreds of millions of dollars. The Ningaloo Niño that formed early in 2011 was an iconic extreme event. Intensified winds along the Pacific equator — associated with an extreme La Niña — forced warm water westwards and through the Indonesian Archipelago, into the Indian Ocean and poleward along the coast of Western Australia. This flood of warm water caused a record-breaking marine heatwave that wiped out the endemic kelp forest for over 100 km along the Australian coast along with one-third (1,300 square kilometres) of the Shark Bay seagrass meadow, a UNESCO world heritage site. The Ningaloo Niño caused deaths and reduced reproduction in abalone, scallops and crabs that led to the closure of associated fisheries for several years. The Tasman Sea is another hotspot for ocean warming and marine heatwaves. Two consecutive extreme events occurred the summer of 2015/16 and 2017/18. Their causes were very different. The first was primarily caused by an intensification of the warm East Australian Current while the second was caused by a long-lasting high pressure system over the ocean. These and previous events brought an invasion of sea urchins from mainland waters that led to the decimation of kelp forests off eastern Tasmania. The 2015/16 event alone led to new diseases in cultured oysters, poor salmon performance and high mortalities of abalone. Together this led to economic losses of more than half a billion dollars. As marine heatwaves exist on the backdrop of long-term global ocean warming, these extreme events are becoming more intense and more frequent. Over the past century the number of days each year experiencing marine heatwave conditions has increased by more than 50 percent. The shorter time between marine heatwaves means that many populations no longer have the time to recover between events, which can lead to species moving their range or being wiped out. And this will only worsen in the future. Many studies show that some coral reefs are losing their hard corals. And with increased future warming the very existence of tropical coral reefs are in doubt. Since April, the oceans have been warmer than at any time during the instrumental record. It’s probably at least 100,000 years — before the last ice age — since temperatures could have been this warm. As a consequence, scientists are seeing more of the ocean experiencing marine heatwave conditions than ever. And that’s before the added push from the developing El Niño. Over the past few weeks alone, there have been extreme marine heatwaves in all of the ocean basins, including around the UK and Japan, off Peru and in waters extending off of the Californian, Florida and east and west Canadian coasts. As the Northern Hemisphere enters its warmest season, marine heatwaves are at their most dangerous, pushing marine organisms above their thermal limits. Over the next few months, expect reports of significant ecosystem harm to start to emerge. An understanding of the physical drivers of these events and their biological impacts provides scientists with some ability to forecast their likelihood in the future. This can help marine resource managers make decisions, like moving aquaculture stocks, reducing fishing quotas or taking direct action to suppress warming (like shading of aquaculture cultivation areas, or moving aquaculture pens out of harm’s way) in small, high-value regions. But ultimately, to avoid escalating impacts the only solution is to stop greenhouse gas emissions. Associate Professor Alex Sen Gupta is a research scientist and lecturer at the Climate Change Research Centre and the Centre For Marine Science and Innovation at UNSW. His work revolves around the role of the ocean in the climate system, how the ocean influences regional climate and what global climate models tell us about the future of the ocean, with a recent focus on marine heatwaves. Associate Professor Sen Gupta’s research has been funded by the Australian Research Council. Dr Katie Smith is a postdoctoral research assistant at the Marine Biological Association in the UK. Her research interests include understanding the impacts of climate change on marine species, throughout their life history and from individual to whole-ecosystem level. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on August 21, 2023

More women entrepreneurs mean less global poverty - 360 Grace HY Lee, Geok May Koh, Juliana French, Abu Zafar Shahriar Published on October 18, 2022 Entrepreneurship is an engine of economic growth but it can only move into top gear when there are more women. “If you want to change the world, help the women,” said Nelson Mandela. Entrepreneurs are an engine of economic growth that can drive post-pandemic recovery. But while women are as creative and innovative as men, far fewer are entrepreneurs. The average share of female business owners fluctuates at around 25 percent, and the average share of female sole proprietors is below 35 percent. Globally, 16 million more women than men live in poverty due to unequal access to and control over economic resources. Levelling the playing field as the world becomes more digital could push poverty rates down. Women microentrepreneurs were disproportionately affected when almost all countries imposed some form of a lockdown to prevent the spread of COVID-19. The pandemic, however, forced businesses to embrace technology to move online. Digital tools have replaced physical interactions and transactions and information and communications technology (ICT) has been identified as an essential tool to facilitate the empowerment of women in emerging economies. ICT enables women microentrepreneurs to start and grow businesses and when already in business, to reach out further to customers, become more efficient and build their enterprises in ways they could not do before. As a result, women’s social status and quality of life can be improved. But not everyone is benefiting equally. Globally, by 2020, only 57 percent of women were using the internet compared to an estimated 62 percent of men. While that digital gender divide has been narrowing across all regions, women remain digitally marginalised in many of the world’s poorest countries, where online access could potentially have its most powerful effect. Factors associated with this digital divide include age, disability, gender, illiteracy, income level and the urban-rural division of economic activities. Despite the efforts of policymakers and NGOs to increase e-commerce adoption during the pandemic, women microentrepreneurs who face social and structural hindrances could not participate. To help push up e-commerce adoption, policymakers could look to research on the role of general belief systems in technology adoption. Different general beliefs create different mindsets towards new technology and these different mindsets influence women microentrepreneurs’ perceptions of and responses to ICT use differently. A recent study showed that women microentrepreneurs with a greater growth mindset are more likely to perceive that technology is easy to use and useful and, therefore, have a higher propensity to adopt e-commerce for their business. Cultivating a growth mindset may be a promising channel to foster greater e-commerce use, with important implications for entrepreneurship. Addressing the gender gap in entrepreneurship is essential to boost innovation, improve competitiveness, increase productivity and create jobs all which help achieve zero global poverty. Grace Hooi Yean Lee is Head of Department, Economics, School of Business, Monash University Malaysia. Sharon Koh Geok May is Senior Lecturer, School of Business, Monash University Malaysia. Juliana French is Head of Department, Marketing, School of Business, Monash University Malaysia. Abu Zafar Shahriar is an Associate Professor, Department of Banking and Finance, School of Business, Monash University Australia. They declare no conflict of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on October 18, 2022

More women parliamentarians crucial to tackling bigotry - 360 Syaza Shukri Published on March 8, 2023 As a peacebuilding measure, having more women in politics can help tackle racial tension. Malaysia has always struggled with polarisation over race, religion and political reform. Attacks on churches and temples and viral racist and xenophobic posts on social media have been common for years. When photos appeared on social media last month of Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) members marching in the street armed with swords, spears and shields, there were fears they would stoke tensions ahead of this year’s state elections. The party defended the parade by claiming it was a ‘historical cosplay’. The weapons were fake. Party president Abdul Hadi Awang called critics ‘Islamaphobes’. But the fear won’t go away easily, especially as Malaysia’s government has taken a hard approach recently toward marginalised groups such as migrants. Sexism is another simmering issue. Even among MPs. In July 2020, former Batu Kawan MP, Kasthuriraani Patto was humiliated and ridiculed after fellow parliamentarian Abdul Azeez Abdul Rahim hurled a racist and sexist remark at her during a parliament session.  The incident caused an uproar. Other parliamentarians demanded the August House speaker take disciplinary action against Abdul Azeez for the slur. Abdul Azeez apologised and retracted his remark and claimed it was not his intention to cause offence. Despite Kasthuri’s experience, empowering more women to enter parliament might be one way to help stem the xenophobia and bigotry which plagues Malaysian public life. Women’s involvement in peacebuilding and their full and equal participation in public life are critical to building and sustaining strong and vibrant democracies. Several studies suggest women are more cooperative and pacifistic than men. Women learn to use violence later in a quarrel, escalate it more slowly, and are more emotionally distressed by it than men. Research has also shown that democratic countries with more women in parliament spend lesson military expenses and perform fewer military missions. Similarly, as gender equality improves in a country, the severity of crisis-related violence declines. These studies fairly conclude that most female lawmakers in democratic nations vote as ‘doves’, choosing to resolve conflict without force or aggression. However, other research has shown women’s more dovish acts in government are not gender-specific but, because women typically represent liberal constituencies. This might suggest women are no less aggressive than men, but their presence at the negotiating table does reduce the possibility of conflict. Either way, the result is the same: more women in government equates to more efforts at achieving peace since they represent liberal voters who are more likely to be respectful of others. Despite women making up about half the number of voters in Malaysia, it is still among the nations with the lowest proportion of female parliamentarians. According to figures by women groups, in the last general election, 7.3 million women made up 50.4 percent of registered voters but only 251 out of 2,333 candidates were women. Just 10.76 percent of ministerial positions were held by females. Women remain underrepresented with only five women ministers out of 28 ministers in the latest cabinet. Historically, there have never been more than five women serving in the cabinet at any given time. It is believed that cultural barriers and political structures both play a role in impeding women’s entry and participation in politics. In a patriarchal society, Malaysian women are expected to prioritise their domestic role over public service. Women politicians find it difficult to climb the political ladder as they are seen as party supporters rather than leaders. There are several Malaysian female leaders making headway in the fight against bigotry and racism. Nurul Izzah Anwar and Wan Azizah Wan Ismail have led the way and, more recently, youth and sports minister, Hannah Yeoh, who took a strong stand against racism towards a former national shuttler who made discriminatory comments on social media and a hockey player who was suspended for making a racist remark regarding an AR Rahman concert. Education minister Fadhlina Sidek has vowed to fight against discrimination at schools following allegations of racial segregation. However, a female candidate in last year’s general election known as Cikgu Ayu or Siti Rohayu Baharim from the youth-led party, MUDA, said in an interview: “Women are more compassionate … but we do face circumstances where women leaders do not understand the plight of marginalised groups. It is not gender … to make [you] have compassion for another group.” For example, a female politician from PAS allegedly called non-Muslims ingrates. It’s also been argued that female leaders may not want to appear weak in comparison to their male counterparts, so they overcompensate on security and defence matters. Instead of falling into the trap of gender stereotyping, everyone – including women – has an important role to play in peacebuilding. Peacebuilding is an effort to prevent the escalation of violence that can occur through unsupervised rhetoric that pits one community against another. Female leaders and politicians thus play a key role in reducing racial-based tension before it becomes a full-blown conflict. Keeping women out of leadership positions limits their contribution to fighting growing extremism and polarisation in Malaysia. It is feared that rising conservatism would limit support for women’s participation in politics as men are preferred leaders in such patriarchal systems. This could hamper peacebuilding as it excludes the voices of half of the population that also experience the impact of rising bigotry. Thus, to create a more peaceful and harmonious country, women have to be empowered to fully participate in society. Women contribute a unique viewpoint to Malaysia’s societal challenges and are more inclined to take a collective or consensual approach to conflict resolution. Despite their best efforts, women politicians continue to face challenges due to discrimination and societal expectations. It’s important to have policies that support women’s participation in public life because they bring a more nurturing voice that can tackle ethno-religious extremism in Malaysia. Syaza Shukri is an assistant professor at the International Islamic University Malaysia (IIUM), specialising in comparative politics, democratisation, and Muslim politics. She is also a non-resident research fellow at the European Centre for Populism Studies. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 8, 2023

Museums are more relevant than ever today - 360 Piya Srinivasan Published on May 20, 2024 For museums to be truly inclusive, decolonised and spaces of education and research requires a rethinking of power relations and learning from past lessons. The British Museum has been in the news lately for all the wrong reasons. The theft of several museum displays by a former curator has opened up a broader conversation on cultural theft, ownership, reparation and setting right historical wrongs. At its centre is the ethical question of how the museum gathered its wealth of artefacts — a sordid history of empire. This question gets revisited whenever formerly colonised countries demand the repatriation  of cultural artefacts forcibly removed by their colonisers. International Museum Day on May 18 presents an opportunity for a societal health check by examining how museums engage with history, including their own chequered pasts, changing socio-political contexts and increasing demands for recognition by historically silenced communities. It is common for people to visit museums in other countries to understand their history and culture. As social institutions that authorise cultural meaning, museums tell particular stories and leave out others. This also imbues them with political meaning. They serve as a method of soft power through control over the acquisition, curation, display and movement of objects between countries. Museums are doing their bit to resuscitate their traditionally staid image in the public imagination. With a crop of new museums coming up across the world and with private funding and investment, they are being heralded as laboratories of ideas. The COVID-19 pandemic popularised virtual museum tours across the world. Suddenly, culture and history became more accessible. Digitisation has also changed the relationship of the viewer with the objects on view. But such new forms of access produce their own logic of gatekeeping on the kinds of stories that get told, even as global cultures become more accessible. For museums to be truly inclusive and decolonised and true spaces of education and research for future generations requires a rethinking of power relations and learning from past lessons. On International Museums Day, 360info invited academics to examine how museums are responding to this call for inclusion and recognition of historical wrongs going forward.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 20, 2024

Museums' complicated relationship with colonialism - 360 Jayashree Vivekanandan Published on May 20, 2024 Museums that claim to be encyclopaedic have promoted travelling exhibitions, loans and digital repatriation as alternatives to returning cultural property. International Museum Day, which falls on May 18, is themed this year on “Museums for Education and Research”. According to the International Council of Museums, it aims to “underscore the significance of museums as dynamic educational institutions fostering learning, discovery, and cultural understanding”. That’s easier said than done because museums are politically charged spaces. Apart from (re)constructing history, they are often also at the centre of a tug-of-war over the ownership of cultural property.  Not only that, the global art market has meant that museums and galleries play a vital role in determining which artists, and their identities, to highlight and which to underplay. Cultural diplomacy adds another dimension to the profile of museums; the exhibitions they stage in other countries symbolise cooperative ties between states, making them the face of liberal politics. An aspect of museums and galleries, particularly in Europe, that often gets sidestepped is their colonial origins. Prominent European museums owe much of their collections to imperialism. As empires spread, objects from the colonies began to make their way to imperial centres where they were eventually housed and displayed in museums as we know them today. Little wonder then that these institutions have been squeamish about their colonial credentials, especially when it comes to claims from former colonies to repatriate these objects. Repatriation claims touch upon a larger issue about historical representation and how museums exhibit colonialism, if at all. Since Britain ruled over a vast empire, the engagement of British museums with their colonial past and how they repurposed their collections in the 21st century would be interesting to see. From the colonial origins of multicultural Britain today, to the 2019 YouGov poll that revealed nearly one-third of the British public polled felt proud of the British Empire, it is evident that Britain’s equation with its history is complex. These complexities are only lightly reflected in its museums and art galleries. Tate Britain’s ‘Artist and Empire’ exhibition, which travelled from Britain to Singapore between 2015 and 2017, was among the few exhibitions curated in Britain to explicitly focus on imperialism. The Tate regarded its 2019 statement on slavery as a “starting-point for reassessing the legacies of historical slave-ownership at Tate”. This is significant since its benefactor, Henry Tate, had a thriving business in the sugar industry which in turn flourished on slave trade. Also, many of Tate’s Trustees had served as civil servants of the British Empire. The year 2017 was marked by several events in the UK celebrating 70 years of Indian independence, as part of the UK-India Year of Culture. The celebrations included the exhibition “India and the World: A History in Nine Stories”, a collaboration between the British Museum and two Indian museums. A selection of objects from the British Museum, juxtaposed with those in India, were exhibited in Mumbai and New Delhi. The aim was to showcase how interconnected India was with the rest of the world through the ages. As Neil MacGregor, former Director of the British Museum, noted, these interconnections showed “just how global India has been all along”. The exhibition’s feel-good narrative was in keeping with the concerted efforts European museums have made to pitch themselves as universal and cosmopolitan. Cosmopolitanism’s nesting of identities,  akin to a matryoshka doll, suits museums well. It enables them to argue that history must be framed in global terms and that, by inference, they are telling the history of humanity. Piecing together global history, through objects from all over the world, makes for a good story. It is easy to imagine why encountering its sheer sweep under one roof should attract people from all over. Museums and galleries in Britain receive 120 million visitors each year. The British Museum alone draws 6.7 million annually. Hence, it is no coincidence that “encyclopaedic” museums (such as the British Museum and the Louvre) should highlight their cosmopolitan appeal. What does being encyclopaedic have to do with colonialism? A lot, actually. Museums assert that objects, regardless of where they came from or who claims them as their own, are held ‘in trust for the nation and the world’, as the British Museum puts it. They are seen to belong to humanity as a whole. By this token, repatriation claims by states and communities appear as parochial and self-limiting, lesser possibilities that mustn’t be entertained. Herein lies the paradox of the modern museum; it wields the capacity to enhance both exclusion and access. An object can be viewed but never owned. In assuming this stance, high-profile museums find strength in numbers. The discourse on global custodianship makes its way down from powerful institutions (such as the Bizot Group, a powerful clique of 40 museums) to inform how cultural property should be displayed. The group adopted, in 2002, the Declaration on the Importance and Value of Universal Museums, underscoring that “museums serve not just the citizens of one nation but the people of every nation”. This notion of shared heritage allows them to deflect attention from the historical context in which the objects were extracted. But common heritage has also become a reason to share. Travelling exhibitions, such as “India and the World”, work on the assumption that the world could, and must, be made interconnected through the circulation of objects. It is evident why collaboration should matter more than contestation. British Museum director Hartwig Fischer observed in his foreword to the exhibition catalogue that “As a museum of the world, for the world, the British Museum can play an important role in working together with partners across the globe to tell such stories”. Indeed, exhibitions and the loaning of objects to museums in other countries have become a workable solution, a means of reconciling cosmopolitan and communitarian forces. Another way in which major museums have sought to circumvent ownership claims is through digital repatriation, that is, by giving indigenous communities electronic access to property they hold sacred and spiritually valuable. The strategy is critiqued as a “dodge” that, in the name of sharing, obviates the need to return the objects themselves, besides being culturally insensitive, and unviable for communities lacking access to the requisite technology. There is no denying that museums are today expected to cater to multiple expectations of visitors, ranging from the educative to the aesthetic. In a highly globalised and competitive world, museums have worked towards improving the visitor experience, but less so towards explaining the contested nature of their acquisitions. The now-shuttered British Empire and Commonwealth Museum in Bristol was a notable exception, offering space to contending narratives. But, as curator and cultural historian Gus Casely-Hayford notes: “Most museums do not have the facilities to accommodate or capture public anxiety, anger or happiness.” For the ones that do, it is critical that they examine and acknowledge how they were, and are, complicit in upholding colonialism. It would be a touch ironic, otherwise, given that the International Museum Day this year is pushing for “a more conscious, sustainable and inclusive world”. Jayashree Vivekanandan is an Associate Professor at the Department of International Relations, South Asian University, New Delhi. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Memory keepers” sent at: 20/05/2024 13:25. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 20, 2024

Museums' important role in telling missing stories - 360 Melissa Miles, Christine Piper, Jordan Stanger-Ross Published on May 20, 2024 International Museum Day provides an opportunity to think about whose stories are told and whose are left out when we commemorate the past. On May 18, 1942, Denzo Umino stood before the Aliens Tribunal in the remote town of Hay, New South Wales in Australia, to appeal his World War Two internment. Umino was a laundryman of Japanese descent who had been an Australian resident for 36 years, was married to an Australian woman and had an Australian-born son. Douglas Umino, 21, also appeared before the Tribunal that day. “I was born here and raised here, and most of my friends are Australians. I am more Australian in outlook than Japanese. Up ’til now, until you told me I was put in here owing to my parentage, I do not know why I was put in here at all,” he said. Both appeals were refused. Father and son remained locked up as “enemy aliens” in remote camps until after the war ended in 1945. Few people know about the Uminos’ plight or that of the 4,300 other Japanese civilians interned in Australia in the 1940s. This chapter of history is missing from the national story. Eighty-two years to the day after Denzo Umino’s appearance, International Museum Day on May 18 provides an opportunity to think about whose stories are told and whose are left out when we commemorate the past. Denzo Umino’s story is a case in point. Australia was not alone in its treatment of civilians of Japanese descent. In Allied countries across the Americas and the Pacific — Brazil, Canada, India, Mexico, Peru and the United States — innocent civilians were uprooted, interned, dispossessed and expelled. More than 120,000 Japanese civilians were interned in the United States, and 22,000 in Canada. Most of the Japanese civilians who had been interned in Australia were forcibly repatriated to Japan in 1946. This caused much distress, as some had been living in Australia for more than 50 years. Only those who were born in Australia, had naturalised or had an Australian or British-born spouse were allowed to stay. In the wake of World War Two, many of these countries expanded their protections of their citizens. It is difficult to imagine the mistreatments of the 1940s meted out to citizens in most of the places where the internments occurred. But non-citizens can still be rounded up, displaced, detained without due process and deported. While numerous exhibitions, films, photographs and books have documented the internment of Japanese civilians in the United States and Canada, what happened in Australia has had scant coverage. This gap is an important reminder of the special social role of public museums. By telling stories of peoples and places, they help to create a sense of community and shared identity. They also help societies grapple with the legacies of difficult histories, such as conflict and displacement. The international project Past Wrongs, Future Choices is committed to telling the story of the injustices perpetrated against people of Japanese descent around the world in the 1940s. It is the first project of its kind to connect the histories of people of Japanese descent in Allied countries throughout the Americas and the Pacific. Community is an important part of this process. One of the project’s partners in Australia is the community organisation Nikkei Australia. This group is working with museum professionals, scholars and arts practitioners to consider the meaning of this history today and how museums might help to carry the burden of this history. More than 80 years on, they ask what we can learn from the failures of the past. In the past few decades, museums around the world have hosted important exhibitions supporting processes of truth-telling and reconciliation. These include exhibitions in Canada responding to the ongoing consequences of its Residential School System and the dispossession of Japanese Canadians, and in Australia addressing the forced removal of Indigenous children from their families. The social and democratic contributions of museums are underpinned by the public trust that they hold. A 2021 survey by the Council of Australasian Museum Directors revealed that museums remain one of the most trusted types of organisation amongst the public. With this trust comes immense responsibility. Anthropologists Kathryn Lafrenz Samuels and Jon D. Daehnke point out that cultural heritage can produce social harms as well as social goods. Decisions about whose stories are told and how to commemorate the past contribute to a sense of who ‘the people’ or ‘the public’ are — who is included and who is excluded. American feminist historian Gerda Lerner, jailed in 1938 for her resistance to the Nazi takeover of Austria before escaping from Europe, knew that “history is not a recipe book”. The horrors she had seen as a Jew in Europe would not be repeated in their particulars. But, she argued, “we can learn by analogy”. British historian John Tosh explains: “The whole point of an analogy is that it notes similarities in things which in other respects are unalike.” Provided we are open to both similarity and difference, “the effect is to liberate our thinking from the rigidities of current discourse, not by prescribing a course of action but by expanding our sense of the options.” An analogy for our times may well be the story of Australia’s Japanese community, who were interned without legal protection against the might of the state. Their story demands that we examine what we owe each other, as humans, in times of conflict. On International Museum Day, these questions also call on museums as spaces of truth-telling, reflection and inclusion to help guide the way. Melissa Miles is an art historian based at Monash University in Melbourne, Australia. Her book, Photography, Truth and Reconciliation, considers the important role of visual culture in processes of truth telling and reconciliation. Christine Piper is a mixed-race Japanese Australian writer and researcher. She is a research affiliate of Past Wrongs, Future Choices at the University of Victoria. Her debut novel, After Darkness, examines the experience of Japanese civilians interned in Australia. Jordan Stanger-Ross is a professor of history at the University of Victoria in Canada, and the director of Past Wrongs, Future Choices. Landscapes of Injustice, his book on the dispossession of Japanese Canadians in the 1940s, was the foundation for a museum exhibition, Broken Promises. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 20, 2024

Muslim nationalism challenges Malaysia's multiethnic government - 360 Wong Chin Huat Published on August 7, 2023 Inter-ethnic compromises were challenged by Muslim nationalists in the run-up to the recent state polls. The electoral growth of the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) is read by most as reflecting the growing popularity of Islamism or religious conservatism. It might be more accurate, however, to term the ideology of many PAS leaders as Muslim nationalism. PAS is now the largest single party in Malaysia’s parliament with 20 percent of its seats and presents a growing threat to Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s Pakatan Harapan (Alliance of Hope) coalition. Malaysians recently went to the polls for elections in six states which saw a status quo outcome but with PAS making significant gains in both traditional and non-traditional seats. In parliamentary elections last November, PAS and its allies confounded pollsters by sweeping four states in what was dubbed a ‘green wave’. Far from being a monolithic and rigid party, PAS has experimented with different positions, from inclusive Islamism to now hard-hitting Muslim nationalism. It has even welcomed into its fold Mahathir Mohamad, a vocal former foe, to gang up against Anwar and pluralism. As the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), which dominated Malaysian politics until 2018, is now the junior partner in Anwar’s coalition government, PAS is the standard barrier of Malay-Muslim nationalism alongside UMNO’s splinter party, Bersatu. Since the 1980s, UMNO has found the need to compete with PAS on Islamisation. In 1982, Anwar, then a firebrand Islamist, was co-opted by then prime minister Mahathir to embark on UMNO’s own Islamisation project. A year earlier, Anwar’s contemporary in PAS, Abdul Hadi Awang, delivered a sermon that changed Malaysia’s political history. Hadi is now the president of PAS, which has benefited from UMNO’s cyclic schisms. Termed “Hadi’s Message” (Amanat Hadi), an excerpt of that sermon painted a different vision of nation-building and provided PAS – having lost power in the state of Kelantan in 1978 – a powerful ideological weapon to survive and fight UMNO’s ethno-nationalist hegemony. Hadi declared, “[…] we reject BN (the ruling coalition then headed by Umno)…because it preserves the colonialist Constitution, the infidel law and the pre-Islamic (jahiliyyah) rules.” In simple language, Hadi offered a radical vision of anti-colonialism: true independence means restoration of the pre-colonial past when Islam and Muslims reigned. Hence, the post-colonial Malaysian state cannot be truly independent if it preserves the infidel colonialist’s political structure. Early UMNO leaders were pro-England aristocratic-bureaucratic elites who wanted Islam only as a symbol of state, not the basis of socio-politico-economic order. Islam upholds religious freedom. The Quran has verses that respect diversity and individual choices, such as “For you is your religion; for me is my religion.” (al-Kafirun); “And if Allah had willed, He could have made you (of) one religion, but He causes to stray whom He wills and guides whom He wills” (An-Nahi). Inclusive Islamists – some may call themselves Muslim democrats – use a brief seven-year period of multifaith nationhood in Medina under Prophet Muhammad as the religious basis to advocate for inclusive citizenship in modern nation-states. Living in bitter memories of the Crusades and wars involving Islamic empires and others, Muslim nationalists often view non-Muslims as a threat to the faith and the congregation. In that sense, colonisation is subjugation of Muslims by infidels or vice-versa. Without mentioning anything about equality — a political taboo for Malaysia’s ethnic majority Malay/Muslims — Anwar’s ‘Madani Malaysia‘ is a project of inclusive nationhood to transcend the Muslim/non-Muslim dichotomy. Launched soon after Anwar’s ascendence to premiership in November 2022, Madani Malaysia faces a strong challenge of Malay-Muslim supremacy from not just PAS and the National Alliance (Perikatan Nasional, PN) coalition it drives but also from more radical groups like Ikatan Muslimin Malaysia (ISMA). In the eyes of Malay-Muslim nationalists, the existence of a multicultural Malaysia is a historical mistake or even an injustice to the indigenous population. While Indians and Chinese stepped foot on the Malay-Indonesian archipelagos some 2,000 years ago, their influx into the Malaysian peninsula started only in the 19th century with colonialism. They were brought by the British — for some Chinese, by local Malay rulers — to work in mining, agriculture and construction. In Borneo, under colonial rule, Christianity reached the indigenous tribes and stopped a slow and gradual expansion of Islam into the inland. With colonial policy obstructing the Malays and the Borneo natives from active participation in the modern economy, Chinese and Indian immigrants became economically advanced. This disparity became a sore point in inter-ethnic relations. In the inter-communal bargains to attain Malaya’s independence from Britain, Chinese and Indians were given citizenship but Malays were compensated with privileged treatments in employment, education and business under Article 153 of the constitution. This ‘special status’ was later extended to cover Sabah and Sarawak indigenous people when the Borneo states merged with Malaya (and also Singapore) to form Malaysia in 1963. After the Sino-Malay post-election riots in 1969, more pro-Malay/native measures were introduced. This uneasy but lasting intercommunal compromise was produced and sustained by UMNO until its fall in 2018. Its hegemony was challenged by not just the disaffected non-Malays but also by the Malay opposition, PAS. In another restorationist stroke, PAS’s populist chief minister of Kedah, Sanusi Mohd Nor, recently made an irredentist claim on neighbouring Penang, the Chinese-dominated affluent state that was made a British colony in 1796. Both Hadi and Sanusi also ethnicise corruption and blame bribery on non-Muslims. Hadi’s restorationism’s new ally Mahathir recently claimed that Malaysia is not a multi-ethnic country and slammed the name change from Tanah Melayu (‘Malay Land’, the Malay name of Malaya) to Malaysia. A Sabah parliamentarian then called out Mahathir as a Malayan colonialist and imperialist for seeing Sabah and Sarawak as Malaya’s possessions. This does not concern the nonagenarian nationalist who was twice prime minister and now just wants to bring down Anwar, his protégé-turned-rival. If anti-colonial restorationism can draw Malay votes away from Anwar’s government, then Muslim nationalism is a useful tool. Wong Chin Huat is a professor and Deputy Head (Strategy) of the Asia headquarters of the UN Sustainable Development Solutions Network at Sunway University, Malaysia. He declares no conflict of interest. This article has been republished for the Religion in politics special report. It was first published on 7 August 2023. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on August 7, 2023

'National champion' Adani beneficiary of favours - 360 Tejpavan Gandhok Published on May 10, 2023 India’s government appears to have favoured the Adani Group to grow more rapidly than older peers and avoid regulatory scrutiny on potentially serious concerns. The Hindenburg Research report on the Adani Enterprises saga has revealed many proverbial ‘naked emperors’, especially India’s stock exchange regulator the Securities and Exchange Control Board and the Enforcement Directorate. The debate on the Hindenburg revelations in January 2023 has focused on the sharp decline of Adani stocks and counter-allegations of conspiracy theories to derail the India growth story. However, this share price correction was a bubble waiting to be pricked. The Adani saga also reignited age-old debates on crony capitalism, especially in Simon Commander and Saul Estrin’s new book Connections World. Crony capitalism and its significant downsides are not new in India and many other markets. The ability of Mukesh Ambani’s Reliance Group to extract political patronage and ‘better influence’ from the telecom regulator for its Jio venture — a late entrant to the market which leapfrogged to telecom domination — is a case in point. Prima facie, the Narendra Modi government appears to have, at least implicitly, favoured the Adani Group to both grow its businesses more rapidly than its older, more established peers (Tata, L&T, GMR, GVK) and to thus far avoid necessary regulatory scrutiny. An interesting perspective to temper Commander and Estrin’s Connections World critique is to consider the genuine need for emerging economies like India to adopt non-market strategies to build home-grown national champions to achieve global dominance in specific business sectors much like China and the US have nurtured their home-grown tech titans and defence-industrial ecosystems. The case for building national champions may be even more important given the emergence of a multi-polar economic world of increasing strategic competition between the US and China, forcing India (and other nations) into a complex balancing act to increase their influence and economic opportunity. India’s central planning authority, Niti Aayog has made the case for actively encouraging a handful of national champions. Concerns that developing big national champions may be counter to the interests of small and medium businesses are misplaced. There is no apparent conflict between these two segments — the national champion approach is for a few critical industries that smaller businesses have neither capital nor capabilities to deliver on. Improving the opportunities for them is an important but an entirely separate problem. How national champions are selected and their relationship with the government also matter. The key principles of transparency, governance, arm’s length relationships, merit-based selection and equitable value sharing among stakeholders are easily articulated but hard to implement. The most prominent examples come from one-party states (e.g. China, Singapore) and/or where the national champions are effectively state-owned. The US, EU and the South Korean private sector examples are not devoid of corruption scandals. However, they avoid those private sector companies where the shareholding is highly concentrated in one family or where the corporate enterprises are joined at the hip to the ruling political party, as in the case of Adani. The national champions approach is relevant for those higher risk, longer gestation, big bets situations where technology is dynamic, mass adoption requires both technological breakthroughs and significant economic efforts and which require geostrategic coordination for establishing new global supply chains. This approach seems relevant for building indigenous, world-class, ‘critical technology’ industries such as green hydrogen, lithium and other advanced storage batteries or defence systems. This approach, however, does not apply to regular infrastructure businesses such as building and operating solar energy systems, wind farms, ports, airports, highways, or even data centres – areas where the Adani Group is most active. Here, the project execution risk is far more relevant and the challenge of building India’s infrastructure needs a diversified portfolio of large, well-funded and technically capable players rather than promoting only a chosen few. Consider that the growth in capital employed by the Adani Group (over 2018-22) is around $USD16 billion, barely 0.1 percent of India’s $USD1.5 trillion infrastructure funding gap. Hence there is no rational justification for the Modi government’s apparent favouritism towards the Adani Group. Embed code: <div class=”flourish-embed flourish-chart” data-src=”visualisation/13621741″><script src=”https://public.flourish.studio/resources/embed.js”></script></div> The issues to focus on in the Adani saga are the allegations of the Adani Group possibly violating minimum public shareholding thresholds, market manipulation, round tripping and money laundering. The failure of India’s regulatory watchdogs to initially investigate these serious allegations is the most damning implied evidence of cronyism and corruption. The Supreme Court of India has now intervened and asked the Securities and Exchange Control Board (SEBI) to investigate. It remains to be seen whether SEBI will conduct this investigation in an effective and impartial manner. The sharp decline in Adani shares after Hindenburg Research’s report created significant noise around the implications for financial/operational distress in Adani companies and conspiracy theories about a plot to derail the India growth story. Embed this graphic: <div class=”flourish-embed flourish-chart” data-src=”visualisation/13559406″><script src=”https://public.flourish.studio/resources/embed.js”></script></div> The facts are Adani Group’s reputation and the share prices of its entities have fallen substantially. Up to March 2023, Adani Enterprises (AEL) shares fell by 56 per cent from their mid-November 2022 peak. But this decline has to be viewed in the context of its 2800 per cent growth from pre-pandemic levels. In stark contrast, consider the growth in Bitcoin was around 1000 percent in the same period and the US NASDAQ 100 Technology Sector Index grew by merely 144 percent despite the American market having vastly superior growth narratives and global investor appetite. Comparing Adani Power with industry peers such as Tata Power’s modest stock growth further underlines this crazy ride. Embed code: <div class=”flourish-embed flourish-chart” data-src=”visualisation/13559578″><script src=”https://public.flourish.studio/resources/embed.js”></script></div> A return to sanity and gravity was probably inevitable. There may yet be further falls. However, there are no materially observable signs of financial distress in AEL’s reported fundamental business metrics so far. Over the 2018-2022 financial years, AEL revenues and total assets have roughly doubled. While the profitability, return and debt leverage metrics have noticeably declined in the past year, none of these are at distress levels and could plausibly be explained by pandemic impacts and the rapid growth in longer gestation new projects which could imply improvement over time. Sadly, Adani appears to be yet another case of crony capitalism. However, Asian capitalism needs to be, and is, different from capitalism in the West. The higher number of diversified groups and state-owned enterprises is evidence of this. Going forward, we can expect more state-encouraged national champions. This would require the strengthening of regulatory and governance institutions. However, the trend under the Modi Government appears to be the opposite. Tejpavan Gandhok is a Vice Dean and Professor of Strategy and Entrepreneurship at Jindal Global Business School, O.P Jindal Global University. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 10, 2023

Navigating maritime anxieties between Australia and ASEAN - 360 Rahul Mishra Published on March 6, 2024 As they celebrate 50 years of partnership, can Australia and ASEAN further improve their maritime security cooperation within the region? When Malaysia Airlines Flight 370 vanished over the Indian Ocean 10 years ago this week, search and rescue ships from Australia, India, Japan, the US, UK, South Korea and China all swung into action. Vessels scoured the vast expanse of the Indian Ocean for weeks in a vain search for signs of the wreckage. It was just one example of the type of cooperation that’s required in the region. While MH370 was a rare event, piracy, gun-running, human trafficking, drug smuggling and natural disasters are all common threats in the Indo-Pacific region. As the leading naval powers in the Indian Ocean, Australia and India play a key role in dealing with these security challenges. Australia, through its special relationship with the 10-member ASEAN bloc, also has a key role in providing maritime security, which is already bearing fruit. The inaugural India-Indonesia-Australia trilateral naval exercise was held in September 2023. As a member of various ASEAN-led maritime-focused institutions, Australia has contributed to ensuring a rules-based regional order which is stable and away from any strategic vulnerabilities. As ASEAN’s first dialogue partner, Australia has established itself as one of the 10-member bloc’s most trusted and long-standing partners. It has successfully showcased its role as one of the key regional stakeholders on economics and security. Australia’s defence ties with Malaysia and Singapore, strengthened through bilateral routes and agreements such as the Five Powers Defence Arrangement have been of special significance. As Australia and ASEAN celebrate 50 years of their dialogue partnership it is pertinent to take stock of their relationship. The 2024 Special Summit in Melbourne aims to not only take stock of the progress made so far, and target the low-hanging fruit in the relationship but also aims to address the big-ticket and challenging issues such as climate change, digital transformations, big tech issues and maritime security. Australia’s robust economic ties with ASEAN are well-anchored by a multitude of bilateral and multilateral arrangements including the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation, and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership which also includes Brunei, Malaysia, Singapore, and Vietnam. ASEAN is Australia’s second largest trading partner which shows how deep its trade and commerce linkages with the region are. Australia launched its Southeast Asia Economic Strategy to 2040 in 2022, which aims to serve Canberra in widening and deepening its trade and investment linkages with ASEAN member states. Australia has devised a two-decade trade and investment strategy with the region, showcasing its strong commitment to the region. However, meeting these targets is easier said than done. For instance, the region needs USD$3 trillion infrastructure investment by 2040 and requires an annual investment of more than USD$200 billion. Through its Partnerships for Infrastructure Initiative, a four-year initiative launched in 2023, Australia has shown its commitment to the region but it remains to be seen what the initiative will look like beyond 2028. Australia’s initiative offers a sustainable, inclusive growth alternative to China’s Belt and Road, leveraging its experience as an infrastructure leader. Its role as a net security provider in ASEAN and wider Indo-Pacific is also significant. China’s rise and growing territorial ambitions coupled with its assertive postures, in the form of its nine-dash line and repeated issuance of new maps claiming more islands and features in the South China Sea, deployment of warships, island reclamation, and island militarisation pose a challenge to the rules-based regional order. Australia’s participation in the freedom of navigation exercises in the South China Sea is geared to stabilise the region and protect these waters from any hegemonic movements. Its airborne surveillance operations in the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean, called Operation Gateway, have been in operation since 1980. Justified as they are, some of Australia’s strategic moves such as the Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States (AUKUS) trilateral security partnership are not directly supported by the ASEAN countries even though they understand Canberra’s strategic concerns. The Quad, which includes Japan, the US, India and Australia, is also seen by some as an initiative that might polarise the region. Although considering its role as a security stabiliser, Quad does enjoy the tacit support of some of the ASEAN member states. Vietnam, a leading ASEAN member, has even participated in the ‘Quad plus’ deliberations. Australia’s role in building capacities of ASEAN member states especially on the maritime and cyber security fronts has been commendable. Moving forward, Canberra could replicate minilateral maritime initiatives such as the India-Australia-Indonesia maritime exercise to enhance maritime domain awareness, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief preparedness, and maritime confidence building exercises with its ASEAN and Indo-Pacific partners. Together, Australia and the ASEAN members could contribute to regional stability and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific region. Most of the heavy lifting has to be done by Australia. In what ways Australia takes up its role and responsibilities in times to come on both economic and security fronts remain to be seen. . Dr Rahul Mishra is a senior research fellow at the German-Southeast Asian Center of Excellence for Public Policy and Good Governance, Thammasat University, Thailand and an associate professor at the Centre for Indo-Pacific Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 6, 2024

Net gains as language barriers fall in global trade - 360 Erick Kitenge, Sajal Lahiri Published on August 22, 2022 All corners of the planet are en route to better internet access, helping send the traditional language barriers plaguing global trade tumbling. International trade experts obsess over new ways to reduce the cost of doing business across borders, but often overlooked is one simple barrier that can seriously slow business. Language matters more than many may think when it comes to global trade. When trading partners use similar languages, trade is likely to be 72 percent higher on an average than when trading partners are linguistically distant. Language similarities between countries can boil down to a mutual official language, common spoken language, or a shared native language. Unsurprisingly, getting online has significantly reduced the language-based barriers to international trade. Internet access facilitates trade both directly by, for example, helping traders network and communicate across time zones. The challenge is ensuring equal access as the technology connecting people evolves. Internet access provides buyers and sellers information to make sound plans and find better deals, regardless of language-based barriers. A 10 percent increase in the ‘internet network value’, which measures how digitally interconnected two countries are, leads to a rise of 0.1 to 0.9 percent in trade between the states in question, with the jump much more pronounced between countries that speak different languages. When the internet network increases just by one percent, the trade gap between partners decreases by about five percent. The internet offers traders at all levels a strong capacity to provide translation services in real-time, meaning individuals do not need to speak similar languages in order to trade. The internet also gives all-hours access to a much larger marketplace connecting people across countries and cultures. Online mechanisms such as seller ratings, detailed product descriptions and pictures facilitate buyers’ searches and mitigate seller adverse selection (situations where the seller has more information than the buyer). This is making it easier for start-ups and retailers from developing economies to access the global economy and find a more diverse base of consumers than if they remained limited to their local community. However, given there are wide disparities among nations in terms of their access to the internet, new advances in digital technologies could increase income inequalities. Institutions such as the World Bank and World Trade Organization have taken on the task of narrowing the gap, investing in expanding internet access to the billions who still can’t reliably get online. Given the infrastructure, technology and human resources required to establish and maintain reliable internet services, as well as making it affordable and accessible, this effort would have to be greatly intensified to come to fruition in the near future. But it’s a challenge worth taking on. The internet’s importance to global trade is only going to increase as more and more economies depend on it. Ongoing developments in the digital world, such as blockchain technologies, virtual currencies, and smart contracts, could extend the disparity between countries and consumers who can harness online resources and those who cannot. Proponents of these innovations believe it will make digital spaces more equitable, but that relies upon developing economies being brought along with focused and sustained investment. Digital tools have already helped knock down trade barriers, and could ultimately make language much less relevant in the quest to fully bust borders when it comes to commerce. Erick Kitenge (ORCID) is an Assistant Professor in the College of Business at Prairie View A&M University, Texas, USA. His main fields of research are International Economics and Development Economics. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on August 22, 2022

New Australian data reveals youth mental health crisis - 360 James Goldie, Dean Marchiori Published on October 10, 2023 Australian youth confront significant mental health concerns, marked by gender-based disparities in conditions and help-seeking. New research from the Australian Bureau of Statistics has found that nearly two in five young Australians surveyed during 2020 to 2022 experienced symptoms of a long-term mental health condition. The survey found 38.8 percent of respondents aged 16 to 24 had symptoms of an anxiety disorder, an affective disorder (including depression and bipolar disorder) or a substance abuse disorder in the year before the survey, compared with 21.5 percent of the larger 16 to 85-year-old survey sample. The survey found that anxiety and affective disorders were more common in young women than young men, while substance abuse disorders were more common in young men than young women. Nearly 16,000 Australians responded to the ABS survey, enabling statisticians to calculate a reliable estimate of the prevalence of mental health conditions and how people seek help in the entire Australian population. The survey also highlighted differences in how young men and women accessed help in managing mental health conditions. Young women were far more likely to have consulted with a professional about their mental health condition, even when accounting for the higher number of mental health conditions experienced by young women compared to young men. Over half — 54 percent — of young women with symptoms of a long-term mental health condition in the year before the survey had consulted with a health professional about their mental health, but only just over a third — 37 percent — of young men had. These differences extended to when they were seeking help via digital technologies like phones, video or apps. Young women with symptoms of a long-term mental health condition in the year before the survey were four times more likely to have used online crisis support or counselling services in the year before the survey than young men. However, the difference between young men and women was less pronounced when looking at mental health support groups, forums or chat rooms, as well as information services about mental illness or treatment options. And they appeared to favour different services. More young men with mental health symptoms accessed support groups, forums or chat rooms than crisis support or counselling services, whereas the reverse was true for young women. The findings are significant for youth mental health researchers, who may consider targeted interventions to address the concerning state of youth mental health in Australia and bridge the gender-based disparities in seeking support. If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, visit https://findahelpline.com/i/iasp. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Youth mental health” sent at: 08/10/2023 15:00. This is a corrected repeat. Lengthens chart embed for better mobile viewing.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on October 10, 2023

New, lasting, economic models of tourism - 360 Pauline J. Sheldon Published on September 7, 2022 Creating new economic structures for tourism will require a fundamental shift in values. Over-tourism, pandemics and climate change may contain the seeds of a new economic foundation for tourism — replacing individual-centred tourism (‘me-tourism’) with community-driven tourism (‘we-tourism’). We can hope these planetary challenges are making it clearer than ever that cooperation, care, trust and generosity are the key. Not only for a better vacation, but for the survival of our species. Creating a new economic foundation for tourism will require a fundamental change in values by all.  For example, the Mayor of Amsterdam recently announced that tourists “…taking a vacation from their morals” were not welcome. A new approach requires questioning the assumptions and values of the ‘old’ economic system where there’s an emphasis on growing financial capital. Competition and self-interest are not the only way to economic progress. Income (while it is much desired) does not equal happiness. Progressive economists like E.F. Schumacher, Joseph Stiglitz (winner of a Nobel Prize) and Kate Raworth have all recommended making social equity and environmental conservation part of economic growth by focusing on policies that enhance the greater good of humanity and common human values. Here are some ways we could change the industry from the inside out. A regenerative tourism economy may just be the most important step forward. Its principles include a holistic view of wealth, honouring community and place, empowered participation and being innovative and adapting to change. Applying these principles to tourism involves slowly building long-term, systemic change in tourism by learning from nature to improve the well-being of all creatures on Earth. It rejects the idea that tourism is separate from the rest of the economy. It can heal damaged destinations and contribute to thriving host communities by constantly engaging locals in decision making. As an example, the Hawaii Tourism Authority is charting a course to a more regenerative tourism model based on native Hawaiian values such as Malama (caring) and Kuleana (responsibility). This includes an extensive process to gather community input. Regenerative tourism is rather like a wise and mature adult nurturing and guiding the future of tourism. Consider a sharing or collaborative economy. Ideally, a sharing economy is the non-monetised sharing of assets or services. Platforms such as Airbnb and Uber, with their apps and monetised transactions have somewhat distorted the ideal. Tourism offers many opportunities for sharing and collaboration. These can include vehicles such as bicycles and cars, accommodation and host experiences like home dinners, local market trips and walking tours. The city of Amsterdam became Europe’s first Sharing City in 2015 and has since created infrastructures for residents and tourists to share or rent products and services as needed. A circular economy seeks to eliminate waste and pollution by re-using, recycling and repairing. Tourist activity can be very wasteful, it can over-use water and contribute to rubbish and plastic pollution. Encouraging tourism enterprises to adopt green practices and educate tourists about sustainable choices can help to develop a circular tourism economy.  International not-for-profit Clean the World, for example, partners with large hotels to recycle unused hotel soap, sending it to countries in need. A creative economy can innovate and re-design tourism by valuing and nurturing the intelligence, imagination and creativity of employees. Creative work can improve the status, education and well-being of tourism employees whose jobs today are often demeaning, low-paid dead ends. The international Tourism Education Futures Initiative has designed education programs to create more meaningful careers based on values, creativity and innovation. These include social entrepreneurship, social innovation and designing meaningful tourist experiences. Success in a creative economy is measured by the amount of change, diversity, learning and adaptation that it’s able to achieve. An economy of generosity, or gift economy, can enhance tourism, and improve the health, well-being and longevity of the giver and the receiver. Contribution instead of consumption, relationships instead of transactions and trust instead of disputes are key. Research tells us that tourists want to contribute or volunteer, but most destinations are not designing experiences to foster generosity. Two effective examples are Karma Kitchen, an international restaurant chain that does not charge for meals, but instead invites customers to pay-it-forward for the next customer. And Amsterdamʻs Untourist Guide provides designed experiences for tourists to help the environment, such as ‘plastic fishing’ in canals. A sacred economy, honours humanity’s connection with animals and the environment and each other as a cure for the division in society today. It rises above the mundane and emphasises the cultures, traditions, lifestyles and beliefs of the local or indigenous people. For example, Maori beliefs of the Tiaki Promise, to care for the people, place and culture, and  Bhutan basing its tourism development on the spiritual values of Buddhism. This includes the revolutionary concepts of degrowth, gift culture, strong local economies, and equal distribution of wealth. It challenges us to place spiritual values at the centre of decision-making and in the design of tourist experiences. For too long, tourism has been in a separate silo from other sectors, without integrating the latest thinking from allied fields. This infusion of new ideas is crucial.  Most importantly a shift from, ‘What about me, my pleasure, my wealth?’ to ‘What can I do to contribute to others and the world?’  can create the core of a new tourism. Dr. Pauline J. Sheldon is Professor Emerita at University of Hawaiʻi, School of Travel Industry Management. Her current research explores the transformative power of tourism. She declares no conflict of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on September 7, 2022

New plastics prepare for takeoff - 360 Ahmad Naser Published on June 15, 2022 Plant-based plastics are only just starting to be more widely accepted. But challenges remain. If new plastics are an industry preparing for takeoff, then they are taxiing down the runway with the accelerator at full throttle. But the wheels haven’t yet left the ground: cost, production and disposal issues are preventing lift-off. Existing petroleum-based plastics are durable, lightweight and ideal for use as food packaging – but their role in climate change, waste, marine pollution and poor air quality means they need to be phased out. It’s time for new plastics to take flight. The leading contenders to replace petroleum-based plastics are bioplastics. These have a similar molecular structure and qualities but are derived from natural resources such as plant-based starches and vegetable oils, and/or will decompose when disposed of properly. Global production of bioplastics is expected to double from around 2.4 million tonnes in 2021 to around 5.2 million tonnes in 2023. Partly driving this demand, several food industries, especially those involving single-use applications, are starting to use bioplastics. Last year, Coca-Cola announced a limited run of a 100-percent plant-based plastic bottle. Three years ago, Qantas ran an experimental zero-waste flight. Among the most studied bioplastics are poly(lactic acid) (PLA) and polyhydroxyalkanoates (PHAs). Both are polymers: long chains of repeating molecular subunits. PLA is assembled, using conventional chemistry techniques, from renewable ingredients, particularly sugar and starch. It is sometimes used as a clear plastic tub for take-away salad or as a bubble-tea cup. PHAs are a family of related polymers assembled by various bacteria (for example Alcaligenes eutrophus and Ralstonia eutropha) as energy-storage molecules. PHAs are produced by fermenting sugar or lipids with the bacteria and extracting the polymer from the cells. PHA disposable knives and forks might accompany airline meals. Traditional plastics are not often recycled and are discarded or incinerated with other solid waste. But PLA and PHAs are biodegradable – they are broken down by microbes in the right environmental conditions. PLA is biodegradable under industrial composting conditions (at a temperature of about 58°C) but may remain for up to 1,000 years in the ocean. PHAs are biodegradable in compost and also in marine environments. With about 450,000 tonnes produced in 2021, PLA is among the largest produced biodegradable polymers in the world. But bioplastics face many challenges before they can be more widely adopted. One of these challenges is cost. At around US$10 per kilogram, PLA’s price is still high. Increasing production efficiency and competition will likely drive prices down. Similarly, new techniques to produce PHAs more cheaply are being explored. One research direction is to produce PHAs using inexpensive carbon feedstocks such as crude glycerol, a byproduct of biodiesel. Another challenge is growing the feedstock sustainably. Agricultural activities associated with the production of PLA emit greenhouse gases, cause water pollution and occupy arable land. One way to make PLA production more environmentally friendly is by optimising the conversion process of PLA. One study showed the conversion of the source material to lactic acid releases more than 50 percent of the carbon dioxide from the entire process. This step is a prime target for optimisation ideas. Other challenges hindering wider adoption include lack of adequate labelling or composting for bioplastics, and concern over contamination of recycling systems. PLA’s melting point is lower than for other plastics, so dedicated recycling plants are required to process it. Global demand for bioplastics is expected to increase as pressure grows to phase out petroleum-derived plastics, so PLA and PHAs will become more widespread. But the obstacles to their sustainable production and disposal will need to be overcome before they truly take to the skies. Ahmed Z. Naser is a PhD student at the University of Guelph, Canada. His research is focused on modelling and characterisation of bioplastics, additive manufacturing, sustainable manufacturing, and machine learning. He is also interested in the effect of additives and biodegradable polymer blends on the properties of polymers. This article has been republished as part of a package on Science against the clock. It was first published on June 13, 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 15, 2022

New political dynamics emerge from Thailand's surprising compromise - 360 Michael Connors Published on September 15, 2023 Thailand has astonished observers with a demurely grand political reconciliation to end months of political limbo. In a country already known for complex political bargaining, Thailand’s new coalition government consists of former enemies who have spent much of the past two decades upending the status quo. Whether the trajectory of this compromise — grandly elite, yet shy in confronting the past — ultimately bends towards the democratic or the autocratic is still up in the air. But the forces for political reform are better arrayed than ever, with parliamentary representation from parties connected to protest and pro-democracy movements going back decades. In the lead-up to the grand reconciliation, the local Thairat newspaper claimed former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra would offer himself as a hostage for the bargain. He did. Having spent 15 years in self-imposed exile to avoid sentencing for corruption convictions, Thaksin carefully stage-managed his return on August 22. On arrival Thaksin went to prison, receiving VIP treatment. The deal was sealed. Underscoring the dramatic irony of this elite grand bargain, the Pheu Thai party’s unelected nominee for prime minister, Thaksin ally Srettha Thavisin, was elected by the Thai parliament on the same day. Thaksin’s Pheu Thai is seen by many as a pro-democratic force. But it appears that the former prime minister directed his party to form a government with military-backed parties associated with the leaders of the 2014 coup that ousted his younger sister Yingluck’s cabinet from office. That coup and the 2006 coup against Thaksin himself failed to break the electoral strength of pro-Thaksin parties. Instead the coups have now led to this most humiliating compromise for the generals, whose guiding rationale was the elimination of Thaksin. New political dynamics will now unfold. When asked about the party’s policy of reforming the military, Prime Minister Srettha replied: “As I have been saying all along, I don’t like the word ‘reform’. My preference is for us to develop (the military) together.” Co-development might be the epithet of the grand reconciliation. The government is likely to extend the appeasement strategy of ‘co-development’ to other forces, such as the powerful Interior Ministry and societal forces that favour a conservative and highly centralised state. This might bring a new oligarchic business-state compact. The potential for compromise has been developing for several years. Thaksin was always willing to engage the so-called ‘conservative and royalist establishment’. Ousted from office, he used a popular movement that aimed to restore democracy — the Redshirts — to maintain his bargaining currency in the country. But years of Redshirt protests and election wins in 2007, 2011 and 2019 were not enough to bring his former enemies to the table. Only when the liberal Move Forward Party won the most seats at the May 2023 election did Thaksin’s opportunity to cash in come into view. The perceived threat of Move Forward’s policies to the status quo, including reforming the military and the royal defamation law, and a revolutionary pledge to democratise provincial government, pushed bureaucrats and soldiers to consider a deal with Pheu Thai. But first Pheu Thai had to break from Move Forward’s coalition. Having agreed to form an eight-party coalition government in July led by Move Forward, Pheu Thai played along with attempts to nominate Move Forward party leader Pita Limjaroenrat as prime minister. But the military-appointed senate, a legacy of the post-coup regime’s 2017 constitution, blocked Limjaroenrat’s appointment, objecting to Move Forward’s agenda of reforming Thailand’s famously strict lèse-majesté law. Pheu Thai, having also opposed reform of lèse-majesté, then jumped ship and moved to form a new coalition without Move Forward. On August 31, Thaksin sought a royal pardon. It was granted and published in the Royal Gazette the next day. The 2014 coup leader and outgoing prime minister General Prayuth Chan-ocha countersigned the pardon, which commutes Thaksin’s eight-year sentence to one year (an earlier parole is likely). The pardon, published in the Royal Gazette rehabilitates the royalist Thaksin: “His Majesty the King granted a reduction of Mr. Thaksin’s prison sentence to one year, so that he could use his knowledge, ability, and experience to contribute to the nation, society, and the people.” For good measure, Thaksin’s lawyer warned those who might be critical of the royal pardon that criticising the king’s judgement would be to transgress the royal prerogative. The threat is real. Since the youth protests for monarchy reform began in 2020, iLaw has recorded more than 270 lèse-majesté cases. The prospects for democratic progress are mixed. Several tiers of protest leadership stretching back to the 1990s and more recent democracy youth movements bring real social change know-how into the mix. Their target will likely be a sluggish Pheu Thai-led government seeking to slow its military and constitutional reform promises to appease its statist partners. Lèse-majesté reform is unlikely in the mid-term. Instead, reformists will pressure the government to change how the law is policed. They will push the government to deal with legacy prisoners who fought for democracy and freedom of expression or unwittingly got caught up in the defamation dragnet for something as simple as reposting social media. As reform forces push Thailand along the well-worn road of moving towards democracy, Pheu Thai and Move Forward could emerge as key contenders. At the next election, there might be a choice between a populist, potentially statist, reforming oligarchy and a liberal democracy. This would be a significant political advance on the prospects of permanent autocracy that the 2014 coup presaged. But another possibility looms. The reconciliation might congeal into the often military-desired ‘government of national unity’. By default, dissent would be taboo. As the forces of liberal democracy build on their astonishing accomplishments since 2019, when Move Forward’s predecessor party first won parliamentary seats — only to be dissolved by the courts — a new order of reform with repression can’t be ruled out. Thaksin will bring much experience to that dim prospect, having done much to dismantle the tentative liberal settlement in the early 2000s. His party now works with the forces that completed the mission in successive cycles of coups, constitution writing, and repression. Michael Connors is an associate professor in Global Studies at Monash University Malaysia. His recent article on Thaksin and the Redshirts can be found here. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on September 15, 2023

New power plans could change the tide - 360 Stefano Galelli Published on February 28, 2022 Developing nations in the Mekong have long had to choose between cheap, accessible power and sustainable river management. That may no longer be necessary. Developing countries in the Mekong face a hard tradeoff. Their communities need more access to affordable energy for quality of life and economic growth, but they also need imminent action on climate change. Many states have found a compromise in the Mekong’s large river basin and its untapped potential for hydropower — a source of carbon-free, cheap electricity. Stored in large dams, electricity is generated by using flowing water to spin a turbine connected to a power generator. There are now over 90 hydropower dams in the lower basin alone. Not only does hydropower produce fewer CO2 emissions than fossil fuels, but the water used in electricity production is returned to the river afterwards. However, dams alter and sometimes stop the natural flow—the lifeblood of rivers—and limit the transport of sediment and nutrients. Hydropower dams also impair the productivity of fisheries, disrupting or destroying the economies of local communities. It has consistently been framed as a necessary tradeoff: developing nations could either have accessible electricity, or a healthy ecosystem, but not both. New research has changed the equation. For developing Mekong states — Thailand, Laos, and Cambodia — tangible opportunities exist to meet future electricity demands and CO2 emissions targets, without requiring nearly as many hydropower dams as is currently planned. The no-compromise solution is enabled in part by the decreasing cost of renewable energy sources, such as solar and wind power.  The Mekong has abundant photovoltaic potential, meaning it has the capacity to harness technology that can directly turn light into electricity. Tapping into this could see businesses and investors switch from less environmentally sustainable developments such as hydropower. Solar photovoltaic modules also have the advantage of being scalable and deployable in any province of the Greater Mekong region, meaning long-distance power transfers would cost less to implement. Regionally coordinated power purchase agreements between countries are also helping make hydropower dams less necessary. Agreements to redistribute electricity among load centres help ease the individual burdens on each developing country, with wealthier nations incentivised to assist to preserve the Mekong’s ecosystem that all players benefit from. In supporting the integration of distributed generation resources, these partnerships help create a sustainable long-term power hub. Taking on these actions should give states a range of options: they could pivot away from hydropower dams entirely, build only a fraction of what is planned or proceed with reduced construction. If states were to embrace a renewable energy-based solution, CO2 emissions targets could be met with up to 82 percent of planned dams still being built. Any of the above approaches would help secure the Mekong’s river basin, a global hotspot of biodiversity, and would do so without having major implications on the price of electricity. Even the most radical action, halting construction on all planned dams, is only expected to increase the costs of electricity infrastructure and production by an estimated 2.4 percent between now and 2037 (US$10 billion). Developing countries in the Mekong region will continue to grapple with the challenge of making electricity accessible and affordable without destroying the surrounding ecosystem. For years, this has felt like a tragic tradeoff that states have had to consider. The emergence of solar and wind technologies, and developing power market solutions, offer a set of options that helps states resolve, or at least address, the ecology/energy trade-off in a way that doesn’t feel binary. This pathway forward is not only applicable to Mekong or Southeast Asia. Free-flowing rivers from South America to Sub-Saharan Africa are being dammed to help produce and provide electricity. New developments in the power market could end the energy compromise and usher in a more sustainable future. Dr. Stefano Galelli graduated in Environmental Engineering at Politecnico di Milano in 2007 and received a Ph.D. in Information and Communication Technology from the same university in early 2011. He is currently an Associate Professor with the Engineering Systems and Design Pillar, Singapore University of Technology and Design. Dr. Galelli declared no conflicts of interest in relation to this article. This research is supported by Singapore’s Ministry of Education (MoE) through the Tier 2 project “Linking water availability to hydropower supply—an engineering systems approach” (Award No. MOE2017-T2-1-143). This article has been republished for World Rivers Day. It was first published on February 21, 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: By Stefano Galelli in Singapore

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 28, 2022

New tools needed to control the spread of mosquito-borne disease - 360 Katie Anders Published on April 8, 2022 Mosquitoes are the world’s deadliest creature, and they’re on the move. Mosquito-borne diseases already kill more than one million people and infect up to 700 million each year. Rising global temperatures are causing an expansion in the areas in which mosquitoes thrive, putting communities at higher latitudes and altitudes at risk of outbreaks and making more months each year favourable to disease transmission in places already prone to mosquito-borne disease. It’s a pandemic the World Health Organization is mobilising a global response to with its recently launched, Global Arbovirus Initiative. The initiative will focus resources on risk monitoring, pandemic prevention, preparedness, detection and response to mosquito-borne viral infections, including dengue, chikungunya, Zika and yellow fever. “There is an urgent need to re-evaluate the tools at hand and how these can be used across diseases to ensure efficient response, evidence-based practice, equipped and trained personnel and engagement of communities,” says Dr Mike Ryan, head of the WHO Emergency Programme. Endemic already across sub-Saharan Africa, Southeast Asia and Latin America, mosquito-borne diseases are re-establishing in populations in different parts of the world. The Early Warning System for Mosquito Borne Diseases (EYWA) shows an upward trajectory in Europe, with malaria cases increasing by 62 percent and dengue, Zika and chikungunya increasing 8-fold in the past decade. Extreme flooding in Germany last year alone saw mosquito numbers swell up to ten times the usual estimates. Eastern Australia is another recent example of mosquitoes expanding to new geographies. The region is currently grappling with its first major outbreak of Japanese encephalitis, a mosquito-transmitted viral infection more commonly found in rural southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands. Recent extreme flooding events along the east coast of Australia combined with warm temperatures have been described as creating a “perfect storm,” allowing the virus to move further south and gain a foothold in the country. Warmer temperatures and increased rainfall provide conditions directly favourable to mosquito breeding, but climate change can also increase mosquito-borne disease risk in less obvious ways. For example, when households store water in response to drought, this can increase local mosquito breeding sites and disease risk. Land use changes can also drive migration to cities, increasing the population at risk of explosive outbreaks of dengue and other mosquito-borne diseases. Increased global connectivity presents unique risk factors for infectious disease spread, allowing pathogens to travel further and faster than ever before. But environmental and socioeconomic factors, such as urban planning, housing design and population growth, are likely to mediate the impact of climatic events and climate change on mosquito-borne disease distribution. One study in Brazil looked at the association between rainfall patterns and dengue and found that dengue risk was elevated following extreme rainfall in rural areas and following drought in urban areas. Many of the methods used to combat mosquito-borne diseases— including both conventional approaches like insecticide spraying and novel techniques such as the release of sterile male mosquitoes — focus on the suppression of mosquito populations, and need to be reapplied regularly to keep mosquito numbers in check. Vaccines for dengue and other mosquito-borne viruses are not yet widely available, leaving an unmet need for effective and sustainable interventions to control mosquito-borne disease. One such intervention is the Wolbachia method, developed by the World Mosquito Program and currently in use in 11 countries. A common natural bacteria found in about 50 percent of insects — Wolbachia is introduced in the female Aedes aegypti mosquitoes, preventing them from transmitting viruses between humans. The Wolbachia-carrying mosquitoes are then released in areas where mosquito-borne diseases are endemic. As they breed with wild mosquitoes, the number of mosquitoes with Wolbachia grows over time until it remains high and further releases are not needed. In Yogyakarta, Indonesia, a three-year randomised controlled trial was carried out and saw a 77 percent reduction in dengue incidence and 86 percent reduction in hospitalisations in Wolbachia-treated communities. Disease surveillance is also another important aspect of combating mosquito-borne diseases. One recent study discovered that through monitoring and identifying hotspots of dengue, researchers could help create predictive maps for future outbreaks of other diseases such as Zika and chikungunya. They collected data between 2008 and 2020 from cities in southern Mexico and found that there was a 62 percent overlap of hotspots for dengue and Zika, and 53 percent for cases of dengue and chikungunya. In Southeast Asia, the Dengue Forecasting Model Satellite-based System (D-MOSS) gathers satellite data with local insights from partners on the ground about dengue cases, primarily in Malaysia, Sri Lanka and Vietnam. It aims to provide advanced intelligence to government officials in order to control outbreaks. Similarly, are working with local governments and public health officials in the US to help map the locations of disease-carrying mosquitoes and keep communities safe. Understanding and predicting the rise and spread of mosquito-borne diseases helps governments factor health-related costs into public policy. As Dr Anthony Fauci, director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases in the US, so gravely put it: “Any virus that can efficiently infect Aedes aegypti also has the potential access to billions of humans.” Katie Anders is the Director of Impact Assessment at the World Mosquito Program. She has worked in epidemiological research and public health practice for 15 years in the UK, Vietnam and Australia, and has expertise in the design and implementation of field trials, disease surveillance, and clinical research. The World Mosquito Program receives funding from The Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, Yayasan Tahija, Indonesia, The Wellcome Trust, USAID, The Australian and Queensland Governments, Australian Government’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (innovationXchange), New Zealand Aid Programme, The Brazilian Government, The UK Government, International Community Foundation – Candeo Fund, The Gillespie Family Foundation, Foundation for the National Institutes of Health, New England Biolabs, KPMG, Earth Corporation, Macquarie Foundation, The Rotary Foundation, Sid and Fiona Myer and the Myer Family. This article has been republished for World Zoonoses Day. It first appeared in our Changing climate, changing diseases package. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 8, 2022

New ways to survive heatwaves - 360 James Goldie Published on December 30, 2022 Evidence shows cities can reduce heat impacts and protect residents Cities across Southeast Asia are turning to cooler rooftops, green spaces and other innovative solutions in the face of record heatwaves over 2022 As the year closes, 2022 is expected to be the equal fourth warmest year on record, despite natural climate drivers like La Niña dragging global temperatures down. With over 15,000 dead from heat this year in Europe alone, cities are now grappling with an uncomfortable truth: hotter and longer heatwaves are now a fact of life. “Extreme heat takes more lives in Australia than any other natural hazard,” Lauren Rickards from RMIT and Nigel Tapper from Monash University say. “Because of the high level of urbanisation, most of those deaths are in cities.” Cities aren’t entirely at the mercy of the climate, though. Evidence shows that a variety of urban planning interventions can not only reduce the impact of extreme heat but benefit cities in other ways. Air conditioning, the weapon of choice in developed nations, is getting complicated. “In face of urban warming, air conditioning remains almost the standard response in more developed nations, whatever the weather,” says Wanyu Shih, a researcher from the Ming-Chuan University. Air conditioners and fans today account “for nearly 20 percent of the total electricity used in buildings around the world,” according to a report by the International Energy Agency. But that figure is set to explode in the coming decades as more people in India, China and Indonesia are able to buy air conditioners. One way to contain that energy use is to focus on making air conditioners more efficient. But fans could replace air conditioning up to 19 out of 20 hot days in the countries where cooling is needed most. Homes in developed nations might decide between fans and air conditioning in a heatwave, but for many people they aren’t even options. Hot metal roofing amplifies heatwaves in slums, and residents escape by spending more time outside. They also take more baths and showers, placing further stress on drinking water supplies. Authorities in the Indian city of Ahmedabad are trialling a programme to replace these hot roofs in the slums with cooler alternatives, lowering indoor temperatures by 2–5 degrees Celsius. Cities are reaching for another solution beyond the home: plants. Although high-rise ‘sky gardens’ dominate public attention, parks and gardens at ground level also play a massive role in cooling cities. It takes more than planting a few trees to protect cities, though. Green spaces can’t protect us from extreme heat unless they are resilient to heat themselves, and they need to be sited carefully to have the right effect. “The trees left to protect the hotter cities of the future will depend on the planning actions we make today,” said Manuel Esperon-Rodriguez and Sally Power of Western Sydney University. Climate change is a famously wicked problem beset with cascading failures, but the solutions can also help us in unexpected ways. Focusing on plants has reduced crime and supported local crafts in the Indonesian city of Surabaya, while Danish researchers have found access to green space improves kids’ mental health later in life. But green space needs to be within a short walk in order for people to use and benefit from it, cautioned Kristine Engemann, a researcher at Aarhus University. “Sometimes we’re not so good at doing the things that are actually good for us.” The co-benefits of green space aren’t just limited to social benefits: they can also help to protect us from other aspects of climate change. China’s sponge cities, built from porous materials, combat flood risk and urban heat at the same time. Describing one of these sponge cities, Bao-Jie He of Chongqing University said, “Zhuhai has constructed more than 115 square kilometres of sponge city infrastructure since 2016… The green-blue infrastructure development has been no impediment to the city’s continued growth.” Options like these are attractive to cities looking to protect residents and take ownership of climate change adaptation. But they only work for so long, Elspeth Oppermann from Ludwid-Maximilians University and Jamie Cross from the University of Edinburgh report. ​​”The shade of a tree, appropriate use of fans, or improved ventilation of homes only works as long as outdoor conditions remain survivable. This might not be the case in many regions by 2050.” For many cities, the race to keep cities cool will come as the world attempts to keep global temperatures below 1.5 degrees Celsius of warming. How cold is too cold? Getting home temperatures rightRochelle Ade, University of Auckland Fan-first cooling to combat climate changeOllie Jay and Arunima Malik, University of Sydney and Tony Capone, Monash University COP27 might be criticised by some as a lot of hot air, but when it comes to coping with hot weather, that might be a good thing. Surviving extreme heat in the slumsElspeth Oppermann, Ludwid-Maximilians University and Jamie Cross, University of Edinburgh How people in low-income communities are coping with heating cities could set the example for future heat-stressed citizens to follow. How an Indian city saved 1000 lives a yearPriya Dutta and Dileep Mavalankar, Indian Institute of Public Health Gandhinagar and Prima Madan, Natural Resources Defense Council Community outreach and a roofing program have saved thousands of lives in an Indian initiative. Choosing the right trees for a changing climateManuel Esperon-Rodriguez, Sally Power and Mark Tjoelker, Western Sydney University Climate change is killing trees in cities, forcing changes in urban planning. Parallel parks: strategic green spaces can cool citiesWanyu Shih, Ming-Chuan University Green spaces are not the answer to overheated cities by themselves. Careful urban planning needs to consider their strategic placement. Everything is connected and climate change can unravel the lotLauren Rickards, RMIT and Nigel Tapper, Monash University Interconnected systems are what keep cities functioning. But climate change can undo one part, and unravel the whole system. Surabaya’s antidote to the rise of concrete junglesMartiwi Diah Setiawati, Indonesian National Research and Innovation Agency The Indonesian city of Surabaya put in public parks where others put in buildings. It is now reaping the creative, economic and cooling benefits. Greening the city to prevent mental illnessKristine Engemann, Aarhus University Trees, grass and greenery lower the risk of mental health problems. It’s a lesson city planners need to learn. Sponge cities beating urban heat in ChinaBaojie He, Chongqing University Infrastructure to prevent urban flooding has benefits for preventing urban heat. This article has been republished. It was first published on December 20, 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Record heat” sent at: 22/05/2023 07:00. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 30, 2022

New Zealand’s abortion law puts pregnant people at the centre - 360 Jeanne Snelling Published on July 11, 2022 New Zealand’s pro-choice laws do not equate to indifference to foetal life. When the United States Supreme Court recognised in Roe v. Wade (1973) that access to abortion is a fundamental civil right, it not only secured the legality of abortion for US citizens, it also strengthened the international reproductive rights movements. The fact that the current Supreme Court repealed the constitutionally protected right is not simply ironic, it counters the global trend of recognising abortion as a fundamental human right. In New Zealand, abortion is now treated as a health matter. Decriminalising the procedure and removing barriers to accessing services is a step toward destigmatising abortion and placing the pregnant person at the centre of the law. Ensuring equitable access to publicly-funded abortion reinforces the importance of reproductive rights and the government’s obligations in protecting them. Ultimately, it recognises that enabling women (and those who do not identify with the female gender but have female reproductive biology) to enjoy rights as equal citizens requires that their reproductive choices are “legally respected, not criminalised”. New Zealand’s pro-choice laws do not equate to indifference to fetal life. A commitment to reproductive choice, while facilitating health policies to reduce unwanted pregnancies and abortion, can go hand-in-hand. Ruth Dyson, Chair of the Abortion Legislation Select Committee recognised this when she said: “We want to see a country where there are very, very few abortions … We need more education, we need better access to contraception. But we will still need abortion services — the fewer the better, but the earlier, more equitable, and safer the better.” The restrictiveness of abortion law is not predictive of abortion rates, in fact the two do not correspond at all. Prior to the 2020 Abortion Legislation Act, around 30 percent of women in New Zealand had undergone an abortion, despite the stringent laws at that time. Following the significant law reforms in 2020, medical practitioners and other appropriately qualified health providers can provide abortion services for pregnancies under 20 weeks gestation without any legal restrictions. Pregnancies over 20 weeks still require medical approval. A pregnant person can self-refer to an abortion service provider, and individuals who are less than nine weeks pregnant may choose an Early Medical Abortion without the need for hospitalisation. New Zealand’s former abortion regime did not provide equitable access, particularly for people living in rural and isolated areas. Attempts to address this issue by providing nationwide access to publicly funded services, including an abortion telehealth service that provides information, advice, and counselling, are underway. Practitioners still have the right to not provide or assist abortions, but organisations can now choose not to employ those whose conscientious objection would “unreasonably disrupt” health services. A recent amendment that enables the designation of “safe areas” around specific abortion facilities has also been introduced which would make it illegal to protest within 150 meters of an abortion clinic. Applications for safe areas are considered on a case-by-case basis and may be approved where it is desirable to “respect the privacy and dignity of persons accessing or providing abortion services” and it can be “demonstrably justified as a reasonable limitation on people’s rights and freedoms”. These laws and policies are in line with the concept of reproductive justice, a movement that focuses on social justice issues across the sexual and reproductive health spectrum. Reproductive justice aims to promote the complete “physical, mental, spiritual, political, social and economic wellbeing” of everyone with female reproductive biology. It is based on the idea that, particularly for people of colour, indigenous communities and other marginalised groups, reproductive advocacy should equally promote the right to have a child, the right not to have a child, and the right to parent in a safe and healthy environment. Reproductive justice requires advocating for all reproductive health matters, including access to contraception; menstrual management; transgender health care; pre-and postnatal care; infertility; cervical and breast cancer; infant and maternal mortality; intimate partner violence; sexually transmitted infections and abortions. Ultimately, the reproductive justice approach resonates in a multicultural and diverse society like New Zealand. Dr Jeanne Snelling is a Senior Lecturer at the University of Otago, Dunedin New Zealand specialising in health law, with a particular interest in the regulation of reproduction. The author declares no conflict of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Pregnancy and choice” sent at: 06/07/2022 09:27. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on July 11, 2022

Next-generation chatbots explained - 360 Reece Hooker Published on March 30, 2023 Artificial intelligence is rapidly expanding the possibilities of what we thought was possible for tech, but its growth comes with its own set of risks. The explosion of artificial intelligence-powered chatbots threatens to transform every facet of our lives. And the tech is accelerating. As soon as OpenAI’s ChatGPT entrenched itself in the lexicon, the updated GPT-4 model was rolled out. As quickly as experts in fields like education began to understand capabilities and limitations of large language models on the market, the latest iteration prompted a new round of questions without clear answers. Chatbots are here to stay. Microsoft founder Bill Gates said improvements in artificial intelligence will “change our world”. Microsoft has invested USD$10 billion in OpenAI, which boasted a record 100 million monthly users in January 2023. But it’s far from the only game in town, as megalithic corporations and plucky startups jostle for funding and talent in the crowded artificial intelligence gold rush. 360info answers your questions about the state of play, including some of the major players to watch and a look at how governments are responding. It seems like pretty much everybody. OpenAI seems to be the name on everyone’s lips, with its ChatGPT model dwarfing the popularity of its peers. And, with its ambitious newest model GPT-4 just hitting the market, it might be putting distance between itself and its peers. But it’ll need to stay on top of its game to keep pole position. Google has released Bard, which has been incubating for a while. The tech giant had kept its AI-chatbots hidden from the public over concerns about inaccuracies, but it’s changed its tune as rivals started beating it to market. Tech start-up Antropic, founded by ex-OpenAI employees, launched Claude in mid-March. Amazon’s plans to enter the fray are afoot, announcing in February 2023 a partnership with Hugging Face to produce the next iteration of the AI startup’s Bloom language model. Facebook’s parent company Meta announced its model, LLaMA, which was leaked online two weeks later. Chinese giant Baidu launched its chatbot, Ernie, in March to mixed reviews. Elon Musk — a co-founder of OpenAI who left the board in 2018 — has reportedly started hiring AI experts for a research laboratory. The Twitter and Tesla CEO is reportedly interested in competing with OpenAI after praising the “scary good” ChatGPT. The gold rush for AI chatbots isn’t just contained to the big companies. Character.AI, a startup with no revenue, raised USD$150 million after receiving a USD$1 billion valuation from influential venture capital firm Andreessen Horowitz. A name to watch as the space grows is Apple, which hasn’t gone public with any plans, but is perfectly resourced to make a splash in the generative AI market. The short answer is no. Developers aren’t shying away from this — OpenAI warns users of GPT-4 the product has “many known limitations”, citing “social biases, hallucinations, and adversarial prompts”. The technology is pushing boundaries but no one’s pretending  it’s a finished product. The transparency of developers doesn’t quell worries that the widespread adoption of next-generation chatbots could contribute to the spread of misinformation. US news ratings agency NewsGuard ran an exercise and found GPT-4 spread false stories at a higher rate than its predecessor, although OpenAI claimed the product is 40 percent more likely to produce factual answers than GPT-3.5 in internal testing. While some are concerned about the consequences of people placing their trust in undercooked language models, there are experts who see the issue differently: that the challenge will be in convincing people to trust artificial intelligence. Boston University behavioural psychologist Chiara Longoni sees “potential to do a lot of good with AI” — if we can generate enough trust in its limited usage. “When a reporter makes an error, a reader isn’t likely to think all reporters are unreliable. After all, everyone makes mistakes,” she said. “But when AI makes a mistake, we are more likely to mistrust the entire concept. Humans can be fallible and forgiven for being so. Not so machines.” Not a lot, yet. The speed of innovation is far out-running any government’s ability to legislate and that’s not n indictment on any administration. Writing laws is a tough job that requires close scrutiny and a robust series of checks and balances. But there’s certainly more that could be done — as Chief Scientist at UNSW.AI Toby Walsh points out, there are models regulators can look to. “In high-risk areas like aviation or pharmacology, there are government bodies with significant powers to oversee new technologies,” he said. “We can also look to Europe whose forthcoming AI Act has a significant risk-based focus. Whatever shape this regulation takes, it is needed to assure we secure the benefits of AI while avoiding the risks.” Proponents for more agile regulation have pointed to a trend towards less openness from big players. Walsh said OpenAI’s latest technical report for GPT-4 was “more white paper” and contained “no technical details” about the newest chatbot. As commercial pressures mount on companies to retain every edge in the lucrative, crowded marketplace for chatbots, it becomes harder to rely on goodwill and a spirit of cooperation to underpin the flow of information and data from companies that are developing and releasing the technology. In its place, a robust set of regulations might offer a more cohesive way to innovate while still protecting users. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Next-gen chatbots” sent at: 27/03/2023 14:15. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 30, 2023

NGOs help forced migrants integrate - 360 Özge Zihnioğlu Published on June 19, 2023 Non-government organisations play a crucial rolein promoting social cohesion between refugees and host communities. Armed conflict forces more people into sudden migration than any other event. Victims are forced to flee their homes and homeland, often ending up in neighbouring countries as refugees. Those countries may be voluntary or involuntary hosts, and the dynamics between them and forced migrant communities are complex. Syria remains the world’s largest shock mobility crisis. More than 6.8 million Syrians have fled since 2011 and another 6.9 million remain internally displaced. The vast majority – approximately 5.2 million refugees – have found safety in neighbouring countries, primarily Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan. At first, Turkish citizens showed considerable support towards Syrian refugees, who number around 3.6 million. However, the relationship has changed in recent years. This study by the International Crisis Group revealed a significant rise in tension between the two communities with violent incidents increasing threefold in the second half of 2017. A recent survey found that 48 percent of Turkish citizens considered the Turkish-Syrian relationship to be one of the tensest social relations in Turkey. This has sparked a growing interest in promoting social cohesion and integration among refugees in Turkey. Since Syrian refugees first arrived in Turkey, Turkish civil society has been actively channelling support to them and advocating their rights. Their efforts have been important in the distribution of humanitarian aid to refugees and to ensure access to education, employment and healthcare services. However, as tensions between Turkish and Syrian communities increased, promoting social cohesion between them became more urgent. Since 2017, NGOs have been organising various activities such as sports, children’s camps, skills workshops, trips and social activities to bring together Syrian and Turkish communities with the aim of fostering inter-communal harmony. These activities have been important as they create spaces where Syrian and Turkish communities, which would otherwise have little interaction, can mingle. They allow both communities to question their prejudices and discover common ground. Some of these activities allow Syrians who specifically seek to connect with the Turkish community an opportunity to establish these connections and relationships. The positive impact of these activities has the potential to spread to a wider group, especially among young people who may share their experiences with their families. These NGO inter-communal activities do have limitations. The language barrier can hinder long-term connections. Indeed, in many cases, the interaction stops altogether with the completion of the NGOs’ projects. Such inter-communal activities also tend to attract individuals more open to dialogue and harmony and may not attract people with more exclusionary attitudes. The transformative impact of these projects on intercommunity harmony is more limited. However, NGO projects assisting Syrian refugees’ relations with public authorities have been important in creating social cohesion. This recent study shows such projects provide support for Syrian refugees to integrate into education or the workforce. This enables Syrian refugees to establish a sustainable relationship with the Turkish community. For instance, a project for Syrian entrepreneurs showed how business connections made while working on shared interests can lead to stronger bonds. Business relations provide opportunities for information exchange and trust-building. Peaceful coexistence in one area of life, such as work, can spread to other areas of life. Therefore, it’s important for NGOs to continue to find common interests between Syrian refugees and Turkish people and design activities that bring them together around those interests. At the same time, it is essential for policymakers and local authorities to help refugees integrate into education and employment. While NGOs’ work is important, it is not enough on its own to develop a trusting relationship between the two communities. Negative attitudes, in particular, from public authorities or political leaders make it harder to establish social cohesion. To help achieve cohesion, the Turkish government could develop a clear and long-term policy regarding the future of Syrian refugees within its borders. In the absence of clear direction and guidance from politicians, lower-level authorities may come up with different ways of doing things. This lack of consistency and coordination can make it harder for NGOs to work towards improving social unity for forced migrants in the country. Dr Özge Zihnioğlu is Senior Lecturer (Associate Professor) in Politics, University of Liverpool, United Kingdom. This research was supported by the Mercator Foundation. This article is part of a Special Report on ‘Shock mobility’, produced in collaboration with the Calcutta Research Group. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 19, 2023

Nigeria's policies have come a long way but not far enough - 360 Deborah Adenikinju Published on April 19, 2023 Nigeria missed the unique opportunity to address its anti-suicide laws in the new mental health bill. Content warning: This article discusses sensitive topics such as suicide that some readers may find distressing. Nigeria passed a new mental health bill in January 2023. It was a long time coming but there are questions if it does enough to protect those at risk of suicide or self-harm. The National Mental Health Bill 2021 replaces the Lunacy Act of 1958 which deemed individuals with mental health conditions as dangerous and a threat to themselves and society. That act which bore colonial influences had no clear definition of mental health and failed to meet global policies on mental health and human rights, prescribed seclusion and stripped individuals with mental health conditions of basic human rights. While the new mental health bill is revolutionary in its language, acknowledgement of human rights and commitment to mental health promotion, it fails to address the issue of criminalising suicide. Nigeria remains one of at least 17 nations with existing anti-suicide laws. The criminalisation of suicide still poses a major threat to advances in mental health in Nigeria. Several groups including the Association of Psychiatrists in Nigeria have been vocal about the need for change. The association has raised the alarm about the dangers of criminalising suicide and argues that individuals with suicidal intentions must be met with a more humane response. Organisations like Nigerian Mental Health in collaboration with other non-governmental organisations launched the Decriminalize Attempted Suicide in Nigeria petition which has received more than 3,000 signatures. Other organisations like the Suicide Research and Prevention Initiative and Sunshine Series continue to raise awareness and have hotlines dedicated to supporting individuals during times of crisis. Nigeria doesn’t have to look far for an example of how a new bill could work. In February 2023, Ghana took a significant step towards decriminalising suicide by passing the Criminal Offences (Amendment) Bill, 2021. A report commissioned before that bill revealed the majority of individuals attempting suicide hailed from low socioeconomic backgrounds and listed issues such as health, poverty and family problems as key motivations behind attempted suicides. Given the economic, political and sociocultural similarities between Nigeria and Ghana, there are valuable lessons to be learned. Ghana is a prime example of a country that listened to the mental health concerns of its people and is making the necessary changes to improve mental health outcomes. Nigeria’s failure to decriminalise suicide creates a significant challenge to progress and contradicts what the mental health bill says. The laws outlined in Section 327 of the Criminal Code Act and Section 231 of the Penal Code Act are inconsistent with the objectives of the mental health bill. The bill has several objectives, including the protection of “persons with mental and substance abuse disorders from discrimination, victimisation and unfair treatment by employers, academic institutions and agencies”. The criminalisation of suicide undermines this objective. An amendment to mental health policy requires a corresponding amendment to criminal law that reflects a positive change. While the mental health bill advocates for treatment and mental health promotion, the prison system in Nigeria is not rehabilitative, and the inhumane conditions are likely to lead to new mental health conditions or the exacerbation of existing ones. Individuals jailed based on these anti-suicide laws, upon release face, increased discrimination and the addition of a criminal record, making it extremely difficult to become assimilated into the community. The criminal and penal codes discriminate against individuals with mental health conditions. Nigeria’s mental health bill underscores treatment and rehabilitation but success in these efforts require individuals to feel safe enough to speak up about their mental health conditions and seek help. This is impossible if individuals dealing with mental health conditions risk persecution from the family, community and authorities. Given the collective culture of Nigeria, the criminalisation of suicide has far-reaching impacts on the individual, their family, and the larger community. Criminalising attempted suicide hinders suicide surveillance which could provide relevant data and suicide rates in Nigeria to create effective prevention programmes. If the motivation for this law is based on the sanctity of life, then efforts can be made to preserve life by protecting human rights while creating avenues in communities for individuals to seek timely support. Faith or spirituality can be leveraged as a positive value by promoting the civic engagement of religious leaders in communities and utilising religious institutions as a haven for those with mental health conditions. Religious leaders serve as gatekeepers and can be trained to provide non-specialised mental health support. Rather than using legal consequences as a suicide prevention strategy, emphasis could be placed on promoting mental health education and awareness to reduce the stigma of suicide. There is an urgent need for interventions in practice and policy. A good first step would be establishing a national helpline to provide mental health support. The free helpline established by the Sunshine Series during the COVID pandemic to address psychosocial issues in the capital city, Abuja, could be evaluated for possible rollout across all of Nigeria. If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, visit https://findahelpline.com/i/iasp. Deborah Adenikinju is a research and equity consultant at Morehouse School of Medicine, Kennedy Satcher Center for Mental Health Equity and a member of the Implementing Sustainable Evidence-Based Interventions through Engagement (ISEE) lab at New York University. Adenikinju is a global mental health researcher and an implementation scientist with a keen interest in the intersection of mental health, religion, and human rights. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Decriminalising suicide” sent at: 17/04/2023 11:58. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 19, 2023

Nike and the Houthi Red Sea ship attacks - 360 Lachlan Guselli Published on April 12, 2024 Two-part video special: We explain what’s behind the Houthi attacks on shipping in the Red Sea and what are the ramifications for world trade. The enormous impact that Houthi attacks are having on shipping in the Red Sea continues. The repeated missile and drone strikes although unsophisticated, threaten to undermine a trillion dollars worth of global trade that transits the Red Sea and the Suez Canal en route to Europe, North Africa and the Americas every year. The geographic chokepoint at the opening of the Indian Ocean to the Red Sea is the Bab el-Mandeb. A 32km crossing splitting Africa and the Middle East. At this crossroads, not only does global commerce intersect with the spiralling regional conflict between Israel and Hamas, but also the consequences of decades of misdirected foreign policy and the shocking impacts of years of deprivation, civil war, famine, and colonialism. So, while the US and its allies fight in aid of defending global commerce against the Houthi group supported by Iran, Yemen, the home of a globally forgotten war, makes its voice heard. Now that they’ve found an audience, what do they want, and who will be willing to listen? Watch our two-part video explainer to find out the story behind this complicated emergency. Part 1: What about my Nikes? What’s happening in the Red Sea. Professor Sarah Phillips and Professor Michael Bell from the University of Sydney provided expert knowledge and insight to help tell the story. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 12, 2024

No Biden. So how relevant is the Quad? - 360 James Laurenceson Published on May 17, 2023 Joe Biden’s decision to pull out of next week’s Quad summit in Australia helps to highlight the weakness in a partnership still yet to find its purpose. The fact that US President Joe Biden judged there was no real choice but to prioritise domestic politics over attending the Quad summit in Sydney, which then led to the entire event being cancelled, highlights just one of the group’s limitations. The Quad regularly attracts excited commentary to the effect that four of the world’s most powerful democracies are rising to the threat posed by an increasingly uncompromising China. At the first  ministerial-level meeting of the Quad in 2019, then US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo gave this narrative a head of steam: “We’ve reconvened ‘the Quad’ – …This will prove very important in the efforts ahead, ensuring that China retains only its proper place in the world.” Since winning government last May, Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has embraced the Quad too. His first act as prime minister was to attend last year’s leaders’ summit in Tokyo and whenannouncing that Sydney would be the host this year, he said he was “honoured” and that “leveraging our collective strengths helps Australia advance its interests”. Yet at the same time, Canberra has also been able to not just ‘stabilise’, but modestly improve, Australia’s relationship with China. Squaring that circle owes much to the Quad having left its original billing as a “security dialogue” behind, even if excited commentary has not quite caught up. In 2020, at another meeting of Quad foreign ministers, Pompeo was still insistent its purpose was to “counter the challenge that the Chinese Communist Party presents to all of us”. But none of Pompeo’s counterparts even mentioned China in their opening remarks. Australia’s then-foreign minister, Marise Payne instead homed in on the Quad’s “positive agenda” and described it as a “diplomatic network”. A Japanese government spokesperson said he was not sure what Pompeo had meant. By the time of the first leaders meeting in March 2021, and with the Trump administration having lost office in the US, it was clear where the new consensus position lay. The “Spirit of the Quad”, the four leaders said, involved supplying a “positive vision” for the region. Take a look at the website of the Australian Government’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade today and you’ll read about the Quad having a “positive, practical agenda to respond to the region’s most pressing challenges”. These include, “COVID-19 vaccines, climate change, infrastructure, critical and emerging technology, cyber security, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, space, maritime security, countering disinformation, and counter-terrorism”. Some of Beijing’s uncompromising behaviour is seen in these areas, but this is a far cry from a hard-edged Quad that China hawks saw as being within reach just a few years ago, and which some urge the group to recapture. Several factors explain the hard-edged Quad’s demise. India’s increasing self-assuredness could be perhaps the most significant. Despite having its own acute challenges to manage with Beijing, New Delhi appears to not feel the need to fall into line with Washington or Tokyo, and certainly not Canberra. Consider New Delhi’s divergent response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine last February. Not condemning Moscow’s actions is just the start. Six months after the war began, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi met with Russian President Vladimir Putin and while stating that “today’s era is not an era of war”, nonetheless described the two countries as having an “unbreakable friendship”. Indian Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar then visited Moscow and said that in recent years the two sides “have been finding ways of expanding this relationship”, while describing the India-Russia bilateral as among the “steadiest” of major global powers. This year, New Delhi opted out of discussions on the trade pillar of the Biden administration’s Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, despite its end point expected to be non-binding. But it has confirmed “advanced negotiations” with Moscow over a Free Trade Agreement. The preferences of China hawks aside, there’s nothing wrong with Quad now having a “positive agenda”. It does, however, set up the challenge of delivering on that agenda – a tall order given it is so dizzyingly expansive. The early signs are not encouraging. In March 2021 the Quad governments announced a “Vaccine Partnership” that would provide “at least one billion [COVID-19] doses…by the end of 2022”. The idea was to draw on US technology, Japanese financing and Indian manufacturing. Therein lies the first problem: Australia had little to offer, being relegated to a brief mention of contributing “US$77 million for the provision of vaccines and ‘last-mile’ delivery support”. The next issue was speed. The first Quad vaccine shipment was not made until April 2022, to Cambodia, and this was only 325,000 doses. Just as the “partnership” was announced, India was struck with a viral wave and New Delhi responded by imposing an export ban on vaccines to prioritise domestic availability. The ban was not lifted for seven months. Quad governments had also bet on a single vaccine formulated by a single US company to be produced at a single facility in Hyderabad. This is understandable given bureaucrats had been tasked with orchestrating a supply chain about which they had no experience, but it was a failure-in-waiting from a project planning and risk management perspective. Their bet hit trouble when the US Food and Drug Administration restricted use of the vaccine over concerns it could cause blood clots and the Indian government refused to sign a liability waiver. The Quad’s eventual inaugural donation to Cambodia was made via a channel separate from that originally planned and by then doses had become so plentiful an Indian expert told The Hindu the problem was that, “donors are trying to find willing recipients”. This should have been a learning experience for the Quad leaders: lay off chasing headlines and spinning narratives and stick to where real value can be added. One proposal floated at last year’s Quad summit, a Maritime Domain Awareness initiative, has genuine appeal because the region is prone to natural disasters and smaller states often lack the capacity to combat scourges like illegal fishing. Others, such as ploughing resources into cooperating on critical and emerging technologies, should be approached with similar scepticism as vaccines. Of course, harnessing the potential of these technologies, and managing the associated risks, is important. But setting technology standards, for example, can’t just be about four players. And in some technologies, the global leader isn’t found within the Quad. In clean-energy supply chains, the essential partner is China. This is why whenever and wherever the next Quad leaders meeting does happen, take any claims beyond it being a diplomatic achievement with a grain of salt. James Laurenceson is the Director of the Australia-China Relations Institute (ACRI) at the University of Technology Sydney Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Quad Summit” sent at: 17/05/2023 15:15. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 17, 2023

No end in sight for war in Ukraine - 360 S. Vicknesan Published on February 23, 2024 Two years after the Russian invasion and with Ukraine’s lifeline of foreign support wavering, its prospects appear grim. Two years into the Russian invasion of Ukraine, little is certain about how the war will come to an end. At the start of 2023, a much-touted Ukrainian counteroffensive raised hopes of shifting the tide of the war. It flopped, and 2024 could be even more sobering. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy vowed in his New Year’s speech to unleash “wrath” on Russian troops in 2024, but Ukrainian military units now face artillery shortages and have had to cut back operations because foreign assistance has fallen off. Meanwhile, Russia is boosting its military spending in 2024, with almost 30 percent of its national budget going to the armed forces. It has also ramped up production of military hardware, from drones to aircraft – a sign it’s preparing for the long haul in what President Vladimir Putin announced on February 24, 2022, as a “special military operation”. Whether Ukraine holds its own in the war depends directly on the amount of support and military hardware it continues to receive. Despite long-standing assurances of commitment from Ukraine’s allies in the West, the war has drained both military resources and the political appetite to maintain huge amounts of military aid. Polling by the European Commission showed that backing among Europeans for giving Ukraine additional financial and military aid had dropped over the course of 2023. But European leaders and NATO face the prospect of having to step up as much as they can to maintain support for Ukraine. The US has provided Ukraine with more military aid than any other single country, but additional American support remains in doubt as Republicans in Congress continue to block about USD$61 billion in arms and other assistance. The EU approved a four-year, USD$54 billion aid package in early February. The US presidential election later this year could spell the end of support for Kyiv. Republican favourite Donald Trump’s recent remarks that he would let Russia do “whatever the hell they want” to NATO members who don’t spend enough on defence showed where things might be headed – even though spending by NATO allies has reached a record high. US President Joe Biden’s assurances that military aid to Ukraine will come through can do little to change perceptions of the US as an unreliable ally. The urgency and complexity of the war in Gaza have also shifted America’s focus. Perhaps the only certainty lies in Russia, where the presidential election is scheduled for mid-March. On February 8, the Russian election commission blocked anti-war candidate Boris Nadezhdin from running. Eight days later, opposition leader Alexei Navalny died in prison. With no real opposing candidates left standing, Putin can be sure of winning another six-year term. What remains in question is whether his ambitions in Ukraine will prevail.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 23, 2024

No hedging for Malaysia in Israel-Hamas conflict - 360 Collins Chong Yew Keat Published on November 13, 2023 Malaysia is a clear supporter of the Palestinian cause and is unlikely to bend over backwards for Western powers. The Israel-Palestine conflict has always been an issue that united the political spectrum in Malaysia, which is dominated by a Muslim-majority population. Support for the Palestinian cause is not just religious but also humanitarian and Palestinian statehood remains a unifying factor across racial, religious and political affiliations. As much as it is critical for the Anwar Ibrahim administration to defend the rights of the Palestinians in line with the capturing of the hearts and minds of Malaysian Muslim voters, a predominant factor is also the country’s entrenched non-alignment stance. From past leadership to the present, Malaysia has consistently made clear its pro-Palestine views, from large-scale shows of solidarity to outreach programmes. In being unequivocal in condemning Israel’s actions in Gaza and pushing for a two-state solution, Malaysia has stood for what it percieves to be a fairer global response and narrative on the Palestinian cause. The current conflict, however, presents a new dilemma as an action in either direction presents its own implications for Kuala Lumpur. Maintaining ties with Hamas is viewed differently by Washington and this is aggravated by the financial and investment initiatives China has undertaken in Malaysia. The United States is slighted by the reluctance of Kuala Lumpur to condemn and review ties with Hamas. Anwar has foreseen these implications and recently revealed the pressure and threats he has received from the West. The dilemma for Washington and its allies is how best to manage Malaysia’s hardline stance on the Israel-Palestine conundrum so as not to jeopardise their long-term reliance on the country in the bigger battle for enduring Indo-Pacific power against China. Malaysia, meanwhile, is not in a situation to side with the West unless a dramatic shift in the latter’s policy is translated on the Middle East ground. Malaysia’s efforts to secure a tangible solution to the Israel-Palestinian conflict will not succeed without adequate bargaining power over Washington and key Arab players in the region. Its lack of diplomatic ties with Israel and a distinctly one-sided stance on the issue leaves little room for flexibility. The West is nevertheless eyeing Malaysia’s changing leverage and influence with the Global South, ASEAN and the Muslim world and what this could offer to its containment of China. Questions remain on how deep Washington and other Western players will withstand the pressure to rein in Benjamin Netanyahu’s relentless assault on Gaza without permanently burning bridges with the Muslim world. Malaysia’s opening here could be to craft strategic leverage over key Arab players, ASEAN and China in strengthening the global solidarity front with the Palestinians and piling pressure on the West. But for this, Malaysia will need to choose between the longer-term setback of lesser Western security and economic cooperation against the short-term gains of aligning with anti-West forces and voices. Kuala Lumpur’s ability to be a kingmaker in the Sino-US rivalry by using its leverage in emerging critical sectors including semiconductors and rare earths will be a main factor. Any potential drawbacks in dwindling security assurances by the West as a retaliation for Malaysia’s response can be mitigated as Malaysia is already looking at enhanced defence and economic cooperation with Japan and South Korea and with existing allies Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Iran. Malaysia may also push for new strategic solutions to the Gaza conflict at the OIC Special Summit in Riyadh next week. This could include playing the oil card among oil-producing member states. While Malaysia’s influencing parity in pressuring Tehran to refrain from escalating the conflict with its support for Hezbollah is not the West’s expectation, it is still depended on to play a role. Its influence in helping to prevent a widened conflict in the Middle East with the risk of a global conflagration will be intertwined with America and China’s moves in hedging their priorities in Eastern Europe, the Middle East and the Indo-Pacific. Collins Chong Yew Keat is attached to the Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, Universiti Malaya, focusing on strategy and security. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 13, 2023

No one's betting the farm on robots - 360 Daniel Casagrande Published on June 29, 2022 Robots can help farmers improve crop yields and ease labour shortages but their adoption has been dramatically low. Robots have been a familiar sight on factory floors for decades, but now they’re headed for greener pastures. Agricultural drones, self-driving tractors and seed-planting robots could help prevent labour shortages and an impending global food crisis. The promise of producing more crops with less effort and less impact on the environment is leading to bullish predictions. Industry pundits expect the global agricultural robotics market to surpass US$81 billion by 2028. But farmers have been slow to embrace the robotic revolution: less than 6 percent of the world’s 3 million industrial robots are currently used on agricultural lands. Transitioning to smart farming technology requires high initial investment, which presents an acute challenge for smaller farms hardest hit by labour shortages. US farm equipment company John Deere recently revealed its first fully autonomous tractor. But with prices starting at US$150,000 for an entry-level model, this is out of reach for most small to medium-sized family enterprises. High costs are largely due to the complexity of tasks involved. Robots required to navigate autonomously in outdoor environments, such as farms, need powerful sensing technologies that retrieve information from satellites. Potential profitability is not always clear — farm size, crop choice, traditional labour costs and variable environmental conditions all must be assessed — preventing farmers from taking a gamble if initial costs are high. In response, robotics companies are now trialling subscription-based services. Farmers can rent the robot for a designated time period or for specific tasks. In this way, they’re able to assess site-specific performance without committing to high upfront costs. It generally takes about two years for robots to properly integrate to a specific farm setting. This lengthy time frame, along with ongoing maintenance, hardware and software upgrade costs, makes it difficult for farmers to assess economic and environmental benefits. It also makes it hard for robotics companies to grow and achieve financial stability. In most countries, there’s also a lack of legal frameworks to regulate data handling and interactions between robots, humans and the environment. This increases risks and is hindering adoption of new technologies at scale. “Until recently, agriculture has always been about doing more, with more — more horsepower, more inputs, more acres — but the new digital era is changing all of that. In the last decade, it has been about doing more with less, and providing farmers with tools to make informed decisions,” says Jahmy Hindman, chief technology officer at John Deere. Yet it remains to be seen whether enough farmers will get on board to increase market size and lower costs. For the time-being, it’s agricultural drones that are proving most successful. The emergence of cheap multispectral cameras has helped reduce costs to as low as US$1,500, making drones an attractive investment for many farmers. And with authorities such as the US Federal Aviation Administration laying the groundwork for regulations on drone use and operation, adoption is rapidly increasing on farms around the world. Government support, in the form of tax reductions or subsidy schemes, can help emerging companies innovate and test new business models. Australia’s Accelerating Commercialisation grants and the European Union’s vineyard automation project, GRAPE, offer good examples for others to follow. More investment from the private sector is also needed. The development of smart-farming technologies requires millions of dollars to research and scale. This is a problem for investors seeking immediate payback via proven technologies and widespread applications. is assistant professor in the Institute of Engineering Sciences at Universidad de O’Higgins, Chile. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 29, 2022

No place to call home: Tongans hard hit by New Zealand's housing crisis - 360 Gemma Malungahu Published on May 30, 2022 Tongans are being pushed to extremes as affordable housing grows scarce. New Zealand needs a Pacific Housing Strategy to address this escalating crisis. “I don’t know what’s going to happen. I don’t want to lose any more of my kids,” Alisia says. Her daughter had been taken into care because the family could not find rental accommodation and had no choice but to sleep in their car. Hope* is living in a cold, dilapidated garage with her six children. Usually healthy, one of her children has become sick because of the inadequate living conditions. Alisia and Hope have something in common apart from their precarious housing situation: they are both Pacific Islanders. In Aotearoa New Zealand, people from the Pacific are more likely than most other New Zealanders to live in poor-quality housing. Despite this, government housing policies have not been developed in consultation with Pacific communities. A recent study shows a national strategy is urgently needed to address this worsening situation. Researchers at ANU’s Department of Pacific Affairs interviewed Tongan families living in South Auckland in New Zealand to understand their perspectives of ‘home’ and document their housing experiences. Tā-vā (time-space) philosophy, developed by Tongan anthropologist Professor Hūfanga in 1999, guided the researchers’ approach. The Tā-vā philosophy honours and prioritises Pacific indigenous cultures, languages, values and beliefs. Interviewees described long waiting periods for basic maintenance to public housing. One woman had to wait nearly three years for her paraplegic daughter’s hoist to be repaired. Due to the long wait, the woman injured herself trying to lift her daughter without the hoist. Others said they were accused of damaging the property when they asked for repairs to be made. In one case, the housing authority said the household’s children must have made a hole in the wall, and it asked the family to pay for repairs. In fact, the hole had been caused by damp and mould in the house. The family reported the problem right away, and repeatedly asked for the wall to be fixed, but it was not repaired and grew worse. In the meantime, one of the children developed rheumatic fever most likely from exposure to cold and damp through the damaged wall. Rheumatic fever is virtually unknown in the general New Zealand population but is rife in Pacific households because they are more likely to live in public housing that is overcrowded and poorly maintained. Statistics New Zealand data from 2020 shows that Pacific peoples were close to four times more likely than the general New Zealand population to experience severe housing deprivation. To be deprived in this way means being homeless, or living in housing that lacks at least two of the three core apects of adequate housing: suitable living conditions, a sense of security that the home will not be taken away, and privacy and control over the home. Data from the 2013 census – the most recent data available – shows that Tongans are less likely than Pacific Islanders in general to be homeowners: 18.5 percent of Pacific peoples were full or partial homeowners, compared to 15.3 percent of Tongans (and 49.8 percent of New Zealanders as a whole). Two in five Pacific families in New Zealand are likely to live in overcrowded housing, and most of these families are Tongan or Tuvaluan. Traditionally, Tongan families prefer to live collectively, with several generations and sometimes several families sharing a dwelling. Public housing is generally built for a ‘nuclear family’ (two parents and two children), so housing suitable for Tongan preferences is scarce. If it exists, it is usually out of reach: compared to the general New Zealand population, a high percentage of Pacific peoples live in low socioeconomic areas, particularly in Auckland. The Ministry of Pacific Peoples has funded Pacific housing and social service initiatives. But there is little coordination of these initiatives to improve the overall housing situation of Pacific communities. From mid-2016 New Zealand’s housing ministry began providing incentives to Auckland tenants living in or eligible for state housing to relocate outside Auckland. There was no clear rationale for the policy, other than to try to relieve Auckland’s housing shortage. The majority of state housing tenants in Auckland are Pacific families, so the policy had a disproportionate effect on this vulnerable group of people. Families who relocated became disconnected from their community. Relocation under these circumstances contributes to feelings of isolation, loss, depression and alienation. Practical support was provided to families who relocated, but this did not address the disruption of moving children to a different school, the increased commute time to work (or job loss when the commute became too long) or the mental health issues that arose when people became separated from their community and support network. State-led gentrification has had the effect of forced relocation, displacing and disrupting long-established communities. The Tamaki Regeneration Programme, a partnership between Housing New Zealand and the Tamaki Regeneration Company, set out to provide an inclusive, affordable and vibrant community across three suburban areas in East Auckland. But the programme meant public housing was sold off and state tenants – some of whom had lived in the area for five decades – were forced to relocate. Established communities and livelihoods were disrupted and families were evicted. Early protests and rallies did not stop the programme from going ahead. During New Zealand’s COVID-related lockdowns, cuts to employment and therefore income made the plight of Pacific families worse. Demand for public housing has significantly increased as the cost of private rent has outstripped the average income of Pacific households. The stress and hardship that come with homelessness can lead to poor mental health, in turn damaging self-esteem and destroying a person’s sense of belonging. The UN’s standards of adequate housing, which include cultural suitability and freedom from worry that the home will be taken away, have not been met for Pacific families living in New Zealand. The only state housing policy to be developed in consultation with Pacific communities was the 2009–19 Orama Nui Housing Strategy, whose main aim was to improve the ability of Housing New Zealand Corporation – later changed to Kinga Ora (Homes and Communities) – to deliver improved services for Pacific people. The strategy’s effectiveness has not been evaluated since it began. There is no Pacific-focused national housing strategy that encompasses the state and private housing sectors, and sets targets to ensure vulnerable households have access to adequate, affordable and accessible housing. Policymakers in New Zealand had access to the Kapasa framework, a Pacific-focused policy tool developed by the Ministry of Pacific Peoples in 2017, but they did not make use of it. Like the tā-vā philosophy, the Kapasa framework acknowledges Pacific world views and values. Meaningful and purposeful engagement with Pacific communities is vital to ensure a national strategy aligned with community needs. Pacific people, like all people, need access to housing that is fit for purpose, habitable, affordable and secure. *Name changed for privacy reasons. Dr Gemma Melvena Malungahu (ORCID 0000-0003-4154-8227) is a Pacific research fellow, and convenor for a number of undergraduate and postgraduate courses at the Department of Pacific Affairs, ANU. Dr Malungahu’s research was funded by the University of Auckland Doctoral Scholarship. She has declared no conflict of interest in relation to this article. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 30, 2022

No-surgery, low-cost alternatives to treat chronic pain - 360 Mary O'Keeffe Published on May 10, 2024 Women’s back pain is increasingly being taken seriously. But common spinal surgeries can be costly and risky. Chronic pain has a devastating impact on sufferers, with women harbouring most of the burden. The troubling paradox for women is this: while they suffer more chronic pain than men — they often find their reports of pain not taken seriously. To add insult to injury, they are also often on the receiving end of sub-optimal assessment and treatment. Women receive less and less effective pain relief, are prescribed more antidepressants, get more mental health referrals and are perceived as emotional, complaining, not wanting to get better, and fabricating the pain. This makes women with chronic pain a particularly vulnerable group. Given these worrying trends in women’s care, it’s important women be made aware of safe and effective treatments available for their pain. Women’s health advocates point out that it’s important women be able to access treatment for their pain, and that it be taken seriously. But there are increasing concerns this agenda is being hijacked by vested interests — namely specialists and companies which craft female health narratives to promote treatments not backed by evidence. When it comes to pain management, spinal fusions and spinal stimulation devices are two pertinent examples, as a recent ABC Four Corners episode in Australia examined. Spinal cord stimulators are surgically implanted devices that deliver electric impulses to the spinal cord. Despite aggressive marketing regarding their effectiveness, a high-quality review of all the scientific trials on these devices has found that spinal cord stimulators probably do not “have sustained clinical benefits that would outweigh the costs and risks of this surgical intervention”. An analysis reported to Australia’s Therapeutic Goods Administration provides sobering evidence of the risks associated with these devices. Of 520 adverse events associated with spinal stimulators reported between 2012 and 2019, 79 percent were considered “severe” and 13 percent were “life-threatening”. Compounding matters, these devices are also pricey: With hospital costs factored in, the total cost for a single procedure averages more than $58,000. Spinal fusion is a surgery that permanently fuses two or more vertebrae together to stop them moving on each other. A review of the literature found that fusions are not more effective than non-surgical treatments (such as exercise) and serious harms — which can include nerve injury, heart failure, infections and blood clots — occur in one in six patients. As well as being risky, the procedure is also expensive. In Australia, depending on one’s health insurance status, one surgery costs more than $41,000. For decades, pain was understood to be caused by biological factors and disease pathology only. Most treatments were based on this assumption. In recent years, many guidelines for various chronic pain conditions have shifted to focus on non-drug and non-surgical treatments. This is a move away from harmful over-medicalisation — and is better aligned with the latest, evidence-backed view, which understands chronic pain as a personal biopsychosocial experience, which recognises that pain emerges from a dynamic interplay between biological, psychological, and social factors. Addressing these factors in an individualised way is now considered best practice for chronic pain. While in the past, a woman with chronic back pain may have been referred by her GP for imaging and drugs or referred to an orthopaedic surgeon, a more appropriate pathway for many types of pain may now involve a GP and physiotherapist working with the patient in an individual way to apply biopsychosocial techniques for pain management. Depending on needs, some patients may benefit from referral to a dietician, psychologist, or occupational therapists. Advice and information to improve a patient’s understanding of their pain or appropriate management is the most important and effective treatment. This includes how to stay physically active, managing setbacks, healthy lifestyle, and how to self-manage and cope with pain. Unfortunately, many people miss out on education. Sufferers should ask their health professionals for simple explanations as there is strong evidence people with chronic pain want to be heard and validated, and working with a health professional who is a good communicator is important for patient outcomes. Exercise and physical activity are another vital part of chronic pain management. We now know that regular exercise not only helps keep the body fit and healthy, but actually reduces pain and discomfort. It also relaxes muscle tension, helps mood and strengthens the immune system once started gradually. When you are in pain, starting exercise can feel hard. Keep in mind that under-used muscles feel more pain than healthy muscles — so if you’re feeling sore after exercise, this does not indicate harm or damage to the body. All types of exercise are good- so pick one you enjoy, can afford and which is convenient. Chronic pain sufferers may also want to consider Cognitive Functional Therapy (CFT) , a new treatment developed for lower back pain, which can be adapted for other musculoskeletal pain conditions — as long as serious causes of the pain (for example, cancer or broken bones) are excluded. CFT is offered by some specially trained physiotherapists and other clinicians. In this therapy, the clinician works with the patient to identify and address their individual barriers to recovery, coaching them to self-manage their condition and reach their goals. It takes in body relaxation, awareness and control techniques before moving to lifestyle coaching for healthy sleep habits; stress management strategies; social engagement and work. The effectiveness of this treatment is backed by research, with 11 clinical trials having already demonstrated CFT efficacy. The largest clinical trial, published in The Lancet, included 492 people with chronic lower back pain. It found large and sustained improvements in function and reductions in pain levels for people who underwent CFT, compared with those receiving usual care. People who underwent CFT were also more confident, less fearful and had a more positive mindset about their back pain. Importantly they liked it, with 80 percent of participants satisfied or highly satisfied with the treatment, compared to 19 percent in the usual care group. The treatment was as safe as usual care and was also cost-effective. It saved more than AUD$5,000 per person over a year, largely due to increased participation at work. Dr Mary O’Keeffe is a physiotherapist and Research Fellow at the University College Dublin, Ireland and affiliated with the Institute for Musculoskeletal Health, University of Sydney, Australia. Mary is funded by a University College Dublin Ad Astra Fellowship and receives funding from the European Commission for various musculoskeletal pain projects focusing on non-pharmacological and non-surgical options. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 10, 2024

Non-food crops are eating up our food - 360 Deepak Ray Published on September 27, 2022 The world’s farmers grow crops for food as well as other uses. Those other uses threaten to crowd out our chance to feed the world’s hungry. It’s sometimes bandied about that enough food is grown globally to feed everyone now and into the future. Undernourishment is ‘just a distribution challenge’. And it’s mostly true: enough kilojoules do and will be harvested in just the top ten global crops, which account for more than 80 percent of all calories. We will grow an extra 14,000 trillion kilocalories (around 59,000 trillion kilojoules) by 2030. But while distribution is certainly one challenge, under the hood things are not so simple; all harvested crops are not for direct food consumption. Crops are often consumed with little to no processing, such as apples from the tree and tortillas made from the flour of a wheat or maize crop. But there are another six reasons crops are grown: animal feed (for dairy, eggs and meat production); the food processing industry (think high fructose corn syrup, hydrogenated oil and modified starch); exports (to countries that can pay); industrial use (think ethanol, bio-diesel, bagasse, bio-plastics, and pharmaceuticals); seeds; and then there are crop losses. These last two categories are relatively small, though in the 2010s crop losses were still relatively high in Africa. The second United Nations Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) is to end hunger and provide nutritious and sufficient food (that is, sufficient calories) to all people, all year round, by 2030. This is a huge target: up to 828 million now do not get sufficient quantities of food each day, mostly in Asia and Africa. The number of undernourished people globally has risen since 2015 and has been intensified by COVID-19. Since the 1960s, the fraction of crops harvested for direct food consumption has decreased. Those grown for other usages, especially those for processing, exports and industrial usage, increased. In addition, yields of food crops have remained persistently lower and are increasing at a slower rate. Industrial-use crops are currently twice as productive as food crops. We seem to be on target to a situation when only around a quarter of the calories harvested globally in 2030 will be for direct food consumption. A third may feed livestock and be used in the food processing industry; 15 percent may get diverted to industrial usage; and around a fifth will be exported. Only in the continent of Africa are crops predominantly harvested for direct food consumption. Even in countries with massive numbers of undernourished people, such as in India, harvests are moving away from crops for direct food consumption. Specific regions around the world have specialised into harvesting crops for usage other than direct food consumption, quite different from how the world was 50 years ago. People with insecure access to food are being left behind, especially where they are also trapped in poverty. Agriculture is responding more to the demands of a growing global middle class and its alternative crop uses; agriculture is working less for the undernourished and the poor. So how can the world solve the food insecurity challenge? Much of the corn (maize) harvest in the United States goes to alternative uses and so diverting it to food-insecure nations seems obvious. But that corn is not a variety suitable for human consumption. And what will then happen to livestock farmers or those working in the industries that require this raw input? The thinking that the world has and will have enough calories to feed everyone is a chimera: all harvested crops are not for the same use even when the crop is the same. Alternately, we can increase crop production. This is continuously happening, but at what cost? In Brazil, mapped locations of loss of natural landscape appear to coincide with where crops are grown for the food processing industry. In Indonesia and Malaysia it appears to have been for the export market. Organisations and governments are striving to increase yields (ostensibly of food crops) in food insecure countries. But the often-touted ‘yield-gap’ — the difference between the best performing countries and others, when factors such as climate and soils are taken into consideration — is somewhat misleading. American maize yields are several times those in Africa. But it is used for animal feed, processing and industrial usage versus food in Africa. When higher profit can be made from alternative uses, it will happen. So in reality countries with food-insecure populations and with poverty will have to fend for themselves or import food crops. But how will that be even possible? Will they be able to compete in the open market? Or compete for donations? To grow food for food-insecure countries, will a farmer in Minnesota be forced to switch from corn to wheat? Will a wheat farmer in Western Australia or the UK be asked to try a new crop? Will a sugarcane farmer in India be forced to grow rice? These are tricky questions, but the development of high resolution maps showing the purpose of harvesting our lands and how it changed over time and its trajectory will help us manage multiple purposes: of reaching the second SDG; profitable agriculture for our farmers; supporting the middle class, and the agri-industry. EMBED START Video {id: "editor_5"} EMBED END Video {id: "editor_5"} Otherwise, at current rates of yield improvements in food crops, 31 countries will likely not be able to sufficiently feed their population from within-country crop production by 2030. Another 17 countries will likely not be able to feed their expected extra population in 2030 from their within-country crop production. We also do not know the lingering effects of COVID disruption, the war in Ukraine, regime change and conflicts in Afghanistan and elsewhere, and climate change on food security in 2030. The World Food Program estimates that currently 811 million people are hungry and the Food and Agriculture Organization projects that 670 million could be hungry in 2030. These numbers are around 200 million higher than the mapping showed. So even with all the uncertainties, the mapping may undervalue the difficulties. The UN Sustainable Development Goals were agreed in September 2015 by 193 nations – the entire world. In 2022, we are nearly half way through to the goal year of 2030. Eight percent of the world population is predicted to be hungry in 2030, which is the same as when the SDGs were launched. Given the way things stand, without an extra effort in the 50 or so challenged nations, the world will together fail to end hunger. Elsewhere it is the relatively ‘simple’ matter of crop use and distribution. is a senior research scientist at the Institute on the Environment, University of Minnesota, which funded this research. He conducts research on issues concerning world food security. His works have been published in some of the top global scientific journals and many are highly cited. He can be followed on Twitter @RayDeepakK Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on September 27, 2022

Not just big pharma: how social factors affect overprescription in India - 360 Paromita Goswami, Anindita Chaudhuri Published on December 15, 2021 Increasing use of antidepressants in India stems not only from pharmaceutical company marketing. Social stigma and economics are pushing people to take a pill. By Paromita Goswami, Shiv Nadar University and Anindita Chaudhuri, University of Calcutta India is afflicted by a boom in depression. A mind-boggling 56 million of its people have the condition, another 38 million have an anxiety disorder. It was among India’s top 15 causes of early death in 2019. Not surprisingly, antidepressants are rife: prescriptions grew by 23 percent over the last year. In Japan, pharmaceutical companies coined the term ‘kokoro no kaze’, meaning ‘a cold of the soul’, for depression. This carefully crafted disease awareness campaign was behind a growing acceptance of depression and antidepressants to treat it, according to Professor Hiroshi Ihara. In India, interviews with medical professionals, clinical psychologists and even traditional healers show how the pharmaceutical industry is adopting new measures in an attempt to grow its market. Doctors have described how pharmaceutical companies keep prescription records and in many cases pay doctors a percentage of the value of prescriptions, “If someone writes a prescription of 100 rupees, he gets 10 rupees; the amount is added …[and] paid through conference sponsorships, foreign trips, books and gifts,” said Prabir*, a clinical psychologist. GPs are often willing and able to prescribe low-dosage antidepressant drugs and consequently, “liberal antidepressant prescriptions by non-psychiatrists” is rampant in India according to psychiatrist Gopala Sarma Poduri. But the pharmaceutical industry is not entirely to blame for overprescription of antidepressants in India. The situation is more complex and nuanced. Patients might turn to an antidepressant because of the stigma of seeing a mental health professional. Mihir*, a GP reported that even if he recommends the services of a specialist psychiatrist, patients are often in denial: “[Patients] don’t recognise themselves as having that kind of a problem. … [They would say] I am having loose bowels, or heart palpitations, why are you sending me to doctors for mad people?” Patients often prefer taking medicines over psychotherapy. Samir*, a clinical psychologist said: “People think that if they are not having medicines and they are only going to the therapist to talk, then they don’t have depression; if there is no medicine, there is no problem.” Indian medical education has been criticised for too little emphasis on psychiatric issues. “People first go to a GP … but GPs have limited understanding of psychiatric medicine and might keep changing medicines and resort to polypharmacy,” said Prabir. Often the lack of economic resources to afford therapy makes patients and their families see a general practitioner or non-specialist whose lack of adequate training makes them especially prone to erroneous diagnosis and overprescription of antidepressants. With 0.3 psychiatrists, and 0.07 psychologists per 100,000 people in India, there is no way to effectively handle the caseloads. Suggested figures for these categories recommend a minimum of 1-4 per 100,000. A shortage of qualified mental healthcare professionals makes it impossible to cater to the needs of the difficult-to-access rural population. The problem is so acute that in 2010, the Ministry of Health proposed a bachelors program in community health/rural health care. This program has suffered a failure to launch. In remote areas, researchers have shown a large share of antidepressant sales are “not generated by licensed doctors, but by an amorphous group of unlicensed prescribers who have never been formally trained in medicine”. In many ways these unlicenced prescribers are unavoidable. Amit*, a surgeon put it this way: “Our rural population is dependent on ‘quacks’. We are unable to supply qualified medical officers, so the so-called unauthorised, or those that are called quacks, can’t be eliminated overnight.” Patients are often forced to move toward antidepressants even when they don’t really need that level of treatment. The drugs are cheaper than therapy. “A therapy session takes 30–45 min, and that has implications on the fees. A person might then think ‘I have to set aside 2500–3000 rupees for counselling, and I will just talk … On the other hand, if I take antidepressants, my monthly medical bills won’t cross thousands of rupees’,” said Samir. Clinical depression is a sad and growing reality in India. Promotion of prescription products by pharmaceutical companies has most definitely happened, and continues relentlessly, in spite of the changes made to the Indian Medical Council Regulations in 2002. But big pharma cannot be declared the only culprit. There is a clear case of sociocultural economic causes including stigma, lack of affordable care, and infrastructural constraints like unavailability of qualified healthcare professionals creating a breeding ground for overprescription to proliferate. * names have been anonymised Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Paromita Goswami is Professor of Marketing and Social Innovation at Shiv Nadar University, India, and her research interests are in the area of  critical marketing, using consumer insights for social innovation, religious and sexual violence, peace marketing, alternative masculinity, social entrepreneurship and sustainability. Anindita Chaudhuri is an Associate Professor at Department of Psychology, University of Calcutta. She has more than 17 years of academic and research experience in investigating social psychology and positive psychology. Her principal areas of interest include research on identity, marginalisation, happiness and wellbeing. The authors have declared no conflicts of interest in relation to this article.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 15, 2021

Not MAD about Putin - 360 Maria Rost Rublee Published on March 21, 2022 The notion of Mutually Assured Destruction as a deterrent to nuclear strikes has destabilised. It would be dangerous to maintain an unquestioned reliance on it. American political scientist and war veteran Kenneth Waltz once said “Those who like peace should love nuclear weapons”. Russian President Vladimir Putin has raised questions about Waltz’s logic. The Cold War logic of nuclear deterrence maintains that nuclear-armed states will not attack one another because of fear of massive retaliation, or mutually assured destruction (MAD). Whether nuclear deterrence actually worked during the Cold War remains a matter for debate; analysts still argue whether the lack of a major war between the superpowers was due to deterrence or to other factors. And even if deterrence worked in the past, it’s unlikely to do so in future. The world has changed dramatically since the Cold War era. A confluence of changes to technological, domestic and strategic landscapes has weakened nuclear deterrence, and it would be dangerous to maintain a continued, unquestioning reliance on it. There are two key problems with nuclear deterrence today: the destabilisation of second-strike capabilities and the growing trend for states to reject outright the logic of MAD. While these trends were present during the Cold War years of US–Soviet competition, they have evolved and intensified since then due to technological changes and the expansion in the number of nuclear weapons. The ability of a nation to launch a devastating nuclear response to a nuclear attack has been undermined by advances in cyberwarfare. The assurance of second-strike capability is no longer, particularly for countries with smaller arsenals. Known as ‘left-of-launch’ tactics, because they preempt an opponent’s ability to launch missiles, these cyber and electronic techniques can reportedly “sabotage missile components, impair command and control systems, or jam communication signals”. Left of launch is likely to encourage, rather than deter, nuclear use. For example, the leader of state Y fears that their ability to launch a second strike could be compromised by left-of-launch cyber tactics by state X. In this scenario, leader Y has a greater incentive to launch nuclear weapons before the start of a conflict, for fear they will not be able to do so later. These concerns are not hypothetical: Pentagon officials have publicly discussed the merits of being able to undermine North Korea’s nuclear command and control, as well as its missile launches. If Kim Jong-un suspects electronic warfare may keep him from communicating with field units in a time of crisis, he may pre-delegate nuclear launch authority to field commanders, which also increases the risk of nuclear use. Russia has strong cyberwarfare capabilities. Like North Korea, it is dominated by the kind of “personalist dictatorship” which Stanford political scientist Scott Sagan says are a grave threat to nuclear peace. “A leader surrounded by yes-men will have no one who can question faulty assumptions, much less challenge his decision-making,” Sagan says. Deterrence is about influencing a potential adversary’s cost-benefit calculus, assessment of risk, and decision-making processes. It requires a thorough understanding of a potential adversary’s priorities, perceptions, and strategies. The crux of nuclear deterrence is that nations will not use nuclear weapons for fear of a return strike. If decision-makers believe that limited nuclear use is possible without triggering a nuclear response, nuclear deterrence is undermined. Russia may have returned to planning for a limited nuclear first strike. For example, Russia’s 2017 naval strategy included a statement that “being ready and willing to use nonstrategic nuclear weapons in an escalating conflict can successfully deter an enemy”. Russian officials have made “threats to use nuclear weapons against ballistic missile-defense facilities, and in regional scenarios that do not threaten Russia’s survival” and just in the last month, Putin put his country’s nuclear forces on high alert due to sanctions and what he called “aggressive statements” from Western countries. A nuclear adversary could potentially use nuclear weapons, not against the US homeland, but in its own region or in a demonstration effect, to deter Washington from intervening in a conflict outside its hemisphere. Continued unquestioning reliance on nuclear deterrence is dangerous. Today we are faced with a dramatic increase in the variables that can disrupt nuclear strategy: an increase in nuclear-armed states, with differing pre-existing conflicts (such as territorial disputes); a greater variety of domestic variables that may influence nuclear decision-making (including regime type, electoral politics, and nationalism); and numerous technological changes that can affect nuclear use. It is no surprise that nations have responded with changes in nuclear doctrine. Unfortunately, nuclear deterrence has not kept pace with these changes; even proponents of deterrence call it ‘static and stagnant’. Some argue that deterrence may be upheld through greater transparency and diplomacy. However, these are often the first principles to be abandoned in the face of the crises from which deterrence is supposed to save us. Regardless of whether it is desirable for nuclear deterrence to hold, the evidence is that it has instead been destabilised, and continued reliance on it may lead to nuclear use for the first time in 70 years. Maria Rost Rublee is an Associate Professor of International Relations at Monash University, with expertise in constructivism, nuclear politics, maritime security, and diversity in security studies. She is Chair of the International Security Studies Section of the International Studies Association. She declares no conflict of interest. This article draws from an article originally written by the author for Chatham House. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 21, 2022

Not made in China: Australia's other big opportunities in Asia - 360 Nathan Gray Published on March 5, 2024 Australia’s trade conflict with China has prompted it to look to Southeast Asia, an emerging economic powerhouse. When China slapped punitive sanctions on Australian goods in retaliation to Canberra calling for an inquiry into the origins of COVID-19, it was a wake-up call. Beijing’s economic coercion highlighted the need for Australia to diversify its export partnerships and to re-assess its reciprocal trade agreements with other trading partners. Southeast Asia presents a potential USD$3 trillion opportunity. The region is predicted to become the world’s fourth-largest economy by 2040, after the United States, China and India. Its large and growing population is projected to generate greater spending on lifestyle, education and housing. As the large population ages, there will be increasing demand for health and aged care services, too. Australia already has relationships with the region, which it can now leverage. Over the past two decades Australia has committed to negotiating a raft of preferential trade agreements with a range of economic partners, most of whom are in the Indo-Pacific region. The 10 countries that form the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) enjoy economic ties with Australia that stretch back 50 years, since Australia became ASEAN’s first dialogue partner in 1974. This week’s summit in Melbourne marks that partnership. Australia’s trade and investment partnerships include significant bi-lateral, and regional preferential trade agreements with Southeast Asia including bi-lateral Free Trade Agreements (FTA) with Singapore (2003), Thailand (2005), Malaysia (2011), and Indonesia (2020); and overlapping regional FTAs in ASEAN — Australia New Zealand Free Trade Area (AANZFTA), Comprehensive and Progressive Trans Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). Many of these agreements have recently been upgraded to further liberalise the trading relationships. These agreements in many cases give Australian companies substantial comparative trading, investment, policy and government advantages to trade in markets in Southeast Asia. Australia has weathered the geopolitical storms of the past five years relatively well, aside from the ongoing challenge to reign in stubbornly high consumer inflation. Economic growth has returned to pre-pandemic levels, unemployment has fallen to the lowest levels since 1974, and merchandise trade has continued to soar to new heights. But Australia’s ongoing prosperity and security is intimately linked to the prosperity and security of its neighbours, just as their security and prosperity is linked to ours. So it is unsurprising that the Australian government’s Southeast Asia strategy, launched in September 2023, focuses on growing economic ties with the area in the years to 2040. It has a clear message for Australian companies: Southeast Asia is open for business. While Southeast Asia does not have the same economic clout as China, its unique economic profile holds its own opportunities. Its market size is significant; it’s growing to become an economic powerhouse; and more consumers are joining the middle class every year. In Indonesia alone, an estimated 76 million will join the consumer class by 2030. The region is a melting pot of communities with a population of over 660 million and a mixed range of levels of economic development. It encompasses high-income economies including Singapore and Brunei Darussalam; upper-middle income economies such as Malaysia and Thailand; and lower-middle income economies, such as Indonesia, Philippines, Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, and Myanmar. Southeast Asia has merchant bankers, underground train systems, and high-rise apartments, with increasing demand for consumer goods each year. A visit to large cities like Jakarta, Bangkok, Kuala Lumpur and Manila will showcase many of the mod cons of life in modern Australia, such as large shopping malls, luxury clothing outlets, rooftop bars, and thriving metropolises. Currently, Australian businesses are not making the most of these opportunities. Australia’s Economic Strategy to 2024 makes explicit reference to the low levels of direct investment by Australia in Southeast Asia, identifying that “Australia’s direct investment into Southeast Asia has stagnated in recent years, while overall direct investment into the region from other countries has increased materially”. Australia is also well-positioned to support Southeast Asia through trade and investment, and can help our neighbours realise the prosperity through economic growth. The strategy points out that Southeast Asia is estimated to need USD$3 trillion of significant capital investment in critical infrastructure in the next 16 years. This provides a significant opportunity for Australian superannuation funds, and other significant investors looking to leverage the emerging middle- class economic growth in the region through the infrastructure growth needs of the fastest growing economies in Asia. Looking to Southeast Asia for trade and investment should be a part of every Australian company’s international strategy as a priority, if for no other reason than to provide the necessary diversification every business needs to guard against the geopolitical risks in trade. Dr Nathan Gray is a trade economist. He is Senior Visiting Fellow at The Institute for International Trade, University of Adelaide, and Managing Partner of AsiaAustralis an Australian Based Strategic Management Advisory Firm. Dr Gray has provided strategic, industry and trade policy advice across Asia over the past 15 years, in a range of sectors for clients including the World Bank, APEC, the Australian Government, and a range of corporate and industry organisations. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Australia and ASEAN” sent at: 04/03/2024 06:00. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 5, 2024

Nuclear-fuelled debate over Japan's wastewater plan - 360 Chris Bartlett Published on August 23, 2023 Japan’s plan to release treated radioactive water from the crippled Fukushima reactor into the ocean has its supporters but is causing ripples in the Pacific. Japan may start releasing treated waste water from the Fukushima nuclear reactor from August 24, 2023. The International Atomic Energy Agency gave the green light in July to Japan’s plan to dump more than one million tonnes of treated waste water from the ruined Fukushima nuclear reactor into the Pacific Ocean. The Agency’s director general, Rafael Grossi, said the body’s latest safety review of the planned discharge “makes the science of the treated water release clear for the international community and it answers the technical questions related to safety that have been raised”. That has not placated the critics though. Japan’s neighbours China and South Korea oppose the plan, as do fishermen in the Fukushima region. Koreans have been hoarding salt and seafood in preparation for the discharge. The Fukushima plant was destroyed in the 2011 earthquake and resulting tsunami. It was the world’s worst nuclear disaster since Chernobyl in 1986. The 1.3 million tonnes of wastewater set to be discharged was needed to keep the exposed core in each of the plant’s three damaged reactors cool and has been stored in tanks onsite. Now, space has run out. The Tokyo Electric Power Company, which is running the operation, and the Japanese government, which announced plans of the release in 2021, say the water — which has been run through the Advanced Liquid Processing System to take out the most harmful radioactive isotopes — is safe. The International Atomic Energy Agency has backed these claims, with tests showing the treated water falls well within global safety standards. Not everyone is convinced. Some environmentalists think more research is needed. Pacific Island nations — still struggling with the legacy of nuclear weapons tests last century  — fear they will be hardest hit. Neighbouring nations are also concerned. Local fishers — who have spent a decade resurrecting their livelihoods — fear customers will shun their catch for fears of contamination. Bob Richmond, from the University of Hawaii, who visited Fukushima in February 2023 as part of a Pacific Island Forum expert panel, saysthere’s a potential solution that’s been overlooked. “[During the visit] it was apparent that large amounts of concrete will need to be used to expand the seawall, stabilise large amounts of contaminated soil and fortify the ice barrier presently in place to reduce groundwater flow into the damaged reactors,’’ he said. “Using the treated cooling water onsite to mix concrete that can be used to expand the seawall should be given more consideration if the water is truly safe.” Nigel Marks, from Curtin University in Western Australia, says fears of unsafe water are misplaced, saying the radioactivity is so tiny that, even in the most extreme scenario, the radiation from eating fish caught in the area would amount to that of a dental x-ray. “A 2021 study shows that eating a lifetime’s worth of Fukushima fish caught entirely within a few kilometres of the wastewater outlet amounts to 0.02 micro-sieverts of tritium radiation. This is less than a banana, which contains the equivalent of 0.1micro-sieverts,’ he said. “The same study shows the lifetime effect of all other isotopes is 5 micro-sieverts, the same as a dental x-ray. In reality, fish will swim all over the place but it is comforting to know that, even in the most extreme case, the amount of radiation over 50 years equals one dental check-up.” Leslie Mabon from the Open University in the UK has visited Fukushima around a dozen times since the accident. He says one issue that’s not been addressed is the lack of consultation with Fukushima’s fishing community about decisions which affect them. “Despite fishing within sight of these tanks, fishers in Fukushima feel they are the last to know every time TEPCO or the Japanese Government make a decision about the next step in their management plans for this water,” he said. “If fishers are to feel valued and respected, any plans for compensation or countermeasures ought to recognise that fishing isn’t just a source of revenue for fishers. It’s a whole way of life, and a key marker of identity and pride for fishers and for coastal communities in Fukushima.” David Krofcheck, from the University of Auckland says Japan facedthree options with disposing of radioactive wastewater. All were problematic. But with the right safeguards in place, there should not be too much to worry about. “When seeking to understand the choice made by Japan and supported by the IAEA. Nobody wants to add additional radiation to the oceans, if only because of sympathy with local Fukushima fishermen,” he said. “But with proper ALPS filtering, people who go out to swim in the ocean should still have radiation exposure as the least of their concerns.” That may not placate consumers of seafood. Ming Wang, from the School of Maritime Economics and Management at Dalian Maritime University in China, said public fears over contaminated marine life could affect the global seafood market. “What people think is closely related to the amount of Japanese seafood imported by each country,” he said. “The higher the amount of Japanese seafood imported by a particular country, the more negative public opinion is likely to be.” This article has been republished ahead of Japan’s plan to release nuclear wastewater from August 24, 2023. It originally appeared on April 14, 2023. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Fukushima water” sent at: 12/07/2023 13:39. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on August 23, 2023

Nuclear instability stretches beyond Russia to South Asia - 360 Amitabh Mattoo Published on March 21, 2022 The war in Ukraine may reverse non-proliferation measures including the fragile détente between India and Pakistan. When the ‘father’ of the atomic bomb, scientist J. Robert Oppenheimer, witnessed the first nuclear test in New Mexico in July 1945, he was reminded of Hinduism’s most important text, the Bhagvat Gita. “Now I am become death, the destroyer of worlds!” were the words brought to his mind. Less than a month later Hiroshima and Nagasaki were bombed. And while the deadly apparition of nuclear weapons being used in conflict has often been imagined since then, especially during multiple crises of the Cold War (including the Cuban Missile Crisis), it has never been witnessed in reality. Suddenly, with one direction from Russian President Vladimir Putin, the spectre of a nuclear weapon being detonated has acquired a fresh and frightening new salience. Not since the end of the Cold War has the threat to the effectiveness of the nuclear non-proliferation regime been as intense or widespread. Putin’s alarming and audacious decision, warning the United States and its NATO allies he would be willing to use whatever means necessary to secure Moscow’s interests in Ukraine, has given new urgency to moves towards a time-bound plan for nuclear disarmament. A less noticeable event occurred on March 9 in South Asia. A missile was fired accidentally from India into Pakistan. While the Indian Defence Ministry blamed the incident on a “technical malfunction” that was “deeply regrettable”, the missile flew (according to Pakistan) more than 100 kilometres inside its airspace, at an altitude of 40,000 feet and at three times the speed of sound, before it landed. There was no warhead on the missile, but it was one of the only times that such an incident had happened between two nuclear-armed countries. The Putin announcement had immediate and long-term consequences for the future of Europe. It threatens the stability of the international system including in the Indo-Pacific region and has punctured the principles holding the nuclear non-proliferation regime together. The South Asian incident renewed concerns about nuclear accidents and unauthorised use of nuclear weapons. Together they demonstrate a desperate need to address the global nuclear threat. There are five principal implications that flow from these incidents. First, by putting nuclear forces on alert,  Putin has relegated to history the success of arms control agreements, the earlier policies of  Ostpolitik that had contributed to détente, and the removal of the fear of a major war, especially nuclear war. Stability and security in Europe is now passé, as the region witnesses a new phase of instability. Second, the wisdom of the decision of Ukraine to voluntarily give up its nuclear weapons and sign the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) is being widely questioned. That a nuclear-armed state, Russia, could threaten a non-nuclear state that had forsaken nuclear weapons has generated a new phase of deep insecurity and vulnerability. Countries like Taiwan and indeed Japan, which have the capacity to manufacture nuclear weapons and are facing a hostile, aggressive and hegemonic China, may be persuaded and tempted to break out and acquire nuclear weapons. Third, countries like North Korea and Iran, often isolated as ‘nuclear rogues’ for acquiring or being on the verge of acquiring nuclear weapons, may now become the role models for states who are either not part of an alliance system or have little faith in an ‘ostensible’ nuclear umbrella promised to them. This could well happen in Europe itself. Fourth, the accidental mishap with a potentially nuclear-capable missile in South Asia suggests both India and Pakistan need to go back to reviving the confidence-building measures they had agreed upon at the Lahore Summit, triggered after both tested nuclear weapons in 1998. At the time, both committed “to bilateral consultations on security concepts, and nuclear doctrines, with a view to developing measures for confidence building in the nuclear and conventional fields”. More importantly, the two sides had agreed “to provide each other with advance notification in respect of ballistic missile flight tests, and shall conclude a bilateral agreement in this regard”. They also “fully committed to undertaking national measures to reducing the risks of accidental or unauthorised use of nuclear weapons under their respective control”.  A dialogue on nuclear and military confidence-building measures, even to the exclusion of all other issues, is immediately required at a time when there is little official communication between the two sides. Finally, the NPT offered a grand bargain: an implicit assurance that non-nuclear states would not be targeted. They could get access to civil nuclear energy while nuclear weapon states pursued disarmament in good faith. That bargain is on the verge of complete collapse. The only way to rescue the NPT and the larger nuclear non-proliferation regime is if the UN Security Council calls for a convention to negotiate a time-bound plan for nuclear disarmament that is comprehensive and verifiable. Amitabh Mattoo is a Professor at the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, and concurrently serves as Honorary Professor of International Relations at the Faculty of Arts, University of Melbourne. He also serves as Chairman of the Governing Board of Miranda House, University of Delhi. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 21, 2022

Nuclear North Korea eyes new Cold War era - 360 Sung-wook Nam Published on March 21, 2022 Watching Ukraine suffer at the hands of Russia is likely to strengthen North Korea’s resolve to keep its nuclear weapons. History repeats, and with it, international politics is also repeated. In Northeast Asia, the Cold War framing of international politics has not changed much since the middle of the 20th century. Geopolitical positions are taken with a fusion of past, present and future. As the Ukraine crisis deepens, and Russia reminds the world of its nuclear arsenal, North Korea’s own nuclear capabilities continue to influence its global positioning, and that of its neighbours. North Korea has been preparing for nuclear conflict longer than most people realise. It began to develop nuclear weapons in September 1950, when US General Douglas MacArthur landed at Incheon and deployed the military forces of South Korea and the United States. After the nuclear bombing of Japan, North Korea was very afraid of the US Air Force and nuclear weapons during the Korean War. But the indifferent attitude of the Soviet Union during the War and the unwillingness of the Chinese Army to participate in the initial stage disappointed them. These neutral stances left North Korea’s military strategy centred on securing its “ability to perform its own war”, or “juche diplomacy”. North Korean nuclear tests in 2006 led to sanctions by the United Nations Security Council. Despite the international pressure, North Korea persevered, conducting six nuclear tests. It claimed to have developed an intercontinental ballistic missile and transport vehicle. In recent years, North Korea has said the US mainland is within range of its missile strike. Ukraine was strongly urged to denuclearise after separation from Russia in the early 1990s. Former US Secretary of Defense William Perry described in his 2015 book My Journey at the Nuclear Brink the process of building bridges between the US Congress and the new Ukrainian administration to finance the removal of nuclear weapons. Perry led the process of dismantling 80 intercontinental ballistic missiles and 800 nuclear warheads. However Pyongyang is unlikely to accept such a denuclearisation plan. The crisis in Ukraine suggests a situation in which a new Cold War order is established and points to new changes in north-east Asian international politics. Summits were held between North Korea and the US during 2018-2019. But around that time, North Korean leader Kim Jong-un also visited China. He has visited five times in six years of power, strengthening Sino–North Korean relations. In fact, Chinese leader Xi Jinping had been in full engagement with Kim Jong-un in advance of the first summit with US President Donald Trump. He was strategically positioning North Korea as a leverage so that he would be able to push back against US demands in its growing trade war. Following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, North Korea’s negative perception of complete and verifiable denuclearisation will be reinforced. Kim Jong-un is likely to conclude that Ukraine’s tragedy is in part due to its denuclearisation. International politics in this new Cold War era will have a negative effect on hopes for the denuclearisation and unification of the Korean Peninsula. Following the US-North Korea summits, North Korea made some movement towards denuclearisation. However, the talks later fell apart. Now, North Korea is likely to insist on retaining some nuclear capability, but the international community will not agree to a reunification of the Korean peninsula while North Korea retains nuclear weapons. South Korea will persist with its attempts to solve the problem diplomatically. But while North Korea continues with military provocations such as missile launches and nuclear tests, South Korea will keep the option of building its own nuclear weapons alive. South Korea generates 26 percent of its power with nuclear technology According to a 2021 poll of South Koreans conducted by Chicago Global Affairs, a think tank, support for nuclear weapons is robust, with 71 percent in favour of South Korea developing its own nuclear weapons and 56 percent supporting deployment of US nuclear weapons from South Korea. The US lifted missile range restrictions imposed upon South Korea in 2021. In 2022, North Korea is highly likely to revisit its previous military provocations, such as the intercontinental ballistic missile launch and perhaps conduct a seventh nuclear test. It is likely to push back on the sanctions against North Korea by reminding the world that the US is within reach of its missiles. Sung-wook Nam is an East Asia expert with Korea University. He has worked as an analyst for the Korean National Intelligence Service and an advisor to the Ministry of National Defense, Ministry of National Unification and Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 21, 2022

Nuclear winter should chill every leader to the bone - 360 Simone Turchetti Published on March 21, 2022 The consequences of a nuclear war have been well-explored by science. Beyond immediate death and destruction, a famine and climate disaster beckons. Over the past 30 years, fear of ‘nuclear Armageddon’ had faded from its peak at the height of the Cold War. The world’s nuclear weapon stockpile has shrunk to about one-fifth the size it was in 1990 and while threats have persisted, they have typically been from rogue states (such as Iran and North Korea) in cases where escalation to global conflict was deemed unlikely. Those fears have been re-awakened by Russia’s nuclear posturing. Russian President Vladimir Putin put his nation’s nuclear forces on a state of high alert during the invasion of Ukraine, marking a change of direction that risks a return to when the world’s nuclear superpowers were on the brink of conflict during the Cold War. In the remote scenario that the conflict in Ukraine escalates to nuclear exchange, the consequences would be dire and not just because of the enormous and horrific death toll.  Even a limited nuclear conflict in Ukraine that sees just one percent of the world’s nuclear stockpile exchanged is likely to bring devastation to the climate that would spread suffering and death globally. It has been termed ‘nuclear winter’. Younger generations may think of a scene from the Fallout video games. But those who lived through the 1980s, a decade marked by renewed international tensions and crises, the largest global nuclear stockpile ever recorded in history, and books and films imagining nuclear doomsday, will remember what it was like to be on the cusp of nuclear catastrophe and an environmental disaster. The climatic effect expected from a nuclear war was first studied in 1982 by the Dutch atmospheric scientist Paul Crutzen and his British colleague John Birks. They were concerned that a nuclear exchange could produce many fires with smoke so thick that it would produce an atmosphere-engulfing layer that reduced sunlight penetration, a concept they called ‘nuclear twilight’ (or nuclear dawn). A year later, five scientists based in the United States — including the atmospheric scientist Richard Turco and the astronomer Carl Sagan — took to better understanding these predictions through computer modelling. Their conclusions suggested that nuclear-induced climatic effects would last much longer than first expected, resulting in what they dubbed a nuclear winter. Enough sunlight would not penetrate the dark blanket of smoke to keep temperatures high on the ground, causing a harsh winter “in any season”. Disruptions from dust and soot would then be followed by longer term shifts in the atmosphere that were partly unpredictable, and then patterns resulting in a global cooling. The concept of nuclear winter shocked many when published for the first time, fuelling the nuclear protest movements that were already sweeping across Europe and the United States. It divided the scientific community too, seeming exaggerated in its predictions to some climatologists. Although at one point labelled Soviet-inspired propaganda, nuclear winter actually propelled scientific collaboration across the Iron Curtain as Russian scientists confirmed and refined the Americans’ computer modelling predictions. One, Vladimir Alexandrov, mysteriously disappeared shortly afterwards. The nuclear disarmament of the 1990s made the concept of nuclear winter fade from the public view, but atmospheric scientists have continued work on computer models, often energised by new, emerging nuclear threats and technology. Turco and two contributors of the early nuclear winter study, Alan Robock and Owen Toon, continued to actively research the potential global consequences of local conflicts fought with nuclear weapons. They focussed especially on the case of India and Pakistan, concluding that even a limited nuclear exchange in which 50 Hiroshima-size nuclear bombs were detonated would have global ramifications. Using volcanic eruptions as a proxy to understand how smoke would spread across the globe, they further refined the early prediction on limited exchange. The conclusions they recently reached are troubling: in particular, they envisage that reduced sunlight over a significant period of time would impact on agricultural production and substantially reduce our ability to survive a nuclear war. “More people could die outside the target areas due to famine,”  Robock predicts. The dire consequences of a nuclear winter has not stopped Putin’s threats, nor has it seen disarmament efforts bolstered. In recent years, world leaders have done the opposite. Both Putin and former US President Donald Trump invested in modernising their country’s nuclear weapons and instigated the end of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty (the INF); one of the pillars of nuclear disarmament. Since it was first signed in 1987, the INF has been important in preventing nuclear escalation, limiting the use of medium and intermediate-range nuclear missiles. As a tool to temper crisis points, its demise makes the result of any nuclear missiles being fired in Ukraine even worse, especially given the technological capacity of modern nuclear arms. Weapons such as the recently tested Russian hypersonic missile Zyrcon, which can evade early warning and defence systems, are some of the flexible deployment innovations that are changing traditional ideas of nuclear security. These weapons are also much more powerful than their predecessors, with some releasing between one and five megatons (the US nuclear warhead B-83 and the Chinese Dong Feng-5, respectively). A megaton bomb, which is the equivalent of one million tonnes of TNT, is about 50 times more powerful that the two bombs used on the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Fifty one-megaton nuclear bombs could kill 200 million people. If used on a large city like London, it is estimated that a single five-megaton missile would produce two million fatalities. Whether this bothers anyone at the Kremlin is unclear. But to other world leaders, the situation in Ukraine offers an opportunity to reflect on whether nuclear disarmament has been pursued strongly enough in recent years. Many have shied away from the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, and may ponder whether they have shown enough opposition to nuclear weapons enthusiasts, such as Trump and Putin, when they each abandoned the INF. One could argue that it is all over overestimated: the nuclear winter predictions, the forecasted casualties over nuclear war, the impacts on global health and the environment from an exchange of bombs and so on. But no one wants to be in a position to find out. Simone Turchetti is lecturer and researcher with a focus on science and scientists in international relations. He is the STAND president, the ESHS secretary, the PI for the ERC-funded project Neworld@a and an InsSciDE project coordinator. Dr Turchetti declared no conflicts in relation to this article. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 21, 2022

‘Nudging' can influence you to do better but it can also backfire - 360 Hooi Yean (Grace) Lee Published on July 28, 2022 You can ‘nudge’ someone to take up new activities, but unless they truly believe in its value, they won’t keep it up. Tired of the constant problem of urine on toilet floors, Aad Kieboom from Amsterdam Airport Schiphol decided in the early 90s to place a small photorealistic house fly near the urinal drain to give people something to aim at. It reduced urinal spillage by an astonishing 80 percent and resulted in an 8 percent reduction in bathroom cleaning costs at the airport. The fly is one of the most famous examples of a ‘nudge’. And while the majority of research in this area focuses on the positive impact on behavioural change, less research has looked at unintended or ineffective nudges. Some may even backfire, triggering the opposite target behaviour. Behavioural theorist Richard Thaler and co-author, Cass Sunstein in a book on the same topic explain that nudges have become an influential marketing and political strategy to deliberately manipulate how choices are presented to decision-makers to steer them toward desired behaviour. Typically, people do not realise they are being nudged. One nudge method relies on highlighting the decisions of others that may be considered influential. A note in hotel rooms might hint: “Most guests staying at this hotel reuse their towels” making people believe that other guests like them or maybe of higher status are reusing towels. Many people feel compelled to align their behaviour with that of the majority. The decision is theirs, but they’ve been nudged. Sunstein recognises that “If you are told what other people do, you might do it too, because you think it’s probably a good idea to do what they do. And even if you aren’t sure, you might not want to violate social norms, so you’ll go along.” However, nudging people to make good choices doesn’t always go as planned. For instance, in a study of  household energy conservation, researchers provided the residents with information about their neighbours’ average energy use. As expected, those who consumed more energy than the average reduced their usage; however, households with low levels of energy consumption increased their use after learning that their consumption was lower than their neighbours. The researchers guessed that households needed to be told that saving energy is desirable, that the absence of information about the ‘social norm’ could cause the information to backfire. They added a smiley face to the below-average energy users conveying that their low-level energy use was approved, and found that it neutralised the backfire effect. According to social cognitive theory, people are more likely to commit to a goal when they believe their actions will help. If people anticipate the benefits of their actions, these expectations can influence how committed they are. For instance, someone recycles and makes pro-environmental choices since they value the environmental benefits of recycling and have internalised the value of the activities. Nudging people is not deception. Nudging often works by raising a particular decision or behaviour’s prominence. If people are already predisposed toward something – like eco-conscious behaviour – a nudge helps tip their mental mechanisms in that direction. Nudging cannot make people do something they do not want to do. But when the right motivation is lacking, nudging with information about what everyone else is doing can be ineffective and can even be detrimental. When people with low eco-consciousness are nudged into participating in environmentally friendly activities, they experience conflicting behaviours and beliefs. They might soon realise that they were only participating in the activities because of peer information, for instance, and are less likely to believe in the value of the eco-friendly activity. As a result, they become less motivated to change their behaviour. Researchers have found that nudges can even lead to a lower effort when people have not internalised the value of the goal. Policymakers around the world aim to change people’s behaviour, guiding them toward decisions deemed to serve their or the community’s best interests. In addition, marketers are constantly devising ways to nudge people into buying more to increase profits and sales. Although nudging has been effective in changing behaviour, if the motivation is lacking, it doesn’t stick. Nudging behaviour without first tackling belief and commitment is a recipe for longer-term failure. Grace Lee Hooi Yean is an associate professor of economics and head of the Department of Economics with Monash University Malaysia. The author declared no conflicts of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on July 28, 2022

Obese and malnourished: the food future we face - 360 Madeline Mitchell Published on October 31, 2022 Our world is not suffering from a lack of calories, but a lack of good nutrition which can sustain us. Science might just have the answers. Families are feeling the pinch of rising food prices. Fresh fruit and vegetables are often no longer affordable. And many have had to adjust their choices as the cost of living continues to soar in the wake of global shortages, war and climate change. The Sustainable Development Goal of ‘zero hunger’ by 2030 doesn’t seem to be within reach anymore. A global focus on boosting yields from staple crops, wheat, rice, maize and soybean, which provide most of the world’s calories, is important. But we still need to address the burden of ‘hidden hunger’ or micronutrient deficiencies. Micronutrient deficiency is a global health issue affecting more than two billion people around the world. It’s linked to poor physical and mental development in children as well as other diseases in adults and children. A healthy diet includes large quantities of macronutrients like protein, fats and carbohydrates as well as micronutrients like vitamins and minerals, which are needed in much smaller amounts. Diets high in processed foods or diets low in diversity may offer sufficient calories (energy) but lack the micronutrients needed for good health. This simultaneous condition of undernutrition and obesity affects most low and middle-income countries. Climate change affects how much nutrition people receive due to declining crop yields from increased temperature and changes to rainfall, as well as extreme weather impacts. But it also reduces food quality and the availability of valuable nutrients. Some solutions to this problem include developing more nutritious crops, diversifying the range of plants we grow and eat, and improving the shelf-life and processing of fresh produce. Moving beyond traditional food production towards indoor cropping systems and animal-free meat may also be beneficial. Plant scientists are working to improve the nutritional value of key crops to boost the quantity and quality of vitamins and minerals in people’s diets. This approach is a type of biofortification and can be done through genetic engineering, conventional breeding or farming.One example of a genetically improved crop is Golden Rice, which has been engineered to produce provitamin A. Widespread adoption in the Philippines and other developing countries could reduce vitamin A deficiency, which causes blindness and was responsible for more than 250,000 child deaths in 2000. Importantly, the intellectual property for Golden Rice is free for those who need it. We can also improve food security and human nutrition by growing and eating more diverse crops. Around 60 percent of the world’s calories come from just three plants — wheat, rice and maize. But people around the world have historically grown and eaten a much greater variety of plants. The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations estimates 90 percent of our global diet currently comes from 103 plant species but around 30,000 species are edible. Many of these edible species may be highly nutritious while also being adapted to the local environment. Scientists are working to explore and protect crop diversity and the diversity of edible wild plants to use for breeding more resilient crops. This is another reason to conserve biodiversity — when we lose species, we lose potential food and medicine plants. Once we’ve invested time and resources in growing our food, it’s crucial we don’t waste it. According to the UN Environment Programme, 8 to 10 percent of global greenhouse gas emissions come from food that is not eaten. On top of the environmental footprint from waste, we also lose the potential health benefits of all these nutrients. We can reduce food waste and support nutritious diets by processing food into more transportable and storable forms. For example, fresh vegetables that would otherwise be rejected by buyers can be turned into powders and food products that are shelf-stable and nutrient-dense. Another example is the purple tomato which has been genetically engineered to make pigments called anthocyanins that help protect against a broad range of human diseases like certain cancers and heart diseases. Not only do these pigments have health-boosting properties but they also increase shelf-life, which helps distribution and reduces food waste. Agriculture is also moving beyond the farm and into controlled environments that can support more resilient production and even new food products. Indoor, vertical farms and protected cropping can be especially beneficial for growing nutrient-dense vegetables close to urban areas with lots of consumers. In contrast, animal-like or animal-based products are now being produced without animals. The development of cellular agriculture, growing ingredients through lab-cultured cell lines, means that meat-like or plant-derived products can be made in the lab with potential nutritional and environmental benefits. Food made from or by microbes is also in development through precision fermentation. It remains to be seen which of these crops and products will see adoption and commercial success. But it’s clear that we need a range of complementary solutions to keep up with our needs. Dr Madeline Mitchell is a plant scientist with broad interests in the social, economic and environmental sustainability of agriculture. She is a Research Fellow at RMIT University and leads the Carbon and Natural Capital Pillar at Food Agility Cooperative Research Centre. The author declares no conflict of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on October 31, 2022

Obsolete law is costing Indonesian wildlife - 360 Anugerah Rizki Akbari Published on March 7, 2023 As long as the law does not recognise it as transnational organised crime, the illegal trade of wildlife will continue to flourish in Indonesia. When Indonesian prosecutors went after the leader of an illegal wildlife syndicate operating near the Malacca Strait, they relied on the country’s then relatively new 2019 Quarantine Act to seek a prison sentence. After being connected to the illegal smuggling of four lion cubs, a leopard, and 58 species of Indian Star tortoises from Malaysia to Indonesia, Irawan Shia received a four-year prison sentence and fine of IDR 1 billion (USD$65,468). If the fine is not paid, the replacement is three months imprisonment. The sentence was the biggest ever handed out, but falls far short of what it could have been had Indonesia brought its laws in line with global conventions. Illegal trading of wildlife is rampant in Indonesia, from bird species and orangutans, to coral specimens. Wildlife traffickers using online platforms have found a new marketplace. Environmental crime is the world’s third largest illegal trade, according to INTERPOL. It’s worth more than USD$20 billion a year but remains overlooked and under-prosecuted. In Indonesia, illegal trade of wildlife costs the economy an estimated USD$852,4 million every year, and according to INTERPOL it’s growing at between 5-7 percent per year. Despite the numbers, Indonesia is falling short in its response to wildlife trafficking. Observers have called for better criminal investigations and more suitable punishments for the offenders as well as an upgrade to the legislative frameworks tackling these criminal activities. Due to its lucrative nature and extensive markets, it is almost impossible for criminals to act individually when trafficking wildlife. Similar to drugs and human trafficking, illegal trade of wildlife requires a multitude of criminal networks with individuals holding various duties in committing the crime. Poachers, brokers, intermediaries, exporters-importers, wholesale traders, and retailers are all present in the chain of criminal enterprises. The involvement of organised crime actors, other crime groups, officials, authorities, and militias in the different stages of wildlife trafficking complicates the state’s intervention to tackle an offence considered a nested complex crime. Because of this, the illegal trade of wildlife is generally considered to be transnational organised crime, requiring a matched response. For example, the United Nations Conventions against Transnational Organized Crime (UNTOC), in tackling transnational organised crime enables governments to criminalise participation, introduce liability for legal persons, undertake special investigation techniques and cooperate internationally. There are programmes for law enforcement agencies to effectively collaborate in combating these crimes, such as collecting, exchange and analysis of information on the nature of organised crime and training and technical assistance. But Indonesia has yet to adopt these initiatives in its own regulations. Despite ratifying UNTOC in 2009, the primary foundation of Indonesia’s response to illegal trade of wildlife lies in its Conservation of Biological Natural Resources and their Ecosystems Law. This more than 30-year old law is not suited to combating today’s rampant wildlife trafficking. For instance, the maximum criminal sentence of five years’ imprisonment and fines of up to IDR 100 million (USD$6,548) are far too lenient compared to the harm caused by the illegal wildlife trade. Indonesian law fails to regulate the involvement of corporations in the illicit trade of protected floras and faunas as it only criminalises individual offenders. Subsequently, it does not equip law enforcement agencies with the necessary powers to investigate and prosecute if such crimes have cross-border characteristics and involve syndicates. The possibility of using technology to stop wildlife trafficking is yet to be regulated. Even though the government’s claims that Indonesia has succeeded in replenishing and restoring endangered species, the law remains insufficient to comprehensively react to the evolving nature of wildlife trafficking. Despite being recorded as the biggest verdict of a wildlife-smuggling case, Shia’s prison time does not even reach the maximum term under the 1990 Conservation Law, which various observers considered too lenient. The Quarantine Act is not specifically designed to combat wildlife trafficking as it demands the complete documents for fauna coming to Indonesia. If the offenders could provide such paperwork, the possibility of prosecuting traffickers using this law would be off the table. Being unable to consider it an organised crime, law enforcement agencies rarely proceed with wildlife trafficking cases until the very top of its business chain. Even though the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) recommends a complete analysis on the potential money laundering risks relating to the illegal wildlife trade, convictions haven’t gone beyond the leaders and their couriers. The fact that money laundering and other high-ranking corrupt officers were never present in Shia’s trial reiterates the fragmented strategy of pursuing wildlife trafficking syndicates. Indonesia’s approach to legislating against wildlife trafficking is threatening its ambition to remain a biodiversity hotspot in Southeast Asia as more endangered species come closer to extinction. is a PhD Candidate at the Van Vollenhoven Institute for Law, Governance, and Society, Leiden Law School, Universiteit Leiden. He also holds a non-permanent position as lecturer at Department of Criminology, Faculty of Social and Political Science, University of Indonesia. His research interests are crime, criminal law, and criminal justice. He can be found on Twitter @anugerahrizki. A.R. Akbari declares no conflict of interest and did not receive special funding in any form. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 7, 2023

Obstacles and opportunities for free speech in Malaysia - 360 Jaspal Kaur Sadhu Singh Published on August 30, 2023 Laws on freedom of expression have a chance for revision under a new government. Free speech faces a paradox in Malaysia. Despite the guarantees contained in Article 10 of the Federal Constitution, freedom of speech and expression has often been curbed by law. The authorities’ recent track record in restricting free speech can be seen in cases including the investigation of the former attorney-general’s publication of his memoir, criminalising an online publisher for contempt of court and criticisms during the COVID-19 pandemic. In a democracy with diverse viewpoints and lively public debate, simply taking offence at contrarian or dissenting opinions should not be the basis for prosecutions or lawsuits aiming to silence speech. With Malaysia’s new government, the nation has an opportunity to revitalise its free speech values. If this government keeps its word, it won’t be reluctant to protect free speech and expression. There remains much criminal legislation, such as the Sedition Act 1948 and the offence of criminal defamation under the Penal Code, that may have a chilling effect on speech and expression. Such laws, whether inherited from colonial predecessors or more current ones dealing with online speech, suppress the plurality of views found online and in traditional media outlets. The controversial Anti-Fake News Act 2018, aimed at stifling dissent, was repealed in 2019. The Emergency (Essential Powers) (No 2) Ordinance Bill came into force in March 2021. Its stated target was misinformation about COVID and emergency lockdown orders. With the emergence of social media, Malaysians have witnessed an increase in prosecutions under the Communications and Multimedia Act 1998. The use of this act has been cited as an infringement of freedom of speech and expression. Its use in prosecuting free speech in mainstream media, social media and direct messaging platforms has led advocates and civil society organisations to call for its reform. The undermining of constitutional provisions by this legislation was made clear at the height of the 1MDB scandal, when newspaper publications faced suspension and online publications’ websites were blocked over stories covering the corruption charges brought against former prime minister Najib Razak. While authorities argue that these laws counter harmful speech, the lack of clear standards and justifications is problematic. The courts have viewed legislation restricting Article 10 as constitutional on the grounds that there is minimal jurisdiction to review the constitutionality of the legislation. The omission of the word ‘reasonable’ in Clause 2 of Article 10, permitting legislative restrictions to free speech and expression, is one basis for the courts’ position. Where prosecution for harmful and offensive speech is merited, the courts are entrusted with balancing the interests of individual liberty and social order. Decisions on that balance must be fair, reasonable and proportionate, taking a multi-dimensional and rights-expansive approach. There is room for Malaysian courts to be more dynamic in protecting free speech and expression, particularly where freedom of speech and expression can act as a check on government bodies and elected officials. International norms (such as Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights) protect the right to hold opinions without interference and the right to freedom of expression, but they allow for restrictions on the condition they are imposed by law and necessary for ‘respect of the rights or reputations of others’ or for ‘protection of national security or of public order, or of public health or morals’. When considering the encroachment on such rights, Malaysian courts weigh the government’s concern about protecting a particular interest, such as national security or individual reputation, against the speaker’s interests or the collective benefit to society. To ensure that prosecutions are justified, prosecutors could establish clear guidelines for charging, similar to international models. For instance, the UK guidance on social media prosecutions focuses on public interest and proportionality. The public interest requirement spells out the need for the prosecution to be necessary and proportionate, mainly when engaging with Article 10 of the European Convention of Human Rights – a provision similar in spirit to Malaysia’s Article 10. The guidance provides a list of factors for prosecutors to consider in determining evidence that sufficiently merits a charge and is seen as justifiable to restrict freedom of speech and expression. Last month, Malaysia’s Law and Institutional Reform Minister Azalina Othman Said revealed that revisions to the Sedition Act 1948 should be limited to only matters involving the royalty, mainly “to protect the institution of Rulers from any provocation”. She added that provocations involving religion and race would be scrutinised, including the possibility of enacting new laws. Introducing new laws can often be a gesture to appease calls to review and repeal laws that hinder free speech, such as the Sedition Act. There have been calls in recent months to make good on the promises of previous administrations to repeal the act. Jaspal Kaur Sadhu Singh is a senior lecturer in law at Canterbury Christ Church University, UK. She specialises in the intersection of technology law with a focus on freedom of expression, and AI law and ethics. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on August 30, 2023

Obstetricians deliver TikTok truths with a dose of humour - 360 Clare Southerton, Marianne Clark Published on April 17, 2024 Healthcare providers have cut through in the fight against online misinformation — leaning on compassion, humour and digital savvy to reach users. Misinformation and “fake news” are by no means new, but the speed at which it can spread through social media makes responding to it particularly challenging. When it involves healthcare, those stakes become even higher. But a community of obstetrician gynaecologists have broken through in the fight against misinformation, helping educate followers using an approach that balances compassion with expertise. Social media’s rapid dissemination can be a double-edged sword: it benefits us learning about global events quickly, but raises problems when incorrect information finds millions of people very quickly. For example, there are over  500 hours of video footage uploaded to YouTube every minute. By the time a video has been flagged as misleading and reviewed, then removed, it may have reached millions of people and been reposted on other platforms. During the COVID-19 pandemic, misinformation about the virus and the vaccine proliferated, with researchers noting it had a significant impact on discouraging vaccine uptake. The impacts of misinformation more generally, while hard to measure, have been connected to increasing social distrust and political polarisation. Social media companies have responded to the spread of misinformation on their platforms by showing pop-ups when users share an article prompting you to read it first (seen on X, formerly known as Twitter), or an info box directing them to an official source of information when searching a term like “COVID”, as is done on platforms like Instagram, TikTok and Facebook. At the same time, many platforms benefit and profit from the circulation of information — irrespective of its quality — so it’s unsurprising that many of these strategies have had a limited impact on containing misinformation. Research suggests that “confirmation bias” — our propensity to believe information that affirms beliefs we already hold — plays a big role in the spread of misinformation, especially on social media. A 2018 US study which examined how well social media users can detect misinformation showed that flagging fake news as such had no impact on how trustworthy participants rated it. The same study reported that social media users were much more likely to believe a news headline that aligned with their beliefs than one that did not. To get a better understanding of how misinformation works and why it works, it’s helpful to first understand why people seek information — particularly about their health —  from social media. Recently, we’ve been studying how young people access information about menstruation and sexual health. We’re trying to understand how they think about social media and content creators as part of the range of perspectives and sources of information available to them. In our pilot study, we interviewed nine young Canadians about their experiences learning about menstruation and found that many used social media as a more personalised source of information, where they could follow creators whose experiences felt more closely aligned with their own. When it comes to sensitive topics such as sexual health, feeling like the source of the information understands your experience was identified as very important, perhaps even more important than qualifications or expertise. Given some participants described having had negative experiences with healthcare providers, finding very supportive and helpful content on social media further validated these beliefs. These findings align with the earlier US research on confirmation bias on social media, given participants sought out perspectives that aligned with their own. However, there’s more to be explored that can tell us about how we can respond to misinformation. Another study emphasised the important role intimacy plays in building trust between content creators and their audiences, rather than expertise. We analysed content created by obstetrician gynaecologists on TikTok to understand the educational strategies they use, as well as the way they respond to misinformation. There is a substantial community of healthcare workers on the platform who create content about their work and lives. In this case, even when focused specifically on expert creators (all the creators studied were qualified practising obstetrician gynaecologists), we found they employed strategies that fostered intimacy with their audience. While they did draw on their specialist expertise and qualifications to demonstrate their legitimacy, this was done in tandem with strategies that attempted to break down the formalities usually established in medical practice. They used humour to convey their messages, offered “behind the scenes” insights into their work lives and even their personal lives to establish a relationship with their audiences. This approach extended to how they critically responded to health misinformation on the platform. It was common to see obstetrician gynaecologist creators “stitch” (a TikTok video format that pairs their video alongside another video, allowing them to comment on it) with videos containing misinformation in order to speak back to or clarify the claim(s) being made. They often used humour to debunk myths they came across, frequently drawing on popular in-jokes circulating on TikTok at the time, demonstrating their membership in the community. Their content was also compassionate and non-judgemental, even when debunking misinformation. They did not shame those who fell for misinformation, but rather created a supportive space to redirect them. These practices align with research on shame in the healthcare setting, which concludes that, while shame can be a powerful motivator, it can also lead to serious harms such as avoiding treatment. The videos also often acknowledged the problems within the medical industry, such as sexism or racism — further establishing trust with followers who may have had difficulty with healthcare providers in the past. Obstetrician gynaecologist creators on TikTok developed a strong connection with their audience using strategies that would be familiar to any social media influencer, and they leveraged these strategies to combat health misinformation. Rather than focusing only on removing misinformation from the platform, they used this content to create a productive dialogue with their audiences. Though this strategy has limited applications and is not going to be a silver bullet when it comes to tackling misinformation, it models how debunking can be part of a supportive, rather than shame-based, approach. Dr Clare Southerton is a Lecturer in Digital Technology and Pedagogy at La Trobe University. Her research explores how social media platforms and other digital technologies are used for learning and sharing knowledge, as well as misinformation and conspiracy theorising. Her work has explored digital youth cultures, surveillance and privacy, digital health and sexuality. Dr Marianne Clark is a Visiting Fellow at the Vitalities Lab, UNSW, Sydney and an Assistant Professor in the School of Kinesiology, Acadia University, Canada. Her research interests include girls’ and women’s health with a focus on embodiment as well as the intersections of physical and digital cultures. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 17, 2024

Old tribal law can protect sealife at risk from climate change - 360 Yanti Amelia Lewerissa, Hehanussa DJA, Rony J. Siwabessy, Eliza Kissya Published on December 21, 2022 A Moluccan tribal tradition helps protect marine resources under threat from climate change Fishing is central to the people of Indonesia’s Maluku archipelago. Daily life on the 1340 islands revolves around the sea. As a result, their livelihoods are extremely vulnerable to climate change. At a time when Indonesia’s fish stocks are declining, Sasi Laut is a Maluku tradition that can help maintain food security in times when stock is at risk. Changes to ocean temperatures are affecting coral reefs, breeding cycles, migration and overall populations. Fishers are finding it harder to determine the best time to head out to sea as weather patterns become more unpredictable and extreme. Sasi Laut aims to protect and preserve natural resources and the environment. It is also a means of dealing with illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing. Sasi prohibits community members from taking anything related to natural resources, for a certain time, at a certain area, whether in forests, farmland or the sea. Sasi are imposed to preserve natural resources tribe and welfare of tribe members. The Maluku island community, especially in the Central Maluku region, has a customary institution called kewang who acts as customary (tribal) police and is responsible for the implementation of sasi. A kewang’s duties include watching over their territory both at sea and on land. In the customary leadership structure, the kewang is led by a chief, called Latu Kewano who is chosen from a certain mataruma (kinship) from generation to generation. The chief is assisted by the children of kewang. They must be diligent, honest, smart, healthy, brave and bold. Kewang cannot be separated from the implementation of sasi. The kewang carries out their duties for the sake of upholding the sasi law and public order in managing farms, forests and sea. They watch over the forest and the sea, put up sasi signs, and ask for moul  (a ceremony held by chief kewang for both Open and Close Sasi) at night. Anak Kewang serve as officers who manage any trials for those accused of violating sasi. The Kewang is also in charge of taking care of income resulting from sasi violations. A well-known example of Sasi Laut is Sasi Ikan Lompa (Thryssa baelama), a small sardine fished by the Haruku tribe. The Sasi lompa tradition has existed since the 1600s. It forbids catching lompa fish around the Learisa Kayeli river — in the estuary, for a certain distance upstream and out to sea. Lompa hatchlings are usually seen from April to May. To allow the hatchlings to mature, sasi lompa is declared. Catching sasi lompa when they are only 2-3 months old is forbidden. After about 5-7 months, they are allowed to be caught. The kewang routinely monitors the sasi lompa and then decides when to perform Buka Sasi (open sasi). The Tutup Sasi ceremony provides an opportunity for certain fish species to reproduce properly so the life cycle is maintained. Sasi is important to maintain public order and prevent the theft of individual or state property, along with guaranteeing the protection of natural resources. In dealing with climate change, the sasi tradition is one of the answers to overcome the food crisis. To instil a sense of responsibility in the young generation of Haruku Country in protecting and preserving their environment, Kewang Elly Kissya formed a “kewang anak” for school-age children. The youngsters are taught to plant and care for mangroves around the coast of Haruku Country. By maintaining the mangrove ecosystem, it will continue to be a suitable habitat for fish, shrimp and other marine life. Sasi, both on land and sea, helps to ensure food supply in the face of uncertainty due to climate change. Yanti Amelia Lewerissa is an Associate Professor in the Criminal Law Department of the Faculty of Law at Pattimura University, Indonesia. She is a member of the Society of Criminal Law and Criminology (MAHUPIKI). Her work is focused on crime and crime-prevention policies, especially in fisheries. Deassy Hehanusa is an Associate Professor in the Criminal Law Department of the Faculty of Law at Pattimura University, Indonesia. She is a member of the Society of Criminal Law and Criminology (MAHUPIKI). Her work is focused on illegal fishing and Sasi Laut. Rony J. Siwabessy is the chairperson of Baileo Maluku Foundation. Eliza Kissya is the Kewang Laut of Haruku land in Maluku They declared that they have no conflict of interest and are not receiving specific funding in any form. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 21, 2022

Oligarchs weaken Indonesia’s fight against corruption - 360 Charles Simabura, Haykal Published on December 1, 2022 Indonesia’s efforts to fight government corruption are being corrupted from within parliament, backed by big business. At the beginning of the 2000s, Indonesian voters said enough to corruption in politics. The Reform Order (1999) was designed to fight corruption. Then, in 2004, Indonesians elected President Yudhoyono largely on his promises to fight graft and corruption. People demanded reform. Tools were put in place to attack the corruption endemic in public life that was holding back development. But the system is failing. Indonesia’s own parliament, backed by big business interests, has succeeded in weakening the very system set up to fight corruption. The tentacles of the oligarchs have wrapped themselves around the executive arm of government, where several cabinet members have considerable business interests. Indeed, 55 percent of Indonesia’s parliament members have significant business holdings. The marriage between penguasa (the ruler) and pengusaha (business people) is getting stronger in Indonesia’s politics. The Reform Order resulted in the creation of institutions that were expected to be able to free Indonesia from corruption.  The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) had powers to investigate corruption. The Constitutional Court acted as the guardian of the constitution. The Judicial Commission was intended to ensure proper behaviour from judges. And the Ombudsman served as the ‘policeman’ of state officials. But these institutions have failed to meet expectations.  The fervour to fight graft that was there 20 years ago has faded.  There has even been a revenge attack by corruptors backed by the oligarchs. A 2020 survey by Transparency International Indonesia showed he Indonesian Corruption Perception Index fell from 40 to 37. In addition, the People’s Representative body was considered the most corrupt institution in Indonesia. The numbers show why. Between 2004 and 2020, 274 members of local and national parliament were arrested.  Many MPs consider corruption eradication as a threat. The efforts to undo Indonesia’s anti-corruption framework began with efforts to review the Corruption Eradication Commission Law to the Constitutional Court, where, according to data, more than 20 requests for review have been submitted. At the end of President Widodo’s first term, the parliament succeeded in pushing for a revision of the law. As a result, the Corruption Eradication Commission was weakened and was listed as an institution that the public no longer trusted. It has since become a toothless tiger. The weakening of the anti-corruption body began with its leadership. There are also questions about the recruitment of commissioners  whose commitment to eradicating corruption is problematic. Other commissioners  have repeatedly violated the code of ethics, One chose to resign to avoid being fired. Legislation suspected of being corrupt was successfully passed because it did not receive supervision from the Corruption Eradication Commission. There is a pattern of laws being drafted in secret and hastily passed which do not serve the interests of the public. The Anti-corruption body Law, the Mining Law, the Omnibus Law, and the Constitutional Court Law are all examples. The result is demonstrations. Any judicial review is usually rejected by the same people who passed the laws in the first place. Parliament’s efforts to gain control over anti-corruption institutions have become increasingly evident, especially in the process of recruiting the members of those institutions. MPs replaced one constitutional judge because he was seen to be in conflict with the parliament’s agenda after he helped cancel the promulgation of the Omnibus Law. The way to stop the erosion of Indonesia’s anti-corruption efforts must come from the top. But president Joko Widodo doesn’t seem to be taking any serious steps. People will remember his legacy as ignoring the Reform Order, unless he takes radical moves before leaving office in 2024. Charles Simabura and Haykal are researchers at the Center for Constitutional Studies (PUSaKO), and lecturers at the Faculty of Law, Universitas Andalas Indonesia. Both authors declare no conflict of interest and did not receive funds in any form. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Combatting corruption in democracies” sent at: 01/12/2022 10:26. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 1, 2022

Omicron is a product of vaccine apartheid - 360 Obijiofor Aginam Published on December 8, 2021 The unintended consequence of vaccine apartheid has left billions of people in poor countries unvaccinated – creatingopportunities for COVID-19 to mutate. By Obijiofor Aginam, United Nations University-International Institute for Global Health Months into the pandemic, long before the development of safe and effective COVID-19 vaccines, most industrialised countries pledged in principle to treat COVID-19 vaccines as a ‘global public good’ to be made accessible and affordable to people who would need them most across the world. However, ‘vaccine nationalism’ has since become the norm. Vaccine nationalism has seen rich countries with less than 20 percent of the world’s population stockpiling 60 percent of the world’s vaccine supply, aiming to first exclusively vaccinate 70 percent of their population to achieve herd immunity. The practice has since plunged the world into ‘vaccine apartheid’ – the separation of the world’s poorest and most vulnerable people in low- and middle-income countries from COVID-19 vaccine programs. The unintended consequence of vaccine apartheid has left billions of people in poor countries unvaccinated – creatingopportunities for the virus to mutate into easily transmissible vaccine-resistant variants. The recent Omicron COVID-19 variant is a case in point. Omicron, according to the World Health Organization, is a variant of concern because it has a large number of mutations. Although officially detected in South Africa, The Netherlands later confirmed it found the Omicron variant before its detection in South Africa, indicating the variant was already in Europe before the Southern African cases. In a swift reaction, several countries including the United States, Canada, UK, EU, and some countries in Asia imposed flight bans on Southern African countries including Botswana, Eswatini, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, and Zambia, Zimbabwe and Nigeria. Such flight bans are short-term discriminatory policies that mask the larger issues of vaccine apartheid with billions of people unvaccinated and ample opportunity for mutations to occur. “Vaccine allocation must not become a zero-sum game”, warns Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, Director-General of the World Health Organization. “Vaccine nationalism is not just morally indefensible … It is epidemiologically self-defeating and clinically counterproductive”. That “no one is safe, until everyone is safe” is a truism that underscores the gap  between the rich and poor nations in a pandemic. Why should rich countries and powerful non-state actors like pharmaceutical corporations invest their resources to dismantle the barriers erected by vaccine apartheid in a time of COVID-19 and future pandemics? Simply put, enlightened self-interest. Nobel Laureate Joshua Lederberg’s wrote in his widely cited thesis, “the world is just one village, and our tolerance of disease in any place in the world is at our own peril”. ‘Leave no one behind’ is not just an empty slogan or redundant rhetoric in the creed of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals,  but an important piece of the sustainable development puzzle. While classic diplomacy — the conduct of official relations between the governments of sovereign nations, and between governments and international organisations — is often characterised by pursuit of strategic economic and security interests, divergent interests in global health favour a different diplomatic strategy. The ‘microbial unification of the world’ by COVID-19 and the recognition that there are no health sanctuaries anywhere is an opportunity for a new brand of health diplomacy. Instead of overly prioritising the lives and safety of populations of industrialised countries, the global production, supply, and distribution of COVID-19 diagnostics, therapeutics, and vaccines should take into account the structural inequities in the international system between the rich and poor, developed and developed economies, and the global North and South. COVID-19 and past pandemics have aptly demonstrated how globalization has immersed all of humanity in a single germ pool. One of the unintended consequences being the emergence of global microbial superhighways. As the distinction between national and international health is being altered by emerginginterdependence between nations, it is now widely accepted thatpathogenic microbes do not carry national passports, nor do they recognise the sovereignty and geopolitical boundaries of countries. In all millennia of recorded history, infectious diseases have killed more people than wars. History is replete with pandemics that decimated a significant percentage of humanity, from the Plague of Athens in 430 BC to Black Death (Bubonic Plague) in fourteenth-century Europe. Add to this smallpox, measles, scarlet fever, chicken pox, influenza in the Americas in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and the global swine flu in 1918-19. In recent decades, the outbreaks of ebola virus disease, lassa fever, hanta virus, West Nile virus, severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS), the re-emergence of multi-drug resistant tuberculosis, the global pandemic of HIV/AIDS, COVID-19 and other diseases that transcend national boundaries has re-positioned all of humanity for a decisive germ battle with microbial forces. Enlightened self-interest compels all countries to stop vaccine apartheid and  rebuild trust in global health, realising that threats to health anywhere are threats to health everywhere. Originally published under by 360info™. Obijiofor Aginam is Principal Visiting Fellow at the United Nations University-International Institute for Global Health, UNU-IIGH, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia & Adjunct Research Professor of Law and Legal Studies, Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada. Professor Aginam declared no conflicts of interest in relation to this article.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 8, 2021