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On islands swallowed by water, there is nowhere else to go - 360 Piya Srinivasan Published on January 31, 2024 Poor and lower-caste women shoulder the worst impacts of climate change in the Sundarbans. The area also highlights key lessons on building climate resilience. Panchanan Dolui, who lives on Mousuni Island in the Indian Sundarbans, has shifted homes three times due to floods and river erosion. Each time he moves further from the shrinking edge to avoid displacement. He has watched the river eat away vast tracts of land. “Where do we go? There is nowhere to go,” he laments. Located in West Bengal, the Sundarbans forest system is a cluster of low-lying islands, and represents the largest mangrove ecosystem in the world. It is home to several endangered species, and acts as a natural barrier against cyclones, storm surges and other environmental hazards. The forests are also natural agents of carbon capture and sequestration. But things are changing fast. As Kalyan Rudra, Chairperson of the West Bengal Pollution Control Board, says of some of the islands: “They are not safe for human habitation because of erosion.” The four cyclones that hit the eastern coast of India between 2019-21 – Fani, Amphan, Bulbul and Yaas – point to the increasingly unpredictable weather events in the Sundarbans caused by climate change and sea level rise. Sundarbans inhabitants have faced climate-induced displacement for decades. Lohachara was one of the first inhabited islands to disappear under the sea in 1996, forcing residents to relocate to neighbouring islands, often without documents or property deeds. In the face of limited livelihood options, and without sufficient development in the region, migration has become a coping strategy for many residents. There have been several waves of migration within the Sundarbans, often on the same island, to avoid flooding from embankment breaches, tidal bores and storm surges. Since Cyclone Aila in 2009, distress migration driven by economic vulnerability has resulted in men taking up work as informal migrant workers across India where labour laws are often weaponised against them. Women-led households in the Sundarbans are more common than in any other area in India because of distress migration. But these households are often marked by debt burdens, a high number of dependents, lack of economic power and limited livelihood options. Meanwhile, increasing land salinity – due to severe cyclonic storms and tidal wave action, which carries sea water from the Bay of Bengal into the Sundarbans delta  – impedes soil productivity in the area. Salinity-resistant paddy farming is an important form of climate change adaptation in the area that has become increasingly popular over the past decade. Increased salinity, however, has also led to brackish water shrimp farming on a commercial scale, causing land degradation and negatively impacting the sustainable development of the area. Significantly, the health of women who perform the poorly-paid marginal labour of prawn seed collection – which involves standing anywhere up to six hours in saline water – is adversely affected. Increasing salinity is a leading cause of reproductive health problems among rural women in the Sundarbans, including pelvic inflammation and urinary tract infections. The intersection of salinity, women’s health, and its effect on family systems and local economy remains an under-researched area that deserves urgent attention. Increasing salinity has also led to a severely degraded mangrove ecosystem,  affecting biodiversity and loss of forest reserves which sustain local communities. The pressure on forest resources also amplifies man-animal conflict in the area. The Sundarbans, both in Bangladesh and West Bengal, are home to tiger widows, women whose husbands went into the Sundarbans reserve forest area for fishing or honey collection and were killed by tigers. There is no official recognition for such deaths since entry into the reserve forest – where activities like fishing and honey and crab-collecting were carried out — became “illegal” for forest dwellers once the area was declared a Tiger reserve in 1973 and came under the Wildlife Protection Act. Pradip Chatterjee, ex-president of Dakshinbanga Matsyajibi Forum or the West Bengal Fishers’ Union, calls these tiger deaths be-aini mrityu or illegal deaths, marked by the erasure of the person’s existence. He notes that the local police station refuses to make entries of the tiger deaths because of their “illegal” nature, hampering the process of applying for compensation – a bureaucratic labyrinth which requires the deceased’s kin to produce a police report and death certificate. Recently, the Calcutta High Court acknowledged tiger deaths in prohibited wildlife zones in a landmark decision, ordering the State Forest Department to pay full compensation to two tiger widows. The poorest people live in an adversarial relationship with the Forest Department, which is in charge of conferring these certificates. Forests become sites of exclusionary environmental governance where conservation is prioritised over people’s rights. The perception among conservationists that local people are hurdles in the path of conservation enables a form of sustainable development that erases the human element from the process of risk management. Climate disaster not only slows down the scope of recovery but exacerbates pre-existing vulnerabilities along the lines of caste and gender. For example, state relief in the area following climate disaster is often selective and contingent on existing land holdings, as research interviews with women who have witnessed state relief measures after Cyclone Amphan in the Sundarbans suggest. “Our two-room house collapsed and trees had fallen on them. We couldn’t enter our house anymore,” former Sunderbans resident Neela Ghosh told this researcher. “But relief workers went to those houses that were unaffected and where the owners don’t live. We are sitting outside our broken home and receiving very meagre funds.” As erosion across the Sundarbans continues, officials struggle to agree upon areas suitable for relocation of the most vulnerable residents. West Bengal recorded the longest stretch of shoreline erosion in India, at 63 percent, with 99 sq km of land lost due to coastal erosion between 1990 and 2016. This has a direct impact on the landless, marginal residents of the Sundarbans who reside closest to the riverbank. In a phone interview with this researcher, a Forest Department official says prime land was already occupied in the Sundarbans and people located on the edge – usually the most marginalised and vulnerable – would only be relocated to another edge.   The remaining public land is not fit for habitation or agriculture, meaning the only area that could be converted into habitable or agricultural land was forest land, the official added. Thus, in responding to residents’ need for migration due to erosion, government policy will have to walk a fine line in not claiming more forest land for relocation. Decisions around where to relocate residents are made more difficult by the fact that some islands, including Sagar Island, to which planned relocation has been taking place, are “not safe for human habitation because of erosion,” according to Kalyan Rudra, Chairperson of the West Bengal Pollution Control Board. However, there are some areas of the Sundarbans where accretion (sediment build-up) is taking place – which presents possibilities. “We can identify such areas which are less vulnerable and relocate some people there who are really vulnerable,” Rudra says. But he emphasised the impossibility of rehabilitating the entire Sundarbans population of more than 4.5 million people – and adds that since erosion will continue, relocation is not a sustainable solution. “We have to live with this kind of disaster,” he says. In December 2023, the West Bengal capital, Kolkata, became one of the first claimants for climate change-induced loss and damage from the UN’s Loss and Damage Fund, which was agreed upon during the COP28 summit. The fund will include coverage for climate-displaced populations from the Sundarbans. Besides financial assistance, climate resilience can be built only with recognition of the rights of islanders to compensation and rehabilitation; equitable access to forests; participatory management of forest resources and decision-making at the block level; and community cohesiveness. Also essential is investment in climate-resilient infrastructure including storage options for small-scale fisheries and prawn seed collectors, sustainable water management and more planned relocation from flood-prone areas with livelihood provisions. In response to increased threats due to climate change, India’s National Disaster Management Authority developed a draft policy in early 2023 – which it refers to as the bedrock of India’s climate change adaptation – to include coastal and river erosion. The new policy will inform mitigation and resettlement of those displaced by such forms of erosion, with the intended outcome of reducing loss of land, enhancing economic resilience and minimising vulnerability. However, uncertainty surrounds the future of climate resilience in this area as fund allocation and disbursement is subject to the sway of politics. The Centre and the West Bengal government share a contentious relationship, which escalated during the review of the damage caused by Cyclone Yaas in May 2021 and became a commentary on the poor state of federal cooperation. The efficacy of the new policy in creating climate-resilient communities on the frontlines of climate change remains to be seen. Dr Piya Srinivasan is India Commissioning Editor at 360info hosted by Manav Rachna International Institute of Research and Studies, Faridabad. She holds a doctorate in Law and Governance from Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India. She is the editor of the book Living with the Weather: Climate Change, Ecology and Displacement in South Asia. The research has been funded by Calcutta Research Group and the Institute of Human Sciences (IWM) Vienna. Her areas of interest are disaster governance, migration and ecology. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on January 31, 2024

One devastating way lockdowns changed driver behaviour - 360 Matthew G. Nagler Published on December 6, 2022 Pandemic lockdowns had a serious — potentially fatal — effect on the way drivers interact with each other on the roads. As the world emerges from two years of COVID disruption, two disturbing trends have persisted: increased rates of traffic fatalities and declining public trust — in each other and public institutions. The pandemic upset many long-standing patterns of interpersonal interaction. By forcing people into lockdown — in many cases for over a year — it kept them from interacting in familiar settings: workplaces, the shops, at community organisations, places of worship … and on the roads. The rise in deadly crashes is particularly concerning because it followed an extended period of progress in road safety. The decline in trust continues a trend that had been underway for several decades – at least, in the United States. These trends are not coincidental. Recent research has shown social capital promotes safety on the roads. Social capital is the term social scientists use to describe the “stock of investments, resources and networks that produce social cohesion, trust, and a willingness to engage in community activities. There are several possible reasons for this connection, including that societies that have higher degrees of trust tend to foster more functional political institutions — hence more effective enforcement of safety laws. But a critical part of the equation is that, in places with greater interpersonal trust, road users tend to drive more courteously and so coordinate more effectively with other drivers, avoiding fatal crashes. Enter COVID. Undoubtedly, road death rates rose post-pandemic because people — having been locked down for so long — lacked practice behind the wheel. But this would have been short-lived. Part of the explanation likely rests with declines in social capital. Lockdowns — in forcing people into physical distancing and out of accustomed modes of personal interaction — likely caused people to become less comfortable around others and, inevitably, distrustful. Existing research on social capital and traffic safety suggests these changes can be implicated as being among the causes of the increase in traffic fatalities. The good news is public policies that increase social cohesion and community engagement can make roads safer. Action and encouragement by trusted local institutions could be particularly helpful. The city of Gainesville, Florida, implemented a year-long program to enforce pedestrian crossing laws, involving a joint enforcement effort by the Gainesville Police Department, the University of Florida Police Department, and the Alachua County Sheriff’s Office. The program was supported by radio advertisements, outreach to schools and communities, and street signage. Feedback signs along high traffic roads displayed the previous week’s percentage of drivers stopping at pedestrian crossings, along with the record to date. The rate at which drivers gave way to pedestrians doubled, reaching 62 percent by the end of the program. The baseline had been 32 percent.While social capital has been shown to benefit  a range of variables from wellbeing to economic growth, public policies to foster social capital represent a fledgling area. Further study is needed. More pilot programs like the one in Gainesville could be helpful in learning what works best. Road safety is yet one more area in which COVID, by creating an acute crisis, has posed opportunities to broaden human understanding and to grow humanity’s toolkit — not just for dealing with pandemics, but for addressing a range of societal challenges. Matthew G. Nagler is a professor of economics at the City College of New York and the Graduate Center, City University of New York. He was a member of the Social and Behavioral Sciences Team at the White House under President Barack Obama. He declares no conflict of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “On the road after COVID” sent at: 05/12/2022 09:17. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 6, 2022

One Goliath is wounded but challenges remain - 360 Alexandra Wake Published on May 3, 2023 In one of the world’s most tightly-held media industries, one smaller voice struck a blow for freedom of expression. World Press Freedom Day is usually marked by stories of despair — worsening repression of voices, media outlets closed down, journalists locked up, journalists killed. But this year there have been some glimmers of light, especially in Australia, where the lack of diversity in media ownership has been a longstanding issue. While many independent media outlets around the world face persecution from authorities, in Australia the small independent publisher Crikey stared down a defamation action from a much larger media group: The Rupert Murdoch-owned News Corp. Crikey, which says it is guided by a deceptively simple, old idea ‘tell the truth and shame the devil‘ had dared Lachlan Murdoch, son of Rupert, to bring a defamation action against it, after naming the Murdoch family as an unindicted co-conspirator in the January 6 2021 US Capitol riot. The news site stood strong until Lachlan Murdoch walked away, just days after his US television network, Fox News, was forced to settle a US defamation lawsuit for making false claims about the 2020 US election. Crikey’s CEO and chairman Will Hayward was ecstatic: “We are proud of our stand. We are proud to have exposed the hypocrisy and abuse of power of a media billionaire. This is a victory for free speech. We won.” The price of defeat may well have silenced another independent voice. In a country where the Murdoch media is so strong that two former prime ministers from different sides of politics have called for a royal commission into Rupert Murdoch’s Australian media empire, there was great celebration. Crikey’s campaign had won many friends, and substantial GoFundMe donations for its legal battle, and gave more grist to the growing hate campaign against News Corp publications which has resulted in anti-Murdoch posters and stickers being sold and displayed throughout Australia. It wasn’t the only good news in Australian media. The government-forced Media Bargaining Code has resulted in 30 agreements between digital platforms (Google and Meta) and a cross section of Australian news businesses. While the code is being lauded and copied in other countries, some of the smaller Australian publishers have felt aggrieved as they have not always had the power or nous to get good deals. Still, there is money from the code across the news sector. And the new Labor Government halted the previous government’s ongoing attacks against the trusted national broadcaster, the ABC. Labor also made an election promise to provide AUD$29 million to support regional, local and community media, including First Nations publications and hyper-local community websites. It also matched the previous Coalition government’s AUD$10 million promise to help offset print costs. While those funds have been flowing through to news organisations, there has not been any announcement to better support journalism students studying at universities, with the cost of their degrees increased by 110 percent by the former government. Another bright spot for press freedom was the appointment of a news-friendly attorney general, Mark Dreyfus. The long-time supporter of journalism and journalists has been keen to engage with all in the industry, and invited news organisations large and small to the nation’s capital to discuss proposed changes to Australia’s privacy law. He also used the opportunity to discuss strengthening Freedom of Information laws to force governments and government departments to be more open to requests from journalists. Dreyfus does not, however, have an easy answer for who is a journalist in 2023. It remains a vexed question, particularly for those who work for mainstream news outlets who are tired of being lumped in with independent journalists who do not sign up to a code of ethics. Increasingly, anyone with a comedy career, or a camera, will claim to be a journalist. Until they no longer want to be one. These bits of good news, however, do not change the fact that trust in journalism continues to fall in Australia and across the world. Overall trust in Australian journalism has dropped further (from 43 percent to 41 percent) in a year. Also, the Public Interest Journalism Initiative continues to map newsroom closures and there is a never-ending supply of stories about closures even in vibrant communities. Larger newsrooms are also changing. They continue to lose older, higher paid, experienced journalists, while trying to replace them with younger staff from more diverse backgrounds. While there is still much work to be done on diversity, these young journalists must be sharp. They generally need to present their reporting suitable for all platforms — text, audio, visual, digital and social. They also need to capture the attention of audiences flooded by media that isn’t news-focused. Australia might have solid levels of literacy, but Australians report low levels of confidence with their media literacy. Getting attention for news is difficult. Talkback radio host for the ABC, Rafael Epstein, recently called on his listeners to discuss if a negative report from the state’s anti-corruption watchdog on the Victorian Government would sway voters. Epstein was hardly overrun with calls. Despite his efforts over a couple of days, he was unable to garner much interest beyond the few normal partisan callers. Epstein’s efforts pointed to a problem with all news media: even with the best reporting, backed by the strongest evidence, audiences are not always moved. Getting people to pay attention to quality journalism in an information-rich environment remains an ongoing issue. Despite the efforts of multiple fact-checkers from news organisations across Australia, misinformation and fake news is having very real impacts on communities. The small Yarra Ranges Council, less than 40km from Australia’s largest city of Melbourne, has been forced to close its art gallery and put its council meetings online because of abuse directed at staff and councillors. The Yarra Ranges has one newspaper servicing the area, but this has not been enough to stop the impact of misinformation online. The mayor told the ABC that the council was being targeted by people caught up in conspiracy theories about 15-minute cities, 5G mobile phone towers and vaccinations. The other issue that continues to hang over Australian journalism is the continued detention of Julian Assange in the UK. Assange’s case has had some movement with now planned regular visits from Australia’s UK High Commissioner to the WikiLeaks founder, who is in Belmarsh prison and faces espionage charges in the US. Australia’s Prime Minister Anthony Albanese is in Assange’s corner, telling The Guardian: “I have made it clear the Australian government’s position, which is: enough is enough. There’s nothing to be served from ongoing issues being continued.” But there is still no movement at all in the case of Cheng Lei who has been detained in Beijing for more than two years on spying charges. Her partner asked the Victorian Premier Dan Andrews to push for her freedom during his visit to China earlier this year but to date there is still no word on the fate of the Melbourne journalist and mother of two. Alexandra Wake is an Associate Professor of Journalism at RMIT University and the elected President of the Journalism Education and Research Association of Australia. She is an active leader, educator and researcher in journalism. Her research, teaching and practice sits at the nexus of journalism practice, journalism education, equality, diversity and mental health. Dr Wake has taught journalism at RMIT, Deakin University, Dubai Women’s College, and was a trainer on international aid projects including at the South African Broadcasting Corporation. Before turning full time to the academy, she spent more than 25 years working for broadcast and print international news agencies in Australia, the Asia Pacific and the Middle East. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 3, 2023

One propaganda film has haunted Indonesia - 360 Ariel Heryanto Published on March 14, 2023 History recorded mass killings in Indonesia in 1965. One particular anti-communist film haunted Indonesians for years afterward. In January 2023, Indonesian President Joko Widodo disclosed the findings of the investigation team regarding past human rights violations. He acknowledged 12 gross  human rights violations. The worst were the 1965-1966 massacres of Communists where approximately one million people died in state-sponsored political violence. Like many other nations, Indonesia has a troubled and violent past. One so overwhelming the majority of the population continues to feel the repercussions daily. In some countries, the medium of film has emerged as a key platform where the nation learns to come to terms with its past in a collective fashion. Indonesia is one of the least prepared nations to do so, despite having a long and rich history of cinema. The importance of links between film and the history of the 1965-66 massacres, which gave rise to Indonesia’s New Order regime under then-president Suharto (1966-98), cannot be overemphasised. Contrary to the expectations of many who survived the New Order’s brutal repression, greater space for openness in public debate since the regime ended has not helped disclose the truth, build reconciliation, or helped the pursuit of justice. The New Order’s propaganda remains largely intact. Worse, but not surprisingly, many younger Indonesians, who enjoy the power of new media and greater freedom of information, appear to have little interest in past political violence. From the outset, Suharto’s government understood the power of cinema  and propaganda. It made a huge investment in the anti-communism campaign through the notorious film Pengkhianatan G 30 September  (The Treachery of the 30th September Movement). The government did all it could to have maximum control of public consciousness and discourse about the event by consistently imposing an official version of history. On 15 April 1969, the Commander-in Chief of the Command for the Restoration of Security and Public Order (Komando Operasi Pemulihan Keamanan dan Ketertiban, aka KOPKAMTIB) issued an instruction for the establishment of a “KOPKAMTIB Film Project“, which would be responsible for producing “documentary films” as a “medium of psywar” against its enemies in Indonesia and overseas. Indonesia’s National Commission on Human Rights mentioned in its 2012 report that Kopkamtib systematically orchestrated the mass killings of 1965. Pengkhianatan G 30 September was completed in 1984 after two years of production. Two years later another propaganda film was released: Penumpasan Sisa-sisa PKI Blitar Selatan (Suppression of Remnants of the Communist Party in South Blitar) or Operasi Trisula (Trisula Operation) (1986, Kadarjono), which depicted an extended witch-hunt of Communist survivors by the military in South Blitar, perceived to be the last of the Communist hideouts. In 1988, the New Order government produced yet another propaganda film: Djakarta 1966 (1982, Noer), which focused on the controversial transfer of power from President Sukarno to Major-General Suharto. At the core of the controversy is the issue of a Presidential Instruction on 11 March 1966, signed by Sukarno, and its use or abuse by Suharto. No other propaganda material, on or offscreen, has generated a similar impact to Pengkhianatan G 30 September. The film broke records in terms of runtime (nearly 4.5 hours), the number of supporting actors (10,000) and viewers, as well as scoring record financial investment and revenue. School children were required to buy tickets to watch it during school hours. Despite its marathon length, the story concerns only a five-day period between 30 September and 5 October 1965. The film is completely silent about the second episode (the massacres), although the less known sequel Penumpasan Sisa-sisa PKI Blitar Selatan (Suppression of Remnants of the Communist Party in South Blitar, 1986, Kadarjono) glorifies the destruction of the fleeing Communists. More important than the record-breaking statistics is the fact that for at least the first decade of its circulation, the film was the primary, or the only available, source of detailed information for most Indonesians about what might have happened in September to October 1965. The state television network, TVRI, broadcast the film each year on 30 September until the collapse of the New Order in 1998. Private television stations were required to follow suit. The film established the central and overarching framework for any public discussion for most of the New Order period. Any public expression that implied doubt on the validity of the official history of 1965 or referred to alternative narratives among scholars overseas was declared against the law and was liable to criminal prosecution. Notwithstanding such intimidation, dissenting voices emerged from time to time during the New Order rule, if only to be immediately suppressed. This suppression has continued more than a decade since the downfall of the New Order. For many Indonesians, Communism was, and remains, a taboo subject for any critical discussion and the word “Communist” functioned as a popular derogatory term. Indonesia’s respected media Tempo and Kompas conducted surveys on the most serious threats to Indonesia. In August 1985, in commemoration of the 40th year of Indonesian independence, over one third of Tempo‘s respondents picked the resurgence of the Communists. More than half of these respondents were between 21 and 30 years old. The daily Kompas conducted similar polls in 2002 and 2003, and the results affirmed the Tempo survey. In 2000, Tempo held another round of polls, canvassing 1,101 secondary school students on where they had learned the history of the 1965 events; 90 percent responded “film”. As there was only one film on the subject, there is no ambiguity as to which film they were referring to. As many as 97 per cent said they had seen Pengkhianatan G 30 September. Asked how many times they had seen it, 38 percent of respondents had seen it more than three times. Despite new media and an enlarged space for freedom of expression, only a small proportion of post-1998 films have revisited the 1965 tragedy. This should not be surprising, as the younger generation has no reason to be particularly interested in such a heavy and depressing theme. Out of approximately 1000 short and documentary films per year, only slightly over a dozen titles were specifically dedicated to revisiting this contentious historical period of the first decade of this century. Apart from political censure, any film revisiting the 1965 violence content-wise must confront a set of dilemmas that arise from the complexity of the subject matter and the unpreparedness of many of the Indonesian audience to deal with it. Any narration — in film or other medium — of the complex and highly contentious issue of the 1965 violence for an Indonesian audience will be confounded by the fundamental problem of having to draw a narrow focus around particular fragments, and privilege particular perspectives with political significance at the expense of others.  Even under the most ideal and liberal circumstances, narrators must choose to focus on certain selected aspects and leave other issues unaddressed, sidelined, or in the background, thus risking problems of effective communication with the audience. Indonesia remains unable to resolve, ignore or forget the multiple issues related to its violent past. Denials and repression of the issues have been the standard strategy. This has been responsible, at least in part, for the tendency to view the rise of Islamisation in an ahistorical fashion and the failure to recognise and control the legacies of past violence and impunity that has spilled into contemporary politics. Unsurprisingly, we witness ordinary Indonesians reacting with consistent bewilderment and paralysis when confronted by the cycle of communal conflicts and fatalities over the past half a century. Ariel Heryanto is a Professor Emeritus, Monash University, Australia. His interests are in cultural studies, media studies, and postcolonial studies. This article is derived from a chapter in his book Identity and Pleasure: The Politics of Indonesian Screen Culture (2014). The original research for this piece enjoyed funding from The Australian Research Council. Other supporting bodies are mentioned in the book’s Acknowledgement. Twitter @ariel_heryanto Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 14, 2023

One simple solution to healthy, affordable food - 360 Amanda Lee, Lisa-Maree Herron, Meron Lewis Published on September 27, 2022 Of the many government-led strategies to promote healthy diets, keeping healthy food free of sales taxes offers clear benefits. When political party the Australian Democrats negotiated an exemption for “basic healthy foods”  as part of the country’s introduction of a goods and services tax in 2000, they set in motion an often underappreciated measure to help keep healthy diets less expensive. As US President Joe Biden calls for ideas to help end hunger and improve nutrition, there are simple tax options he could consider. In the face of escalating cost of living, climate change, and chronic disease, efforts to ensure nutritious, sustainable diets are available to all are more important than ever. Governments can use various strategies to manipulate food prices, but the exemption of healthy foods such as fruit vegetables, bread, fresh meat, fish, milk and eggs from a GST that is applied to all unhealthy, “discretionary” or ultra-processed foods and drinks both helps to avoid such taxes being regressive, and promote dietary choices that benefit people’s health. Poor diet is the leading preventable contributor to the burden of disease in Australia and globally. Rising rates of obesity, type 2 diabetes, heart disease, some cancers and other chronic illnesses are underscored by poor diets high in unhealthy foods. More than two-thirds of Australian adults (67 percent) and one in four children in Australia are overweight or obese. Less than 4 percent of adults consume a diet consistent with the Australian Dietary Guidelines. Under-investment in nutrition promotion and preventive health programs doesn’t help. Neither does the perception that healthy foods are more expensive than unhealthy options, due to marketing, including promotion of take-away meal deals. As a result, in Australia more than one-third of adults’ energy intake, and nearly 40 percent of children’s, is derived from unhealthy foods and drinks. Australian households spend around 58 percent of their food budget on these unhealthy options. The exemption of basic healthy food from GST in Australia helps keep the relative price of healthy food down. Multiple research studies have shown that diets consistent with Australian health guidelines can be between 16 percent and 24 percent less expensive than the habitual diets reported in the most recent national health survey. However, in many settings healthy diets are still unaffordable for households on minimum wage or welfare income, with total costs exceeding 30 percent of disposable household income. The proportion of income needed to buy food is even greater in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and remote communities. Since the GST was introduced there have been frequent calls for expansion of its base to include the healthy foods that are currently exempt. Modelling studies confirm this would increase the cost of healthy diets by nearly 10 percent, more than double the increase in cost of the current, unhealthy diet (4.5 percent). This would add yet another hurdle impeding the shift to recommended diets, especially for the most vulnerable Australian families. Another study confirmed if healthy foods were exempt from the 15% GST imposed on all food and drinks in New Zealand, healthy diets would become significantly more affordable. If the GST rate on unhealthy foods and drinks was increased to 20 percent in Australia and current exemptions retained this would effectively work as an increased health levy and help encourage improved dietary choice. The cost of the healthy diet would not be impacted, but the cost of the unhealthy diet would increase. Additional differential tax rates, such as 30 percent GST on sugar-sweetened beverages, may also have merit. At a time of spiralling cost of living and rates of food insecurity, keeping basic, healthy foods and drinks GST-free is crucial to protect economic access to healthy diets for many Australians. Further increasing the differential GST rate would deliver even greater benefits for population and planetary health, and for future government spending. Professor Amanda Lee is Professor of Public Health Policy in the School of Public Health, Faculty of Medicine at The University of Queensland (UQ), Affiliate Professor with the UQ Poche Centre for Indigenous Health and a Chief Investigator with The Australian Prevention Partnership Centre. Lisa-Maree Herron is a Senior Research Assistant in the School of Public Health, Faculty of Medicine at The University of Queensland.Meron Lewis is a PhD student and Research Assistant in the School of Public Health, Faculty of Medicine at The University of Queensland. Meron Lewis is a PhD student and Research Assistant in the School of Public Health, Faculty of Medicine at The University of Queensland. The author’s research program has been funded with the assistance of the Medical Research Future Fund and the National Health and Medical Research Council, Australia. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on September 27, 2022

One size does not fit all in Pacific climate adaptation - 360 Allan Rarai, Meg Parsons Published on December 21, 2022 Indigenous knowledge has helped guide Pacific Islanders’ resilience and adaptation to changing climates for centuries, but it is still often overlooked. When cyclone season blows into Vanuatu each year, the residents of north Pentecost Island draw on generations of local knowledge to scan nature for signs of any impending storms. They’ll look for changes in the sky, wildlife and plants to indicate the approach of a cyclone. This knowledge is also used to predict the onset of abnormally dry periods. If a seabird, locally known as Mansiroboe, flies over land it indicates a cyclone is near the island. These ocean birds only come on land during cyclone events looking for places to hide from the wind. Subtle changes in plant life are also scrutinised for changes. Abundant or early blossoms or fruit on trees are two indicators cyclones will occur in the upcoming season. In the days before a storm, fast moving low clouds, calm seas and surface winds are all signs a storm is usually imminent. “When I saw the signs, I told my family and the people [across the] communities. We collected firewood and clean water and prepared our houses by putting coconut leaves, bamboo and banana stems on roofs,” a man told researchers following the devastating Cyclone Pam in 2015. It was vital to collect water and food because all the rivers, streams and oceans would become polluted by run-off and high winds destroy gardens and fruit trees. These preparations helped to sustain families during and after Cyclone Pam and other tropical cyclones including category 5 Cyclone Harold which ripped through Pentecost Island in 2020. Indigenous knowledge is a critical resource to be integrated with scientific knowledge to improve our understanding of how ecosystems function, environmental health and the impacts of climate change. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change calls for it to be recognised as a core knowledge base to build locally appropriate climate adaptation strategies. But in the Pacific, it is often overlooked. While there is growing recognition of its value, adaptation policies and interventions frequently prefer Western scientific knowledge and focus on addressing individual climate risks through technical fixes directed by foreign experts and funding agencies. This approach overlooks local people’s resilience and capacity to adapt to social and environmental changes, demonstrated by the long history of managing climate risks through practices such as moving within and between islands, the pooling of resources, diversifying livelihoods and inter-island resource exchanges. When it comes to ways to better adapt to climate change, Pacific Island nations are often represented as vulnerable and backward. Experts and funding bodies frequently focus on the construction of hard (engineered) adaptation works, such as seawalls and other coastal defences to address the risks of coastal erosion, inundation events and sea-level rise. This technical, one-size-fits-all approach fails to account for nuanced understandings of climate change as well as diverse adaptation strategies from island to island. Over the last two decades, a small but growing number of studies have highlighted how many Pacific communities use Indigenous knowledge to reduce their vulnerability to environmental risks and changes. Such knowledge about local environments allows people to monitor and identify changes in environmental conditions and inform decisions about how to sustainably use resources and maintain livelihoods. Vanuatu is classified by the IPCC as one of the most highly vulnerable countries to the negative impacts of climate change — sea-level rise, more intense extreme weather events and changing rainfall and temperature. Two pieces of legislation in 2016 and 2020 addressing climate risks mentioned Indigenous knowledge in passing, but failed to acknowledge its importance — it is the basis of the communities’ place-specific adaptation that can provide crucial lessons in the development of new locally-led climate plans and projects. On Pentecost Island, the stems of cassava plants, banana and taro leaves are cut to ensure crops are not destroyed by winds of oncoming cyclones. But other crops are particularly climate resilient. Traditional foods including sweet potatoes and yams both produce tubers in the soil safe from strong winds and the heat of the sun, which are particularly valuable during droughts. The fast-growing Vovohe tree (Ficus wassa) is frequently used as a food source following cyclones as it bears fruit from the stem near the roots rather than on the branches which are less prone to being destroyed. Wild taro is another crop locals say is capable of surviving extreme weather and climatic events. Most villages in north Pentecost have traditional buildings known as gamali, built in sheltered areas from forest materials. The thatch roofs extend to the ground and are less likely to fly off in high winds, unlike buildings with corrugated iron sheet roofs. A study of housing on Pentecost in the wake of Cyclone Harold in 2020 found traditional housing sustained less damage than modern homes. Modern buildings were also difficult to repair due to the cost and time involved in sourcing and shipping building materials to the islands. Vanuatu’s climate adaptation policies have been described as, “inflexible and inappropriate” due to “predetermined agendas, prescriptive funding conditions, and insufficient consideration of local realities” which can benefit from drawing on these existing Indigenous wisdom and lessons. Reconsidering the diverse and multiple experiences of climate change across the island, residents can empower and transform their future. Sustainable, equitable and effective adaptation needs to move beyond the language of inclusion to actions that empower Indigenous peoples’ diverse knowledge and experience and their priorities about how they live with and adapt to changing social, ecological and climatic conditions in coming decades. Allan Rarai is Climate Services Manager at the Vanuatu Meteorology and Geo-Hazards Department. He has a Master of Science from Auckland University and has  a wealth of experience in Traditional Knowledge research on weather and climate building in Vanuatu. Meg Parsons is an Associate Professor at Auckland University.  Of New Zealand Māori (Ngāpuhi), Lebanese, and Pākehā/European heritage, she is a historical geographer whose research examines how Indigenous communities understand and respond to social and environmental changes. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 21, 2022

Online activism both a boon and a bane in fighting gender-based violence - 360 Noraida Endut Published on November 25, 2022 Digital activism has helped women find their voices but, as in the real world, they are still subject to harassment online. In 2020, 20-year-old R. Thivya Nayagi was found dead at her family home. She is believed to have died by suicide after she was bullied online for a TikTok video she filmed with a colleague. As the tragedy of R. Thivya demonstrates, women are still at risk of violence online. Although there is no official data on gender-based violence cases in Malaysia, the women’s group, All Women’s Action Society (AWAM) believes online sexual harassment is on the rise. The most common forms of technology-facilitated violence include sexist or misogynistic online comments, gender-based online hate speech, online harassment and threat of sexual violence, online stalking, doxing, unsolicited nude images and distribution of non-consensual sexual explicit content. Female public figures experience online harassment condemning and disparaging the way they dress and act. In a survey conducted by PeopleACT in 2018, 50.4 percent of respondents had experienced at least one form of online harassment with women experiencing it twice as much as men. Digital platforms such as social media and technology have become double-edged swords — used in both positive and negative ways. Online technology can disseminate knowledge and advocacy calls widely and rapidly, and this helps create awareness and support for women’s issues, particularly issues concerning gender-based violence. But many advocates and activists have faced harassment and menace from netizens threatened by their call for better policies in addressing sexual harassment cases. One case in particular involved schoolgirl Ain Husniza Saiful Nizam. In April 2021, Ain uploaded a TikTok video calling out her teacher for making rape jokes to students. With her hashtag #MakeSchoolASaferPlace, she created a buzz on Twitter and encouraged other victims to share stories of similar incidents. Activists, independent artists, and members of parliament expressed their agreement. But while Ain received considerable support, she was also subjected to rape threats and abuse from her former male classmates and men more widely. Some even defended the teacher. A police report lodged against the teacher and subsequent harassment warranted “no further action” according to the Attorney-General. Ain and her family were eventually forced to move after a backlash from neighbours, teachers and students. But Ain’s persistence in her online activism ultimately had a positive outcome. Her #MakeSchoolASaferPlace Twitter postings trended widely and inspired another young woman, Nuraaina Balqis, to create an Instagram page @SaveTheSchoolsMY that offers a safe space for victims to share their related experiences anonymously. Almost three weeks after Ain’s first police report, the Ministry of Education issued a formal statement for the first time saying the teacher had been reassigned pending investigation. In Malaysia, specific laws to address technology-facilitated violence against women are yet to be enacted. Only a few sections of the Penal Code and various rules, guidelines and practices on workplace sexual harassment exist. In August 2022, Malaysia’s parliament passed the Anti-Sexual Harassment Act which establishes a tribunal to receive and adjudicate complaints of sexual harassment. This bill covers sexual harassment cases perpetrated online. In 2017, the Sexual Offences Against Children Act was enacted to increase protection for children against sexual abuse. The act criminalises the production, distribution, and viewing of child pornography, sexual grooming and the act of exposing a child to sexual or indecent situations — actions that may be facilitated or exacerbated by technology and social media. Under international law, the state plays an important part in eradicating violence against women. Due Diligence Project, a research-advocacy group provides a framework for state obligations on dealing with violence against women, including violence facilitated by technology. This suggests violence against women can be addressed through the “5Ps” approach: prevention, protection, prosecution, punishment and provision of redress for victims. A peaceful and just world must be free from violence of all kinds. It’s a specific target in the global UN Sustainable Development Goals which is to eliminate all forms of violence against women and girls in the online and physical spheres, including trafficking, sexual abuse and other types of exploitation. When technology and social media facilitate or exacerbate violence, the state can strive to eliminate it. At the same time, it is worth exploring how the digital sphere may create better awareness and advocacy against violence against women. If this story has raised concerns for you, help is available. Search for resources at https://findahelpline.com/i/iasp Noraida Endut is a professor at the Unit for Research on Women and Gender (KANITA), Universiti Sains Malaysia. She teaches gender studies and law and development and researches violence against women, women and work and gender and law. She tweets at @noraida_endut Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 25, 2022

Global banking in a state of constant crisis - 360 Lachlan Guselli Published on July 3, 2023 Risks of another financial collapse are rising. What are the underlying weaknesses within the banking system that underpins the livelihoods of billions? When Silicon Valley Bank fell apart in March, it happened fast. The United State’s 16th-largest lender found itself trying to cover bond losses it couldn’t meet after gambling on low interest rates and losing. The bank’s clientele tried to withdraw money all at once, taking deposits worth $42 billion out the door. In under 48 hours, the bank had failed. Days later, Credit Suisse, one of the foundational pillars in the global banking system, took $54 billion from the Swiss government to ensure it wouldn’t fail. The bank that “built modern Switzerland”, was acquired by compatriot UBS who themselves had been bailed out by the Swiss National Bank 15 years earlier. In their place stood a mega bank managing more than $5 trillion in assets and taking on more risk in a volatile market. The global banking system appears on the brink of perpetual crisis, flirting with disaster, taking on new risk, and challenging conventions of trust and governance. Some people believe that is the cost of doing business. The weaknesses within the system are threatening its ability to withstand the stress it is currently under. With a recession looking increasingly likely, banks need to protect themselves, not merely for survival, but for the role they play in global commerce that underpins the livelihoods of billions. Some experts see a better way forward. Teaching the industry that the bottom line is not their only priority and developing the concept that a bold, innovative banking system should work for the interests of the community, not against them.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on July 3, 2023

Our online world is getting angrier, is it by circumstance or design? - 360 Sebastian F. K. Svegaard Published on March 4, 2024 Just like politics, our worldview is becoming less about what we think and more about what we feel. There’s a reason for that. Our world appears to be angrier. We seem to disagree more with each other, especially online. When Facebook had its own whistleblower in 2021, one of the things she said was that “publishers are saying, ‘Oh, if I do more angry, polarising, divisive content, I get more money.’ Facebook has set up a system of incentives that is pulling people apart.” The Cambridge Analytica scandal showed how social media manipulation worked for political ends almost 10 years ago and while social media firms have changed since then, and are more aware of the worry of manipulation, we, the users, still experience the world as an angrier, more polarised place. It continues, to X (formerly Twitter) making money from advertising next to tweets that media analysis firm NewsGuard claimed was from users “advancing false or egregiously misleading claims about the [Israel-Palestinian] conflict.” There has been much theorising that so-called filter bubbles were the cause of our polarisation. The theory went that the algorithms running our media feeds were serving us only content we agreed with. This has been shown to be wrong. Some now believe that it is our constant exposure to things we fundamentally disagree with that is making us disagree even more. If we look at history, this time of anger and polarisation is likely not unique. Surely in times of great upheaval, extreme anger and polarisation also happened – for example during the French Revolution. However, what is certainly new is our level of exposure to polarising opinions and events, and this exposure happens in large parts on social media, where we spend so much of our time and, increasingly, get our news. On TikTok, #wartok is full of images from wars in Palestine and Ukraine. Competing accounts supporting either side in any conflict can draw in a lot of money. There is, in other words, money in emotions, because emotions mean engagement, which means clicks, and clicks mean advertising revenue and the potential for direct donations as well for some content creators. But let’s be frank, even successful creators make small money compared to the media companies that host and profit from their work. Emotions in humans are powerful and difficult to explain. On one hand, everyone has emotions, and we understand them on some level, but they are deeply personal and hard to quantify. Research in emotions falls within vastly different categories, from the psychological and medical to the sociological and language based, and often overlap. Some research, particularly from social sciences and humanities, try to understand what emotions do, how they are used to achieve specific ends either directly or indirectly in communication. It is increasingly vital to understand emotions as part of communication in a world where so much information comes through multimedia primarily video formats, because emotions can be accessed in any layer of the information. There is something about video and image that makes us respond differently to written content. Perhaps it’s the way visuals grasp us in an instant, or perhaps the several layers of information we need to process. Social media prefers visuals now with the pivot to video or, as internet commentator Ryan Broderick aptly put it, we live in a “video first internet” now. To fully understand video content, it is necessary to think about the visuals AND the words AND the audio. Video and the direct human-to-human contact it provides is powerful. When we see someone talking to us in a video, we see their face, their eyes, their expressions. It feels as if we are close. We might build a kind of relationship with content creators we watch a lot – just as with other celebrities – as we get to know them by watching them. Music in audio-visual content can also vastly change how we perceive something, and is a gateway to our emotions. The same techniques that make us root for someone in a film or feel empathy for their situation can be used in any kind of audio-visual format – everything from your neighbour’s funny cat video to political candidates arguing for why you should vote for them. One thing emotions can be used for, particularly for political ends, is create what is known as affective polarisation. Polarisation, a buzzword at the moment, describes a distancing or increasing divide between people with differing views. Affective polarisation is mostly used to mean a creation of an in-and out-group through emotional means, or a “them” and an “us” of some kind. A not directly political version of this could be supporters of opposing sports teams, who resort to not simply disparaging the performance of the opposing team, but also resorting to name-calling that dehumanises or casts them as “less than”. Using similar tactics in politics can be very effective too – this is for example when we see politicians and supporters attack their opponent on grounds of personal character or morals as an extension of their viewpoints. On our social media feeds, this may look like people focusing more on disliking people than disagreeing with ideas. A fascinating aspect of affective polarisation is one, which our research points to: all kinds of emotions can be used to this end. Anger is effective in driving engagement online, and is therefore easily pushed to more of us as it is shared and responded to across social media. But many emotions can be used. Making us laugh with someone can make them relatable as a political candidate. Think of former UK PM Boris Johnson and his ability to play to humour, or how humour can be used against someone by making them a laughing stock. Even love can be used to polarise us. Scholar Sara Ahmed illustrates in her work how love can be used to justify hate. Her example is that of white supremacists’ use of love of nation and “race” to justify hating people of a different skin colour. Different political leaders do this in different ways. It largely appears to be a personality thing, but they all use emotions as one way to convince constituents. For example, Brazilian ex-president Jair Bolsonaro often used contempt for his opponent during his 2022 campaign, while then-Australian prime-minister Scott Morrison in his campaign showed a lot of satisfaction with what his government had achieved as a way to argue he should be re-elected. But even positive emotions are, in some way, meant to inspire something like anger – or at least distancing – from others. Sometimes legitimately so. There are actions and opinions that many people find disagreeable for good reason – but sometimes also to stir up emotions that are a motivator for political action. Research shows that some amount of polarisation and disagreement can be positive in democracies, that such factors engage more people in politics and voting. When we disagree, we use democratic tools to solve those disagreements. However, in more extreme, destructive cases, affective polarisation can lead to people seeing those with opposing views as less than human. At this point, it becomes harder for democracy to continue to function. The best we can all do in cases where political content makes us feel something, is to take a moment to reflect on why we are feeling this way. Do we really feel angry, or sad, or touched, or did we get drawn in by effective communication? Is it legitimate disagreement or are we being manipulated? Sebastian F. K. Svegaard is a PhD in media studies. He currently works as a post-doctoral researcher at the Digital Media Research Centre at Queensland University of Technology, where he is part of a research team that studies the dynamics and drivers of polarisation and partisanship online. Dr Svegaard’s research receives funding from the Australian Research Council through Laureate Fellowship FL210100051 Dynamics of Partisanship and Polarisation in Online Public Debate. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 4, 2024

Our suburbs are no longer safe from bushfires - 360 Graham Dwyer Published on December 11, 2023 It’s a myth that you’re safe from bushfires in the suburbs. If you’re near any type of wild vegetation such as bush or grasslands, your property may be at risk. The recent loss of houses to bushfire in suburbs just north of Perth is a stark reminder that fire is not just a risk to residents in rural and regional areas. Simply put, it’s a myth to think you will always be safe on urban land. If you are near any type of bushland, grassland or scrubland, your property is likely to be at risk from a bushfire. For decades, experts have cautioned  that that those living in peri-urban areas — areas between the cities and the countryside, including many outer suburbs — are at significant risk from bushfires. Now those risks may actually be growing, for a few different reasons. As the boundaries of urban and rural cities expand, so too does the risk of bushfire. With the interface between city and countryside shrinking as part of Australia’s ongoing “urban sprawl”, more people will be living in highly bushfire-prone areas in these peri-urban fringe areas. As cities expand, they come closer to grasslands, forests and scrublands rich in bushfire fuels. And with more people living in these areas, bushfires are more likely to be ignited accidentally or deliberately. Climate change will also lead to bushfire weather becoming increasingly more severe as temperatures, moisture deficits and wind speeds increase. This suggests fire intensity and fire frequency will increase, putting newly developed communities on the urban fringe at further risk. The Australian landscape is among the most fire-prone in the world. The demand for residential development has seen local government authorities grant planning permits in areas where communities are increasingly located in the bushfire flume. But just because governments allow homes to be built in these areas doesn’t mean they’re safe. Those who live there must be mindful of the bush which surrounds them. There are many examples of bushfires in these areas having devastating impacts on lives and property, but perhaps the most notable took place two decades ago. The 2003 Canberra bushfires exposed the myth that paved suburban areas were somehow ‘safe’ from bushfire, as they came under intense ember attack and more than 500 houses were lost to a firestorm. The Canberra bushfires resulted in a government inquiry led by former federal ombudsman Ron McLeod. The McLeod report found the Canberra community “had not been sufficiently well prepared to understand the nature of the bushfire risk that exists as a consequence of the siting of the city in a bushland setting”. It also called for a major program of community education, to help residents understand how they could better protect themselves and their properties from bushfire damage. Today, it’s more widely understood that any community’s best way of surviving a bushfire is to plan ahead, long before any bushfire arrives. A bushfire preparation plan is not necessarily complex: it can start with something as simple as agreeing on a course of action your family will take on high fire danger day, rather than leaving it until the last minute. A discussion around the dinner table, when everyone is together and focused, can work well. The new Australian Fire Danger Rating System indicates how dangerous a fire can be and provides those living in bushfire prone areas with clear actions to take. It’s worth reading up on that rating system and indicating in your bushfire preparation plan what fire danger rating will be your trigger to leave. Your plan might also include where you’ll go; what route (and alternative route) you can take; what you’ll take with you; and how you’ll stay informed about warnings and updates, among other things. There are also a few relatively easy steps you can take to prepare your home for bushfires. The good news is that states and territories have more resources now than ever to you to take these preventative steps and make a plan: This includes guides published by Victoria, New South Wales, Queensland, South Australia, Western Australia, Australian Capital Territory, Northern Territory and Tasmania. There are only  two options when fire threatens. The safest is to leave early, well ahead of a bushfire arriving and preferably before one even starts. That means understanding the conditions in which fires take hold and the triggers for when to leave, such as the declaration of total fire bans. Leaving late is potentially deadly, with the prospect of becoming disoriented and lost in the smoke, crashing a vehicle, blocked by falling trees or caught by fire on the road. Leaving the decision whether to leave or stay until the late minute is also not a good idea: it’s a fertile ground for panic and poor decision-making. Some Australians assume they’ll be safe to stay and actively defend their home as long as they’ve got the right equipment and tools. It’s important to understand that staying to defend property is a complex undertaking; exhausting, terrifying and potentially fatal. Success is largely determined by where a property is in the landscape in relation to bushfire fuel. Of further importance is whether there is defendable space which will reduce the effects of   flames and radiant heat on the property. A bigger question to consider is whether the property is defendable in the first place: Most home in bushfire risk areas are simply not designed for catastrophic conditions. Anyone attempting to defend needs an independent water supply, firefighting equipment, at least one other person to help and a high level of physical and mental preparedness. Ultimately, whether you live in a regional area or the peri-urban fringe, staying safe means all of us taking responsibility for community safety. Planning ahead is one way that we can all take responsibility for our safety, which will mean our firefighters are spared having to conduct dangerous rescues. Dr Graham Dwyer is a course director of the Master of Social Impact and researcher at the Centre for Social Impact, Swinburne University of Technology, Australia as well as a research associate at Natural Hazards Research Australia Institute. Additional reporting and contribution by John Schauble, who has worked extensively in bushfire policy and research at state level and has volunteered for over 40 years as a firefighter. Graham Dwyer receives funding from the Australian Research Council and from Natural Hazards Research Australia. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 11, 2023

Out of step: Why sneakers and sportswear still lag on sustainability - 360 Alexandra Sherlock, Rebecca Van Amber Published on January 22, 2024 Sportswear, athleisure and sneakers are big business. But they depend on fossil fuel-based materials, and recycling them is particularly tricky. Have you ever wondered what becomes of your old sports shoes? We might wear them for a year, then throw them out or donate them. Almost 24 billion pairs of shoes are made each year, with a mere 5 percent estimated to be recycled. Many shoes donated to charity are unwearable. That means tonnes of sneakers and runners — along with sports and athleisure apparel — end up in landfill each year. It also means these markets have a sustainability problem. As one of the key sectors responsible for resource use and carbon emissions, the fashion industry is under increasing pressure to transition from a linear take-make-waste system to a “circular” model, where products are used more, made to be recycled and constructed from safe and recycled or renewable resources. And while the industry at large is making progress, sports and athleisure apparel present a significant challenge due to their dependence on fossil fuel-based materials and the sheer quantity of goods being produced. It can also be difficult to repair and recycle these products because of complex materials and construction, and demands linked to high performance needs. Footwear is particularly problematic. Unlike a basic T-shirt, which might consist of a single material such as 100 percent polyester, a sneaker or running shoe can be made of as many as 65 materials and components — many of which are bonded with adhesives, hindering disassembly for recycling. Perceived hygiene concerns relating to clothing in close contact with the skin and sweat can also deter reuse. (While the resale market for barely used sneakers is vibrant, even the most sustainably conscious consumer might baulk at wearing a pair of older second-hand runners.) The good news is that recent consultation conducted by both the Footwear Distributors and Retailers of America and researchers at MIT suggest the footwear industry seems committed to progressing towards a circular economy, spurred on by increasing government regulations and consumer expectations. Yet anyone wishing to buy sustainable athletic shoes will be familiar with a market awash with confusing contradictions and a lack of consistency and transparency. There are several changes which could be implemented to ensure meaningful progress towards circularity. Sustainability challenges in sports and athleisure wear stem from reliance on fossil fuels and harmful chemicals for synthetic materials such as polyester, nylon, elastane, EVA, polyurethane and most rubbers. High-tech clothing and footwear commonly combine multiple types of materials which complicates recycling. Even if recycled and recyclable products are created (such as those using only one type of material), the persistence of microfibre and microplastic pollution remains a significant concern. A recent market survey shows that the majority of ‘sustainable’ shoes commonly incorporate organic materials such as cotton or recycled materials such as polyester, ocean plastic and plastic bottles. While many boast a reduced or offset carbon footprint, these claims often remain unsubstantiated. Regardless of material choice and emissions, these products rarely include repair or end-of-life solutions. Encouragingly, industry targets to eliminate plastics entirely have driven investment into bio-based alternatives like mushroom leather, Pinatex (pineapple leather), cactus leather, etc. However, these material innovations are still developing, and the financial cost and potential compromise on performance often pose challenges to consumers and brands. Use of these materials also increases the risk of greenwashing, as many bio leather products are still mixed and bonded with fossil-fuel based materials such as PU (polyurethane), undermining biodegradability, and again making separation and recycling impossible. Despite these challenges, an increasing emergence of takeback schemes suggests a desire and intention to recycle, refurbish and remanufacture. However a lack of transparency on the effectiveness of these programs, and the failure of takeback schemes in other sectors, leaves one to wonder what will happen to these products. Nike’s high profile Move to Zero refurbishment scheme, for example, was recently paused indefinitely, indicating viability issues. Initiatives such as Nike Grind, Save Our Soles and FastFeetGrinded — where unused materials and end-of-life shoes are ground-up and made into products such as running tracks and playgrounds — provide one solution, however these options largely involve ‘downcycling’, with limited or no options for future recycling. Prolonging the life of products through care and repair is an important strategy to reduce landfill but performance requirements and complex construction mean the kinds of initiatives demonstrated by brands such as Patagonia is challenging with high-tech footwear. Apart from a small number of emerging niche footwear brands that integrate takeback, recycling, repair and refurbishment into their business models, initiatives by market leading sportswear brands have so far been small-scale, experimental and short-lived. Many agree that footwear reuse, repair, refurbishment and recyclability depends on the design phase, particularly designing for assembly and disassembly. This process incorporates principles like simplification of design, reduction and standardisation of parts and materials, glue-less joining, minimizing flexible components, and designing modular products. Additive manufacturing (3-D printing) also holds significant potential for circular manufacturing by reducing waste, overproduction, supply chain and energy consumption while enabling the creation of parts for modular designs to facilitate reuse and repair. However, implementing these changes requires a shift in business models and supporting infrastructure. Few, if any, market-leading sportswear brands own their own factories. So while hype around circular economy innovations is increasing, a lack of transparency about investment into end-of-life solutions means questions remain as to whether the facilities exist to deliver on these promises. Despite progress, corporate secrecy and competitiveness persist, and intellectual property battles over sustainable innovations continue to hinder advancement. Achieving a truly circular system requires collaboration and agreement among brands and across various stakeholders, including suppliers, government, academia, and entrepreneurs. Initiatives such as the recently established Footwear Collective and Seamless Clothing Stewardship Scheme are crucial for building a circular infrastructure that benefits all. However meaningful progress requires significant funding. Currently, most initiatives that involve tariffs and funding are voluntary. Despite good intentions, the lack of a short-term return on investment into circular business models and infrastructure poses a significant challenge for corporations focused on shareholder interests, profits, and growth. Even industry itself is starting to recognise that costs and margins risk continuing to dictate progress, with government mandates providing a potential, if unpalatable, solution. Yet there are many reasons for brands to engage willingly. Authentic participation in collective sustainability initiatives can generate stories consumers want to engage with and, which can, in turn, drive sales. Consumers can play a pivotal role in this shift by choosing brands that support genuine change and consistently prioritise sustainability and transparency. A number of emerging resources such as Good on You and the Ethical Fashion Guide are available to help them do so. Ultimately, industry, consumers and governments are all accountable for sportwear’s sustainability problem, and collaboration will be the key to achieving meaningful progress. Dr Alexandra Sherlock is a lecturer in the School of Fashion and Textiles with expertise in the study of footwear. In 2021 Alex founded the Footwear Research Network to support the ongoing development of academic enquiries into shoes and to enhance research impact and industry collaboration. Dr Rebecca Van Amber is currently a Senior Lecturer in the school of Fashion and Textiles, and the program manager of the Bachelor of Fashion & Textiles (Sustainable Innovation). She is an expert in sustainability and circular economy, textile and apparel research and development, and textile properties. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Climate and sport” sent at: 18/01/2024 08:43. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on January 22, 2024

Outnumbered and outgunned, public-interest journalism losing to identity politics - 360 Cherian George Published on May 3, 2022 Media systems have no answer for toxic polarisation. The development of a public-service internet and public-service media needs to be on the agenda. Six months after journalists Maria Ressa and Dmitry Muratov were honoured with the Nobel Peace Prize, little of the celebratory mood remains. Ressa’s Philippines is deep in an election season marred by all the dysfunctions independent media like hers have been trying to combat: industrial-scale disinformation and hate speech, patronage politics dominated by oligarchs and other elites, and the appeal of charismatic personalities over human rights. Muratov’s Russia, meanwhile, has gone to war against its neighbour and made domestic dissent so dangerous that he has suspended the publication of his newspaper Novaya Gazeta even as pro-regime television news churns out war propaganda. Such ups and downs are emblematic of the global situation since the last World Press Freedom Day. Over the past year, print and digital media have produced plenty of exemplary journalism, but the overall picture has grown even grimmer. Take India. Once considered the world’s largest democracy, it has been relegated to “electoral autocracy status. Its independent media still survive, and its citizens are still able to foil the state occasionally — see the massive farmer protests. But nothing has been able to reverse India’s descent into orchestrated, systemic majoritarian hate. This mixed state of affairs is partly due to the fact that press freedom is a multidimensional construct. Behind the deceptive simplicity of press freedom indices and rankings are dozens of scores measuring legal, political, economic and cultural factors ranging from whether journalists are protected from government threats and hate speech, to whether media owners encourage self-censorship, to whether the country’s linguistic diversity is well represented. Nor is the relationship between press freedom and democracy one-dimensional. Free and independent media are needed to act as a watchdog on power and to air public opinion. Less obviously, media have another important democratic role: as enablers of conversations among different groups in society, helping diverse communities to constitute themselves as public and act collectively for the common good. Technology-driven change affects each of these media attributes and roles in different ways, so there is no simple answer to the question of whether the internet has helped or hurt democracy-enhancing journalism. Overall, it is fair to say that the digital revolution has helped make media more plural, participatory and protest-friendly. But its contribution to tolerant, diverse publics appears negligible or even negative. This is contrary to hopes two decades ago that the internet would help form a “digital public sphere” far more democratic and inclusive than pre-digital society. The 15 minutes of fame that digital media dishes out to people previously known as the audience does not necessarily add up to a national, let alone global, conversation that cuts across social and ideological divides. This is a problem because democracy is a highly demanding way to organise public life, requiring not only the freedom to speak but also a commitment to listen and to respect others’ equal rights even when consensus is elusive. But instead of enlarging common spaces for democratic deliberation, the global trend is towards political polarisation, according to the newly released annual report of the Sweden-based Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) project. It defines political polarisation as a division of society into antagonistic ‘Us versus Them camps’. Over the past decade, by V-Dem’s count, 40 countries have hit toxic levels of polarisation, characterised among other things by the use of hate speech in major political parties’ rhetoric. The internet is, of course, not the only driver of polarisation. Economic systems’ failure to sustain hope in existing models of progress has generated resentments and fears. Instead of addressing these underlying problems, politicians find it easier to engage in identity politics, scapegoating foreigners, minorities and democratic institutions for their countries’ ills. Social media platforms have not helped, to put it mildly. They are designed to group people into smaller networks for more efficient commercial microtargeting, rather than create fora for diverse citizens to meet. Their robots’ bias for virality over verifiability has been a boon for the disinformation industry. Beneficiaries include state sponsors of propaganda and their media allies and other private-sector partners. Public-interest journalists are outnumbered and outgunned. The result is an internet far removed from the vision for a “global social world … that all may enter without privilege or prejudice accorded by race, economic power, military force, or station of birth”, in the words of John Perry Barlow’s 1996 cyberspace manifesto. It is an internet that does not promote mutual understanding and civil disagreement among people’s different views and values. Social media companies’ enforcement of their community standards, including Facebook’s Oversight Board, is a token move that distracts from the urgent challenge to create a new internet. Elon Musk believes he has solutions for Twitter and is putting his money where his mouth is, but it is unclear if he even understands the problem. We need a more fundamental overhaul, of the kind envisioned by a group of communication scholars and practitioners in their manifesto to create a Public Service internet. Released last June and signed by more than 1,200 scholars since, it calls for a publicly funded “Internet of the public, by the public, and for the public; an Internet that advances instead of threatens democracy and the public sphere, and an Internet that provides a new and dynamic shared space for connection, exchange and collaboration”. The manifesto also called for investments in public-service media. Indeed, it is impossible to conceive of democratic deliberation succeeding in any polity without well-resourced news organisations of sizeable scale that are dedicated to professional norms of public-interest journalism. A healthy media ecosystem must include national public-funded media independent of the government of the day. These are found in most liberal democracies, but they have been undercut by digital disruption as well as politicians and business people unhappy with these organisations’ autonomy. In non-democracies, state-funded broadcasters are invariably government-controlled, making them more likely to be part of the problem of political polarisation than the solution. Within the news industry, most discussions have skirted these questions, focusing instead on sustainable business models for private media organisations in the wake of digital disruptions. Even if these are viable ways to produce substantial, high-quality watchdog journalism, they will lack the reach and scale to serve as a public sphere that can counteract the trends toward political polarisation and identity politics. The development of a public-service internet and public-service media needs to be on the agenda. The Catch-22, though, is that the highly polarised countries that most urgently need concerted interventions are also the least likely to be able to muster support for the required media reforms. Cherian George is Professor of Media Studies and Associate Dean for Research, Hong Kong Baptist University School of Communication and Film. His books include Red Lines: Political Cartoons and the Struggle against Censorship (MIT Press, 2021), Media and Power in Southeast Asia (Cambridge University Press, 2019), and Hate Spin: The Manufacture of Religious Offense and its Threat to Democracy (MIT Press, 2016). The author declares no conflict of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 3, 2022

Outsmarted by surveillance states - 360 Elizabeth Stoycheff Published on November 29, 2021 By Elizabeth Stoycheff, Wayne State University Countries are getting smarter. They are updating analog infrastructure to better coordinate elections, utilities, traffic, emergency services, security and communication. These streamlined systems are generally more effective and cost efficient. But they do come at a price: a chilling loss of anonymity and control. The push toward “smart”— or digitally integrated — spaces has prompted a rapidly growing partnership between commercial entities and state actors. As a consequence, we see a shift away from social, public monitoring to more institutional and ubiquitous surveillance. The difference between monitoring and surveillance is important. Monitoring is a two-way interaction between relative equals: both parties can observe the other’s behaviour. Most social media apps operate on the pretence of social monitoring — you monitor your friends’ profiles or pages for updates, and your friends do the same to yours. Because social monitoring is reciprocal, individuals feel in control of what can be shared or kept private. Research shows that when ordinary people think about privacy, or take steps to protect it, they are primarily thinking about these types of monitoring threats. Additionally, actions taken to protect oneself from social monitoring are straightforward — closing the blinds from a street view or blocking a phone number. In public spaces, reciprocal monitoring keeps authorities accountable. Local residents can observe the electoral process at voting locations in their neighbourhoods and can watch police conduct their patrols. But “smart” cities — by using communication and digital technologies to improve living conditions — move away from this type of visible infrastructure. Singapore is experimenting with patrol robots that replace officers; grocery store clerks are displaced by self-scan checkouts; and even hospital stays are being outsourced to wearable technology. These alternatives allow for far less, if any, social monitoring. Instead, they implement a surveillance architecture where, unlike monitoring, surveillance is unidirectional from the top down. It gives companies and state agencies a bounty of user data without much citizen recourse or oversight. Often, the residents being surveilled are unaware of what information is even collected about them or who has access to it. There’s an information asymmetry between authorities and the public. Removed from important decision-making processes, local residents find their data vulnerable. To add another layer of obscurity, states have outsourced much of their surveillance technology to private foreign corporations. Hikvision, a Chinese video surveillance company, supplies hardware used across the United States, and US technology company Oracle advertises data analytics for security forces in China, Mexico, Brazil, Pakistan, Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates. Countries across Africa have loosened their surveillance laws to accommodate greater foreign surveillance, and it’s no coincidence they are simultaneously reporting more cyberthreats than ever before. Foreign outsourcing of digital surveillance tools further removes a country’s residents from having a say in how their data is used and the operation of their public services. People under surveillance act differently; they are more likely to blindly comply with authority, have fewer controversial opinions, and avoid protests and political activity. Other research shows surveillance can stifle creative expression and internet searches. State surveillance is an antipode of inclusive governing. It undermines democracy and entrenches inequalities of power in democracies and non-democracies alike. Last year, US police departments used surveillance technology to spy on protesters demanding racial equality, and the Ugandan government installed CCTV throughout public spaces to quell their peaceful dissent. Likewise, the Kazakh government has gained access to Facebook data, which it can use to target and silence activists. Democratic, harmonious futures do not require a return to analog tech. But they do necessitate mechanisms to restore social monitoring functions that were left behind in the race to digitally transition. This can come in the form of more transparency surrounding data collection and legal guardrails that protect against proprietary technology. It also includes reining in the use of foreign private contractors to allow more local employment opportunities and oversight. “Smart” digital infrastructure is the way of the future, but its current execution under existing legal and normative frameworks makes the public vulnerable to state surveillance. Of all of these smart technologies, we need to continue to ask: Who is smarter from it? Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Dr. Elizabeth Stoycheff is an Associate Professor at Wayne State University in Detroit, Michigan, USA. Her research focuses on the effects of state surveillance and preservation of democracy around the world. Dr Stoycheff declared no conflict of interest in relation to this article.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 29, 2021

Overfishing fix needs more than money - 360 Brock Bergseth Published on June 8, 2022 A dwindling supply of the world’s fish is an all-encompassing problem, and finding a solution will require a holistic look. It’s easy to stop overfishing: just stop fishers from taking too many fish from the sea. But of course the problem starts well before any boats hit the water. Turning the tide against overfishing requires addressing root causes and drivers such as unreliable or scarce data, too many boats in a fishery, inadequate monitoring of illegal activity, power asymmetries, and overall consumer demand needing to be tackled for real change to take place. Catch data can be a red herring. Fishers target areas where fish are most concentrated: along migratory pathways or in habitats where fish aggregate to socialise, feed or reproduce. This maximises the catch while minimising the time, fuel and effort fishers spend. But it becomes problematic when fishers, fishery managers and policymakers don’t know enough about the system and the target fish populations to set sustainable catch levels. Offshore fishers maintained high catch rates of Newfoundland cod because they were fishing the spawning aggregations. In their eyes there was no problem: catch rates stayed steady, and even rose – right up until the fish population completely collapsed. The cod were nearly fished to extinction and 30 years later the stock has still not recovered. While many factors contributed, one of the biggest problems was fisheries managers relying mostly on catch data from the fishery (number of fish caught per unit effort of fishing) rather than robust, fisheries-independent data to estimate the size of the population. This caused a miscalculation. Once the error was discovered, policymakers failed to act decisively until it was too late. The same scenario has played out again and again across the world’s oceans – for orange roughy, for Mediterranean swordfish and for Pacific bluefin tuna. Overcapacity also drives overfishing: there are too many fishers in too many boats taking more than fish populations are able to replenish. When a new fishery is exploited, catches are really good at first, enabling fishers to borrow money to buy more boats and get better technology. Before long, though, there aren’t enough fish to go around. It’s easy to take out a loan to buy a boat while a fishery is growing, and it’s nearly impossible to sell a boat when a fishery is in decline. Economists refer to this as sticky capital – once fishers have bought in, it’s hard to get out. The infamous Chinese distant-water fishing fleet is a case in point: nearly 17,000 boats travel throughout the world’s oceans to fish anything they can, anywhere – including right near, and inside highly protected marine protected areas, such as the ecologically precious Galápagos Islands. Overcapacity becomes even more problematic if countries cannot or will not enforce monitoring, control and surveillance regimes on vessels fishing in their exclusive economic zones, or on vessels registered under their flag in other waters for which they are legally responsible. When overcapacity meets lack of monitoring, illegal fishing will follow. Vietnamese boats across the Pacific engage in ‘roving banditry’: boats fish in one place until the population is wiped out, then move on to fish illegally elsewhere. This scenario plays out across many oceans where industrial-scale distant water fishing fleets from countries such as China, Spain and Taiwan repeatedly exploit the inadequacies of developing economies’ monitoring capabilities. The consequences are devastating. Fisheries are destroyed, and local fishers who rely on fishing for survival are unable to feed their families. Demand is another driver of overfishing – and it goes beyond a taste for sushi-grade tuna. Farmed fish was touted as a more environmentally responsible choice, leading to increasing consumer demand for it. The reasoning was if farmed fish production increased, wild fish populations would have a chance to recover. But farmed fish are usually fed fishmeal: ground-up small species of wild fish such as anchovies and sardines. Demand for fishmeal is disproportionately felt in developing countries such as Gambia, where Chinese fishmeal factories and associated fishers deplete local fish resources and discharge waste directly into the waters local communities rely on for survival. This in turn relates to a further driver of overfishing: power imbalances. Locals allege Chinese investment in Gambian development has effectively bought Gambian politicians – to the point that highly destructive and contentious fishmeal plants continue to operate with relative impunity and little to no legal oversight. Developing economies have little ability to bargain for better deals with mighty countries such as China. Less powerful countries tend to settle for whatever concessions and development ‘aid’ they are offered. The fix starts by applying basic scientific methods to assess how many fish are still out there and what condition their populations are in. A 2012 estimate suggests nearly 80 percent of the world’s fish stocks still lack this fundamental data, so much remains to be done. Non-governmental organisations can help improve transparency and accountability. Global Fishing Watch, C4ADS and Trygg Matt Tracking are shining a light on commercial fishing’s murky practices. Importantly, these groups are also working to address and fill the gaps in many countries’ monitoring capabilities. In revealing the extent of the problem, their work is helping pressure decision-makers to address the issues through policy and litigation. Addressing power asymmetries between wealthy and developing economies is not easy, but interregional and multi-country cooperative agreements have had considerable success. They allow neighbouring countries to share resources and more effectively manage the sale of fishing licenses, and patrolling and enforcement in their exclusive economic zones. Fish-i Africa and the West Africa Task Force have detected, gathered evidence, and mounted enforcement and prosecution actions against illegal fishing operations in their regions. These cooperatives have improved deterrence and made it harder for bandits and other illegal fishers to flee national jurisdictions to avoid penalties and prosecution. Hailed by veteran Pacific correspondent Sean Dorney as the “most remarkable achievement of the Pacific Island countries in the last 50 years”, the Parties to the Nauru Agreement is a cooperative approach to regional fisheries management. As early as the 1980s, the tuna populations of the eight relatively tiny Pacific Island countries party to the agreement were being massively overfished by distant-water fleets from Asia and Europe. Individually, these countries had limited bargaining power, so they were undercutting each other when selling fishing rights to fleets from developed countries. The new agreement has coordinated the countries’ relations with foreign fleets and in 2011 it led to a trading scheme that dramatically increased the countries’ earnings from foreign fleets. A decade ago the agreement’s member countries were collecting 2 to 3 percent of skipjack landing values. Today, they’re getting 25 percent of the dockside selling price. These increases improve the lives of the countries’ citizens. Kiribati has used its profits on social spending and infrastructure development, and Papua New Guinea has earmarked its profits for the development of cooperative fish farming and sustainable coastal fisheries development. Fishing has cultural, environmental and economic dimensions, and overfishing is a similarly complex problem with intertangled drivers. Stopping overfishing requires creative and cooperative solutions. These solutions are most effective when experts from multiple sectors (governmental, non-governmental, and scientific) partner with and empower those who suffer most from overfishing – fishers themselves. Dr Brock Bergseth is an ARC Discovery Early Career Research Fellow at the ARC Centre of Excellence for Coral Reef Studies at James Cook University. His research focuses on understanding and influencing human behaviour to address pressing issues in conservation, including roving banditry, overfishing and illegal fishing. Funding for the Wilcox & Bergseth 2021 Conservation Letters was provided by CSIRO. Dr Bergseth declared no conflicts of interest in relation to this article. This article has been republished for World Fisheries Day. It was first published on June 6, 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 8, 2022

Overfishing is depleting global fish stocks: Here’s what we can do about it - 360 Tasha Wibawa Published on December 30, 2022 Gathering reliable data from the high seas can be difficult and opaque. We caught a record breaking 214 million tonnes of aquatic animals and algae in 2020, according to the latest 2022 report by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. According to the 2020 figures, the second highest on record,157 million tonnes were directly for human consumption. The numbers are expected to be much higher in 2022 due to the easing of COVID-19 restrictions. “Individual [fish] stocks in all countries are decreasing. The solution to stopping declines is to reduce fishing pressure, although recognising that some stocks decline due to changes in environmental conditions and management changes cannot prevent that,” says Ray Hilborn, professor of aquatic and fishery science at the University of Washington. Gathering reliable data from the high seas can be difficult and opaque. But it’s estimated one in every five fish caught in our ocean is from illegal, unreported or unregulated fishing, amounting to an estimated 26 million tonnes of unaccounted fish each year. Tracking data from fishing vessels can hold a wealth of information if disclosed, research published last month also found gaps in data logs may suggest illegal activity. “We have wicked problems in the ocean, but all of them are addressable,” says Robert Richmond, research professor at the University of Hawai’i. “We have a window but that window is closing fairly quickly.” “Research shows restricting offshore fishing would do far more to protect marine ecosystems and coastal livelihoods than the most ‘sustainable’ fishing practice,” Rick Stafford, marine biologist at Bournemouth University, says. Ensuring fishing practices are kept closer to the coast and catches are landed in local ports would better support livelihoods in coastal communities, he says. Marine protected areas are one of the best ways to protect fish stocks, fragile marine habitats and the function of marine ecosystems. Once disturbances, such as fishing, stop happening, most marine ecosystems can restore themselves.” Veronica Relano, PhD researcher at the University of British Columbia, says large Pacific fish with high catch rates return to their own hatching sites when they produce offspring. Mapping their migration routes and applying policies which avoid fishing in these specific ‘blue corridors’ would allow them to naturally breed and allow their stocks to rebuild. Antaya March, researcher at the University of Portsmouth, and Pierre Failler, professor of economics at the University of Portsmouth, say more small fisheries are urgently needed to provide for local communities. “Diversifying fish products, reducing waste, increasing community awareness and sharing knowledge between local communities are small but powerful ways to support small fisheries,” March says. “Bycatch – fish too small to sell, or other species unintentionally caught alongside targeted fish – can be very high and often go to waste. “[There are] affordable and innovative methods to transform byproducts into edible nutrient-rich powders using local hammer mills.” Yusuke Tsuruwaka, researcher in cell biology at Keio University and Eriko Shimada, researcher in cell biology at the National Institute of Technology, Tsuruoka College, say fish meat grown from discarded fins could be the next sustainable food solution. Aquatic clean meat is self-sufficient and a strong candidate for a sustainable food resource,” they say. “It uses fins that would otherwise be discarded as waste. Fin cells can also be collected without killing live fish, and the skin that peels off during breeding can be used as a raw material as well.” Read and republish the articles covered in this report: The misnomer of sustainable fishing Scientists want to turn fish fins into sashimi Local wisdom guards fisheries in Indonesia’s Maluku Islands Yanti Lewerissa, Pattimura University Indonesia is rich in marine resources, but aggressive overfishing could unravel it all. Could the solution lie in the ancient tradition of Sasi Laut? Leaving a lasting ocean legacy Robert Richmond, University of Hawai’i Island communities have developed some of the most effective practices to support the sustainable use of coastal and ocean resources, we just need to take heed. Vietnam’s illegal fishing could earn it an EU ban To Van Phuong, Nha Trang University Once among the world’s worst nations for illegal, unregulated and unreported fishing, Vietnam is battling to redeem itself after a yellow card warning. Mapping the fish highways we should be protecting Veronica Relano, University of British Columbia Large Pacific fish return to their own hatching sites when they produce offspring. A new map of their migration routes could mean better protection for them. Africa offers answers for small-scale fisheries Antaya March and Pierre Failler, University of Portsmouth Artisanal fisheries are the lifeblood of coastal African communities, but they have largely been neglected. Small changes can make sure they don’t disappear. Overfishing fix needs more than money Brock Bergseth, James Cook University A dwindling supply of the world’s fish is an all-encompassing problem, and finding a solution will require a holistic look. Interactive: Global fishing hotspots James Goldie, 360info We map out available information on the quantity of fish caught globally, how much might be illegal and how much is discarded. Bait to plate: making fishing supply chains more transparent John Virdin, Duke University Lessons from the ethical clothing movement, forest stewardship and other transparency initiatives could help end illegal fishing. Dulling the ocean racket to save fish stocks Yik Yaw Neo and Hans Slabbekoorn, Leiden University Shipping and sonar bombard the ocean with noise and disrupt fish communication and behaviour. Countries need to work together to restore the quiet of the deep. Citizen action to stem microplastic pollution Liz Marchio, Southeastern Louisiana University For producers of microplastic ‘nurdle’ pellets, the price of packaging is often more than the cost of letting it spill into the ocean. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 30, 2022

Overuse of medicine: the silent pandemic - 360 Justin Turner Published on December 15, 2021 Deprescribing is increasingly used by health professionals to take back control. By Justin Turner, University of Montreal Modern medications have made a significant and positive impact on human health. For the past 100 years they have been reducing symptoms, managing chronic disease, improving quality of life, and reducing mortality. But when used for longer than required, or in certain combinations, they can be dangerous. So prevalent is the problem that doctors and pharmacists have coined the term “potentially inappropriate medication” to describe medications where the potential for harm outweighs the potential for benefit. The overuse of these medications, particularly in older adults who are more susceptible to their effects, has been linked to increased falls, fractures, hospitalisations and death. It seems crazy that we would use these medications, however, data shows that 50 percent of seniors in Canada are prescribed potentially inappropriate medications each year. Older people are also in the frontline of so-called “polypharmacy”, commonly defined as when a  person takes five or more medicines. The reason is simple – as people get older and develop more medical conditions, they are more likely to be prescribed more and more medications – but it can get out of hand quickly. In Canada, for example, two out of three seniors take five or more prescription medications and a quarter of them take 10 or more prescription medications each day. Medications prescribed for individual conditions, when taken together  can increase the risk of drug interactions and harmful effects. The Lown Institute in America refers to this as “over-medication”. They call it America’s “other drug problem” leading to 750 older adults being hospitalised each day in the US due to medication side effects. It’s a similar story in the UK. The Chief Pharmacist of England recently outlined how overprescribing has grown dramatically over the past 25 years and now poses serious problems to the health system. In an effort to address these problems, in 2019 Australia’s federal government announced that “Quality Use of Medicines and Medicines Safety” would be the 10th National Health Priority area. Similarly, in Canada, there is increasing pressure to “create and implement a national strategy on appropriate prescribing”. Deprescribing — the process where a patient and their health care provider both assess the potential benefits and harms of each medication and re-assess if the medication still aligns with the patients goals of care — could be the answer. Just because a medication was good for you when it was started 10 years ago, doesn’t mean it’s still good for you now. Things can change over time: how our bodies interact with medications; our health status or our vulnerability to the medication’s side effects, for example. New evidence may emerge, and new treatments come available. For all these reasons it’s really important to have patients’ medications reviewed to make sure they are still appropriate for them. Many healthcare providers assume patients are reluctant to have their medications stopped. But research from all over the world consistently shows most patients are willing to stop one of their medications if their doctor thinks it is necessary. Similarly many patients are reluctant to question their healthcare providers, assuming everything is OK with their medications. Canada is showing how deprescribing can be done, and save lives. In one trial, called ‘EMPOWER’, patients were mailed an educational brochure on the benefits and harms of their medications and alternate treatments they could consider. Patients were encouraged to start a conversation with their doctor or pharmacist and ask them if the medication was still necessary for their care. This simple approach reduced the use of sleeping pills by 27 percent. In some cases doctors and pharmacists told patients that since they hadn’t had an issue with the medication until then, deprescribing wasn’t required. Consequently, a follow-up study asked pharmacists to educate both patients and prescribers about deprescribing. This approach increased the reduction in the number of medications to 43 per cent. Inspired by the results of direct-to-public engagement, the Canadian government of Manitoba adapted the EMPOWER trial from sleeping pills to opioid medications. The TAPERING trial randomised the entire population of Manitoba who took opioids for chronic non-cancer pain. Over the next six months, opioid use fell and there was a significant reduction in mortality after three months. There was a similar story in the province of Newfoundland and Labrador, Canada, which, in 2018, had some of the highest use of sleeping pills and proton pump inhibitors (PPIs) for reflux across Canada. Health authorities there collaborated with the Canadian Deprescribing Network, the University of Montreal and the Memorial University of Newfoundland to create SaferMedsNL. It allocated new funding to pharmacists to talk to patients about deprescribing. While final results are not in, an interim analysis shows that 20 percent of patients who pharmacists spoke to went on to deprescribe their medications. The pharmacist program was bolstered by a public awareness campaign to educate people about the benefits and harms of their medications. Awareness of PPI overuse increased significantly across the province which can increase patient-led conversations about deprescribing. One in six people reported that their doctor or pharmacist had spoken to them about deprescribing. Governments now have a research-based roadmap to successfully reduce harmful medications. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Dr Justin Turner, is an Assistant Professor at the Faculty of Pharmacy, University of Montreal,and Co-Director of the Canadian Deprescribing Network. Justin Turner has received funding for his research from the Canadian Institutes of Health Research, MITACS, and the Fonds de Recherche du Québec Santé.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 15, 2021

Overwhelmed by the news? Try this - 360 Debbie Ling Published on April 8, 2024 Continuous bad news is causing people to disengage. Compassion may hold the key to staying informed and trying to fix our troubled world. War, famine, and poverty are on the rise. Hearing about it every single day at home, online and on your phone is enough to make you want to hide. And many have. The rate of people actively avoiding the news at least part of the time is skyrocketing. A report by the Reuters institute found around 36 percent of people believed that interacting with the news lowered their mood. Cost of living, dangerous diets, a climate crisis, generational divides — all day, all night, all forced into your brain. The sheer scale of media present in our pockets is causing an overload of information, intended to evoke an emotional response. It is having a numbing effect on the way we see the world and what issues we care about. Brain imaging research tells us there is a limit to the amount of empathy humans can deal with. Empathy allows us to “feel” other people’s emotions and is an important social skill, but it has a downside. In many cases, feeling others’ pain so acutely, so often can lead to “empathic distress”. Empathic distress is when a person who witnesses other people’s suffering wants to avoid or withdraw from the situation. A key brain imaging study showed that when people were shown footage from news or documentaries of people suffering, it triggered pain networks in their brain. It is a very human response, performed by your empathy for pain network. The empathy for pain network appears to be a basic inbuilt mechanism. Caregivers have to recognise when their offspring are in pain and attempt to help, otherwise the species would not survive. A range of studies have indicated that empathy for another’s pain can trigger the same networks involved in experiencing pain yourself. Interestingly, one avenue for protecting against empathic distress is compassion. Compassion is a concerned response to another’s suffering combined with a desire to alleviate the other’s suffering. Compassion moves beyond empathy’s feeling focus and is more action oriented, focusing on what can be done to alleviate the other’s suffering. Compassion is asking oneself “What is the most constructive thing I can do for the other?”. A growing body of researchers are suggesting the widely used term ‘compassion fatigue’ should actually be called ‘empathic distress fatigue’. Brain imaging research shows compassion and empathy have different neural networks. Compassion involves feelings of warmth, concern, caring and motivates prosocial actions and behaviour. A landmark 2014 study showed that compassion reversed the negative effects of empathic distress and strengthened positive affect and brain networks linked to affiliation and reward. Compassion training may be an important technique to overcome empathic distress and reduce burnout. Around the world, there is growing interest in compassion training for professions that are regularly exposed to the suffering of others, for example journalists, healthcare workers, teachers and law enforcement. A shift from empathy to compassion may be useful for anyone to manage exposure to news stories where others are suffering. At the very least, compassion is a positive mind state that potentially motivates prosocial action. Wishing to avoid exposure to the suffering of others is understandable. But in practice it is difficult to achieve. Humans are vulnerable to sickness, injury, accidents and other forms of suffering. Avoiding thinking about the suffering of others means one may be ill equipped if presented with a real crisis requiring action. Some people have stopped reading the news altogether as they find it leads to feelings of hopelessness, helplessness and a general negative feeling of human nature. It is important to remember that news headlines present a restricted range of human behaviour. The negativity bias means we pay more attention to negative news than positive news. It is easy to forget that all over the world healthcare workers are caring for the sick, teachers are educating the young and parents are looking after their children. There are positive stories that show humans’ deep evolutionary capacity for care, cooperation and compassion. There are instances when there is nothing we can do to help the other person. Staying with empathy in this situation puts us at risk of empathy overload and getting overwhelmed by empathic distress. Our personal distress is no help to the other person who is already suffering. It is better for our own wellbeing to accept that some of the suffering in the world is the result of complex issues which are not in our direct control. No single individual is able to fix all of the world’s problems. Consciously seeking exposure to good news stories and reflecting on the uplifting aspects of human nature can help build a balanced perspective. We can reflect on our own experiences of compassion. There are often myriad of small acts by others that have had a positive influence on us. Reflecting on this heightens our sense of connectedness to others. We realise that acts of kindness, no matter how small, can be significant, even if it doesn’t seem so at the time. Cooperative helping behaviour is also observed in a wide range of species including ants, bees, dolphins, elephants and monkeys. If we find ourselves falling into empathy overload, shift to compassion which can protect us from empathic distress. Take stock of your position and remember that the complex world we live in also contains many positive and inspiring aspects. Remember that although we don’t have control over most external events, we do have control over how we respond to them. Dr Debbie Ling is a compassion researcher and educator and Lecturer in the Department of Social Work, Faculty of Medicine, Nursing and Health Sciences at Monash University. Dr Ling sits on the Australian Compassion Council and led the development of the Monash University Compassion Training for Healthcare Workers online course. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “News fatigue” sent at: 08/04/2024 10:52. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 8, 2024

Pacific digital toolbox needs expanding to hammer out misinformation - 360 Romitesh Kant Published on July 11, 2022 A shortage of resources and investment from major digital platforms has left the Pacific region battling a campaign of misinformation and under-moderation. Word spreads fast through the “coconut wireless”, the informal gossip network across Pacific Islanders’ social media. But when such rapid proliferation is spreading false or misleading news, it becomes a problem that requires resourcing and commitment to solve. The Pacific is currently a global hotspot for misinformation. The ability of Pacific island countries and territories to respond to ‘infodemic’ risks online has been exposed by the COVID-19 pandemic. Misinformation about the pandemic has persisted online, despite efforts by Pacific governments, civil societies, citizens, media organisations, and institutions to counter it. The Pacific presently has the smallest percentage of their population using the internet and social media compared with the rest of the world. Internet provision is made more difficult and costly in the Pacific due to the region’s unique geographical features. The lack of high-capacity cables and other technical infrastructure has also held back Pacific connectivity. New undersea cables are arriving in the region, such as the Australian-financed Coral Sea Cable connecting Sydney to Port Moresby and Honiara, ending decades of reliance on slow and expensive satellite connections. These cables, along with other planned reforms and upgrades, are expected to increase the number of mobile internet users in the Pacific by about 11 percent annually between 2018 and 2025, according to estimates by industry groups. More access has rapidly changed how government officials communicate with the public and shifted perceptions of politics. Both Kiribati and Vanuatu broadcast their national election results live on Facebook. In Kiribati, the 9,400-member Kiribati election 2020 group posted photos of handwritten vote totals. In Vanuatu, the national broadcaster streamed the entire ballot-counting process on Facebook Live. Sparked by the rollout of mobile broadband across Papua New Guinea, hundreds of thousands of citizens now read the latest news and monitor happenings in Port Moresby through blogs and Facebook groups filled with lengthy discussions and heated calls to action. The flipside to such access is that false online rumours and scams directly targeting Pacific people have spread rapidly through Facebook groups and closed messaging applications. Rising internet access may be exacerbating the problem of child sexual exploitation online. In some regions of Papua New Guinea, hate speech, harassment, and harmful rumours can sometimes lead to actual acts of violence. Local politicians in the Pacific are starting to recognise the potential of social media, but unethical online influence techniques can go undetected if proper transparency measures and safeguards are not implemented. Facebook, for one, has implemented its transparency systems to curb hidden manipulation of its advertising features for partisan ends. Journalists and investigators in dozens of larger markets use these tools to reveal voter manipulation, but most Pacific island nations are yet to adopt them. The lack of transparency makes it very difficult for observers to track what political actors are saying online, especially as Facebook’s advertising system allows different messages to be targeted to different parts of the population. Social media companies make little effort to reach out to Pacific leaders, which may explain why so few public figures in the region use the ‘verified’ badges that are useful in helping distinguish official accounts from personal ones. Papua New Guinea Prime Minister James Marape found that out the hard way: fake Facebook and Twitter accounts were created in his name, and his lack of verification made the real profile harder for users to distinguish. Some governments have threatened to completely block social media to curb the spread of content they deem immoral, harmful, or destructive to established norms and values. Nauru’s government blocked Facebook from 2015 to 2018, and Papua New Guinea and Samoa hinted at blocking the platform multiple times over the past few years. In 2019, Tonga considered a ban on Facebook to prevent slander against the monarchy. Social media bans are rarely implemented, and face fierce opposition from free speech advocates and users. The frequency with which such measures are proposed in the Pacific reflects a sobering reality: communities in the region often lack the protections that communities elsewhere in the world rely on to address harmful content and abuse on social media. Current systems for moderating content on social media are not effective in the Pacific. These systems rely on algorithms that flag rule-breaking content in multiple languages, human reviewers who make determinations on flagged material, users who voluntarily report content violating the rules, and legal requests from law enforcement officials. Social media platforms do not prioritise hiring from the Pacific region, where there are comparatively fewer people. They do not invest in developing language-specific algorithms for languages like Tongan, Bislama, or Chuukese, which have a smaller user base. Despite the growing importance of third-party fact-checking partnerships, no Pacific island country is home to a dedicated fact-checking team. All claims in Australia and the Pacific islands are referred to the Australian Associated Press’s fact-checking unit. Pacific social media users are missing out on one of the few tools that global social media companies use to strengthen information ecosystems due to the lack of a robust local fact-checking organisation. All signs point to an increase in the dangers posed by false and misleading information in the months and years ahead, as both state and non-state actors attempt to steer online discourse in service of their strategic goals. Politically-motivated domestic and foreign actors (or proxies) regularly attempt to manipulate online platforms and social media worldwide. These efforts are highly diverse, always in flux, and frequently related to more extensive political or national interests. At least one organised effort to spread false information online about the West Papuan conflict has already occurred in the Pacific. External pressures and crises will amplify the dangers posed by these campaigns, as they did during the COVID-19 pandemic when an excess of data and a lack of apparent credibility and fact checking allowed rumours to spread unchecked. Rising tensions between the developed world and China add to the already complex political situation, and the narrative tug-of-war for influence among significant powers on COVID-19 is likely to continue. There is a risk that online misinformation from foreign media will increase due to this competition for narrative dominance, leaving countries in the region vulnerable to influence operations that target online discourse, media, and communities. More robust local capacity (outside of government) to identify problematic content and bad actors online is necessary for the region to recover from COVID-19 and respond to future crises. This includes better coordination among regional institutions and governments, increased engagement between social media companies and Pacific leaders, and more thorough reporting of online problems. Foreseeing and preparing for future potential threats to health and safety is something that leaders can do now. Romitesh Kant (ORCID) is a PhD Scholar at the Australian National University, and a research consultant with more than ten years experience in the fields of governance, civic education and human rights.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on July 11, 2022

Pacific Islands vital to planetary health - 360 Aaron Jenkins Published on July 11, 2022 With Pacific Islands nations controlling 20 percent of all oceans, they are at the foundation of initiatives to help the planet and our health. Pacific Island countries are at the pointy end of global health problems. They endure an uneven share of the ‘triple burden’ of disease — infectious diseases such as malaria, non-communicable diseases such as obesity, and climate change induced health impacts. But they are also a crucial setting from which to inspire world leadership in planetary health. The academic field of planetary health was launched in 2015 with the release of the Lancet-Rockefeller Commission Report, highlighting that the health and vitality of all human and natural systems are inseparably connected. Around the same time, the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which touch similar themes, were internationally endorsed. In the global and regional planetary health arenas, Pacific Island leaders are poised to drive action. Pacific Island nations are large ocean states, managing approximately 20 percent of the world’s oceans, the primary drivers of Earth’s climatic system. They are at a stage of development where their policy decisions will significantly affect the environmental and social wellbeing of the entire planet. They also support among the richest array of cultures and ecosystems from which to respond to the intersecting demands of the SDGs. Recognising the complex connections that exist between health of humans, other animals, environments, and the planetary system at large, are not conceptually new. Such ways of understanding health are rooted in ancient times, as early as Hippocrates in Western knowledge traditions, and central to many Indigenous knowledge systems. While intergovernmental agencies call for unified plans of action for health, environment and climate change, particularly in the large ocean states, Pacific leaders are leading the clarion call for climate action. Recent Pacific Islands Heads of Health and Oceania Planetary Health Forums reaffirmed the urgent mandate for a consolidated platform for Island nations to respond to regional and global health impacts. Unifying and strengthening research and action on human, non-human animal and environmental health, natural resource management, and Indigenous local knowledge were seen as key. This is consistent with the core tenets of the latest WHO manifesto, prescribing a healthy and green recovery from COVID-19, the Healthy Islands Vision, and Blue Pacific narrative. These will guide policy development, investment and action to where co-benefits for economic development, public health and environmental stewardship are most likely. The Pacific Islands have demonstrated political commitment to implement essential changes widely and rapidly – if scientifically rigorous and culturally appropriate solutions can be identified. In a recent demonstration of planetary health leadership, the Pacific Community, the principal scientific and technical organisation for the Pacific region, adopted planetary health as a key focal area of their 10-year strategic plan (2022-2031). At the July 12 – 14 Pacific Islands Forum leaders meeting, a draft 2050 Strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent will be presented. It will guide how Oceania’s countries and communities will work together “to secure our region’s future against the challenges of today and the coming decades, to achieve a free, safe and prosperous region.” Regional security can emerge from decisions that reflect a deep understanding that all societies and economies are embedded in the biosphere, and that functioning ecosystems are foundational to human health and well-being. The major challenge for policymakers is understanding the complex positive and negative interactions among interventions to achieve SDGs to ensure that progress made in some areas is not made at the expense of lack of progress in others. Planetary health research seeks to inform decision-making across different sectors. The research can identify interventions that support policy coherence and emphasise co-benefits in planning and financing. Regional leadership commitments to the foundational SDGs that maintain functioning ecosystems — for example on improving the efficacy of climate action, protecting life on land and in water, and providing sanitation and clean water — will provide clear, positive, and co-beneficial resonance throughout all global economies and sectors of society. To drive truly transformative planetary health research within this globally important region it will require a consolidated long-term vision and sufficient funding. Strategic investment by regional leaders in a world-leading, action-oriented, place-based, interdisciplinary, research and policy hub that aligns with the aspirations of Pacific Islanders and the urgent global need for integrative solutions is a clear path forward. This investment could build upon existing planetary health investments by global philanthropic bodies and development aid agencies in the region (for example RISE ,WISH, KIWA), and the recent establishment of the Fiji Institute of Pacific Health Research (FIPHR). The region and the planet will benefit by efforts to support Tadra Vanua, a combined term from Fijian and wider Oceanic languages, acknowledging that material, biological, social, and cultural dimensions are inextricably interrelated. It is a vision for Planetary Health achieved via a recognised Pacific Island model for health and well-being. The Pacific Island countries are already demonstrating planetary health leadership. Now the region’s leaders have a timely opportunity to provide urgently needed global examples of approaches that improve human development and prioritise the needs of the most vulnerable, while simultaneously promoting environmental sustainability. Dr Aaron P. Jenkins (or Eroni in Fijian) is a Fijian citizen of Eastern European and native north American (Cherokee) descent who has lived and worked for decades with communities of the Pacific Islands. He is Oceania’s inaugural Senior Research Fellow in Planetary Health with University of Sydney’s School of Public Health, Edith Cowan University’s newly formed Centre for People Place and Planet, and the Fiji Centre for Communicable Disease Control. Dr Jenkins is a board member of the Fiji Institute of Pacific Health Research’s Centre for Communicable Disease Research. The WISH project, that Dr Jenkins co-leads, is funded by the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade’s Indo-Pacific Centre for Health Security, Bloomberg Philanthropies and the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on July 11, 2022

Pacific security: whose strategy is it? - 360 Maima Koro Published on November 9, 2023 The Pacific Islands Forum Leaders Meeting this week takes place amid a changing dynamic of security and development in the region. Security agreements have become an important measure of the close relationship between global partners and Pacific Island states. In geopolitics, this ‘close relationship’ is usually another way of saying partners have influence, control or power over Pacific countries. Meanwhile, social and economic development have long been at the top of the regional agenda. The widely held view is that security in a holistic sense can best be achieved through well-developed societies. As security and development are really two sides of the same coin, security challenges are greatest where development has lagged behind. Now Pacific people have noticed that the external focus on their security agenda has disrupted the region’s development priorities. For them, the Pacific is their home, not a ‘strategic interest’. The Pacific Island Forum Leaders Meeting this week in Rarotonga, Cook Islands, is an opportunity to address this widening gap and to consider how the aspirations of the 2050 Strategy endorsed by the Forum in 2019 have fared. In 2022, journalist Dorothy Wickam wrote in The New York Times the reality of Solomon Islands 40 years after independence: “Many still lack access to running water, basic sanitation and electricity. Jobs are scarce, access to health care is limited, and high numbers of children are stunted by poor diets.  Already prone to earthquakes, tsunamis and cyclones, we face ominous new threats because of climate change, including coral bleaching and rising sea levels that are slowly washing away islands.” Similar issues have come up in a regional perspectives study underway in Vanuatu to understand peoples’ concerns: namely, climate change, access to clean water and improved critical infrastructure – health, education, electricity and transport. When Pacific leaders talk about shared aspirations for their people to “lead free, healthy and productive lives”, these are the development challenges they see as regional security priorities. However, external partners are consumed with security arrangements outside the existing development strategies – as if the two are unrelated. Security has changed the dynamic of development in the Pacific. The most obvious sign of this change is the return of the old guard to the region – the UK, the US, France, Germany and others, leveraging their past to re-establish strategic relationships. Emmanuel Macron’s visit to the Pacific in July this year was the first time a French president ventured to the region beyond its own overseas territories, a historic trip touted as part of France’s effort to counter the growing influence of China. Another sign has been the addition of new summits. The US-Pacific Islands Country summit was held last year. In May this year, the Korea-Pacific Islands summit took place a few days after Papua New Guinea hosted the third meeting of the Forum for India-Pacific Islands Cooperation (FIPIC). The FIPIC agenda this year was heavily influenced by geopolitics. PNG Prime Minister James Marape lauded Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi as the “leader of the Global South”. US President Joe Biden, although expected, was not able to attend. China, meanwhile, has been trying to get Forum members’ support for security and trade arrangements since signing a security pact last year with Solomon Islands. Australia continues its own balancing act as a Forum member. It talks the language of the Pacific family while advocating strongly for the importance of engagement with Indo-Pacific partners and trumpeting its alliance with the US, as demonstrated by the AUKUS agreement. A key component of this new security agenda is the introduction of security strategies. Forum leaders mandated the 2018 Boe Declaration to define security in its own context, mainly reinforcing members’ well-documented development challenges. Six members have national security strategies, either as approved or draft versions – Cook Islands, Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Samoa, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu. All versions mirror their development issues. In this context, some structural changes can have a positive impact for the Pacific. The Australia Pacific Engagement Visa has potential economic benefits. Both Australia and New Zealand offer short-term employment opportunities in the horticultural and agricultural sectors to some Pacific countries under their respective seasonal worker programmes to meet recurring demands. The programmes need greater oversight to harness their socio-economic benefits, but improvements to homes in Samoa, for example, can be directly attributed to the economic returns of the seasonal workers schemes. The shift to direct budgetary support in aid funding is also good for meaningful relationship building, and for delivering direct services to communities. However, the pledges coming out of the various summits promising billions may make for interesting kava conversations, but whether they go further than that is the real question. If that sounds skeptical, it’s worth recalling Dorothy Wickam’s observation that for over 40 years in the Pacific, development at the basic level has remained largely static. Maima Koro is a Pacific Research Fellow for the Regional Perspectives Project, a research collaboration between the University of Adelaide with Pacific partners, funded by the Defence, Science and Technology Group. She is also pursuing PhD studies, focusing on the intersection of security and justice in Pacific communities. Her research interests include global security, geopolitics, development studies and ethics. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Pacific Primer ’23” sent at: 08/11/2023 09:42. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 9, 2023

Pacific wrestles with the great China-US divide - 360 Henryk Szadziewski Published on November 8, 2023 Pacific Islands Forum members face challenging conversations about the prickly US-China relationship and its effect on the region. On October 18, 2023, two statements were made at the United Nations — one condemning China’s human rights record in Xinjiang, Tibet and Hong Kong, and the other backing China’s position in these regions. The first statement, led by the UK, included 51 countries, with seven Pacific Islands Forum  members among them: Aotearoa New Zealand, Australia, Nauru, Palau, Republic of the Marshall Islands, Tuvalu and Fiji, although Suva later backpedalled and withdrew that support. The second statement, read by Pakistan, had 72 signatories, with Forum members Kiribati, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu purportedly in support of China. However, the remaining three members that are also UN states, the Federated States of Micronesia, Samoa and Tonga, chose not to participate in either motion. This UN vote occurred less than three weeks before the 52nd Pacific Island Forum Leaders Meeting in the Cook Islands. While Pacific leaders will have a full plate with the climate crisis, post-pandemic economic recovery, and maritime security most likely on a challenging agenda, like it or not, they’ll find it hard to avoid speculation over China and US influence in the region. The theme of the meeting invokes the Pacific Way concept articulated by Fiji’s first post-independence Prime Minister, Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara. The Pacific Way has become emblematic of regional values, such as consultation and consensus, that build a collective approach to regional challenges. However, as University of Hawaiʻi professor Tarcisius Kabutaulaka writes, “disagreements amongst PIF member countries is not new,” and following the contrasting UN statements, internal differences over the globe’s most powerful political forces are a reality. Pacific Islands Forum Secretary General Henry Puna has formulated the task ahead for Forum leaders. At a gathering in Washington DC in September, he said  “If I’m honest we must realise that the strategic interest and attention we enjoy today will not last forever. And we must capitalise on it in a manner that will ensure sustainable gains for our region and for our people, for decades to come.” In other words, Forum members, particularly the 14 independent island states, should mitigate the distractions and priorities of geostrategic competitors in Oceania, accept internal disagreements over China and the United States, and collectively strategise on leveraging the gaze of the powerful toward the core issues of climate and livelihoods. To be clear, the disruptive aspects to geostrategic competition originate in Washington and Beijing, even if Chinese and American officials talk about the Pacific Islands states as having the freedom to choose their security and development partners. Just in the past 18 months, the US and China have made significant attempts to bypass regional processes, particularly the Forum. In May 2022, Foreign Minister Wang Yi pressed China’s 10 diplomatic partners to agree to a  “Common Development Vision” that included cooperation on a wide range of traditional and non-traditional security issues. Regional leaders passed; however, the deal would have established a multilateral group founded on diplomatic recognition of the People’s Republic of China. One month later, in June, the White House announced the establishment of the Partners in the Blue Pacific (PBP) with Australia, Japan, New Zealand, and the UK. A group of states committed “to support prosperity, resilience, and security in the Pacific.” However, Greg Fry, Tarcisius Kabutaulaka and Terence Wesley-Smith conclude the Partners in the Blue Pacific “runs roughshod over existing mechanisms devised by Pacific island leaders to shape their interactions with larger powers and attempts to impose a new hierarchy of preferred ‘partners’ from outside.” The US has followed up not only with a Pacific Partnership Strategy, but also two summits in Washington DC, one in September 2022 and another in September 2023, between President Biden and political leaders from Pacific Island states. Gauging the impact of China and the United States’ sidestepping of the Forum is no easy matter. Yet, since May 2022, Pacific leaders have offered more strident opinions about these global forces. In March 2023, David Panuelo, with three months remaining in office as Micronesia president, wrote a letter addressed to its  congress and state governors outlining China’s grey zone activities, including bribery and political interference. In June 2023, Palau President Surangel Whipps Jr. called for greater US help in deterring China’s “unwanted activities”. Three months later, Solomon Islands Prime Minister Manesseh Sogavare explained his absence at the second DC summit as wanting to avoid a lecture from US officials, adding that he went to the first summit and “nothing came out of it.” The comments followed praise for China’s Belt and Road Initiative during a speech at the UN General Assembly. All this attention lavished on and by China and the United States has happened since May 2022. The last Forum Leaders Meeting, in Suva, was in July 2022, and the topic of China was among those that dominated the meeting. The time may have come to set aside differences over these ultimately transient forces and, as Henry Puna urges, remain focused on outcomes that benefit people and not power. Since December 2022 and the election of Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka, Fiji has undergone a process of reevaluating its relationship with China (and at times the US), which overlooks Beijing as a security partner and values its contributions to trade, investment and infrastructure. Difficult as that process may be — and Fiji has come under pressure — the Forum may consider how to collectively foreground its priorities and deescalate the burden of choice. China and the US and its allies may have created confusion in the region and muddied the waters regarding who the good actors are, but there are compelling reasons to maintain regionalism amid such pressures. Perhaps in addition to the regional principle of “friends to all and enemies to none” towards external partners should be added “friends to ourselves first.” Henryk Szadziewski is an affiliate at the Center for Pacific Islands Studies at the University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa. He has a Ph.D. in Geography from his research focused on Chinese state interventions in Oceania and US policy towards the Pacific Islands. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 8, 2023

Pakistan pays high price for China corridor - 360 Claude Rakisits Published on July 10, 2023 The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor promised plenty when it launched. Ten years on, Islamabad faces a sobering reality check of its true cost. The ambitious USD$60 billion China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, which stretches almost 3000km from the port of Gwadar in Pakistan’s rugged southwestern province of Balochistan to Kashgar in the western Chinese region of Xinjiang, was launched 10 years ago this July. Labelled a “game changer” by its backers, the 30-year project includes the development of Gwadar, laying gas and oil pipelines from Gwadar to China, the building of small dams and hydroelectric power stations, the upgrade and construction of roads and railroads and the development of numerous other projects, including a metro system in Lahore. EMBED START Image {id: "editor_1"} EMBED END Image {id: "editor_1"} Once complete, the Corridor would be the jewel in China’s trans-continental trillion-dollar Belt and Road Initiative. It would also give Beijing access to the Indian Ocean, effectively making China a two-ocean country. But a decade since its launch, the project has become a severe burden on Pakistan, whose economy is staggering under the weight of massive foreign debt — a quarter which is owed to China. While the economic activity this project generated contributed to a rise in economic growth in Pakistan from 2015-2018, the ongoing import of machinery and other construction material, without a commensurate increase in exports, and the repayment of the Chinese loans to finance the Corridor projects, have significantly worsened Pakistan’s balance of payments crisis. Since 2016, Pakistan’s total foreign debt has almost doubled to a massive US$131 billion, with about a quarter owed to China. Its interest repayments to China alone are crippling the country. Today, Pakistan’s central bank only has enough foreign exchange to cover at most a month’s worth of imports. The country is in the process of negotiating with the International Monetary Fund for the release of over USD$1 billion of a USD$6.5 billion bail-out package. But the situation is so grave that Pakistan has had to recently borrow another USD$1 billion from China to help tie over the country financially. A culmination of factors can explain why the Corridor didn’t deliver the economic shot in the arm Pakistanis were hoping for. For starters, China brought its own labour and housed them in isolated colonies, away from locals. Nobody knows how many thousands of Chinese workers are in Pakistan today. All the construction sub-contracts that Pakistani businesses had been hoping for and the employment they would generate have not materialised. This has created tension with local communities. The port of Gwadar — leased to the Chinese government for 40 years in 2017 — has not delivered the maritime traffic everyone had been banking on. The plan had been to deliver a mega-port which would be a gateway to Central Asia. Instead, Gwadar’s port is under-used, isolated from its direct environment, in a neighbourhood actively threatened by violent separatist Baloch terrorists. Local Baloch militant groups are not the only ones who have threatened and killed Chinese workers. The Afghanistan-based Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan, which has increased its activities throughout Pakistan since the recapture of Kabul by the Taliban in August 2021, has regularly attacked Chinese targets. The most spectacular was in far northwest Pakistan in July 2021 when nine Chinese workers were killed. The attacks come despite the fact that 15,000 military personnel, as part of Pakistan’s Special Security Division and the Maritime Security Force, have been raised specifically to protect Chinese personnel and the 34 CPEC-related projects along with the port of Gwadar. China is upset with these attacks and has put a lot of pressure on Pakistan to rein in the group. However, given the Taliban’s close ideological relationship with the group, Kabul has ignored the call from Islamabad for it to hunt down militants hiding in Afghanistan. Accordingly, given Pakistan’s poor security and economic situation, it is no surprise to see that China’s level of investment in Pakistan has dropped in the last two years. Notwithstanding these serious complications in the implementation of the Corridor and the ongoing security situation in Pakistan complicating an already difficult investment environment, China has invested too much in its relationship with Pakistan over the last 60 years for it to abandon the project or loosen its ties with Pakistan for that matter. Pakistan has played a critical geo-strategic role in China’s approach to countering India and expanding into the Indian Ocean. Similarly, Beijing has been a consistent supporter in Islamabad’s stance on Indian-administered Kashmir. Each nation has gained from that relationship. Accordingly, the implementation of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor will continue to stumble along, and eventually — probably a cut-down version of it — will likely be completed. But whether the Corridor will have been in Pakistan’s long-term national interest remains to be seen. is an Honorary Associate Professor in the Department of International Relations at the Australian National University (ANU) and Visiting Research Fellow at the Brussels-based Centre for Security, Defence and Strategy at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel (VUB). Twitter: @ClaudeRakisits Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on July 10, 2023

Pakistan readies itself for an orchestrated election - 360 Bharat Bhushan Published on February 7, 2024 The Pakistan Army manipulates the election process to get a friendly government in place. Pakistan, undergoing a dire economic crisis, will hold its national election on February 8. The election process is being choreographed by the Pakistan Army through a caretaker government, constitutionally mandated to hold the election. The army has directly ruled Pakistan for more than three decades. It has weakened democratic institutions to such an extent that it continues to influence policy even when not directly in power. This general election will be no exception. The previously elected government headed by cricketing icon and wildly popular leader Imran Khan, head of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), was a protégé of the army until he fell afoul of it and was ousted through a vote of no confidence. Now he has been charged and indicted in several criminal cases. He has received three prison terms, virtually on the eve of the polls. Imran’s conviction, which disqualifies him from contesting, is unlikely to be set aside by appealing to the higher judiciary before the February 8 election. The court proceedings took place inside the prison and the sentencing seems deliberately timed to demoralise his party and supporters on the eve of the elections. Imran’s party and its top leadership is being systematically destroyed not only through the judicial process but also through an unprecedented crackdown on PTI leaders across the country in order to persuade them to withdraw from the electoral contest. To top it all, his party has been denied the use of its official symbol – a cricket bat – by the Election Commission, and subsequently endorsed by the judiciary. His party’s candidates will therefore be forced to contest as independents under a different election symbol in each constituency. This will make it difficult for rural and uneducated voters to recognise the party. Simultaneously, former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif of Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) or PML (N), until recently a fugitive from justice and in self-exile in the UK, has been brought back home. In his case, the judiciary had been accommodating and has not only granted him bail in all the cases pending against him and allowed him to contest the polls. His potential march to electoral victory is widely believed to be choreographed by the military establishment. Under these circumstances, neither human rights groups nor public intellectuals in Pakistan expect the general election to be free and fair. The main reason for this is that the electoral landscape has been manipulated to keep the largest political party, PTI, and the most popular political leader in the country, Imran Khan, out of the election. However, the sentencing of Imran may throw a wrench in the army’s plans. The repressive tactics of the “establishment” (Pakistani code for the army and the bureaucratic elite), especially the long prison sentences handed to Imran, could infuse a new wave of anger in the party’s popular support base. This could result either in a “sympathy wave” among voters for the party’s candidates contesting as independents. They could even abstain from voting. Either way, the resulting political polarisation will last beyond the results of the one-sided elections, fuelling political instability. However carefully orchestrated, the outcome of the elections will be hard to predict. Local patronage and allegiance networks favour older parties — the PTI is relatively new, set up in 1996 and winning its first National Assembly seat in 2002. The urban-rural balance has changed because of expanding urbanisation. There is also the unpredictability associated with first time voters — 23.5 million new voters have been added since the last election of 2018. The other imponderables are the overall voter turnout and the role of spoilers such as the Istehkam-i-Pakistan, a King’s Party set up with PTI deserters. The dire state of the Pakistani economy is a structural problem that will have to be faced by whoever forms the next government. The country’s debt burden is high, prices of staples are rising by the day and the national currency is plummeting. Its faltering economy has pushed Pakistan to the brink of default –it barely managed to revive a long-stalled $6 billion International Monetary Fund bailout package in June 2023. Sharif, a three-time PM and head of a business empire himself, has a track record of development and putting the economy on track. However, if the elections are seen as controversial and political turmoil follows, then even he may not be able to bring about stability necessary by introducing harsh structural reforms which the IMF bailouts mandate for tackling the crisis.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 7, 2024

Pakistan, where democracy wears an army uniform - 360 Ajay Darshan Behera Published on February 7, 2024 The Pakistan military does not want a genuinely popular civilian political leader in power As Pakistan gears up for its general elections on February 8, the fate of the country’s democracy hangs in the balance. Concerns about the fairness and transparency of the electoral process are mounting. The rejection of the nomination papers of most candidates of the Pakistan Tehreeq-e-Insaf party (PTI) and some other parties has sparked debates about the legitimacy of the polls. There are worries about the overall fairness and legality of the electoral process, heightening Pakistan’s challenges to political stability. Achieving political stability is paramount to addressing numerous challenges, including a weak economy, soaring inflation and escalating foreign debt. Pakistan does not have a good track record of free and fair elections. For almost 34 years, the country has been under direct military rule. When not in power, the military has resorted to political engineering to manipulate poll outcomes or dismissed governments that were not to its liking. The military propelled the PTI to power in 2018, creating a leader in Imran Khan, who lacked prior governance experience. Imran’s political rise and downfall have been remarkable. The PTI, barely visible on the political scene in 2008, made substantial gains by securing 17 percent of the popular vote in 2013, increasing it to 32 percent in 2018. However, this may not necessarily be the strength of the PTI’s support base, as the elections in 2018 were rigged in its favour. The 2018 elections were Pakistan’s second successful democratic transition – one political party handing over power to another without being dismissed. It possibly portends the future of electoral democracy in Pakistan – a political system in which the military will not derail democracy but will simply “guide” it. Imran claimed he and the military were on the same page early in his tenure. However, differences with the Army arose over choosing the successor to the then Director General of Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), Lt. Gen. Faiz Hameed. The Army Chief, General Qamar Javed Bajwa, also distanced himself from Imran’s anti-US stance. The economic mismanagement under Imran’s government was also an issue. Pakistan’s GDP fell from USD$315 billion in 2018 to USD$292 billion in 2022. Imran’s politics did not gel with the military. His government was ousted from power in a no-confidence motion in April 2022. His removal, Imran believed, was due to a foreign conspiracy (read, US). Urging his supporters to engage in peaceful protests, he garnered significant traction with his anti-establishment and anti-American narrative. The PTI has been a disruptive force in Pakistani politics for some years now. The zenith of the party’s disruptive politics unfolded on May 9, 2023, marked by attacks on military installations and public property, shortly after Imran’s arrest by the security forces. Since then, the military has made a systematic effort to break and weaken Imran’s party. Imran is currently incarcerated, and attempts to marginalise the PTI have given rise to splinter parties like Jahangir Tareen’s Istehkam-e-Pakistan Party and Pervez Khattak’s PTI (Parliamentarians). The party has been deprived of its “cricket bat” election symbol on the grounds that its intra-party polls were unconstitutional, bringing into question the impartiality of Pakistan’s Election Commission. Party members have been intimidated and faced obstacles in filing nomination papers, and the police have targeted their families. The way the military has gone after Imran and dismantled the PTI, it is clear that it will never allow him to return to power. In 2018, Imran was the flavour of the electoral season. Ironically, in 2024, it is his bete noir, Nawaz Sharif of PML (N). In the 2018 elections, the military did not want Nawaz Sharif back in power and did its best to weaken the PML (N). Ironically, in 2024, it does not wish Imran Khan to return to power but wants Sharif instead. The Pakistan military does not want a genuinely popular civilian political leader in power backed by an electoral mandate. It also wants a civilian government that would protect the core interests of the military in policy-making. The military would no longer like to be burdened with the responsibilities of power. Instead, it prefers a “guided democracy” – a formal democratic structure maintained and legitimised through elections. This façade of democracy shrouds the actual role and power of the military as an institution in the civil-military equation. Imran had to be jettisoned because he began to undermine the arrangement with the army that had catapulted him to power. Now, with Imran contained and the probability of his returning to power being almost non-existent, the PML (N) leadership is actively working on building a future ruling coalition. However, the party lacks a concrete programme to address Pakistan’s significant challenges. The PML(N) appears to be stuck in the past, with the list of probable candidates dominated by old faces, particularly from the Sharif family. The performance of the Pakistan Democratic Movement under the prime ministership of Nawaz Sharif’s brother, Shehbaz Sharif, was lacklustre. It raises questions about what the PML (N) has to offer to deal with Pakistan’s economic and security challenges that would be new. Therefore, the prospect of these elections bringing about political stability and tackling the fragile economic situation remains uncertain. Pakistan faces formidable economic challenges, having narrowly averted default in 2023. Managing debt servicing poses a significant challenge, with projected figures reaching USD$25 billion for the financial year 2024-25 and USD$23 billion for 2025-26. While external borrowings offer temporary relief, lasting stability necessitates structural reforms, including fiscal responsibility and a reduced dependence on external aid. Whether a “selected government” will have the freedom and autonomy to tackle these challenges, bring about political stability, and improve democratic governance in Pakistan remains to be seen. Ajay Darshan Behera is Professor at MMAJ Academy of International Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, India. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 7, 2024

Pakistan’s debt is a teetering house of cards - 360 Wajid Islam, Junaid Ahmed Published on February 27, 2023 Pakistan faces a wave of problems on multiple fronts, but its growing debt can no longer be overlooked as inflation soars and foreign reserves crumble. Pakistan is on the brink of default and waiting for a miracle — running from pillar to post to find a messiah which can right its teetering economy. The world’s fifth most populous country faces a wave of problems on multiple fronts ranging from political instability, climate change and an economic crisis that can push it off the same cliff as Sri Lanka. Intense floods not only inundated Pakistan’s land but drowned its fragile economy just as it was recovering from the COVID-19 pandemic. The country’s debt has become unsustainable, according to a new study by the Asian Development Bank Institute, To borrow or not to borrow: Empirical evidence from the public debt sustainability of Pakistan. The Damocles sword of debt default is hanging over its head, affecting its import-dependent economy and having far-reaching economic and social consequences. Pakistan’s external debt and liabilities are almost USD$130 billion — 95.39 percent of its GDP. The cash-strapped country has to return almost USD$22 billion over the next 12 months  — a total of USD$80 billion in the next three-and-half years — when its reserves are only at USD$3.2 billion and its economic growth rate a mere 2 percent. Now the country spends almost half of its federal budget on debt servicing. Although the Pakistani government has implemented measures to reduce the debt burden, including fiscal consolidation, privatisation of state-owned enterprises and reforms to the tax system, it is not enough in the backdrop of skyrocketing inflation. Inflation is at its highest in 48 years, currently sitting at 27.6 percent. In January 2023, food inflation reached 42.9 percent compared to 12.8 percent last year, leaving millions struggling for their daily meals. The central bank had also raised interest rates to 17 percent, choking business activities and economic growth. The Pakistani Rupee is Asia’s worst-performing currency after losing 65 percent of its value since last year. The country’s foreign reserve can only cover the necessary imports to keep the country functioning for three weeks. Huge debts are a result of historically damaging policies, pressure on fiscal imbalance and notably, the balance of payment crisis. To cope with it, Pakistan continued to develop a dependency on aid and loans, including 22 International Monetary Fund programs. The exponential debt accumulation, spent on defence, infrastructure projects and servicing interest payments, pushed successive governments to rely on budget deficits, further exacerbating the situation. Successive governments have failed to make any structural reforms to bring it out of the vicious cycle of borrowing. Over the years, it has been running a budget deficit of more than 8 percent for which it requires additional financing in the form of taking on new loans. Every year, the country faces a trade deficit of around 40 percent. Its exports are stagnant while imports increase exponentially. Remittances — considered a lifeline of the economy — are also falling primarily due to the currency peg policy of the government. For instance, an unannounced exchange rate cap pushed many overseas Pakistanis, particularly from Gulf countries, to remit via the grey (Hundi) market, which offered higher rates than the formal channels. According to the finance ministry, remittances fell 11.1 percent compared to last year. Similarly, the already low foreign direct investments have further decreased by 58.7 percent. Its low foreign exchange reserves and high deficits show that the country is walking on a double-edged sword, leaving very little space for external shocks. According to the United Nations Development Program calculations, Pakistan’s lavish spending habits are at 6 percent of GDP or USD$17.4 billion on elite privileges in the form of cheap input prices, tax breaks or preferential access to land and services to feudal landlords, the corporate sector, powerful military members and the political class. It is also (mis)spending between 8 to 12 percent of its GDP every year on its loss-making state-owned enterprises, according to the World Bank report, Hidden Debt. If the country uses its limited resources prudently, it can bring the economy out of hot water. There will be devastating implications for the Pakistani people and across the region, if a nuclear-capable nation defaults on its payments, fails to correct its direction, and does not restructure its debts. Developed countries should provide some breathing space to the flood-hit country, which according to the World Bank assessment, incurred economic losses of USD$30 billion from floods and need a further USD$16 billion for reconstruction. Short-term measures will only divert the current fiasco and stringent long term structural reforms are what Pakistan needs to stay afloat. Policymakers must continue to implement fiscal reforms and encourage foreign investment and export sectors to ensure that the debt burden is reduced and that the economy can grow and sustain itself. First, measuring to tame the augmenting debt is a sustainable and resilient GDP growth rate of 8 to 10 percent. The government has to grow its surplus by controlling expenditure, which is possible by introducing competitiveness and reforming the tax system. Pakistan’s tax system is regressive — burdening low income taxpayers — and more than half of its taxes are indirect. For example, from sales tax and customs duty. The agriculture sector is not taxed properly and agri-based products account for 60 to 70 percent of the country’s exports yet its share in tax is only 0.02 percent. Diversifying Pakistan’s export base can reduce pressure on the Bank of Pakistan and help reduce the trade deficit. Creating a favourable business environment can help increase business competition, reduce budget deficits and a dependency on handouts. The privatisation of loss-making state-owned enterprises may also help. If the country is willing to save itself from future defaults, it has to abolish elite privileges before it’s too late for everyone. Wajid Islam is an Economics lecturer at Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Technical Education and Vocational Training Authority Pakistan. He can be reached at wajidislam01@gmail.com or Twitter: wajidislam0 Junaid Ahmed is a senior research economist at Pakistan Institute of Development Economics and senior lecturer at Westminster International University, Tashkent. He can be reached at, junaid.ahmed@pide.org.pk The research has been published and commissioned by the Asian Development Bank. The authors declare no other conflict of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Governments in the red” sent at: 24/02/2023 10:04. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 27, 2023

Pandemic signs still in the sewers - 360 Kumitaa Theva Das Published on March 28, 2022 Monitoring of wastewater and being alert to unusual cases could help shut pandemics down before they start. When pig farmers in Malaysia started getting seriously ill with fever and headache in 1998, doctors assumed the cause was Japanese encephalitis. People in the area tested positive for Japanese encephalitis, which is endemic in Malaysia. But healthcare workers noticed the disease also affected adults who had been vaccinated against it. Autopsies and symptoms of infected pigs were inconsistent with earlier results. A virologist at the University of Malaya eventually discovered the infection was caused by a new agent, the Nipah virus, which originated in native fruit bats. Widespread surveillance and culling of pig populations were undertaken, and the last human fatality occurred two months after the discovery of the virus. During the Nipah outbreak, the new disease was rapidly characterised and appropriate surveillance and control measures were developed. Health workers isolated the virus and researched its features to better understand it, which will help prevent future outbreaks. Surveillance methods that are specific and sensitive enough to detect even small spikes in case numbers are what can ultimately help prevent future pandemics. Timely detection of new viral illnesses requires good monitoring systems. Early warning allows for a risk assessment, a public communication strategy and the development of a proper response. Different countries adopt different methods. Some focus on influenza-like illnesses across the country, others use the number of cases per week per sentinel medical institution as an index. But awareness and technology are always crucial to early detection. Health professionals are also often key, drawing on the history of outbreaks and vaccinations in a particular area to recognise and classify a new disease. Wastewater surveillance has also become an increasingly important early-detection method. Initially used to pick up contaminants, it was adapted to detect pathogens in the late 1990s. It has become part of most countries’ surveillance systems, especially for poliovirus, enterovirus and, more recently, COVID-19. Wastewater surveillance is especially useful when there are small case numbers, asymptomatic cases, or a long incubation period for a particular infectious disease. Countries including the USA, Australia, the Netherlands, Spain and Singapore monitored their wastewater during COVID-19. They found a direct correlation between the quantity of a virus in wastewater catchments and the number of infected people in the corresponding area. If the virus is detected in wastewater but there are no reports of cases in that community, this suggests undetected infections. This was the case in Amsterdam, where COVID-19 was detected in wastewater three weeks before the first case was reported. In Barcelona the virus was detected in wastewater 31 days before the first case was reported. On average, virus particles in wastewater were detected one to four days ahead of local hospital admissions and six to eight days ahead of positive test results. The USA ensures data from its wastewater surveillance is publicly available, either through specific counties or at a national level. This also enables authorities to cross-check changes in public health policies with active cases and wastewater surveillance for considerable notice of infection dynamics. Regular monitoring through wastewater is also useful in anticipating a spike in infections. This becomes especially crucial as we transition to the endemic stage to prevent us from falling back into a pandemic. New viral diseases will continually pose a threat. The last 100 years have seen four influenza pandemics (Spanish flu in 1918, Asian flu in 1957, Hong Kong flu in 1968 and swine flu in 2009) as well as COVID-19. These pandemics have occurred roughly once every 30 years. A study by Duke University that looked at novel disease outbreaks over the past 400 years showed there is a two percent probability of a pandemic of similar impact to COVID-19 in any given year. The same study showed the risk of intense outbreaks is growing rapidly due to changes in the environment and increased human-animal contact. Researchers estimated that a pandemic similar in scale to COVID-19 is likely within 60 years. Alongside awareness and technology, governance is central to containing an outbreak. In Malaysia, the Ministry of Health started preparing in early 2020 by purchasing polymerase chain reaction (PCR) sample-processing machines to be distributed to all states and ensuring that health staff received training in how to use them. It also mass-purchased test kits and reagents. By the time the World Health Organization declared COVID-19 a pandemic, Malaysia was well prepared. The ministry was also able to secure sufficient funding, a huge factor in detecting and mitigating outbreaks. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in the USA introduced a Pandemic Interval Framework in 2014 to focus on aspects such as investigation, recognition and preparation. It also introduced a Pandemic Severity Assessment Framework. While this focuses on influenza, the information it yields is applicable to any outbreak. It helps member states strengthen their capacity to prevent, detect and respond to infectious disease outbreaks, especially when they are likely to spread internationally. We may not be able to change the past, but if we maximise everything we have learned from COVID-19, we can start preparing for the next outbreak now. Kumitaa Theva Das holds a Ph.D. in genetics from the University of California, Davis and her tasks at Universiti Sains Malaysia focus on gene therapy against HIV/AIDS. She currently undertakes COVID-19 research. The author declares no conflict of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Pandemic warning systems” sent at: 22/03/2022 13:24. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 28, 2022

‘Paper unions’ letting down China’s internal migrant workers - 360 Jason Hung Published on June 20, 2022 Although trade unions are widespread in China, conditions for rural-to-urban migrant workers haven’t improved as fast as they have for local urban employees. China’s rapid urban transformation led to vast numbers of new jobs offering better pay than rural work. People migrated from villages to secure these jobs and try to lift their families’ standard of living. In 2019, 36 percent of China’s working population – an estimated 291 million people – were rural-to-urban migrant labourers.But despite China’s nation-wide network of trade unions and reforms intended to protect rural-to-urban migrants, exploitation persists. Fighting it may require a rethink of government monitoring and enforcement efforts. As early as the 1990s, violations of Chinese internal migrant workers’ basic rights had been widely reported, putting pressure on regulators to protect these rights. Legal reforms required workplaces and firms to establish their own trade unions to help workers bargain for their labour conditions. While for some this resulted in active protection, other workplaces established ‘paper unions’: unions that don’t engage in collective activities to protect workers’ rights. Rural-to-urban workers are often treated as second-class citizens in cities — they often occupy “3-D” jobs, referring to positions that are dirty, dangerous and demeaning; and local city dwellers often hold social stigmatisation and distrust against those of rural origins, believing the latter to be poorly educated, occupationally incapable and socially liable.This grants urban natives privilege and consolidates their status at the expense of those coming from villages. Migrant workers are continually discriminated against in the urban labour market. They are asked to work long hours and to take up dangerous jobs, and they are laid off without compensation. Unemployment has a particularly significant impact on the mental health of migrant workers. Alone, migrant workers lack leverage and power, but union members could bargain with firms for meaningful change, starting with increased hourly pay, reduced working hours and secure social-insurance protections. It is well established that higher hourly pay and more leisure time boost workers’ wellbeing, whereas working more than eight hours a day threatens their mental health. Both the state and local governments intervene in cases of labour violations. Presently, local governments in China often receive multiple, sometimes conflicting orders from upper-level units, resulting in confusion when local governments attempt to implement public policies. A restructure of China’s government units could fortify the chain of command, ensuring all lower-level governments receive clear guidelines on forming policies. This would aid efforts to prevent and sanction workplace exploitation of Chinese migrant workers, such as monitoring local trade unions to ensure more union members are active in organising or participating in activities to protect their rights. With labour protections already in place, simply encouraging compliance by working units should benefit migrant workers. Workplaces with active trade unions already seem to operate quite well: wage arrears are substantially lower in such firms that also offer permanent or long-term labour contracts (one year or more), and workers there are more likely to be covered by welfare provisions, including a housing fund. Rural-to-urban migrant labourers are an indispensable part of China’s workforce. Legal reforms implemented over decades have put into place all the functions required to give workers a world-class standard of protection, but administrative mismanagement and a willingness to ignore paper unions are undermining the health and wellbeing of migrant workers. Jason Hung is a Global Health PhD Fellow at the United Nations University – International Institute for Global Health (UNU-IIGH). No conflicts of interest were delcared in relation to this article. This article is part of a Special Report on the ‘Changing face of migration’,  produced in collaboration with the Calcutta Research Group. It was first published in June 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 20, 2022

Partition lives on in north-east Indian literature - 360 Debashree Chakraborty Published on June 19, 2023 The refugee as ‘other’ has emerged as a common theme in literature from India’s north-east, after the region saw an influx of people following 1947’s Partition. North-east India — home to more than 200 Indigenous tribes with distinct cultural practices, languages, and social systems — found itself in turmoil after the influx of refugees due to the Partition of India in 1947. The region received a large influx of Bengali-speaking migrants from then East Pakistan (previously called East Bengal and now Bangladesh) who settled in various parts of Assam, Meghalaya and Tripura. The echoes of that migration have reverberated in the literature emerging from decendants of both the settled communities and the refugee population years later. Studies of such shock mobility suggest that ideas of citizenship and identity continue to be challenged for generations. In the general environment of mistrust following the Partition, Indigenous communities — especially in Assam and Meghalaya — voiced concerns about the refugees burdening the state’s limited resources. Alongside this, the demand for Assamese to be the only official language in Assam made matters worse when the Bengali-speaking populace in Barak Valley called for official matters to also be made available in their language in the valley. These conflicts created a ripe ground for ethnic and linguistic struggles in the region. The most prominent was the Assam Movement, also known as the Anti-Foreigners Agitation, which lasted from 1979 till 1985. The primary aim of the movement was to detect and deport ‘foreigners’ — Bengali refugees in this case — from Assam. These movements were accompanied by violence that stemmed from deep-rooted differences along the lines of ethnicity and language. Although now mostly memories of the past, these movements have left a lasting impact in shaping the consciousness of the ‘other’ which has subsequently characterised the English literature emerging from the north-eastern states. The work of the Shillong Poets provides insights to understanding how the binary of ‘us’ and ‘them’ functions. Kynpham Sing Nongkynrih, one of the most distinctive poets from the north-east and belonging to the Khasi tribe, views the ‘other’ from an Indigenous point of view: In the park I saw Those strange flowers again That I have seen bossing around … Like flowers, only strangers And strange ways have come To bloom in this land The Bengali poets from Shillong have their own take on this othering. These poets, mostly descendants of erstwhile East Bengal refugees, despite growing up in the region (the north-east or Shillong) find their identity challenged as the ‘other’. Ananya Guha’s untitled poem states: … my mind sinks into horizons of a hill town which I ask to love, Me As a refugee descendent, Nabanita Kanungo voices the pain of being uprooted twice over — once during the Partition in 1947 and again due to the ethnic uprisings — in the poem ‘The Missing Tooth‘. There were reasons for which we had it painfully uprooted And now the gap of the missing tooth Is an embarrassing memory in the mouth. This sense of unbelonging is explored further in Siddhartha Deb’s novel The Point of Return which tells the story of a Bengali father-son duo immersed in the struggle of finding themselves in a small town of the north-east embroiled in ethnic clashes. Clearly, even after more than seventy years of refugee settlement in the region, the footfall of partition still echoes in the identity politics of ‘us’ and ‘them’. This is interesting because it suggests that migration is a memory loop passed down through generations, and can become like a festering sore that afflicts even the migrants’ descendants. The idea of the refugee or the migrant as ‘other’ was extended to anyone who was not indigenous to the north-east. Mamang Dai’s celebrated work, The Legends of Pensam refers to a group of labourers from the mainland as follows: Workmen sucked on wet bidis and chirped away at the mountainside. Their women stood by and looked askance with dark, savage eyes. A row of labour sheds hung on to the hillside and here they lived, loved, bathed naked on the roadside, fought bitterly, and sometimes murdered each other. Another important consequence of the refugee condition is the emergence of literary or cultural movements. Unisher Sahitya, following the Bhasha Andolan of 1961, which broke out in the Barak Valley of Assam following the Assam government’s proposal to enact a law to declare Assamese as the only official language of the state in October 1960, is one such instance. Massive protests erupted all across the valley which eventually led to the death of 11 young protestors on 19 May 1961 (nineteenth day or Unish in Bengali and hence the name Unisher Sahitya or literature related to 19 May). This event not only marked the retraction of the government’s decision but also turned out to be a watershed moment in the Barak Valley’s history. Around it has been built a Bengali literary tradition that is unique in its own way — Unisher Sahitya is about protest, language recognition and assertion of identity. Similarly, Miya poetry (poetry of miyas or Muslims), written by Bengali Muslims of the char area of the Brahmaputra Valley, is another literary tradition, the emergence of which is rooted in the politics of identity and dissent against ethnic and linguistic othering. The Partition of India, as an example of shock mobility, has manifested in a rather unusual way in the literature of north-east India. It still continues to have an afterlife even though the moment of migration has long passed. While its effects did not echo as much in the literature of the north-east in terms of representation of migrants, their crises, or the violence they faced as it did in Partition literature, it has left an indelible mark through the distinctive literary practices it has created all the same. Debashree Chakraborty is a researcher with the Calcutta Research Group, with interests in migration studies and climate change-related displacement. Her PhD in English Literature focussed on climate fiction. This article is part of a Special Report on ‘Shock Mobility’, produced in collaboration with the Calcutta Research Group. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 19, 2023

Partner with us - 360

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Partnerships a pathway for Mekong’s water security - 360 Christopher Chen Published on February 28, 2022 This article was commissioned by 360info as part of a collaboration with Water Science Policy, including an interactive river journey of the Mekong. You can enjoy the full experience and learn more about this unique river here. Across parts of Bangkok, people woke up to tap water so salty that it was unsafe to drink in February 2021. The government was powerless to even dilute the saline water — coming off the heels of Thailand’s worst drought in 40 years, freshwater reserves were too scarce to be spared. This is one of many examples of saline intrusions affecting states along the Mekong River. Low water discharge and low rainfall in the dry season results in backflow of saline water from the sea into the river, affecting agriculture, aquaculture, and livelihoods. More than 70 million people depend on the Mekong River as a source of income and livelihood. Alongside saline intrusion, they face decreasing water levels and increased insecurity over water as the cumulative effects of climate change, dam development and environmental degradation set in. While recent regional initiatives signify a push towards deeper engagement on the issue, the existential water security challenges in the Mekong-Lancang region are not being resolved fast enough to combat the damage being inflicted upon the region. Soaring temperatures and volatile weather conditions are putting more pressure on dwindling water supplies in almost all Southeast Asian countries. Long-term forecasts predict more severe droughts in the future, risking further saline intrusion. In Vietnam, the Mekong usually turns salty only for about a month each year. In recent years, farmers have dealt with salinity for at least four months at a time, a consequence of upstream dams, sand mining and climate change discharging lower amounts of freshwater into the delta. High salinity in the soil makes it impossible for crops and produce to survive, creating huge losses for farmers in the region. Given that the majority of the southeast Asian region rely on agricultural production for their livelihoods, drought and water insecurity have a major impact on their lives. On 12 November 2020, ASEAN member states adopted the first Declaration on the Strengthening of Adaptation to Drought. The declaration calls for substantial action, aimed at enhancing drought adaptation and mitigation capabilities in the region, as well as promoting a longer-term, more strategic approach towards drought management. ASEAN launched a comprehensive regional plan of action on adaptation to drought on 14 October 2021. The plan seeks to find a sustainable way to manage droughts, preventing and mitigating its impacts on livelihoods, natural resources, the ecosystem, agriculture, energy and socio-economic development. ASEAN hopes that these two documents will build coordination among the group and effectively address the impacts of drought. To deal with water security challenges in the Mekong, ASEAN has also formally engaged with the Mekong River Commission (MRC). People with a stake in the Mekong have been collaborating to address water scarcity, water pollution, and other water-related disaster risks. They could learn from Singapore. The Singapore Government’s strategy (local catchment, imported water, Newater, desalinated water) has helped the country build a robust, diversified, and sustainable supply of water despite the country’s high population density and lack of natural water resources. Working with partners outside the region is also another potential way to tackle water insecurity. ASEAN can work towards fostering better ties with other regional blocs like the Pacific Islands Forum. Southeast Asian states have a lot in common with  Pacific Island states in terms of geographical and economic vulnerabilities. They all have a vested interest in addressing water security issues. Christopher Chen is an Associate Research Fellow with the Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) Programme, Centre for Non-Traditional Security (NTS) Studies at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University (NTU), Singapore. Christopher declared no conflicts of interest in relation to this article. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Water conflict” sent at: 21/02/2022 09:33. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 28, 2022

Patent waiver is no silver bullet, even during COVID-19 - 360 Mark Davison Published on July 20, 2022 Unequal access to the COVID-19 vaccine fuelled calls for a patent waiver, but any major change needs to ensure a better outcome for developing economies. When World Trade Organization (WTO) members agreed in June to ease patent rules on COVID-19 vaccines, they stopped short of waiving patent protection. As the vaccines flowed into some parts of the world in late 2020, bringing relief, hope and a ticket out of lockdown, other countries’ vaccination rates lagged far behind. This inequality gave voice to proponents of a patent waiver. But other issues are at play. It may come as a surprise that vaccination rates do not necessarily correlate with the wealth of a country. Argentina, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Brazil, Cambodia, Chile, China, Colombia, Cuba, Ecuador, Iran, Laos, Malaysia, Nepal, Peru, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Uruguay and Vietnam all have rates of vaccination higher than or similar to those of the United Kingdom, the United States, France, the Netherlands and Germany. On the other hand, no African country comes close to any Western country on that score. An international legal agreement imposes requirements on WTO members to protect patents over new inventions, including vaccines. Patents last for 20 years, and during that time only the patent holder or its licensees can make the vaccine in question unless there is an agreed exception. A number of developing economies proposed a WTO patent waiver in respect of COVID-19 medicine, including vaccines. After the June decision, if a member of the WTO issues a compulsory licence of a patent, the patent owner is still entitled to payment for vaccines made using the patent. What the patent holder cannot do is prevent the grant of the compulsory licence to make and distribute the vaccine. Patent protection is intended to provide a financial incentive to invent new products such as COVID-19 vaccines. Various COVID-19 vaccines are the product of technological advances that occurred over a decade ago, which is why the vaccines could be produced so quickly after COVID-19 emerged. Without those technological advances, the world might still be waiting for any COVID-19 vaccine, with devastating implications for death rates. The vaccines are also the product of expensive and time-consuming work that has to be done by someone regardless of who holds a patent over the vaccine. The three phases of vaccine trials are conducted well after patent applications are filed but are necessary to assess vaccine safety and efficacy. Not all patented vaccines will make it to market or receive broad regulatory approval, so the cost and risk of vaccine development and testing needs to be borne without any guarantee of financial success. If patent rights are done away with, it is hard to see why any pharmaceutical company would invest in vaccine development in future pandemics. As critics of patent law have pointed out, some of the funding for technological advances comes from government grants rather than solely from private enterprise. Some of the research leading to the development of the Moderna vaccine was conducted by US government agencies or by those agencies in collaboration with Moderna. Similarly, the research underpinning the AstraZeneca vaccine was undertaken at Oxford University with some government assistance. Yet government funding of such research can be insufficient to achieve success in the absence of private funding. The precise role and required extent of government funding is not clear and is simply unknowable in advance of an actual health crisis. The book Vaxxers by the creators of the AstraZeneca vaccine explains the role of private venture capital in maintaining the research program that was in place for years before COVID-19. Also, if a particular government pays for new vaccines, there is no guarantee it would share them with other governments rather than seek exclusive access to the first vaccines produced. Consequently, it is not clear what alternative model to the patent system would achieve an optimal outcome. On the flip side, exclusive control over vaccines via patents can see insufficient production of vaccines or lack of access to vaccines in countries where governments do not have the means to pay for them. Likewise, it can price out individuals. In the early stages of COVID-19 vaccine production, there were claims that patent protection meant production levels were insufficient to meet global requirements and developed countries were hoarding vaccines and contractual rights to future production. But it is no longer the case that there is a lack of production of COVID-19 vaccines, although there are obvious disparities in distribution between nations. Some of that disparity may be due to intellectual property protection, but other significant factors are in play. These include distribution difficulties due to refrigeration requirements, especially for mRNA vaccines, lack of transport infrastructure, other logistical difficulties, and vaccine scepticism in some places. Other diseases such as measles also have high death rates every year, especially among young children, even though patents over measles vaccines expired many years ago. A further difficulty lies in claiming that COVID-19 vaccines should be an exception from any general provisions for intellectual property protection. The vast majority of those who die from COVID-19 are older people and the death rate among the young is extremely low. Countries with older populations tend to be among those with the highest mortality rate and countries with older populations tend to be richer. It would be difficult to justify an exception for COVID-19 but not diseases such as malaria and Ebola since they affect younger and poorer populations disproportionately. The end result is that identifying the precise mix of private financial incentives necessary for technical innovation, the appropriate degree and nature of government investment in research, and the need to improve equity of access to that innovation and research is difficult. Any substantial alteration to the current system needs to ensure a superior outcome for poorer nations, but it is not immediately obvious what that substantially altered  system should be, even if it were possible to achieve agreement on that alternative at the WTO. What is obvious is that multiple effective vaccines for COVID-19 were produced faster than any other vaccines in human history under the current legal arrangements. Mark Davison is an Adjunct Professor in the Faculty of Law, Monash University. He has specialised in Australian and international intellectual property law for over 30 years. Prof Davison declared no conflicts of interest in relation to this article. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on July 20, 2022

Paving the way for a global malaria vaccine - 360 Virander Singh Chauhan, Paushali Mukherjee Published on April 22, 2022 Malaria impacts India more than anywhere else in southeast Asia, but relief could be on the way if the early promise of vaccines in development is fulfilled. Malaria remains a deadly disease around the world, primarily affecting children below the age of five. In southeast Asia, India is bearing the brunt, accounting for 80 percent of the region’s malaria burden. However, the nation’s investment and support for control and elimination programmes is beginning to pay off, as India’s vaccine research and development begins to offer signs of hope. Malaria parasites have a complex life cycle and we still don’t fully understand the immune response to infection. What we know is that people who are repeatedly exposed to malaria develop immunity to the disease. Because malaria immunity can be acquired, it suggests a malaria vaccine would be possible. But the complexity of the malaria parasite makes developing a vaccine against any stage of the parasite a formidable challenge. Injecting irradiated sporozoites (an early stage of the malaria parasite that infects liver cells) or transferring antibodies from malaria-immune adults can protect others from infection. The RTS,S — also known as Mosquirix — is the world’s first WHO-approved vaccine against the type of malaria caused by the Plasmodium falciparum parasite. The  vaccine is based on a protein expressed on the surface of sporozoite, called circumsporozoite protein (CSP). The vaccine is under evaluation in the Malaria Vaccine Implementation Programme (MVIP) in Ghana, Kenya, and Malawi. Ongoing studies have shown the vaccine reduces deadly malaria by about 30 percent. Based on this, the WHO has recognised Mosquirix as a potentially complementary tool to fight the global malaria burden. In 2021, WHO recommended widespread use of the Mosquirix, particularly among children in sub-Saharan Africa and other regions with moderate to high malaria transmission. Although the development of Mosquirix is impressive, it still falls short of the WHO’s own benchmark for malaria vaccine efficacy of 75 percent. Second-generation vaccines are now in development, including a highly promising vaccine similar to Mosquirix, named ‘R21/Matrix-M’. All vaccines undergo a rigorous process of clinical trials in three phases. Whether vaccines are safe and trigger an immunological response in humans is tested in Phase 1a/1b trials. Whether the vaccine is effective at protecting against the disease is tested in Phase 2a/2b and, finally, a big Phase 3 field trial is undertaken to monitor safety, potential side effects and evaluate the vaccine’s efficacy on a large scale to ensure the vaccine works under varied conditions, including different malaria-transmission patterns. It usually takes 10-15 years to complete a malaria vaccine clinical trial. One phase 2 clinical trial — R21/Matrix-M in children — met the WHO-specified efficacy goal of at least 75 percent over 12 months. Phase 3 of the trial is underway for children aged between five and 36 months in four African countries. Vaccines are also in development that aim to prevent parasite growth in blood and prevent clinical illness and parasite transmission from humans to mosquitoes, blocking malaria’s spread. Blood-stage vaccines have made much less progress, with only a handful of candidates evaluated in Phase 2 clinical trials, underlining the challenges of generating an effective vaccine against the pathogenic blood-stage malaria infection. Although transmission blocking vaccines do not offer direct protection, blocking malaria transmission is an essential component of effective control and elimination strategies. Progress is slow, with one candidate showing promise in early clinical trials, and a Phase 2 clinical trial ongoing in Mali. India is an important player in these vaccine innovations. Hyderabad-based pharmaceutical company Bharat Biotech has received a licence from vaccine developers GlaxoSmithKline to manufacture Mosquirix. By 2029, Bharat Biotech is expected to be the sole global manufacturer of the vaccine. The Serum Institute of India (SII), the world’s largest manufacturer of vaccines, holds the licence to manufacture the second-generation malaria vaccine R21/Matrix-M. Along with Novavax AB from Sweden, the SII is collaborating with Oxford University’s Jenner Institute for Phase 3 clinical trials of the vaccine. Scientists at the New Delhi-based International Centre for Genetic Engineering and  Biotechnology (ICGEB) have , produced by indigenous recombinant technologies. India also produced an experimental vaccine against a different malaria-causing pathogen, P. vivax, and it was successfully evaluated in a Phase 1 trial. A Phase 2a trial with controlled human malaria infection is being planned at Oxford University, then later in Thailand. Controlled human malaria infection studies have the potential to fast-track initial evaluations of vaccine efficacy and can help conduct first trials of vaccines that rely on fewer adult subjects. Controlled human malaria infection has also been increasingly implemented in places where malaria is endemic. It is critically important to understand dynamics between vaccine-induced immunity and pre-existing immunity during ongoing natural exposure to the disease. Many countries, such as the USA, UK, Germany, Australia, Kenya, and Thailand have developed the capacity to do controlled human malaria infection studies. India has all the infrastructure in place to do the same, but is yet to make a model available for malaria researchers. Doing so could accelerate the development of candidate vaccines to fight malaria and other diseases. Vaccine research and development is a time-consuming process that requires extensive governmental and non-governmental support. In India, a lot of local research is underway to develop new vaccines against several deadly diseases, including dengue, chikungunya, cholera, and shigella, as well as malaria. With substantial investment from the Indian government, these initiatives could pave the way for the creation of globally beneficial vaccines. Paushali Mukherjee, Ph.D works as the Program Manager at the Multi Vaccine Development Program. Dr Mukherjee is an immunologist and works in the area of translational research of malaria vaccine. Prof Virander S Chauhan, Ph.D, is the President of the Governing Board of the Multi Vaccine Development Program. Dr Chauhan works in fields of genetic engineering and biotechnology and is known for his contributions to the development of a recombinant vaccine for malaria. Dr Mukherjee and Prof Chauhan’s research has received funding from the Department of Biotechnology, Goverrnment of India. Dr Mukherjee and Prof Chauhan declared no conflicts of interest in relation to this article. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 22, 2022

Paying off a student debt that always seems to grow - 360 James Goldie Published on May 10, 2024 One in three Australians saw their HELP debt go backwards due to inflation last year. New policy announced last weekend will partially address this Lower repayment thresholds and higher inflation has created a new class of hundreds of thousands of Australians with HELP debts that go backwards even as taxpayers are charged for them, 360info analysis of taxpayer data has found. The Australian government announced a policy at the weekend intended to restrain HELP debt inflation on years when prices grow faster than wages. This policy is set to retroactively apply from 2023. The reduction in last year’s indexation rate will see the number of people with HELP debts “going backwards” fall from 1 in 3 to about 1 in 10. Debts “going backwards” are a new phenomenon, appearing for the first time in 2020. But before 2020, this phenomenon did not exist at all. Not a single person in the Australian Tax Office’s sample of taxpayers was being indexed for more than their mandatory repayment: their debts either reduced due to their income, or their income was low enough that they had no mandatory repayment at all. In 2020, that all changed. Some Australians with HELP debts — fewer than 1 in 20 — started being indexed more than their mandatory repayments. Exceptionally low inflation stopped this from happening again in 2021, but in 2022 it came back with a vengeance, affecting nearly 1 in 6 people with HELP debts. Last year, spiralling inflation indexed HELP loans by 7.1 percent, sending 1 in 3 Australians with HELP loans backwards. EMBED START Image {id: "editor_2"} EMBED END Image {id: "editor_2"} This year the government’s new policy may make less of a difference, as growing wages keep the indexation rate higher. Even with the policy in place, 15–20 percent of people with HELP debts could see their balance rise despite paying into their debt. A government report released earlier in the year highlighted the particular impact of HELP loans on housing, recommending that the lending practices of banks be reviewed to ensure that HELP loans do not become a barrier to owning a home. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Student debt” sent at: 08/05/2024 10:00. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 10, 2024

Petrol pain coming for Malaysia's elderly - 360 Sharon Koh Geok May, Juliana French, Jeff Wang, Tracey Danaher Published on May 2, 2024 Malaysia’s elderly population is set to feel the full force of its planned removal of fuel subsidies. Plans to remove Malaysia’s fuel subsidies are set to add to cost of living challenges, particularly for its elderly population who rely heavily on fixed incomes. The removal of subsidies  in the second half of 2024  will see the price of fuel rise from two to three times the current rates. As the price of fuel increases, the most direct and immediate effect will be on transport costs which form the backbone of industry and individual mobility. Rising transport costs may be more severe for economically disadvantaged or vulnerable populations, including the poorer and/or elderly. Transport operators often pass on their increased overheads to retailers who in turn increase the prices of goods and services. Malaysia officially became an ageing nation in 2020 with more than seven percent of the population aged 65 years and above (2.4 million of its 33.7 million people). Malaysia is ageing faster than many nations. It will take only 24 years to become an aged society compared to France (115 years), Australia (73 years) and the United States (69 years). The increasing cost of living in relation to Malaysia’s ageing nation status may be a double whammy to the economy. According to the World Bank’s 2022 age dependency ratio (percentage of working-age population), Malaysia’s dependency ratio is at 43 percent, interpreted as the proportion of the elderly and children dependent on every 100 people of working age. Nearly half of the Malaysian population is dependent on the working-age population for support. An ageing population has implications for social spending on healthcare and long-term support services. In general, the rising cost of living would also mean retirement income security will diminish as the elderly move out of the workforce. They have to rely on pensions, savings, support from family or the government’s social security to live day-to-day. This is pertinent as the ability to support themselves throughout their old age is crucial as life expectancy increases. This means that retirees will have to face longer retirement periods. In Malaysia, many elderly people lack financial security post-retirement as traditional family support diminishes, leading to more reliance on inadequate government aid. Despite a major rise in health spending, it falls short of meeting the elderly’s needs. There are proposals to extend the retirement age in line with life expectancy increases and to revise the existing pension schemes to better support senior citizens. In Malaysia, the life expectancy is 74 years for men and 78 for women. Keeping senior citizens involved in work could also help them manage the rising costs of living. Much like Japan, where the elderly contribute to the economy through part-time employment and consultative roles, Malaysia could adopt strategies that involve seniors mentoring, advising or even returning to the workforce part-time. Addressing the rising cost of living can mitigate its impact on the consumption behaviour of Malaysia’s elderly. As living expenses increase, many seniors are forced to limit spending on non-essentials to afford basic needs. However, these basic needs evolve with age, requiring adjustments in nutrition for health, which in turn drives up their spending on medical care and mobility aid. Findings from our research project on aged care in Malaysia indicate that healthcare issues have a spiralling effect on the overall quality of health and well-being of senior citizens. To strengthen the resilience of the elderly during economic shifts, Malaysians could start early retirement planning to optimise their savings later on. Targeted financial education programmes to enhance financial literacy would help seniors better manage their savings and understand investment options that can provide passive income. Such educational initiatives could empower the elderly to make informed financial decisions, thereby reducing their vulnerability to economic setbacks and enhancing their capacity to handle increased living costs. Doing this could help alleviate the country’s current retirement situation complement existing policies, and ensure a more secure financial future for Malaysia’s ageing population. The proposed removal of fuel subsidies in Malaysia will likely worsen the cost-of-living crisis, particularly impacting the elderly, who are already facing financial challenges in retirement. As Malaysia continues to age rapidly, it becomes crucial to bolster support systems for the elderly. Stronger intervention and better government support are essential to ensure the elderly can maintain a sustainable quality of life amid increasing economic challenges. Sharon Koh Geok May is the Director of Graduate Research Programmes at the School of Business, Monash University Malaysia. Juliana French is Head of Marketing Department at the School of Business, Monash University Malaysia. Jeff Wang is an Associate Professor at the Department of Marketing, Monash University, Australia. Tracey Danaher is a Professor at the Department of Marketing, Monash University, Australia. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 2, 2024

Philosophy caused our environmental mess, and can fix it too - 360 Michael Paul Nelson Published on March 7, 2022 We better get used to facing tough ethical dilemmas, as environmental destruction forces some tangled conundrums. Kim Stanley Robinson’s 2020 novel The Ministry for the Future fictionally portrays how the world might navigate the impending climate crisis and change direction. In addition to dramatic economic and political changes (and a dose of jarring eco-violence), the world in Robinson’s novel commits to a scheme called Half Earth to combat the looming and accelerating biodiversity crisis. The Half Earth concept is borrowed from real life, championed most notably by the late biologist E.O. Wilson. It is the proposition that to save 80 percent of the Earth’s species, we need to protect – in some fashion – one half of the Earth. In Wilson’s words, “Only by committing half of the planet’s surface to nature can we hope to save the immensity of life-forms that compose it.” In The Ministry for the Future, Half Earth was a rich success: “creating a vast integrated park and corridor system that included and supported the local indigenous human populations, as park keepers or simply local residents, part of the land doing their thing.” However, in the real world, the Half Earth proposal has come under fire. Writing in Nature Sustainability, for example, Judith Schleicher and colleagues suggest that while “the proposal itself has been ambiguous about the exact forms and locations of the new conserved areas,” they found “that over one billion people currently live in areas that would be protected under the Half Earth proposal, if it were applied to all ecoregions.” The Half Earth concept seems to pit two commitments to justice against one another. Motivated by a commitment to restorative justice (we caused the biodiversity crisis therefore we should fix it), Half Earth also raises questions of distributive justice that need to be acknowledged and thought through. Who wins and who loses in the Half Earth proposal, how are harms and benefits distributed? Likewise, humanity’s failure to mitigate climate change and biodiversity losses also raises questions of restorative and distributive justice. This makes Half Earth a classic dilemma. Manifesting Half Earth will likely cause harm. Failing to protect 80 percent of the Earth’s biodiversity will also cause harm. Some harms of manifesting Half Earth could be mitigated by strategy and the pace of roll-out. But ultimately, we better get used to this; we better get better at thinking our way through such dilemmas. We face a future where win-wins are likely to be scarce, if not outright impossibilities. We face a future where our failures of the past will cause great harm. Recognising that reality and finding ways to chart a course through that moral minefield is perhaps the hardest and most necessary work in the coming years. This dilemma can also be understood as a difference of opinion about moral inclusion. If the world is viewed through a human-centred lens where the preservation of human life is paramount, then the disruption of one billion human lives to enact Half Earth is morally objectionable. However, a non-anthropocentrist believes that in addition to human lives, the lives of plants and animals and even species, ecosystems, and biological communities also matter. Then, Half Earth might seem like a moral obligation. While the dominant Western culture appears to strongly correlate with a loss of biodiversity, humans are not inevitably despoilers of the land and agents of biodiversity loss. In some cases, there is a positive relationship between biodiversity and human activity on the land. In some Indigenous-managed areas the enhancement of biodiversity has been well documented. Perhaps the deepest issue here is that the Half Earth proposal fails to address the real roots of our environmental problems, which are philosophical. The Western culture’s relationship with nature is broken because we were convinced to turn away from our ancestors’ animist beliefs and instead view nature as an inanimate- goods-and-services-producing-machine. At least since the Renaissance (if not the origins of Christianity) Western culture has beheld itself as separate from and superior to the rest of the world. This view is woven into the very fabric of all institutions: religious, educational, medical, political, scientific, economic, and so on. Biodiversity loss (like climate change, like massive wildfires, like air and water pollution, and so on) is a symptom of our fundamental assumptions about the world and the human place in it. As American conservationist Aldo Leopold noted more than 70 years ago: “We abuse land because we regard it as a commodity belonging to us. When we see land as a community to which we belong, we may begin to use it with love and respect.” The history of conservation is littered with grand schemes: one big idea, often requiring quick enactment, promising to right past wrongs and bring about a brighter future. These schemes always involve tradeoffs, and tradeoffs have winners and losers. But perpetuating current practices also involves tradeoff. As ecologist Carl Safina powerfully writes, Of all the psychopathology in the climate issue, the most counter functional thought is that solving the problem will require sacrifice … As though losing polar bears, penguins, coral reefs, and thousands of other living companions is not sacrifice. … As though risking seawater inundation and the displacement of hundreds of millions of coastal people is not a sacrifice …We think we don’t want to sacrifice, but sacrifice is exactly what we’re doing by perpetuating problems that only get worse; we’re sacrificing our money, sacrificing what is big and permanent, to prolong what is small, temporary, and harmful. We’re sacrificing animals, peace, and children to retain wastefulness. A disastrous 400-year experiment has now run its course and we must decide whether we will philosophically and ethically reinvent ourselves, or whether we will cause tremendous harms along the way to our ultimate demise. Without that basic ethical expansion, grand scheme proposals fail to get at the root of our environmental problems, instead they once again lull us into the belief that we can scheme our way out of our environmental problems without fundamentally changing who we are. Michael Paul Nelson is the Ruth H. Spaniol Chair of Renewable Resources, professor of environmental ethics and philosophy, and serves as lead principal investigator for the HJ Andrews Long-Term Ecological Research Program at Oregon State University. The author has no conflict of interest to declare. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: Michael Paul Nelson in Oregon

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 7, 2022

Pilgrim’s progress: Keeping workers safe in the holy land - 360 M V Bijulal Published on April 29, 2024 The onus is on the Indian government to follow transparent labour migration processes for West Asia. The Church of the Holy Sepulchre, Christianity’s holiest shrine in the world, is an unlikely place to lose yourself in Israel. Or so you might think. Not so Kerala’s Christian tourists to this shrine. In February 2023, when a Kerala farmer, who was said to be on an official delegation to Israel, went missing from his group, there was uproar in the media back home.  A Kerala priest who led pilgrimage tours from Thiruvananthapuram later revealed that six people from that group, which included several elderly women, had made themselves scarce. Every year, thousands of Malayalees from Kerala migrate to the Gulf countries in search of jobs or to take up various types of employment there. Many remain in the UAE, Kuwait, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Oman for years, earning sufficient money before returning home to relative prosperity. The outmigration adventure, which began in the 1960s in dhows or country boats, has also been captured in popular cinema. Alongside this routine labour migration of both skilled and semi-skilled workers to the Gulf – often deemed a success story – Kerala has also been a source of surreptitious illegal outmigration to not only the Gulf states but more recently to Israel, where conflict is a perennial danger. Reports indicate that gangs working out of some Kerala towns are “actively involved in trafficking humans to Israel”. The May 2023 Israel-India framework agreement and implementation protocol on labour movement, though fraught with risks for prospective migrants, could be a game-changer. This agreement states that Indian labour migrants seeking work in Israel’s construction, agriculture and homecare sectors “shall enjoy equal treatment with respect to labour rights as Israeli citizens and shall be provided with proper lodging, medical insurance and relevant social security coverage”. After the first batch of 65 workers left for Israel in April 2024, the flare up of Iran-Israel hostilities forced Indian authorities to suspend further movement. But this was more in response to the emergent situation and not for workers’ safety. This assumes greater significance especially in the absence of any robust legislations that govern international labour migration processes. It also raises other questions. The big one being: is the India-Israel  agreement a one-time shift in the dominant culture of policy mechanisms, given that the timing of the workers’ movement coincided with desperate labour shortage threatening the Israeli economy? With war between Iran and Israel a threat, the protection of Indian workers’ lives is a major issue. Activist groups in Kerala have expressed dissatisfaction with the Indian government’s non-transparent practices involved in labour migration to Israel. Some Kerala researchers and migration experts say the details of agreements and memoranda of understanding must be made available to specialised organisations for critical examination and review. Public scrutiny of such documents would usher in transparency and efficiency in labour migration processes. While care workers enjoy the relative advantage of being provided with protection mechanisms in Israel, there is widespread apprehension that agriculture and construction workers may face serious challenges in the event of armed conflict. The experiences of expatriate workers during the 1990-91 Kuwait war, Indian labour ordeals during the Iraq war and the Yemen crisis are important reference points. The extreme conditions during the COVID-19 pandemic across the Middle East present a different but comparable set of hardships faced by migrant workers. The death of Nibin Maxwell, a 31-year old Malayali expatriate following a Hamas attack on Israel on March 4 2024, has aggravated concerns on safety. Safe and orderly migration during armed conflict usually fail since usual consular and inter-governmental mechanisms and civil society networks are  disrupted. Bonded labour-like conditions and forced work during the Iraq war – Indians were released or escaped from illegal custody – is a case in point. Besides such situations, there are matters of expenses, such as the huge public-funded evacuation initiatives during the Kuwait crisis. Life-threatening situations existed during the Kuwait crisis and later during the Iraq war. Both times, the ability of nation states to rescue their citizens from these conflict areas did not work uniformly. Today, there is a possible threat of attacks on civilian areas. But with Iran’s attack on Israel and the latter’s military response, there is a real danger of destructive war in the near future. Indian workers enjoy wage and other benefits, including civic freedom, in Israel which, as an OECD member state, has robust social security and wage-related regulations. However, there are concerns related to transparency in terms of guarantees for protection of life and whether those who facilitate migration will bear responsibility for ensuring the right to life of migrants. Migrant experiences from a few South Asian countries to Israel reveal the shady roles played by agents and the demand for some form of government mechanism. A contract is the basis of labour migration to Israel, which could be made the norm for all future demand and supply-side arrangements in the region. A full and fair investigation of recent labour recruitment processes for Israel would ensure safe, orderly and regular migration as argued in international instruments such as the Global Compact on Migration, to which India is also a signatory. M V Bijulal is an Assistant Professor at the School of International Relations and Politics, Mahatma Gandhi University, Kottayam, Kerala. He is also the Director at the Institute for Multidisciplinary Programmes in Social Science (IMPSS) and the Chairperson of the Centre for Migration Policy and Inclusive Governance. Bijulal earned his PhD in 2014 from the Centre for West Asian Studies at Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Migrant workers” sent at: 25/04/2024 08:44. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 29, 2024

Planning Earth’s defence against cosmic objects - 360 Svetla Ben-Itzhak Published on June 30, 2022 A large asteroid or comet on track for Earth would be a global threat. It would require national and international efforts to stop it. When a 2-metre-wide asteroid hit Earth’s atmosphere in March, it didn’t come as a complete surprise. Two hours before asteroid 2022 EB5 made its impact, Krisztián Sarneczky at Hungary’s Piszkéstető observatory reported the small object to the International Astronomical Union’s Minor Planet Center. It was posted and flagged for additional observations. NASA’s ‘Scout’ impact assessment system automatically took those observations and calculated the trajectory, giving a possible impact location: from Western Greenland to off the coast of Norway. The range was broad, but it was based only on 14 observations, taken over 40 minutes, from one observatory. Tracking asteroids and comets is a global process that includes people, organisations and state-funded efforts worldwide. Although it can be improved, it works. If only half of those with vested interests in space invested resources in developing object-mitigation techniques, our chances of protecting the planet against cosmic threats would improve dramatically. Asteroids and comets often cross paths with Earth’s orbit. The big ones do not hit Earth very often. But they do hit. And when they do, they can cause serious damage. There are more than 25,000 near-Earth asteroids at least 140 metres across, estimates say. We have mapped only about 40 percent of them. Objects just 40 metres across or bigger pose a significant threat to Earth. Ground and space telescopes track bodies moving in the sky relative to background stars. We have found 117 near-Earth comets and 29,248 near-Earth asteroids, of which 10,098 are larger than 140 metres across and 852 are larger than 1 kilometre. More than 95 percent of these objects were discovered by US NASA-funded surveys, primarily using ground-based telescopes, such as ATLAS in Hawaii and Catalina in Arizona. The European Space Agency’s FlyEye telescope, Japan’s Kiso Schmidt Telescope, China’s Purple Mountain Observatory and Hungary’s Piszkéstető Observatory have also contributed, as have nonprofit organisations: the B612 Foundation has discovered more than 100 asteroids. Once a near-Earth object is found, its trajectory is tracked to see if it is on a collision course with Earth. Many observations need to be taken over days, weeks and months using ground or space telescopes, and radars if objects are closer. Individuals, organisations and state-funded efforts worldwide assist with tracking. Observations and measurements are submitted to the International Astronomical Union Minor Planet Centre (IAU MPC), which hosts them on public web pages for other observers to access. NASA’s Jet Propulsion Laboratory (JPL) and Italy’s NEODyS run simulations of submitted coordinates and model projected orbits to see if any will hit Earth. All results are available on the IAU MPC website. We need to know the specific characteristics of asteroids and comets before we devise a deflection method. Asteroids are rocky or metallic and come in various sizes, shapes, compositions, spin rates and densities – they can be ‘fluffballs’ (loosely held-together dust and rock), rubble piles or solid metal. Comets are icy, dusty small bodies formed in the outer solar system far beyond the orbit of Neptune, where ice is stable. Comets only impact Earth about 1 percent as often as asteroids, which is why planetary defence focuses mainly on asteroids. Spectroscopy analysis, light curves, infrared telescopes and radars are some of the techniques scientists use to learn more about objects’ physical attributes and chemical composition. Ground and space-based remote observations can also teach us a lot about an asteroid’s chemical and physical properties. But the best way to learn more about an object is to send a spacecraft. In 2005, Japan’s Hayabusa 1 mission extracted dirt samples from the asteroid Itokawa; its successor, Hayabusa 2 mission, brought back samples from asteroid Ryugu in 2020. NASA’s Osiris-Rex extracted samples from the asteroid Bennu in 2020. If an asteroid or comet were found to be on a collision course with Earth, we could either destroy it or deflect it. Deflection techniques include pushing it aside with a spacecraft (kinetic impact), pulling it off-course using the gravity of a spacecraft, and using a laser or a nuclear blast to vaporise or destroy part of the object and so change its trajectory. NASA’s Double Asteroid Redirection Test (DART) is the world’s first full-scale kinetic impactor mission. The DART spacecraft aims to crash into the moonlet Dimorphos of the double asteroid Didymos and steer it off course. For this and follow-up missions, NASA will work with several domestic agencies and international partners, including the European Space Agency, the Italian Space Agency and Japan’s space agency, JAXA. In 2013, the International Asteroid Warning Network (IAWN) and the international Space Mission Planning Advisory Group (SMPAG) were established. IAWN keeps records of all near-Earth object observations collected from observatories worldwide and facilitates the dissemination of the information to member states. SMPAG promotes opportunities for international collaboration and research on deflection technology and techniques. To improve the chances of success, the planetary-defence infrastructure needs more funding and more object-detection, -characterisation and -mitigation missions. Countries need to continue to develop and test various mitigation techniques, while international entities focus on consolidating and expanding object information hosting and sharing. The US has several projects to improve our planetary defence odds. In terms of finding and tracking NEOs, in 2026 NASA plans to launch NEO Surveyor, a space-based infrared telescope that will scan the solar system for potentially hazardous objects. In terms of characterising NEOs, the US is planning two asteroid missions. The first, in 2023, will launch the Osiris-Apex spacecraft to study the asteroid Apophis, which is expected to brush Earth in 2029.  A second mission to the metal-rich asteroid Psyche will take off in 2023 or 2024. In 2024 NASA and international partners will launch the Hera mission to follow up on DART. China recently announced it would develop a planetary defence system. It will conduct its first asteroid-deflection test in 2025 or 2026 (although it is unclear what method it will use) and will employ radars and ground and space-based telescopes to improve its object tracking, monitoring and impact-assessment capabilities. A variety of asteroids and comets may threaten Earth, so a variety of ideas and missions need to be tested. This can only be done at national levels, for two main reasons. First, techniques can be developed and tested without involving multiple actors and complex international decision-making. Second, because they are sovereign and willing to invest resources, and have their own unique approaches, nations can develop and test novel methods. Such methods are needed because deflection missions must be tailored to the physical and chemical particularities of a threatening object. Of the 193 UN member states, 75 have governmental space agencies and a dozen others operate satellites. Many other private organisations have vested interests in space and could invest resources in developing object-mitigation techniques. Space is hostile and uncertain, so the more options we have, the higher our chances of success. International institutions need to ensure all parties have access to current, transparent and comprehensive near-Earth object information. This should help decrease mistrust among states in the area of planetary defence. International bodies such as IAWN, SMPAG and IAU MPC are well placed to house and disseminate NEO observational and measurement data. Such information is critical in mounting a successful planetary defence, which would require a global effort. No state could do it alone. International and national efforts contribute to planetary defence in unique ways. Together, they increase our chances of survival if a near-Earth object should threaten our planet. Svetla Ben-Itzhak, PhD, is Assistant Professor at West Space Seminar, Air University, US Air Force, Alabama. She can be reached at svetla.ben-itzhak@au.af.edu and declares no conflict of interest in relation to the above article. The views expressed are those of the author and do not reflect the official position of the US Department of Defence or of any organisation the author is affiliated with, including the Air University, the US Air Force and the US Space Force. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Deflecting asteroids” sent at: 28/06/2022 12:19. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 30, 2022

Plants can be game-changers in cancer treatment - 360 Nidhi Didwania Published on February 5, 2024 Plant-derived anticancer agents are effective cancer inhibitors. Their production and use need to be managed to keep up with demand sustainably. Medicinal plants play a key role in cancer research. As scientific understanding grows, they may increasingly be used in conjunction with conventional cancer therapies to enhance patient outcomes and give patients new hope. Currently scientists are focusing on combination therapies for different types of cancer. Growing research aims to combine medicinal plant remedies with conventional medicines like chemotherapy or radiation therapy to increase effectiveness and minimise negative effects. Many medicinal plants inhibit tumor growth. They are widely used because of their easy availability, affordability and having minimal or no side effects. Despite the advantages, there are some concerns regarding the safety and toxicity of medicinal and herbal plants. Medicinal plants have various mechanisms to fight cancer. Many plant components have antioxidant properties that scavenge free radicals – unstable atoms that can damage cells – thereby reducing oxidative stress and possibly stopping the development and spread of cancer. Some plant substances can cause cancer cells to undergo apoptosis, or programmed cell death, which stops the spread of the disease. Plant-derived drugs have been developed through research and progressed to clinical trials. The first plant-derived anticancer substances used in clinical settings were vinblastine and vincristine, which were discovered in the leaves of Catharanthus roseus (Madagascar periwinkle). A number of indole alkaloids have been recently identified that efficiently suppressed human cancer cell lines under laboratory conditions. Human cancer-derived cell lines are the cancer cells taken from patients, the most widely used models to study the biology of cancer in laboratory conditions and test hypotheses to improve the efficacy of cancer treatment. Medicinal plants provide a huge reservoir of secondary metabolites – natural products produced by all life forms as a response to stress conditions – such as flavonoids, alkaloids, polyphenols and terpenoids. They are harvested to improve human health and used as antibiotics, enzyme inhibitors, immunomodulators and anti-tumor agents; to supplement the pyramid of healthy nutrition, such as pigments in nutraceuticals; and to enhance agricultural productivity, used as pesticides, insecticides and pheromones. Some of these metabolites are difficult to obtain in large quantities, due to seasonal dependence, low yields or high extraction costs, which poses the biggest challenge to the use of medicinal plants in herbal industries. Inappropriate harvesting and habitat destruction also have made several medicinally important plant species endangered. Biotechnological interventions are required to overcome these issues. Medicinal plants with anti-cancer properties can be used as whole plant extracts or essential oils. Whole plant extracts, like those from the European mistletoe (Viscum album), have been used in cancer treatments in some regions. Camphene isolated from the essential oil of Piper cernuum (Piperaceae) induces intrinsic apoptosis in melanoma cells and displays anti-tumor activity in research conducted on living organisms. Cytochrome P450 enzymes (CYPs) are ancient enzymes diffused in organisms in all kingdoms of life, including viruses, with the largest number of P450 genes found in plants. They are important catalysts in the production of highly valued secondary metabolites. With the development of high-throughput sequencing and high-resolution mass spectrometry, new biosynthetic pathways or steps for synthesis of secondary metabolites and associated CYPs, are being identified. CYPs identified from medicinal plants are a potential game-changer in the metabolic engineering of secondary metabolic pathways, which improves cellular activity and helps in more secondary metabolite production. Polyphenols are thought to have apoptosis-inducing properties showing anticancer properties which can be utilised for the production of anticancer drugs. Polyphenols are thought to initiate programmed cell death through regulating the mobilisation of copper ions which are bound to chromatin – a mixture of DNA and proteins that form the chromosomes found in human cells. This induces DNA fragmentation, the separation or breaking of DNA strands into pieces, a characteristic event that takes place when a cell dies. In the presence of copper ions, resveratrol – a chemical mostly found in red grapes and products made from these grapes – was seen to be capable of DNA degradation. For example, curcumin-treated cancer cells in various cell lines have shown suppression of the tumour necrosis factor (TNF) expression through interaction with various stimuli. TNF can mediate tumor initiation, promotion and metastasis and functions as a growth factor for most tumor cells. The flavonoids extracted from Erythrina suberosa stem bark and Alpinumi soflavone were shown to have cell-destroying effects in human leukemia cells. By promoting cell cycle arrest, the bioflavonoids from Ginkgo biloba male flowers reduced the growth of cervical cancer cells. In MCF-7 cells – a human breast cancer cell line with estrogen, progesterone and glucocorticoid receptors – alkaloids from Justicia adhatoda leaf extract demonstrated a possible anticancer impact. Particularly in regard to lung and ovarian malignancies, ginsenosides discovered in the aqueous extraction of panax ginseng roots have been studied for their possible anti-cancer activities. A study says this secondary metabolite has anti-tumor properties against colon cancer. Nanoemulsions of essential oils have been used to increase solubility, stability and permeability in targeted cancer therapeutics. An apple pectin-based Zataria multiflora essential oil nanoemulsion significantly reduced the viability of certain breast cancer cells and significantly increased DNA fragmentation, apoptosis and morphological changes caused by apoptosis through loss of mitochondrial membrane potential, which is an important energy storage process. Leaves of the Madagascar periwinkle, Catharanthus roseus, contain vinca alkaloids such as vincristine and vinblastine, which are used in chemotherapy to treat malignancies like leukemia and lymphoma. Paclitaxel (Taxol), a crucial chemotherapy medication used to treat breast, lung and ovarian cancers as well as Kaposi’s sarcoma, can be found in the bark of the Taxus brevifolia (Pacific yew tree). When breast cancer cells were exposed to a nanoemulsion of Mentha piperita essential oil, the observed effect was significantly higher after 24 hours of exposure to the nanoemulsion formulation than after 72 hours of exposure to the free essential oil. The authors note that M. piperita also has an antiemetic effect that is helpful for chemotherapy for breast cancer, which frequently causes vomiting. Combinations of drugs derived from vinca alkaloids, obtained from the Madagascar periwinkle plant; Taxus diterpenes, derived from the yew; Podophyllum lignans, an antioxidant and anti-inflammatory compound found in the podophyllum plant; and Camptotheca alkaloids, derived from the Campotheca tree, may enhance their anticancer effects and improve their efficacy as therapeutic agents. Extracts from Urtica membranacea, belonging to the nettle family; Artemisia monosperma, or common mugwort; and Origanum dayi, or Desert Oregano, are also being tested for their effects on a wide range of cancer cell lines from lung, breast, colon and prostate cancers. Plant-derived anticancer agents are effective inhibitors of cancer, putting them in high demand. Exploitation of these agents needs to be managed to keep up with this demand sustainably. Many medicinal plants inhibit tumor growth by their antiproliferative, pro-apoptotic, anti-metastatic and anti-angiogenic molecular targets. They are widely used because of their easy availability, affordability and having minimal or no side effects. Despite the advantages, there are some concerns regarding the safety and toxicity of medicinal and herbal plants. Some medicinal plants as whole can be allergenic or harmful for sensitive populations, while in other cases, certain parts of a plant may be edible and another part may be poisonous. Toxicological assessment of any medicinal or herbal plant is mandatorily required to identify the adverse effects and to determine limits of exposure level at which such effects occur. Underestimating the toxicological challenges associated with the use of drugs derived from medicinal plants may pose serious health concerns. Dr Nidhi Didwania is Professor, Department of Biotechnology and Director, Manav Rachna Centre for Medicinal Plant Pathology at Manav Rachna International Institute for Research and Studies, Faridabad, India. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 5, 2024

Plastic packaging has an evil twin - 360 Helén Williams, Fredrik Wikström Published on June 15, 2022 The problem of too much plastic packaging will not be solved without addressing its larger twin: food waste. Just three countries – the United States, China and Brazil – are responsible for a staggering 44.6 percent of all the world’s plastic packaging, the majority of it wrapped around food, according to a paper released last month. But most of that packaging is torn off in other countries, making the US, China and Brazil packaging exporters. Twelve billion tonnes of plastic packaging will be clogging up landfill by 2050. The flood of packaging demands resources, causes pollution and creates severe waste problems. There are global efforts to stem the tide. But along the way an important question seems to have been overlooked: why use packaging in the first place? Food packaging protects the contents between production and consumption. If packaging is the environmental disaster story, protection of food is the success story. When food isn’t consumed because it wasn’t properly protected, all the resources that went into growing the food are lost. The environmental problems connected to food are a magnitude larger than the ones packaging causes. The food humans consume is responsible for 21 to 37 percent of global climate change, is the major cause of species extinction, and slurps up about 70 percent of global fresh water. But one-third of all produced food is wasted. This waste accounts for 8 to 10 percent of total human greenhouse-gas emissions. Moreover, increasing food prices due to war and climate change have already hit millions of people. Less food waste can lower prices. Because most food spoils, advanced food packaging allows more time and distance between production and consumption, reducing food waste and making modern societies possible. Reducing food packaging without analysing the effects on food waste may create an environmental and social mess. Food and its packaging need to be considered as a unit. But such analysis is not straightforward: environmental impact varies between food products. Take beef, for example. One study showed the climate impact of beef was 780 times higher than the impact of its packaging. The same study showed the impact of a plastic water bottle was 17 times higher than the impact of the water. This means even elaborate beef packaging can be environmentally justified if it will reduce the waste of beef. Single-use water bottles, though, appear to be unjustifiable. In analysing food waste and packaging as a unit, researchers also must know the most common reasons for the waste. While packaging can preserve food, it can also contribute to food waste if it doesn’t properly serve the needs of consumers. Consumers most commonly waste food because it has gone bad – or they think it has gone bad because the date on the packaging has passed. While ‘best before’ and ‘use by’ dates are often perceived as interchangeable, in most countries ‘best before’ refers to food quality and ‘use by’ refers to food safety. Consumers, particularly younger ones, are not confident about using their nose or taste to test the freshness of ‘expired’ food – so they throw things away when their best-before dates have passed. Packaging could communicate the different functions of the dates in a better way to reduce food waste. Packaging also has suggested serving sizes, but these may not be very reliable. A single ‘serving size’ on different Australian rice brands varies from 60 grams to 90 grams. Plenty of rice or pasta is thrown away because too much was cooked. Better serving instructions could save tonnes of rice and pasta from being wasted. Then there is the issue of packaging sizes. A typical story for a chilled product is: the packaging is opened, the contents are partly used, and the remainder is returned to the fridge. After a while, the product is rediscovered with an unpleasant smell – and thrown away. A lot of packaging protects food very well until it is opened. Some food products are protected by a modified atmosphere – inert gases – that disappear as soon as the packaging is opened. Others are sensitive to humid air. Most of the clever technologies embedded in packaging are gone the moment the packaging is opened. But smaller or compartmentalised packaging reduces the time the food is exposed, potentially reducing food waste. In the store, the economic-minded customer may think larger packs give more value for money. The environmentally concerned customer may think there will be less packaging materials per food unit with larger packaging. Both these things are true, but the economic and environmental cost of food waste is not included in the calculations. The price per unit is sometimes so much lower with the larger pack that consumers choose the larger one even though some will be wasted. Buy two, waste one free! The issue of food waste will not be solved in isolation from the issue of plastic packaging. Nor will the issue of plastic waste be solved without addressing food waste. The problems are entwined. From production to consumption, they must be addressed together in efforts to live more sustainably. Fredrik Wikström is professor in environmental and energy systems at Karlstad University.Helén Williams is associate professor in environmental and energy systems at Karlstad University. Long-time collaborators, they published their first article about packaging and food waste in 2008. Their research has to a large extent been done in multidisciplinary teams with people from economics, psychology, design and material engineering. This research was undertaken with financial assistance from FORMAS, a Swedish research council for sustainable development. This article has been republished for the International Day of Awareness on Food Loss and Waste Reduction. It was first published on June 13, 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 15, 2022

Plastic pollution is bad, but food waste is far worse - 360 Simon Lockrey Published on June 15, 2022 Single-use plastic is a huge environmental problem, but it can help limit food waste – another big problem. Tackling both will take ingenuity. In 1970, Coca-Cola investigated the environmental impact of making reusable glass bottles and found single-use plastic bottles could be better in many contexts. It switched to plastic in the early 1990s. Plastic these days is framed as a problem to be solved. There is global momentum to ban plastic, particularly single-use packaging. The EU has issued directives, the UN Environment Assembly has committed to end plastic pollution and charitable organisations have formed global plastic pacts. The environmental impacts of proliferating plastic packaging are mounting, and there’s evidence microplastic particles are ending up in human food, the effects on human health starting to garner attention. So it seems paradoxical that Coca-Cola could have chosen plastic on the basis of environmental values. The 1970 study used a method that these days is known as life cycle assessment. It measures materials, energy, waste and emissions at every step of the packaging’s manufacture, use and disposal and attributes potential environmental impacts to them. For commercial reasons the full results of the Coke study were not published, but summaries released in 1976 said that shipping heavier reusable glass bottles and the resources required to maintain such systems meant single-use plastic bottles were usually preferable. Life cycle assessment is a powerful tool because of Its ability to compare impacts of different systems with interdependencies between inputs and outputs. The related industrial systems may have evolved since 1970, but the Coke example illustrates the method often challenges preconceptions of what the best environmental choice may be. A life cycle assessment is a good tool for investigating complex environmental trade-offs, particularly since one of the key industries that runs in parallel with single-use plastic, the food industry, connects to another global problem: food loss and waste. According to UN data, 20 to 30 percent of food produced is wasted. If global food waste and loss were a country, it would be the third-largest emitter of greenhouse gases on Earth. The energy that has gone into growing the food, the supply-chain fuels and energy, and the greenhouse gases emitted when food rots are key contributors to this stunning statistic. Somewhat counter-intuitively, life cycle assessments of single-use plastics and food waste can show climate-change impacts of wasting food can dwarf those of packaging. Packaging is designed for a range of purposes. Good packaging helps extend shelf life by protecting food from bumps, heat and cold, various spoiling gases and light. Often this is done across land, sea and air, as our supply chains become global and more complicated. Packaging also plays a role in helping conserve food once it’s in homes. Moisture-reduction sachets, resealable zips, information on the pack to advise on correct storage, ‘best before’ or ‘use by’ dates, and sophisticated technologies such as barrier properties or gas scavengers all serve to keep food at its best. Consumers often don’t recognise the purpose, or benefits, of packaging in terms of preventing food waste. If reducing packaging leads to more food waste, a nuanced and sophisticated approach is required to consider these twin issues. Ultimately, the best option for the environment is to reduce both excess packaging and food waste. In Australia, 2025 targets to make packaging recyclable, reusable or compostable are gaining momentum. They are loosely in alignment with related European movements. Such an approach does not just involve packaging design and manufacture; end-of-life systems also need to be ready for these changes, or else all those design efforts will be for naught. Education can encourage consumers to recycle, reuse and compost effectively. In the past, consumers have shown they can learn new programmes for managing their waste and scholars have spent considerable time analysing which education strategies are the most effective. Packaging could be retired for food where it is not required. UK charity WRAP recently released a study explaining where there may be opportunities to reduce packaging on a range of fresh-produce categories. Where packaging is still needed to reduce food waste due to elongated supply chains or highly perishable goods, then making it recyclable, reusable or compostable may help reduce end-of-life plastic problems. Educating consumers about the role packaging plays in reducing food waste and how to make sure packaging is recouped in a circular system would likely need to go hand in hand with this approach so consumers become active agents for change. If the world moved towards a zero-packaging scenario across the board, the whole supply chain and the way humans as a society relate to food would need a transformational rethink. Without moving to a distributed system of production and supply, the goal of zero packaging would be difficult to achieve. The sheer distance involved and time required to ship food – particularly highly perishable fresh produce – from centralised farms in a condition fit to eat make this nearly impossible. Solutions will require creativity. Perhaps in the future micro farms will be established across metropolises. As the technology develops, these sites might consist of urban indoor or vertical farming to maximise control, volume and efficiency in small or dense spaces. Likewise, people may need to revert to eating produce in season and buying it closer to the time of harvest. Or perhaps industry will engineer a way to produce food out of season in micro farms, or produce crops with more resilience to being unpackaged. Such attributes would likely require bioengineering, climate control and nutrient dosing, and immense ‘smarts’, sites and resources. The move to a fully circular economy – where organic waste is processed in cities adjacent to urban farms to ‘feed’ the system and repeat the cycle – may help. Clearly, a range of other issues would need to be addressed and actions taken in concert with such visions of the future. Humans have transformed cities before. Rome, the thriving capital of modern Italy, is famously built on the ruins of the Rome of millennia past. It’s possible that compounding environmental problems and life cycle assessment of the damage already done may force humankind into a future more radical than an ordinary plastic Coke bottle could ever have presaged. Associate Professor Simon Lockrey is based within the School of Design RMIT and is the Reduce Program Leader in the Fight Food Waste CRC (FFW CRC). The FFW CRC is a national research structure worth $121 million over 10 years tasked to fund projects with industry, government, not for profits and the academy aimed at halving Australian food loss and waste by 2030. The domains in which Dr Lockrey has managed research include life cycle assessment (LCA), co-design, design innovation, marketing, resource efficiency, flammable cladding, automotive history, and food waste. This article has been republished for the International Day of Awareness on Food Loss and Waste Reduction. It was first published on June 13, 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 15, 2022

Plastics in bowels a sign we need to change - 360 Lee Yeong Yeh Published on February 9, 2023 To reduce the threat of microplastics in our bodies, we need to reduce the use of plastics in the environment. The extent of plastic pollution continues to grow with microplastics now found in more than half of human organs. It’s common knowledge that microplastics — smaller than a flax seed at 5mm or less – are ubiquitous in the human food chain especially seafood and drinking water. They are also found in the air we breathe. It should come as no surprise these microplastics have been found in human bowels too. A group of Malaysian investigators detected microplastics in colectomy specimens of all 11 study participants (nine with colon cancer and two with normal colons). A colectomy is when a part of the colon or large intestine — where poop is formed — is removed. On average, there were 300 microplastics per bowel sample, most commonly transparent in colour and filament (twisted strands of cell proteins) in shape. The polymers found in these plastics include polycarbonate, polyamide and polypropylene. There is great danger in this development. EMBED START Video {id: "editor_4"} EMBED END Video {id: "editor_4"} Plastics can leach hormone-like substances from polymers, for example, bisphenol A or BPA which may cause metabolic disorders or potentially cancer. Microplastics could also absorb and bind harmful additives or chemicals, which may increase the risks of obesity; cause some form of cancer, for instance, breast cancer, and may be responsible for low sperm counts in males and early puberty in females. Microplastics may accumulate at the tissue level and result in disease including inflammation. They may move through the bloodstream or the lymph system (tissues, organs that produce, store and carry white blood cells that fight infections) and be deposited in other organs, including the heart and lungs. Plastics may also induce changes in gut bacteria and interfere with our immune system, causing infection. All the above have potential adverse effects, although further studies are needed. Effective solutions can only come from the global community. As the United Nations Environment Programme rightly points out, “plastics are the largest, most harmful and most persistent component of marine litter”. One report estimates that Malaysia alone produces a million tonnes of plastic waste; almost half ends up in Malaysian waters. Most disturbing is the sharp growth of plastic waste, expected to triple by 2040, and the potential impacts on climate, wildlife and human health. At the 26th United Nations Climate Change Conference summit in Glasgow in 2021, addressing plastic pollution was among the primary concerns with governments looking at cooperating to do this within the broader goal of tackling climate change. Non-governmental organisations such as the World Gastroenterology Organisation have a climate change working group to provide ‘green’ directions, strategies and activities for its members and the public. On the national front, Malaysia has drawn up a regulatory roadmap from 2018 to 2030 to move to zero single-use plastic. The country aims for single-use plastics to be replaced with eco-friendly materials based on a circular economy roadmap, pollution charges to be levied and more research funding sought for biodegradable products. There are challenges though including poor awareness, lack of integrated waste management, high costs of alternative materials, and enforcement difficulties. It is clear that removing plastic waste is vital and everyone has a role. Public and private investment for more effective strategies to remove plastic pollution while developing sustainable plastic alternatives and a more integrated waste management approach should be accelerated. Public education campaigns on all aspects of microplastic pollution are also key with the aim of empowering communities towards behavioural change. Policymakers, businesses, academia and society must be encouraged to take proactive steps towards a circular economy. All stakeholders should accept responsibility for tackling pollution in a holistic manner from production to the end users. That is,  closing the loop. Research activities should also be supported at all levels to help determine the impact on human health and disease. While more research is needed, the evidence so far is clear microplastics are a potentially serious human health hazard. Therefore everyone plays a role in curbing plastic pollution and turning the tide on climate change. Professor Dr Lee Yeong Yeh is a lecturer, scientist and medical consultant of Gastroenterology, Hepatology and Internal Medicine, School of Medical Sciences, Universiti Sains Malaysia, Kota Bharu. He declares no conflict of interest. This article has been republished for World Environment Day 2023. It was originally published on February 9, 2023. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story "Microplastics time-bomb" sent at: 06/02/2023 09:35. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 9, 2023

Playbook to help fight disinformation on migrants - 360 Daniel Pejic Published on January 16, 2024 Local governments represent an untapped resource in the fight against disinformation about migrants, especially in the cities where the effects are felt. When it comes to disinformation about migrants, the effects are felt most keenly in communities. So, when it comes to tackling the issue, an effective way forward is head-on — in communities. A new collaboration between five Australian universities and the US-based German Marshall Fund is researching the unique impacts that disinformation has on cities, including on migration and the ways local governments can respond. History suggests that disinformation toward migrants and refugees will persist, but collaborative efforts to combat it will be key to the future of thriving multicultural cities. The project will bring together disinformation experts and local government practitioners from Australasia, Europe and North America to develop the world’s first City Response Playbook for Disinformation, drawing on best practice approaches to address the rising challenge. Disinformation towards migrants isn’t new, but it’s thriving in the digital age. The spread of disinformation, and how to address it, is particularly important to cities – the place where most migrants and refugees live. Disinformation is the deliberate attempt to deceive an audience by sharing false information, as opposed to misinformation, which is shared without the intent to deceive. Local governments represent an untapped resource in efforts to combat disinformation. As the level of government closest to citizens, local governments excel at building partnerships within their cities and in working collaboratively with other levels of government. Globally, there has been recognition of the role that local governments can play in promoting positive migrant narratives. For example, the Global Forum on Migration and Development established a working group which included a number of local governments alongside national governments and civil society organisations. This group established the global ‘It Takes A Community’ campaign, which was highlighted by the UN Secretary-General as a positive example of a campaign to address disinformation toward migrants. The Secretary-General described local actors as ‘instrumental’ to meeting the goals of the major international framework on migration — the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration. Both disinformation and misinformation about migrants is widespread. But disinformation in particular has been utilised by right-wing political groups, media and even national governments, often to scapegoat migrant populations and distract from other issues. Migration is prone to disinformation as it is a complex phenomenon where facts can be hard to ascertain. Disinformation around migration can also be closely manipulated to tie into everyday concerns like jobs, security as well as religion and cultural identity. There have been many recent high-profile examples of disinformation toward migrant groups. During the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic, disinformation targeting Asian populations led to discrimination in cities across the globe. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine was also soon met with the spread of disinformation toward Ukrainian refugees, falsely accusing them of committing violent crimes against locals. As well as sowing community discord, disinformation-fueled xenophobia has also led to violence and terrorism in cities such as the 2019 mosque attacks in Christchurch, New Zealand, the 2020 murder of nine migrants by a right-wing extremist in Hanau, Germany, or targeted attacks on Kurdish people in Paris in 2022. Widespread concern among member states has led the United Nations General Assembly to adopt several resolutions aimed at combating terrorist threats on the basis of xenophobia and racism. Online platforms have become the dominant channels for sharing disinformation. Several recent studies of online content have found in particular right-wing groups using social media to share disinformation which characterises refugees as a threat to security, the economy and culture. A recent EU report attributed declining moderation standards at X, formerly known as Twitter, as contributing to the spread of disinformation from Russia. While disinformation toward migrants mostly originates online, the outcomes are often felt in cities through protests and racist incidents. Globally, responsibility for creating safe and inclusive communities and providing support for migrants has increasingly devolved to local governments. However, this rise in responsibilities has rarely been matched with more resourcing for authorities. The central role that local authorities play in migration governance also means they have a key responsibility in addressing migration disinformation. Efforts to control the spread and effectiveness of disinformation require the partnership of all levels of government, together with the private sector and civil society. Regulation of online platforms is a critical piece of this puzzle. The European Commission has a voluntary Code of Practice on Disinformation and some regulatory powers through the Digital Services Act. The Australian Government has also introduced a voluntary Code of Practice on Disinformation and Misinformation and is exploring new powers for the Australian Communications and Media Authority that would allow it to enforce regulation on digital platforms. Daniel Pejic is a Research Fellow at the Melbourne Centre for Cities at the University of Melbourne where he leads the City Diplomacy research and education portfolio. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “AI and misinformation” sent at: 11/01/2024 05:00. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on January 16, 2024

Playing by the rules could help the housing crisis - 360 Paul Cheshire Published on May 31, 2023 A hard-to-see difference in building planning systems is making the business of creating houses a riskier, more expensive gambit in countries like Britain. It’s a risky business building houses and discretionary planning rules make it even more so. It also makes the process far more expensive. Other factors being equal, larger and more prosperous cities have more tall buildings because land is more expensive (and taller buildings boost productivity). Similarly, space restrictions — whether because of coastlines, steep land or growth boundaries — make land more expensive so buildings will tend to be taller. But if we look at actual cities, there are major deviations from these theoretical expectations. Chicago may be constrained on one side by Lake Michigan but London has been wholly constrained by a rigid growth boundary since 1955. However, for its size, Chicago has nearly seven times as many skyscrapers — buildings over 100m tall — as London does. On this metric, even Paris trumps London. The only ‘tall building’ league table that London tops is the proportion of skyscrapers designed by Trophy Architects (architects who have won an internationally recognised lifetime achievement award). Of London’s skyscrapers, 25 percent were designed by Trophy Architects, compared to only 3 percent in Chicago and zero in Brussels. London School of Economics analysis demonstrates that, while Chicago may have been the birthplace of great modern architecture, any competent architect can get permission to build a skyscraper there, providing it meets zoning regulations and building standards. By comparison, London not only has strict height restrictions (which increases the price of office space), but its planning system is discretionary — decisions are made not according to clear rules, but by political committees. In London, employing a Trophy Architect seems to be a passport to political approval and constructing a bigger building, allowing developer so generate a powerful signal of design quality when gunning for approval. Buildings designed by Trophy Architects in London are 17 storeys taller than normal architects’ buildings, increasing a representative site value by 144 percent. Not only that, buildings designed by an architect after they won a lifetime achievement award grew by between 13 and 17 floors compared to those the same architect had designed before the award. In Chicago, gaining Trophy Architect status adds nothing to the height of an architect’s buildings. This may not seem important but it represents a serious, if difficult to observe, deadweight economic cost — an estimated £59 million for a representative site in the City of London — and is symptomatic of a planning system which, because unpredictable, injects opportunities for gaming the system (rent-seeking) and more risk into the development process. There are vital reasons for having a planning system: if it works well, it guarantees a supply of public amenities, enhances the environment and creates a framework which ensures our cities and neighbourhoods are better places to live and work. There are endemic problems of market failure in land markets, so planning can improve social outcomes (economists may think of it as land use regulation). All advanced economies have planning systems, but there are two fundamentally different ways of doing it. There are ‘rule-based’ systems like the Master Planning system of continental Europe or the zoning system of the United States, which is less rule-bound and less detailed. The alternatives are the systems which are discretionary. Derived from post-World War Two Britain, discretionary systems see decisions on all significant development made by political committees of local government. These Local Planning Committees may or may not be guided by a local plan, but are always able to decide differently even when there is a plan. In fact, in 2021, less than 45 percent of English local councils had a valid plan. The discretionary planning system originating in Britain, and the way it interacts with local councils’ finances, seriously restricts the supply of all new buildings. As a recent report showed, had Britain built new homes at the same rate as equivalent countries in Europe since 1945, some 4.3 million more houses would have been built. This is comparable to an independent estimate covering the period of 1994 to 2012 of a shortfall of 2.6 million houses. Moreover, Britain’s planning system does not just restrict housing supply randomly across the whole country, it systematically restricts it most severely where people most want to live and houses are least affordable: southern England, where more productive employers are desperate for labour. Unpredictable decision-making is not the only way the British planning system restricts building. Green belts, encircling all major cities for more than 50 years, freeze land supply. This is a major impediment to building, but especially to building homes with easy, therefore greener, commutes to better paid jobs where housing is least affordable. Its unpredictability, however, does add significantly to the problems of building houses. Each decision is subject to political lobbying. Since 1991, this uncertainty has been amplified by more decisions about planning conditions that can be imposed to require any development to include ‘affordable’ housing — so-called Section 106 Agreements. These are a peculiar British form of what is usually termed ‘inclusionary zoning’. Again, because negotiated and not rule-determined, these cannot be predicted in advance and developers game the system by gambling on being able to come back and re-negotiate reductions as the building progresses. In fact, this discretionary way of trying to mandate ‘affordable housing’ makes housing less affordable overall. Development is an inherently risky business: there are big costs over an extended period before revenues flow. Adding uncertainty into investment decisions, such as housing development, increases these costs but also its risk, and higher risk translates into a higher necessary profit margin, all else equal, to justify the investment. The uncertainty a British-style planning system injects into the development process means many otherwise viable developments do not get built. In addition, its complexity, the incentive to ‘game it’ (taking steps like employing Trophy Architects) coupled with the costs of managing the uncertainty it generates, acts to squeeze out smaller developers. This is a major reason why the British development industry is so uncompetitive. Smaller developers have been disappearing. In essence, negotiating the restrictiveness, complexity and uncertainty of such planning systems generates a big fixed cost favouring larger firms. Over the long term this has created a crisis of affordability, driving a wedge of growing inequality between the housing haves and the housing have-nots, the young and the old. Getting a decent house depends not just on whether your parents owned a home but increasingly on whether your grandparents did. Moving to a rule-based planning system would make it far easier to build new homes and eliminate the incentive to game the system or lobby for NIMBYism (Not In My BackYard). Paul Cheshire is an Emeritus Professor of Economic Geography at the London School of Economics. The London School of Economics’ Economic Performance’s Urban Programme receives funding from the ESRC. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 31, 2023

Drone warfare is here to stay - 360 Mohammad Eslami Published on February 23, 2023 Drones fighting drones in Ukraine heralds a new era of warfare. There is a new kind of war being fought in the skies above Ukraine. Drones are engaging in dog-fights as the country battles Russia. In October, Ukraine looked to have won the first drone-on-drone dogfight caught on film when two unarmed DJI Mavic quadcopters clashed rotors. The Russian drone was destroyed. WW1-style duel. Ukrainan Mavic-drone, which we have delivered to one of the airborne units in Donetsk region, destroyes russian opponent. Amazing! — Serhiy Prytula (@serhiyprytula) October 13, 2022 Some claimed it as the first drone dogfight in history. With war tech constantly evolving, it most certainly will not be the last. PlayStation-style warfare is here to stay. The days of unmanned, AI-controlled fighter jets duelling in the skies are surely the future of such warfare. Drones also alter the rules of engagement as they inhabit a grey area: shooting down a drone is different to shooting down a manned surveillance plane, for instance. Drones have been increasingly deployed by both sides since Russia launched its invasion of Ukraine a year ago. The Chinese-made Mavics have been used primarily for surveillance. Ukraine, meanwhile, has used the Turkish TB2 Bayraktar to devastating effect while also destroying several Russian surface-to-air missile systems, along with infantry and armoured vehicles. Until it bought several thousand from Iran, Russia had not relied on drones as much. Russian surveillance drones such as the Eleron-3 and the Orlan-10 were destroyed by Ukrainian electronic warfare systems. Moscow’s few advanced drones, such as its Inokhodets combat drone, have had mediocre results. Its indigenous Zala KYB drones, capable of carrying a 3kg explosive payload and hitting targets from 40km – appear to have a high failure rate. Russia also has the LANCET-3, commonly referred to as the “flying Kalashnikov” and the KUBBLA drone, both of which are classified as suicide drones. The acquisition of kamikaze drones from Iran changed the complexion of the drone battle. The Shahed-136 is a 3.5m-long drone similar to a cruise missile. Its average range is around 2000km. The Shahed-131 is smaller and cheaper and is used for short-range attacks, especially against air defence systems, warehouses, fuel reserves, military bases, convoys and warships. Russia conducted more than 100 operations using these drones in Odessa, Mykolaiv and Dnipropetrovsk, and most were successful. The attraction of these drones is their price: Iranian drones are very cheap and efficient. At around USD$20,000-$30,000 per drone, they are far less costly than the missiles Ukraine is forced to use to destroy them — around USD$1 million per unit. They’re also far less expensive than any of the missiles and rockets in Russia’s existing arsenal, most of which cost around USD$2 million each. The Shahed 136 and 131 have another attribute less obvious to anyone other than those it targets. “The disgusting sound of Iranian drones is heard in our skies every night,” Ukrainian President Voldymyr Zelenskiy said in October. The crazy noise of these kamikaze drones — like a roaring motorcycle — has a psychological effect on anyone in the target’s vicinity. How drones will influence the eventual outcome of the war in Ukraine is uncertain. What is widely believed is that the longer the war lasts, the more likely it becomes that drones will be used to identify, select and attack targets without help from humans, leading to a new age of robot warfare. Mohammad Eslami is a research fellow of the Arms Control Negotiation Academy at the Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies at Harvard University. He is also a researcher at the Research Centre for Political Science (CICP) at the University of Minho in Portugal. His research interests primarily relate to International Security, Arms control, Nuclear Proliferation, and Middle East Studies. He has published in International Affairs, Third World Quarterly, Journal for Peace and Disarmament, and Spanish Journal of Political Science. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 23, 2023

Police a missing passenger in Indonesia’s reform train - 360 Fachrizal Afandi Published on October 3, 2022 Indonesia’s constitution separated the military from civilian politics after the fall of Suharto in 1998. But the police didn’t get the memo. There’s a joke in Indonesia: NKRI, the widely used acronym for the republic, in fact stands for Negara Kepolisian Republik Indonesia — “Indonesia is a Police State”. Caricatures and memes in social media show how powerful the police are in the Indonesian justice system today. Indonesians may joke about it, but they are in deadly earnest. In the reforms that swept Indonesia following the fall of the Suharto regime in 1998, the police seem to have escaped scrutiny. Reform is not complete until the justice system is addressed. During the 32-year Suharto regime, the army was the most powerful political institution. It could overrule the criminal justice system including the police, prosecutors and judges to oppress the regime’s political opponents. When Suharto stepped down in 1998, the reform movement pushed to separate the military from civilian politics. In 2000, the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR) issued two constitutional amendments that revoked military power over the police, repositioning the police force as a civilian institution. The amendments forced the military to give up its engagement in politics and its responsibility for internal security, instead assigning responsibility to the police. The effect of these amendments was that the police were promoted to the same level as the military. The police now had constitutional authority regarding law enforcement. But the reforms led to new problems. Through the 1981 Code of Criminal Procedure, the Suharto regime controlled the criminal justice system by positioning the police as the prosecuting authority at pre-trial hearings and the public prosecutor as merely the postman. But the constitutional amendments did not regulate the relationship between the police, prosecution service and the judiciary. This means the police have continued a relatively autonomous role in law enforcement, acting as both investigating officers and even public prosecutors who decide whether the case is prosecuted in the trial. The Indonesian police are not magistrates and not trained in law school. Their role is to collect the evidence not to prosecute in the trial. The police operate under a belief that they lead the criminal justice process to maintain public order and security. Despite no longer being part of the military, the 2002 Police Law upheld their military nature. Most police tasks and powers in the law were copied from the regulations concerning the military’s role in maintaining security during the Suharto era. It is unsurprising that the police have continued to apply a repressive security approach in criminal investigations instead of one that is in conformity with the rule of law. In the end, the police were placed directly under the authority of the president in 2002. Former National Police Chief Awaludin Djamin even publicly stated that while the police reform changed its appearance into a civilian organisation, the police have maintained their core military characteristics. This strict military-like hierarchy extends to the way the police operate. A police investigator can only make an arrest or detain a suspect following an order from a superior officer. The investigator must even submit an investigation plan to the police leadership. Like the military before them, police are immune from criminal prosecution for corruption, unlawful coercive measures or ill-treatment of detainees during a criminal investigation. Accusations of unlawful treatment can only be addressed through the ‘pre-trial hearing mechanism’ in front of the district court, before the case has started. A single judge decides on the claim and there is no recourse for appeal. Because the pretrial judge has limited time for examining the case, in practice he or she tends to examine matters only for their administrative correctness. As a result, pre-trial judges rarely decide that coercion was invalid. Accusations of police misconduct are entirely up to police leadership to take disciplinary measures or start proceedings. According to reports by Legal Aid and Amnesty International, this regularly allows to police officers who have committed grave criminal offences to behave with impunity. The introduction of human rights protections into the constitution between 1999-2002 suggested that criminal proceedings would henceforth be governed by due process. However, the Code of Criminal Procedure is still in place and the early amendments to the constitution reinforced the position of the police. During the early years, reformers did not prioritise criminal procedure, and it seems that the window of opportunity may have closed. The result is that the police have continued to dominate investigations without much magisterial oversight. Public prosecutors still shuttle cases from the police to the court without exerting influence over the investigation process, and courts are reluctant to examine police behaviour during investigations. It will not be easy to change this reality. The police will be democratic when they act as authorised by law, when the laws they follow incorporate international standards of human rights, when they are accountable to authorities outside of themselves, and when they give priority to responding to the security needs of individuals. Removing the military aspects of the Police Law and adopting judicial scrutiny on police coercion would be a first step towards a more democratic Indonesian police force. Fachrizal Afandi is a lecturer in the Faculty of Law, Brawijaya University, Malang Indonesia. He is chairperson of Brawijaya University Center for Criminal Justice Research (PERSADA UB), and the co first author with Adriaan Bedner of “Between Upholding the Rule of Law and Maintaining Security: Criminal Justice Actors in Indonesia’s Constitution” in Constitutional Democracy In Indonesia edited by Melissa Crouch. Dr Afandi declared that he has no conflict of interest and is not receiving specific funding in any form. This article has been republished as part of the Policing the Police special report. It was first published on 3 October, 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on October 3, 2022

Police can’t end human trafficking alone but this might - 360 Liz Such Published on November 21, 2022 To end modern slavery will mean more than relying on police and the courts. Early intervention could be the solution. The UN has set a global goal to eradicate modern slavery and human trafficking by 2030, a huge task in a world where up to 50 million people are forced to work against their will or in unacceptable conditions. If authorities are still chasing perpetrators in 2030 then it has been a failure. A failure of prevention and failure to stop the worst from happening. While law enforcement is key to catching the perpetrators, it can only do so much. As many observers have noted, it’s not possible to arrest our way out of these wicked social problems. A different approach is required, one that places prevention centre stage. A ‘public health’ approach could be such an alternative. Research led by the Universities of Sheffield and Nottingham in the UK has explored this in depth, asking what it might look like, what its benefits might be and how it can be applied and put into action. The evidence identified some core elements: understanding the problem at a population level; framing it as part of a complex and interdependent system; collating data and evidence about what works; focusing on prevention; protecting health and wellbeing; engaging with multiple agencies, and addressing inequalities, social justice and human rights. There are structures and practices central to this ‘emergent’ framework, including a fair, just and coordinated anti-slavery policy and services with a trauma-informed ethos. From there, the School of Health and Related Research supported by Public Health England and the Office of the UK Independent Anti-Slavery Commissioner  co-produced a refined framework across the anti-slavery sector in the UK and tested it in a proof of concept exercise. The results found there is an appetite for more and better collaboration between police, health services, education, business, communities and victims/survivors. There was a sense that a criminal justice approach on its own was a ‘cul de sac’, meaning it was quickly a dead end on the road to prevention. Data, evidence and experiential knowledge were identified as essential to better understanding the problem and tailoring solutions. In the UK, for example, despite many NGOs serving minority communities, there was no national-level data on the ethnicity of trafficked or exploited people. Prevention was identified as crucial yet was inadequate. Statutory and NGO services were rightly dealing with immediate, often desperate situations. But by looking further upstream to the family or community, there were opportunities to prevent exploitation happening in the first place. A review on what works in prevention looked at sexual and labour exploitation. Although the literature focused on people who had already been exploited, 25 different types of intervention could contribute towards preventing harm and five mechanisms that did or could work: Improving people’s access to the fundamental things in life (e.g. safe home, education, a good job), developing literacy (not just knowledge) of the problem, building communities’ power and control, deterrence and disruption and partnership working across services and with affected people. Community-informed, culturally intelligent interventions could change the socially isolated, disconnected and under-resourced environment that enables exploitation and replace it with a safe space that is socially resilient, connected and resourced. A public health approach which is equity oriented, population based, prevention focused, evidence and data driven and works across multiple agencies could solve the problem. The next step is to take action. In the UK this has begun this through a network of anti-slavery partnerships, national statutory services and across local authorities and the community. The approach has found purchase in the US, has been endorsed by the UK’s former Independent Anti-Slavery Commissioner and was welcomed by the former Home Secretary. It holds great promise globally as a framework for thinking about modern slavery prevention and how to act on it. Liz Such is an Anne McLaren Fellow and an NIHR Knowledge Mobilisation Fellow at the School of Health Sciences, University of Nottingham. She has worked across policy and public health practice, particularly in fields concerned with health inequalities and minorities. She was funded by Research England, NIHR, NHS and UKRI/AHRC to conduct this work. Twitter:  @lizzysuch The research was supported by public funds — NIHR, NHS England and Improvement, UKRI/AHRC (Modern Slavery Policy and Evidence Centre) and Research England. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 21, 2022

Political integrity doesn’t require a radical shakeup - 360 Zareh Ghazarian Published on December 1, 2022 Victoria’s newly-elected parliament will have a mandate to address growing concerns of integrity and transparency. Here’s what it could do immediately. Victoria’s newly elected parliament faces a mandate to restore public trust in the state’s integrity and transparency processes after a bruising campaign that saw both major parties referred to corruption watchdogs. The Labor Party, led by incumbent Premier Daniel Andrews, returned to power in its  third election win following victories in 2014 and 2018. The issue of ‘integrity in politics and government’ was the fifth highest priority of 809 Victorian voters surveyed by The Age, behind the challenges like cost of living and climate change. Furthermore, 51 percent of the 809 surveyed supported measures that would strengthen the integrity commission. The results came amid controversies for both major parties during the campaign. The Andrews Government is alleged by The Age to be linked to four investigations by Victoria’s Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission (IBAC) (to which Andrews stated that he acts “appropriately at all times and in all things”). Opposition Leader Matthew Guy accepted the resignation of his chief of staff months from the election over a donations scandal. But the issue isn’t just resonant in Victoria: several independent candidates at this year’s Australian federal election won their seats while campaigning vigorously in favour of a new national integrity body. So-called ‘teal’ candidates (because of the colour many used in advertising material) won in six electorates, a gain of five from the last vote in 2019. As a federal system, Australia has a constitutional framework that defines and limits the powers and responsibilities of national and state governments. While state-based integrity agencies have been established to provide a check on decision makers in each state, there is yet to be a national equivalent. The federal parliament has already started the process of tightening legal protections with the passage of anti-corruption reform in November 2022. Even though all Australian states have integrity agencies, there are still patchy approaches as to how each state provides transparency about the integrity and decision-making processes of government. Integrity and transparency in politics can be improved without undertaking a bold experiment. Victoria could inspire more confidence in ethical decision-making by adopting existing ideas and approaches used by other jurisdictions. The Executive in Australia is drawn from those elected to the legislature, often from the party which has won a majority of seats in the lower house of parliament. Once appointed as a minister, a parliamentarian is responsible for the actions and policies of their department. Ministers, however, are also powerful and are part of the team that determines public policy. As a result, interest groups often seek to lobby decision makers to maintain or expand benefits for their members. This has led some jurisdictions, such as Queensland and New South Wales, to publish the diaries of ministers. In doing so, they provide dates of meetings and names of entities with whom ministers have met. The diaries are published regularly and are available freely on government websites. Such measures do not exist in Victoria and this thwarts the capacity of the community to be informed about who ministers are meeting with and when. Under existing Victorian laws, government records such as minutes of Cabinet meetings, “may be withheld for 30 years”. On the one hand, this is understandable: Cabinet meetings are where ministers often have frank debates in order to determine policies that may have significant impact on the direction of the state. But locking these insights into government decision-making away for decades is a hindrance on transparency. New Zealand introduced a proactive release policy in 2019 to overcome these challenges. The policy required government bodies to release “material being considered by Cabinet” within 30 days. A similar approach was adopted by Queensland in 2022. While governments may withhold information relating to law and order or commercial interests, providing the community with greater insights about their deliberations would enhance transparency in the state. Concerns over deception are a consistent feature of politics, but there are few laws that regulate the extent to which candidates or parties have to tell the truth during election campaigns. In Victoria, election campaign material must provide details of who has authorised the material. Established laws, such as defamation laws, are applicable to all election materials, yet there are no explicit truth in advertising laws. South Australia established such laws in the mid 1980s, making it a crime to produce misleading political information. Similar laws were introduced in the Australian Capital Territory in 2021. Victoria has opposed such approaches, but the Victorian Parliament’s Electoral Matters Committee argued in 2021 that the time has come, stating that: “legislation specifically targeting purported statements of fact in electoral advertising can play a helpful role as one part of a strategy to maintain and strengthen Victorian democracy”. The end of the Victorian state election provides the new parliament an opportunity to enhance integrity in public administration and politics. Existing approaches from other jurisdictions may be adopted and, in doing so, build further confidence in ethics and accountability of decision makers. Zareh Ghazarian is a political scientist in the School of Social Sciences and co-author of Australian Politics for Dummies. His latest book is Gender Politics: Navigating Political Leadership in Australia, co-edited with Professor Katrina Lee-Koo. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 1, 2022

Poor countries can't afford to climate-proof – but can't afford not to - 360 Grace Jennings-Edquist Published on January 31, 2024 Preparing to cope with the worst impacts of climate change is essential. But those who most need to build climate resilience can’t afford to invest in it. With the worst impacts of climate change hitting the most disadvantaged most intensely, developing countries urgently need to prepare for, adapt to, and learn to cope with climate-related weather events. But paradoxically, low-income nations are the worst placed to invest in climate resilience. The most at-risk countries in this regard are the African nations Chad, the Central African Republic, Eritrea and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. But Indo-Pacific nations are among the 30 most vulnerable and least prepared, including Myanmar, Bangladesh, Afghanistan, Yemen, Papua New Guinea and Micronesia. There are also inequalities between individuals and social groups when it comes to climate change vulnerability and resilience. Broadly, poor individuals and communities tend to be less resilient to negative climate impacts, as their economic status often means they have limited adaptive capacity. Those who are economically, culturally, politically, institutionally, or otherwise marginalised are especially vulnerable to climate change. This can include women, the elderly, young people and Indigenous populations. Finding ways to increase and improve resilience among less developed nations and marginalised groups remains one of the great challenges as the planet grapples with the realities of climate change. Editors Note: In the story “Climate resilience” sent at: 30/01/2024 09:16. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on January 31, 2024

Poor-quality medicines are everyone’s problem - 360 Sangeeta Tanna, Rachel Armitage Published on July 27, 2022 COVID-19 has shown that regulatory processes can fail anywhere, allowing poor-quality medicines through. A new detection test could help shield consumers. It’s the lesser-known pandemic: poor-quality medicines cause alarming rates of death and worsened illness across the globe. An estimated 10.5 percent of medicines worldwide are substandard or falsified, according to the World Health Organization (WHO). A much higher prevalence – around 40 percent – is reported for Africa. A new detection test developed by UK researchers might help weed out poor-quality medicines before they cause harm. Substandard medicines result from poor manufacturing and quality-control practices as well as inadequate storage conditions, whereas falsified medicines are produced and labelled with the intent to defraud the consumer. Both kinds of poor-quality medicine claim to be something they are not. They are often indistinguishable from the genuine products, making them difficult to spot without running detection tests on their contents. Poor regulatory controls or weak pharmaceutical governance allow these poor-quality pharmaceuticals to reach the market. And that can happen anywhere. Studies in the UK and Canada show substandard medicines, with reported issues of contamination and stability, are a greater problem in these countries than falsified medicines. In March 2022, in the UK, pharmaceutical manufacturer Pfizer recalled its blood-pressure medicine Accuretic because substandard batches were found containing a higher-than-acceptable amount of nitrosamine. Nitrosamine is a harmful impurity that can cause cancer if it is taken in high enough quantities over a prolonged period. This recall drew some local media attention, as did Pfizer’s recall of another blood-pressure medicine distributed outside the UK just six weeks later. In this case the medicine was recalled before it reached consumers, so the tone of the media coverage was that this was a minor issue, easily addressed by the regulatory process. But if regulation fails and a poor-quality medicine is ingested, the consequences can be severe. Substandard medicines with too little of the stated active pharmaceutical ingredient encourage the rise of antimicrobial-drug-resistant infectious diseases such as malaria, HIV and tuberculosis. The small amount of active ingredient is enough for the medicines to pass standard screening tests, but the dosages are too low to be effective – which can be deadly. Substandard or falsified antimalarials cause an estimated 120,000 deaths from malaria each year in Africa alone, the WHO reports. Worldwide, substandard and falsified antimalarials are responsible for the deaths of over 150,000 children annually, according to a 2019 report by the American Journal of Tropical Medicine. Generic and branded medicines for infectious diseases as well as for chronic illnesses such as heart disease, diabetes and cancer have become prime candidates for poor-quality medicines. Antimalarials and antibiotics are among the most commonly reported substandard and falsified medical products, especially in Africa, because of the huge burden of infectious diseases across the continent. High-demand over-the-counter medicines containing paracetamol, for mild pain relief and to reduce fever, have also been reported as substandard or falsified. In recent years, expensive biotechnology-derived drugs, including vaccines, have been prone to falsification. There is mounting evidence that the COVID-19 pandemic has accelerated the problem of counterfeit medicines. The pandemic created increased demand for illegally produced medicines as the public turned to unregulated websites to purchase reputed treatments. Meanwhile, national lockdowns disrupted supply chains and testing protocols, making it harder for poor-quality medicines to be detected. A growing volume of falsified medicines associated with the novel coronavirus – for example, chloroquine – has been on sale, especially in regions such as Africa. Illegally imported antivirals have appeared in the UK, and fake COVID vaccines have been sold in Africa, China, India, Mexico and Poland. Interpol noted an 18-per-cent rise in the amount of counterfeit antiviral medicines it seized in 2020 compared to its corresponding operation in 2018. In the UK, Brexit has exacerbated this public health problem. The Royal Pharmaceutical Society worries the UK is no longer protected by the Falsified Medicines Directive (FMD), Europe’s anti-counterfeit medicines legislation. The UK’s medicines regulatory agency has identified an alarming 15,000 counterfeit medicines in the UK supply chain since the UK left the European Union in January 2020. To help shield consumers from substandard and falsified medicines, UK researchers are investigating simpler and faster ways of detecting them. They have developed a method of using a portable spectroscopy device to screen a pharmaceutical sample. The screening test involves direct analysis of the pharmaceutical sample or uses a small amount of powdered sample. This yields a chemical fingerprint unique to a medication, and shows the amount of the active pharmaceutical ingredient in that sample. This screening test takes a few seconds and can be performed by staff with limited training. Conventional surveillance methods are expensive, take longer to analyse a medicine, and require well-equipped laboratories and staff with expertise in the area – all major obstacles for low-resource countries. The need for and value of this research was demonstrated by the researchers’ collaborations with Kenya’s medicines regulatory body, where the analytical methods developed were applied to a real-world setting and the results were compared with conventional surveillance methods. It makes no difference to a patient whether a medicine is substandard or falsified because the impact on their health is the same. The most important thing is being able to tell whether a medicine is what it claims to be. Regulatory and technological measures are needed globally to tackle the substandard and falsified medicines pandemic. Greater public awareness of this growing healthcare issue is also needed. In the meantime, a new, simple detection test can help stop poor-quality products from reaching consumers who only seek to take their medicines in good faith. is Professor of Pharmaceutical Analysis at the Leicester School of Pharmacy in the Faculty of Health and Life Sciences at De Montfort University. Her research interests include the rapid identification of substandard and falsified medicines using spectroscopic and ambient ionisation mass spectrometry techniques. is a Senior Laboratory Technician at the Leicester School of Pharmacy in the Faculty of Health and Life Sciences at De Montfort University. She has a PhD focusing on the rapid detection of substandard and falsified medicines. The authors have declared no conflict of interest in relation to this article. Image by Jack Sem, published under Creative Commons. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on July 27, 2022

Populist mechanics: India and Indonesia's election parallels - 360 Hadza Robby Published on May 23, 2024 India and Indonesia’s 2024 elections will shape regional security and prosperity, with both nations tackling populism along with economic and global challenges. More than 1 billion voters across India and Indonesia will shape the future of the Indo-Pacific region, from the Himalayas to the Papua islands, as India follows Indonesia to the polls. The rise of Narendra Modi and Prabowo Subianto as popular leaders has shone a spotlight on how both have won support using  populist politics. In India, Modi has successfully rallied the masses to support his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to establish a vision of Ram Rajya — an ideal Indian statehood based on the re-establishment of the Hindu-centric values and the supremacy of Hindu nationalist principles as propagated by Hindutva ideology. Ram Rajya envisions a rise of Indian civilisation in the contemporary era that is confident in its ancient religious wisdom and heritage while progressing in its economic and technological achievements. This process culminated when Modi’s government decided to build a Hindu temple on a disputed religious site in Ayodhya, Uttar Pradesh that had been the site of a mosque until that building was torn down by Hindu nationalists in 1992. This erasure and vengeance politics was not only symbolic, it is also shown through practices of everyday discrimination against Muslims, particularly those who are not considered eligible for Indian citizenship, such as Bengali and Rohingya communities in the state of Assam. Indonesia has experienced  similar episodes of religious populism. Politicians visit religious leaders to show off their piety. They’re helped by religious leaders who quote verses from scripture, combined with intricately-woven arguments based on religious teaching to influence Indonesians to vote for leaders who supposedly match leadership characteristics in holy books. Though Indonesia is predominantly Muslim, this is also happening within the Christian community. In Indonesia’s election earlier this year, a list of ideal leader characteristics according to the Bible was made to signify a certain candidate (Prabowo) should not be chosen to be leader for the Christian community in Indonesia. Unlike the 2019 election, when religious populism reached its zenith, presidential candidates in 2024 wanted to be seen by everyone as a leader embracing plurality and multicultural diversity. But according to Marcus Mietzner this was not a democratic pluralism, but rather a showcase of ‘illiberal pluralism’. In India, other big issues facing Modi’s re-election bid are economic development, welfare and unemployment. The BJP is promoting the ‘Modi ki Guarantee (Modi’s Guarantee)’ proposal which would continue providing, and enlarge, the scope for subsidies and financial assistance to the poor. But Modi faces serious criticism over his commitment to solve unemployment in younger age groups, because his ‘Make in India’ program is not living up to promises made by the PM. Experts say a hastily-prepared agricultural reform program and the protection of big industries owned by tycoons have slowed investment in the manufacturing sector, limiting choices for talented young graduates. Unemployment was not such a big issue in the Indonesian poll. Instead, relocating the capital from Jakarta in Java to Nusantara, in the Kalimantan jungle, was a major issue due to financing issues. Prabowo’s’s free lunch scheme for school children may not be a feasible program for now but he is willing to learn how to develop it from India’s success stories through the PM-POSHAN. In response to the rivalry between the Pacific’s superpowers, the United States and China, India and Indonesia could play a more strategic role to anticipate any escalation of tensions by establishing a regional platform and strengthening existing mechanisms that would ensure the Indo-Pacific area that is open and secure for all. India and Indonesia could put regional organisations such as ASEAN and Indian Ocean Rim Associations into use in order to prevent any escalation of conflict in the Indo-Pacific that would otherwise risk billions of lives. As President-elect, Prabowo had also mentioned that India would be one of the strategic partners that Indonesia will closely engage during the course of his presidency. The collaboration between India and Indonesia is expected to intensify not only in the issue of security and defence cooperation, but especially in the issue of alternative energy and sustainable development. As both countries face huge problems in maintaining growth while keeping environmental sustainability, it will be necessary for them to have a joint framework on establishing regional initiatives in the development of solar energy and other sources of alternative energy. Hadza Min Fadhli Robby is an assistant professor at the International Relations Department in Islamic University of Indonesia (UII) Yogyakarta, Indonesia. His research interests are Indian and Turkish religion-politics and international relations. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Indian election” sent at: 20/05/2024 16:51. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 23, 2024

Poverty battle raged on in 2022, here are four ways women are working to escape it - 360 Published on December 30, 2022 Research across the world demonstrates how global poverty can be tackled effectively by empowering women in all aspects. Global poverty eradication efforts continued to falter across the globe in 2022 no thanks to COVID-19 and an economic slowdown triggered by the Ukraine invasion. Empowering women across all spheres is a key weapon in the poverty battle and researchers have identified solutions-based approaches to help women escape the trap. “Women represent two-thirds of the poor in Asia. Economic insecurity is part of a cycle of disadvantage for women, often caused by discrimination in employment and education,” according to the UN Women agency. Former Thai prime minister Abhisit Vejjajiva says: “When it comes to women, we are talking about roughly half the population, there is simply no excuse why this inequity or this dimension of unfairness should continue.” “Women deserve better, the Asia-Pacific region deserves better, and the world deserves better,” he says. World leaders have committed to ending poverty by 2030. But, according to UN Women, that aspiration can only be achieved by ending the discrimination that traps women in poverty. Giving them equal rights to economic resources, access to basic services, property and land control, natural resources and new technologies is therefore a prerequisite. Studies in four areas show how this can be achieved. Andrei Kwok of Monash University Malaysia says blockchain technology to empower women could prove to be “revolutionary”. It goes beyond just education: blockchain provides women with financial inclusion and entrepreneurial opportunities to gain independence and self-sufficiency. “It also offers small business owners affordable and efficient cross-border payments, and can help women gain access to previously unavailable finance.” Kwok says the technology can help overcome longstanding barriers to women’s empowerment which in turn reduces household, community and national poverty. Christopher S Tang, distinguished professor at the UCLA Anderson School of Management, Los Angeles notes that a formal identity and a mobile phone are key to enabling women economically. “As a critical first step to empowering women, the World Bank has worked with over 40 countries to develop digital ID systems to empower women. “Armed with a formal identity, existing and emerging technologies, such as mobile phones, are immediately available for empowering women economically.” Tang adds that widely available solar technology can also change women’s fates by reducing household burdens and creating new business opportunities. Meanwhile, researchers at Monash University Malaysia say that to help push up e-commerce adoption by rural women, policymakers could look to research on the role of general belief systems in technology adoption. “Different general beliefs create different mindsets towards new technology and these different mindsets influence women microentrepreneurs’ perceptions of and responses to ICT use differently.” This study shows that women microentrepreneurs with a greater growth mindset are more likely to perceive that technology is easy to use and useful and, therefore, have a higher propensity to adopt e-commerce for their business, they said. In Indonesia, a government initiative has resulted in smart villages which promote tourism events providing rural women with opportunities to boost their income. “The desa wisata, or tourism village programme, is emerging as an alternative where rural women can choose to generate an income,” says Minako Sakai of the University of New South Wales and Ajie Saksono of the Gunung Kidul Regional Planning Agency, Yogyakarta. “The desa wisata programme can help alleviate poverty by promoting homestays.” In 2022, one village planned 99 festivals, and an app developed by the government helped potential visitors to browse what was on offer. “These extra business opportunities have enabled women to become secondary income-earners in addition to their household duties. Research increasingly shows that the growth of household income helps to foster gender equality,” say the researchers. In 2002, Bangladeshi development organisation BRAC pioneered a new approach to transform the lives of women in extreme poverty within two years. The model has been tried out in other parts of the world since, but recent evaluations deliver a lesson in why there’s no one-size-fits-all solution to poverty. “Even though all the participants were living far below the poverty line, the project affected them differently, exacerbated by their identity, dependency, humiliation and discrimination in poverty, hunger and debt. “Women from the different social groups differed in their ability to translate the support provided by the project into goals that they valued,” says Naila Kabeer, professor of gender and development at the London School of Economics. She adds that while randomised control trials are often held up as ‘the gold standard’ for evaluation, what they gain in rigour they can lose in depth and understanding. “It is not enough to know whether a pilot worked but also why it worked, offering real implications for formulating policy.” Microfinance, the poverty reduction tool of choice for the World Bank and many donor organisations, is not without its flaws, notes Farzana Aman Tanima of the University of Wollongong. “There is a power imbalance between those who provide finances versus those who receive finances. Poor women often do not have sufficient power or resources to raise concerns without fear of repercussions.” Farzana says shifting the accounting approach used by microfinance organisations could help. In the microfinance context, this would involve identifying relevant groups, such as poor women and feminist activists, and gaining perspectives into their needs, concerns and struggles. “The aim is to facilitate processes where women can feel empowered to demand change.” Read and republish the articles covered in this report: Accounting for microfinance’s flawsFarzana Aman Tanima, University of Wollongong. More women entrepreneurs mean less global povertyMonash University Malaysia researchers Entrepreneurship is an engine of economic growth but it can only move into top gear when there are more women. The simple technology helping women escape povertyChristopher S. Tang, UCLA A formal identity and a mobile phone are two key weapons in the global fight against poverty. Indonesia’s tourism a win for womenMinako Sakai, University of New South Wales (UNSW) & Ajie Saksono, Gunung Kidul Regional Planning Agency, Yogyakarta Special Province, Indonesia. Tourist villages provide opportunities for women to earn money for their family and the local community without leaving their home. What really works to reduce povertyNaila Kabeer, London School of Economics Understanding why some poverty reduction programmes work and others don’t calls for a better understanding of the people involved. Blockchain’s potential extends to poverty bustingAndrei Kwok, Monash University Malaysia The technology can help circumvent traditional barriers to women’s empowerment. 360info is a newswire with a difference: we source content from the research community offering solutions to the world’s biggest problems. To request access to our news feed so you can republish our articles visit newshub.360info.org Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 30, 2022

Powerful firms that put the ‘con’ into consulting - 360 James Guthrie, Jane Andrew, Erin Twyford Published on August 16, 2023 Conflicts of interest, poor culture, and lack of transparency in the consulting industry cost the public billions and hollowed out public institutions. Daily revelations in the media surrounding the performance and bad behaviour of the consulting industry highlights a growing scandal that threatens more than just the firms involved. Attention so far has focused chiefly on PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC), which is not only embroiled in an ugly tax scandal, revealing serious conflicts of interest, but has been linked to the notorious Robodebt scheme. PwC failed to provide a 70-page report to the government on a scheme that was later ruled to be illegal, despite being paid nearly AUD$1 million. Instead, it compiled an eight-page PowerPoint presentation. Emerging evidence suggests  these transparency failures and issues of conflict of interest at PwC are just the tip of the iceberg for the consulting industry. KPMG has been accused of submitting inflated invoices and billing the Australia’s Department of Defence for hours never worked and Ernst & Young (EY) was working for gas giant Santos while advising the New South Wales state government on new gas developments. Pressure is mounting, particularly due to a Senate inquiry shining a light on a system in which consulting firms are allowed to police their own behaviour. Such is the apparent disdain some of the international firms hold for transparency and accountability in the Australian arms of their businesses, Boston Consulting Group, commissioned for more than AUD$64 million since 2021, have denied the opportunity to appear at the Senate inquiry. In a similar move McKinsey and Company which has 650 employees in Australia and currently signed up to an estimated AUD$56.4 million worth of government work over the past two years, will follow the same tactic. This repeats a 2021 inquiry into Australia Post where the pair refused to front the politicians. Key to this issue is that governments worldwide, including Australia’s, rely heavily on consultants. In 2021, the global consulting services market was valued between $USD700 billion) and $USD900 billion. This universal reliance on consulting firms illustrates the Big Con. Mazzucato and Collington’s book, The Big Con: How the Consulting Industry Weakens Our Businesses, Infantilises our Governments and Warps our Economies, highlights how consulting firms are structured to maximise returns to partners. It means the firms regularly engage in unethical behaviour, which continues to go unchecked in the absence of regulation. In our submission to the Senate inquiry into consulting, we mentioned the case of Bain & Co, a Boston-based global management consulting firm, which illustrates state capture by the consulting industry. The British Government banned Bain & Co from tendering for government contracts for three years because of “grave professional misconduct” in South Africa. Subsequently, during Jacob Zuma’s two-term presidency, the South African Treasury imposed a 10-year ban on Bain from tendering for government contracts for its role in state capture. State capture refers to cases where private interests influence a state to seek private advantage. As a result, there is growing pressure for private sector companies to remove Bain from their database of suppliers. Similarly, consulting firm McKinsey and Co. agreed to pay $USD573 million to US authorities as part of a settlement for its role in the opioid crisis, which has killed hundreds of thousands of Americans. The action was taken against McKinsey because of its conflict of interest in failing to disclose to the US government’s medicine regulatory body, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA), its work with Purdue Pharma the manufacturer of the synthetic opioid Oxycontin. McKinsey continued to advise Purdue after it pleaded guilty to charges in 2007 that it misled regulators over the risks of the drug leading to the company’s bankruptcy. These examples indicate the potential for action against consulting firms if the appropriate mechanisms exist. Various Australian governments spend billions of dollars of taxpayers’ money yearly on external contractors and consultants. The NSW state government spent AUD$1 billion on consultants between 2017 and 2022. Australia’s top consulting firms secured a record AUD$2 billion worth of Commonwealth taxpayer-funded work in 2021–22, with Accenture taking top billing for the second consecutive year. Australia’s leading players offering consulting services include the ‘Big Three’  consultants Accenture (formerly Arthur Andersen), McKinsey, Boston Consulting Group and the ‘Big Four’ accounting firms (PwC, Deloitte, KPMG and EY). Despite this enormous expenditure, there is no transparency about what is provided and the knowledge these consulting services produce. Reporting of perceived or actual conflicts of interest is limited to self-reporting and self-regulation. Currently, in Australia, there are three Parliamentary inquiries into the consulting industry and its relationship with the Commonwealth government. The first, a Parliamentary Joint Committee on Corporations and Financial Services Inquiry, has heard recent allegations of, and responses to, misconduct in the Australian operations of the significant accounting, audit and consultancy firms (including but not exclusive to the Big Four) via a detailed investigation and analysis of regulatory, technical and legal settings, and broader cultural factors. The second is a Senate Economics References Committee Inquiry into Australian Securities and Investments Commission investigation and enforcement. The third is a Senate, Finance and Public Administration References Committee inquiry into the management and assurance of integrity by consulting services (Consulting services). In our submission to the Senate inquiry (Consulting services), we raised concerns about conflicts of interest, the culture of consulting services firms and the apparent lack of transparency and accountability for consulting arrangements. We highlighted that the consulting industry in Australia is an unregulated activity. This is because the unique structure of these consulting firms as partnerships means that regulation is focused on the individual via their membership in a professional accountant body or as a registered auditor or tax agent. This form of regulation is self-regulation in terms of codes and ethical practices. There are few enforcement measures for integrity breaches and unethical behaviour by consultants and firms. Professional bodies, such as the accounting professional associations, take limited action about the misdemeanours of their members who are partners at Big Four consulting firms. Instead, information about the failures of transparency, conflicts of interest and unethical behaviour at these firms has resulted from the actions of various whistle-blowers and investigative journalists. This information has revealed that, despite their significant revenue, these Big Four firms are secretive partnerships, not companies, and do not have to disclose where their money is coming from, even though they are among the most powerful private institutions in the world. Most of their income growth comes from governments and large multinationals in work that does not even attempt to avoid conflicts of interest. Besides consulting, the Big Four also help multinationals minimise tax while simultaneously acting as ‘gatekeepers’ in auditing the same big companies. The dominant role played by the Big Four accounting and consultancy partnerships in transnational corporations’ accounting and auditing practices is a global issue of concern, not just a problem for Australia. PwC’s Australian tax scandal was initially limited to one partner until PwC was forced to admit that multiple senior partners were involved after a cache of internal emails was released by a parliamentary committee at the start of May. The emails showed that PwC’s embattled Australian affiliate misused confidential government tax information for commercial gain, creating a crisis that threatens to extend beyond national borders. This behaviour by individuals is consistent with a broad culture of conflict of interest, given that PwC provided advice to Treasury about international tax shifting while at the same time advising clients how to sidestep these laws. When the OECD’s 2015 Final Report on the Base Erosion and Profit Shifting (BEPS) Action Plan to tax transnationals was adopted in Australia in 2016, PwC was already devising tax practices to sidestep the new law. The Treasurer at the time, Joe Hockey, was concerned about the rise of opaque structures such as the “double Irish, Dutch sandwich” that involved sending profits through one Irish company, then to a Dutch company and back to another Irish company in a tax haven. Such schemes were particularly popular with US tech firms, including Google (which has said it no longer uses the loophole). PwC tax partner Collins signed confidentiality agreements with the Australian government and fed intelligence on the government plans to PwC personnel in Australia and abroad. The firm used that information to give more than a dozen US companies an early warning of the changes, netting additional fees and potentially depriving Australia of tax revenue. It has since been revealed in Senate estimates that the Australian Tax Office became aware in 2016 that a handful of multinationals “suspiciously and quickly” sought to restructure operations in response to new tax avoidance rules. Specifically, the Australian Tax Office was concerned by tax schemes marketed by PwC that threatened the country’s tax take and suspected confidentiality breaches. Information was passed to the police, but it did not initially result in a full investigation. Treasury has since referred the matter to the Australian Federal Police, citing new evidence. The tax office also formally referred the issue to the Tax Practitioners Board in 2020, which led to Collins being deregistered for two years. The tax board passed on 144 pages of internal PwC emails to the Senate. The question of which colleagues received Collins’ communications and what they did with the information has become a central part of future inquiries. While the scandal is Australia-centric, PwC used its global network to profit from privileged information, drawing in other parts of one of the world’s biggest professional services firms. Its admitted failings are now subject to a police investigation, and governments worldwide will be taking note amid a growing reliance on private consultants to formulate public policy and public services. There are now multiple investigations into the leak, including by the Australian Federal Police, and PwC has been banned from winning further work from the federal and several state governments. Given that for decades, PwC has provided tax advice to transnational companies, including miner Rio Tinto, meat giant JBS, energy company Chevron and explosives maker Orica, the current investigations could extend into the US, UK and Europe, partly because the emails show PwC’s Australian partners have shared the secret government information with PwC partners globally. Consider a report published in 2020 by the Global Alliance for Tax Justice, which outlines how corporate’ profit shifting’, otherwise known as ‘tax avoidance’, cost countries $USD427 billion in lost tax revenue in that year alone. Nowhere is this kind of behaviour more evident than in the global fossil fuel industry. Australian Tax Office data for the eight years from 2013 to 2021 shows nine companies, including ExxonMobil Australia, Chevron, Santos, Peabody Coal, Yancoal Australia and QGC Upstream (a subsidiary of Shell), paid zero corporate income tax over that period. Those nine along with 16 other energy and resource companies with significant financial interests in fossil fuels disclosed revenue of about AUD$1,425 billion. They paid an average of less than 1 percent income tax on that revenue. A host of offshore tax havens also enable manipulations of the Australian tax system. Contrary to popular opinion, four wealthy countries the US, Netherlands, Luxembourg and the UK and their ‘independent’ territory of the Cayman Islands are responsible for 47 percent of global tax losses. These firms are housed outside of Australia, where tax on earnings from Australian government receipts does not feed back into the Australian economy. For example, Accenture plc is an Irish-American professional services company based in Dublin, specialising in information technology services and consulting. A Fortune Global 500 company, it reported revenues of USD$61.6 billion in 2022. With this behaviour, management consultants are enablers of the new public management movement in which governments adopt structures, techniques and processes from the private sector to deliver public services. Consultants translate what they consider to be appropriate practices to novel public sector settings. The significance of the consulting industry as the shaper of a new public sector is widely acknowledged. Given the positioning of new public management as a movement with private-sector management practices and the use of the private sector to deliver public services as its fundamental reference point, the arrival of management consultants in public services is not surprising. Mazzucato and Collington outline how the consulting industry reached the core of global economies and governments. The ‘Big Con’ is possible in today’s economies because of the unique power that consultancies wield through extensive contracts and networks and the illusion that they are objective sources of expertise and capacity. An entrenched relationship exists between the consulting industry, hollowed-out and risk-averse governments, and shareholder value-maximising firms. Mazzucato and Collington demonstrate that our economies’ reliance on companies such as McKinsey, Boston Consulting Group, Bain & Company, PwC, Deloitte, KPMG and EY stunts innovation, obfuscates corporate and political accountability and impedes our collective mission of halting climate breakdown. In Australia, at the Commonwealth government level, there has been a failure to account for how the performance of consultants is measured publicly. As outlined in our evidence to the Senate Inquiry, the Treasury considers all consultants responsible for their performance management. A change in June 2023 means that suppliers must notify federal public servants if their personnel have had adverse findings against them as part of a new “notification of significant event clauses”, including an update to procurement rules introduced by the Department of Finance. The revised regulations emphasise that public servants “must consider … a potential supplier’s relevant experience and performance history when assessing value for money”. Still, this approach relies on consultants self-reporting their performance and is profoundly inadequate, especially given the track record of these firms. Nevertheless, what is the alternative? Mazzucato and Collington highlight that the Big Con has not only made millions for consulting firms but has hollowed out the public service They propose a new vision, for the civil service to rebuild capability in public sector organisations. It is essential to recognise the government as creating rather than wasting value. This requires implementing learning and adaptive processes, empowering risk-taking within public sector organisations and evolving the narratives around the government’s role in the economy. Busting them up is the only solution to these issues (for financial markets, the conflicts of interest are just as untenable between the tax and audit divisions as the auditors are there to sign off the accounts as “true and fair” while the tax advisers are there to advise corporations on how to most aggressively aviod paying tax in Australia). Policymakers and the media will play a crucial role in this transformation. With a combined effort, we can end the Big Con once and for all and restore an independent public service to its rightful place at the centre of government. James Guthrie is an Emeritus Professor in the Accounting and Corporate Governance Department at Macquarie University. James has held positions at various Australian and Italian universities in a career in accounting education that spans more than 40 years. He is the joint editor of the highly regarded interdisciplinary accounting journal, Accounting, Auditing and Accountability. Professor Jane Andrew, CPA, is a professor of accounting and head of school at the University of Sydney Business School and co-editor-in-chief of Critical Perspectives on Accounting. Jane’s research focuses on environmental accounting and accountability in public policy. Dr Erin Twyford, CA, is a Senior  Lecturer at the University of Wollongong. Before that, she had worked for organisations such as Deloitte Touche Tohmatsu and IMB Bank before joining UOW in 2014. Erin’s research interests lie in examining the interrelationships between the state, business and accounting practices as they impact the lives of the citizenry. She is particularly interested in accounting history and critical accounting theory. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on August 16, 2023

Powering the blue economy with blue finance - 360 Raghu Dharmapuri Tirumala Published on June 8, 2023 Attracting much-needed investment into the blue economy can be spurred by tailor-made initiatives. The ‘blue economy‘ has global significance. Eighty percent of global trade relies on maritime transport. Approximately 40 percent of the world’s population resides in coastal regions and over three billion people depend on the oceans for employment. The ‘natural capital’ of the blue economy holds an estimated value of around USD$25 trillion while the annual value of goods and services produced amounts to approximately USD$2.5 trillion. Despite the immense potential, financing the blue economy remains a challenge, hobbling its full promise. The funding needed for achieving Sustainable Development Goal 14 ‘Life below water‘ is estimated to be approximately USD$174.52 billion per year. However, the current annual expenditure only amounts to around USD$25.05 billion, a massive shortfall of USD$149.02 billion per year in funding. Inadequate fiscal policies, a drop in development assistance, limited private investment and, in some countries, the presence of significant external debt burdens are all holding back the blue economy Upscaling the blue economy is also confronted by the need for consistent concessional financing sources, the limited capacity of authorities which implement projects, investor concerns related to the financial viability of the project and the newness of customised financial instruments. Another obstacle in attracting investment into blue economy sectors stems from inadequate institutional, regulatory, governance, legislative and human resource frameworks, all of which are necessary to establish robust partnerships. Among the 17 SDGs, goal 14 has received comparatively less funding than other SDGs. However, green finance instruments, blue bonds or blue sustainability-linked loans can be extended to support blue finance. Additionally, markets for blue carbon are experiencing growth. To ensure a smooth transition of finance from green initiatives to blue initiatives, it is essential to build capacity within the financial sector on a fundamental understanding of the ocean economy and risk assessment. The approach of uniting the financial sector with the real economy through blue finance as a catalyst for change can then be replicated across various underfunded sectors within the ocean economy. This includes industries like fishing where vessels are not primarily aligned with a net-zero trajectory. Aquaculture and mariculture also face significant vulnerabilities to coastal inundation and extreme weather events. Coastal insurance is another area that can benefit from this approach. To expedite investments in the oceans, tools like the Sustainable Blue Economy Finance Principles introduced by the UN Environment Programme Finance Initiative can play a crucial role. The involvement of philanthropy and impact investors is also gaining traction. Numerous prominent philanthropic organisations based in the United States have shown interest in the ocean. Family offices, impact investors and dedicated funds focused on the ocean and its economy are beginning to emerge. There is considerable potential for impactful initiatives and collaboration between these investors, governments and businesses to scale up and coordinate outcomes. However, this potential remains largely untapped. Different strategies for blending finances will be required at different phases of blue economy projects. By applying the stages of a typical project life cycle to blue economy initiatives, one can identify the specific type of financial support necessary. During the construction phase, affordable, low-cost and long-term financing is crucial. Partial risk guarantees and first loss protection for a specific portion of assets can help. Once the ‘risky’ period is over, financing can be optimised using take-out financing instruments. It is essential to tailor the financial instruments based on the project phase and its characteristics. To speed up the availability of finance for the blue economy sector, it is important to segment and target investors appropriately, aligning them with the respective financing instruments. Education, public awareness and capacity development play a vital role in fostering behavioural and lasting transformational change as well as establishing the necessary governance structures within the blue economy. One breakthrough for the blue economy was achieved in March this year when after 15 years of negotiations, a significant treaty concerning the High Seas was successfully reached at the United Nations in New York. Much like the climate and biodiversity-focused Conferences of the Parties, a similar framework for oceans will be established through this agreement. The introduction of the High Seas Treaty is certainly positive. However, it remains crucial to promptly evaluate and prioritise maritime activities and investments in a well-balanced manner, encompassing various jurisdictions and areas of the ocean that lack governance. While most governments have implemented policies and plans to shift away from fossil fuels towards achieving the targets set by the Paris Agreement, there is a notable lack of coherent strategies for supporting the blue economy. This is worrying considering that many countries heavily rely on the oceans for food, energy, transportation, and livelihoods. There is a need for tools like blue finance that serve multiple purposes in the blue economy. These tools could aid in assessing the value of the blue economy, establishing appropriate arrangements and frameworks for investments and formulating strategies to safeguard and improve marine ecosystems while addressing competing interests. It is crucial for nations to allocate investments towards the oceans as part of their Nationally Determined Contributions and plans for coastal resilience. Countries can collaborate to safeguard areas of significant global biodiversity and ensure sustainable and fair access to resources. Oceans are a potential catalyst for future growth in developing regions, particularly through ventures such as wind energy, offshore aquaculture, seabed mining and marine genetic biotechnology. The blue economy holds enormous potential for sustainable development but unlocking it requires substantial financing and strategic investments. Overcoming challenges related to funding gaps, capacity limitations and inadequate enabling frameworks is crucial. Blending finances, tailored instruments, and collaboration among various stakeholders can drive the growth of the blue economy and ensure a sustainable and prosperous future for both people and the planet. Raghu Dharmapuri Tirumala is a Senior Lecturer in the Faculty of Architecture, Building and Planning at the University of Melbourne. He declares no conflict of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 8, 2023

Preparing for a world with Alzheimer's treatment - 360 Amy Brodtmann Published on October 31, 2022 As Alzheimer’s cases grow, scientists have been deep in debate over its causes. Now treatments are on the horizon, the new race is to ready the health system. When the US Food and Drug Administration approved Alzheimer’s drug aducanumab in June 2021 — against the advice of its own expert committee — it triggered much hand-wringing in the research and medical community. One group of Australian experts likened the drugmaker’s approval by the FDA to “winning a Texas sharpshooter contest by drawing a bullseye around a bullet hole”. The drug mopped up a protein associated with the disease but didn’t appear to improve symptoms. More than a year later, the discussion has shifted from what has at times been a nonsensical debate on the different theories of what causes Alzheimer’s to other issues such as who should be included in clinical trials, when to intervene and what outcomes should be measured. Disease-modifying therapies are now seriously on the horizon, with at least one new drug likely to gain FDA approval next year. Delivering such treatments at scale will require a restructure of healthcare delivery. More than 55 million people live with dementia, a number reported to be doubling every 20 years. Supportive care, the current gold standard in dementia treatment, is costing the world more than US$600 billion a year. Disease-modifying therapies require in-hospital infusions and regular scans, all of which come at a cost, even without factoring in the high cost of the drugs themselves. Despite a greater acceptance that late-life dementia is not caused by just one thing and that lifestyle risk factors can have a big contribution, new drug treatments are likely to change who comes forward for treatment. People are wary of visiting their doctor with early symptoms for fear they will be diagnosed with a disease with no cure. By the time they’re diagnosed, they might have progressed to a more advanced stage. Surveys of GPs in Australia have found few test patients for dementia, largely because their patients don’t want to participate. Drug treatments that hold promise could change this. With more people seeking treatment, awareness of the need to change lifestyles could also grow. If we view dementia as brain failure, like heart failure, treatment and prevention will shift to be more nuanced. We don’t say there’s one cause for heart failure, or kidney failure or liver failure. As scientists race against the clock to find new Alzheimer’s treatments, dementia incidence in middle to high income countries is actually declining. But prevalence continues to grow thanks to ageing populations. That incidence is declining in economically richer countries has been associated with their increased interventions for cardiovascular risk, such as improved diet, reduced smoking and better treatments of hypertension and diabetes. While treatments are still lagging behind the growth in dementia cases, we have turned a corner. US Congress recently designated a “National Brain Health Day”, and there has been progress in finding agents that look like they’re affecting brain inflammation, opening the door to other new treatments. As with other diseases, it’s likely there will never be a silver bullet. A combination of therapies, as ended up being the case for the treatment of HIV, could end up delivering the greatest benefit. The focus will be on prevention, prescribing lifestyle interventions, such as diet and physical activity, and then combining these with therapies that remove toxic brain proteins, reduce brain inflammation and, one day, restore brain functions affected by the disease. Amy Brodtmann leads the Cognitive Health Initiative at Central Clinical School, Monash University, and is a stroke and cognitive neurologist directing cognitive neurology services at the Royal Melbourne Hospital and Eastern Health. Brodtmann is on Scientific Advisory Boards for Biogen Australia and Roche Australia. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on October 31, 2022

Preparing for psychedelic therapies in Australia - 360 Paul Liknaitzky Published on October 18, 2022 Psychedelic therapies have the potential to treat mental illness but there’s still a long way to go. After decades in the wilderness, psychedelic therapies are making a comeback into clinical research and are poised to re-enter medical care. When used alongside psychotherapy, drugs like psilocybin (found in ‘magic mushrooms’) and MDMA (found in ‘ecstasy’) have shown large, rapid and sustained benefits for a range of addiction and mental health conditions, including post-traumatic stress disorder, depression, end-of-life distress, alcohol use disorder, and nicotine dependence. While there are some important research limitations associated with these studies, the results have been compelling. The field of psychedelic research has rapidly expanded, funding is flowing, and public and political sentiment has swung from being largely alarmist or dismissive about these drugs, to hopeful and sometimes hyped. History has shown that some promising treatments can turn out to be underwhelming, unsafe, unfeasible, or unaffordable, and no psychedelic treatment has yet achieved the minimum level of evidence required to be approved as a new medicine. But this may be about to change, and Australia is hurtling towards the likely availability of psychedelic therapies within the next two years. Only a few years ago, there was no psychedelic research being conducted in Australia. The first psychedelic study in Australia — psilocybin-assisted therapy for end-of-life distress at St Vincent’s Hospital in Melbourne, was approved in 2019. In 2020, researcher Paul Liknaitzky established Australia’s first clinical psychedelic research Lab at Monash University. In 2023, more than 15 clinical psychedelic trials will be active around the country. And by 2024, there is a reasonable chance that MDMA-assisted therapy will be approved as a treatment for post-traumatic stress disorder in Australia. This rapid emergence of a new type of treatment — notably different from any approved medication — may bring new hope to many people. But to fulfil the promise of safe, effective and accessible psychedelic therapies, significant challenges need to be addressed. To date, trials worldwide have used a one-size-fits-all treatment model: typically one to three drug sessions, surrounded by about two to four times as many psychotherapy sessions for two to three months. While standardised interventions are common within clinical science, future psychedelic therapy as a service will need to account for a range of different patient needs to maximise safety and effectiveness. These might include different drug doses and dosing sessions, and different amounts and types of psychotherapy. Yet no study has tested the safety and effectiveness of long-term psychedelic therapy, relapse prevention, or tailored treatment. To be cautious, and for regulation purposes, trials have had narrow eligibility criteria, meaning trial participants may not be representative of future patients. And while multiple concurrent mental health or addiction conditions are more typical among those seeking help, many trials address only a single isolated condition. New studies that recruit participants with more than one condition are important so  evidence can drive better decisions. Psychedelic therapies involve a specialised form of psychotherapy alongside the use of a psychoactive drug. Future clinical psychedelic services should involve a collaborative care team that can assess the suitability of a patient, prescribe controlled drugs, and provide appropriate care. Screeners, prescribers, therapists and support staff would need to have specialist training in psychedelic practice. Optimal treatment centres would offer a private, comfortable and aesthetically appealing space that also has medical and drug storage capabilities. However, currently only a very small number of trained professionals in Australia have clinical psychedelic experience, few sites are fit-for-purpose, and there is no consensus yet for what constitutes best-practice standards for training or treatment. Both the safety and effectiveness of psychedelic treatments are likely to depend on a range of factors beyond merely getting a psychedelic drug into someone’s body. One of the most important of these ‘non-drug factors’ is professional support. For this, thousands of psychologists, psychotherapists, drug prescribers, and healthcare workers will need to be adequately trained. Psychedelic medicine is not without risks and is unusual in its use of an altered state of consciousness alongside psychotherapeutic support to increase contact with fundamental sources of distress. A sensible approach would be for already-qualified and experienced clinicians to be further trained in this specialist treatment. Psychedelic therapists would need to undergo supervised practice with patients, perhaps in a student clinic or under direct mentorship. And therapist competencies may be improved if the clinical team have the opportunity to experience psychedelics with support themselves towards increasing attunement — something currently being tested in Monash’s Clinical Psychedelic Research lab. If psychedelic treatments work as well as current trials suggest, governments, insurers, and patients will save money compared to available treatments and ongoing healthcare, likely within a few years. But the initial costs of psychedelic treatments are likely to be high, estimated to be around AU$15,000 to AU$20,000 for a standard three-dose treatment course over three months. Without reimbursement from the government and insurers, the cost of treatment would be unaffordable for many who may be suitable and in need of new treatment options. Various approaches to cutting costs without undermining the safety and effectiveness of the treatment need to be explored, alongside robust and real-world economic evaluation. As is common practice for new therapies, a clinical quality registry would be important to monitor real-world and long-term safety and effectiveness for a large number of Australians. This could take the form of brief monthly surveys for patients receiving a psychedelic treatment, and can monitor symptom change, relapse rates, physical and psychological safety and risk factors, costs and ongoing healthcare use, patients’ needs and complaints, and practitioner needs. Alongside capacity building and training, future research needs to develop and test service-ready psychedelic therapies, focusing on patients with multiple conditions, expanded eligibility for trials, tailored care, comparisons to front-line treatments, and economic evaluation. Such research would produce more than data, informing standards of care, patient suitability, and reimbursement, towards evidence-based psychedelic therapy as a service. For psychedelic therapies to mature over the next few years into a set of new treatment options that are useful, safe, and accessible, the psychedelic research field has its work cut out. Future patients deserve nothing less. Paul Liknaitzky is head of Clinical Psychedelic Research at Monash University, and chief Principal Investigator on a program of psychedelic trials at Monash University. He is a joint research fellow within the Department of Psychiatry (School of Clinical Sciences) and the Turner Institute for Brain and Mental Health (School of Psychological Sciences) at Monash University. He is a member of the Medical Advisory Board of Incannex Healthcare Ltd with no executive role or equity in the company. He has received research funding from Incannex Healthcare Ltd, Dr Nigel Strauss, and the Multidisciplinary Association for Psychedelic Studies. This article has been republished following the Australian Therapeutic Goods Administration (TGA) announcement that from July 1 this year, medicines containing the psychedelic substances psilocybin (found in magic mushrooms) and MDMA can be prescribed by authorised psychiatrists for mental health treatment. It was first published on October 10, 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on October 18, 2022

Preparing kids for the future means listening to them now - 360 Fiona Longmuir Published on March 8, 2024 Schools are supposed to prepare the next generation, but more young people feel like it’s not for them. A simple question can help turn things around. The future weighs heavily on the minds of children and young people. They are growing up in a world increasingly volatile, unpredictable and filled with unprecedented challenges and they’re seeing it play out every day through their news feeds. They are bearing the burden of humanity under threat: climate change, global conflict and political extremism. This often leaves young people in a state of crisis. In many countries, mental health challenges are at epidemic levels, socially destructive behaviours such as bullying happens often, and there’s a high rate of disengagement at school. Despite the new ways young people are finding their voice — such as climate protests, innovative start-ups, mobilisation on social media — the role of schooling and education remains vital to helping their well-being. One of the key implicit purposes of schooling is ensuring future generations will comply with the structures of the world. To this end, schools frame students as ‘citizens in waiting’, who need to be prepared for a future that we assume will need similar skills and measures of success as today. Schooling arrangements typically reproduce conventional social and economic structures, such as unequal access to career opportunities, housing and health services. This results in a system that favours market efficiencies, distributes resources unevenly and generally doesn’t prioritise making students feel hopeful for the future. For many young people, this goal of schooling can manifest as a conflict with what they feel should be important for their futures. Yet their education expects them to be dedicated to building the top of a house of cards, following the rules laid down by generations before them, while they are being told that the lower foundations of the structure are crumbling. This existential crisis is hard to comprehend for generations who have lived in relatively stable times. Yet we continue to apply the paradigms of our past to their futures. When young people attempt to raise their voices, they are often faced with a struggle against the accepted messages of those with legitimised power. An illustrative example of a dismissive and disempowering narrative constructed when young people try to act is that of the media coverage of student climate strikes in Australia. In their 2021 analysis, Australian researchers Eva Mayes and Michael Everitt Hartup found media reporting around the strikes most commonly positioned students as “ignorant zealots, anxious pawns or rebellious truants”. These narratives play out in our schools, too. Australia has an increasing number of young people who are being disenfranchised from formal schools. From school refusal, to homeschooling, to more truancy, to those who are at school but unable to engage, there are a significant proportion of the next generation who are not experiencing schools in the ways that adults would hope. In talking with 15-18 year-olds who have been excluded from mainstream schooling, it was clear that a big reason they struggled to succeed in the large, busy and tightly structured organisation of a secondary school was that their voices were not heard and their needs were not met. They had been disempowered and excluded. They could not find ways to learn, fit or feel they belonged. They felt less important than the rules in place. They referred to teacher-student ratios, teacher workloads and timetable constraints as some of the reasons that they could not access the learning and/or social support that they needed. They identified that teachers were busy and that their priority was meeting curriculum delivery and assessment requirements for the large numbers of students. Students had often internalised responsibility for this. These students felt guilty or uncomfortable if they asked for any extra time or attention from their teachers, who they knew were stressed and working hard. They believed that it was their fault for not being able to behave or engage in the standard ways and that school was just ‘not for them’. An important observation here is that, often, the children and young people who thrive in schools are those that are most aligned with the goals and values of the institution. Those who are not from the dominant cultural group or who have differing needs or interests are less likely to succeed. Although a function of schools is to develop the next generation into particular types of citizens to meet the community needs, a more innovative and transformative future will not be realised by these arrangements. Diversifying the voices that have influence is crucial when the reproduction of the past conditions is likely to result in an untenable future. More opportunities for transformation become possible when those who are dissatisfied can give dissenting responses and suggest alternatives. This is rarely possible in regard to the way students experience schooling. Student voice initiatives have become popular in schools, but usually these are subject to adult discourses and regulations and are accessed by those students who already ‘fit’ — skilled at navigating the entrenched and traditional paths. For others, such as those that I spoke with in my research, they see these opportunities for student voice as discouraging and more evidence they don’t belong. A key responsibility that we have for our children and young people (arguably now more than ever) is that they are socially, politically and economically prepared for a precarious future — a future which is regularly portrayed to them as likely to be catastrophic. But we dampen their agency through schooling and reduce the range of ideas, innovations and resources that they will have available to envision and manifest more positive alternative futures. A key and simple question that should be asked of our schools is: are we doing education to our children and young people, or are we doing education with our children and young people? ‘Doing with’ scaffolds agency, supports empowerment and increases the likelihood of students feeling better prepared for their futures. By acknowledging their concerns, respecting their differences and valuing their contributions, schools can support hope and aspiration that may combat the despondency and despair that is sadly a part of life for many. Fiona Longmuir is a senior lecturer in educational leadership at the Faculty of Education, Monash University. Fiona’s work aims to advance just, healthy and sustainable schooling arrangements. Her research work has investigated the perceptions and experiences of students, teachers and school leaders in order to better understand relational and performative tensions that emerge in policy and practice at system and local levels. This piece is adapted from Fiona Longmuir’s chapter ‘Potential of students’ voices to contribute to education for a future world worth living in from Living well in a world worth living in for all, Volume 2: Enacting a praxis for a just and sustainable future (edited by Reimer, K.E., Kaukko, M., Windsor, S., Kemmis, S. & Mahon, K.) Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 8, 2024

Preventing children from becoming parrots as they learn to read - 360 Su Li Chong Published on September 8, 2022 Too much emphasis on children knowing how to read the words does not make reading meaningful. ‘Parrot phenomenon’ is the name given to one of the more persistent problems with literacy. Many times, a child can sound out or mimic the words on a page but, like a trained bird, is unable to comprehend the meaning of the words and sentences. In Malaysia, the parrot phenomenon is particularly prevalent among children who are not in a literacy-rich environment and whose socioeconomic background is lower-than-average, including rural school children from a ‘B40’ household, which is in the bottom 40th percentile, earning less than RM4,850 per month (US$1,021). But approaching literacy with the same tools that cause this phenomenon will not contribute to its solution. Instead, new ideas from teaching theory need to be considered. In Malaysia, barring some exceptions, the phonics approach – associating shapes with sounds — is central to teaching literacy in English and Malay. Currently, Malaysia’s literacy rate stands at 95 percent among 15 years and older, and 77.2 percent among 65 years and older. Regardless of the type of writing system, whether logographic (for example Mandarin) or non-logographic (for example English, Malay), the aim of literacy is for the learner to be able to demonstrate the ability to turn writing symbols into sounds. Among the main reasons for the parrot phenomenon is the lack of support working together across home, school, and community to ensure meaningful literacy. School becomes the only place for these children to learn how to read. If children’s experience of literacy is the mechanics and functions of reading and less about reading for pleasure, it reduces comprehension. This underscores why a new focus on what is called ‘meaningful meaning-making’ is important to transform reading from being merely functional into something that is essentially intertwined with being human. One way to achieve better meaning-making is to broaden the definition of reading and literacy, particularly in how it is understood, taught, and practised in Malaysia. Underpinning this is theories of literacy that argue that there are multiple methods to teach reading. This perspective uses creative methods like pictures, sounds, and texture to create situations appropriate to the socio-cultural and even socioeconomic environment of the learners so that reading becomes more than a skill to be learnt. For example, while wordless picture books are commonly used in schools in other parts of the world, they are less common in Malaysian schools and homes. The singular focus on learning how to read in its linguistic form leaves little room for non-linguistic, non-written forms to be explored. Those who struggle to make meaning through the conventional alphabetic-centric method of writing would be able to access other symbolic systems that can become alternatives for making meaning. Providing both pictorial and written symbolism can be especially crucial for new readers because the combination of both stimuli can allow the one that resonates more strongly to be used as the primary meaning-making tool, acting as a bridge to better comprehension. However, an unconventional method of teaching literacy raises questions about how reading skills are measured and assessed: how will a teacher know if a child can read? Before high-stakes reading level testing, sufficient encouragement could be given to learners to establish meaning-making through alternative means. And it is important to acknowledge that generalising learning across all learners does not help build lifelong readers. As the struggle to ensure universal literacy continues, the next few decades will require a more critical, transformational approach to raising generations of not only literate children but meaningful meaning-makers. New literacy spaces are one way forward. Su Li Chong is a senior lecturer at the Department of Management and Humanities, Institute of Self Sustainable Building, Universiti Teknologi PETRONAS (UTP), Malaysia. She is also Head of UTP’s University Social Responsibility (Education Pillar). She obtained her PhD in Education from the University of Cambridge, UK.She tweets @chongsuli Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on September 8, 2022

Private profit and a hollowed out public service - 360 Published on August 11, 2023 All sides of politics have a hand in how public servants became usurped by global consulting firms. The real winner could be the one who can fix it. EMBED START Video {id: "editor_0"} On the eve of Australia’s last federal election, then-Prime Minister Scott Morrison announced that his government, if re-elected, would cut AUD$3.3 billion from the Australian Public Service. Over the next four years, the Liberal-National coalition would, it promised, cut 5,500 jobs from the APS to pay for the potential new government’s election promises. Morrison claimed the multi-billion cut “doesn’t impact on programs or services at all. It never has”. A year later, following a public service audit, it was revealed Morrison’s government spent AUD$20.8 billion outsourcing work in 2021-2022. After Anthony Albanese’s Labor Party won the 2022 Federal Election, the new Minister for the Public Service, Katy Gallagher, said the former government promoted a “mirage of efficiency but were at the same time spending almost AUD$21 billion of public money on a shadow workforce that was deliberately kept secret.” The government inherited an Australian Public Service that had been slowly perishing for decades. An estimated 13,000 to 18,000 bureaucrat jobs had been cut from the public service since the Liberal-National coalition took power in 2013. The scale of institutional memory lost to the APS was reported as “one of the country’s core institutions suffers a form of organisational dementia”. The cuts can not be blamed on one side of politics. It followed a pattern of decision-making back to the 1970s. Consecutive governments of both major parties have employed the policy of the efficiency dividend since 1986, which creates an annual reduction in resources. Breaking up agencies started happening with Labor hero Gough Whitlam in the 1970s and began in earnest under the Liberal Party’s Malcolm Fraser. Fraser’s government (1975-83) was accused of “lobotomising the public service” after he “eliminated a number of agencies and used a strategy of staff ceilings on public service numbers” during his tenure. This experience matches the overwhelming narrative of Western governance in the 1980s and its co-existence with the neoliberal doctrine, a composite of free market first political ideologies, which when boiled down is considered to be the “liberalising of global markets associated with the reduction of state power”. The cuts in Australia are reflected in civil service departments across the developed world, from the United Kingdom to the United States and Canada. The ideology was a heady mixture of the spoils of the Cold War era of Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher, their commitment to deregulation and a reimagined social contract between the government and its people. These ideological changes to its fundamental purpose saw Reagan claim in his inaugural address as president that “… government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem”. While at the same time being the head of a government. The 1980s, which led to previously unthinkable wealth, had a counterweight. Much of the work to control the extremities of capitalism and industry is done by governments. However, they had now been either suppressed, removed altogether or willfully joined the parade of deregulation. The underlying logic, as Dr Marty Bortz from the Melbourne School of Government at the University of Melbourne claims in his article, The shadow government plundering the public purse, from Canberra to London became “the underlying logic was that the private sector knows best”. The Big Four (PricewaterhouseCoopers, Ernst & Young, Deloitte and KPMG) have done well out of the trade winds of this age. In 2021, the global consulting services market was valued between $USD700 billion and $USD900 billion. While the relationship between the government and its civil service may have changed since the 1980s, their responsibilities continued. External consultants have instead filled the fundamental roles of service delivery and frank and fearless advice in some capacities. Former Public Service Commissioner and Honorary Professor of Public Policy at the Australian National University Andrew Podger believes that “ideology began to play a more explicit part from the late 1990s”. “A ‘Yellow Pages’ approach was … suggested, where any activities that private businesses revealed in the Yellow Pages that they deliver should not be undertaken by the government itself but outsourced instead,” he says. “Privatised policy-making” became a growing concern as governments further relied on these agencies for digital transformation and advisory services through the millennium and into the 21st century. Podger says “the APS of the early 1970s was too independent and too insular, and it needed to be more responsive to the elected government … but the scale of increased political control and use of external labour over the last three decades has adversely affected the capability and performance of the APS and led to some other failings”. In Australia, the Centre for Public Integrity released data that the Big Four consulting firms saw a 1,270 percent increase in contracts from the Commonwealth from 2012-2022. At the same time, they also contributed AUD$4,289,253 in donations to the two major parties. The conflicts of interest grew. La Trobe University’s Stuart Kells claims that “the Big Four have become in some respects competitors to and substitutes for some functions of government”. “As well as standing alongside public sector clients as trusted advisors, the Big Four sometimes sit on the opposite side of the table, advising corporates and other entities in conflict with the government and, sometimes, in conflict with the public interest,” he says. These conflicts became a sharp public focus in 2023 when the Australian affiliate of PwC was accused of misusing confidential government tax information for commercial gain. PwC had been tasked with advising the Australian government on the design of stricter multinational tax laws and had been leaking that same information to companies so they could evade potential new taxes. Despite the unfolding saga, PwC still holds significant consultancy contracts with the Australian government, with agreements worth an estimated AUD$500 million. The government and consultancy firms are heavily intertwined. Podger believes that using long-term contractors sitting beside APS employees doing similar ongoing work raises a fundamental constitutional issue, as questions of accountability and the potential subversion of executive power fail to be adequately addressed. “If they [consultants] are in effect Commonwealth employees, they should be employed under powers authorised by the Parliament such as the Public Service Act. That might also make them subject to legislated codes of conduct,” he writes. However, those grey areas and fine margin calls are frustrating regulators. In a Faustian-style bargain, the public service has become a “captive of the industry”, according to Scott Donald from UNSW. With less investment in government services, the government is spending more on consultants who advise to bring in more consultants. By the very nature of their establishment, external contractors are accountable to their employers first, not their employers’ contracts. As Christopher Wright from the University of Sydney says: “Their survival depends upon winning and maintaining client relationships such that an ongoing line of business contracts is maintained.” According to the Australia Institute, less than 20 percent of consultants’ reports to the government are published, a failing that implies governments could seek advice from consultants in line with the answer they want, as opposed to the reality of a situation. Governments are then able to blame consultants for news the public may not wish to receive. Canadian academics Denis St Martin and Chris Hurl, however, say governments are not just unfortunate witnesses to unscrupulous consultancy firms. “They influence the decision to hire outside experts by creating uncertainty while offering a readily available solution. They make clients addicted to, or over-reliant on, their expertise,” they say. The public service is held to account via a range of codes of conduct bound by government acts. Consultants are not. Australia’s PwC tax scandal in isolation is shocking, but the involvement of PwC in the much-maligned ‘Robodebt’ scandal speaks to a pattern. PwC was employed to undertake “an independent review of the compliance and fraud activities” within the Department of Human Services. The expectation was a 100-page report. What was delivered was eight slides for a PowerPoint presentation. For that, the firm received AUD$853,859, which it said it would return after its involvement in the twin scandals became public in 2023. The money is a mere drop in the ocean for these global behemoths. Reportedly the refund “would mean a roughly 0.03 percent hit to its annual revenue of $2.6 billion”. The task of unpicking consultant firms’ influence, the concerns of ethics and conflicts of interest will continue to ricochet across governments of the world despite the current Australian focus. Calls for increased regulation and greater transparency are just the beginning of this debate, with professors James Guthrie and Allan Fels claiming that the time is now to break up the Big Four. “As a matter of priority, the various parliamentary inquiries now underway should investigate conflicts of interest and dubious ethical practices by the Big Four and those legal firms that provide aggressive taxation advice.” The world is watching on as these firms are dragged before senate and committee hearings by governments across the globe. Their attempts are trying to count the cost of how deep the rot goes in their civil services. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “The consultancy conundrum” sent at: 16/08/2023 10:22. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on August 11, 2023

Private vs. public: predicting and preparing for future pandemics - 360 Michael Bartos Published on March 28, 2022 More agile global governance of the pandemic response must be established while COVID-19 is still prominent. COVID-19 turned into a US$22-trillion disaster killing more than six million people globally partly because the dots between warning and action were not connected. Some governments took quick and precautionary action, especially those that had invested in their public health infrastructure in the wake of SARS, as in Taiwan, Thailand, Vietnam and South Korea. Most sat on their hands until the early weeks of March 2020 when they had domestic evidence of widespread disease. With contested authority and a deluge of conflicting information, where national public health institutions had been under-funded and were sidelined, they were unable to cope. Commercial information-management operations spotted the gap in the market. They nimbly pivoted their data and information management systems to the pandemic, promising governments support to make critical decisions amid all the uncertainty of a fast-moving crisis. Palantir, an American software company, begins its latest product pitch like this: “The dominant nation-states and companies that define our way of life will be the ones that get software and use of data right”. The UK National Health Service and the US Centers for Disease Control used Palantir’s data-integration products in the early months of the pandemic. Salesforce, another US company, was brought in to bail out the Australian state of Victoria when its contact-tracing system buckled under the pressure of soaring case numbers in mid-2020.  Danish-owned UK health-data-management company Airfinity found its niche as the go-to source for data on vaccine production, supply and delivery, and was used widely by news organisations, governments and multilateral institutions.  There are lessons to be drawn from this type of targeted innovation, but long-term public health goals do not sit comfortably with providers whose raison d’être is to sell a product that gives you a comparative advantage over others. The agenda needs to be set by governments – private organisations can bring a set of agile tools to help, but they need to be within parameters of equity and national good defined by the public sector. The Independent Panel for Pandemic Preparedness and Response, has recommended the United Nations General Assembly and the G20 create a global health threats council, bringing together selected heads of state and international luminaries to give pandemic response urgency and political weight. The WHO has expanded its surveillance efforts by creating a new Berlin-based Hub for Pandemic and Epidemic Intelligence, headed by Chikwe Ihekweazu, formerly director of Nigeria’s Centre for Disease Control. The hub intends to go beyond epidemic surveillance to apply collective intelligence efforts across a whole range of epidemic-relevant public health, social, political and economic domains. The Epidemic Intelligence for Open Sources network, a core part of the hub, will continue to trawl through thousands of signals, including 34,000 web pages daily, to pick up and verify reports that may require closer attention. In 2021 it analysed 519 million COVID-related tweets. It links other networks including the ProMED network of infectious disease scientists that noticed the first Chinese press reports of the Wuhan cases. And while extensive negotiations are required to bring 194 states into agreement, the WHO is edging towards a new pandemic treaty. Among the most contentious issues will be inspection powers – some are calling for the new treaty to enshrine powers like those of chemical weapons or nuclear-accident inspectors, who are able to bypass red tape to speed to outbreak locations. But despite the global good such powers might represent, national sovereignty is fiercely guarded. The systems for an orderly global vaccine rollout collapsed in a flurry of vaccine nationalism; conclusive demonstration that health – nationally and globally – is better protected as a public good and not a competition. Successive variant waves have been driven by rampant transmission and replication of SARS-CoV-2 in unvaccinated populations, quite aside from the inequitable burden of disease and death. The task now in front of the multilateral system is whether short-term beggar-thy-neighbour approaches can be put aside in favour of the greater good. As the wash-up of the global pandemic begins, the major questions are: what has been learnt, and more importantly, which of those lessons will inform future changes? The key finding of the independent panel was that the global system for pandemic alert and response failed to join up. It was not that the early warning came too slowly — Wuhan clinicians were aware of an unusual cluster of pneumonia of unknown origin in the city’s hospitals. The problem was that the global response to this early warning was too slow. It is not clear that the proposals made so far to remedy the gap between alert and action will get to the nub of the problem. They mainly build on what worked well during COVID-19. In May 2021 the UK under its G7 presidency announced a global pandemic radar to protect health systems by “spotting diseases before they cause future pandemics and enabling the rapid development of vaccines, treatments and tests”. The Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations (CEPI), a global non-profit vaccine-development body established in the wake of the 2014-16 Ebola crisis, was among the first to spring into action at the advent of the pandemic, commissioning vaccine research in January 2020 – within days of publication of the SARS-CoV-2 genome sequence. In March 2022 CEPI committed to a ‘100 day’ target for safe, effective vaccines in response to the next “disease X” but in a sobering warning that global attention may already be moving on, it garnered only US$1.5 billion of the US$3.5 billion in funding replenishment it was seeking. The race is now on to establish more agile global governance that recognises pandemic preparedness and response as a global public good. There are plenty of technical advances that can populate such a system, but what is fast running out is the political will to create it while COVID-19 is still fresh in our minds. Michael Bartos is Honorary Associate Professor, School of Sociology, at the Australian National University. He was lead editor attached to the Secretariat of the Independent Panel for Pandemic Preparedness and Response. He has conducted research on gaps in pandemic prepareness and for the Independent Panel for Pandemic Preparedness and Response funded by WHO through consultancy contracts. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 28, 2022

Proactive regulators key to safe biopharmaceuticals - 360 Rashmi Shrivastava Published on July 27, 2022 India’s booming biopharma sector presents a new challenge for regulators. Biopharmaceuticals are taking over chemical drugs in the medical race to save lives. They’re a burgeoning business in India, a multi-billion-dollar market growing at an annual rate of 19 percent. The products include insulin, vaccines, blood products such as albumin, hormones, and monoclonal antibodies used as anti-cancer agents – medicines that treat life-threatening diseases. But unlike chemical-based drugs, they are often highly temperature sensitive and vulnerable to degradation, depending on how and where they are made, transported or stored. Biopharmaceuticals require special attention to ensure their quality throughout their life cycle from production to expiry and disposal. A recent study of 17,451 batches of samples assessed over a decade (2011–21) found 2.34 percent were of poor quality. Even though this is less than for chemical drugs, what is worrying is the category they belong to, which includes medicines used to treat life-threatening conditions such as cancer, heart attack, haemophilia and serious injuries or burns, and even extended to in vitro diagnostic kits used to detect HIV and hepatitis antibodies. The compromised quality of drugs like these poses a serious threat to the health of patients – and India’s overall health infrastructure. Evaluating biopharmaceuticals for their quality is more complex than for chemical drugs, creating a challenge for regulators. Today, regulators primarily assess biopharmaceuticals in four ways: assessment of documents, site inspections, quality-control testing by National Control Laboratories, and post-marketing checks as and when required. Guidelines and regulations are already in place with regard to pre-marketing (pre-clinical, clinical) and post-marketing requirements, and for the manufacturing process and quality control, but equally robust infrastructure for implementation and checkpoints is required. As India’s biotech sector booms, regulators need to strengthen the checks at the beginning of the process to avoid being a bottleneck later as the number of biopharmaceuticals they need to license grows. Otherwise, it will be akin to having the required curriculum and schools, but not enough teachers to cater for students or monitor their progress. Given the current number of National Control Laboratories catering to quality evaluation of biologicals, many products are currently being released only on the basis of dossier reviews and on-site inspections. NCLs are also tasked with testing confiscated or fake drugs as and when they are found by drug inspectors. Several rackets  focused on manufacturing fake, spurious or substandard drugs have been identified and busted by regulatory authorities already. The consequences of such poor-quality drugs being administered to the needy are not difficult to comprehend and such incidents highlight the gravity of crime related to health practices in the country. India does undertake drug surveys to assess the number and causes of substandard medicines, but the same surveys are not feasible for biopharmaceuticals because of the drugs’ high cost, their temperature sensitivity during transport and storage, and the absence of state-of-the-art national laboratories for complete testing of such complex molecules. If quality checks are made available even at pre-release stages such as production, or during clinical trials or other relevant checkpoints to evaluate  progress or quality, it could save time and money in conducting surveys after release and weeding out substandard products even before their final release. The time taken for regulatory approvals, particularly of life-saving drugs, is equally important. To ensure safety along with speed, more state-of-the-art laboratories are needed to evaluate the ever-increasing biopharmaceuticals and their equally in-demand cousins, biosimilars. These laboratories could be made aware of new biopharmaceuticals awaiting approval from licensing authorities so they’re ready to test, saving time in granting approvals. Healthcare policymakers should consider these bottlenecks and devise suitable policies to strengthen the regulatory infrastructure in order to keep substandard drugs from being produced or reaching the market. Rashmi Shrivastava is currently working as a scientist at the National Institute of Biologicals and has over 20 years of experience in the field of life science. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on July 27, 2022

Proposed Ukraine Tribunal risks justice deadlock - 360 Denakpon Tchobo Published on February 23, 2023 Two NATO powers have plans to bring Putin to justice over Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, but a different approach offers a clearer path to prosecution. Russia’s aggression in Ukraine continues to prompt outrage in the international community, but finding a way to hold President Vladimir Putin accountable has proved incredibly challenging. International law has many levers to bring accused war criminals to heel, with the most conventional being the International Criminal Court (ICC), an opt-in establishment that is created and governed by the Rome Statute, a treaty that 123 countries are party to. Neither Russia nor Ukraine are party to the Rome Statute, though, which complicates efforts to prosecute Putin and any accomplices. The most common way to prosecute a non-member is through a UN Security Council referral, but that’s fruitless here: Russia, as a Security Council permanent member, wields veto power. An idea floated to address the gap: creating a Special Tribunal capable of prosecuting Russia for the crime of aggression. The crime of aggression is committed when a leader of a country plans, prepares, initiates or executes an act of aggression by one country against another. The UK government declared it would “support a special hybrid court so long as it did not duplicate the ICC’s work,” adding that the tribunal should be based on “Ukrainian national justice, but contain international elements”. Germany’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Annalena Baerbock also supported the idea, saying: “This tribunal — which would be separate from the ICC — should derive its jurisdiction from Ukrainian criminal law.” The UK and Germany’s proposals are well-intentioned reforms of international law that take aim at deterring future crimes of aggression, but seem destined to fall short of holding Putin accountable and rather ending up in a jurisdictional deadlock. That said, both proposals raise three key legal issues that offer a glimpse at what issues international lawmakers must resolve to move ahead with one of the most ambitious prosecutions in recent memory. Top leaders (such as sitting heads of state, heads of government, and ministers of foreign affairs) have de juro personal immunities that prevent them from being subject to criminal prosecution before any national court, even when it comes to prosecuting international crimes. Both proposals from the UK and Germany focus on carving out a jurisdiction based on Ukrainian national law, although the UK proposal contains “international elements”. This gives rise to more thorny legal questions. If the resulting tribunal is viewed as a product of Ukraine’s judiciary, Putin’s legal team could argue that — as a Russian head of state — he is immune from prosecution. Such an argument has succeeded before: in 2002, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) contended in its judgment of Congolese foreign minister Abdoulaye Yerodia Ndombasi that Belgium had violated “the principle of sovereign equality among states” in issuing an arrest warrant against Yerodia. Trying Putin before a “hybrid” Ukrainian tribunal would principally violate Russia’s sovereignty. But, in the same ICJ judgement, the court found that immunity does not have effect before international criminal courts and tribunals. In other words, these top leaders might be subject to criminal proceedings before international jurisdiction for crimes committed under customary international law. A guide of how it might play out can be found in the Appeals Chamber of the Special Court for Sierra Leone during the 2004 trial of Liberian warlord Charles Taylor. Taylor’s defence argued that, as a foreign head of state, he was immune from prosecution in a court derived from Sierra Leone’s national judicial system and lacked the necessary “international character”. On the contrary, because the Special Court had been created by the UN, it was determined to have the necessary international character. Decisions in Special Courts like this wouldn’t be binding on any Ukrainian tribunal that arises, but it offers an educated prediction as to how to the legal arguments might fall Ukraine might be blocked from setting up a special tribunal by its own constitution, which outlaws the “establishment of extraordinary and special courts”. While the constitution can be modified or revised, it can’t be amended during conditions of martial law or a state of emergency. Ukraine’s martial law lasts under February 24th, 2023, but any extension will keep the constitution intact as is. Unlike war crimes and crimes against humanity, such as genocide and torture, there is no universal jurisdiction for the crime of aggression (and hasn’t been since World War II). Arresting and prosecuting Putin  — a head of state of a sovereign country — in a national court would spark international controversy and, despite the appalling scenes playing out in the invasion, be problematic in the international community. The logistical and legal challenges of a special court doesn’t mean all hope is lost. The hurdles staring down the UK and Germany’s proposals can be overcome with a carefully crafted Special Criminal Tribunal, one without “national judicial”substance. For instance — the approach formulated by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, which calls for a “Special International Criminal Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression”, that manages to circumvent the ICC without drawing too deeply into Ukrainian national law. Former ICC Prosecutor Luis Moreno Ocampo asserted that prosecution of Putin would represent “selective justice”, citing unexamined cases of alleged aggression from Azerbaijan against Armenia, and the US against Iraq. However, pursuing a prosecution of Putin is a step towards maintaining international peace and security. Aggression is “the scheme of crimes in crime” — the illegal act that opened the door for all other crimes to take place in Ukraine. Ruling out the crime of aggression solely on jurisdictional grounds could endanger the future of international criminal justice. Denakpon L. Tchobo holds a Doctor of Juridical Science (SJD) in international criminal law from Case Western Reserve University where he is currently an adjunct professor of law. He is the author of the proposed convention for the prevention and punishment of crimes of groupicide. He was one of the recipients of the Case Global Service Award 2021. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on February 23, 2023

Pros and cons of a women-friendly rideshare app - 360 Roy Huijsmans, Pritee Hamal Published on December 27, 2023 As ride-sharing booms in Asia, women’s mobility is crucial. But it faces challenges like harassment due to the introduction of gendered strategies. Ride-sharing platforms in Asia are thriving but their impact on women’s safety and mobility remains largely unexplored. This is concerning, given the prevalence of gender-based violence in conventional transport, particularly in South Asia where women face greater restrictions on independent mobility. Enter Tootle. Research conducted in Kathmandu, Nepal, shows that the issue of gender has featured centrally in the business strategy of the Nepali-owned ride share company. Co-founder and CEO Sixit Bhatta describes Tootle, which launched in 2017, consistently as “not just a ride-sharing company, the whole idea revolves around encouraging freedom of movement“. Tootle seeks to expand the freedom of movement, especially as Kathmandu’s public transport has been unfriendly towards differently-abled people and women. Without questioning Tootle’s social justice concerns, the focus on women was recognised as a business strategy as women comprise at least half of the potential passenger population and constitute a dormant pool of potential riders. Women are also underrepresented in paid work. In Ethiopia, for example, these observations have contributed to the launch of a ride-sharing platform (Seregela) which worked with women drivers exclusively. Recruiting more women as drivers is probably the most effective strategy to increase the share of women passengers. Women drivers convey a sense of safety and security to women passengers. Tootle has built this factor into its ride-sharing app by allowing passengers to ‘choose‘ between men and women drivers. However, attracting more women drivers is a challenge. The ride-sharing platforms seek to address this by championing women as drivers in their advertisements and by depicting ride-sharing as a women’s practice, involving women drivers and women passengers. The platforms also publish success stories about women drivers that carefully weave together the benefits of being a driver with aspects of women’s conventional gender roles. Tootle also sought to attract women drivers by not charging them a commission (initially it charged men drivers a 4 percent commission). Tootle not only creates its supply of drivers in gendered ways, following the theoretical premise that platform companies are ‘in the business of making markets’ it does the same for demand. For the public this is less visible; yet, probably more impactful. In its driver’s interface, Tootle represents demand for ride-shares in hetero-normative ways: customers are presented as either female or male. Research in 2019 suggests that drivers (who are mostly men), indeed, use this to give preference to women passengers. For example, women passengers rarely complained about long waits. One woman customer who mostly used Tootle said: “I never had to wait more than 10 minutes for a ride-request sent.” In contrast, men frequently complained. One said: “It will be a pleasant surprise if I ever get a ride without waiting for more than 30 minutes.” Allowing drivers to give preference to women passengers can be argued to make ride-sharing more women-friendly because it reduces waiting times for women. Unfortunately, it also facilitates sexism. A male customer interviewed referred to a response he got when he complained to a (male) Tootle driver who picked him up after a long wait: “You should feel lucky, because you are my first male customer [today]. I never give rides to males but only to females. Why would I become a driver otherwise — it’s fun having a female on the back of my bike.” While in this specific case no woman was negatively affected, the driver’s attitude mirrors those collected online from women passengers reporting harassment by male drivers both during and after the ride-share. These incidents happen despite compulsory onboarding of new drivers in which ride-sharing platforms instruct newly recruited drivers about avoiding unwanted behaviour. New drivers are told to not tease women customers, to refrain from comments that could be interpreted as sexual innuendos and to refrain from asking women customers to sit closer to the driver, or to brake in such a manner that the body of the woman passenger touches the driver. Across Asia ride-sharing platforms have significantly transformed urban transportation, including in gendered ways. The expanded choice and availability of transport options is good news, especially for those women looking for and able to afford alternatives to existing gender-insecure forms of transport. Recruitment efforts targeting women as drivers has not only created new opportunities for paid (part-time) work for women, it also contributed to further shifts in gender norms in urban transport. However, the gender justice argument put forth by Nepal’s ride-sharing platforms must be recognised as a business strategy. When platforms make markets in gendered ways, this creates gendered tensions. Most notably, allowing driver selection based on the passenger’s gender seems beneficial to women initially but it encourages sexist attitudes and creates the potential for gender-based violence. Over recent years, Nepal’s ride-sharing platforms have improved complaint and tracking mechanisms to combat sexism. Yet, the failure to increase the share of women as drivers delimits the inclusiveness of ride-sharing platforms. Improving women’s riders working conditions may be the surest way to address this. is an associate professor of childhood and youth studies. His research focuses on young people in processes of social development, which includes the emerging platform economy. is an independent researcher based in Kathmandu, Nepal. She holds an MA in Development Studies and Gender Studies. This article is part of a Special Report on the Asian Gig Economy, produced in collaboration with the Asian Research Centre – University of Indonesia Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 27, 2023

Protecting children or policing gender? - 360 Brian Earp Published on September 16, 2022 Laws on genital mutilation, gender affirmation and cosmetic genital surgery are at odds, even though they have many similarities. In Ohio, USA, lawmakers are currently considering the Save Adolescents from Experimentation (SAFE) Act that would ban hormones or surgeries for minors who identify as transgender or non-binary. In April this year, Alabama passed similar legislation. Alleging anti-trans prejudice, opponents of such legislation say these bans will stop trans youth from accessing necessary healthcare, citing guidance from the American Psychiatric Association, the American Medical Association and the American Academy of Pediatrics. Providers of gender-affirming services point out that puberty-suppressing medications and hormone therapies are considered standard-of-care for trans adolescents who qualify. Neither is administered before puberty, with younger children receiving psychosocial support only. Meanwhile genital surgeries for gender affirmation are rarely performed before age 18. Nevertheless, proponents of the new laws say they are needed to protect vulnerable minors from understudied medical risks and potentially lifelong bodily harms. Proponents note that irreversible mastectomies are increasingly performed before the age of legal majority. Republican legislators in several states argue that if a child’s breasts or genitalia are ‘healthy’, there is no medical or ethical justification to use hormones or surgeries to alter those parts of the body. However, while trans adolescents struggle to access voluntary services and rarely undergo genital surgeries prior to adulthood, non-trans-identifying children in the United States and elsewhere are routinely subjected to medically unnecessary surgeries affecting their healthy sexual anatomy — without opposition from conservative lawmakers. One group affected by these non-voluntary surgeries are infants born with intersex traits due to one or more ‘differences of sex development’. These traits are often harmless, naturally-occurring variations in human sexual and reproductive anatomy that occur in an estimated 0.018 percent to 0.08 percent of all live births. Doctors will often recommend risky, even radical surgeries for intersex infants with genital features that differ from cultural ideals of ‘normal’ or ‘typical’. These surgeries attempt to make the child’s body fit within a stereotyped gender binary. They are not to promote the infant’s physical health — which may be impaired by the surgeries. Studies published between 1955 and 2000 (mostly looking at populations in developed economies) estimate that these surgeries are performed on around one in every 1,000 children, although exact rates are unknown. Since most intersex surgeries are medically avoidable, are performed without the consent of the affected child, and involve damaging or removing healthy genital tissues, human rights scholar Melinda Jones has called them a “Western form of female genital mutilation”. The term ‘female genital mutilation’ (FGM) is primarily used to describe (and condemn) non-Western, mostly African, practices. Currently, the World Health Organization (WHO) defines such mutilation as any cutting or alteration of female-typical genitalia that is not done for “medical reasons”. The WHO’s sex-specific definition includes highly invasive procedures, like excision of the external clitoris and infibulation. But it also counts as FGM relatively minor interventions, such as ‘ritual nicking’ of the clitoral foreskin or hood. This form of cutting is practiced, alongside male circumcision, by some Islamic sects such as the Dawoodi Bohra. In 2017, a member of the Bohra community — Dr Jumana Nagarwala — was arrested in Detroit, Michigan on charges of FGM. She was brought to trial for allegedly performing a ritual nick or similar procedure on several young girls. The federal judge in charge of the case struck down the US anti-FGM law as unconstitutional. However a replacement law was signed by President Trump near the end of his term. The STOP FGM Act of 2020 clarifies that ritual nicking without tissue removal — even for explicitly religious purposes — is now banned as female genital ‘mutilation’. But like the WHO definition, this law excludes children with intersex traits who undergo medically unnecessary genital cutting, even if categorised by doctors as female at birth. The language of mutilation is not applied consistently. Scholars of genital cutting also question why cosmetic labiaplasty surgeries are not condemned as mutilation despite fitting the WHO definition, and despite new findings showing that nearly 20 percent of these surgeries in the United States, between 2016 and 2019, were carried out on under-18-year-old girls. Few labiaplasties prior to adulthood are done on grounds of physical health. Most are performed to relieve psychological distress in girls who regard their own healthy anatomy as falling outside restrictive gender norms for female genital appearance. Genital surgeries are also regularly carried out on children who are categorised as male at birth, based on the visual appearance of a penis. Some of these children have a condition known as hypospadias, where the urethra opening — the hole for urine and semen — is not at the tip of the penis, but is somewhere closer to the body on the underside of the shaft. Surgical attempts to relocate the urethra opening to the tip remain standard practice, despite a high rate of serious complications, including fistulas, long-term scarring and other damage. These childhood genital surgeries are rarely needed for physical health reasons. More often, they are motivated by psychosocial concerns, with parents and doctors believing a boy should be able to ‘pee standing up’, or that a child will want his sexual organ to look ‘typical’ for his anticipated gender — even at the risk of losing sexual sensation. But there is no evidence that non-voluntary surgeries for hypospadias tend to improve psychosocial well-being compared to voluntary surgeries or no surgery. In addition to children with hypospadias, states now advocating bans on gender-affirming healthcare for trans adolescents allow medically unnecessary genital surgeries on another group of young males without their consent. This group includes children who have no known differences of sex development nor any medical problems affecting their genitals. The surgery — which occurs over one million times a year in US hospitals — is almost always done for primarily cultural, not strictly medical reasons. It is circumcision, or cutting and removing the penile foreskin. The foreskin is often dismissed in US culture as insignificant. However it makes up about 30 percent of the skin system of the human penis. Similar to the female labia and clitoral hood, it is an elastic erogenous tissue that covers and protects the rest of the organ, unless it is removed. Studies suggest it is the most sensitive part of the penis to light touch. While some American doctors claim that newborn circumcision carries health benefits such as reducing the risk of urinary tract infection (UTI), European doctors dispute these benefits, arguing there’s no medical justification for non-consensual genital surgery on healthy minors. These doctors stress that circumcision in early childhood, when the organ is not fully developed, carries non-trivial risk. Recent data from California show that 1 in every 100 newborn circumcisions results in late-occurring complications, most of which require surgical repair. Increasingly, scholars and advocates criticise what they see as biased or selective expressions of concern for children’s bodily integrity. Why is labiaplasty allowed on young teen girls, but not less-severe Islamic ritual nicking — with only the latter defined as ‘FGM’? Why is medically unncessary genital surgery on intersex infants — and non-intersex boys — permitted, while voluntary puberty suppression for trans adolescents with gender dysphoria banned? Some critics suggest the real motive behind the recent bans is not principled ethics, but conservative policing of the sex/gender binary. Gender-affirming procedures are considered suspect, because they alter a person’s body to align with a gender category other than the one assigned at birth. Males are expected to identify as boys/men, and females as girls/women. Any other relationship between sex and gender violates traditional norms. By contrast, even genital operations that are not medically necessary are approved by conservatives if they preserve the status quo of what is considered ‘normal’ for boys and girls. This includes removing signs of sexual ambiguity in children with intersex traits, reshaping girls’ vulvas through labiaplasty — to make them more ‘feminine’ and petite, banning ‘foreign’ practices like ritual nicking, and altering boys’ penises with hypospadias surgery or circumcision to match cultural norms. Scholars who study the ethics of genital cutting are increasingly of the view that the same moral and legal principles should apply in this area, regardless of sex or gender. They argue the key is consent. For children who are too young to consent, if a genital surgery is not necessary to preserve the child’s physical health, they suggest it should not be performed. Doctors, they argue, should not agree to elective labiaplasties, ritual nicking, ‘normalising’ surgeries for hypospadias or intersex traits, or penile circumcisions in non-consenting minors. For older teens and adolescents, who have relatively more autonomous decision-making capacity, it is possible that some can give their own valid consent to certain body alterations, such as circumcision — or to medically approved hormone therapies for gender dysphoria, preferably with parental support. Gender-affirming surgeries for trans minors are not recommended, although in rare individual cases they could be deemed medically necessary prior to age 18. Either way, it is acknowledged that better research on long-term risks and benefits is sorely needed. And for legal adults, these ethicists claim, there should be the widest leeway for undergoing genital modifications under conditions of informed consent, up to and including purely ‘cosmetic’ procedures with no medical indication. Brian D. Earp is a senior research fellow in the Uehiro Centre for Practical Ethics at the University of Oxford and associate director of the Yale-Hastings Program for Ethics and Health Policy at Yale University and The Hastings Center. He is a signatory to the 2019 Brussels Collaboration on Bodily Integrity international scholarly consensus statement on the ethics of child genital modification. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Questionable care” sent at: 14/09/2022 11:58. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on September 16, 2022

Protecting people's health data an urgent priority - 360 Vijayetta Sharma Published on December 13, 2023 As cyber attacks increase, healthcare providers risk a loss of patient trust if they cannot guarantee information security. The WannaCry ransomware attack on computer systems in 150 countries in 2017 put the lives of patients at risk after ambulances were diverted and surgeries cancelled. Britain’s National Health Service was among the health systems affected by the attack. Since then, there have been many cybersecurity attacks in the US leading to ambulance diversions. The frequency of cyber-attacks on US hospitals and health systems more than doubled from 2016 to 2021. The health industry was the third largest target for cyber attacks in 2023, after education and government. Cyber attacks in Indian health care are second highest in the world. One of the largest data hacks in Indian history in 2023 shone a spotlight on the security of personal health information, especially as the sector becomes increasingly digitised. Security and privacy concerns lie at the crux of information systems research. As more healthcare providers rely on the internet, cyber threats such as data theft become more of a risk. Online patient portals which enable individuals to view medical test results, download data, engage with medical professionals and schedule visits are prone to cyber attacks. Privacy risks are obvious but these breaches also have a strong financial impact on healthcare enterprises and loss of customer trust. Even if the notion of absolute privacy is unattainable, healthcare providers should define where an individual’s privacy may be compromised to maintain credibility and attract future patients. While secondary information use is both widespread and legal, it can be considered an invasion of privacy when it occurs without the knowledge or consent of the consumer. An important concern is whether consumers have a choice to allow their medical information to be digitised or if they may change their attitudes toward opting in for Electronic Health Records (EHRs) maintenance by hospitals. Nations around the world have been grappling with this issue. The EU shared a proposal in data governance to adopt a wider definition of data sharing in 2021 after receiving 449 contributions from 32 countries. The USA HIPPA privacy rule gives individuals rights for their protected health information, provides coordinated care and enables patients’ access to test reports but does not deal with the patient’s right to foresee the secondary use of their shared information per se. The UK’s health information laws grants protection against improper access, disclosure or loss of patient personal health information along with legitimate reason to view the same. German digital health laws and regulations proclaim doctor-patient confidentiality, and the informed and explicit consent of patients to transfer data legally. French laws elaborate specifically on healthcare IT and prohibit the sale of identifiable patient health data. Indian healthcare data privacy laws need to keep up with these global policy proceedings to strengthen its data breach legislation and bestow security in health access to the population. The Digital Personal Data Protection Act has not been notified yet, after being passed in Parliament in August 2023. It does not delve into data breaches involving cyber terrorism, third party leakage, or individual and organisational loss of credibility. Outsourcing security protection can give rise to system interdependence risks to a managed security service provider (MSSP) , making information security systems vulnerable to cyber-attacks. Privacy in the digital domain is an important agenda for policy makers. The extent of data theft, data sharing and accessibility has significant bearing on cyber policies. The development of automated detection systems using a design science approach for combating fake websites can enhance online security. As consumers become more concerned about their privacy, it will be imperative for healthcare firms to adopt privacy protection and security policies to protect against cyber threats. For India, with over one billion people with access to the internet, individual home computer users represent a significant point of weakness in achieving secure cyber infrastructure. In order to secure individuals’ security of personal data, security policies should provide a broader description of electronic presence, identifiability, awareness of logging, awareness of audit which would substantially reduce intentions to commit access policy violations. With a lack of regulation by government, the onus falls to the individual to ensure their devices are safe from hackers. If individuals need to make choices online for their healthcare needs, then security policies need to consider user personalisation preferences to provide them with customised security solutions which should find a clear mention in the security policies of the public and private healthcare enterprises. If the security policies incorporate a common set of values incorporating anonymity, secrecy, confidentiality and control, then the possibility of cyber threat can be controlled and managed to a large extent. The ultimate responsibility lies with the State to enhance cybersecurity readiness. A robust data security framework built upon privacy preferences, information disclosure norms, systems privacy settings, institutional data governance policies and stakeholders’ credibility index score could prove helpful in restoring the trust deficit in digitized healthcare systems. Dr. Vijayetta Sharma is Associate Professor of Public Policy at Manav Rachna International Institute of Research and Studies. She has been a Post-doctoral Research Fellow in Information Science at Indian School of Business (ISB). Her research areas are healthcare, information systems and governance. She specialises in public policy and management and has worked in management courses with academicians across the globe. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 13, 2023

Protecting the midday meal in India - 360 Reetika Khera Published on April 4, 2022 India’s school meals program is ubiquitous, helping deliver food to millions. It faces threats from multiple angles. It would be hard to find a larger or more universal school meals program than that in India. Until COVID-19 hit more than 87 percent of children in rural government schools were being served the ‘Mid-Day Meal’. At last count the scheme covered 118 million children. The benefits of school meals are well established, but government budget pressures threaten the sustainability of India’s program. It will also need to fend off corruption and corporate lobbyists if it is to continue to thrive. With its roots in pioneer state Tamil Nadu in the 1960s, the midday meals program went national in 1995. But it wasn’t until 2001 that it moved beyond dry rations such as wheat and rice. In 2001, many parts of India grappled with drought and in some places (Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Odisha) people were reported to have died from starvation. The People’s Union for Civil Liberties, petitioned the Supreme Court, pointing out that although the government had enough food stocks, people were dying, and it must be directed to act. On 28 November 2001, the Supreme Court directed the government to implement the meal scheme by providing every child in every government and government-assisted primary school with a cooked midday meal, with a minimum nutritional content of 300 calories and eight to 12 grams of protein each day of school for a minimum of 200 days in a year. In the first decade, states gradually succeeded in putting the required infrastructure in place — building kitchens, ensuring water supply in the schools, and appointing cooks and helpers. Today, typically, all schools have one cook and one helper. In some states (e.g., Tamil Nadu, Karnataka), there is a three-member team, including an organiser who is in-charge of accounts, stocks and purchases. Hygiene conditions in the school kitchens were a major concern in the initial years because there was no access to clean drinking water and there were no proper kitchens. The critical importance of this became very evident in 2013, when in Bihar school children died as a result of food poisoning: the school did not have its own premises, and the kitchen was in a veranda. The cook fetched oil in a container from the sarpanch’s or the teacher’s house, which had previously been used to store pesticide. Since then, the midday meal program has been shown to benefit enrolment, attendance, learning outcomes and even nutritional intake and nutritional outcomes. Enrolment effects were especially strong for girls and children from disadvantaged communities like Adivasis (tribals or literally, ‘original inhabitants’). A study by Barooah and her co-authors in Delhi evaluated the impact on learning effort in school, and found that children who had been fed a proper meal did not give up as easily. There are socialisation (habit formation such as queuing up for meals, sharing a meal) and educational benefits (personal hygiene such as washing your hands before eating) as well. The program also created employment opportunities for women. In many parts of rural India, there are few opportunities for a woman to get paid work outside her home. Being a cook in a school is one form of low paid, but dignified, employment. Having their children fed at home also makes for one less chore for women, who typically undertake the majority of childcare in India. This is significant for working women. Though it is rare to hear complaints that children don’t get enough food, questions about the quality of the mid-day meal persist. From 2010 onwards, ensuring nutritional content of mid-day meals has become a big battle. Initially, the same food was given every day. Now there are weekly menus. Afridi found that in Chhindwara district (Madhya Pradesh) the improved menus met up to 22 percent of the required daily nutritional allowance for these children as opposed to just 11 percent where the old menu was served. Some states also provide eggs. Eggs are nutrient dense ‘superfoods’, yet many states have been resisting their introduction on ostensibly religious grounds. Socialisation benefits, including the breaking down of caste barriers, have also been documented. Recently, a Dalit cook was removed because of her caste. In other instances, when such resistance arose, district administrators stepped in. Even as caste issues persist, the mid-day meal has become an important way to break the caste barriers. There are instances of children where they were given food by their parents and told not to eat at school because the cook was from another community. These children, when they go to school and they see all their schoolmates eating together, eat with the others but don’t tell anyone at home. Despite its success as a social policy, government commitment and adequate budgets remain important. The central government provides the grain component free of cost to the states. In addition, cooking costs are also provided for the other ingredients. Though this has increased over the years, starting from just Rs 1 per child per day in 2004, to between Rs. 4-6 per day (for primary and upper primary school children, respectively), the revision in the cooking costs per child per day is inadequate. This year’s budget (2022-23) is slightly lower than last year’s: in nominal terms, it has been slashed by about Rs. 1000 crores (US$13 million). Last year’s cost was Rs. 11,000 crores (US$14 billion). Many other concerns remain: the link between India’s health program (deworming, health check-ups, micronutrient – especially iron – supplementation) and the mid-day meal program in most parts of the country remains weak. Corruption is also a concern and requires constant vigilance. An emerging challenge is the corporate lobby, which views the mid-day meal budget as a large potential ‘market’. In 2008 a biscuit manufacturers’ association attempted to lobby the central government to replace hot cooked meals with fortified biscuits. Such lobbyists have not given up. Reetika Khera is a development economist and teaches at the Indian Institute of Technology Delhi. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: Prof. Reetika Khera

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 4, 2022

Protecting the unborn: Keeping bushfire smoke out of our homes - 360 Glenn P Costin Published on December 11, 2023 Securing homes in the face of bushfires is a known challenge. Far less appreciated is the effect of bushfire smoke and why we must keep it out of residences. “The placentas are grey … the babies are underweight … and there are way too many for there not to be a link!” I’m sitting with my doctor in her Albury clinic a few months after the smoke of Australia’s 2019-2020 bushfires had cleared. This pronouncement has followed some discussion about potential air quality during proposed clearing burns in the region. Listening to her speak, it’s clear this is an issue that’s disturbed her for some time:  “Placentas should be pink. What I’m seeing is what I’d expect from a mother who smoked several packets of cigarettes a week.” Sometime later, as the fire season of 2020-21 approached, I began research into retrofitting Australia’s existing housing stock, just one path towards improved community resilience and bushfire survivability. In so doing, I came across an  article by Nicole Mackee who, in interviewing this same doctor, Dr Rebecca McGowanfurthered her call for research into this area: the effect of bushfires upon the health of those who never even see the flames, and the unborn they may carry. As McGowan herself pointed out, the research she was calling for has precedence much earlier than the 2020 fires. An extensive 2019 North American study showed a distinct correlation between wildfire smoke and adverse pregnancy outcomes. Earlier research into the effects of the Black Saturday Victorian fires of 2009, though never pointing specifically to bushfire smoke, identified significantly reduced birth-weights (a 150 percent increase in underweight babies) and increased pre-term births (a 50 percent increase in those born between 20 and 27 weeks in the three months immediately following the fires). Both these studies concluded that, while there was a definitive correlation, the mechanism or cause was not understood.  More recent studies have begun that much harder journey. Some, such as that by a team in Newcastle, NSW, and from California go so far as to suggest altered DNA methylation during gestation. These, and other studies cite the interruption of multiple biologic mechanisms important to healthy pregnancies. Others have noted rises in child and adult respiratory triggered hospital admissions and deaths, during and post bushfire events, suggesting staggering global death figures in the ‘…hundreds of thousands…’ annually. Such research is echoed by newspaper reports, rigorous online journalistic projects (such as this and this ) and the likes of this team of Australian researchers‘ call for ‘nuanced health advice’ on how we can protect our communities from bushfire smoke exposure. Importantly, from a preventive perspective, is the focus upon ‘…particulate matter less than 2.5 μm in aerodynamic diameter (PM2.5)…’ from bushfire sources. Building a new home, or retrofitting an existing home, to totally eliminate airborne particulate matter less than 2.5 μm, is problematic. As any builder will attest, we don’t build submarines, we build homes. Yet we can, cost effectively, reduce smoke incursion through the fitting of the same seals promoted for home energy efficiency. That they must be fitted correctly, and constantly maintained, is another matter – but it can, and should, be done. Without them we will be sheltering in smoke, rather than being protected from it. Older Australian homes are notoriously leaky (purposefully, with vented brick veneer or double brick walls), while some newer homes arguably don’t leak enough, leading to condensation build up and associated mould issues. This latter point leads to the need for controlled venting that lets moist air out, and clean in: air without smoke or embers. Passivehaus principles lend themselves well to this strategy, but costs can be prohibitive for many.  Cheaper alternatives that can be beneficial in the short term include air purifiers and particulate filters on air-conditioning systems. Such purifiers and filters should be HEPA rated. However, as many have articulated, it is raising the general public’s awareness of the risks associated with bushfire smoke, and the longer-term implications for adults, children, and most importantly our unborn, that is perhaps our first critical step. With understanding comes a willingness to act, to expend resources to reduce the risks of exposure – be that time and or money.  It can also put greater community pressure upon governments at all levels to likewise input targeted resources. Though it’s not a heal-all, the wearing of vented P2/N95 masks is also a practicable short-term measure, despite the poor fitting to children.  Oddly, the COVID-19 pandemic may well have helped us over this hurdle to responsible self-help. My doctor’s call for research, and that of many others like her, has been heard and actioned.  And while we remain far from knowing the exact mechanisms by which bushfire smoke impacts upon the in utero, post-partum and ongoing wellbeing of babies and children, the correlation is clear: the baby and mother’s health is compromised. Equally clear is that climate change is occurring more rapidly than initially expected and with this comes ever heightening bushfire risk. More smoke, more often and for longer durations. Our children have been calling upon us to act, yet we have not done well by them to date.  Our unborn children cannot make such calls, so we must protect them until they can: and though they may bother us in their turn – who knows, we may listen this time. A carpenter joiner by trade, Glenn P. Costin lectures in construction technology at Deakin University’s school of Architecture and Built Environment.  With an extensive history in construction education, he has authored several books used in both university and VET sector construction programs. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 11, 2023

Protecting threatened species in a new era of fire - 360 Luke Kelly, of Melbourne Published on January 18, 2022 Some plants and animals love fire. Others do not. Science will help figure out which areas to burn, which to hose and how to create resilient ecosystems. By Luke Kelly, University of Melbourne, Tim Curran, Lincoln University, and Sophie Wilkinson, McMaster University The giant sequoias of California are some of the largest, oldest trees on Earth. Stretching 100 metres to the sky, some have a girth that could only be spanned by 20 friends holding hands. But in the last two years, fierce wildfires in California have killed an unprecedented number of theseendangered trees. The fires in 2021 alone killed as many as 3,600 giant sequoias, which is approximately 5 percent of large trees in the population. The solution would seem to be to prevent fires, but sequoia groves thrive when small-scale fires pass through. Exclusion of fire can be just as harmful as too much fire. Globally, more than 4,400 species face threats from patterns of fire that have been modified by human activity. Increasingly, researchers are exploring how climate change and land use are changing patterns of fire and what can be done to get more of the ‘right’ kind of fire. Actively managing fire to suit particular species or ecosystems means ensuring the right amount, pattern, and timing of fire in landscapes that need it and less fire in those that do not. Applying the right kind of fire can be helpful for both humans and ecosystems, encouraging desired species and resources. The continuation and reinstatement of Indigenous fire stewardship in the tropical savannas of Brazil demonstrates this. There, the Xavante people use fire to boost vegetation growth and certain animal foods. Areas managed by the Xavante are less likely to experience deforestation and weed invasion. Revitalising Indigenous knowledge in Australia, North America and beyond is likely to also promote patterns of fire that benefit biodiversity and people. Collecting data through scientific experiments and systematic monitoring encourages innovative fire management. For example, knowing when plants flower and produce seed can be used to identify when fire is needed, and parts of the landscape where fire should be suppressed. Linking such information with projections of future wildfires provides a powerful way to design more effective planned burning strategies. In semi-arid Australia, computer modelling has been used to investigate whether planned burns can reduce the risk of harm to birds, reptiles and small marsupials. Preliminary studies indicate that strategic burns, including burning in a striped pattern, can moderate the size of wildfires and benefit some threatened species. A new strategy in many temperate forests is letting wildfires burn when conditions are not extreme, to promote patchily burned areas that are helpful for a range of species. In Yosemite National Park, California, a policy of not extinguishing fires started by lightning has created more diverse habitats that support a variety of plants and their pollinators, such as bees. A different suite of approaches focuses not just on fire, but on the whole ecosystem. Fire and biodiversity cannot be tackled in isolation from other environmental changes such as habitat loss or introduced pest species. From the Arctic tundra to the Amazon rainforest, large-scale environmental restoration projects involving local communities and national agencies have been proposed to increase the total area of habitats and their connectivity to each other. In general, bigger and better-connected animal and plant populations are more resilient to fires. The boreal region of Canada is home to a wide range of creatures, from microscopic microbes to massive moose and caribou. But draining the spongey peatlands has increased the risk of very large fires and tough-to-manage smouldering fires that persist even in cold conditions. Strategic rewetting of drained peatlands and the promotion of fire-resistant mosses can create a natural fire break, reduce wildfire severity and promote biodiversity. In Africa, reintroducing native grazing animals such as white rhinoceros helps to create patchy fires. The grazing of these huge creatures creates habitats for a range of insects and plants. Of course, context matters; grazing by non-native animals, such as cattle in Australia’s alpine regions, doesn’t always reduce fire risk and can harm ecosystems. Some ecosystems may even benefit from artificial habitats. In the Simpson Desert of Australia, scientists have tested the use of refuges made from wire mesh in providing shelter for small animals in open, recently burnt landscapes. Ongoing research indicates that these ‘safe houses’ could protect populations of reptiles and small mammals that would normally be easy prey for introduced cats and foxes. To protect sensitive plants from high-severity fires, Australian rapid response teams have recently trialled the deployment of sprinklers and an American team trialled wrapping the famous giant sequoias in fire-resistant foil. Restoring and promoting landscapes that people can use creates opportunities to balance land for wildlife with other values in many regions of the world. On every vegetated continent, scientists are partnering with local communities to explore ‘green firebreaks’ comprising low-flammability species planted at strategic locations across the landscape. Research in New Zealand has identified low-flammability vegetable crops, pastures and traditional Māori food and medicine species, such as the kawakawa tree, that could moderate fire while enhancing biodiversity. Agriculture and forestry around the Mediterranean that promotes patchworks of low-flammability crops, orchards and oak trees can also reduce the risk of large, intense fires and provide homes for communities of threatened birds. Science has provided a large body of knowledge on fire and biodiversity. At its best, science is inclusive of the diverse people living and working in fire-prone ecosystems. Learning from previous and current management by local and Indigenous people and fostering shared fire management are invaluable steps in promoting fires that benefit people and biodiversity. But more large-scale experiments are needed to test new ideas. And on top of all the other changes humans are creating, climate change is increasing wildfire activity and causing more extreme fire weather in many parts of the world. The challenges the world faces in a new era of fire are so large that ecologists need to keep experimenting, testing new ideas and being bolder with conservation initiatives. Ecosystems are shaped by complex and interconnected reactions to humans and fire. As the world changes, it’s an interplay scientists need to keep learning about. Luke Kelly is a scientist who studies ecology and evolution in fire-prone landscapes. Sophie Wilkinson works at the interface of academia and industry to develop novel fire management techniques in boreal and temperate regions. Tim Curran studies plant flammability to address a range of applied and fundamental topics, including the identification of low flammability species to help redesign landscapes to mitigate fire hazard. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on January 18, 2022

Psychological abuse is underreported, and the effects are damaging - 360 Kristin Diemer Published on March 8, 2022 Psychological abuse is often ignored and assumed to be less severe than other forms of intimate partner violence. The Australian state of New South Wales committed to outlawing the historically overlooked form of partner violence known as coercive control in December last year. While other states in the country are expected to follow suit from this year, there is a significant data gap in recording non-physical forms of violence as evidence, especially when the acts themselves may not be abusive. Coercive control refers to a pattern of domination in a domestic relationship. It can include public humiliation, verbal put-downs, intimidation, destroying things people care for, and controlling behaviours like keeping a person away from friends and family, deciding where they can go, and denying access to finances. It can be difficult to provide sufficient evidence for ‘invisible’ harms such as psychological abuse, which can be experienced subjectively. The only tangible method to gather evidence is when there has been a pattern of behaviour that causes fear or harm. Evidence from the Australian state of Tasmania’s experience is that coercive control has .The impact of psychological and coercive controlling behaviours is likely to be underestimated in the context of an abusive relationship.  But survivors often report it to be much more damaging. A 2019 global review found it to be highly prevalent, ranging from 12 percent to 58 percent across respondents from Bangladesh, Brazil, Ethiopia, Japan, Namibia, Peru, Samoa, Serbia and Montenegro, Thailand, and the United Republic of Tanzania. In the Asia and Pacific region, some countries report more than two-thirds of women experience psychological violence. conducted across the Pacific between 2000 and 2014 show that patterns of all forms of violence are strikingly different by country or sub-region. But there is still limited availability and standardisation of the data. Without it, we won’t be able to fully understand the depth of the problem, or to be able to compare between countries and cultures. We also still don’t know the different forms of violence and their consequences; the high-risk groups; barriers to finding help; and whether appropriate responses are being provided. Good data is the starting point for informing laws, policies and developing effective responses and programs. It also allows countries to monitor change over time and target resources to maximize the effectiveness of interventions, especially when they have limited resources. In order to develop programs to respond and prevent violence against women, we also need to understand the violence in context. The most effective method for this is to work collaboratively with local advocates, policymakers, and researchers to conduct, and more importantly, interpret their data within their cultural context. Surveys on violence against women in Kiribati and Vietnam in 2019 relied upon local knowledge, involving researchers in their national statistics office, program managers in government ministries and women’s support services. Involving local women’s support services in designing safety and support plans for interviewers and survey respondents helps. They are the experts in understanding risks to interviewers and respondents. The Vietnam collaboration found the need to better understand help-seeking behaviours, resulting in an additional study with young people. In Kiribati, the involvement of a local women’s support agency ensured that all outer islands would be supported by counsellors during the survey period. An expanded telephone help-line was also created, where it had not previously existed. Some nations, are beginning to collect data on the degrees of controlling behaviours including emotional, verbal and economic abuse committed by men.There’s also progress in measuring psychological abuse across different cultures in low and middle-income countries and across the European Union after decades of advocacy.And global movements to criminalise some forms of psychological violence, and coercive control in particular are taking off. Every state and territory in Australia is considering legislation to combat coercive control and this will have a flow-on effect across the Asia and Pacific regions. We need better data to ensure that new legislation drives better outcomes for women. Dr Kristin Diemer is a sociologist at the University of Melbourne with twenty years of research experience. Her focus has been in the area of family and domestic violence applied research. The author declares no conflict of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “International Women’s Day” sent at: 11/03/2022 11:26. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 8, 2022

Punjab’s 'Donkey Flights' to the world's conflict zones - 360 Shuchi Kapuria Published on April 29, 2024 Widespread joblessness explains why Punjab’s migrants resort to desperate means to reach their final destinations. Dunki in Punjabi means to hop, skip and jump from one place to another. It is also a corruption of the English ‘Donkey Flight’, a reference to inter-continental flights that carry illegal immigrants from Punjab to Europe and Central and South America. A chartered flight operated by a Romanian carrier, Legend Airlines, carrying about 300 Indians, was intercepted in Paris last December on suspicion of carrying illegal immigrants to Nicaragua. The case brought to sharp relief the desperate means that Indians employ to emigrate to the US, UK and Canada but, more recently, even to conflict zones. In February, the Indian media reported the death of two young men on the Ukraine-Russian war front. They were among 30 people from different Indian states who paid huge sums of money to agents to work as “helpers” for the Russian army. Some of them were allegedly drafted into the Russian army and sent to the front to fight. Some, such as Arbab Hussain from Kasganj in Uttar Pradesh have not been heard of for weeks. Their relatives back home are worried, with the Indian government unable to provide much assistance. In 2018,  39 Indian workers were killed in Iraq. Of these, 27 were from Punjab, while the others were from Himachal Pradesh, West Bengal and Bihar. At the heart of the migration crisis in Punjab is widespread unemployment. The scale and quality of employment in Punjab is also on the decline. The India Employment Report 2024 reveals that the state dropped three ranks from 13th in 2005 to 16th in 2022. Unemployment among educated young people (15 to 29 years) shot up from 22.95 percent to 26.33 percent during the same period. While no precise data exists on the volume of international migration from Punjab, there are indicators of the outflow. One report suggests that since 2012 Punjab police issued over 1 million immigration clearance certificates to people wanting to travel overseas. The story of young men from Punjab taking “irregular” routes to emigrate to other countries is not new. A 2009 United Nations Office on Drug and Crime report claimed that each year  more than 20,000 young people from Punjab attempt to migrate illegally to other countries. While their target destinations were recorded to be 57 countries, authorities detected forged visas of 41 countries in use in Punjab and Haryana in 2010. Punjab’s migrants use both legal and illegal channels to enter foreign countries, primarily in search of jobs. Illegal migrants have often used east European or Asian countries bordering mainland Europe as transit points to finally reach their desired destinations. In the past, migrants would be taken to Russia where they would be packed into transport containers, or taken on trains, buses or on foot to Italy, Germany and Belgium. In another such incident, migrants were first taken to Sri Lanka and then transported to Greece. The agents operate through a large network of sub-agents from villages and small towns providing last mile connectivity to aspiring migrants, often luring them with false information about work and payments. They provide information on the possible countries of destination, migration routes and — in case of illegal migration — arrange forged documents. To smuggle people into another country there are agents in the destination and transit countries. To understand why individuals and their families take risks and bear huge financial costs to migrate abroad, one must look at the context in which decisions to migrate are taken. Punjab has a long history of emigration that began in the mid-19th century when recruitment in the colonial British Indian army with stints abroad exposed them to the economic opportunities available in other colonies. This was followed by the movement of pioneer migrants from Punjab to Australia, New Zealand, US, Canada, UK, Africa and South America. Migration led to marked improvements in incomes. The wealth acquired abroad was used to purchase land, repay accumulated debts, construct brick houses and to enhance family status, motivating other households to send members abroad. Today, aspiring migrants from the state capitalise on the huge network and social capital, thus facilitating further migration. Over the years, newer destinations in southern Europe and the Gulf have emerged as alternate migrant destinations. The state government’s failure to provide productive employment to Punjab’s youth has propelled migration even as employment avenues are limited. Following the adverse impact on the farm sector after the initial green revolution boom of the 1960s, there has been a steady decline in agriculture employment with small and marginal farmers giving up self-cultivation and joining the ranks of farm and industrial labour when agriculture turned non-viable. Punjab was unable to attract much investment in manufacturing or services with the former dominated by unorganised small-scale units that did not provide adequate employment to absorb local labour. The situation today is that a very large percentage of workers in Punjab are employed informally. With the labour situation in dire straits and employment in the government sector difficult to come by, the educated youth are left with few options – the most attractive and lucrative is the foreign labour market. With little or no skills to match the global demand for professionals and skilled workers, rural Punjabis take to illegal and irregular channels to turn their aspirations into reality. The means used are fraught with risks and the financial costs are much too high. But much of Punjab’s success stories of other migrants and higher wages earned in foreign currencies are strong enough pull factors for households and migrants to venture into high-risk migration. This desperation is borne out by migrants’ decision to move to even conflict zones via other countries in Europe and South America. Shuchi Kapuria is an Associate Professor with the Gender Studies Unit at the Institute for Development and Communication in Chandigarh, Punjab. With a PhD in Economics from the Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, her areas of interest are in gender studies, migration and employment and labour markets. She was a Visiting Researcher at the University of Guelph under the Commonwealth Exchange Scholarship Programme of the Government of Canada, in 2011. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Migrant workers” sent at: 25/04/2024 05:00. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 29, 2024

Pure economic growth neglects many, privileges the few - 360 Tasha Wibawa Published on June 7, 2023 A wellbeing economy places people and the planet at the centre of creating a healthier society. Gross domestic product (GDP) is arguably the most commonly used measurement of productivity and growth, but it ignores one key element of society — our wellbeing. A wellbeing economy places people and the planet at the centre of creating healthy, fairer and more prosperous societies — moving away from just measuring economic growth and productivity. With rising costs of living and a looming global recession, 360info looks into the development of wellbeing-oriented policies across countries. Governments can measure progress differently and incorporate policies that benefit more people, whilst considering the planet we live in. As long as they focus on inclusivity, participation and equity. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “WELLBEING ECONOMY” sent at: 05/06/2023 07:11. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 7, 2023

Putting the care into India's healthcare - 360 M.R.Rajagopal, Trivandrum Institute of Palliative Sciences Published on November 24, 2021 By M.R.Rajagopal, Trivandrum Institute of Palliative Sciences Doctors have a duty to mitigate suffering; to cure sometimes, relieve often and comfort always. Yet, In India less than 5 percent of people have access to palliative care. Including those 7 million in India, more than 50 million people with serious health conditions in low and middle-income countries suffer needlessly, and this excludes suffering due to the frailty of old age. It’s suffering that low-tech palliative care could relieve. Inappropriate end-of-life care adds to the burden of suffering: India ranks 67th among 80 countries on the quality of end-of-life care. It’s not helped by the fact some 55 million Indians are pushed below the poverty line by out-of-pocket catastrophic health spending annually. India’s healthcare system has become more compassionate in the last decade. Undergraduate medical education now includes palliative care. A draconian Indian law was amended in 2014 to make it easier to access controlled medicines such as opioids. And India’s National Health Policy was updated to include palliative care as part of comprehensive primary health care. But India’s population is changing: young people moving abroad to study and work are less able to care for their ageing parents. Middle-aged parents are more likely to be caring for both a parent and a child. An older parent may be caring for a grandchild and their partner at the same time. I’ve witnessed an elderly man with advanced cancer being cared for by his ailing wife, taking care not only of him, but also of a baby, her grandchild. The child’s mother was overseas preparing for a career-defining exam. In another case, an elderly woman was living alone on a mat on the floor, unable to even climb to her bed. An earthenware pot on three bricks on one side was her kitchen; a chamber pot on the other side. Daily cleaning of the chamber pot was done by her granddaughter, a high school student who passed that way every evening after school. Such suffering can be mitigated only if communities are engaged. And with them a responsive and welcoming healthcare system willing to train volunteers and ensure their contribution is acknowledged. Kerala in the southwest of India is showing how it can be done. Its people achieve 15 times more access to pain relief than the national average. Every primary care centre, catering to a population of 25,000, has one full time trained palliative care nurse making home visits to the non-ambulant at least once a month. Equally important, the community participates in palliative care delivery in Kerala. More than 200 non-government organisations provide palliative care in their respective localities, taking responsibility for treating the suffering of those around them. The demonstration that it can be done has resulted in national impact, as evidenced by a growing engagement of the community in palliative care in several pockets in India and by development of a ‘National Program for Palliative Care’ by the Government of India. The Alma Ata Declaration, signed by 134 World Health Organization members in 1978 called for community workers to be included in healthcare delivery: this ideal is being realised in Kerala, but it will need to go further as India’s population ages. Palliative care has to be integrated into health care at all levels (primary, secondary and tertiary) across the continuum of care – from the beginning of suffering to the end. Concerted action by government and civil society organisations is necessary to translate policies and programs to action on the ground. A national monitoring framework could help identify gaps in policy as well as in implementation. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. M.R.Rajagopal MD is a palliative care physician from India. He is the chairman of Pallium India and director of Trivandrum Institute of Palliative Sciences. M.R.Rajagopal declared no conflicts of interest in relation to this article.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 24, 2021

Putting the heart back into home - 360 Hannah Absalom Published on May 30, 2022 The process of allocating housing to the homeless in the UK involves a calculus in which the emotional concept of ‘home’ does not feature. When Jill* was assigned government housing after years of domestic abuse and months in women’s shelters, she was thrilled. She was grateful for a roof over her head – a place to call home as she started the long journey of piecing her life back together. Gratitude is one of many emotions a person might feel when provided with social housing. The emotional dimensions of housing are not part of the calculus behind housing allocation in England, but a more ‘emotional’ approach to housing might have benefits for society, and long-term cost savings for governments. English households already on the edge in 2022 are more likely to fall into homelessness. A chronic shortage of housing, decades of failure to build social housing, the steady creep of amateur private landlords charging market rents and the spiralling cost-of-living crisis means households are being pushed to the limit. As of September 2021, a total of 121,680 children were housed in temporary accommodation, resulting in psychological harm and ongoing challenges. People unfamiliar with the world of social housing in England may imagine that citizens who need long-term housing, because of homelessness, domestic violence or many other reasons, are provided with a complete home. It would have carpets, curtains, maybe white goods such as a fridge-freezer or microwave – perhaps even a bed, for those who have nothing. But this is not how a social housing tenancy starts in most cases. For most of those in need, a local authority-assigned house begins as an empty box – a roof and four walls — and a set of responsibilities to transform the box into a home. The UK Government’s Regulator of Social Housing (RSH) maintains a register of external housing providers and monitors their financial viability. It measures how quickly empty homes are allocated and has a schedule of rates that fixes the costs of different types of repair. The RSH encourages housing providers to keep the cost of repairs low, creating an environment where quickly allocated, low-cost property is seen as a good outcome. This speedy and cheap property turnaround is seen to alleviate homelessness. But this work is not considered the ‘social purpose’ of a social-housing landlord. A landlord’s social-purpose work is considered an ‘added value’ activity disconnected from the core business of allocating and maintaining homes. Social value is produced through employment, training and education programmes, and neighbourhood activities that build a sense of community and belonging. This social-value work is measured using frameworks developed to measure corporate social responsibility (CSR) activities. These tend to focus on change, or new behaviours. With a clear start and end point, the transformation can be measured and a monetary value produced. The financial benefit of the activity allows a comparison with other business costs and helps target social-value initiatives that are high bang-for-buck. But it is worth considering what the purpose of social housing is. If it is the provision of a stable and secure home, then these methods of measurement and allocation are not furthering that aim. By focusing on change, corporate social responsibility frameworks are not rewarding stability; by focusing on quick allocation, the housing authority is not rewarding the careful selection of housing with longer-term tenancy prospects. It would be different if authorities viewed social housing as a ‘home creation process’. Emotions are self-evidently a key part of creating a sense of home. Understanding that emotions are fluctuating, contradictory and entangled with environments and power relationships brings a new dimension to the process of allocating houses to tenants. Jill’s gratitude at being allocated a property is a good example. Gratitude seems like a positive emotion in the context of housing. Landlords tend to accept gratitude at face value, and not reflect that more complex emotional responses may lie under the surface. However, stigma shapes how tenants respond. The biases and assumptions that English culture holds about social housing and people claiming benefits may encourage tenants to say they are happy with their empty box when they are not. The provision of a box and the expectation they will turn it into a home burdens tenants with new responsibilities that for some are unaffordable. Asking for more things – a bed, a fridge – undermines the pretence of gratitude. It is also embarrassing for many to ask for more. Often, of course, tenants are grateful, since housing precarity has its own web of complex cruelties. Meanwhile, landlords, influenced by ideas that their social value is through activation and change, have become suspicious of the idea of stability. Myths about lazy and feckless benefit claimants seep into social-housing practice: the stereotypical social-housing tenant is unemployed by choice and living in subsidised housing at the taxpayer’s expense. There is a lack of trust on both sides: tenants don’t trust landlords to understand their situation, and landlords don’t trust tenants to care for things that have been given and not ‘earned’. Challenging both landlords and tenants to get underneath gratitude and see what it is hiding there can help transform housing allocations. And gratitude is just one emotion that can be sparked in the context of housing. For every other emotion, new, unconsidered dimensions can challenge thinking about housing allocations. Understanding complex emotions can provide valuable behavioural insights. But coming to grips with emotional complexity requires institutions and practitioners to reflect on how personal biases and unchallenged assumptions contribute to material and psychological hardship. The growing problem of (un)affordable housing in England will not be resolved by a more emotional approach, but it is a starting point for thinking differently about the work of social housing. Improving housing allocation processes and unpicking the problem of the social-housing stigma will not be achieved without some different perspectives. New work is looking into modifying environmental social and governance (ESG) accounting frameworks to measure the social value of providing a safe and stable home. The emphasis on the ‘environment’ alongside the ‘social’  in ESG frameworks may be another tool to help rethink and measure the social value of the stabilising provision of a home. Proving the value of stable housing may in the long term strengthen the case for more social housing in England. *Name changed for privacy Hannah Absalom is a former social-housing practitioner and a childhood resident of council housing. She is studying for a PhD in Human Geography at the University of Birmingham and has developed a behavioural framework that aims to improve material and psychological well-being, including through social-housing allocation. She has won funding through the William Sutton Prize 2022 and through the Economic, Social and Research Council Impact Acceleration Account to develop training on her framework and work towards a pilot ‘home creation’ allocation process. This research was funded by an Economic and Social Research Council Grant. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 30, 2022

Putting trust in science by design - 360 Rebecca Green Published on April 17, 2024 Graphic design can be a powerful tool in enhancing people’s confidence in scientific communications. Warmth, vulnerability, improved communication, and an openness to admit errors – these are some of the things being demanded of scientists as a way to build greater public trust. It’s a big ask of people who spend their days working to the rigorous standards set by scientific institutions, in jobs that require highly specialised training and intense focus. Trying to solve some of the world’s biggest problems can already put individuals under enormous pressure. Climate change is one of these challenges. Trust in science and scientists can increase pro-environmental behaviour, which is critical for taking action on climate change. Efforts to deny the reality of man-made climate change have relied heavily on discrediting science and scientists. But scientists have an unlikely ally in the quest to gain public trust: graphic designers. The people who make professional decisions on design elements like colour, images, logos, typography and visual layouts – any of which can convey unintended meanings and lead to distrust, even when the viewer already believes the message – hold tremendous power as translators of scientific communications. There is a well-known expression in the scientific community: “Science isn’t finished until it’s communicated.” How it is communicated also matters. There is plenty of research around strategic scientific messaging, focusing on those who are delivering the messages and the content of the messages themselves. However, there is little research into what these messages should look like, and how influential the visual aspects of these messages can be. Considering that so much of the information people receive is visual, this is a big oversight. News reports, newspapers, social media, advertisements, scientific websites and video content are all produced by designers for mass consumption and quick comprehension. People are exposed to thousands of these messages every day. Studies have shown graphic design is a powerful tool in enhancing trust in scientific communication. Consciously or not, readers look for visual cues in messages, like a recognisable logo or specific colours to make rapid judgements about the credibility of the source. These judgements contribute significantly to the perceived trustworthiness of the message. Public trust in scientists has been wavering in many parts of the world. A staggering 41 percent of Americans in 2020 believed that scientists adjusted their findings to suit their own agendas, driven by funding needs or personal career ambitions. Surprisingly, many of that 41 percent stated a high level of deference to scientific authority in general – just not to individuals. The news is worse for climate scientists, who were the least trusted among their scientific peers. Seemingly in solidarity with this 41 percent, scientific institutions themselves are already sceptical of their own scientists. But there is good reason for this. Stringent ethical standards, peer reviews, and the demand for replicable results (where any study must be explained so well that another scientist could perform the same experiment and achieve the same results) are hallmarks of scientific institutions. These organisations are extremely conservative and maintain high levels of scepticism about the work their own scientists produce. Deep scepticism is built into the DNA of scientific processes and institutions. This scepticism makes it very difficult for individual scientists to do what the 41 percent of Americans think they are doing: skewing results for their personal advancement. If more focus went towards reinforcing public trust in scientific institutions, rather than in individual scientists, progress on critical issues like climate change might be more likely to succeed. While there is a level of distrust for some institutions, it has been shown that there is a higher level of trust in science media and websites than in sources like news media. This is an important finding, as these are key sites for communication of scientific information. Communicating trust could take some useful guidance from traditional graphic design theories. Data visualisation design theory proposes that the source of data must always be visible. Sourcing often goes in the fine print for data visuals, but graphic designers can use visual cues like logos and colour in styling all types of scientific messaging to make the endorsing institution clear. An institution logo is perceived much more quickly than words – especially one made from simple two-dimensional shapes rather than complex imagery or photographs. They are also recalled from memory far more easily. A symbol or logo that is easily recalled tends to be more trusted, so designers can ensure logos are recognisable and visible according to these principles. The use of images needs careful consideration too, as they can be interpreted in many ways. In some instances, images meant to be decorative can carry unintended meanings, which may also contribute to an erosion of trust. Colour choices in particular can inadvertently affect how messages are perceived. In one study, a rich red was chosen for an important climate communication by the designer to represent both “warning” and “heat”. This choice is supported by colour psychology theory and is a valid design strategy. But in this case, it actually influenced at least one viewer to perceive the message as “corporate science” – contributing to a complete loss of trust in what was otherwise a compelling message. A slightly different approach can have a big impact. If, instead of focusing on the subject or finding, graphic designers base their style decisions on communicating the endorsing institution, there is the potential to significantly improve trust in the message, as well in the domain of science itself. Shifting the perceptual focus from individual scientists to the institutions behind them holds promise in rebuilding trust in science. Through strategic visual communication and a deeper understanding of public perceptions, it’s possible to foster a climate of trust in science that is conducive to addressing the changing global climate and other pressing challenges. Dr Rebecca Green is a lecturer and researcher at UNSW Sydney’s School of Art & Design, with qualifications in graphic design and sociology. She has worked as a graphic designer for more than 20 years, moving to academia in 2012. Her experience extends from app design, websites, cartooning and interactive museum exhibitions to 2D and 3D animation, and a later move to sustainable design practice. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 17, 2024

Qatar’s migrant worker treatment a red card for World Cup - 360 Suman Mandal Published on November 21, 2022 The reverberations of Qatar’s migrant worker deaths will linger over the upcoming World Cup. Whether it leads to real change rests with a few foreign powers. When the captain of the winning team lifts the FIFA World Cup trophy above his head in Qatar’s Lusail stadium on December 19, football fans will celebrate another sporting success story. There will be heroes and villains, missed opportunities and glorious goals. Not celebrating will be the families of the migrant workers — most from India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka — who died to make the event possible in the first place. Migrant workers have played an important role in transforming Qatar ever since it was controversially awarded the World Cup hosting rights in 2010. The stadiums where the games will be held this November-December are built on the blood, sweat and tears of thousands of migrant workers from Asia and Africa. Some reports put the death toll of migrant workers who built the eight stadiums (along with a new airport, metro system and associated infrastructure) at 6500. Qatari authorities say 37 died. Qatar’s summer is hot. So hot that FIFA made the unprecedented decision to move the tournament from its traditional slot in June to November, despite the havoc it has wreaked on the multi-billion dollar world of domestic football. But while organisers felt the summer conditions were too extreme for professional athletes to run out 90-minute matches, it’s alleged they subjected their workers — largely migrants — to 18 hour days. Football is huge in Nepal. Many young Nepalese football fans will be glued to television screens to watch their heroes — Lionel Messi, Cristiano Rionaldo, Kylian Mbappé — in the stadiums built on the blood and bones of thousands just like them, who died in Qatar’s gruelling working conditions. The reality is conditions for families of Nepali migrant workers who have died in Qatar have worsened after losing the main breadwinner. Migrants often have to pay high recruitment fees to both Nepalese and Qatari recruitment agencies. The fees could be as high as US$2000, which is often a loan they take from a local money lender at an exorbitant interest rate. When most construction workers are paid only  US$200-$300 per month, several months of their wage goes to repaying the loan. For those who die, the burden of paying the loan back falls on surviving family members. In most cases, another adult family member or a teenage son awaits to migrate. This cycle traps them in a debt spiral. Questions linger over the deaths of migrant workers. Most families are told that their loved ones died in their sleep, with very few proper investigations into worker deaths. Sutda sutdai maryo (in Nepali, roughly translates to died in his sleep) has become a colloquial phrase among migrants in the Gulf. The phrase characterises the helplessness families of migrant workers feel when they are neither properly compensated for a loved one’s death, nor provided with a more plausible cause of death. Healthy young men, mostly aged between 22 and 35, were dying within a year of arriving in Qatar to work. Death certificates often stated they died either of “cardiac arrest’’, “respiratory failure” or “natural causes”. Ratna Mani Gajurel, a consultant cardiologist based in Kathmandu is sceptical about such causes of deaths. All migrant workers go through a mandatory health check up from a Nepalese government-authorised lab or hospital before a labour permit is granted. Defenders of the Qatari regime point to the reforms introduced since 2018, abolishing the kafala (sponsorship) system, limiting work hours when temperatures rise beyond 32°C and banning work in summer. But reports by various human rights organisations including Human Rights Watch and Transparency International reveal continuous apathy by recruiting companies and Qatari authorities. A joint letter by rights organisations to FIFA president Gianni Infantino says the football body knew or should have known of Qatar’s poor human rights records, and yet it did not do much for the migrant labour. Infantino’s comments since — including that workers should feel “dignity and pride” for the work they have done — have not been helpful. In Nepal, there is a feeling of hopelessness among migrant workers as they do not receive much support overseas. Embassies are poorly staffed and with frequent changes of government in Kathmandu, the functioning of Nepali foreign missions is affected, ambassadors often recalled. The Gulf region needs migrant labour as much as migrants need jobs. They are indispensable for the region’s development. While it may be too late to protect the migrant workers who built Qatar’s World Cup facilities, it’s not too late for the countries  where those workers came from to be more proactive in securing relief and protection of their citizens. Negotiations with host countries such as Qatar to periodically adjust minimum wages in line with inflation would help improve the material circumstances of migrant workers. And future major projects would be safer if there was a stronger focus on sourcing and sending skilled workers — along with training provided by recruiting companies. Pressing these issues as matters of labour diplomacy could prompt the best outcome for all: safe, sustainable employment for migrant workers, a large pool of labour for expanding economies, and stronger bilateral ties within the region among nations. But no matter how well nations improve from here, the legacy of this World Cup will always be affected by the modern slavery-like conditions that marred its lead-up. Australia’s national team, the Socceroos, released a video ahead of the tournament to condemn Qatar’s human rights record, including the treatment of migrant workers. Now, the pressure turns to heads of state to ensure conditions improve. Suman Mandal is a faculty member at Institute of Advanced Communication, Education and Research, Pokhara University, Nepal, where he teaches courses related to international relations, peace and conflict studies, and migration and refugees. Image courtesy: History of Soccer Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Modern slavery” sent at: 14/11/2022 09:43. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on November 21, 2022

Quantum boost for global supply chains - 360 Andrei Kwok Published on July 31, 2023 With their ability to handle huge amounts of data and calculations, quantum computers can give businesses an edge. When global supply chains were disrupted during COVID-19, America’s busiest port,  Los Angeles, found itself swamped with containers piling up from around the globe. It turned to quantum computing to solve the congestion. It then found it could move higher amounts of cargo more rapidly than if it just relied on conventional computing. And now the Port of Rotterdam is following suit in adopting quantum technology to enhance operations. In an ever-competitive global market, businesses compete not necessarily based on brands but on their supply chain agility and efficiency. Still-nascent quantum tech can enhance resource utilisation and warehouse capacity in managing inventory. Quantum computing offers businesses a massive opportunity to solve complex problems by considerably speeding up data-driven decision-making. Supply chain businesses have faced difficulties in controlling data fragmentation, disruptive events and the constant fluctuation in customer demand which regularly create supply chain hiccups. Speedy and accurate decision-making with voluminous data amid such complexities requires higher computation capabilities than conventional computers can handle. The exploration of quantum computing will continue to expand and lead to real-world applications. A recent report by McKinsey projected the value of quantum computing to reach US$700 billion by 2035. The World Economic Forum, meanwhile, identifies quantum computing as one of the five emerging technologies to watch this year. This study predicts that given the evolving market, Schumpeter’s theory will increasingly drive businesses to incorporate emerging technologies into their existing infrastructure for competitive advantage. Today’s conventional computers rely on transistors to calculate using the binary logic in digits or ‘bits’ with each bit represented by either 0 or 1. However, quantum computers are not constrained by the logic principle but utilise quantum mechanics – the branch of physics that deals with the behaviour of matter and light on a subatomic and atomic level. What makes it superior to conventional computing is that it not only calculates in bits but also in quantum bits or ‘qubits’ at the subatomic level using electrons and photons, where multiple values occur via superposition and quantum entanglement. This allows more calculations to take place simultaneously rather than one after another. Optimal solutions to complex problems can be achieved at an exponential rate compared to conventional computing. For instance, Google scientists published a study demonstrating that their quantum processor required only about 200 seconds to complete a task that would have taken a state-of-the-art supercomputer 10,000 years. This can benefit industries involved in global supply chain management as quantum computing is most applicable where big datasets are involved for simulations or modelling, forecasting and mapping interactions. It offers potential supply chain optimisation in these areas: product development, purchasing, production planning, inventory management and logistics. Quantum computing can also assist companies to shorten the time between product development and market launch. In one case, German automaker BMW collaborated with a quantum computing company to accelerate parts design and development via simulation. By optimising the process, parts can be rapidly tested and the design validated. BMW also partners with quantum computer developers to improve parts purchasing efficiency by maximising decision-making that requires matching the right supplier at the lowest price with production schedules. According to IBM, last-mile delivery can be optimised by calculating the optimum route at the lowest cost, shortest distance and fastest time in alignment with fleet capacity. Meanwhile, global professional services firm Ernst & Young provides two cases of quantum computing in logistics and transportation optimisation. In the first case, Coca-Cola Japan aims to optimise the delivery route to improve service turnaround time for 700,000 vending machines. In the second, a logistics company partners with Microsoft to optimise freight transportation while balancing various factors such as traffic conditions, driver preferences, etc. Managing costs optimally, matching demand and supply accurately, and delivering products and services timely from end to end of the supply chain determine success. However, businesses usually face constraints as they must manage the flow of information, materials, and finance within the supply chain across multiple networked parties dispersed over various locations, requiring complex decision-making processes. A key driver to developing supply chain agility and efficiency is technological innovation. In particular, digitalisation and the adoption of emerging technologies like quantum computing can significantly transform existing business models by harnessing huge amounts of data for supply chain optimisation. Such strategies require increasing computing power infrastructure to assist businesses in leveraging data to enhance crucial decision-making processes. It is all not a bed of roses, however. With the opportunities offered, encryption threats can arise. Quantum computing’s processing prowess and velocity using Shor’s algorithm can decrypt conventional cybersecurity systems leading to data breaches. Companies will need to employ quantum cryptography to combat this. Quantum computing will be a strategic investment, especially for large corporations or multinationals. However, businesses that lack funding or access to this technology can be disadvantaged and risk falling behind due to a quantum divide. Andrei Kwok is Senior Lecturer and Director of Graduate Coursework Studies, Department of Management, School of Business, Monash University Malaysia. He declares no conflict of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on July 31, 2023

Rain or shine, deadly mosquitoes are on the move - 360 Rozita Hod Published on April 7, 2022 Hotter temperatures and heavy rainfall arriving with climate change are the perfect breeding ground for Dengue-spreading Aedes mosquitoes. While many people enjoy warmer temperatures, basking in the sun, so does the dengue-spreading Aedes mosquito. It thrives well in temperatures ranging from 20 to 30 degrees Celsius. Higher temperatures mean increased biting rates by female Aedes mosquitoes, increasing the risks of disease transmission. The same higher temperatures speed up the spread of the viruses the mosquitoes carry. Both increased temperatures and rainfall stemming from climate change will expand the geographical distribution of dengue — increased temperatures shorten the mosquito breeding lifecycle, and more rainfall delivers more places for mosquitoes to breed and the humidity they need to thrive. Researchers in Malaysia are now trialling home mosquito traps to help stem the problem after other methods like spraying became less effective. The traps are filled with an eco-friendly pesticide that reduces fertility. Female mosquitoes then spread the pesticide and offspring are reduced. It’s a solution that has already proven effective in Brazil. The trap is made of inexpensive polyethylene and operates without electricity or any additional extensions. Its design is based on a gravity-fed watering system that effectively dispenses a trap solution for up to two months. With further refinement, scientists anticipate the system will drive down the Aedes population and indirectly reduce dengue transmission. Dengue already affects half the world’s population, but how climate change will end up affecting its spread depends on many factors. One recent study predicted there would not be any significant spread of dengue in Europe over the coming decades. Although the predicted temperature rise will be suitable for Aedes mosquitoes, the projected reduction in rainfall and relative humidity do not support the increase of the Aedes population. And yet the total number of people at risk of having dengue is 6.1 billion by the year 2080. This is likely due to the rapid population growth in the already endemic areas of dengue which will certainly increase the public health burden and services in those regions. Landscape changes, urbanisation, human movement and displacement, travel and trade are all important factors that need to be considered in the dengue prevention and control programme. The interplay between climate variables, socioeconomic and public health determinants is very complex and dynamic. Poor environmental sanitation, unplanned urbanisation, unsatisfactory solid waste management, limited provision of safe water all increase the risks for dengue outbreaks. International travel and trade are also major drivers of the geographical expansion of dengue. Malaysia’s Ministry of Health has moved to strengthen dengue surveillance, rapid responses to outbreaks and supporting dengue research for innovation and community mobilisation. It has also increased communication with other stakeholders for example with the local council, solid waste management, and construction site management teams as these sites are known as an attractive breeding ground for mosquitoes. Key factors for successful and sustainable control of dengue transmission include improved and effective surveillance systems, effective vector control with strong coordination between all stakeholders, increased awareness of dengue, especially among policymakers and the local community, and development of accurate, timely and efficient early warning systems. It will take new tools and strategies to combat an unpredictable foe. Rozita Hod is an associate professor at the Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM), specialising in public health, environmental epidemiology, and health impacts of climate change. The author declares no conflict of interest. This article has been republished for World Zoonoses Day. It first appeared in our Changing climate, changing diseases package. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 7, 2022

Rats on ‘magic mushrooms’ could help people with anorexia - 360 Claire Foldi Published on October 11, 2022 Giving lab rats illicit psychedelic drugs may help scientists uncover how it can be used to treat anorexia in humans. Psychedelics, including psilocybin — the psychoactive compound produced by ‘magic mushrooms’ — show promise in treating the eating disorder anorexia nervosa. But they don’t work for everyone. Anorexia nervosa is a mental health disorder that causes people to reduce the amount of food they eat over fear of gaining weight due to a distorted body image. It’s hoped that psilocybin can help ‘break down’ these ingrained patterns of thoughts and behaviour. But not all people have clinically significant improvements after psilocybin treatments, curiously, particularly those with anorexia nervosa. The reason behind this is still unknown and so scientists are hoping to better understand the biological reasons why psychedelics might be beneficial for some but not others. Laboratory animal studies can help scientists understand both the drug’s effects on our bodies and how they can change behaviour. Animals that act as a model for humans let scientists examine brain function at a detailed level not possible in human studies. For example, they can precisely link changes in the release of brain chemicals called neurotransmitters with specific aspects of learning behaviour. People participating in trials of drugs are often not told whether they are receiving the drug or a fake, placebo dose — they are ‘blinded’. But existing expectations can lead them to claim a positive experience. Animal studies can avoid these issues, which is particularly important for psychedelic studies because it is not possible to ‘blind’ them to the intense subjective effects of psychedelic drugs. Researchers at Monash University are trying to understand the specific biology and chemistry of psilocybin relevant to anorexia nervosa, using the most well-established animal model of the condition, known as activity-based anorexia. The experimental protocol was developed in the 1960s and relies on allowing animals unlimited access to a running wheel paired with time-limited (but not quantity-limited) access to food. Bizarrely, rats or mice will choose to exercise instead of eat even when they reach extremely low body weights. Animals without access to a running wheel quickly learn to adapt to the scheduled food access and eat enough food in the time window to maintain body weight. But the animals with a running wheel who compulsively exercise appear to have some kind of failure in their learning processes — they never learn to adapt to the feeding schedule.Monash University researchers have also shown a specific neural circuit linking weight loss with inflexible learning in rats. Given both anorexia in humans and the anorexia rat model are both based on inflexible thinking, Monash University researchers are investigating the effects of psilocybin on adaptive learning in rats and mice. The studies are hoping to discover how changes in learning are driven by changes in brain function. The researchers are particularly interested in the function of neurotransmitters dopamine and serotonin. The animal models have shown that psilocybin has some interesting effects on reward learning that could explain how it can be useful to treat people with anorexia nervosa. It offers hope for the range of psychiatric conditions that are also characterised by impaired flexible behaviour, such as depression, anxiety and PTSD . Psilocybin-induced changes in both serotonin and dopamine signalling in the brain need to be far better understood before psychedelics can become integrated into mental health treatments. But a drug-affected rat on a wheel may uncover more about the human brain than such an unconventional experiment may suggest. If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, visit Find a helpline for free, confidential support from a real person over phone, text or online chat in your country. Dr Claire Foldi is a Senior Research Fellow at the Monash Biomedicine Discovery Institute where she leads the Anorexia and Feeding Disorders Group. She also co-leads the Workforce Development stream of the National Centre for Eating Disorders Research and is a member of the Monash Centre for Consciousness and Contemplative Studies (M3CS) and the Monash Neuromedicines Discovery Centre (NDC). The study is funded by the National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia (NHMRC). Dr Foldi is on the Scientific Advisory Board for Octarine Bio (Denmark) a synthetic biology company developing novel psychedelic compounds. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on October 11, 2022

Reading the Xi leaves: Biden meeting good for everyone - 360 James Chin Published on October 30, 2023 If the two leaders meet during the APEC summit, the region will be reassured that the rivalry between the two superpowers is being checked. Will Xi Jinping, the Chinese president, attend the APEC summit in San Francisco from November 11 to 17 in person? Current indications are likely he will attend though American officials say nothing is yet definite including him meeting US President Joe Biden. And there is always the possibility of a Xi no-show at the last minute. If Xi skips the meeting as he did the G20 summit in September and nothing substantial comes out of APEC, ASEAN will probably pivot even more to the Comprehensive and Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). If this happens, then the US-backed Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity  (IPEF) will lose its influence among member countries, especially those in the ASEAN grouping. China plays the anchor role in the RCEP and any increase in its importance will be at the political expense of the US. Many Indo-Pacific countries remember when CPTTP, originally the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), was suddenly abandoned by former US President Donald Trump. Key US allies such as Japan think the US should engage the region via the CPTTP rather than start another grouping such as the IPEF. After all, the US was driving the TPP before it was abandoned by the Trump administration. The Americans, meanwhile, continue to create alliances with individual countries like India and groupings like ASEAN to counter China’s influence. Southeast Asia will be closely watching the upcoming summit. Six of the 10 ASEAN countries are members of APEC and how trade and political rivalry between China and the US play out will impact the region broadly. The 21 APEC member economies account for nearly 40 percent of the global population and nearly 50 percent of global trade. Xi will step on US soil only if he can get something out of it. He is not going to fly across the Pacific for a photo-op with Biden. China’s economy, especially its real estate sector, is in deep trouble. Unemployment among Chinese youth is also on the way up. A congressional delegation led by US Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer and other senior lawmakers was in Beijing two weeks ago. It may be that Schumer carried a personal message from Biden on why Xi should attend. There is a lot of uneasiness in Washington over China’s ‘no limits’ ties with Russia and its influence over North Korea and its nuclear missiles. China is stymieing the Western camp with its strict policy of not taking sides. The truth is, China is playing a superb diplomatic game. This strategic ambiguity of not taking sides allows it to maximise its options and maintain close ties with Russia and North Korea. Supporting both economies means indirectly tying down the US. America is well aware that China will never give up its pretence of neutrality when it comes to Russia and North Korea. A face-to-face meeting between Xi and Biden will remind the Russians and North Koreans that the US can present its views on China’s ‘neutrality’ directly to Xi. An APEC summit sidelines meeting between Xi and Biden will also send a powerful message to the rest of the world that a cold war between China and the US will not escalate. One cannot say the same for US-Russia or US-North Korea relations since the leaders do not speak to each other directly. But if Xi is a no-show ASEAN will be worried as this may impact indirectly on the continuing conflict between China and the US over the South China Sea. US Navy ships have had close encounters with Chinese ships in recent years, as the US and her allies have sailed into waters claimed by China under its ‘nine-dash line’. But Cold War warriors will say that Xi’s absence is a larger pattern of strategic competition between the US and China. The US under Biden has made containing China its number one priority and the Chinese leader will ‘lose face’ meeting the person who is trying to achieve this. Conventional analysts will argue Xi’s absence is simply to send a message to the rest of the world that China is putting efforts into building an alternative international architecture, minus the US. This has been China’s consistent message since Xi’s much-hyped ‘China Dream’ and influence peddling via the infamous Belt and Road Initiative in the past decade. For the past few years, the central Chinese bank has been pushing for direct currency swaps rather than using the greenback when it comes to trade. It is no accident that the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, which facilitates this, is headquartered in Beijing. China is trying to build a new international architecture because most of the current ones, especially key international institutions such as the World Bank and the IMF, were essentially created by the US after the 1944 Bretton Woods Agreement. They have outlived their usefulness in the new century where China is the rising power. China feels it is only rational for it to want to create a new set of international institutions to reflect its growing power in the international arena. China believes that the era of American dominance is gone and that the Pacific Century, under the benign rule of China, has arrived. The barriers put up by the West, can at best, slow the rise of China but not stop it. James Chin is Professor of Asian Studies at the University of Tasmania and Senior Fellow at Sunway University’s Jeffrey Cheah Institute, Malaysia. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™ Editors Note: ASEAN/SEA

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on October 30, 2023

Real heroes plan ahead: collaboration to protect Earth - 360 Ilan Kelman Published on June 30, 2022 It’s unlikely to happen, but if a large space object ever hit Earth, the outcome would be calamitous. Humanity needs to start preparing now. It’s a staple of disaster movies: a huge space rock hurtles towards Earth and the hero gloriously self-sacrifices in a nuclear fireball to save humankind. In reality, saving the planet from an oncoming asteroid will be less action hero and more acting together: countries need to plan well ahead and synchronise their approach to make sure Earth is prepared. But current preparation efforts are scattered and uncoordinated. International Asteroid Day is the perfect time to review how ready humankind is and what more remains to be done. Near-Earth objects such as asteroids, meteoroids and comets imperil the planet. They have been implicated in previous mass extinctions, including that of the dinosaurs. An object hitting land could produce a crater kilometres across, rattling faraway infrastructure and blanketing the planet in dust, with knock-on effects for the climate. An ocean splashdown could cause a tsunami higher than most buildings just a few hours later. When space objects hit the Earth’s surface they are called meteorites – and they have arrived within human history. The Kaali meteorite crater formed on the island of Saaremaa, Estonia, several millennia ago. Scientists still debate exactly when the meteorite landed and what its effects were for any humans living there at the time. Even an object skimming through or breaking up in the atmosphere is dangerous. These objects are called meteors, and they have dangerously impacted Russia at least twice. On 30 June 1908, a still undetermined object blasted Tunguska in Siberia. It incinerated and toppled trees, and caused shockwaves felt dozens of kilometres away. On 15 February 2013 a meteor broke up over Chelyabinsk, shattering glass and setting off car alarms. More than 1,600 people were injured. Rather than cleaning up afterwards, it would be better to stop space objects from reaching Earth in the first place. The best plan is to deflect the object so it misses Earth entirely. For that, early detection is key. The further away the object is, the less of a nudge it needs: a fraction of a degree change in its course expands over time to become a huge deviation. But the more distant the object, the longer it takes for a deflection measure to reach it. This emphasises the need for early planning. Possible deflection plans come from science and science fiction. A large water tank could be landed on the object’s surface and then pierced with a small hole. As the water in the tank vents into space it would propel the space object like a rocket engine. More simply, any form of engine could be attached to the object. Part of the object could be painted black to absorb sunlight. The differential warming of different parts of the surface would create a force altering the object’s path. A laser vaporising part of the object would change its trajectory as well. Or perhaps a spacecraft could nose or tug the object a fraction of a degree. Explosives including nuclear weapons could be detonated near, rather than on, the object, and the blast’s force would cause a deflection. Given the uncertainties and harsh conditions of operating in outer space, no plan is failsafe. Many simultaneous actions could be enacted – with collaboration required so they don’t conflict. Each requires years of investment, planning and preparation. Again, that means starting now. And the option of last resort might indeed be a destructive bomb. At least Earth might then be hit by many smaller chunks rather than a single mammoth. Careful planning could avoid reaching that stage of desperation, since trade-offs work in our favour. The larger an object and the faster it moves, the more damage it causes, but also the greater the likelihood of early detection – if the skies are monitored. Comprehensive ground-based scanning for objects costs millions of dollars per year – but space missions can require billions. One estimate for a complete planetary defence system, without much justification or verifiable calculations, was US$15 billion to US$20 billion a year. Even if all these figures need to be multiplied tenfold, the result is still far less than the US$2 trillion spent each year on declared defence spending. And preventing a meteorite disaster is indisputably far cheaper than the tens of trillions of dollars needed for post-impact rebuilding of several countries. Even the best monitoring and response system will not prevent every space object from slipping through the net – many thus-far-unobserved types of space objects could exist. But a great deal of knowledge is still not being applied. Current efforts are ad hoc, lack secure funding, and bring the usual plethora of acronyms in their wake. At the United Nations (UN), the Office for Outer Space Affairs (UNOOSA) is the main space agency, the Office for Disaster Risk Reduction (UNDRR) supports disaster prevention and the Office for Disarmament Affairs (UNODA) promotes peaceful use of outer space. Global groups without formal UN status include the International Asteroid Warning Network (IAWN) – with tasks as per its name – and the Space Mission Planning Advisory Group (SMPAG) for coordinating and acting in case of a threat. The International Astronomical Union (IAU) records and shares information about space objects and their possible trajectories. Many other governmental and non-governmental initiatives monitor for objects and issue warnings. NASA in the United States has a centre dedicated to calculating object orbits and Earth-collision probabilities. The privately run Spaceguard Centre in the United Kingdom monitors, researches and provides information about dangerous objects. Global preparedness for a space-object disaster is even less coordinated. In effect, each country or other authority decides for itself how it will address this scenario. Any other entity – business, non-profit organisation, family or individual – must determine for themselves what to be ready for and how. A large meteorite strike could kill millions and recovery could span generations. Avoiding calamity will be easier and cheaper if humankind works together. Even if they stop just one object, preparation efforts will easily pay for themselves. Ilan Kelman is Professor of Disasters and Health at University College London, England, and a Professor II at the University of Agder, Kristiansand, Norway. His overall research interest is linking disasters and health, including the integration of climate change into disaster research and health research. The author declares no conflict of interest. This article was originally published in June 2022. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on June 30, 2022

Real journalists can lead the war against deepfakes - 360 Alexandra Wake Published on May 1, 2024 This year is vital for democracy and AI is already wreaking havoc on a news landscape struggling to cope. Smart, proactive legislation could provide protection. Almost half the world is voting in national elections this year and AI is the elephant in the room. There are genuine fears AI-generated or AI-edited deepfakes will potentially manipulate election outcomes not just in the US and UK, but critically in countries such as India. For that reason, the need for highly trained journalists who can produce trusted, accurate and original reporting is firmly in the spotlight this World Press Freedom Day (May 3). This year has seen an acceleration in the use of AI technologies, which can boost legitimate political campaigns but also be employed by bad actors to influence outcomes. These tools, combined with lack of regulation on social media platforms, is a grave worry for anyone who supports democracy. But for those of us preparing the next generation of journalists, it’s a challenge to further enhance the technical and soft skills that lead to excellent public interest journalism. AI has been used for more than a decade in the US, providing automated earthquake warnings for the Los Angeles Times. But it is now being used by journalists in far smaller newsrooms to, among other things, generate quick rewrites of 50 press releases at a time. The European Union is leading the way in developing ethical guidelines for dealing with AI that are “human centric”. There are seven requirements that are considered key in the EU for achieving trustworthy AI. They include human agency and oversight; robustness and safety; societal and environmental well-being, and accountability. But globally, people are concerned. Software company Adobe has just released a Future of Trust Study, which surveyed more than 6,000 people across the US, UK, France and Germany about their experiences encountering misinformation online and concerns about the impact of generative AI. The study shows more than 80 percent of respondents in each nation were concerned the content they consume online was vulnerable to being altered to mislead or deceive. A significant number said it was becoming difficult to verify if the content they were consuming online was trustworthy, and most believed that misinformation and harmful deepfakes would impact future elections. They generally believed governments and technology companies should work together to protect election integrity against deepfakes and misinformation. Those surveyed were quite right to be fearful, with the recent Solomon Islands election awash with fake information. While Australia might be lagging with regulation around AI, it has led the way in forcing big tech companies to support the provision of journalism through its News Bargaining code by making them pay local news publishers for news content available on their platforms. Despite Australia’s world-leading laws, Meta has already warned that it will remove news rather than support its continued existence within Facebook. It’s a move being labelled anti-democratic by Australian politicians. Having access to balanced news and information, prepared by well-trained journalists is one of the best ways to fight misinformation and disinformation spread across social media. But that trust only comes when the news is fair and transparent, represents all in the community, and is provided by people who sign up to an ethical framework. It’s one reason academics are pushing for accreditation of journalists in Australia so those who sign up to an ethical code of conduct and complaints process can be differentiated from those who do not. While journalists certainly have a lot more to do to rebuild relationships with audiences, that job is almost impossible if we cannot clearly identify who is, and more importantly, who is not a credible and ethical journalist. Around the globe, governments, philanthropists and businesses which care about democracy are continuing to look for ways to save the flailing news industry. Despite a range of initiatives to support journalism, from tax breaks for hiring journalists in New York to philanthropic grants, the number of news deserts continues to rise with the closure of long-running newspapers like the 125-year-old Barrier Truth in Broken Hill, in far west New South Wales. Australia’s media market is being tracked by Public Interest Journalism Initiative and it has found much resilience in the provision of news across most local government areas with few areas that have no reporting at all. However, there is very little court reporting in regional Australia, and while regional and city governments are generally well covered, that is less true of regional shires and metropolitical councils. CEOs more concerned about the financial bottom-line than they are about the provision of news to the public are continuing to close operations. New Zealand’s long-running television news program, NewsHub, is due to close mid-year with the loss of 200 jobs thanks to a decision by the US media conglomerate Warner Bros Discovery. The decision was set to leave the state-owned TVNZ network as the only source of free TV news in the entire country until a last-minute deal by the NZ media site Stuff was struck to provide another English-language news program. Legislation is often slow to catch up with technological innovations but, in a year packed with elections, the stakes have never been so high to keep pace with emerging threats. The financial pressures on the media industry are not disappearing but, with proactive government support and savvy work from those dedicated to preserving democracy, a way forward is tenable. is an Associate Professor of Journalism at RMIT University and the elected President of the Journalism Education and Research Association of Australia. She is an active leader, educator and researcher in journalism. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 1, 2024

Red alert: How cinema helps the Modi myth - 360 Sayandeb Chowdhury Published on May 15, 2024 Cinematic fiction has become the convenient way of ‘correcting’ historical frictions, especially where facts are inconvenient Like several instances in the last century, the political leashing of cinema is a concern again in India. “I filmed the truth as it was then. Nothing more.” This assertion by 1930s German film director Leni Reifenstahl, best known for her documentary films supporting Adolf Hitler’s National Socialist Party, would likely find favour with a section of Indian filmmakers today with releases lined up before the Indian general elections. The ‘truth’ is a slippery thing, with cinema being pushed to be part of a new media ecology much of which thrives on post-truth. This is one of the revelations in this season of national elections in India, which is gigantic in scale and the Indian state’s most formidable exercise. This particular election is prone to more than a share of anxiety that India, under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, is showing tell-tale signs of majoritarian tyranny, and a wanton disregard for participatory democratic ethos. Mr Modi and his right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party are expected to return to power for the third time in a row, riding on an alarming centralisation of power, and an increasingly institutionalised practice of bare-knuckle majoritarianism that goes by the name of ‘Hindutva’. Popular cinema is seen to have become a bedfellow to this aspiration. Their names reveal their intent. The Vaccine War, Article 370, Bastar — The Naxal Story, Swatantrya Veer Savarkar, JNU: Jahangir National University, and The Sabarmati Report, slated for an August release. No wonder, the proliferation of this kind of cinema has attracted eyeballs. The world, while watching India closely, stumbled upon what India was watching. And what India was found watching was a series of loud, humdrum, low-budget, dyed-in-the-wool propaganda films. The regularity of their appearance, and their unmissable scheduling and template have provoked a couple of observations in the global media. First, these films have a barely-concealed aim of mobilising support for Mr Modi’s brand of partisan politics. Two, this mobilisation is being carried out by a systematic defaming and demonisation of India’s 200 million Muslims, and other minorities. In other words, cinematic fiction has become the convenient way of ‘correcting’ historical frictions, especially where facts are inconvenient to the governing dispensation. Important and insightful that these observations are, there is scope to go deeper into this proliferation of ‘saffron cinema’, the colour being the one most closely entwined with Hindutva. On one hand, we have moved into the age of post-cinema, an image-saturated David-Lynchian hall of mirrors that the Situationist Guy Debord would have found inside his worst nightmare. On this end of the spectrum, cinema is a stuttering actor fretting on a stage dominated by a mind-bogglingly garrulous, anything-goes ‘new media‘. Yet, cinema continues to pulverise the popular imagination. In recent months, Oppenheimer and The Zone of Interest have re-galvanised the perennial debate about cinema’s innate potency to reflect eloquently on acts of historic barbarity. Contemporary Hindi cinema stands somewhere in the middle of these warring ends. On one hand lies its long emotional connection to a people, something that has ensured a deep, if unselfconscious, approval of that cinema. That cinematic ‘belonging’ is now being harnessed to drive home a programmatic majoritarian imagination. Why, after 10 years in power, does Mr Modi need validation from cinematic fiction? One must recount that Mr Modi’s regime has largely thrived on spectacle and performance, his day-to-day act of governance having been converted into televised acts of messianic deliverance. Indian politics has more often than not made use of the nuisance value of larger-than life theatrics. Mr Modi has converted that into a 24/7 art of self-publicity. To that end, a certain mythologizing of his person and office is part of his style of governance. Moreover, the BJP’s publicity arm and the hundreds of trolls it had put under payroll since 2014 has triggered an avalanche of factually suspect claims, many of which have been traced to the offices of the government itself. To that end, using one more popular form, cinema, to validate the fiction of power and of Hindu dominance, and to convert mythical claims into ‘history’ is only par for the course. On the opposite end of this desperate need for validation lies the irony that the commercial fate of all the recent propaganda films has been calamitous. Earlier propaganda vehicles, Uri: The Surgical Strike, The Kashmir Files and The Kerala Story, obdurately Islamophopobic or hawkishly pernicious, were unleashed upon a comparatively unsuspecting population. They became massive commercial successes, having also been openly canvassed for by apparatchiks of the right wing, including Mr Modi himself. They had set the template for the current crop of cheaply made replicas. But these films, which have clogged the Friday releases over the last two months, have barely been a whimper, silently exiting the commercial circuits after a bare run of a week, only to find the shelter of the streaming services. These raise questions about whether the average cinema public, usually dismissed as gullible and influenceable, has seen through the verbiage of cliches and the rhetoric of hate. Are we to conclude that propaganda cinema that barely hides its tooth and claw never manages, in the end, to propagate? It is too early to say whether these films will have no effect on the political outcome in the elections. But one can take heart that the blatant fictionalising of hate has not worked in the theatres of entertainment, and may also fail in the theatre of democracy. One lingering anxiety hovers, however. So far, the discussion on ‘saffron cinema’ has largely been about the ‘effect’ of this cinema on Indian politics. One must also ponder what this kind of licentious use of cinematic form and culture might do to that cinema itself. This becomes all the more critical because India has barely had a history of blatant propaganda cinema. Popular Hindi cinema has been, with very notable exceptions, loud, saccharine, improbable, escapist, melodramatic, and kitschy. But a broad sense of justice has more or less prevailed in that cinema, even those where violence has been the chosen way of asserting that justice. The film Ghayal is a case in point. This messy but generally agreeable open-endedness of Hindi cinema might be severely curtailed if its template is forced into the cage of complicity with a ruling regime. That would be no less calamitous. Sayandeb Chowdhury teaches in the School of Interwoven Arts and Sciences, Krea University. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 15, 2024

Red Sea attacks may have silver lining for Southeast Asia - 360 Andrei O. J. Kwok Published on March 13, 2024 The Houthi attacks on ships may offer the region a chance to reinvent how it deals with supply chain disruptions. When the Yemen-based Houthis started attacking commercial vessels in the Red Sea, the crisis brought to light the vulnerability of global trade chokepoints. It re-emphasises just how susceptible the global supply chain is to disruptions. In a highly connected and integrated global economy, a disruption in one location can easily cause a ripple effect that rapidly spreads to the rest of the world. Setting up smaller manufacturing hubs within a region rather than just a few main ones offers one solution for supply chain disruptions and avoiding bottlenecks. Diversifying trading partners with a focus on intra-region trade is another. For instance, Southeast Asian countries haven’t been badly affected by the Red Sea attacks as they maintain a healthy trade exchange between themselves and Far East and Indo-Pacific partners. They are not too dependent on the West. The Red Sea connects two primary chokepoints from the Suez Canal to the Bab el-Mandeb Strait and is one of the busiest maritime routes in the world. Its strategic location allows liquefied natural gas and oil transportation and is the fastest container transit between Asia and Europe. According to the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), the crisis caused an almost 70 percent drop in container ship transits, a more than 40 percent reduction in trade volumes via the Suez, and a nearly three times surge in average container shipping spot rates from China to Europe. Several businesses such as Ikea and Tesla have been significantly affected, while others are preparing mitigation measures. Major shipping lines such as Maersk, Hapag-Lloyd and MSC have diverted by sailing around the Cape of Good Hope instead. The longer shipping time and distances have consumed more fuel, with this increased cost passed on to consumers, exacerbating inflation and delays in the deliveries. Some other shipping lines have resorted to creative dodging tactics. While these measures have been temporary, they are unsustainable should the crisis persist. In light of previous shipping disruptions such as the 2023 Panama Canal drought, the 2021 Ever Given Suez Canal blockage, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the 2016 Hanjin Shipping bankruptcy, it is important to revisit the global supply chain strategy. Post-globalisation has led to logistics consolidation and centralisation of manufacturing sites to exploit economies of scale. Container ships that have grown from an initial 500-800 TEUs (twenty-foot equivalent units) to an enormous capacity of 24,000 TEUs to reduce the cost per container pose operational challenges and commercial risks. As the risk amplifies, supply chains must, therefore, go beyond lean to become more agile, given the increasing complexity and sensitivity to external shocks, according to Ernst & Young LLP. If the global supply chain is about to reach a tipping point, there is a question about what can be done. One possible solution is decentralising global manufacturing by establishing multiple smaller regional manufacturing sites catering to nearby markets.  Establishing multiple manufacturing bases across strategic locations allows backup sourcing and helps diversify risk arising from any affected location. One company doing this is  Chicago-based Mondelēz International, a snacks multinational, which operates a network of  manufacturing facilities and distribution centres across every region, duplicating the network in each country in which the company operates. Another possibility is to geographically diversify distribution centres by creating more independent, local, and region-specific hubs. This reduces concentration on a single global location and dependency on long-haul transportation. Short-haul transport allows faster turnaround times and more distribution centres provide inventory buffers, insulating global disruptions. Businesses can also leverage dual or multi-sources by increasing the supply base to switch sourcing to a secondary supplier in an unaffected location in case of stoppages in the primary supply. Alternatively, co-location of the supply chain can reduce international logistics costs and delivery lead time. Businesses, too, can be flexible using alternative transportation modes, such as rail or air freight. Air and rail are significantly faster than ocean freight and more reliable and predictable. While they are more expensive and have a cargo capacity constraint, a combination of different modes (e.g., ocean and rail) can be considered to rationalise the overall speed and cost. Digitalisation and adopting emerging technologies in supply chains, such as generative artificial intelligence and quantum computing, can offer increased visibility and enhanced scenario prediction and foster rapid but accurate decision-making in response to disruptions. This research revealed how companies such as Unilever and Siemens leverage artificial intelligence to scrape website data for alternative supply sources to rapidly fulfil material shortages. These technologies will continue to be the catalyst to ensure supply chain resiliency. Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand are still somewhat insulated from the primary effects and for now limited only to logistics (i.e., soaring container rates and shipment delays). A much smaller number of companies in the Philippines responded that their trade with Europe had been significantly affected by the Red Sea crisis. They report a seven to 20-day delay in import shipments which may lead to reductions in production capacity. Southeast Asia’s trade with the European Union ranks third after intra-ASEAN and China. Therefore, what buffers the effect is the robust Southeast Asian intra-regional trade and the opportunity to divert trade to their neighbouring countries (e.g., Australia, China, Japan, Korea, and New Zealand), thus reducing dependency on the Red Sea shipping lane. Prior to the crisis, Malaysia increased its exports to China when the European Union introduced new rules impacting palm oil. However, a prolonged crisis is definitely a cause for concern about secondary effects (inflation and goods shortages) that can have a broader impact on the economy. In fact, Southeast Asia could benefit. Air freight volumes have surged by 62 percent in Vietnam. Shipping detours have increased demand for Singapore’s bunker fuel. And with the electric vehicle (EV) supply chain significantly disrupted, the crisis reiterates Southeast Asia as an attractive global manufacturing and outsourcing hub as a long-term solution. While the Red Sea crisis exposed the fragility of the global supply chain, unprecedented disruptions do not usually last forever but may present an opportunity for long-term shifts in the existing business models. Andrei O. J. Kwok is Senior Lecturer and Director of Graduate Coursework Studies, Department of Management, School of Business, Monash University Malaysia. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 13, 2024

Red Shirt's return sparks hope for democratic renewal - 360 Thanapat Pekanan Published on April 15, 2024 Can the return of exiled politicians ignite hope for Thai democracy and reshape its political landscape? ‘Exile’ will be the word of the year for Thailand’s democracy in 2024. In March, Jakrapob Penkair, former Thai minister and leader of the Red Shirt movement, returned to Thailand after a 15-year self-imposed exile. He was detained by authorities upon arrival following several charges against him, particularly allegations of storing an arsenal of firearms. Analysts have dubbed this phenomenon as the “Thaksin Model”, after the return of ousted former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra last August. The return of Jakrapob will define a new chapter in Thai politics as it could pave the way for the return of hundreds of Thai political refugees who fled the country as a result of the 2014 military coup, staged by a Thai junta under Prayuth Chan-Ocha. A pivotal figure in the Red Siam movement, Jakrapob’s bold stances against Thailand’s entrenched power structures earned him both acclaim and peril. Despite facing relentless persecution and threats, his return signals a potential turning point in Thai politics. However, for Jakrapob, the challenge is twofold: reconciling with the establishment that once forced him out and ensuring that the plight of those persecuted under policies such as Thailand’s lèse-majesté law (Article 112) is addressed. Since Jakrapob was one of the most vocal advocates for reforming Article 112 during his time as a politician and Red Shirt leader, he must ensure that those affected by it will be included in any amnesty bill. Otherwise, his legacy as one of the few political leaders  who went head-to-head with the “Ammart system” (a system which prioritises aristocracy over ordinary people), will have all been in vain. If he is somehow able to be reconciled successfully with the establishment that forced him out of his homeland, Jakrapob could play a key role in ensuring that not only will Thai political refugees be able to return home safely but that they could possibly be exempted from the draconian punishment of Article 112 and other laws. However, as a leader of the Red Siam movement, Jakrapob still carries the responsibility of pushing forward a number of the faction’s stated missions, either directly or indirectly. As the political landscape evolves with movements like the Move Forward Party gaining momentum, Jakrapob’s role remains pivotal. While not the originator of reformist ideals, his past leadership pushed these issues into public realm. Now, he must navigate a changed landscape, where his role may differ, but his commitment to democratising Thailand must remain resolute. Jakrapob and other leaders of Red Siam brought reformist ideals to the forefront after the 2006 military coup. It’s crucial for movements like the Move Forward Party to acknowledge their contributions, emphasising that the fight for democracy is ongoing. While honouring past sacrifices, it’s equally important for veteran politicians to reassess their roles if they diverge from the pursuit of reform. The Move Forward Party stands for reforming powerful Thai institutions and economic monopolisation in the country. This is not something new. At the same time, while the Move Forward Party and its supporters should recognise the sacrifices of previous generations, those veteran politicians and activists in the government should not hold onto power and relevance if they do not want to continue pursuing this course anymore. Amid expectations, Jakrapob faces a delicate balance. He must avoid becoming a mere echo of past glory or a tool for those who betray the very principles he fought for. His legacy, intertwined with the sacrifices of pro-democracy demonstrators, demands a steadfast dedication to true democracy, where justice, freedom and the rule of law reign supreme. One thing is clear: Jakrapob won’t be playing the same role that placed him in the political limelight more than a decade ago. His latest attempts to organise an international movement against the Thai junta to form a government-in-exile fell short. As Thailand looks to the future, Jakrapob’s next moves will be scrutinised. Maybe he could rework the old plan, adjusting it to the contemporary context while still holding true to the original goals of democratising Thailand and liberating it from its “state within the state”. Undeniably, given his political legacy, those from Thailand’s democratic camp have higher expectations of him than they do of other leaders in the incumbent cabinet. Jakrapob needs to consider his next move very carefully if he is to prevent himself from falling into the category of being a mouthpiece or a “useful lawyer” who justifies and defends a political party that went against its own principles, promises, and everything that its supporters stood for, from the past until the present. The sacrifices made by the pro-democracy demonstrators from the Red Shirt era and various students’ movements are not meant to be used as just a political ladder for any party to get into power and form a government, or to help some politicians fulfil their personal dream of assuming a ministerial position. For all those sacrifices to have been worth it, a true democracy that includes the rule of law, justice for those political refugees and freedom of speech must be a foremost priority for any democratic government now and in the future. Thanapat Pekanan is a research fellow at the Institute of Security and International Studies (ISIS), Chulalongkorn University’s Faculty of Political Science. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Political exile” sent at: 15/04/2024 12:07. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on April 15, 2024

Red tape is stifling innovation at public universities - 360 Michael B. Charles, David Noble Published on May 8, 2024 Australian public universities tout themselves as bastions of innovation and driving forces behind economic growth, but their cultures are getting in the way. Imagine being an entrepreneur who had spent more than 12 months scouring the globe for a particular research expertise, only to discover at a random cocktail party that the know-how you’re looking for could be found just down the road. Or being an industry innovation expert trying to connect with a research group you’d invested in without success. There was simply no individual, telephone contact or email address publicly available. Unfortunately, these are both documented stories highlighting the kind of obstacles faced by the private sector when trying to work with public universities in Australia. It would therefore come as no surprise to people in the sector that universities seem to have been largely ignored in recent innovation funding announcements. There are several potential reasons why public universities have been marginalised in the innovation landscape. The compliance culture that has dogged Australian government-innovation initiatives, especially when it comes to quantifying research outcomes, also dogs the increasingly managerialist public universities in Australia. A glaring example of the way this compliance culture stifles academic researchers engaging in potentially groundbreaking research is the increasingly bureaucratic approaches to ethics approval, even if the proposed research is low risk, and time is of the essence. Many academics are simply giving up on research based on primary data collection and are focusing on arguably less innovative and entrepreneurial research based on publicly-available data sources. There have been instances of “ethics-shopping” in research groups comprising academics from multiple institutions, whereby the ethics clearance was submitted to the university with the least onerous process. There was also an instance where an innovative small enterprise that had secured government funding and connected with a university for research found itself in breach of its reporting requirements — simply because the university department could not produce an acquittal in time. Not only are university bureaucracies risk-averse, they are inefficient when it comes to maintaining industry-level standards of reporting. Experiences such as this are likely to give the private sector pause when it comes to determining whether they should continue working with public universities. The innovation environment is, by its very nature, uncertain and risky. Professor Mariana Mazzucato, one of the world’s leading scholars in this area, recently met with Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and promoted her ‘mission-oriented’ approach to innovation in the hope of promoting economic growth. Professor Mazzucato favours the “fail fast” approach that innovators and entrepreneurs take, which is increasingly at odds with a risk-averse university culture focused on quantitative metrics, box ticking and assured outcomes, and which would see “failure” as a missed opportunity, to the extent that they would not likely invest in the same research team again. Closely related to the growing compliance culture of the corporatised public university are the restrictions placed around what academic researchers should or shouldn’t research. This usually takes the form of the granting or withholding of research funding by university administrators, including all-important seed funding that is often required to test proof of concept. Public universities generally align themselves with the stated research priorities of the incumbent government, which are themselves also closely tied with funding. This approach prevents discoveries emanating from blue-sky research pursued by researchers practising academic freedom and following their instincts. Instead, institutional research parameters are tightly constrained through the nomination of national research priorities, with university administrators turning themselves inside out to maximise the potential available funding. Many academics find themselves being taken on mandated research journeys, even if their hearts (and heads) are not in it — something which can clearly compromise research outcomes. Academic careers also present a problem. University academics need to juggle multiple work responsibilities, with research performance often suffering in a workplace environment that privileges teaching and service. Academics also tend to take leave more frequently than industry partners, something which can stall the development of applied research, and raises questions about overall commitment in the eyes of industry. Many Australian universities have innovation hubs that are either administered directly or are an adjunct organisation co-located on campus or nearby. However, entities that arguably should be the most nimble and innovative demonstrated significant vulnerability during the COVID-19 pandemic. The pandemic revealed weaknesses regarding the resilience of these university hubs, with hub managers reportedly being unable to resolve a number of operational challenges. Several hubs ceased operating, at least temporarily, and failed to pivot effectively to an online environment that was necessary to maintain connections with industry. Such hubs, far from being at the vanguard of pandemic responses, were found wanting. The multi-layered difficulties faced by universities and entrepreneurs alike, resist a glib, one-size-fits all response. As a start perhaps, less top-down direction and strategic planning and more fostering of grassroots innovation would likely help, as would embracing a culture of greater risk-taking, within reason, of course. How universities reward and incentivise their researchers also needs to be put under the spotlight. Better ways to link industry, especially small and medium enterprises and start-ups, are also required. If public universities are unable to adapt to an innovation environment where an ability to accept risk, form strong teams quickly and work at a commercially-acceptable pace is paramount, it is likely that they will recede further into the innovation shadows. This is likely to result in further questions regarding their overall public legitimacy and — as a consequence — continued funding. Associate Professor Michael B. Charles is a member of the Faculty of Business, Law and Arts at Southern Cross University. His current research focuses on infrastructure policy, public values, research policy, the future of higher education, and collaboration and engagement between industry and academia. Adjunct Associate Professor David Noble is a lecturer and researcher at Southern Cross University, focusing on public policy and administration for university-industry collaboration, innovation and national systems of innovation. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 8, 2024

Red tape is strangling Kuwait’s infant FOI law - 360 Khaled Al-Rashidi Published on December 1, 2022 While the intention is good, the Kuwaiti government can do away with the many hurdles in accessing public information. Kuwait stands tantalisingly on the threshold of a new openness in government which could root out corruption. But there are obstacles in the way. When the National Assembly in 2020 enacted the Kuwaiti Right to Access Information Act, it gave hope that nepotism, bribery and other crimes would come more under the spotlight and the perpetrators held to account. The Act gives individuals (including foreigners) and organisations the right to obtain information held by public entities. It is the result of pressure by organisations such as Kuwait Transparency Society (KTS), which had been pressing for this law since 2013. With its enactment, Kuwait joined 119 other nations with such laws and became the seventh Arab nation to adopt a specialised regulatory framework, following Jordan, Yemen, Sudan, Tunisia, Lebanon and Morocco. However, the Kuwait Anti-Corruption Authority (Nazaha) emphasises in its guide on the implementation of the Act that the right to information is not an end in itself, but a means to exercise other rights. Right to Information (RTI) or Freedom of Information (FOI) laws are potentially useful to fight corrupt activities often kept out of sight, such as illegal payments to high-ranking officials and politicians by private entities to influence government decisions, corruption in public procurement, and allocation of public jobs to family and friends (nepotism and favouritism – or what is called wasta in Arabic). It is hoped that with this openness, corrupt behaviour will be more susceptible to detection. Adding a clause to protect whistleblowers (as established by the Anti-Corruption Authority and Financial Disclosure Act 2016) can only help. But two years down the track, there are obstacles. KTS discovered that people in Kuwait are unaware of the existence of such l, or even the real rationale beyond them. If people don’t know about the law, they’re unlikely to use it. To compound the issue those who are using the Act are using it in a way for which it was not intended. Officials and individuals use the Act to access personal or job-related information held about them. Rather than being used to obtain ‘general’ information that may help detect or prosecute corrupt behaviour, information requests often entail information that should originally have been provided without the need for a request — the kind of information that is regulated by data protection laws. KTS has since led a campaign to raise awareness of both the existence of the law and the rationale behind it. A culture of secrecy is still entrenched in public institutions, which resist the effective use of the Act as a counter-corruption measure. A recent report by a Kuwaiti Member of Parliament showed 37 percent of public bodies still had not complied with the Act. KTS has received several complaints showing some government bodies “disrupt the provisions of this law under false pretexts”. The Act also requires that every information request be based on proving the ‘interest’ of the applicant. Legal experts have clarified this actually impedes the effectiveness of the Act. For example, it is impossible for anyone to show his or her interest in obtaining public information if such information does not affect his or her interest. The public institution being asked for information has an unwarranted, broad discretion in determining whether someone has an interest in the information requested. It’s simple, then, for the public body to decide whether it thinks the information would be released. It doesn’t help that the Act’s oversight mechanisms and the expected length of any FOI process might deter people from exercising their rights. While it is probably too early to assess the effectiveness of the Act these challenges suggest the act will be impractical. Passing such a law is the first step though. More effort is still required to empower people to contribute to counter-corruption processes. Legislative amendments are necessary, including removing the ‘interest requirement’ and establishing a more efficient oversight mechanism, such as an information commissioner. Of course, these efforts are largely dependent on political will and encouraging public participation in countering corruption. Dr. Khaled S. Al-Rashidi is an assistant professor at the Criminal Law Department, School of Law, Kuwait University. He is also a board member of the Kuwait Transparency Society (KTS), Transparency International’s Kuwait Chapter. He declares no conflict of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on December 1, 2022

Reframing the law to recognise nature's value - 360 Tarini Mehta Published on January 6, 2023 How do we see nature? Do we see it, and therefore, value it — based on its usefulness for human beings — or as something with intrinsic value? The current framework for the protection of nature is based on the former perspective, as is litigation. Nature tends to be judged and appreciated on the basis of its impact on humans — an anthropocentric view. This approach does not allow for the protection of nature in its totality, bringing to the forefront the need for the rights of nature framework. Around the world this framework has been gaining greater acceptance. Ecuador and Bolivia have incorporated the right of nature to exist, persist, maintain and regenerate. In India, through litigation, attempts have been made to give natural resources personhood. There are, however, counter arguments to these legal developments. Key among them being nature is a non-living thing unable to speak or communicate. As Christopher Stone famously argued in his seminal 1972 work: “‘Nor is it only matter in human form that has come to be recognized as the possessor of rights. The world of the lawyer is peopled with inanimate right-holders: trusts, corporations, joint ventures, municipalities. and nation-states, to mention just a few. Ships, still referred to by courts in the feminine gender, have long had an independent jural life, often with striking consequences.’’ This view was echoed decades later by scholars such as La Follette and Maser: “It is of course no answer to say that Nature, or any being of Nature, should be denied rights because it cannot speak. The American legal system gives rights to many entities that cannot speak. All these entities hire attorneys to speak for them and argue their cases in court.” The root of arguments against the rights of nature framework can be traced to the philosophy that has been at the foundation of industrialised western society – one that acknowledges little or no intrinsic value in Nature, unless it is able to show that it is “good for something” or can be transformed into something of material value, indigenous cultures and Eastern traditions, on the other hand, have a long history of endowing natural resources with intrinsic and often sacred value. The Ganga (Ganges), for instance, one of the rivers granted personhood by the Uttarakhand High Court, is considered by the Hindus to be a Goddess, with her own sacred history and power. In a similar manner the Whanganui River was granted personhood in New Zealand by the Whanganui Iwi Deed of Settlement owing to the unique cultural relationship the Maori people have with the river. The Maori have a saying: “Ko au te awa, ko te awa ho au” – “I am the river, and the river is me”. The granting of legal personhood to the Whanganui is a key example of the extension of legal rights and personhood to a non-human and inanimate object. But this was not the first time this concept was used in law to protect natural resources. In 2006, the Tamaqua Borough of Pennsylvania, in the US, prohibited the dumping of toxic waste and sewage as a violation of the Rights of Nature. In 2008, Ecuador became the first country to recognise the Rights of Nature in its national constitution, which eloquently stated in Article 71 that:  “Nature or Pachamama, where life is reproduced and exists, has the right to exist, persist, maintain and regenerate its vital cycles, structure, functions and its processes in evolution.’’ This vision of nature is the hallmark of a more ecocentric Earth jurisprudence that aims to displace the dominant perspective where human beings and their interests are given the central position. An ecocentric approach acknowledges the intrinsic value of every being, and the need to respect the rights, therefore, of every living being. This is well encapsulated by Bolivia’s Universal Declaration on the Rights of Mother Earth. It recognises nature’s Right to Flourish, as Mother Earth is a living being. To ensure that the Earth and its resources flourish, it acknowledges that one of the key rights of nature is the Right to Life. Bolivia’s law, therefore, calls for public policy and state action to be guided by Buen Vivir, a concept of well-being founded on traditional and indigenous values of harmonious coexistence with nature and people. Such harmony is only possible when one acknowledges the interdependence of all things. The principle of interdependence is beautifully illustrated by the Mahayana metaphor of the Net of Indra – a magical net suspended above the palace of Indra that extends across all directions. Upon each node is placed a glistening gem which reflects within it all the other gems in the net. In the same manner as each gem is reflected in the other and is connected by the net’s gossamer threads, we are interconnected and affect each other. Acknowledgement of this interdependence is found across formulations of the Rights of Nature. The Preamble of Bolivia’s Universal Declaration of the Rights of Mother Earth proclaims that: “…we are all part of Mother Earth, an indivisible living community of interrelated and interdependent beings… [and] convinced that in an interdependent living community it is not possible to recognise the rights of only human beings without causing an imbalance within Mother Earth.’’ In this way, the Rights of Nature framework is reframing the place of human society and human beings within the larger canvas of life on Earth. Indeed, sustainability cannot be achieved if this perspective is not brought into modern society’s relationship with nature and, therefore, into the pathway of development. Of course, it is not without its challenges. There are questions that need to be answered regarding its practical application. Who would be best suited and qualified to be the guardian of the natural resource? How would they be selected and to what standards would they be held? As the interests of natural resources would still ultimately be decided by state and society, does this approach remain anthropocentric, and does this undermine the very purpose of endowing natural resources with rights? While these issues need resolution, the level of environmental devastation we now face makes the key role of the Rights of Nature framework in achieving sustainable development apparent. The current global ecological crisis is the result of unsustainable development, consumption and production patterns.  It is time for a new approach — one where we acknowledge and accept interdependence, and begin to live in greater harmony with nature, by firstly, respecting its innate value and rights. Professor (Dr.) Tarini Mehta is Associate Professor of Environmental Law at Jindal Global Law School, O P. Jindal Global University, India. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on January 6, 2023

Regressive laws in democracies - 360 Shahirah Hamid Published on August 30, 2023 Laws and policies that limit civil liberties, from immigration to free speech, are becoming more prominent in democracies around the world. The use of regressive laws is increasing around the world, including in many democratic countries, eroding civil liberties and undermining the essence of democracy itself. The United States has weaponised the issue of border security, with policies targeting migrants infringing on basic rights. In India, a controversial citizenship law and sedition act raise concerns about the suppression of dissent In Brazil, President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva confronts the task of reclaiming democratic values after his predecessor’s tenure undermined democracy with regressive policies. Malaysia still grapples with repressive laws to silence dissent and stifle free speech, while Australia’s lack of a constitutional bill of rights makes for a complicated debate around laws restricting the right to protest. With the growing influence of such laws, 360info sheds light on the challenges posed to fundamental freedoms and the urgent need to safeguard the core principles of democracy. Editors Note: In the story “Regressive laws” sent at: 28/08/2023 07:17. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on August 30, 2023

Regressive laws start at a nation's borders - 360 Dina Francesca Haynes Published on August 30, 2023 Border security is used in democracies like the US to silence advocates and threaten democracy. The US and other democratic nations have weaponised border security to undermine human rights – and ultimately democracy – through the use of regressive laws. A recent US Supreme Court decision upheld a law that allows the federal government to prosecute people for assisting undocumented immigrants. The decision in United States v Hansen raises concerns among lawyers, advocates and journalists that it could limit free speech and deter human rights advocacy. The term ‘regressive governance’ describes broad action that suppresses human rights by taking strategic aim at vulnerable groups to undermine the rule of law, thus securing the power of regressive leadership. This can happen not just in fascist and theocratic regimes, but also in supposedly democratic countries, which are supposed to afford protections to free speech and human rights. They do this by implementing policies designed to have a chilling effect on human rights law and activism. The goal is to eliminate resistance, and thereby entrench regressive law and policy within all systems of power and governance. Leaders around the world seem to be observing and copying one another in how they pursue their regressive agendas — scaling back rights, ignoring international legal obligations and reversing domestic laws that would protect speech and activism aimed at exposing and countering this trend. Regressive governments typically focus on migrants, crafting narratives that prey on the fear of newcomers to justify increasing border security. They then move to militarise the interior by expanding the authority of border regimes. They criminalise migrants and their advocates before ultimately undermining the rights of other vulnerable groups. In Greece, the authorities have repeatedly violated international law by pushing back refugees. Recently they have been accused of causing the deaths of more than 500 migrants crossing the Mediterranean. The European Border and Coast Guard Agency, or Frontex, the joint European border monitoring agency, threatened to suspend its activities in Greece after it determined that the Greek government had committed serial violations of fundamental rights of migrants and international protection obligations. In the US, conservative governors are weaponising the issue of migrants, refusing people entry at the southern border and shipping groups of migrants to states and cities governed by liberal Democrats. Such tactics blatantly challenge the plenary power of the federal government over immigration and risk the lives of human beings for political gain. The focus on migration allows leaders to exploit the latitude that international and domestic law ostensibly grants leaders within the arenas of sovereign authority, national and border security and foreign affairs. They push narratives suggesting that migrants threaten security and the economy – narratives that have been continually disproved, even by conservative groups. Within these scenarios, some migrants are admitted, while others are not. The distinction exposes the racial prejudice, nationalism and xenophobia that are inextricably entwined with and benefit regressive governance. For example, during the COVID-19 pandemic the US instrumentalised public health laws to expel migrants and asylum seekers – but exempted Ukrainian citizens. In July this year, Tunisia expelled migrants from sub-Saharan African countries, exposing them to deadly heat and dehydration in the desert, days after it had struck a deal with the EU to facilitate the return of migrants to countries of origin. Human rights advocates and those who share knowledge and information with the public have been increasingly targeted and their work criminalised. In the US, migrant advocates were stopped, held, and threatened at ports of entry and in transit to the US. Regressive actors in the US have threatened immigration lawyers with prosecution for everything from obstruction to human trafficking, and have used Interpol flags and other border security mechanisms to harass and detain them. Cases like Hansen use the rule of law to endorse this type of reprisal. Hungary has criminalised providing assistance to asylum seekers. Conservative leaders in Italy and Greece have prosecuted immigrant rights advocates – even those following their professional and legal obligations, like ship captains who are required to respond to ships in distress. The UN Special Rapporteur on human rights defenders has documented that conservative governments are regularly targeting migrant rights defenders for reprisal. The US Supreme Court has consistently said that the media in particular should not be concerned about risking prosecution by publishing material critical of the government. This is the legal concept of prior restraint. Legal principles that work to prohibit laws that have the effect of chilling speech are deeply respected in genuine democracies, which understand that democracy depends on an informed and educated public. The US has long criticised other governments that criminalise or harass media and human rights defenders, calling out these acts as threats to democracy, yet in Hansen the government does the same, with judicial approval. As the two dissenting justices noted in the case, judiciaries in true democracies strike overbroad laws that have the effect of limiting advocacy, journalism and free speech. A true democracy would require legislators to rewrite the law more narrowly. Instead, this court left the law intact, effectively wagging a finger at the federal government and asking it to promise never to apply the law too broadly. Criminalising migrant rights speech and advocacy – like criminalising migration and permitting government actors to actively harm migrants – is a signpost of regressive governance and considered out of bounds in democratic nations that respect international law. Wielding the machinery of law to make rights defenders afraid of assisting migrants is the intention. It is designed not just to deter migration, but also to deter challenges to regressive governance more broadly. The impediments imposed by regressive governments are meant to make advocates for migrants and human rights think twice before using their limited resources to act. They are aimed at keeping advocates from entering into or remaining in the profession, because human rights advocates are most likely to expose and oppose their regressive actions, and migrant rights advocates are often the first to notice regressive governance. Democracy depends on citizens challenging threats to government encroachment on rights, especially threats coming from ‘inside the house’. Regressive governments threaten democracy from within. Proponents of democracy have a narrow window left to elect representatives who will work to unravel regressive laws and policies and enact laws to protect the groups that have been targeted before regressive governance limits their ability to participate in democratic processes altogether. Dina Francesca Haynes is a law professor at New England Law, Boston, US, where she teaches and writes about migration, human rights and regressive governance. She has also taught at Georgetown University Law Center and American University’s Washington College of Law, and worked as an international human rights lawyer for the UN and other international organisations. Prof Haynes is also the Founder of refugee projects.org, a non-profit focused on direct legal representation and policy advocacy in refugee and humanitarian law. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on August 30, 2023

Regulating AI in schools could be a top class innovation - 360 Hammam Riza, Taufik F Abidin Published on August 2, 2023 An AI-powered world in which teachers have more free time and more information on how to help students isn’t far away, but ethical challenges must be managed. Imagine a future where classrooms are dynamic AI-powered learning spaces, where every student has a personalised experience. AI can free up teachers to focus on students individually by streamlining administrative tasks, while the learning analytics can provide valuable insights into student performance, helping educators identify areas where intervention and support are needed. AI also can provide access to quality education in remote and underserved areas, such as in Indonesia’s West Banyak island, 200km west of the city of Medan. As we embrace AI in education, ethics must be at the forefront of all discussions to ensure responsible implementation. One of the main ethical concerns is safeguarding student privacy and data. Educational institutions must have clear guidelines and regulations for the responsible use and management of student’s data within AI-driven platforms before they are all rolled out. Transparency and trust are also vital aspects of ethical AI implementation. Educators and students must understand how AI systems operate, how they make decisions and how they impact the learning process. Transparent AI systems foster confidence in their use, promoting meaningful engagement between students and technology. Addressing algorithmic bias is a critical ethical challenge. AI systems are only as unbiased as the data they are trained. If AI algorithms are fed biased data, they can perpetuate and amplify existing inequalities. Ethical AI practices involve critically examining the data and algorithms used in AI systems to spot and fix potential biases, ensuring fair and unbiased treatment of students from diverse backgrounds. Regulating AI in education requires a team effort, including policymakers, educators, researchers and industry experts. Together, they can develop comprehensive regulation balancing innovation with ethical responsibility. Initiatives like UNESCO’s Readiness Assessment Methodology (RAM) and the Ethical Teacher Training Course (ETTC) are crucial in equipping educators with the necessary tools and knowledge to navigate ethics challenges  in education. Practical pilot projects and case studies help explain the impact of AI in specific educational domains. By piloting AI applications in classrooms, countries like Indonesia can gauge the effectiveness of AI-driven initiatives, identify challenges, discover solutions and refine strategies. Learning from these practical experiences will facilitate the fine-tuning of AI integration and ensure its alignment with Indonesia’s educational goals. Regulating AI in education is important  for responsibly developing AI and ensuring its potential is harnessed to improve society. By prioritising human values, data privacy, transparency and inclusivity, Indonesia can pave the path for ethical AI governance in education. Ongoing collaborative discussions, and continuous policy updates will refine ethical frameworks, guiding AI-driven education toward a positive societal impact. Embracing ethical AI practices, Indonesia can responsibly harness AI’s potential to create a future-ready and inclusive education system that empowers learners, fosters innovation, and drives societal progress. Prof Hammam Riza is the President of the Indonesia Collaborative AI Association (KORIKA), Chairman of the Institute of Indonesia Technology Auditor (IATI), Vice President of the ASEAN CIO Association, a senate member of the Indonesia Internet Organization (PANDI), and an Honorary member of the Indonesian Telecommunication Society (MASTEL). He can be found on Twitter and Linkedin. Prof Taufik F. Abidin is a Professor in Computer Science and Chairman of the Institute for Research and Community Services at Universitas Syiah Kuala, Banda Aceh, Indonesia. He is a member of the Indonesia Collaborative AI Association (KORIKA), IEEE, APTIKOM, and the Indonesian AI Society (IAIS). He can be found on LinkedIn. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on August 2, 2023

Reimagining Pacific tourism by thinking local - 360 Regina Scheyvens, Apisalome Movono Published on September 7, 2022 Pacific Island people were resilient when tourism halted. Now that it’s reopening, the world could learn from what they want. “We are lucky COVID happened,” a female elder in Fiji told researchers from Massey University. “It has been good to spend time and teach my children and grandchildren … share skills of weaving, cooking outdoors and gathering food.” Pacific islanders were hit hard economically when the pandemic closed down borders, putting a halt on global tourism. But there were silver linings for the community. “[We] would say to each other…isn’t it nice? Not having tourists around? We have the whole beach to ourselves!”, a Cook Island Elder said. To date, 16 Pacific destinations have re-opened their borders with much fanfare and enthusiasm from government officials and resort managers alike. Tourists have been assured of a warm welcome from their hosts. Pacific Island nation people have served the tourism industry — and tourists — very well for the past few decades. But local perspectives and voices have largely been ignored, allowing resort-style tourism owned by external companies to grow unchallenged in many places. In rebuilding the industry more sustainably, the discussions could be turned around: how can tourism, and tourists, better serve the interests of Pacific people, rather than continue on the same trajectory? When borders closed, profit-driven investors closed up shop and tourism-dependent communities were largely left to fend for themselves. As a response, Pacific people sought out a range of social, cultural, natural and virtual capital. They demonstrated the capacity to diversify their economic activities and improve food security. People’s adaptation in the face of a crisis and a lack of wage subsidies showed tourism and money are not the be-all and end-all. Culture was at the heart of their survival and adaptive strategies. Traditional structures and societal characteristics supported Pacific people’s resilience. They felt the need to support one another better in an environment where — in many cases — foreign economic domination, inequitable benefits and job insecurity have been the norm for some time. Rather than bouncing back to business-as-usual, we could listen to Pacific Islanders’ voices on what is best for themselves, valuing their agency and aspirations. Researchers found Pacific island communities’ feel their needs and interests have been neglected in the past. In 1975, Fijian economic planner, John Samy, wrote workers’ in the tourism sector only receive “crumbs from the table”, and it seems as though not much has changed. People want jobs that allow them to earn a fair wage. The tourism worker wage in Fiji is currently between NZ$2.00 to NZ$2.50 per hour and has remained relatively stagnant since 2006. This is despite tourists paying an average of NZ$400-500 a night for a hotel room. Many people felt abandoned by their employers when the pandemic struck, left to ‘sink or swim’ when major businesses shut up shop. A greater level of protection is needed by tourism employees, who often have to weather the ups and downs of seasonality in the sector, cyclones, floods and other shocks. Affordable insurance schemes, more robust trade union savings platforms, along with tourism provident funds, could provide a level of protection to tourism employees. Many would appreciate more opportunities for professional development within their jobs. This includes having the flexibility to rotate roles and learn new skills such as IT that can be applied outside of the tourism sector. This task lies with employers, as well as with governments and tourism education institutes of the Pacific. An emphasis on good workplace culture can earn staff loyalty and dedication. Unhappy about receiving no support and limited contact from former employers during the long months of the pandemic pause, some tourism workers have looked for new jobs or countries to work in. Epi (not his real name) told researchers he left his job as a boat captain in Fiji for a less glamorous role in gardening in Rarotonga, Cook Islands. While the wages were better, the decision to stay on an island far from home was due to the supportive workplace environment. An example of positive workplace culture during tough times came from the Cook Islands, where managers communicated well with employees, organised activities to improve their mental, social and physical wellbeing, and shared work (such as maintenance jobs) around employees so that everyone remained involved and connected. Many people do not want to be employees or to be dependent on someone else for their livelihoods — they want the space, tools and opportunities to develop their own businesses. Entrepreneurialism has been alive and well during the pandemic. Pacific peoples have bartered, traded, set up businesses and held fundraising concerts, while harnessing the internet to their advantage. Some say they will not return to tourism as they feel happy to be “their own boss”. This is encouraged by a culture of self-reliance and innovation, which should be better supported by government policies. Many have also said they no longer want to spend most of their waking hours working in tourism. Research has affirmed that time for family, culture, community, and the gardens planted during long periods of border closures, are important. This is not just for surviving the pandemic, but for also when the next shock hits. Apisalome Movono is a Senior Lecturer at Massey University where continues his passion for the Pacific through research and promoting fair, resilient, and sustainable development for future generations. His expertise are in decolonising, uplifting the mana of Pacific peoples and creating more accurate understanding of people in the region. He received funding featured in this article from the Royal society Te Aparangi – Marsden Fast Start Grant. Regina Scheyvens is Professor of International Development at Massey University. Her research focuses on community empowerment and sustainable tourism, including work examining the Sustainable Development Goals, ‘inclusive tourism’ and the value of self-determined development on customary land. She received funding featured in this article from the Royal Society Te Apārangi – James Cook Fellowship and Marsden Fast Start grant. The authors declares no conflict of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on September 7, 2022

Religion and politics in a fragmented world - 360 S. Vicknesan Published on August 23, 2023 Across the world, faith is returning to the political sphere. The nexus between religion and politics has always been manipulated by leaders to achieve political goals. This has caused instability and division in parts of the world, but for some communities, a return to faith has created a sense of purpose and unity. While secularism may be an entrenched tenet in some countries, in others religion and politics mingle freely with or without popular support. In the West, a new form of politics is beginning to emerge from the right, dubbed ‘national conservatism’. National conservatism is not so much a new ideology as much as a rejection of the status quo. It is protectionist, anti-immigration and unflinchingly Christian. In many Muslim nations, political Islam is already considered part of life. In recent years, its prominence has increased in the Middle East, Africa and Asia and it is being exported into new territories. In nations where one religion dominates, be it Hinduism or Buddhism, nationalism is often deeply entwined with faith. However, when religion is the key pillar around which governance and politics revolve, religious minorities are often left with little choice but to toe the line of the political majority. The reach of religion deep into our politics remains strong and in need of more analysis. 360info investigates the presence of religion in politics across the Christian, Hindu and Muslim worlds, consulting the experts to find out how and why the two have once again linked closely. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Religion in politics” sent at: 20/08/2023 21:45. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on August 23, 2023

Renters in older homes feeling the heat - 360 James Goldie Published on March 17, 2023 A deadly combination of rising summer temperatures and inefficient homes is making life tougher for renters in some of Australia’s biggest cities, data shows. Renters across Brisbane, the NSW North Coast and eastern Melbourne are more likely to be uncomfortable in summer heat than in the cold of winter, a 360info analysis of thousands of surveyed renters in those regions shows. The results come as climate change is expected to tip the balance of energy needs in houses across the country toward cooling. The survey of over 13,000 renters showed that, nationally, about a quarter struggle to make themselves comfortable in both the cold of winter and the heat of summer. About one quarter of renters surveyed nationally struggle to stay comfortable in both summer and winter. But more renters in Brisbane, North Coast and eastern Melbourne report discomfort in summer heat than in the cold of winter. However, in Brisbane, the North Coast and eastern Melbourne, summer heat was a challenge for significantly more people in rental accommodation. This gap has the potential to widen and spread in the coming decades as a warmer climate forces people to use more energy on cooling. Without action to mitigate climate change, parts of Australia that previously needed a mix of both may shift to predominantly require cooling, while areas where cooling was of little concern may soon need more of it. Climate projections suggest that more cooling will be required in homes across the country in coming decades, especially if greenhouse gas emissions are not curbed. The National Construction Code, which controls the minimum standards for new and renovated homes, is being updated this year to mandate a 7-star energy star standard. This will require homes to use less energy for heating and cooling. But there are no such standards governing older homes that have not been renovated, and research from the CSIRO suggests those homes are unlikely to have anywhere near the same energy efficiency. The Australian Housing Dataset measures the energy efficiency of homes and apartments built since 2016, which are covered by mandated energy star minimums. The stakes are high. CSIRO researchers Michael Ambrose and Melissa James estimate that just 15–20 per cent of current homes have been built since the first energy star mandates in 2001, meaning the majority are not covered by any standard at all. Even by 2050, nearly half of Australia’s buildings will still have been built before 2019. Without action to reduce the carbon footprint of older buildings, houses may continue be a substantial source of  greenhouse gas emissions — and a burden on the health and hip pockets of renters living inside. This article has been republished. It was first published on March 13, 2023. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Record heat” sent at: 22/05/2023 07:00. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 17, 2023

Repatriating ISIS women: it’s not black and white - 360 Christina Schmid, Alexandra Phelan Published on March 8, 2023 There needs to be a nuanced approach to reintegrating former ISIS women back into western society. Shamima Begum, a British woman who left the United Kingdom at 15 to join the Islamist terrorist group ISIS, last month lost her latest appeal against the British Government’s decision to strip her citizenship on national security grounds. Government lawyers claimed her views had aligned with the terrorist group and she stayed in Syria for four years until 2019, but her lawyers argued the Home Office failed to investigate whether she was a “child victim of trafficking”. Countries around the world continue to grapple with returning members of ISIS and how to best reintegrate former members into society amid the concerns surrounding their potential for national security. The repatriation of former ISIS members is key to peacebuilding and conflict prevention. Foreign fighters remaining in conflict zones raises the risk of re-radicalisation, and may contribute to themobilisation of terrorist groups.  All countries involved in repatriation programs need to be aware of the nuanced nature of women’s experiences in conflict. Of the 41,490 people who travelled to Iraq and Syria to become affiliated with ISIS, 10-13 percent were women. This figure is likely an under estimate, given gaps in country data. Women’s ability to reintegrate into society will depend on the appropriate disengagement, deradicalisation or support programs which need to consider their whole experience on a case-by-case basis. However, effective peacebuilding also requires recognising women’s power in the post-conflict transition process. Women are capable of being agents in countering and preventing violent extremism by facilitating prevention and reintegration themselves. Research found mothers play a key role in engaging with their communities on the threat of violent extremism in the public sphere, enabling them to break the chain of extremism. They may be able to detect “early warning signs” of extremism within the home and community But there arerisks in placing the responsibility only on mothers, especially given the stereotyping of women to traditional gender roles may play a role in radicalisation. Women also lead and participate in grassroots community organisations that provide community support, and tackle harmful beliefs that can contribute to extremism. Governments often exclusively partner with self-proclaimed community leaders and large-scale religious organisations where men dominate leadership positions. In October 2022, the Australian Government repatriated 17 women and children associated with ISIS from the Al Hol Camp in Syria. All the women allegedly joined because they were married or related to ISIS fighters. We know relatively little about the exact conditions and reasons under which these specific women were repatriated over others, other than the fact that, according to ASIO, they present “very low” security risks and were some of the most vulnerable of the group. The decision raised questions about how the government plans to deal with the remaining women still in the camps and ignited political debates. Australian opposition home affairs spokeswoman Karen Andrews said, “there was always a very strong view women, in particular, went there by choice… and they were complicit, generally, in the role they were expected to play… to support ISIS and foreign fighters.” Some suggested women’s individual choices should play a role in assessing the level of threat they face to the Australian community upon return. Women’s agency — or having the power and ability to make their own decision — in joining ISIS is far more nuanced than the matter of coercion versus willingness. This has implications for how we repatriate women, how we approach reintegration and the active role they can play in post-conflict transition processes. The global media has often portrayed women in ISIS as agentless victims, while women fighting ISIS have been granted agency.While women in ISIS likely did have the power to make their own decisions, this power was enabled or constrained by the patriarchal structures of the group itself — it’s not as straightforward as women either being coerced or willing to join ISIS. Women participating in extremism may also join as victims but later become perpetrators or vice versa — to improve their situation due to personal relationships or because they were indoctrinated with radical ideas. The common misconception of women who join ISIS has been they were “tricked, brainwashed or sexually lured.” Much like men, women were often motivated to join by a mixture of political, social and economic reasons. Coercion may play a role in gendered ways from forced marriages, to the romanticised images that ISIS created of women’s lives under the caliphate. Some women describe joining willingly but becoming disillusioned once they realised the reality of their situation. Beyond motivations, other research has focused on the roles that women took up while in ISIS. ISIS propagated the idea a woman’s jihad should be confined to the domestic sphere, which was in line with their belief in strict and traditional gender roles. On the ground, women assumed roles as mothers to the next generation of jihadists and supportive wives to their husbands. Many took this to mean that such women participated only passively, ignoring the importance of domestic roles in building ISIS’ state vision. This is reflected in the term “ISIS brides”, commonly used in the media. Beyond domestic roles, ISIS also employed women in administrative roles, as fundraisers, propagandists and recruiters. Women were also recruited into some policing roles where they were responsible for policing other women according to ISIS’ strict gender codes. There is evidence to suggest women may have taken on combat roles, particularly when ISIS was in decline and in need of people on the front lines. However, women can also exert active agency in carving out their own roles and responsibilities, for better or worse. In Kurdish-run camps, where women and children are isolated from men, some women continue to propagate ISIS’ strict behavioural codes, by punishing other women and children who do not abide by ISIS-imposed rules. Other research suggests women likely resisted ISIS’ dress code and enforcement of sex slavery and polygamy, given the numerous propaganda materials that chastised women for doing so. Sexual violence was also significant in shaping women’s experiences of ISIS during its rule. This was not limited to the sexual slavery of Yazidi women but also involved the forced marriage and rape of Sunni Muslim girls and women. In some cases, women may have been coerced into facilitating these crimes, meaning they can be both active participants but also victims. is a PhD candidate at the Monash Gender, Peace and Security Centre, studying gender regimes in insurgencies. She completed her Master of International Relations and her Arts Honours degree at Monash University. is a Lecturer in Politics and International Relations and an affiliate of the Monash Gender, Peace and Security Centre. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 8, 2023

Replacing a scalpel with love - 360 Morgan Carpenter Published on September 16, 2022 Surgery on intersex infants attempts to shape them to society’s expectations. It is society, not the child, that needs changing. A wave of anti-trans bills and regulation in the United States are not only constructing sex as rigidly binary and immutable, they are constructing exemptions that explicitly permit surgical interventions to change the sex characteristics of children whose bodies don’t fit strict norms for female or male. The bodies of intersex people – born with sex characteristics that challenge ideas of how female and male bodies should look and function – are profoundly stigmatised in our societies. Medicine takes for granted the idea that people with intersex traits must be shaped to fit social expectations. But this is often a medical solution to a social problem, not a problem in the person. The intersex movement calls for acceptance of bodily diversity and, like the trans movement and the pro-choice movement, respect for bodily autonomy and freedom from coercive practices. Intersex variations, or innate variations of sex characteristics, include a wide range of traits affecting chromosomes, sexual anatomy or hormones. They’re also referred to as “differences of sex development” in sporting regulations, or “disorders of sex development” in medicine. In some regions of the world, being born visibly different can place a newborn at risk of infanticide. In many regions, prenatal evidence of an intersex trait can lead to termination of pregnancies, while assisted reproductive technologies are at times encouraged to avoid the birth of a child with intersex variations. Wherever medical intervention is accessible, infants, children and adolescents with intersex traits can be subject to early surgeries and hormonal treatment aimed at changing appearance or function to make their bodies more closely fit social and cultural norms for female and male bodies. They can be subject to sterilisation, clitoral reduction, labioplasties, phalloplasties, and related genital surgeries and hormone treatments without their informed consent. Doctors typically observe an infant’s sex at birth, or even before birth, resulting in legal classification of sex, and influencing decisions about how a child is treated. When an intersex variation is evident, it can raise questions about how a child should be assigned and treated. Doctors consider ‘surgical options’ to be an acceptable factor in the decision, alongside other factors such as assessment of likely future gender identity. While each intersex trait is associated with some data on more or less likely future gender identity, these factors are subjective and never entirely knowable. In one Australian legal case, a preschool child was described by a judge as having had surgery that “enhanced the appearance of her female genitalia”. Children with her characteristics are subjected to either masculinising or feminising surgeries, and sterilised when assigned female. Her sterilisation was justified by the judge in this case through reference to her conformity to female stereotypes such as having her “long blond hair tied in braids”. Reports from one paediatric and adolescent gynaecology clinic show that all girls with relevant intersex traits underwent sterilisation, with many undergoing early surgeries that would otherwise be illegal when performed on non-intersex girls, prohibited as forms of female genital mutilation. Boys who may not be able to urinate standing up may undergo multiple surgeries to ensure they are able to urinate “appropriately”. But evidence is lacking that these kinds of life-altering clinical interventions are necessary. Clinical claims of reduced risk of stigmatisation, improved bonding between parents and their child, or certainty about future gender identity are evidence-free. Sometimes treatments are necessary to ensure physical health and well-being, and removal of reproductive organs may be needed because of a higher risk of cancer (although cancer evidence is patchy because of the prevalence of early sterilisations). It is challenging for parents to disentangle medical interventions for genuine physical necessity from those grounded in subjective gender stereotypes. Many early surgeries can cause lifelong harm, leading to shame, impaired sexual function and sensation, and a need for more surgeries or ongoing hormonal treatment. These surgeries are also poor substitutes for psychological and social support for individuals and their families. This is often lacking or unresourced. The intersex movement has challenged unnecessary surgeries since the 1990s, calling on clinicians to wait wherever possible until individuals can make their own informed choices about medical treatment. Children can be assigned a sex without surgery. Human rights institutions now recognise such surgeries and other interventions as human rights abuses when they lack urgent necessity and take place without personal informed consent. Some countries have also legislated, with Greece this year joining Malta, Portugal, Iceland and Germany, to prohibit some forms of early treatment, and provide oversight for clinical decisions. In response to legislative developments, some clinicians have promoted the idea of ‘individualised care’: the idea that each child and family should have treatment tailored to their circumstances and needs. But this approach fails to address the core concerns with surgeries that are grounded in gender stereotypes. It presupposes that ideas about who infants and young children should become take priority over their ability to freely express their own values and preferences as youth and adults. The persistence of such medical interventions represents a failure of medicine to regulate itself. In response to calls for more research and caution in performing early surgeries, clinicians have continued to justify early treatment, and even attempted to ask children and former patients if it was okay for their human rights to be violated. In response to infanticide, some commentators, such as Kevin Behrens at the University of the Witwatersrand, have suggested that early surgery is better than death or abandonment. Treating castration, clitoral ‘reduction’ and other genital surgeries as less harmful alternatives to infanticide fails to address the central issue of the stigmatisation of intersex bodies. It gives cover for the perpetuation of current practices and fails to ensure that families get the support they need to help them make better choices. With love and support, people with intersex variations can grow up to live happy, healthy and fulfilling lives. If more countries legislate to protect the human rights of people with intersex variations in medical settings then more children will grow up to make their own decisions about their bodies in their own time. Such actions challenge the stigmatisation of intersex bodies and call on us all to consider how we treat people whose bodies are deemed to be different. is executive director of Intersex Human Rights Australia a national charity which is funded by foreign philanthropy and a service contract with the Department of Health in Victoria, Australia, and a PhD candidate in bioethics at The University of Sydney School of Public Health. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on September 16, 2022

Reports of a Pacific fracture fail to understand the region - 360 Henrietta Mcneill, Maima Koro Published on July 11, 2022 Pacific Island nations are keenly aware that disunity is unhelpful for the region. When Micronesian nations decided to remain within the Pacific Islands Forum, many commentators heralded it as a disaster averted. A year ago they had said the forum had ‘fallen apart’; Australia and New Zealand had too much involvement, the US too little, and China too much influence, they said. Hyperbole only grew with the Chinese security deal with Solomons Islands. With the return of Micronesia, a destabilising schism in the Pacific’s premier regional body had been avoided. But much of this external commentary failed to take into consideration not only local dynamics but also the Pacific Way. The Pacific Way prevails by forging unity through talanoa and soālapule (discussions and consultations), regardless of the issue, and by focussing on the realities of the region. As former Secretary General of the Pacific Island Forum (PIF) Dame Meg Taylor put it, the Pacific Way is how the region can “maintain our solidarity in the face of those who seek to divide us”. The Pacific Way was first suggested by Fiji’s Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara during the 1965 Lae Rebellion, which sparked the development of the PIF. Since then, many definitions of it have used phrases like ‘consensus-building’, but the Pacific Way is not a concept that can be so easily articulated. It is felt and lived. The Pacific Way is a process to arrive at the best possible outcome depending on the context, and in turn, the context defines how the concept is applied. The COVID-19 pandemic magnified the challenges of a regional approach in new and unprecedented ways. But amongst the storm, Pacific leaders saw opportunities to strengthen regionalism. Samoan Prime Minister Fiamē Naomi Mataʻafa stressed, the Pacific would either “breakdown or breakthrough”. The latter prevailed. In uniting on regional issues, PIF leaders, like their predecessors, have demonstrated the leadership style which has and will continue to define the region. Talanoa and soālapule cannot be effectively achieved over digital platforms, resulting in the 2021 fallout. Recent meetings in Fiji’s capital Suva leading to both the  resolution of the PIF membership and the rejection of a pan-Pacific security deal with China were a reflection of two elements of Pacific unity, that demonstrate the importance of in-person talanoa and soālaupule to the Pacific Way. The departure of some of the stalwarts of regionalism due to elections and term-ends saw new and some youthful leaders across the Pacific. Former leaders had shaped and charted the way forward. New leaders have handled unprecedented challenges, unified the region, and demonstrated a refreshed and positive outlook for the future of regionalism. Regionalism has organically grown into a patchwork, with overlapping memberships, rather than a top-down architecture. This is one of the reasons that unity has prevailed – when Micronesia suggested leaving the PIF, it did not pause its membership in other important regional institutions such as the Forum Fisheries Agency or the Pacific Islands Chiefs of Police. Indeed, one of the resolutions to the Micronesian split was to reorganise the Oceans Commissioner role, another organic change to meet Pacific needs. The patchwork did not fall apart at the seams, because of the many layers of unity. Pacific leaders are united on regional priorities. Climate change is the single greatest threat to Pacific livelihoods and remains the focus of the 2018 Boe Declaration. Tuvaluan Foreign Minister Simon Kofe stated that great power politics were getting in the way of addressing the region’s key security threats and nations should not be “forced to choose sides” but instead band together to focus on a bigger threat like climate change. During the 2022 Shangri-La Dialogue, a global defence summit, Fijian Defence Minister Inia Seruiratu also shared similar sentiments: “Machine guns, fighter jets, ships… are not our primary security concern… The single greatest threat to our very existence is… human-induced, devastating climate change. It threatens our very hopes and dreams of prosperity,” Seruiratu said. It is unity over a shared threat that has brought the Pacific Islands together again. They cannot fight climate change alone. The Pacific Islands’ unity has shown strength over climate change, particularly at COP26 and negotiating sovereign maritime boundaries in the Blue Pacific. Indeed, Pacific Island nations deem themselves large ocean states, showing the importance of the area when united. The region is not agreed on the issue of China, with some signing bilateral economic deals on Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s recent with the Federated States of Micronesia, and others squarely rejecting China’s influence. Four Pacific states recognise Taiwan as an independent state: Nauru, Marshall Islands, Tuvalu, and Palau. To create a united approach despite differing interests, Pacific leaders are requesting that issues that affect broader regional security are brought to the PIF, including bilateral security deals. Whether the current regional security declarations signed in Biketawa (2000) and Boe (2018) are sufficient for this purpose will be discussed at the PIF in July, showing that there could be an evolution of the regional architecture to meet emerging needs. Regionalism in the Pacific did not and will not fall apart, contrary to external opinion. Instead, it was strengthened internally, through the trusted values of the Pacific Way which unite the region. Pacific leaders have used tried and true methods to emphasise that whatever the world throws at them, they will remain united. Values of unity are what sustain and maintain regionalism and sovereignty in the Pacific. Henrietta McNeill is a PhD Candidate at the Department of Pacific Affairs at the Australian National University. She is a 2021-22 Fulbright NZ Scholar, hosted by UCLA. Maima Koro is a Pacific Research Fellow and PhD Candidate at the University of Adelaide. She was bestowed the Samoan chiefly title of Maualaivao in 2008. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Pacific primer” sent at: 08/07/2022 11:07. This is a corrected repeat. Corrects typo in author name

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on July 11, 2022

Reproductive justice isn’t just a women’s issue, it’s a racial one - 360 Karine Coen-Sanchez Published on July 11, 2022 The Canadian healthcare system has a long and complicated relationship with people of colour. Acknowledging the need for change is the first step to change. Jocelyne, 30, came home with her newborn son cradled in her arms. It was October 1983, and her second-born child. Jocelyne’s story is one of many from Canada’s chequered history of reproductive rights for women of colour. While progress has since been made, race-based inequitable access to healthcare continues today. In the early 19th century, procedures to restrict population growth in “undesirable groups” was a part of Canadian government policy. The practice was a result of longstanding colonial practices that inflicted disproportionate, irreparable harm on Indigenous and Black women. Despite these practices now being banned, women of colour still don’t have complete autonomy over their bodies. The Canadian healthcare system has a long and complicated relationship with Indigenous and people of colour. The history of negative experiences continues in the form of systemic racism in healthcare.  By design, existing healthcare structures create more opportunities for dominant racial groups and reinforce white privilege. Scars from racist policies or medical experimentation on Black people also contribute to a legacy of mistrust — such as the Tuskegee Syphilis Study in the United States where hundreds of Black men with late-stage syphilis were rounded up without prior consent and not offered treatment. Historical policies of oppression have led to intergenerational disparities for Indigenous, Black and people of colour in Canada, including having poorer health outcomes compared to their white counterparts. This inequality can manifest in affordability, distance to care and the healthcare they receive. A historic lack of inclusive and culturally-sensitive communication can also lead to marginalised people missing out on medical procedures and services. The existing healthcare system is also inaccessible, particularly to Indigenous communities, as it dismisses traditional methods, making it unwelcoming and isolating to those hesitant in using modern facilities. Reproductive justice is not just a woman’s issue — it refers to understanding how people experience their reproductive capacity by taking into account everyday factors such as class, race, gender, sexuality, health and access to healthcare services. Health professionals can provide better family planning services that also consider the “disparities and complexities that impact our patients’ lives.” Marginalised communities have pushed for this approach to better their access to necessary reproductive resources. But it still needs to be implemented nationally using a holistic, rather than a top-down solution, where marginalised people can contribute to the process. The medical profession in Canada has faced criticism for a lack of diversity, which disproportionately disadvantages women and minority groups. However, a lack of data makes it difficult to demonstrate the lack of representation in healthcare leadership. Advocating for more women in power and consulting culturally diverse women in healthcare policy decision making, can tip the power balance in a constructive way. Collecting national race-based data can better help understand the extent of inequities in health that stem from racism, bias and discrimination. Understanding the different health needs of members of the community through data collection can better inform what interventions are needed to track progress towards health equity. Increasing funding for research and interventions that prioritise disproportionately affected communities would also show the Government’s commitment to change. Researchers have a social responsibility to ensure proper training for data collection across all health sectors to alleviate unintended effects of anxiety, anger, fear, and mistrust by vulnerable or marginalised groups. Engaging more women of colour as researchers who have better understanding of cultural and religious differences can ease some of these concerns. Health practitioners also have an ethical responsibility to properly inform all of their patients. Training in inclusive and culturally-sensitive language that is clear, direct and easy to understand — avoiding idioms, jargon and medically complicated terms — as well as providing access to nationally-funded translators can make all the difference. Karine Coen-Sanchez is a PhD Candidate in the Faculty of Social Sciences at the University of Ottawa. A highly engaged activist, organiser, and scholar, Coen-Sanchez has worked to forge relationships and initiate systemic change in various Canadian institutions. The author declares no conflict of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Editors Note: In the story “Pregnancy and choice” sent at: 06/07/2022 09:33. This is a corrected repeat.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on July 11, 2022

Restoring the ability to swallow using brain-machine interfaces - 360 Masayuki Hirata Published on September 26, 2022 To address swallowing disorders, most medical researchers look to improving organ function, but these researchers are looking at our brains. Pneumonia is the third-leading cause of death in Japan, recently surpassing people who die of a stroke. While it’s uncommon for healthy people to die of infectious pneumonia, aspiration pneumonia, an infection from food or liquid being breathed into the airways or lungs instead of being swallowed, can be fatal for the elderly. A technology that decodes brain signals by artificial intelligence can potentially help those with swallowing disorders. And researchers at Osaka University are the first in the world to trial how it might work. Swallowing involves voluntary and involuntary actions. After sufficient chewing, food enters the pharynx (throat) which autonomously transports it into the oesophagus by the pharynx reflex — a largely ‘automatic’ movement. Voluntary movements are mostly controlled by the top part of the brain (the cerebrum). Involuntary movement is controlled in the brainstem, near the base of the skull. How these two parts of the brain interact to produce swallowing was largely a mystery. Most current medical approaches to swallowing disorders focus on improving the function of the organs involved in the mechanics of swallowing, like the mouth, pharynx, and larynx. The new technology, called a brain-machine interface, can instead detect people’s intention to swallow by decoding brain signals. It can also control the muscles involved in swallowing through electrical stimulation. Muscles are activated by electrodes implanted in the nerves that fire them. In a small pilot at Osaka University, eight epileptic patients, who had already undergone a surgical procedure to place electrodes in their brain to treat their disease, had their brain activity recorded as they drank water. The existing electrodes provided the electric signals, providing a more precise analysis than the alternative of placing electrodes on the scalp. The researchers noted the many areas of the brain involved in the simple act of swallowing. The brain’s motor cortex works as muscles move to open the mouth and there’s activity in the sensory cortex when water is in the mouth. The brain activity shifts to an area called the subcentral area when the water is swallowed. The most interesting result was that brain activity in the subcentral gyrus abruptly disappeared when the gag reflex began. This is the very moment that the brain activity switches from voluntary control to involuntary control during swallowing. This organised interaction between cerebral voluntary control and brainstem involuntary control allows us to safely swallow, instead of choking. To further understand the switching process, the researchers utilise deep learning techniques to estimate the timing of the various neurons firing during swallowing. The research is still in the early stages to understand which neurons are controlling the voluntary and involuntary processes and the switching mechanism. But this knowledge can be a building block to developing a technology to help disabled people with dysphagia. While it’s still not known how far the technology is from being used commercially, it’s hoped that it can one day electrically stimulate neurons responsible for controlling the swallowing process. Masayuki Hirata is a Professor at the Department of Neurological Diagnosis and Restoration, Graduate School of Medicine, Osaka University, Japan. His study received support from the joint research fund between Nihon Kohden Corporation, Murata Manufacturing Co. Ltd., JiMED Co. Ltd., and Osaka University. Masayuki Hirata owns stock of the start-up company JiMED. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on September 26, 2022

Rethinking cultural tourism in the wake of a pandemic - 360 Valid Hasyimi, Santi Novani, Hossny Azizalrahman Published on September 7, 2022 Tourism often sees tradeoffs between economic, social and environmental interests, but when COVID-19 emerged one city found opportunities. Surakarta, an Indonesian city at the intersection between busy Yogyakarta and East Java, has long been a popular tourist spot. Tourism has historically contributed more than 25 percent of the city’s GDP. COVID-19 put an end to Surakata’s rapid tourism growth, but now it’s recovering it’s looking to sustainability. In 2020, Indonesia experienced a decline in the number of foreign tourists of 75 percent, and 30 percent for domestic tourists, impacting some 34 million Indonesians who depend on the tourism sector and the creative industry for their income. As the tourists return to Surakarta, researchers have built a framework to help the city sustainably grow. For example, as the city plays an important role in cultural tourism, especially being a pool of innovation and creativity in promoting cultural products and experiences, it could prioritise local communities to embrace culture in alternative ways. City leaders can consolidate alliances with technology and media partners, develop tourism experiences based on the cultural uniqueness of destinations across different fields including cultural heritage, gastronomy, design patterns and other forms of local cultural expressions. To maintain sustainability in local economic development, the municipality could consider a communication platform to encourage co-creation and elicit more participation from local communities. Local governments can provide support with policies, such as (1) supporting local business owners with business coaching and financial support; (2) ensuring a fair proportion of total tourist expenditure is distributed locally; (3) prioritising employment of local labour, and (4) strengthening local supply chains. The municipality could push Surakarta’s inherent strengths as a city rich in cultural assets, and its strategic location for investment. Cooperation between Surakarta and its surrounding areas would enhance connectivity through the integration of public transportation systems. Surakarta is also in a prime position to address women’s participation in community-based tourism, bringing even greater benefit to families and communities. Since tourism is very dependent on seasonality and may not be a major income source for the neighbourhood, cities could encourage women business owners, offering them social and legal protection in a society where it’s expected men are responsible for work and women are responsible for taking care of the house and children. Relying on tourism as the family’s main source of income is risky, so nurturing women to own a small business can empower them to be more productive, generate a side income and have flexibility in managing their working time while taking care of their home and children. The government of Surakarta could increase support by formulating relevant regulations and strengthening education, promoting local character, and assisting with tour packaging, internet marketing and social media. Indonesia’s digital transition can play an important role in attracting more tourism to the country. Surakarta, once a royal city, has the opportunity to differentiate itself from other built-up areas, but only with a clear strategy and action plan. Data summarising who is actively working in the tourism sector is also very important in providing training support and economic incentives. As global tourism destinations begin to welcome tourists back, cities with cultural tourism have an important role to play as the main gateway to other travel for meetings, incentives, conferences and exhibitions (MICE). COVID-19 taught us the risks of heavy dependency on the tourism sector. Getting it wrong manifests in low paid seasonal jobs, congestion and expensive infrastructure that is dependent on intensive tourism. As local economies remain vulnerable to global crisis, natural disasters and pandemics, sustainable tourism offers a way forward. is pursuing his PhD in School of Business Management in Bandung Institute of Technology Indonesia. is an associate professor in King Abdulaziz University, Jeddah Kingdom of Saudi. His research interests are land use planning and legislation. is a lecturer in the School of Business Management, Bandung Institute of Technology Indonesia. Her research focused on service science, decision-making, and negotiation.All authors express no conflict of interest and do not receive special funds in any form. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on September 7, 2022

Rethinking prisons for the people they house - 360 Holly Dempsey, Yvonne Jewkes Published on May 30, 2022 Maggie’s are health centres designed to be beautiful and healing. Prisons could learn something from their design principles. ‘Maggie’s’ are universally beautiful. The centres for cancer patients and their families were established by architect Maggie Keswick, who died of cancer in 1993, and her husband, Charles Jencks. They’re intended to be the opposite of the windowless, neon-lit chemotherapy units found in so many general hospitals. Instead, Keswick and Jencks planned an alternative space with views of nature, where patients could sit peacefully between bouts of noxious therapy. Many of the growing network of Maggie’s, currently at 30, in the United Kingdom, Barcelona, Hong Kong and Tokyo, have been designed by ‘starchitects’ including Frank Gehry, Norman Foster, Rem Koolhaas, Richard Rogers and Zaha Hadid. They are unique, architecturally striking and linked by design qualities: light, beauty, openness, intimacy, views, connectedness to nature and ‘homely’ in space and feeling. All of this combines to form what Jencks called an “architecture of hope”. The leap from inspirational Maggie’s to prisons seems incongruous. But prisons have many similarities to hospitals. With incarceration rates on the rise globally, prison architects could look to such pioneering healthcare centres for inspiration on how to do things differently. Guided by the Enlightenment tradition that good design can do more for health and well-being than the medical profession can, Jencks told the Guardian in 2010 that there is an intimate relationship between our environments and our health. Maggie’s reconnect with this “secret tradition”, he said. While we need medical centres to cure us, he believed we also need to feel like people rather than patients. Prisons and hospitals are both large, densely occupied buildings, accessible every day to numerous visitors, clinical and civilian. They operate around the clock with continuously running climate control, lighting and devices, such as security alarms and cameras, making them environmental ‘toxic hogs’. Occupants have restricted movement, and have to depend on staff for almost everything vital to their existence. Being in either hospital or prison can involve physical and psychological crowding and isolation (often simultaneously), as well as sensory deprivation and overload (also simultaneously). So severe can the effects be that serving a long-term custodial sentence has not only been shown to rapidly accelerate the ageing process but has been compared to being diagnosed with a chronic or terminal illness, or even with severe mental illness. Prison environments have also been shown to increase the likelihood that prisoners and staff will experience mental and physical ill health. Prisons are usually noisy environments that do little to ease anxiety or promote healthy behaviour, but when the environment is designed to be calm and ‘normalised’, it has been found that prisoners are more relaxed and easier to manage. Temperature is important too. Sometimes – as in the now notorious Don Dale Youth Detention Centre in Australia’s Northern Territory – the weather is deliberately used as a weapon, with guards denying fresh air as a form of punishment. Older institutions, on the other hand, are frequently cold and draughty, and many prison governors resort to handing out blankets in winter to keep people warm. Another aspect of ‘unhealthy’ prison environments is continual noise, which can have profoundly negative physical and psychological effects, especially if it affects the amount and quality of sleep that prisoners have. Loss of sleep has been shown to damage mental and physical health, interfere with concentration and patience, increase levels of annoyance, frustration and aggressive behaviour, reduce positive social behaviour and meaningful interactions with others and result in higher levels of medication being prescribed. Lighting levels can have similar impacts. Because of light’s role in regulating circadian rhythms, people need both good light during daytime hours and good dark at night to sleep well. Prisons often lack both, and insomnia is a significant problem. Perhaps one of the most obvious ways that prisons can become more ‘healthy’ is through adopting ‘biophilic’ and ‘salutogenic’ principles — essentially, there can never be too much grass or greenery. Views of, and access to, green spaces, landscape and nature are crucial to well-being and have long been recognised as beneficial in healthcare facilities. Studies of hospital patients have linked views of nature to faster recovery times, reduced demand for medication and lower levels of frustration and impatience. Studies of prisons have found that landscapes incorporating trees and the wildlife they attract reduce feelings of sterility in the penal environment and lead to general improvements in emotional well-being. Relationships with nature have been found to fortify us against the stresses and strains of daily life, but have particular impact for those suffering chronic stresses, such as prisoners and hospital patients. While prisons are notoriously devoid of nature, access to restorative, therapeutic natural spaces has the potential to allow prisoners to more effectively cope with stress, trauma and anger, creating space for more considerate behaviour, positive change and progression. Creating opportunities for work is an important component of a ‘healthy’ prison. A job provides a healthy attachment to society; it becomes ‘something to lose’ if a person re-offends. Horticulture and animal husbandry can offer recognised qualifications and other forms of ‘green collar training’. Such programmes equip participants with skills, values and tools they can use in their rehabilitation or addiction recovery after leaving the programme, building what is called ‘recovery capital’. An example is the now-defunct HMP Rye Hill’s Master Gardener Programme in the English Midlands. Among the initiatives was an organic garden for people recovering from substance misuse (designed by prisoners to teach former substance misusers the harms of putting chemicals into the ecosystem and into their own systems) and a beekeeping programme for which prisoners made rattan beehives. Despite good intentions, ‘healthy prisons’ have drawn criticism from prison abolitionists who argue that any new prison construction serves to further embed imprisonment into society and culture. However, thinking about prisoners’ needs and rights can create a culture of empathy, consideration and improvement, first in the prison system and then in the community beyond. Some might wonder why prisoners should be considered ‘worthy’ of conditions that are rarely even provided for hospital patients. Currently, prison environments in many parts of the world are damaging and traumatic places that leave inhabitants and staff vulnerable to mental and physical ill health and pain. Prison staff deserve working conditions that support them to make positive differences in their challenging roles. If we want prisoners to rejoin society as good neighbours, friends, colleagues and parents, then we must provide the skills and environments to facilitate such personal growth, healing and discovery. Yvonne Jewkes is Professor of Criminology at the University of Bath and is an expert in prison architecture and design. She has published widely and has been a consultant on the design of new prisons in the UK, Australia, New Zealand and the Republic of Ireland. She has won two prestigious prizes for her involvement in the new women’s prison in Limerick, Ireland, and is currently writing a book for a non-academic audience about prison design. This research was undertaken with support from the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC). Holly Dempsey is a PhD candidate at the University of Bath researching how biophilia and biophobia are experienced in prison, and how these experiences are influenced by prison design and regime. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on May 30, 2022

'Revenge spenders' may be fuelling inflation - 360 Juliana French, Sharon Koh Geok May Published on March 23, 2023 It is a myth that only price increases of household items cause inflation as consumer behaviour may also be a factor. Inflation has hit levels around the world unseen in decades. Consumer prices rose to their highest level in June 2022, breaking a 40-year record in the United States. Similar inflationary effects were felt in other parts of the world. While these increases have been blamed on the rise in food and global energy prices due to the Russia-Ukraine war, stressed consumers on a spending spree are overlooked as a possible cause. There are psychological or emotional factors that constitute a large part of consumers’ buying behaviour. One clear example is COVID-19 which served as a shock that greatly influenced decision-making and buying behaviour. Consumers spend because psychological factors such as motivation, belief, knowledge and attitude have an emotional effect and these may take precedence over rational spending. While inflation — described as the ‘worst enemy of a stable economy as it reduces the purchasing power of money over time — is computed based on hard data such as the consumer price index, these other unobservable determinants of consumer behaviour are not included when calculating the index. Because the psychological perspective of disruptive life events caused by external factors is often not accounted for, it may be tricky for policymakers to find a solution to overcome this compared to price stabilisation policies to control inflation. Consumers are causing inflation in several ways. The end of the pandemic saw a significant change in consumer behaviour in what we term ‘revenge spending or ‘revenge buying. This is defined as the increase in consumer buying after an unprecedented economic event. Restrictions, lockdowns, border closures and virus-testing imposed on populations also triggered irregular consumption behaviours such as panic buying or impulse buying. This was mainly due to misinformation. Besides politicians and public health communication, social media also played a role. Viral posts led people to believe — incorrectly — that the raw materials for face masks and toilet paper were the same. While panic or impulse buying may have started as a result of misinformation, many unplanned purchases could have led to revenge buying. Studies have shown post-traumatic stress, such as the fear of death, reinforces the need to shop for something ‘shiny and new’. When we are faced with the reality of death, coping mechanisms can come in many ways. Terror management theory posits that humans manage the unpredictability of death or their mortality by embracing literal or symbolic systems that provide life with some permanent meaning. Unexpected incidents such as pandemics, wars or terrorist attacks can highlight the reality of an individual’s mortality and anxious responses can manifest in different ways. In the aftermath of 9/11, consumption of comfort and household goods in the US spiked, particularly durable goods such as cars, homes and appliances which researchers attribute to a form of symbolic immortality. Faced with the transience of life, consumption can become a coping mechanism, as demonstrated post-COVID-19, and may manifest in impulse or revenge buying to overcome the fear of uncertainty. Studies have shown that COVID contributed to impulse-buying behaviour of fitness products in the US. Further, in the United Kingdom, fear and vulnerability during COVID led to impulse buying. In the Middle East, Egyptian consumers engaged in compulsive consumption while the nation underwent an economic depression amid the pandemic. It is evident that the pandemic sparked revenge buying, creating a vicious cycle of consumption. While revenge spending may contribute to stronger economic growth, its effect on inflation is inevitable. The question is whether revenge spending is inducing a new trend of consumer behaviour leading to inflation. Juliana French is Head of Department, Marketing, School of Business, Monash University Malaysia. Sharon Koh Geok May is Senior Lecturer and Director of Graduate Research Programmes, School of Business, Monash University Malaysia. They declare no conflict of interest. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

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2024-05-27T18:22:32.821463

Published on March 23, 2023