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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Criminalization%20of%20homosexuality

Criminalization of homosexuality

Criminalization of homosexuality is the classification of some or all sexual acts between men, and less frequently between women, as a criminal offense. Most of the time, such laws are unenforced with regard to consensual same-sex conduct, but they nevertheless contribute to police harassment, stigmatization, and violence against homosexual and bisexual people. Other effects include exacerbation of the HIV epidemic due to the criminalization of men who have sex with men discouraging them from seeking preventative care or treatment for HIV infection. The criminalization of homosexuality is often justified by the now scientifically discredited idea that homosexuality can be acquired or by public revulsion towards homosexuality, in many cases founded on the condemnation of homosexuality by the Abrahamic religions (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam). Arguments against the criminalization of homosexuality began to be expressed during the Enlightenment. Initial objections included the practical difficulty of enforcement, excessive state intrusion into private life, and the belief that criminalization was not an effective way of reducing the incidence of homosexuality. Later objections included the argument that homosexuality should be considered a disease rather than a crime, on the human rights of homosexuals, and the belief that homosexuality is not morally wrong. In many countries, criminalization of homosexuality is based on legal codes inherited from the British Empire. The French colonial empire did not lead to criminalization of homosexuality, as this was abolished in France during the French Revolution in order to remove religious influence from the criminal law. In other countries, the criminalization of homosexuality is based on sharia law. A major wave of decriminalization started after World War II in the Western world. It diffused globally and peaked in the 1990s. In recent years, many African countries have increased enforcement of anti-homosexual laws due to politicization and a mistaken belief that homosexuality is a Western import. , homosexuality is criminalized de jure in 67 UN member states and de facto in two others; at least six of these have a death penalty for homosexuality. History Ancient through early modern world The Assyrian Laws contain a passage punishing homosexual relations, but it is disputed if this refers to consensual relations or only non-consensual ones. The first known Roman law that touched on same-sex relations was the Lex Scantinia. Although the actual text of this law is lost, it likely prohibited free Roman citizens from taking the passive role in same-sex acts. The Christianization of the Roman Empire changed social mores to be increasingly disapproving of homosexuality. In the sixth century, Byzantine emperor Justinian introduced other laws against same-sex sexuality, referring to acts "contrary to nature". The Syro-Roman law book, influential in the Middle Eastern legal tradition especially in Lebanon, prescribed the death penalty for homosexuality. In medieval Europe, sodomy was punishable in various jurisdictions especially after the year 1000 based on the diffusion of Roman law. In some cases it was punished by investigation and denunciation, in others by fines, and in some cases by the burning of the location where the act had taken place or the participants. The death penalty was common in early modern Europe. Some Ottoman criminal codes called for fines for sodomy (liwat), but others did not mention the offense. Sodomy was one of the offenses punishable by the Inquisition. It is unclear how much sodomy laws were enforced; one theory is that enforcement was related to moral panics in which homosexuals were a scapegoat. In 15th-century central Mexico, homosexual acts between men could be punished by disembowelment and smothering in hot ashes. In medieval England, sodomy was punishable by ecclesiastical law since the 10th or 11th century but not secular law. English monarch Henry VIII codified the prohibition of homosexuality in England into secular law with the Buggery Act 1533, an attempt to gain the high ground in the religious struggle of the English Reformation. This law, based on the religious prohibition in Leviticus, prescribed the death penalty for buggery (anal sex); the law was repealed multiple times and reenacted, the last time in the reign of Elizabeth I. The law was included in Blackstone's Commentaries and has had influence on much of the world because of British colonialism. During the French Revolution in 1791, the National Constituent Assembly abolished the law against homosexuality as part of adopting a new legal code without the influence of Christianity. Although the assembly never discussed homosexuality, it has been legal in France ever since. Previously it could be punished by burning to death, although this was infrequently enforced. The abolition of criminality for sodomy was codified in the 1810 penal code. Impact of colonialism and imperialism Many present-day jurisdictions criminalize homosexuality based on colonial laws, especially the British Empire. Codifications of British common law, including the Indian Penal Code, the Fitzjames Stephen Code, the Griffith Code, and the Wright Penal Code, were adopted in British colonies, spreading the criminalization of homosexuality. The Indian Penal Code and its Section 377 criminalizing homosexuality were applied to several British colonies in Asia, Africa, and Oceania. Wright's code was drafted for Jamaica and ultimately adopted in Honduras, Tobago, St. Lucia, and the Gold Coast. The Stephen Code was adopted in Canada (and in a modified form in New Zealand), expanding the criminalization of homosexuality to cover any same-sex activity and making a life sentence a possible punishment. The Griffith Code was adopted in Australia and several other Commonwealth countries including Nauru, Nigeria, Kenya, Tanzania, Papua New Guinea, Zanzibar and Uganda, and in Israel. Once established, the laws against homosexuality are often maintained by inertia and even their inclusion into postcolonial criminal codes. Some states adopted British-inspired laws criminalizing homosexuality not on the basis of formal imposition, but informal influence, such as Bhutan. Many Middle Eastern countries, although former British colonies, did not have British law imposed because of more hands-off governance. Criminalization of homosexuality in these countries is not because of British influence, but for other reasons such as the influence of sharia law. Both China and Japan criminalized homosexuality based on Western models and later decriminalized it. The decriminalization of homosexuality was spread across Europe by Napoleon's conquests and the adoption of civil law and penal codes on the French model, leading to abolition of criminality in many jurisdictions and replacement of death with imprisonment in others. Via military occupation or emulation of the French criminal code, the Scandinavian countries, Spain, the Netherlands, Portugal, Belgium, Japan, and their colonies and territories—including much of Latin America—decriminalized homosexuality. It is the exception rather than the rule that civil law systems criminalized homosexuality. Former French colonies are less likely than British ones to criminalize homosexuality, although such laws have been added in some colonies that adopted French criminal codes, including Egypt, Tunisia, and Lebanon. The Ottoman Empire is often considered to have decriminalized homosexuality in 1858, when it adopted a French-inspired criminal code, but Elif Ceylan Özsoy argues that homosexuality was already decriminalized and this change of law actually penalized homosexuality more harshly than before because it introduced higher penalties for public displays of same-sex affection. However, some Ottoman men were executed for sodomy including two boys in Damascus in 1807. The unification of Germany reversed some of the gains of the Napoleonic conquests as the unified country adopted the Prussian penal code in 1871, re-criminalizing homosexuality in some areas. Both Germany and Austria-Hungary considered and rejected decriminalizing it entirely. The rise of nationalism meant that countries such as England began to take pride on prosecuting homosexuals. In Germany, the prohibition on homosexuality was not frequently enforced until 1933. In Nazi Germany from 1933 to 1945, an estimated 57,000 men were convicted of violating Paragraph 175. Never before in history or since have so many homosexuals been convicted in such a short period of time. Thousands of men were imprisoned and killed in Nazi concentration camps. West Germany convicted about the same number of men under the same law until 1969, when homosexuality was partially decriminalized. In the Russian Empire, homosexuality was criminalized in 1835. The Russian Revolution abolished the tsarist-era laws against homosexuality in 1917. The criminalization was reinstated in 1934, with a harsher penalty than before, amid a Soviet propaganda campaign claiming that homosexuality was a fascist perversion. Post-World War II decriminalization trend By 1958, Interpol had noticed a trend towards the partial criminalization of homosexuality with a higher age of consent than for heterosexual relationships. This model was recommended by various international organizations. Convergence occurred both through the partial decriminalization of homosexuality (as in the United Kingdom, and many other countries) or through the partial criminalization of homosexuality (such as in Belgium, where the first law against same-sex activity came into effect in 1965). In the decades after World War II, anti-homosexuality laws saw increased enforcement in Western Europe and the United States. Overall, there was a wave of decriminalization in the late twentieth century. Ninety percent of changes to these laws between 1945 and 2005 involved liberalization or abolition. One explanation for these legal changes is increased regard for human rights and autonomy of the individual and the effects of the 1960s sexual revolution. The trend in increased attention to individual rights in laws around sexuality has been observed around the world, but progresses more slowly in some regions, such as the Middle East. Eighty percent of repeals between 1972 and 2002 were done by the legislature and the remainder by the laws being ruled unconstitutional by a court. The 1981 ruling in Dudgeon v. United Kingdom by the European Court of Human Rights was the first time that a court called for the decriminalization of homosexuality. Unlike earlier decriminalizations, repeal was not coincidental with the adoption of a new system of criminal law but rather by means of a specific law to repeal criminal sanctions on homosexuality, beginning with Sweden in 1944. Decriminalization, initially limited to Europe and the Americas, spread globally in the 1980s. The pace of decriminalization reached a peak in the 1990s. Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, many former Soviet republics decriminalized homosexuality, but others in Central Asia retained these laws. China decriminalized homosexuality in 1997. Following a protracted legal battle, the Supreme Court of India ruled that the criminalization of homosexuality violated the Constitution of India in the 2018 Navtej Singh Johar v. Union of India judgement. In 2019, a plan to punish homosexuality in Brunei with a death sentence met with international outcry; as a result, there is a moratorium on the use of the death penalty. Most Caribbean countries are former British colonies and retain the criminalization of homosexuality; Belize was the first to decriminalize it after the law was ruled unconstitutional in 2016. Adherence to Islam is a major predictor of maintaining laws criminalizing homosexuality and the death penalty for it. The majority of studies have found no association for Christianity even though some Christian religious leaders advocate the criminalization of homosexuality. In some countries, criminalization of homosexuality derives from the application of sharia law. State interference in religious matters, for example religious courts having jurisdiction beyond family law or bans on interfaith marriage, is strongly correlated with maintaining the criminalization of homosexuality. Studies have found that modernization, as measured by the Human Development Index or GDP per capita, and globalization (KOF Index of Globalization) was negatively correlated having laws criminalizing homosexuality over time. LGBT movements often developed after the repeal of criminal laws, but in some cases they contributed to repeal efforts. Although British colonization is associated with the criminalization of homosexuality, it has no effect on the likelihood of decriminalization. In 1981, the Council of Europe passed a resolution urging the decriminalization of homosexuality and the abolition of discriminatory age of consent laws. Following the Dudgeon case the Council of Europe made decriminalization of homosexuality a requirement for membership, which in turn was a prerequisite for membership in the European Union; several European countries decided to decriminalize homosexuality as a result. The Council of Europe admitted Lithuania in 1993 a few months before the country had repealed the criminalization of homosexuality; Romania was admitted the same year after promising to repeal its law but was still enforcing it in 1998. Russia gave up its sodomy law in 1993 in part because of an aspiration to join the Council of Europe. The last jurisdiction in Europe to decriminalize homosexuality was the self-proclaimed Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus in 2014. Resistance to decriminalization In Africa, one of the primary narratives cited in favor of the criminalization of homosexuality is "defending ordre public, morality, culture, religion, and children from the assumed imperial gay agenda" associated with the Global North; homosexuality is seen as an "un-African" foreign import. Such claims ignore the fact that many indigenous African cultures tolerated homosexuality, and historically the criminalization of homosexuality derives from British colonialism. In the Middle East, homosexuality has been seen as a tool of Western domination for the same reason. The Obama administration's policy of supporting the decriminalization of homosexuality forced African politicians to take a public stance against LGBT rights in order to retain their domestic support. The application of international pressure to decriminalize homosexuality has had mixed results in Africa. While it led to liberalization in some countries, it also prompted public opinion to be skeptical of these demands and encouraging countries to pass even more restrictive laws in resistance to what is seen as neocolonial pressure. It has therefore been argued by some scholars such as Joseph Massad that the international LGBT movement does more harm than good in Africa or the Middle East, while some African LGBT organizations have urged Western countries not to leverage donor aid on LGBT rights issues. In 2015, African academics launched a petition calling for the decriminalization of homosexuality and criticizing several common arguments against this move. Politicians may also use homosexuality to distract from other issues. Following decolonization, several former British colonies expanded laws that had only targeted men in order to include same-sex behavior by women. In many African countries, anti-homosexuality laws were little enforced for decades only to see increasing enforcement, politicization, and calls for harsher penalties since the mid-1990s. Such calls often come from domestic religious institutions. The rise of Evangelical Christianity and especially Pentecostalism have increased the politicization of homosexuality as these churches have been engaged in anti-homosexual mobilizations as a form of nation building. Cameroon had an anti-homosexuality law since 1962, but it was not enforced until 2005. That year both the Roman Catholic Church (especially Archbishop and Cardinal Christian Wiyghan Tumi) and the media began to make homosexuality a political issue. As of 2020, Cameroon "currently prosecutes consensual same sex conduct more aggressively than almost any country in the world". In Uganda, proposals to deepen the criminalization of homosexuality such as the so-called "Kill the Gays" bill have gained international attention. Other African countries such as South Africa, Angola, Botswana, and Mozambique have decriminalized homosexuality. Current status In its December 2020 report, the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association (ILGA) found that homosexuality is criminalized in 67 of 193 UN member states and one non-independent jurisdiction, the Cook Islands, while two UN member states, Iraq and Egypt, criminalize it de facto but not in legislation. In at least six UN member states—Brunei, Iran, Mauritania, Nigeria (only northern Nigeria), Saudi Arabia, and Yemen—it is punishable by death. All of the countries that use the death penalty base it directly or indirectly on sharia law. In 2007, five countries executed someone as a penalty for homosexual acts. In 2020, ILGA named Iran and Saudi Arabia as the only countries in which executions for same-sex activity have reportedly taken place. In other countries, such as Yemen, Somalia, Iraq, and Libya, extrajudicial executions are carried out by militias such as Al-Shabaab, Islamic State or Al-Qaeda. In 2021, Téa Braun of the Human Dignity Trust estimated that more than 71 million LGBT people live in countries where homosexuality is criminalized. Scope of laws Laws against homosexuality make some or all sex acts between people of the same sex a crime. While some laws are specific about which acts are illegal, others use vague terminology such as "crimes against nature", "unnatural offenses", "indecency", or "immoral acts". Some laws exclusively criminalize anal sex while others include oral sex or mutual masturbation. Some sodomy laws explicitly target same-sex couples, while others apply to a set of sexual acts that might be performed by heterosexual couples, but either way they are usually understood and enforced against same-sex couples only. It is more common for men who have sex with men to be criminalized than women who have sex with women, and there are no countries that only criminalize female same-sex activity. This has been due to a belief that eroticism between women is not really "sex" and that it does not have the power to tempt women away from heterosexuality. Unlike other laws, which criminalized specific sexual acts, the British Labouchère Amendment in 1885 and the 1935 revision of Germany's Paragraph 175 simply criminalized any sexual act between two men. Both laws made it much easier to convict men for homosexuality, leading to an explosion in convictions. In the Soviet Union, the law technically only criminalized anal sex between men, but even those who had not committed such acts were brought to court and convicted of sodomy. Penalties vary widely, from fines or short terms of imprisonment up to the death penalty. Some laws target both partners in the sex act equally, while in other cases the punishment is unequal. In the Weimar Republic, the "passive" partner was often considered innocent and exempt from punishment. Under the 2013 Iranian penal code, the passive partner in anal sex is liable for more severe punishment than the insertive partner. While in many countries the criminalization applies to the country's entire territory, in other countries specific states or local government passes their own criminal law against homosexuality, such as Aceh province. Most laws criminalizing homosexuality are codified in statutory law, but in some countries such as Saudi Arabia it is based on the direct application of Islamic criminal jurisprudence. In Egypt, there is no law specifically against homosexuality, but gay and bisexual men, most notably the Cairo 52, are prosecuted under another law targeting "debauchery" (fujur). According to case law, women can only be accused of "debauchery" if they accept money for sex, but men who have sex without exchanging money can be convicted. Historically, only the passive partner in intercourse was punished but in recent years that has changed with both men being convicted. Even in countries where there are no specific laws against homosexuality, homosexuals may be disproportionately criminalized under other laws, such as those targeting homelessness, prostitution, or HIV exposure. One analysis of the United States found that, instead of being directly arrested under sodomy laws, "[m]ost arrests of homosexuals came from solicitation, disorderly conduct, and loitering laws, which were based on the assumption that homosexuals (unlike heterosexuals), by definition, were people who engaged in illicit activity". In 2014, Nigeria passed the Same Sex Marriage (Prohibition) Act 2013, criminalizing people who have a same-sex marriage ceremony with five years' imprisonment. Although homosexuality was already illegal, this law led to increasing fear among Nigerian homosexuals. Enforcement Laws criminalizing homosexuality are inherently difficult to enforce, because they concern acts by consenting individuals done in private. In Nazi Germany, the site of the most severe persecution of homosexual men in history, only about 10 percent of the homosexual male population was ever convicted and imprisoned. Enforcement varies from active persecution to non-enforcement; more often than not, they are nearly unenforced for private, consensual sex. In some countries, there are no prosecutions for decades or even a formal moratorium, for example in Israel and South Africa before repeal. In Iran, the 2013 penal code forbids authorities from proactively investigating same-sex acts unless kidnapping or assault are suspected. In some countries such as India and Guyana, the laws are not commonly enforced but are used to harass LGBT people. Indian police have used the threat of prosecution to extort money or sexual favors. Arrests, even without conviction, can often lead to publicity causing the accused to lose their job. States including Nazi Germany and Egypt commonly use torture to extract confessions from men suspected of being homosexual. In Egypt, possession of condoms or sexual lubricant or stereotypically feminine characteristics are cited as circumstantial evidence that the suspect has committed sodomy. Online dating apps have also been used to identify and target men for prosecution. Physical examinations purporting to detect evidence of homosexual practices have been employed since at least 1857, when the French physician Auguste Ambroise Tardieu published a book claiming to identify several signs that a person had participated in passive anal intercourse. , at least nine states, including Tanzania, Egypt, and Tunisia, use medically discredited anal examinations in an effort to detect same-sex acts between men or transgender women. There is no evidence that such tests are effective at detecting whether the victim has taken part in homosexual activity. This practice is considered a form of torture constitute acts of torture under the jurisprudence of the United Nations Convention against Torture. Effects The criminalization of homosexuality is often seen as defining all gays and lesbians as criminals or outlaws. Even when not enforced, such laws express a symbolic threat of state violence and reinforce stigma and discrimination. Homosexuals may fear prosecution and are put at risk of blackmail, arbitrary arrest and imprisonment, police beatings, and involuntary medical interventions. The criminalization of homosexuality in some cases pushes LGBT culture and socialization to the margins of society, exposing LGBT people to crimes such as assault, robbery, rape, or murder from other citizens. They might be afraid to report these crimes or could be ignored by the authorities. Such realities lead to severe psychological harm. The laws also prevent LGBT people from exercising their right to freedom of expression and freedom of association. The laws are also cited to deny child custody, registration of associations, and other civil rights. Reactions of homosexuals to the laws range from internalizing stigma to losing respect for the laws and civic community in general. Historian Robert Beachy argues that a confluence of factors including the criminalization of homosexuality meant that Germany was the place where a sense of homosexual identity was developed in the decades around 1900, and ultimately catalyzed the first homosexual movement. This movement never achieved its goal of decriminalizing homosexuality in Germany. A 1986 study found that the decriminalization of homosexuality in South Australia did not lead to an increase in undesirable effects (such as child abuse, public solicitation, or disease transmission) as claimed in parliamentary debates, and in fact "there are few if any negative consequences of decriminalizing homosexuality, and a number of positive consequences". The criminalization of homosexuality has been identified as an exacerbating feature of the HIV epidemic in Africa and Central Asia, because it dissuades many people at risk of HIV infection from disclosing their sexual behavior to healthcare providers or seeking preventative care, testing, or treatment. Criminalization both reinforces societal disapproval of homosexuality, which is another factor in decreasing the effectiveness of anti-HIV efforts, and is independently associated with less access to HIV services. UNAIDS set a goal to reduce by half the number of countries with "punitive laws and practices around HIV transmission, sex work, drug use or homosexuality that block effective responses" to the pandemic by 2015. Support and opposition Abrahamic religions The Abrahamic religions all have traditionally held negative attitudes towards homosexuality. The Hebrew Bible prescribes the death penalty for "lying with another man as with a woman" (Leviticus 20:13) but does not directly address lesbianism. It is disputed if the biblical prohibition was originally intended to prohibit temple prostitution or particular sexual acts between multiple men, particularly those that are seen as compromising a man's masculinity. The total prohibition of homosexual behavior is considered to have evolved relatively late in the Jewish tradition. Some Christians cite various Bible passages in order to justify the criminalization of homosexuality. Although the Holy See officially opposes the criminalization of homosexuality, in 2014 Roman Catholic bishops from Malawi, Kenya, Sudan, Tanzania, Eritrea, Zambia, Uganda, and Ethiopia united to demand criminal punishment of homosexuals, saying that it is unnatural and un-African. According to sharia law, liwat (anal intercourse) and sihaq or musahiqa (tribadism) are considered sins or criminal offenses. The Sunni Hanafi school, unlike other Islamic schools and branches, rejects analogy as a principle of jurisprudence. Since there is no explicit call for the punishment of homosexuals in the accepted statements of Muhammed, Hanafi jurists classified homosexuality as a sin rather than a crime according to religious law and tazir offense whose punishment is left to the discretion of secular rulers. According to the Maliki, Shafi'i, Hanbali (Sunni), and Ja'afari (Shia) schools any penetrative sex outside of marriage or a man with his female slave is zina, a more serious crime. Zina is punishable by lashes or death by stoning; whether the death penalty is allowed depends on the school, whether the man has been married, and whether he is the active or passive partner. However, in order to apply the death penalty it requires a confession, repeated four times by the accused, or testimony by four witnesses. All Sunni schools, but not the Shia Ja'afari, consider non-anal sex between men to be a tazir offense. In recent times, some progressive Muslims have argued for a new interpretation of liwat (which is never defined in the Quran) to mean something other than consensual homosexual acts. Arguments for A prominent reason cited for criminalizing homosexuality is the claim, made without evidence, that it could be spread as a result of "seduction" or "recruitment", and that laws against it would prevent homosexuals from recruiting children. This rationale was later proved wrong by scientific research showing that sexual orientation was fixed by a young age. Both Philo of Alexandria and Heinrich Himmler believed that if allowed to spread unchecked, homosexuality would lead to depopulation; therefore they advocated harsh punishments. The belief that the West is conspiring to depopulate Africa using homosexuality is also a common argument for retaining the criminalization of homosexuality in Africa. Supporters of paternalism argues that the state can interfere in citizens' private lives to secure a vision of the common good. A common argument is that criminalization of homosexuality is necessary to maintain public morality, "traditional values", cultural or social norms. Anxieties around public morality gained prominence in nineteenth-century Western Europe and North America. Before the medicalization of homosexuality in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, it was commonly seen as a vice, similar to drunkenness, that occurred as a result of moral degradation rather than being an innate predisposition. Soviet officials argued that homosexuality was a "social danger", that it contravened "socialist morality", and that criminalization was an essential tool to lower its prevalence. Some countries have cited the perception that the criminalization of homosexuality would prevent the transmission of sexually transmitted infections, in particular HIV/AIDS, as a reason to keep their laws. Another reason cited in favor of criminalizing homosexuality is disapproving public opinion. In 2014, a Cameroonian representative told the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women that "homosexuality would surely come to be accepted eventually" in her country, but that the law could not be changed until Cameroonian people changed their opinion on the matter. The rarity of prosecutions is cited as a reason not to repeal the laws. Arguments against Criticism of the criminalization of homosexuality began to be expressed by Enlightenment thinkers such as legal philosopher Cesare Beccaria in his 1764 treatise On Crimes and Punishments. Early objections concerned the practical difficulty of enforcing the law concerns of excessive state intrusion into private life, and the belief that criminalization was not an effective way of reducing the incidence of homosexuality. For example, Napoleon believed that "The scandal of legal proceedings would only tend to multiply" homosexual acts. In 1898, socialist politician August Bebel argued in the Reichstag that Paragraph 175 was a failure as there were too many men practicing homosexuality for the law to be enforced except arbitrarily; in practice, working-class men were criminalized for actions that were ignored among the upper class. One argument leading to the decriminalization of homosexuality in countries such as Canada, Czechoslovakia, East Germany, and Bulgaria is that homosexuality, as a pathological disease, is inappropriate as an object of criminal sanctions. Another argument cited for the decriminalization of homosexuality is that morality is distinct from law, which should concern itself only with the public good. The proposal for decriminalizing homosexuality in the United Kingdom in the Wolfenden Report in 1957 sparked a famous debate between Lord Devlin, H. L. A. Hart, and others about whether the law is a suitable instrument for the enforcement of morality when the interests of non-consenting parties are not affected. Based on the work of John Stuart Mill, the harm principle posits that conduct can only be considered criminal if it harms people other than those performing the action. According to this principle, homosexuality should not be criminalized. In 2015, Tunisian justice minister was sacked after arguing for the decriminalization of homosexuality because he believed it contravened the Constitution of Tunisia's protections for private life. Many of these justifications are consistent with a strong moral condemnation of homosexuality and are disputes over how best to handle the perceived social problem of homosexuality, rather than being based on the inalienable rights of LGBT people. Another line of reasoning argues that homosexuality is not morally wrong. Utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham wrote the first systematic defense of sexual freedom, arguing that homosexuality and other forms of consensual sex were morally acceptable as they were pleasurable to their participants and to forbid these acts destroyed a great deal of human happiness. In 1860s and 1870s, the German Karl Heinrich Ulrichs was the most prominent critic of the criminalization of homosexuality. His demand for equality before the law and in religion on the basis of an innate, biologically based sexual drive—beginning with the decriminalization of homosexuality and ending with same-sex marriage—are similar to those sought by LGBT rights organizations in the twenty-first century. As a result of social changes, in the twenty-first century, the majority of people in many Western countries believe that homosexuality is morally acceptable or not a moral issue. Human rights The criminalization of homosexuality is a violation of international human rights law. The European Court of Human Rights found that laws criminalizing homosexuality violated the right to private life guaranteed by Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights in Dudgeon v. United Kingdom (1981), Norris v. Ireland (1988), and Modinos v. Cyprus (1993). In the 1994 case Toonen v. Australia, the Human Rights Committee ruled that the criminalization of homosexuality in Tasmania violated the right to privacy and non-discrimination guaranteed in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, even though the applicant was never arrested or charged with violating the law. While Tasmania argued that the law was necessary to protect traditional morals and prevent the transmission of HIV, the Human Rights Committee found that arguments about morals are not insulated from international human rights norms. In 2014, the African Union's Commission on Human and People's Rights issued a landmark resolution calling for the decriminalization of homosexuality. In 2020, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights found in Gareth Henry and Simone Carline Edwards v. Jamaica that Jamaica's laws criminalizing same-sex activities violated the applicants' right to privacy, right to humane treatment, freedom of movement, and principle of legality guaranteed by the American Convention on Human Rights. The commission recommended that Jamaica repeal the laws against same-sex activity in order to guarantee the non-repetition of similar human rights abuses in the future. Persecution on the grounds of sexual orientation is a reason to seek asylum in some countries, including Canada, the European Union, and the United Kingdom, although depending on the case the mere existence of criminal sanctions may not be enough to be granted asylum. Public opinion According to a 2017 worldwide survey by ILGA, the criminalization of homosexuality is correlated with more negative views on LGBT people and rights in public opinion. Overall, 28.5 percent of those surveyed supported the criminalization of homosexuality, while 49 percent disagreed. In states that criminalize homosexuality 42 percent agree and 36 percent disagree, compared with non-criminalizing states where 22 percent agree and 55 percent disagree. Knowing someone who is gay, lesbian, or bisexual is correlated with less support for criminalization. The number of Americans who agree that homosexuality should be a criminal offense has dropped from 56 percent in 1986 to 18 percent in 2021. Public opinion surveys show that while 78 percent of Africans disapprove of homosexuality, only 45 percent support it being criminalized. Another poll found that 98 percent of religious leaders in Africa are opposed to homosexuality. References Sources Books Journal articles Reports Criminalization of homosexuality Sex crimes Violence against LGBT people

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2021%20anti-Christian%20violence%20in%20Karnataka

2021 anti-Christian violence in Karnataka

The 2021 anti-Christian violence in Karnataka refers to the series violence against Christians by right wing Hindutva groups in the Indian state of Karnataka in 2021. The attacks increased after September 2021 when leaders of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) declared of an "anti-conversion bill" in the state to check religious conversions. The violence again intensified over the Christmas period when right-wing mobs disrupted Christmas celebrations. The Human rights organisation, People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) documented 39 violent incidents against Christians in Karnataka from January to November 2021, all carried out by Hindutva organizations such as the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), Hindu Jagrana Vedike, Bajrang Dal, and Banjara Nigama. The violence included physical assaults, sexual assaults against women, church vandalism, filming the attacks and later later circulating the videos to celebrate. Christians belonging to the Dalit and adivasi communities were the most affected. In many cases, the local administration and the police told Christians to stop holding prayer meetings in order to avert violence by right wing groups. The PUCL reported that the local police and the local Kannada media had collaborated with Hindutva activists during the attacks. The report also stated that the perpetrators abused their victims with casteist slurs in almost all of their attacks. Background In 1971, Christians accounted for 2.09 percent of Karnataka's population and 2.60 percent of India's population while in 2011, the Christian population decreased to 1.87 percent of the Karnataka's population and 2.3 percent of India's population. Attacks against Christians all over India increased since the BJP regime took over the country in 2014. Activists alleged that the number of vigilantism increased after Basavaraj Bommai took office as the Chief minister of Karnataka in July 2021. According to the Karnataka Communal Harmony Forum, over 120 communal incidents occurred in the districts of Udupi and Dakshina Kannada of Coastal Karnataka in 2021, the highest number in the previous four years. There was a significant increase in vigilante attacks against Christians all over the country in December 2021, including many attacks by Hindutva organizations. A number of these were carried out by mobs organized by Hindu right-wing outfits, especially on the basis of accusations of religious conversion. The majority of these occurred in BJP-ruled states. Protection of Right to Freedom of Religion Act, 2021 The issue of forcible conversions gained momentum since September 2021 when a BJP politician, Goolihatti Shekhar from Hosadurga, claimed that there was a huge number of forced conversions to Christianity had occurred in his constituency including his mother. However, officials conducted a survey in Hosadurga and concluded that there was no forcible act of religious conversion and Christians attend prayers in Churches voluntarily and without coercion. The tehsildar who conducted the investigation was transferred out on December 16 without any posting. On October 16, the Karnataka's Intelligence Department issued a directive to top police and intelligence officers in Karnataka to acquire information on "authorized and unauthorised" churches. The police department, which is overseen by the Home Minister of Karnataka, Araga Jnanendra, concluded that no unauthorised churches exist inside any of the district boundaries in Karnataka. In the aftermath of numerous attacks on churches by right-wing organizations, the BJP administration was able to get the Karnataka Protection of Right to Freedom of Religion Act, 2021 or anti-conversion law passed in the lower house of the state legislature on December 23, 2021, in the winter session in Belagavi. The bill makes it illegal to convert a person by deception, undue influence, force, allurement, coercion or any other fraudulent methods. It prohibits conversion for marriage, a long-standing demand of right-wingers who claimed of an increase in the Love jihad conspiracy. Conversion to Hinduism has been excluded since the BJP claimed it is about the return of Hindus who have accepted a foreign religion. The Bill seeks a maximum sentence of ten years in prison for forced religious conversion of minors, women and persons from Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Several parties, including the Christian community and human rights groups opposed the Bill, alleging that it might be abused to target religious minorities. The New York Times reported that the anti-conversion laws are part of the BJP's strategy of using religion to polarize the people and gain support from the Hindu majority. Violence A series of attacks were carried out by right wing Hindu groups and vigilante groups against Christians in Karnataka in 2021. The attacks increased after September 2021 when leaders of BJP including Chief minister Basavaraj Bommai declared of an "anti-conversion" bill in the state to check religious conversions. The violence intensified over the Christmas period when right-wing Hindu mobs disrupted Christmas celebrations. The Majority of the attacks were carried out by the suspected members of the RSS, Bajrang Dal, Banjara Nigama and the Hindu Jagaran Vedike (HJV). Incidents of Hindutva activists affiliated to right-wing organisations such as the Bajrang Dal and Sri Rama Sene barging into churches and Christian prayer halls were reported across several places including Udupi, Chikballapur, Kodagu, Belagavi, Kanakapura and Arsikere. Christians belonging to the Dalit and adivasi community were the most affected. Preachers claimed that many attacks were carried out by dominant caste individuals and in some cases the attackers used casteist slurs against them. In many cases, the local administration and the police told Christians to stop holding prayer meetings in order to avert violence by right wing groups. Many Christians faced social boycotts and threats. Incidents On September 10, right-wing activists including members of the Hindu Jagarana Vedike forced into a Christian prayer facility in Karkala, Udupi district, and reportedly assaulted the devotees while a prayer service was taking place. On October 18, activists of the Bajrang Dal and Vishwa Hindu Parishad forced into a church sang Hindu prayer songs as a protest and accused the Church of forced religious conversions. On November 7, 25 vigilantes allegedly disrupted a prayer gathering at a temporary prayer hall in Aladakatti, Haveri, and physically manhandled a preacher. On November 7, right-wing activists of the Sri Rama Sene Hindustan reportedly locked up a preacher and congregants in a prayer facility in Belagavi. On November 29, Bajrang Dal activists barged into a prayer hall and stopped the service midway in Belur, Hassan district accusing them of religious conversion. On December 11, a man wielding a sword chased a parish priest and attempted to assault him at the St. Joseph Worker Church in Belagavi. On December 12, members of right-wing groups set fire to Christian religious books in Kolar, accusing the Church of conversion. On December 12, a mob of Hindutva activists disrupted a prayer session in Srinivasapura, Kolar claiming illegal religious conversion. On December 23, right-wing activists of the Hindu Jagarana Vedike forced into a Christian school and disrupted the Christmas celebrations. On December 23, a 150-year-old church was vandalised in Chikkaballapur district. On December 24, members of the RSS disrupted a child's naming ceremony in Hubli district and accused people religious conversion. On December 28, a gang of Hindutva vigilantes forced into a residence in Tumakuru where Dalit women were attending a Christmas function. On December 29, members of a Hindutva group allegedly assaulted and robbed a family and accused them of conversion. A women was hospitalized for burn injuries when the group splashed hot curry on her. The Bajrang Dal alleged that the family assaulted them in a police complaint. The police said that no conversions took place and the family did not assault the Hindutva members. Reports According to a fact-finding report released in December 2021 by numerous civil society organizations, Karnataka has one of the highest incidence of attacks on Christians. According to the report, Karnataka ranks third in India in terms of the number of attacks against the Christians and their religious sites after Uttar Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. People's Union for Civil Liberties The Human rights organisation, People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) published a report titled "Criminalising Practice of Faith- A Report" on hate crimes against Christians in Karnataka. The report documented 39 violent incidents against Christians in Karnataka from January to November 2021. These incidents occurred at churches and prayer halls throughout the state, with Belagavi in northern Karnataka having the largest number of incidences. The report noted that in nearly every case of mob violence, the police actively attempted to criminalize the lives of Christians and prevent them from holding prayer meetings. The perpetrators are all Hindutva organizations, such as the RSS, Hindu Jagrana Vedike, Bajrang Dal, and a more violent, new organization named Banjara Nigama. Local police have been spotted collaborating with Hindutva extremists to instil fear and hatred towards Christians, and the police frequently looked the other way to incidences of violence, sexual attacks, abuse and social and economic boycotts. The report stated that "mass conversion" as claimed by attackers, is an excuse for violence on Churches and Christians. It reported that major Kannada news agencies such as Asianet Suvarna News, TV 5 and Public TV broadcast a mix of false arguments, blatant lies, misleading statements, one-sided reporting and prejudice in favour of Hindutva groups and against Christianity. The study also examined that the mainstream media reporting coordinated with the online activities of Hindutva through videos of the attacks uploaded on social media. In nearly every incident, the perpetrators yelled casteist insults and abuse at those present in the prayer meetings. The report said that the attackers hurl casteist slurs since the Christians in rural areas are mostly daily wage workers and labourers from Dalit communities. Mob operations The PUCL observed a pattern in the operations of the mob. This includes Hindutva mobs beating people up, vandalizing churches, filming the incidents and then sharing the footage to celebrate a "Hindu victory". Hindutva leaders organize a mob and designate locations in their community where Sunday prayers are held. The mob notifies the local police department of the impending attack that they are going to carry out. The mob of 25 to 30 people breaks into the religious building, accusing preachers of proselytizing. They spew casteist remarks at them and beat them with sticks and rods. Women are sexually, verbally and physically assaulted. Soon, the cops arrive to the spot and violently demand identification papers. In the majority of cases, police showed up minutes after the mob crashed a prayer meeting. On several occasions, instead of helping victims of assault, the police took pastors and worshippers to police stations and booked cases. See also 2008 Kandhamal violence 1999 Ranalai violence 1998 attacks on Christians in southeastern Gujarat References Violence against Christians in India Violence against Christians Religiously motivated violence in India Anti-Christian sentiment in Asia Hate crimes Attacks on churches in Asia Hindu nationalism Persecution by Hindus Persecution of Christians Sectarian violence Hinduism-motivated violence in India

69713594

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mancao

Mancao

Mancao is a 1993 Philippine biographical action film directed by Felix E. Dalay. The film stars Phillip Salvador in the title role. The film is based on the life of former policeman Cezar Mancao and his encounter with Red Scorpion Gang leader Joey de Leon. Cast Phillip Salvador as Cezar Mancao Gabby Concepcion as Joey de Leon Snooky Serna as Maricar Mancao Edgar Mortiz as Boggart Ramon Christopher as Bimbo Jon Hernandez as Marcelo Amado Cortez as Mancao's Father Luz Valdez as Mancao's Mother Roberto Pagdanganan as himself Vicente Vinarao as himself Pantaleon Dumlao as himself Everlino Nartates as himself Lito Legaspi as Mayor Zandro Zamora as Lt. Vargas Romy Diaz as Ka George Roldan Aquino as Atty. Andaya Edwin Reyes as Bert Honey Policarpio as Ninfa References External links 1993 films Filipino-language films Philippine biographical films Philippine action films Philippine films Moviestars Production films Regal Entertainment films

69714288

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2022%20Zamfara%20massacres

2022 Zamfara massacres

From 4 to 6 January 2022, over 200 people were killed by bandits in Zamfara State, Nigeria. This was the deadliest terrorist attack in recent Nigerian history. Background The Nigerian bandit conflict, in which thousands of people have been killed, began in 2011 and is linked to the farmer-herder conflicts and the Boko Haram insurgency. Bandit gangs carry out attacks in several northwestern states, including mass kidnappings and massacres. Attacks in Zamfara State in 2021 include the kidnapping of 279 secondary schoolgirls in Jangebe in February and the massacre of over 50 villagers in Zurmi in June. Prior to the attacks, airstrikes by government forces on 3 January resulted in the deaths of over 100 bandits and the destruction of numerous bases. This led to bandits being pushed forward into the region, where they carried out reprisal attacks. A few days later the Nigerian government designated the bandits to be terrorists. Massacres Shortly before the attacks, bandits led a raid on a group of 3,000 cattle only to be confronted by local vigilantes, leading to a gunfight and battle between the two parties. The outnumbered vigilantes lost and many of them were slain by bandits, and the killings of villagers began. Beginning around 12:45 PM, on Tuesday, 4 January, bandit gunmen on motorcycles whose numbers have been estimated as stretching from 300 to 500 entered the town of Kurfar Danya, marking the start of a series of attacks on villages in the Anka and Bukkuyum local government areas of Zamfara. Gangs shot villagers as they looted and burned their homes to the ground. For two days, armed bandits laid siege to the towns of Kurfa and Rafin-Gero without an intervention by the government. Five different settlements were destroyed by bandits. One survivor described bandits as shooting "anyone on sight." The massacres ended on Thursday, 6 January, after military forces intercepted bandits. A bandit leader named Bello Turji was accused of being responsible for the massacres. Victims Zamfara State authorities placed the death toll at 58, but this was widely controversial. Some internally displaced people stated the number of people killed as 154. A spokesperson for Sadiya Umar Farouq, the minister of humanitarian affairs, said that more than 200 bodies were buried, a number also reported by local residents. Among the victims of the killings was Gambo Abare, a prominent leader of anti-bandit vigilante groups. Aftermath Over ten thousand people became Internally displaced persons and five settlements were burned down. Many resources were stolen, with an estimated 2,000 cattle being taken by bandits. Nigerian authorities arrived to the districts to help organize mass burials, and are still active. As of 10 January, many people were still missing, and relief efforts were ongoing. The Nigerian government and police have launched a manhunt for the perpetrators, employing military aircraft. Attacks by bandits have not ceased, and on 10 January, bandits stormed the Zamfaran village of Yar Kuka, abducting twelve people, including the village head, his wife and brother, and two miners from Burkina Faso. The next day, bandits raided Kadauri in Maru LGA, kidnapping six women. On 11 January bandits slaughtered 51 civilians from Plateau and Niger States in a similar incident. On 12 January, Zamfara governor Bello Matawalle announced that lack of security had become "an existential threat" in the state and the North-West of Nigeria as a whole, and demanded that the federal government involve itself further in the conflict. Reactions Nigerian On 8 January, Nigerian president Muhammadu Buhari condemned the murders, adding that Nigeria would seek to crack down on terrorism in the country. Former Secretary to the Government of the Federation Anyim Pius Anyim said he was saddened by the killings, denouncing "the destruction of lives and property" by the perpetrators. The Emirs of Anka and Bukkuyum, Alhaji Attahir Ahmad and Alhaji Muhammad Usman respectively, promoted heavier security presence in the area. Bello Matawalle immediately took a visit to the towns affected, meeting and talking to survivors and their families. He criticized the media for purportedly exaggerating casualty estimates, saying the media "have variously quoted scary figures of deaths arising from the recent attacks by fleeing bandits." The All Progressives Congress condemned the incident, stating it would support the Nigerian Armed Forces in its quest to track down the perpetrators. John James Akpan Udo-Edehe extended "heartfelt condolences to the families that lost loved ones and commiserates with the government and people of Zamfara state" on behalf of the party. The Nigeria Labour Congress denounced the massacres and the "wickedness and inhumanity" the bandits had caused. Femi Fani-Kayode, who previously served as Nigeria's Aviation ministry, proposed that Nigeria could prevent future massacres by adopting the practice of carpet bombing, noting that the military had recently acquired Tucano jets. The governor of Kaduna State, Nasir Ahmad el-Rufai, also supported using the method.They kill people in Sokoto, you mobilise the army there, and chase them out, they move to Kebbi, from Kebbi if they are bombed, they move to Kaduna. What should be done is to bomb them from the air, ground, troops on the ground at the same time in all five, six states of the North West plus Niger. And this problem can be sorted out in my view, in weeks. I believe the levels of insecurity now are at a tipping point and something is got to give. My hope is that what will give is the end of this banditry once and for all. It is a problem. -Nasir Ahmad el-Rufai International The Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs responded it was "deeply saddened to receive the news that over one hundred civilians lost their lives during several attacks in the Zamfara State." On 10 January, Secretary-General of the United Nations António Guterres expressed sharp condemnation of the incident, lending support to anti-terror operations in Nigeria, telling Nigerian authorities to "spare no effort in bringing those responsible for these heinous crimes to justice". Guterres reaffirmed UN solidarity with the country. The Organization of Islamic Cooperation denounced the incident, expressing empathy to the victims. The Egyptian Foreign Ministry sent condolences and condemned the massacres as terrorist attacks. References 2022 disasters 2022 fires 2022 in Nigeria 2022 mass shootings in Africa 2022 murders in Africa 2020s fires in Africa 2020s massacres in Nigeria 2022 massacres Arson in Nigeria Arson in the 2020s Attacks on buildings and structures in 2022 Attacks on buildings and structures in Nigeria 2022 massacres January 2022 crimes in Africa January 2022 events in Nigeria Mass shootings in Nigeria Massacres in 2022 Nigerian bandit conflict Terrorist incidents in 2022 Terrorist incidents in Nigeria in the 2020s Terrorist incidents in Africa in 2022

69714371

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List%20of%20Hong%20Kong%20national%20security%20cases

List of Hong Kong national security cases

The Law of the People's Republic of China on Safeguarding National Security in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (Hong Kong National Security Law, National Security Law, or NSL) came into effect on 30 June 2020 after the imposition by the Chinese Government. Since then, more than 153 individuals have been arrested, which some are facing charges under the law and some sentenced to jail. The list below shows cases concerning Hong Kong National Security, including those arrested or charged under the NSL, and other cases involving the operation of the National Security Department of the Hong Kong Police Force (National Security Department, NSD) despite of non-NSL suspected crimes. National Security offences There are a total of four categories of offences under the Chapter III of National Security Law: secession, subversion, terrorist activities, collusion, with all carrying a maximum penalty of life imprisonment. All four offences have already been used to charge Hong Kong residents in various cases. Below are the extract from the law defining the four offences. Secession Subversion Terrorist activities Collusion Related offences Crimes Ordinance, first enacted in November 1971 during British colonial rule, involves crimes of "treason" and "other offences against the Crown", which were not used after 1967 leftists riots but until the NSL came into effect. Despite not listed under the NSL, Hong Kong Court of Final Appeal ruled on 14 December 2021 that the aforementioned crimes under Crimes Ordinance are offences endangering National Security. It shall be noted that, according to Interpretation and General Clauses Ordinance, "any reference in any provision to Her Majesty, the Crown, the British Government or the Secretary of State (or to similar names, terms or expressions) [...] shall be construed as a reference to the Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region." Seditious intention Seditious offences Criminal procedure According to criminal procedure in Hong Kong, Hong Kong Police must decide whether to charge, to grant bail, or to unconditionally release the arrested individual. Defendants facing charges would be taken to court where they can submit bail application to judges. Under the Article 42 of the National Security Law, "[no] bail shall be granted to a criminal suspect or defendant unless the judge has sufficient grounds for believing that the criminal suspect or defendant will not continue to commit acts endangering national security". Hence majority of defendants were denied bail under the unprecedented strict threshold, while the minority with bail granted were required to follow a long list of requirements. Under the Article 46, "the Secretary for Justice may issue a certificate directing that the case shall be tried without a jury", instead "be tried in the Court of First Instance without a jury by a panel of three judges." List of cases Handover protest (1 July 2020) Thousands of protesters gathered on Hong Kong Island on 1 July 2020, the twenty-third anniversary of the handover of Hong Kong, in opposition to the NSL which came into effect on the second day. The 1 July march was banned by the police for the first time. At around half past one in the afternoon, Raphael Cheung was found to be carrying a flag of " Hong Kong independence" on Paterson Street, Causeway Bay by police, of which "no to" can be barely seen in a very small font size. The man became the first to be arrested under the NSL. Eileen Ho, girl aged 15, was arrested for waiving pro-independence banner. Shum Lit-cheong, 24, was arrested for wearing shirt with "Liberate Hong Kong". Some were arrested for different reasons on the same day, and released by police: A 67-year-old lady, surnamed Chow, for holding pro-independence slogan. 23-year-old man, for carrying dozens of "Liberate Hong Kong" materials. Two 36-year-old women, for carrying pro-independence materials. 19-year-old man, for carrying "Liberate Hong Kong" sticker. 26-year-old man, for carrying pro-independence banner. Tong Ying-kit In the afternoon of 1 July 2020, Tong Ying-kit, aged 23, drove a motorcycle with the flag "Liberate Hong Kong, revolution of our times" towards police in Wanchai, injuring 3. Tong was arrested at the scene, and was the only one charged among the 10 arrested under the NSL on that day. Charged with "committing incitement to secession" (Article 20 and 21 of NSL) and "terrorist activities" (Article 24 of NSL), Tong became the first defendant under the new law. He was denied bail and remanded in custody following multiple denials of bail by court. Secretary of Justice Teresa Cheng decided on 9 February 2021 that Tong's case will be tried without a jury, instead by three NSL-designated judges. Tong challenged Cheng's decision but rejected by court. The trial began on 23 June 2021, nearly a year after the incident. He pleads not guilty to all charges, including a new, alternative charge for terrorism of "dangerous driving causing grievous bodily harm", which can lead to up to seven years in prison. 15 days of trial mainly focused on the meaning of the flag Tong carried, whether such can be interpreted as supporting Hong Kong independence. The High Court found Tong guilty on 27 July, and sentenced him to a total of 9 years in prison on 30 July, of which secession and terrorist activities carried 6.5 and 8 years of imprisonment respectively after part of them would be served concurrently. Tong appealed to the verdict and sentencing according to the lead defence lawyer. Yuen Long attack anniversary (21 July 2020) A year after Yuen Long attack, on 21 July 2020, citizens gathered in Yoho Mall chanting slogans. Kwai Tsing District Councillor Rayman Chow Wai-hung was arrested after police suspected him breaching the NSL for holding slogan of "Liberate Hong Kong, revolution of our time". Although not being charged, Chow was the first elected representative to be arrested under the law. Studentlocalism (29 July 2020) Studentlocalism, a pro-independence Hong Kong student activist group, announced to dissolve the Hong Kong headquarter before the NSL imposed, while maintaining overseas operation. Despite so, Tony Chung, the last convenor of the group, along with former spokesman Ho Nok-hang, former members Yanni Ho and William Chan, were arrested on 29 July 2020 on suspicion of breaching the NSL after forming "Inititative Independence Party". Chung was said to be the administrator of the Party and Studentlocalism U.S. branch's Facebook page, and continued to upload comments advocating Hong Kong independence after the NSL entered force. Four were granted bail two days later, Chung was asked to delete posts on social media and his saliva specimens were taken by police. Tony Chung, Yanni Ho and William Chan were arrested again for inciting secession on 27 October 2020, after Chung reportedly denied entry to U.S. Consulate General for asylum. Tim Luk, a former member of the group, was also arrested for assisting fugitives on 9 November 2020. While the other three suspects were granted bail, and passports returned on 18 January 2021. Chung was formally charged with secession, money laundering, and conspiracy to publish seditious material. He was the second individual facing charges under the NSL - and bail denied as well. While remanded in custody, Chung was sentenced to 4 months in jail for desecrating PRC national flag and unlawful assembly, and given 43-month jail sentence on 23 November 2021. Apple Daily (10 August 2020) First crackdown Executives of Next Digital, the parent company of pro-democracy newspaper Apple Daily, were arrested on 10 August 2020, which its office was raided on the same day. Three were suspected of violating the NSL: founder of Next Digital Jimmy Lai and his son Ian Lai, and CFO Royston Chow. Jimmy Lai's private secretary Mark Simon, a foreign national, was reportedly wanted by the law. Jimmy Lai and his older son Timothy Lai, CEO Cheung Kim-hung, Royston Chow, administrative director Wong Wai-keung, animation director Kith Ng, a total of 6 people were accused for alleged fraud. Jimmy Lai was accused of financing groups advocating sanctions against Hong Kong. All arrestees were granted bail by the police originally, until 2 December 2020 when Jimmy Lai was arrested again and formally charged with fraud on the next day. He was denied bail by court and remanded in custody. While waiting for bail hearing, Lai was charged again for colluding with foreign forces on 11 December. The bail appeal received grave concern from the public before and after Lai was finally allowed to leave from custody on 23 December by court. Despite the conditions of bail were said to be as strict as similar to house arrest, Department of Justice (DOJ) of the Government immediately appealed to the top court, while pro-Beijing media and government mouthpieces strongly criticised the decision of letting Lai leaving the detention centre. Lai, on 31 December, was sent to jail again after the court decided to consider the appeal, and the government won on 9 February 2021. Subsequent bail application by Lai were denied. He faced additional charges and was jailed for his participation in protests. Stephen Ting, former executive director at Next Digital, was arrested on 2 March 2021 by the NSD, accused of fraud, and was released on bail. Second crackdown Next Digital was raided for the second time on 17 June 2021, with Cheung Kim-hung and Royston Chow arrested again. Three executives (Chan Pui-man, Assciate Publisher of Apple Daily; Law Wai-kwong, Editor-in-chief of Apple Daily; Cheung Chi-wai, Chief Executive Editor of Apple Daily and Platform Director of Apple Actionews, the digital video news platform of Apple Daily) were handcuffed for the first time. All five were accused of collusion under the NSL. Search warrant was granted to National Security Department by court under the NSL Article 43 to search for news materials. The police froze the assets of Apple Daily under the order from Secretary for Security, accused the media outlet of endangering national security through journalism, and demanded the removal of several articles urging foreign sanctions against Hong Kong and China. On 19 June 2021, Cheung Kim-hung, Law Wai-kwong, and three Apple Daily companies, Apple Daily Limited, Apple Daily Printing Limited, AD Internet Limited, were formally charged with collusion – for the first time news media and companies faced National Security charges. Bails for Cheung and Law were denied. Apple Daily opinion writer Yeung Ching-Kei, known under the pen name Li Ping, was arrested on 23 June 2021 and later bailed out, also accused of collusion over calling for foreign sanctions. Apple Daily, facing increasingly risky environment and limited financial resources, decided to shut down after the final issue on 24 June 2021, with all social media accounts and website vanished after midnight on 23 June. Fung Wai-kong, another editorial writer under the pen name Lo Fung, was arrested on 27 June in airport when he was about to left for Britain. Chan, Fung, Yeung, and Lam Man-chung, former executive editor-in-chief of Apple Daily, was arrested on 21 July 2021, and formally charged with collusion. Court denied all bail applications in the separate case, and four remanded in custody. All defendants faced new charge of sedition on 28 December 2021, which the starting date of accusation was dated back to 1 April 2019, two months before large scale of protests erupted. Chan Pui-man was arrested for the third time in jail on the next day in relation with Stand News case. Following the cease of operation and the arrest of executives, Next Digital was liquidated on 15 December 2021 after the application filed under Companies Ordinance by Financial Secretary. Stand with Hong Kong (10 August 2020) Jimmy Lai was accused, by National Security Department, to have close connection with "I want Laam Chau", a doctrine said to be similar with mutual assured destruction. Despite of the denial by the Laam Chau group, Finn Lau, the activist coining the term familarily known as "Brother of Laam Chau" and exiled to Britain, was wanted. Two other members (Wilson Li Chung-chak and Andy Li Yu-hin) of the team, who invited foreign academics to monitor the 2019 local elections, were arrested on 10 August 2020. The Lis were granted bail 2 days later, but Andy Li was arrested again by Chinese authorities for his failed attempt fleeing to Taiwan, which will be known as "the case of 12 Hongkongers". While Li was serving the 7-month sentence handed in China on 30 December 2020, Chan Tsz-wah, his assistant, was arrested on 15 February 2021 by Hong Kong police for collusion, and had his bail denied later. Following the release on 22 March 2021, Andy Li was sent back to Hong Kong and later charged with collusion, conspiracy to assist an offender, and possessing ammunition without a license. Both Li and Chan admitted to collusion on 19 August 2021, recognising Jimmy Lai and Mark Simon as the mastermind of "Hong Kong Liberty" and "Stand with Hong Kong", which raised fund for lobbying against Hong Kong and Chinese Governments. The other non-National Security offenses of both defendants were filed by the court and practically dropped. Agnes Chow (10 August 2020) Agnes Chow, a core member of the dissolved localism political party Demosisto, was also arrested on 10 August, accused of collusion. Chow was granted bail a day later, but was charged with unlawful assembly on 30 August 2019 for her participation in the protest on 21 June 2019. Pleading guilty, she was jailed for 10 months, and was released from the prison on 12 June 2021. Adam Ma (15 August 2020) Adam Ma Chun-man, nicknamed "Captain America 2.0" for his costumes, is an activist who frequently chanted and displayed pro-independence slogans in various protests. He was arrested for at least seven times (15 August, 22 September, 15 October, 21 October, 28 October, 3 November, 22 November, in 2020) prior to his indictment of inciting secession on 24 November, two days after his final arrest. Ma was not granted bail, and was found guilty on 25 October 2021 after one-week trial. Ma was sentenced to jail for 69 months on 11 November 2021. Lai Chun-pong (5 September 2020) Lai Chun-pong, owner of phone repair shop "Fix 3C", was arrested by the NSD on 5 September 2020 for "conspiracy to harm police officers" in December 2019, and was later charged. Lai was arrested in July 2019 for disclosing information without consent, but was released later. According to court documents, Lai and eight others were alleged of plotting bomb attack to slaughter police during anti-government protest, including three that failed to flee to Taiwan. Tam Tak-chi (6 September 2020) Tam Tak-chi, nicknamed "Fast Beat", was the vice-chairman of pro-democracy political party People Power. He was arrested by National Security Department and charged on 6 September 2020 for his "seditious" comments in street booths after National Security Law came into force. With bail application denied, Tam remanded in custody. Before his indictment, Tam was repeatedly arrested and had already faced charges in 2020 for illegal assemblies. As of November 2020, Tam faced a total of 14 charges in three cases. He was re-arrested and charged with subversion for his participation in pro-democracy primaries. It is reported that a female was arrested on the same day for shouting pro-independence slogans using a megaphone, accused of breaching the NSL. She was released on police bail. Lui Sai-yu (24 September 2020) Lui Sai-yu, a first year student at Hong Kong Polytechnic University who joined the protests before, was arrested on 24 September 2020 along with his 49-year-old mother. Lui was charged with: possession of arms without licence, import of strategic commodities without licence, possession of offensive weapon; while his mother was bailed out by police. After dropping strategic commodities offence, prosecutors charged Lui with inciting secession in April 2021 for spreading independence slogans, and he had his bail application denied. The grammatical errors in the indictment papers was also highlighted by the magistrate. Lui agreed to plea guilty to the National Securtiy offences on 28 October 2021. Two more were arrested by the NSD on 30 April 2021, likely to be in connection with this case. The 28-year-old male was arrested for inciting secession while the 22-year-old female for dealing in arms without licence. Both were not charged. Ng Wing-tak (1 October 2020) Ng Wing-tak, co-founder of online media outlet PPPN International, was arrested on 1 October 2020 for conspiracy to injure police officer with intent in December 2019. Ng was released on and not charged. 12 Hongkongers (10 October 2020) Nine were arrested by the Organised Crime and Triad Bureau of the Police Force on 10 October 2020 for assisting the attempted border-crossing of the 12 Hongkongers, and was released on bail later. One of those was said to be arrested on the ground of breaking the NSL. 11 more were arrested by the NSD in connection with the case on 14 January 2021, including: Daniel Wong, Kowloon City District Councillor; Rono Fok, musician; Cheung Ching-yan, mother of Willis Ho, ex-Secretary General of Hong Kong Federation of Students. A total of 20 were arrested. DJ Giggs (21 November 2020) Wan Yiu-sing was a popular host at D100 Radio, better known as DJ Giggs. Starting "Thousand Parents, Taiwan Aid" programme in February 2020 to help protesters exiled to Taiwan, he claimed Democratic Progressive Party, the ruling party of Taiwan, and Mainland Affairs Council of the Taiwanese Government were informed of the programmme. On 21 November 2020, Giggs, Tsang Bik-wan, his wife, and Alice Lee Po-lai, his secretary, were arrested, accused of "providing financial assistance for secession" and money-laundering. Three were granted bail a day later. Three more, aged between 28 and 58, were arrested for the same accusation in connection with this case, which was only announced after media's inquiries. Giggs was arrested again on 7 February 2021 and charged with sedition on the next day, for his comments on radio instead of the "Taiwan Aid" programme. Bails were denied twice by judges and hence he remanded in custody as of now. Giggs faced 6 new charges on 10 May 2021 for his frequent contact with two Taiwanese organisations, Judicial Reform Foundation and Presbyterian Church in Taiwan. Alice Lee was charged with money-laundering but with bail granted. CUHK congregation (7 December 2020) The 88th congregation ceremony of Chinese University of Hong Kong was planned to be held on 19 November 2020, but was changed to online due to COVID-19 pandemic. Students and protesters, nevertheless, rallied in university on the day as to mark the CUHK siege a year before, chanting, showing or graffitiing Liberate Hong Kong or independence slogans on the campus. Police from National Security Department entered the campus for investigation after protest ended under the call from university. On 7 December 2020, 8 were arrested for unlawful assembly, including two local councillors Issac Lee and Eason Chan. Among those, 3 non-CUHK students were accused of inciting secession. 2 months later on 18 February 2021, a student studying in the Department of Philosophy was arrested for inciting secession. None of the arrested faced charges. Pro-democracy primaries (6 January 2021) Following the landslide win in 2019 local elections, pro-democracy camp aimed to win a majority in Legislative Council through primaries and tactical voting, as general election was expected to be held in September 2020, in order to force the government to accept the five demands proposed during protests. Benny Tai, former Associate Professor of Law at the University of Hong Kong, wrote an article titled "10 Steps to Laam Chau – The Fate of Hong Kong", detailing the plan which could force the dissolution the Legislative Council and the resignation of Chief Executive, or else to result in more violent clashes and foreign sanctions. During the campaign, 33 members from the "resistance camp" signed "No regret – Steadfast Resistance" statement which pledged to utilise all power given as a legislator, including to veto financial budget, as to force the government to concede. Gordon Ng, with "Lee Pat-lo" as penname, advocated "three voting and three not voting" – pro-democracy camp supporters should vote in primaries, vote in general election, vote for winners of primaries, not to vote for those not supporting, or participating primaries, or obeying primaries results. The Chinese Government strongly criticised the poll, claiming the "primaries" were manipulated and unfair, unlawful as no laws regulate such primaries or referendums, provocative against Basic Law and National Security Law as Benny Tai and allies were "foreign agents" wishing to overthrow the government. The unprecedented arrest operation by National Security Department of the police force started in the early morning on 6 January 2021. 55 were arrested in connection with the primaries, including Joshua Wong and Tam Tak-chi, who were arrested in prison or jail as they were serving sentences for protest or remanding in custody for sedition case respectively. Sunny Cheung and Ted Hui were exiled in 2020 and therefore were not arrested despite participating in primaries. National Security Department regarded Tai's article as the core of attempting to subvert state power. All but Wong and Tam were granted bail, except Wu Chi-wai who later had his bail revoked for violations in another case. On 28 February 2021, 47 of those 55 were charged with "conspiracy to subvert the state power", and were brought to court on the next day. Magistrates' Court, for the first time, took four days to consider bail applications. Chief Magistrate Victor So let 15 be bailed out, but was immediately challenged by the DOJ, hence all defendants had to stay behind bars. On 5 March, DOJ withdrew the appeal against 4 (Clarisse Yeung, Lawrence Lau, Hendrick Lui, Mike Lam). 7 more were granted bail by court days later. 4 more defendants left the detention centre following court ruling. The restriction on reports of bail proceedings, stipulated in Section 9P of Criminal Procedure Ordinance, was another controversy regarding National Security cases, as the judges repeatedly denied Gwyneth Ho's request on revoking the restrictions. As of now, 15 defendants out of 47 were bailed out. Many quitted their affiliated political parties and announced their retirement from politics. In the table below, Benny Tai, Au Nok-hin, Andrew Chiu, Ben Chung, Gordon Ng, John Clancey (U.S.-born lawyer) are regarded as the co-initiator of the primaries, or responsible for organising so. Returning Valiant (5 May 2021) Returning Valiant is a radical revolutionist group mainly formed by students after National Security Law imposed. The group was warned by police of possibly breaching NSL on 31 January 2021 for their street booths. On 5 May 2021, four students (Lai Chun-hei, Yuen Ka-him, Chan Ching-hing, Choi Wing-kit) were arrested after sneaking into Po Leung Kuk Laws Foundation College. Police, during the search, discovered some belonged to Returning Valiant and hid independence slogans at home, including former spokesman Yuen Ka-him. All were charged with housebreaking later and bailed out. National Security Department arrested a total of seven individuals on 5 and 6 May, five were alleged of subversion but was not indicted. On 5 July 2021, 10 were arrested for terrorist activities. Among those arrested members of Returning Valiant and their funders, 6 were secondary school students. National Security Department said they attempted to plant car bombs, attack cross-harbour tunnels, railways, courts, public facilities, using TATP. Three (Ho Yu-wang, Alexander Au Man, Chan Cheuk-hin) were charged, brought to court, denied bail on 7 July. Others were granted bail by police, including To Yi-sze, a staff at Baptist University said to be providing funding, and his wife Shek Wing-sum. Five more were arrested on 12 July including two funders, charging three (Kwok Man-hei, Chan Hoi-leung, Law Kai-wing) on 14 July. One more (So Wing-ching) charged with terrorist activities on 1 September. On 28 September 2021, 7 were arrested by National Security Department and charged with conspiracy to incite subversion of the state power. All defendants were denied bail, except Chiang bailed out on 24 December. Pro-independence publications (6 June 2021) National Security Department, on 6 June 2021, arrested a 47-year-old female clerk and a 17-year-old boy for making and spreading leaflets supporting Hong Kong independence. The duo was charged with "conspiracy to print, publish, sell, offer for sale, distribute, display or reproduce seditious publication" on 8 June 2021. Despite seditious charges were not under National Security Law, judge Victor So ruled that the harsh bail out standard shall apply in this case, and hence rejected bail application for twice. Only until 20 August 2021 was the boy given bail, while the clerk remained behind bars. The two defendants agreed to plea guilty to the charges. This was also the first National Security case handled by judge Kwok Wai-kin after he praised a knife-attacker who stabbed pro-democracy protester "noble". Revolutionary materials (21 June 2021) A 40-year-old male and a 36-year-old female were arrested on 21 and 25 June 2021, after hoisting a flag of "Liberate Hong Kong, revolution of our times" in a Mongkok Tong lau. Another 37-year-old male was arrested in Shaukeiwan after posting "Liberate Hong Kong, revolution of our times" fai chun and stickers on the door of the flat. All three were accused of seditious words or seditious intention, and were granted bail without being charged. General Union of Speech Therapists (22 July 2021) The General Union of Hong Kong Speech Therapists was formed in November 2019 at the height of protests. The Union published three cartoon books surrounding wolves and sheep, named Guardians of the Sheep Village, 12 Warriors of the Sheep Village, and Dustman of the Sheep Village. The cartoon books, hinting political implications, were based on the 2019 protest, detainment of 12 Hongkongers, and the strike by medical workers at the beginning of COVID-19 pandemic. Following condemnation by pro-Beijing camp and government officials, five from the General Union was arrested on 22 July 2021, accused of violating the NSL. The NSD froze their assets amounting around 160 thousand HKD. Chairlady Lai Man-ling and External Vice-chairlady Melody Yeung were charged with seditious publication a day later, and denied bail. On 30 August, the remaining 3 bailed-out executives of the General Union, Secretary Sidney Ng, Treasurer Samuel Chan, and Fong Tsz-ho, were re-arrested and faced the same charge. All bail request denied by judges. The Union was deregistered by the government on 22 October 2021. Sidney Ng later appealed to the top court, arguing that the strict bail requirement shall not be applicable to non-NSL offences, only to be rejected as the court considered sedition is inevitably endangering National Security, and all offences possible to harm so shall subject to the bail threshold under the NSL. HKUSU Council (18 August 2021) On 7 July 2021, the Hong Kong University Students' Union (HKUSU) Council passed a motion with 30 ayes, 2 abstains, and no objection, that reads "the Union Council expresses its deep sadness at the death of Mr Leung Kin-fai; offers its sympathy and condolences to his family and friends; appreciates his sacrifice to Hong Kong" following the suicidal police stabbing by Leung on 1 July. The resolution soon met criticism and condemnation by the university, police, and Chief Executive for praising "terrorism", as how the government declared the suicidal attack was. Under pressure, all Union Executives along with many councillors resigned on 9 July, and revoked the motion. The university announced that the Union was no longer recognised on campus starting from 13 July. Three days later, the NSD entered the Union Building in HKU for case investigation. All students involved in the 7 July meeting were denied access to campus from 4 August. On 18 August, the NSD arrested four HKU students (Kinson Cheung, chairman of HKUSU Council; Charles Kwok; ex-president of HKUSU; Chris Todorovski, former student representative of Simon Lee Hall; Anthony Yung, former vice-chairman of the Arts Association) for proposing, seconding, and voicing out support for the motion. Students were charged with advocating terrorism on the next day. Yung was granted bail after days of remanding, and the other three defendants were bailed out around a month later. HKU students voted on the motion were invited to assist investigation in August 2021. Hong Kong Alliance (8 September 2021) Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China, founded on the eve of the Tiananmen massacre in 1989, was best known for organising annual memorial vigil for the pro-democracy protest. The Alliance, with ending one-party dictatorship as one of the goals, was accused by the Beijing Government for subverting the state power since its foundation, and was under increasing pressure to dissolve, especially after the handover. However, the authorities did not force the closure of the group, until after the 2019 protest subsided. In 2020, the police banned the vigil for the first time, citing the ongoing anti-pandemic restrictions but at the time when the NSL was about to decree. Many continued to join the vigil, including 26 leading democrat, who would be arrested and charged later. Following the imposition of the NSL, pro-Beijing camp reaffirmed the attack against the Alliance for breaching the Law. The pressure surged in mid-June 2021, days after the banned 2021 vigil, after Luo Huining, Director of the Hong Kong Liaison Office of the Chinese Government, said the call for ending one-party dictatorship undermines the basis of "one country, two systems", without naming the Alliance. On 25 August, the NSD, under power conferred by the Implementation Rules for Article 43 of the NSL, asked the Hong Kong Alliance to provide information for investigation, including name list of members and staff, as they believed the Alliance is a "foreign agent". The Alliance declined to provide information as they rejected the claims, and confirmed a general meeting will be held to discuss disbandment. Officials soon warned the activists of the legal consequences. On 8 September, vice-chairlady Chow Hang-tung, and four other standing committee members, Leung Kam-wai, Tsui Hon-kwong, Tang Ngok-kwan, Chan To-wai, were arrested for failing to provide information. June 4th Museum was raided on the next day. Later in the evening, the Hong Kong Alliance, chairman Lee Cheuk-yan, vice-chairman Albert Ho and Chow Hang-tung were charged with inciting subversion; Chow and the four committee members faced an additional offence of failing to provide information. Bails were all denied, but restrictions on reporting were relaxed. The Alliance approved dissolution on 25 September and began the liquidation, but their property were frozen by the NSD four days later, obstructing the liquidation. On 22 October, the judge approved bail applications by all, consider the time they remanded in custody could exceed the highest possible penalty. However, Chow and Leung gave up the bail as they rejected the ban on interviews and speeches possible to endanger National Security. Leung pleaded guilty on 22 December and was imprisoned for 3 months. The Hong Kong Alliance, before liquidation procedures were completed, were struck off from the Companies Registry through an order from Chief Executive Carrie Lam on 26 October. Student Politicism (20 September 2021) Student Politicism, a localist student activism group, was formed in May 2020 after decision announced to implement the NSL. The group continuously set up street booths to raise the public awareness on various social and political issues, while police arrested their members for multiple times between September 2020 and July 2021, with accusations ranging from misconduct in public places, refusing police order, to unlawful assembly, and seditious publications. Starting from September 2020, Beijing Government mouthpieces Ta Kung Pao and Wen Wei Po launched rounds of attack against Student Politicism members, while Wong Yat-chin, convenor of group, was warned of violating the NSL for the first time in December. Since then, some members left the group after reorganisation, or to concentrate on university affairs. On 20 September 2021, convenor Wong Yat-chin, secretary-general Chan Chi-sum, and former spokeswoman Jessica Chu were arrested under National Security Law. The NSD alleged the group of inciting subversion through street booths, and provided resources to jailed protesters so as to recruit supporters. Bails were denied after being brought to court. Spokesperson Wong Yuen-lam surrendered to police on 22 September, and was also charged. Student Politicism announced disbandment on 24 September. Only Chu was bailed out as of now. Stand News (29 December 2021) Stand News, founded in December 2014, was a long-time pro-democracy online media outlet. It gained dominance amongst other news website after their live of 2019 Yuen Long attack. Pro-Beijing camp condemned Stand News as promoting fake news and harming National Security. After Apple Daily ceased operation, Stand News, in June 2021, deleted posts from bloggers and readers. Six also resigned from board of directors. On 3 December, Chris Tang, Secretary of Security, criticised Stand News's "inaccurate" report on CUHK conflict and "smart prison" of Tai Tam Gap Correctional Institution, trying to endanger National Security. Stand News rejected Tang's claims. On 29 December 2021, the NSD arrested six current and former executives of Stand News for seditious publication. The arrested were ex-editor-in-chief Chung Pui-kuen, acting editor-in-chief Patrick Lam, former director Chow Tat-chi, Margaret Ng, Christine Fong, Denise Ho. HKJA chairperson Ronson Chan, who was a deputy assignment editor at Stand News, was taken by police for assisting probe but not arrested. Chung's wife Chan Pui-man was re-arrested in jail. Lam immediately resigned as chief editor after the arrest. Former director Joseph Lin, and co-founders of the news outlet Yu Ka-fai, Tony Choi, were reportedly wanted by the police. Hours after the arrest, Stand News announced the shutdown. Its social media platforms and websites vanished after 11 pm local time. British bureau also disbanded on the next day. Chung, Lam, and Best Pencil (Hong Kong) Limited, the owner of Stand News, were charged with seditious publication on 30 December. Others were released by police after overnight arrest. Bails were denied for both. Police froze HK$61 million (US$7.8 million) of Stand News' assets. Koo Sze-yiu (4 February 2022) Koo Sze-yiu, the 75-year-old veteran activist who has been imprisoned for 11 times, was arrested by the NSD for inciting subversion on 4 February 2022, ahead of his planned protest against Beijing Olympics. Four more were brought to police station for further investigation, including Lui Yuk-lin, nicknamed female long-hair after her party colleague Leung Kwok-hung, Chan King-chung, vice-chairman of Chinese Labour Party, Virginia Fung King-Man, former local councillor, Chan Yi-ming, another activist. It was said a coffin for the demo was written with "human rights is above the Winter Olympics" and "end one-party rule". Koo was charged with attempting to commit seditious act on the next day, with bail denied. Tommy Yuen (16 February 2022) On 15 February 2022, the NSD of the police unit in Sha Tin and Tin Shui Wai arrested two men, aged 41 and 20, who were reported as singers and unemployed respectively. Among them, the 41-year-old man was charged with the offence of committing an act of incitement to act under Section 10 of the Crimes Ordinance and the Money Laundering Ordinance under Section 25 of the Organised and Serious Crimes Ordinance, while the 20-year-old man was arrested on suspicion of money laundering. After the police conducted a house search, they seized bank cards and records to prove the crime of money laundering. The Secretary for Security also issued a property freezing order in accordance with Schedule 3 of the Implementation Rules of Article 43 of the National Security Law, freezing about 140,000 assets, which were stored in local bank accounts. and a Jockey Club betting account. The 41-year-old man was later identified as pro-democracy singer, Tommy Yuen. During the press briefing, the police explained the case at a press conference that Yuen has been posting inflammatory behaviors on social media since September last year, hoping to incite hatred against the government, the judiciary, and dissatisfaction among Hong Kong citizens. In addition, Yuen is also suspected of smearing and calling for boycotts against the government's anti-epidemic measures under the fifth wave of the epidemic, including "singing against the tune" of vaccination measures. In the middle, watch me and show you how to live a good life without kneeling down." He also used foul language to criticize the opinions of experts. On 17 February, the police formally charged Yuen with one count of “doing an act or acts with seditious intention” under the colonial-era sedition law and appeared in the West Kowloon Magistrates' Court in the afternoon. The charge alleges that between 26 September and 21 January 2022, he made statements on his Facebook and Instagram account with the seditious intent to inciting hatred or contempt against SAR government. Ascohesion Cheese Tea (24 February 2022) Ascohesion Cheese Tea, a Mongkok bubble tea beverage shop which supported pro-democracy movement, was targeted on 24 February 2022 and two were arrested by the NSD for seditious behavior yesterday after posting anti-vaccination messages online. Officers seized promotional leaflets that contained slogans such as "reject digital surveillance, boycott LeaveHomeSafe." The shop has been posting anti-government and anti-police messages since its launch in October 2020, including a post in February 2022 which reads: "Omicron has already turned into a flu ... countries around the world have already scrapped anti-epidemic mechanisms and also called on students not to take the jabs as no vaccines can prevent infection." Other posts claimed the government is insistent on launching a health code so that it can collect residents' personal information as "revenge" for the 2019 protest, and advised students to "pretend they are ill as a side effect of vaccination" and not attend classes, which will hopefully prompt parents to press an end to vaccination programs. The duo was charged with "doing an act or acts with seditious intention" on the next day. Wanted activists Various local media, citing unnamed sources, claimed a number of exiled or abroad activists were wanted by the police. The police never confirmed the reports per protoccol. List on 31 July 2020 At least six activists are said to be formally wanted by the police, namely pro-democracy camp's Nathan Law, Simon Cheng, Samuel Chu; localist Ray Wong; pro-independence Wayne Chan and Honcques Laus. Nathan Law, Wayne Chan and Ray Wong were facing charges before their exile. Samuel Chu is the first non-Hong Kong resident wanted under the NSL. Details of wanted individuals: Nathan Law: former Legislative Council member; charged with unlawful assembly for 2020 Tiananmen vigil; self-exile to Britain and granted political asylum. Wayne Chan: leader of Hong Kong Independence Union; charged with unlawful assembly for 9 June 2020 march; possibly self-exile to the Netherlands. Simon Cheng: staff at British Consulate-General in Hong Kong; disappeared in China in August 2019 after claims of forced arrest; self-exile to Britain and granted political asylum. Ray Wong: co-founder of Hong Kong Indigenous; charged with riot for 2016 Mongkok unrest; self-exile to Germany in 2018 and revealed a year later. Honcques Laus: chairperson of Hongkonger Utilitarian Party; self-exile to Britain before the imposition of the NSL. Samuel Chu: founder of Hong Kong Democracy Council List on 27 December 2020 Multiple local media reported on 27 December 2020 that 15 to 30 Hongkongers abroad were wanted by the National Security Department. 4 exiled activists were named: Ted Hui, Sunny Cheung, Baggio Leung, Brian Leung. Details of named wanted individuals: Ted Hui: former member of Legislative Council; pro-democracy primaries candidate; charged with nine offences including scuffles during National Anthem Ordinance voting; arrested during protest; with travel documents not confiscated, court approved his departure for Denmark on 30 November 2020 over an invitation from local MP; announced exile soon afterwards; currently self-exile in Australia Sunny Cheung: pro-democracy primaries candidate; wanted by court after missing trial for unlawful assembly in 2020 Tiananmen vigil Baggio Leung: former member of Legislative Council; found guilty and jailed for 4 months over unlawful assembly in parliament during oath-taking controversy; exiled to United States in November 2020 after released from prison Brian Leung: read out Declaration of Hong Kong Protesters when Legislative Council Complex was occupied by protesters; left Hong Kong and was wanted by court after absence in riot trial; currently in the United States for studying doctorate See also Hong Kong Basic Law Article 23 HKSAR v Lai Chee Ying Macau national security law National People's Congress decision on Hong Kong national security legislation National Security Law of the People's Republic of China National Security (Legislative Provisions) Bill 2003 References External links 2020 in Hong Kong 2021 in Hong Kong Hong Kong national security law Political repression in Hong Kong

69716396

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Illinois%20Law%20Enforcement%20Training%20and%20Standards%20Board

Illinois Law Enforcement Training and Standards Board

The Illinois Law Enforcement Training and Standards Board (LETSB), often called the Illinois Police Training Board, is a State of Illinois agency that oversees the independent police and law enforcement training academies that operate within Illinois for state and local law enforcement. Description The 18-member Board, created by the Illinois Police Training Act, has operated since 1965. Twelve of the 18 board members are appointed by the Governor of Illinois from various specified expertise subsets, and six ex-officio board members are executives of statewide, Cook County, and Chicago law enforcement. The Board oversees the training of both police officers and correctional officers, thus covering most of the work done by sheriff's deputies in Illinois. The LETSB was created during the year of the Watts riots of 1965, which marked the beginning of comprehensive political polarization within United States urban environments on issues of racial justice and law enforcement. This polarization, and LETSB's work and responsibility, continues as of 2022. As Illinois’ supervisory authority for police training, the Board is mandated by Illinois statutory law to impose programs of training and retraining to encourage law enforcement equity and diversity. Illinois criminal justice reform measures often impose additional mandates upon LETSB and the training programs that it guides or supervises. See also Minnesota Board of Peace Officer Standards and Training References 1965 establishments in Illinois Law enforcement in Illinois State agencies of Illinois

69716996

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/R%20v%20Rhian%20Graham%2C%20Milo%20Ponsford%2C%20Jake%20Skuse%20and%20Sage%20Willoughby

R v Rhian Graham, Milo Ponsford, Jake Skuse and Sage Willoughby

R v Rhian Graham, Milo Ponsford, Jake Skuse and Sage Willoughby, known as the Colston 4, was a British court case surrounding the toppling of the statue of Edward Colston, involving four defendants accused of criminal damage in relation to the removal and dumping in the canal of the controversial statue in Bristol in 2020 during a protest. The four defendants were acquitted by jury after a trial. Events On 7 June 2020, during the global protests following the murder of George Floyd in the United States, the statue of slave trader Edward Colston was pulled down by demonstrators who then jumped on it. They daubed it in red and blue paint, and one protester placed his knee on the statue's neck to allude to Floyd's murder by a white policeman who knelt on Floyd's neck for over nine minutes. The statue was then rolled down Anchor Road and pushed into Bristol Harbour. Superintendent Andy Bennett of Avon and Somerset Police stated that they had made a "tactical decision" not to intervene and had allowed the statue to be toppled, citing a concern that stopping the act could have led to further violence and a riot. They also stated that the act was criminal damage and confirmed that there would be an investigation to identify those involved, adding that they were in the process of collating footage of the incident. The Home Secretary, Priti Patel, called the toppling "utterly disgraceful", "completely unacceptable" and "sheer vandalism". She added, "it speaks to the acts of public disorder that have become a distraction from the cause people are protesting about." The Mayor of Bristol, Marvin Rees, said those comments showed an "absolute lack of understanding". At 5 am on 11 June 2020, the statue was retrieved from Bristol Harbour by Bristol City Council. The statue was found filled with mud and sediments from the harbour floor. The council said the statue was structurally stable, although it had lost one of its coattails, the walking stick, and faced damage to its left side and to the foot. They stated they had cleaned the statue to prevent corrosion, and that they planned to exhibit it in a museum without removing the graffiti and ropes placed on it by the protesters. Police investigation The day after the toppling, the police announced that they identified 17 people in connection with the incident, but had not yet made any arrests. On 22 June 2020 the police released images of people connected to the incident, and asked the public for help identifying the individuals. On 1 July, an unnamed 24-year-old man was arrested on suspicion of criminal damage to the statue and was bailed under police investigation. In September 2020, Avon and Somerset Police said that files on four people suspected of criminal damage had been passed to the Crown Prosecution Service to decide if charges should be brought. A further five people had been offered restorative justice, such as a fine and community service. By 1 October 2020, a total of six people had accepted conditional cautions relating to the events of 7 June. Criminal charges and trial On 9 December 2020, four people—Rhian Graham, Milo Ponsford, Jake Skuse and Sage Willoughby, often referred to as the "Colston 4"—were charged with causing criminal damage in relation to the toppling of the statue. They appeared at Bristol Magistrates' Court on 2 March 2021 and entered a plea of not guilty. Their trial began at Bristol Crown Court on 13 December 2021. Before the trial, the graffiti artist Banksy produced a T-shirt to be sold to support the accused. The four did not deny that they toppled the statue, but advanced several defences that doing so was not an act of criminal damage within the meaning of the law. One defence was that the statue had not in fact been damaged—indeed that it had been made more valuable by the process of toppling, removal from the harbour, and display in the museum. A second was that the removal of the statue helped to prevent another crime, because the display of the statue itself was a criminal act of displaying indecent or abusive material, saying Colston's "continued veneration (...) in a vibrant multicultural city was an act of abuse". Two defendants also argued that they believed the statue was collectively owned by the people of Bristol, who in the circumstances would agree with the act of toppling it. In fact the statue was owned by Bristol City Council, but even a mistaken belief about the owner and the owners' intentions would have been grounds for acquittal, if the jury felt that belief was sincerely held. The judge also advised the jury that even if not convinced by any of these arguments, the jury could still acquit on the basis that a conviction for criminal damage would, in the circumstances, represent a disproportionate interference with the defendants' right of freedom of expression. The jury would have to weigh the importance of property-owners rights not to have property (e.g. statues) damaged, with the right to freedom of expression. On 5 January 2022, the jury found the four defendants not guilty of criminal damage by a majority of 11 to 1 after deliberating for three hours. Because juries never provide any rationale or documentation for their verdict, it is unclear which of the defence arguments they found persuasive. While stating that "trial by jury is an important guardian of liberty and must not be undermined", Suella Braverman, the attorney general, said she is "carefully considering" whether to refer the case to the Court of Appeal as the result was "causing confusion". Braverman's statement was alleged by former Director of Public Prosecutions, Ken Macdonald, and shadow attorney general, Emily Thornberry, to be politically motivated. References 2022 in British law 2022 in case law

69717442

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William%20Hale%20Thompson%201927%20mayoral%20campaign

William Hale Thompson 1927 mayoral campaign

The William Hale Thompson 1927 mayoral campaign was the successful campaign of Republican William Hale Thompson for a third nonconsecutive term as mayor of Chicago in the 1927 Chicago mayoral election. The campaign saw him defeat incumbent Democrat William Emmett Dever, as well as a third-party effort by John Dill Robertson. In his campaign, Thompson promised to end the enforcement of Prohibition and accused Dever of being complicit in a supposed scheme by the United Kingdom to try to retake control of the United States. Robertson received support from a number of mobsters, including as Al Capone. Background Republican William Hale "Big Bill" Thompson, who had previously served as mayor of Chicago for two terms from 1915 to 1923, took advantage of the crime situation under his Democratic Party successor William Emmett Dever (attributed to Dever's strong enforcement of Prohibition causing increased competition among remaining bootleggers), and ran for a third nonconsecutive term, promising to end the enforcement of Prohibition. Having declined a bid for reelection in 1923, Thompson had managed to stay in the public eye by constructing a yawl named the Big Bill with his head as the figurehead and spending $25,000 to take it on an expedition to Borneo to find a tree-climbing fish, all ostensibly as a publicity stunt for the Illinois Waterway. Thompson was immensely popular with the city's African-American community, having served as alderman of the 2nd ward, home of Chicago's largest black population, from 1900 to 1902. He also had enemies from his previous tenure, including the Chicago Tribune and the Chicago Daily News, and had started to wear out his welcome with former allies such as party boss Frederick Lundin. On April 6, 1926, Thompson attracted national attention when he pulled the unusual stunt of debating with live rats representing Lundin and John Dill Robertson at a Frank L. Smith U.S. Senate campaign rally held at the city's Cort Theatre. Thompson was a supporter of Smith's candidacy against Lundin-backed incumbent William B. McKinley. Republican primary campaign Thompson kicked off his candidacy on January 10, 1927 with a speech at a dance and reception jointly hosted by several Republican groups at the Trianon Ballroom. Thompson faced Edward R. Litsinger, who was chairman of the Cook County Board of Review and was backed by reform-minded U.S. Senator Charles S. Deneen and Edward J. Brundage, (the latter of whom had split from his political ally Robert E. Crowe by supporting Litsinger). A much lesser second opponent on the ballot in the primary was former policeman Eugene McCaffrey. Originally, John Dill Robertson had planned to run in the Republican primary. However, Robertson dropped out in favor of Litsinger, per an agreement with Lundin. Robertson would mount an independent general election bid upon Litsinger's primary loss. The Republican primary was marked by intense vitriol between the candidates. Thompson accused Robertson of messy eating, stating that "[With] eggs in his whiskers, soup on his vest, you'd think the doc got his education driving a garbage wagon." Robertson retaliated, accusing Thompson of corruption. Litsinger reiterated such accusations against Thompson and further accused Thompson of conspiring to get 50,000 Democratic votes. Both candidates asserted that they were guaranteed victory and accused the other of conspiring to steal the primary. In an open letter, Thompson charged that Edward Brundage and Fred Lundin were suburbanites and were guilty of betraying their city roots. He also alleged that Litsinger, who had come from Back of the Yards, had abandoned his roots, writing "You moved to the Gold Coast. Are you thinking of joining the high brows of Lake Forest and becoming a resident of Lake County too?" Thompson won the primary by a surprisingly large margin; to many, his victory itself was a surprise. He carried 49 of the city's 50 wards. The only ward he failed to carry was the 49th ward, which her lost by a margin of just over 100 votes. Thompson's margin of victory in the primary was record-breaking for a Chicago mayoral election. After Thompson's victory both partisans of Robertson and Democratic leaders claimed that Democratic voters for Thompson had propelled him to the Republican nomination, with the Democrats claiming that they did so in order to give Dever a weaker opponent in the general election. With Thompson's primary victory Robertson launched his independent campaign on February 23. Thompson ran alongslide a slate of candidates endorsed by him and his allies Robert E. Crowe and Homer Galpin. The slate featured Patrick Sheridan Smith for Chicago City Clerk and Charles S. Peterson for Chicago City Treasurer. Both won the Republican primaries for their office, defeating opponents that Brundage and Deneen had jointly backed. General election campaign Thompson engaged in bitter rhetoric attacking Dever, while Dever largely refused to engage in Thompson's style of rhetoric. Dever instead promised to engage in a debate of substantive issues, partaking only in a "decent, friendly discussion without malice or sensationalism". Dever responded to Thompson's many accusations by declaring them "blarney" which he had no intention of dignifying, and noting that Thompson's comments on international affairs were irrelevant to the duties and powers of the mayoralty. Dever's campaign characterized Thompson as , "a political pyromaniac". Dever did once comment in an interview with the Chicago Daily News that, "Thompson's trouble is mental". Endorsements Deneen backed Thompson after his primary defeat. The Chicago Federation of Labor endorsed Thompson. Despite having been a foe of Thompson during his first mayoralty, Margaret Haley, president of the Chicago Federation of Teachers, personally endorsed him due to his opposition of McAndrew. The Cook County Wage-Earners' League ran an advertisement for Thompson in the Chicago Tribune, in which it claimed that 95 percent of the trades unions in Chicago endorsed him. Thompson was backed by two Hearst-owned newspapers, as well as the African-American Daily Defender and L'Italia, the city's second-best selling Italian newspaper. Martin Walsh, who had run against Dever in the Democratic primary, served as a stump speaker for Thompson. Thompson was also endorsed by Illinois Attorney General Oscar E. Carlstrom, Illinois Secretary of State Louis Lincoln Emmerson, Illinois Lieutenant Governor Fred E. Sterling, Cook County Sheriff Charles E. Graydon, Cook County Coroner Oscar Wolff, and Chicago Postmaster (and 1923 Republican mayoral nominee) Arthur C. Lueder. Thompson also received a last-minute endorsement from Illinois Governor Len Small. Thompson actively courted support from criminal racketeers, and received ampaign donations from a number of them, including Al Capone (who gave a $260,000 contribution to Thompson's campaign). Thompson received the endorsement of Capone after promising lax enforcement of Prohibition. It was public knowledge that Capone was supporting Thompson's campaign effort, collecting campaign contributions from those who sold his beer. Capone donated between $100,000 and $500,000 to Thompson's campaign. Other crime figures backing Thompson included Jack Zuta, who gave $50,000 to his campaign, Timothy D. Murphy, and Vincent Drucci. During the election campaign, Democrats successfully appealed for a special grand jury to investigate gang activities related to supporting Thomposon's candidacy. "America First" and allegations levied by Thompson of a British conspiracy Thompson accused Dever of treason. Using the slogan "America First", he alleged that Superintendent of Chicago Public Schools William McAndrew was a British agent sent by King George as part of a grand conspiracy to manipulate the minds of American children and set the groundwork for the United Kingdom to repossess the United States; he accused the "left-handed Irishman" Dever of being part of the plot. Thompson based these claims on McAndrew being critical of such artworks as Archibald Willard's The Spirit of '76 and allowing the use in schools of textbooks which Thompson alleged were unpatriotic and full of, "treason tainted histories". This came amid a 1920s wave of anglohphobic criticisms in the United States of textbooks being "pro-British" and "unamerican". While it is not clear why Thompson chose to single-out McAndrew for such attacks, in a 1980 journal article, Dennis F. Thompson speculated that Thompson might have chosen him as an enemy, in part, due to McAndrew being a force against political patronage in schools, as well as due to McAndrew's ties to Dever Another aspect that Dennis F. Thompson speculated may have been a factor was McAndrews unpopularity with teachers. Dennis F. Thompson argued that there is strong evidence that teachers, indeed, very actively backed Thompson's candidacy in hopes of ousting McAndrew. Additionally, Thompson had, in the past, already appealed to the city's German and Irish populations by positioning himself as anti-British. A 1968 report by Robert J. Havighurst expressed the belief that Thomposon was taking advantage of the situation created by McAndrew's combative relationship with teachers unions and the Chicago Federation of Labor. Thompson was not a lone actor in publicly painting McAndrew as unpatriotic. In 1926, the "Citizens' Committee on School Histories", a group led by far-right United States Congressman John J. Gorman, published a document that denounced three United States history textbooks that were in use in Chicago Public Schools as pro-British, and argued that heroes of other nationalities had been overlooked by the books in numerous instances. While Mayor Dever brought this document to McAndrew's attention, McAndrew did not give it any concern. In 1927, Thompson would add the report published by this group to his campaign literature. Additionally, at the City Council's first meeting after McAndrew made a remark criticizing Archibald Willard's The Spirit of '76 for not being an accurate picture of war, Alderman John Coughlin denounced McAndrew's comments as being traitorous, and proposed an ordinance to denounce McAndrew. However, Alderman William D. Meyering, a decorated veteran of World War I, stood up and stated that he actually agreed with McAndrew's statement, which served to quash the momentum of Coughlin's ordinance. McAndrew himself did not stay neutral in the mayoral race. In an unprecedented move for a Chicago school superintendent, he signed a letter urging support for Dever's campaign. He printed copies of this letter in school print shops and had the Women's City Club distribute them to each of the school system's school principals. He also made an appearance wearing Dever campaign apparel at a public dinner for Dever hosted by the Women's City Club. Allegations of propaganda in school textbooks Thompson ran with an education platform pledging to purge the school's textbooks of British propaganda, which, he alleged, disregarded, "Polish, German, Irish, and other heroes" of the American revolution, and demeaned George Washington. Thompson pledged to, "put the picture of George Washington back in the school books". Thompson obsessed over a college textbook which used the term "rebel" to describe Washington. Thompson accused McAndrew of conspiring with the University of Chicago's Charles Hubbard Judd and Charles Edward Merriam to, "destroy the love of America in the hearts of children by encouraging teachers to attend special classes at 'Chicago University' at which the text was used which pictured George Washington as a rebel and a great disloyalist." Among the textbooks that Thompson criticized as unpatriotic were A History of the United States by Willian Fiske Gordy, Our United States by William Backus Guitteau, and The Silent Reader by Albert Lindsay Lewis and William D. Rowland. Former president of the Chicago Board of Education Charles Moderwell, who had served during the earlier part of Dever's mayoralty, argued that textbooks which Thompson attacked as being unpatriotic had actually been approved by the school board Thompson had appointed during his previous mayoralty. Indeed, the school's history textbooks had not been chosen by McAndrew but had rather been chosen by his predecessor. Thompson ran full-page newspaper advertisements on March 30, 1927 which listed sixteen German American, Irish American, and Polish American historians belonging to the American Historical Society as co-signing his attack on Mayor Dever for the content of school books in the city. Pledge to oust Superintendent McAndrew Thompson pledged to get William McAndrew fired from his post as superindtendent of Chicago Public Schools. Thompson boasted of his role in ousting then-school superintendent Charles Ernest Chadsey during his previous tenure as mayor, claiming now that Chadsey had also been part of a pro-British conspiracy, declaring, "I threw out Chadsey, who was imported here by friends of British propaganda, and I'll throw out McAndrews ". Thompson made the campaign promise of appointing, "a patriotic school board...who will rid the city of Superintendent McAndrew," and "his pro-English 'yes' men and women". He faulted Dever and Democratic political boss George E. Brennan as responsible for McAndrew's hiring. Other allegations and pledges Thompson also complained of there being a large number of pro-British books populating the city's libraries, and urged the residents to pillage the libraries and burn such books. Thompson accused Dever of removing a portrait of George Washington from the mayor's office, an accusation which Dever denied. In his campaign speeches, Thompson also attacked Homer Davis, the director of the school district's Bureau of Building Survey, as "the foreigner Superintendent McAndrew brought here from Arizona to tell us where to put our schools." Thompson, seeking the African-American vote, also seized on McAndrew's alleged failure in 1926 to act upon complaints by the The Chicago Defender that there were anti-black stereotypes in civics text books, written by University of Chicago, that were used in the city's high schools. After these complaints were made, the school board, not McAndrew, had been the ones who acted to request the publisher change the passages in question. Thompson also insinuated that he might see that Dever woukd be sent to prison. Thompson pledged that his "America First" slate would see such strong victories that, "the king of England will find out for the first time he is damned unpopular". Thompson's campaign anthem was titled "America First, Last and Always". Thomspon promised to lend support to the creation of so-called "America First Associations" across the United States. Jeff Nichols of the Chicago Reader would retrospectively observe in 2017 of Thompson's "America First" movement that, Anti-prohibition stance Taking a vehemetly anti-Phrohibition stance, Thomspon declared himself to be, "wetter than the middle of the Atlantic Ocean," and promised not only to permit every speakeasy Dever had closed to reopen, but to add a further 10,000 additional new speakeasies to the city. He also promised to fire any police officers that interfered with drinking. Thompson pledged, if elected, to, "immediately use all my power to help repeal the Volstead Act, the search and seizure act, and fire every cop who attempts to enter your homes in a serach for still or for liquor." Thompson's campaign headquarters served bootleg alcohol, to help lend credibility to his stance. Thompson alleged that city officials were making commission from sales at illegal breweries, and that city's police were acting to facilitate this. Racial and ethnic matters Thompson's camp pointed to a number of police raids that took place in Black areas of the city near the day of the election in their arguments for African Americans to vote for Thompson, blaming Dever's administration for these. Thompson spoke of the possibility of race riots in the city's "Black Belt", and pledged to commit a year of his life to jailing Dever if such rioting occurred. Thompson denounced Dever as that "left-handed Irishman", and aroused anti-Catholic prejudice against Dever. Campaigning for German votes, Thompson stated: Crime Despite directly courting support from racketeers, Thompson seized on the city's crime problems to attack Dever. He ran a large advertisement in the Chicago Tribune which declared, "The city is overrun with morons and other vicious elements. The papers teem with accounts of murders and other horrible lawlessness. Thompson pledges himself to change these conditions and make life and property once again secure in Chicago." Thompson's campaign also claimed that crime in the city had dramatically driven up insurance rates, claiming, "insurance rates have increased 25 to 100 per cent under the Dever police administration." Structural safety of school buildings Thompson alleged that new Chicago Public Schools buildings that had been constructed were unsafe, with unsound structural support arches. He claimed Dever was scared to close these hazardous schools, out of fear that it would be discovered that there was graft among the builders, and that Dever, "has his men working nights trying to bolster up these arches". Thompson declared, "I pray to God that those arches may hold until April 5. Because, after that, if I am elected, I will close those schools until they are made safe." Thompson declared the buildings to be possible, "death traps". In an effort to squash these allegations, Dever, Chicago Board of Education officails, and an independent firm of engineers gave statements on March 28, 1927 declaring the allegations to be an unfounded falsehood. Chicago Board of Edcuation achitect John C. Christensen claimed that the only morsel of truth was that a minor employee had, previously, found some faults in concrete of nine buildings, but Christensen asserted that needed the structural reinforcement had already promptly been added. Arthur R. Lord of the Lord & Hemingway engineering firm alleged that photos used by Thompson as evidence of damaged concrete supports had actually been of concrete damaged by photographers from Thompson's own team in an effort to frame a false narrative. National and international political matters National and international political matters without direct baring on the role of the mayor were inserted into the campaign. Deneen, for instance, argued, in support of Thompson, that a reelected Dever would partner with George E. Brennan to aid the Democratic Party against the Republican Party in the 1928 national election. In his campaign, Thompson criticized the League of Nations and the World Court. Thompson also demanded for there to be, "no future draft". Other campaign matters Thompson pledged to repeal the city's water meter ordinance, and remove water meters from residences. He pledged that, "when Thompson is mayor, you'll have all the water you want at a nominal price". Democratic chief Brennan said that "All the hoodlums are for Thompson", which Thompson used to convince his supporters that the Democrats were elitist and looked down upon them. Near the end of the campaign, Cook County State's Attorney Robert E. Crowe was charged in a petition as having illegally used his office to support Thompson's candidacy. On March 29, 1927, Thompson's team of lawyers (led by Joseph P. Savage) filed before the Chicago Board of Election Commissioners thousands of affidavits alleging illegal voter registrations. Chicago City Attorney Samuel Pincus objected to these affidavits. Thousands of separate affidavits had been filed that day by Democrats, largely of voter registrations in the city's "Black Belt" (with Dever's camp alleging, with these affidavits, that thousands of Black voters had been registered to addresses that were actually vacant homes, vacant lots, barber shops, pool rooms, and gas stations). In total, 15,000 were filed that day. Outcome Thompson won the election with more than 51.58 percent of votes cast (with Dever receiving 43.28%, and Robertson receiving 5.14%), Thompson carried 28 of the city's 50 wards. Dever's campaign ultimately failed to achieve momentum; Thompson had dominated the discourse early on and left Dever's supporters struggling to react to Thompson's campaign and ultimately failing to fully promote Dever's own message. Thompson's running mates on his Republican "America First" slate, Patrick Sheridan Smith and Carles S. Peterson, each won their respective elections for Chicago city clerk and Chicago city treasurer. Thompson's campaign held their election night victory party in the Louis XIV Ballroom of the Sherman House Hotel. Both Thompson and Dever's campaign headquarters had been located in the Sherman House Hotel, with Thompson's headquarters being located one floor above Dever's. Many Thompson supporters celebrated in the streets of the city's downtown. Many Thompson supporters celebratorily drove around the city carrying brooms. In his victory statement, Thompson reafirmed his support for his America First platform, and pledged to use his office to improve the city of Chicago's port, declaring, "I pledge my vote and support for America First, a greater Chicago, and a deep waterway." Thompson also declared the he would, "do away with the breadline by stimulating business," and also promised to oust Superintendent McAndrew. Analysis Contemporary analysis Many experts concluded that Thompson had won because of his skilled campaigning, providing entertainment while Dever called for virtue. Elmer Davis of Harper's Magazine mused that the mystery was not that Dever lost but that he had received 430,000 votes. George Schottenhamel, writing in 1952 for the Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society, argued that Dever "would have been easy opposition for any candidate" running "on a campaign of 'Dever and Decency' despite four years of rampant crime in Chicago". Thompson's victory damaged Chicago's reputation nationally. Will Rogers remarked that "They was trying to beat Bill [Thompson] with the Better Element vote. The trouble with Chicago is that there ain't much Better Element." The St. Louis Star declared that "Chicago is still a good deal of a Wild West town, where a soapbox showman extracting white rabbits from a gentleman's plug hat still gets a better hearing than a man in a sober suit talking business." The campaign was such that philosopher Will Durant wondered whether democracy was dead. Modern analysis Thompson and his 1927 campaign have both been analyized by some modern writers as precursors to Donald Trump and Trumpism. Aftermath In his inaugural address, Thompson reiterated his pledge to oust Superintendent McAndrew. In August 1927, the Chicago Board of Education, now under Thompson's influence after he appointed a number new members, voted to charge McAndrew with insubordination and unpatriotic “conduct incompatible and inconsistent with, and in direct violation" of his duties, suspending him pending an administrative hearing held by the board. The administrative hearing would last months, and the Chicago Board of Education would find McAndrew guilty. The Cook County Superior Court would later void this decision. Notes References Works cited Republican Party (United States) campaigns 1927 United States mayoral elections 1920s in Chicago 1927 in Illinois Mayoral elections in Chicago 1927 mayoral campaign

69717690

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/SOS%20incident

SOS incident

The SOS incident occurred in Mount Asahidake in Daisetsuzan National Park between the periods of July 1984 to February 1990. Background On the afternoon of 24 July 1989, on the path from Mount Kurodake to Mount Asahidake of Daisetsuzan National Park, two Tokyo men were lost after mountaineering. While going through the climbing route, they deviated down mount Asahidake, south towards the Chubetsugawa river. The Hokkaido police searched in a helicopter and ended up finding a giant SOS sign made of 19 birch trees, each roughly 5 meters long. It was built by stacking cut down birch trees. The two missing people were soon safely rescued 2–3 km north from the sign. The Hokkaido police believed that the SOS letters made of wood were also made by the two people that they had rescued. However, when the police briefed the two people about the situation after the rescue, they did not know anything about the SOS sign. The Hokkaido police, who thought that there was another victim, dispatched a helicopter again on the following day and searched the surrounding area. The police discovered fragments of human bones with traces of animal bites and some bones were broken, possibly while the person was alive. In a separate area near the SOS sign, the police discovered a hole just large enough to fit a single human, which included four cassette tapes, a tape recorder, a backpack, some amulets, a human skull, a tripod, a pair of men's basketball shoes, two cameras, a notebook, and the driver's license of Kenji Iwamura, a 25-year-old male office worker from Kōnan, Aichi Prefecture who had gone missing on 10 July 1984 after he set out hiking to Asahidake. When Iwamura failed to appear for work a week later, his parents asked police to search for him, but they found no trace. To date, Iwamura has been missing for years, and is believed by authorities to be deceased. The human bones were sent to Asahikawa Medical University and were identified initially of those of a woman aged 20–40 years. On 27 July, the police decided to play the recordings on the cassette tapes. On one of the recordings, the voice of a young man is heard shouting for 2 minutes and 17 seconds. A translation of the man shouting on the recording is as follows: The rest of the tapes included music from the anime TV shows, "Macross" and "Magical Princess Minky Momo". In addition, a cutout of artwork of "Magical Princess Minky Momo" was used as a case for the cassette tape. In regards to the SOS sign, the Japan Forestry Agency and the Japan Geographical Authority took a look at previous topographic map data used to find aerial photographs, in which it was confirmed that the SOS sign was reflected in the images taken on 20 September 1987. An acquaintance of Iwamura gave testimony that Iwamura had been carrying a recording of theme songs on a tape, as well as the same size of basketball shoes that were discovered in the recent search. On the other hand, since the human skeleton was initially identified as a female, it was thought by investigators that there were two men and a woman that had gone missing at the park. However, there was no record of the missing female in Asahidake and Iwamura was said to have gone alone into mountain. The identity of the woman and the potential relationship to Iwamura was unknown and caused confusion in the investigation and media coverage. The Asahikawa East police station announced on 28 February 1990 that after a reexamination of all the human bones that were found, they now believed that the skeleton was actually male, not female, and that the skeleton was actually that of one man. Aspects of the case Cause of the incident There is a large rock called the "Safe Rock" on the ridge of Mount Asahidake, which is used as a guidepost. However, there is also a similar large rock called the "Fake Safe Rock" near the Safe Rock, and if you accidentally fall from the Fake Safe Rock, you will reach the area where the SOS incident occurred. The slope above the main area is a Sasa that grows sideways, and it is easy to enter the bottom from the top, but it is difficult to climb from the bottom to the top, there is a cliff where the incident occurred. The terrain is difficult to escape. This was supported by the fact that a few days after the incident was discovered, a news media interview team who visited the site was unable to escape from the area and was rescued. The SOS sign The wooden letters of the SOS sign were made by stacking large fallen birch trees, and it was estimated that it took about two days and considerable effort to create such a giant sign. It was speculated that the sign was made by the missing person that the skeleton belonged to, but in the autopsy of the skeleton that was found, who investigators believed was Iwamura, the body was described as thin and weak and that it would have been impossible for him to make the sign on his own. No axe that would have been used to cut trees down to make the sign has been found. An observation by some that has been pointed out is that Osamu Tezuka's "Astro Boy" has a scene in which fallen trees are arranged in the shape of SOS. SOS tape recording The reason for the recording of the SOS tape recording is unknown, but it is speculated that the man on the recording, who was stuck, recorded it so that the search team could hear it before he became debilitated and unable to speak. It is speculated that it was accidentally switched on and recorded while the man was yelling for help. Many have speculated that the man yelling was Iwamura, but when Iwamura's parents were asked about the recording, they said they could not confirm that the man on the recording was their son. References Mountaineering disasters 1989 in Japan Unsolved deaths

69719488

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Florida%27s%20Domestic%20Marijuana%20Eradication%20Program

Florida's Domestic Marijuana Eradication Program

Florida's Domestic Marijuana Eradication Program (FL DME), is a multi-agency state and federal law enforcement program founded in 1981, jointly managed by the Drug Enforcement Administration and the Florida Department of Agriculture and Consumer Services to provide funding for local law enforcement agencies’ efforts to eradicate illegal cannabis cultivation and trafficking in Florida. The program, formed in 1981, includes the Drug Enforcement Administration, the Florida Department of Agriculture and Consumer Services' Office of Agricultural Law Enforcement, and 45 sheriff's and police departments across Florida. See also War on Drugs Office of National Drug Control Policy Domestic Cannabis Eradication/Suppression Program References External links Florida’s Domestic Marijuana Eradication Program Cannabis cultivation Florida law 1981 in cannabis Organizations established in 1981 1981 establishments in Florida Cannabis in Florida Anti-cannabis operations Cannabis eradication

69720506

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Teofil%20Magdzi%C5%84ski

Teofil Magdziński

Teofil Magdziński was a Polish lawyer, conspirator, activist in exile who participated in several Polish uprisings of the second half of the 19th century. He was one of the most prominent politician in Bydgoszcz, representative at the Reichstag and a staunch defender of Polishness. Biography Early life Teofil Magdziński was born in the city of Samter (present day's Szamotuły), then in the Grand Duchy of Posen, on October 13, 1818. His mother was Nepomucena née Halicka and his father Jan, a postmaster. Between 1827 and 1834, he attended the secondary school in Poznań, at the Saint Mary Magdalene gymnasium. In 1835, he studied in parallel -as a free student- at the Philosophy Faculty of the University of Wrocław. After passing his secondary school examination (Abitur), he decided to turn to Law, but after a few months he was removed from the list of students. In Wrocław, Teofil was the co-founder and member of the Literary and Slavic Society. He moved to other universities to pursue his law studies, in Berlin and Leipzig. In both places he was an active member of the "Polish Students' Clubs". Underground activity After faculty graduation, Magdziński worked in the judiciary domain in Berlin and in Poznań. It was also the time during which he completed his military service, as a lieutenant in the Landwehr. From 1845 onwards, he was active in the underground Polish Democratic Society in Greater Poland. Ludwik Mierosławski, commander-in-chief of the coming Greater Poland uprising (February 1846) appointed him as the leader of the movement in Żmudź (today's a Lithuania region). His orders were to gather the insurgent troops in Raseiniai, take Kaunas and join the troops of Congress Poland before moving to Dęblin. To that aim, Teofil left for Königsberg (in Prussia) at the end of January 1846 and sneaked into the Russian territory under a false name. There he made contact with the leaders of the uprising in Vilnius. Spotted by tsarist agents, he soon had to flee to Prussian Klaipeda where he was arrested by the police. Sent to Poznań, he was imprisoned at the Fort Winiary. In April 1846, he escaped from jail and went to France. The Prussian authorities issued an arrest warrant against him. In France, he could deepen his legal knowledge at the Sorbonne while working as an emissary when necessary. As such, he participated in the Prague Slavic Congress between the 2 June and 12 June 1848: it was the first occasion where voices from nearly all Slavs populations of Europe were heard in one place. In 1848, as a deputy to Colonel Józef Borzęcki commanding the Polish Legion in France, Magdziński planned to go to Poland. However, his unit and himself were stopped and interned in Germany. In 1849, after an amnesty, he was able to move to Prussian Poland and settle in Szamotuły. Back to his hometown, he joined the Liga Polska ("League of Poland"), a political and cultural organization founded by August Cieszkowski in Berlin in 1848, promoting the ideas of social solidarity. Teofil Magdziński married in 1851 and installed his couple in the Imielinko estate in the Wągrowiec County, living as a gentleman farmer. Yet he was still keeping in touch with national activists and was regularly harassed by the Prussian police for it. In the end, he had to leave Prussia-controlled Grand Duchy of Posen in 1853 and transferred to Russia-occupied Congress Poland, in a village of the Łęczyca County (today north of Łódź). Ten years later, he took part in the January Uprising: after Russia's victory he moved back in 1864, to Prussian Greater Poland soil. Activity in Bydgoszcz At the end of the 1860s, he settled in Bydgoszcz (then Prussian Bromberg) at "28 Posener straße" (today Poznańska street) and developed an intense nationalist activity. On his initiative, on October 27, 1872, was created the Towarzystwo Przemysłowego w Bydgoszczy (), bringing together local notables, craftsmen, workers and small industrialists. The association organized many activities: an amateur theater group (1873); a Polish library (1875); a singing club (1880), which is at the origin of the still active "Hałka" choir in Bydgoszcz; a Sunday craft school for students (1885). The Society was one of the most active organizations of this type in Poznań Province, gathering with time other local activists (Emil Warmiński, Piotr Piskorski, Jan Teska, Jan Biziel). He was as well a shareholder of the "Bank Przemysłowy w Bydgoszczy" ("Industrial Bank in Bydgoszcz"). Political activity Teofil Magdziński was an authority for the inhabitants of Bydgoszcz of Polish origin. He represented them at the City Council and never ceased to demand their rights to be respected. In 1871, he opposed the project of the municipality to organize celebrations on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of Poland's joining the Kingdom of Prussia: he argued that highlighting the date of this "crime" would be wicked and irritating Polish minds. In 1873, he became a member of the Landtag of Prussia from the Buk-Kościan district. He held this mandate till his death. In 1876, he started his career as a member of the North German Confederation Reichstag, representing various constituencies, successively: Jarocin-Pleszew-Września (1876); Koźmin Wielkopolski-Krotoszyn (1877–1878); Grodzisk Wielkopolski-Kościan -Nowy Tomyśl-Śmigiel (1878–1881); Jarocin-Pleszew-Września (1881–1889). In the Prussian Sejm, Magdziński worked in the petition committee, and then in the budget committee. From 1880, he was the president of the "Koło Polskie" ("Polish Circle") at the Reichstag and during in his last term, he also presided the "Koło Polskie" at the Prussian Sejm. In his works at the Reichstag, he focused mainly on economic and linguistic issues, defending the rights of the Polish population, the rights of the Church and highlighting the point of view of Poles on most political issues in the German Empire. Hence he asked that the provisions of the Congress of Vienna be respected with regard to the Polish lands. At the Prussian Sejm, he debated, among other points: unfair taxes on workers (1887); regulation of rivers (Noteć, Warta, Vistula and Neman): new railroad lines and road networks (1883); budget for the development of breeding; protective tariffs on agricultural products (1887). In a memorable speech at the Reichstag in November 1884, he gave a dismissal to chancellor Otto von Bismarck, who accused Poles of being "[foreign element], rebels and perpetrators of all revolutions", replying: He also protested against the Germanization of Polish geographical names (1887) and more broadly demanded the restoration of the Polish language for administration and judiciary affairs. Activity in associations During his stay in Bydgoszcz, Teofil Magdziński became in 1874, a member of the "Industrial Council" which coordinated the activity of all industrial associations on Prussian occupied soil. Additionally, he was active locally in the Catholic parish and curator of the "Catholic Home for Orphans and Babies" (). He was an active member of the "Towarzystwo Naukowej Pomocy dla Młodzieży Wielkiego Księstwa Poznańskiego" ("Society of Scientific Aid for Youth of the Grand Duchy of Poznań") for which he was the treasurer. From 1874 to 1889 he participated in the Poznań Society of Friends of Learning. He died suddenly on February 1, 1889, on a train near Zbąszyń (then called Bentschen). He was buried in the Nowofarny Cemetery of Bydgoszcz on February 6, 1889. His funeral became a great national patriotic demonstration, attended by all Polish deputies to the Prussian Sejm and the Reichstag. Family Teofil had a sister Julianna. In 1851, Magdziński married Józefina née Arendt. She was the daughter of Hamilkar, landlord of the village of Dobieszewice in Mogilno County. The couple had a son and a daughter, Izabella (1854-1917). She married a lawyer, Kazimierz Ćwikliński (1850-1925). The latter was a district judge in Szubin, then a district judge in Kcynia and in 1880, in Toruń. In 1894, he was appointed counselor at the chamber court in Berlin, only Pole at this position in the highest Prussian tribunal of the country. Commemorations In 1932, a street in Bydgoszcz was named after him. It is located in the Old Town, south-east of the Old Market square. See also Bydgoszcz Partitions of Poland Resistance movements in partitioned Poland (1795–1918) List of Polish people References Bibliography People from Bydgoszcz 1818 births 1889 deaths January Uprising participants Polish social activists of the Prussian partition Poles - political prisoners in the Prussian partition Participants of the Slavic Congress in Prague 1848 Polish deputies to the Reichstag in Berlin Members of the 3rd Reichstag of the German Empire Members of the 4th Reichstag of the German Empire Members of the 5th Reichstag of the German Empire Members of the Prussian House of Representatives Buried in Bydgoszcz

69720556

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Inspector%20French%27s%20Greatest%20Case

Inspector French's Greatest Case

Inspector French's Greatest Case is a 1924 mystery detective novel by Freeman Wills Crofts. It in his series of novels featuring Inspector French, a Scotland Yard detective of the Golden Age known for his methodical technique. Like much of the following series the plot mixes the traditional form of the puzzle mystery with that of a police procedural. French has to carefully study railway and shipping timetables and crack a cipher in order to solve his case. Synopsis A robbery on the safe of a diamond merchants in London's Hatton Garden leaves one of the firm's veteran employees dead. Summoned to handle the case French pursues disparate clues over a number of weeks with some of the trails turning out to be dead ends. His travels take him from the capital to Southampton and a variety of destinations on the Continent including Amsterdam, the Swiss Alps, Barcelona and Le Havre. Eventually he believes he has hit on the solution, a former West End actress has adopted an elaborate disguise to carry out the disposal of the diamonds and raise ready cash to flee on a liner heading for South America. He races to Portugal in the hope of catching her and her partner-in-crime, whose ultimate identity gives him a great shock. References Bibliography Evans, Curtis. Masters of the "Humdrum" Mystery: Cecil John Charles Street, Freeman Wills Crofts, Alfred Walter Stewart and the British Detective Novel, 1920-1961. McFarland, 2014. Herbert, Rosemary. Whodunit?: A Who's Who in Crime & Mystery Writing. Oxford University Press, 2003. Reilly, John M. Twentieth Century Crime & Mystery Writers. Springer, 2015. 1924 British novels Novels by Freeman Wills Crofts British crime novels British mystery novels British thriller novels British detective novels William Collins, Sons books Irish mystery novels Irish crime novels Novels set in London Novels set in Berkshire Novels set in Hampshire Novels set in France Novels set in Switzerland Novels set in Amsterdam Novels set in Barcelona Novels set in Portugal

69720643

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ahn%20Nam-gi

Ahn Nam-gi

Ahn Nam-gi (Korean: 안남기는; born July 1967) is a South Korean serial killer and rapist who was convicted of raping and killing at least three women in Cheongju from 2004 and 2010, while he worked as a taxi driver. Initially sentenced to death, his sentence was later commuted to life imprisonment, which he is currently serving at Chungju Prison. Early life and crimes Ahn Nam-gi was born in July 1967 in Goesan County, South Korea, the only child of poor rural farmers. Unable to afford higher education, Ahn dropped out of high school and moved to Seoul to work in a factory. While living there, he married a local woman with whom he had three sons, and eventually switched professions to become a taxi driver. On the early morning of August 23, 2000, Ahn attempted to rape a 19-year-old female passenger under the threat of a knife in Sangdang Park, but was prevented from doing and so arrested by police. He was then charged with rape, convicted and sentenced to a 3-year prison term. After being released from circa June 2003, he attempted to reconcile with his wife, but was rejected and left to live alone in Heungdeok-gu. As there was no laws preventing sex offenders from applying to be taxi drivers, he obtained a driver's license and continued with his profession. Murders In October 2004, Ahn was driving around Cheongju when he came across 24-year-old Jo Cheon-byeon, an intellectually disabled runaway who had just arrived to the city via bus. After driving her around for some time, he eventually took her to his house, where he raped and strangled her to death. After keeping Mo's body in the house for two more days, Ahn wrapped up it up with blankets and twine and stuffed in the trunk of his taxi. He then drove to National Route 1 and dumped it there, where it was discovered on October 16. The authorities were unable to locate the culprit at the time, and the case went cold. On the night of September 21, 2009, Ahn picked up a 41-year-old woman named Kim Mo at an intersection in Cheongju. When she fell asleep, he stopped the taxi in a sparsely populated area and raped her. After that, he drove to his house, where he tied Kim up and demanded that she give him her credit card information. After doing so, he taped Kim's mouth and stuffed her in the trunk of the taxi, where she eventually suffocated. On the following morning, Ahn went to a convenience store in Sangdang, where he withdrew 220,000 won from her bank account, before driving to the Jangpyeong Bridge, where he dumped Kim's body. Her body was found by a fisherman the day after, and authorities, having captured CCTV footage of Ahn withdrawing money using his victim's card, released images to the public in an attempt to identify the suspected killer. In the early hours of January 20, 2010, Ahn kidnapped a 33-year-old female passenger fron Heungdeok-gu and bound her with tape, but along the way, she began bleeding. She told him that she might be pregnant and begged him to drop her off at a gynecologist. To her surprise, Ahn removed the tape plastered over her eyes, dropped her off and then fled without harming her further. Two months later, on March 26, he kidnapped a 24-year-old woman named Song from Sangsang. Threatening her with a knife, he tied her up with string, stole her money and raped her. After doing so, he taped up her face with duct tape and locked her in the trunk of the taxi, while he went to a nearby ATM to withdraw some cash. However, he was given the wrong password, and when he returned to interrogate her, he found that Song had already suffocated. Apparently unconcerned, Ahn returned home to have a nap, and then for the next two days, went on with his job while keeping the woman's body in the trunk. Eventually, he abandoned it an empty parking lot near the Daedeok Industrial Complex in Daejeon, where it was found by an employee nine hours later. Investigation and arrest Unbeknownst to Ahn, he had been caught on the building's cameras while dumping the body, and after analyzing the footage, police deduced that the killer was a taxi driver from Cheongju area who drove a Hyundai Sonata. As part of the investigation, they inspected all 67 vehicles registered in the city until they eventually reached Ahn, who was arrested 12 hours later. As a convicted felon, he was ordered to provide a DNA sample, which was then matched to the two previous unsolved cases, to which he confessed culpability. Trial, sentence and imprisonment Prior to his trial, a mental evaluation determined that Ahn possessed several psychopathic traits, but it was clarified that he was not necessarily a psychopath. He himself claimed that never intended to kill his victims, as he even tore of pieces of the duct tape to let them breathe, but this claim was rejected by the courts due to the conflicting evidence presented. Ahn was found guilty and initially sentenced to death by the Daejeon District Court, but the verdict was later reduced to life imprisonment on appeal. He is currently imprisoned at the Chungju Prison, where is reportedly described as a model inmate. Since his imprisonment, several media outlets and podcasts have suggested that Ahn might be responsible for more crimes, specifically committed during an unexplained lull in murders from 2004 to 2009. In recent years, he has been focused on as a suspect in the unsolved 2000 murder of a beauty guru in Cheongju, due to circumstantial evidence placing him near the crime scene and a personal letter which he sent to her sister, in which he requested that she "send a picture of the victim." See also List of serial killers by country References 1976 births Living people 21st-century criminals Male criminals Male serial killers South Korean serial killers South Korean rapists South Korean people convicted of murder People convicted of murder by South Korea South Korean people convicted of rape South Korean prisoners and detainees Prisoners and detainees of South Korea South Korean prisoners sentenced to death South Korean prisoners sentenced to life imprisonment Prisoners sentenced to death by South Korea Prisoners sentenced to life imprisonment by South Korea Violence against women in Asia People from Goesan County

69722215

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Warren%20Federal%20Blues

Warren Federal Blues

The Warren Federal Blues is an active independent military organization of the Rhode Island militia that was founded in 1798 and currently serves primarily as a ceremonial honor guard and as historic educational organization in Warren, Rhode Island. The Warren Federal Blues operate a historic armory museum at 11 Jefferson Street in Warren, which was built in 1842. The Warren Federal Blues were chartered in 1798 and members originally served as marines to police navy seamen on the USS General Greene (1799), which was commanded by Christopher Raymond Perry, the father of Oliver Hazard Perry, who also served aboard the ship. The Warren Federal Blues still remain part of the Rhode Island militia but serve a largely ceremonial and educational role using period muskets and cannon for special events. References Military in Rhode Island Historical reenactment groups

69722396

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Juan%20Covington

Juan Covington

Juan Covington (born March 3, 1962) is an American serial killer responsible for at least five shootings in neighborhoods of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania from 1998 to 2005, three of which were fatal. Motivated by delusions brought on from his mental illness, Covington was convicted and given three life terms which he is serving to this day. Early life Juan Covington was born on March 3, 1962, in Philadelphia's Logan neighborhood, one of two nearly identical brothers. His childhood was reportedly normal until 1990, when his father passed away. After that point, Covington frequently fell into depressive moods and began taking medication, but after a few years, he suddenly declared himself "cured". In contrast to his claims, he started exhibiting strange behavior, ranging from wearing military fatigues and patrolling around his neighborhood for unseen forces to refusing to bathe or wash himself. According to his family members, at one Christmas, he kept gazing at the decorated tree because he thought it was moving. Despite this, he was considered a mostly upstanding citizen who worked as a bus driver for SEPTA for around 18 years, before switching to hauling medical waste for local hospitals. According to neighbors, Covington was a quiet, yet easily offended man, but was otherwise considered fairly normal. Murders Covington's first known murder occurred on August 19, 1998, when he used a SIG Sauer to shoot 49-year-old Rev. Thomas Lee Devlin, a Baptist Pastor (who he was in no way related to although this has been falsely reported by multiple media outlets without correction), 13 times in his church on Old York Road. The alleged motive for the killing was the Devlin supposedly used witchcraft to cast evil spells on him. Despite this, Covington later attended Rev. Devlin's funeral and was reportedly very upset at his death. Even though he knew the victim peripherally, he was not considered a suspect. The case was originally thought to be the result of a child custody dispute between Devlin and an ex-girlfriend although there is no record of any such custody dispute ever having taken place with the mothers of any of Devlin's multiple children. For the next four years, no known crimes were connected to Covington. On May 20, 2003, while walking around Logan, he came across 41-year-old David Stewart. For reasons unknown, Covington pulled out a 9mm pistol and shot at him nine times, paralyzing him from the waist down. Due to this, Stewart was forced to walk on crutches. A similar incident took place on April 26, 2004, when he encountered 32-year-old William Bryant, Jr. on West Ruscomb Street and proceeded to shoot him nine times. Like Stewart, Bryant survived the encounter, but was crippled and now has trouble with speech. For the latter assault, a 32-year-old social worker, Clyde A. Johnson, would be erroneously arrested and kept in detention awaiting trial, where he would remain until Covington was linked to the crimes. The murders would resume on March 7, 2005, when Covington shot and killed 36-year-old Odies Bosket, a clerk for the Revenue Department who was en route to pick up his daughter from a nursery in Logan. Another man, 37-year-old Morris Wells, was charged with the murder and would also be kept in detention until the real killer's capture. Murder of Patricia McDermott, arrest and investigation On the early morning of May 17, 2005, 48-year-old Patricia "Trish" McDermott, a radiographer for the Pennsylvania Hospital, was found shot to death on Market Street by a passing driver. Preliminary investigations pointed that she had been killed with a .380 pistol, but authorities struggled to determine a possible motive, as none of her money or personal possessions were stolen. After collecting CCTV footage from the surrounding buildings, detectives observed McDermott getting off the bus, followed shortly by a man wearing a baseball cap, light jacket and green pants, who seemed to be stalking her. After following her down the block, the man suddenly pulled out a gun and shot her once in the head, killing McDermott on the spot. As they were unable to discern neither the suspect's face nor a possible motive for the crime, detectives scoured the surrounding area for additional camera footage in an effort to gather potential clues. After collecting several tapes, they eventually came across a recording from a parking lot that showed the killer running across it and allowed them to map out his escape route. Even with further analysis, they were still unable to determine who he was, and because of this, the police department turned towards the FBI and the NFL Films branch for assistance, but as this produced no viable leads, they eventually resorted to releasing the footage in the hope that somebody would recognized and potentially identify the man. The move proved to be successful, as it generated hundreds of tips, with one of them coming from an employee of a bus company who claimed the man was Juan Covington, a subcontractor at the local Pennsylvania Hospital. Upon reviewing security footage from the hospital's cameras, it was found that he had worn the exact same clothing as the man who had shot McDermott, which allowed the authorities to finally arrest him. In the subsequent interrogations, Covington gave a written statement in which he admitted full responsibility, claiming that he believed McDermott was poisoning him with X-rays, and that he decided to kill because nobody would believe him if he said anything. To the investigators' surprise, Covington then went to admit that he had killed Devlin and Bosket, as well as shooting Stewart and Bryant. A ballistic examination concluded that the victims had been shot with the guns owned by Covington, thus confirming him as a serial killer. Trial and imprisonment After Covington's arrest and announcement as a suspect in the serial murders, all the men previously arrested in the respective cases had their charges dropped and were subsequently released. While he openly admitted responsibility for the attacks, Covington initially refused to plead guilty, claiming that he was "the chosen One" and he had killed the three because he believed them to be devils who were trying to harm him. At trial, his attorney, A. Charles Peruto Jr., noted his client's history of mental illness and a diagnosis of paranoid schizophrenia in an effort to spare him the death penalty. In the end, Covington pleaded guilty and was handed three life terms without parole for the murders plus two 20-to-40-years imprisonment sentences for the attempted murders. He was also ordered to undergo psychiatric counseling at State Correctional Institution – Waymart, before he was eventually transferred to State Correctional Institution – Rockview, where he remains to this day. Other murders Apart from his known murders, Covington is considered a suspect in at least two other crimes: the 1997 disappearance of 24-year-old Brenwanda Smith and the 2004 cold case murder of 25-year-old Ann Yuille. Smith, a SEPTA bus driver who had rebuked his romantic advances, vanished under mysterious circumstances after the pair had an argument in Hunting Park on February 18, 1997. She has not been found, and remains missing to this day. In the latter case, Yuille, a hospital worker, was found shot to death on Ninth Street and Girard Avenue in North Philadelphia on May 7, 2004. Authorities consider Covington a possible suspect because he may have encountered her while working there. See also List of people sentenced to more than one life imprisonment List of serial killers in the United States External links Brenwanda Smith on the Charley Project Inmate Locator References 1962 births Living people 20th-century American criminals 21st-century American criminals American male criminals Male serial killers American serial killers American people convicted of murder People convicted of murder by Pennsylvania American people convicted of attempted murder American prisoners and detainees Prisoners and detainees of Pennsylvania American prisoners sentenced to life imprisonment Prisoners sentenced to life imprisonment by Pennsylvania People with schizophrenia Criminals from Philadelphia

69722980

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Betty%20Carp

Betty Carp

Bertha "Betty" Carp (June 15, 1895 – June 12, 1974) was an American embassy official and intelligence agent, called "The Best Known American in Turkey". Early life Carp was born in Constantinople, the daughter of German or Austrian parents. She was educated at schools in Turkey, London, and Vienna. Career Carp worked at the American embassies in Istanbul and Ankara for most of her life. She was hired by ambassador Henry Morgenthau in 1914 as a messenger, typist and telephone operator. She became an interpreter, attaché, consul, and political officer. She received the State Department's Superior Honor Award at her retirement in 1964 from Secretary of State Dean Rusk, who called her a "living legend" and noted that she "is to be commended for her sociological reports, especially on religious, minority, educational, and legal matters". She was "confidant to two dozen ambassadors and their wives" and "knew all the policemen and the shopkeepers and the crippled children of Beyoglu." During World War II and after, from 1942 to 1947, Carp worked for the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) in New York, where she compiled biographical profiles of Balkan leaders using her language skills and wide network of diplomatic contacts. She was a longtime, close colleague to CIA director Allen Dulles. She was also active in fundraising for the American Hospital in Istanbul. Personal life Carp stood under 5 feet in height, and her physique and demeanor were described as "matronly"; she used her nonthreatening appearance to advantage when making contacts and gathering intelligence. She became a United States citizen in 1947. Her apartment in Istanbul overlooked the Dolmabahce pier, and was an informal gathering place for the American intelligence community. She died in Istanbul in 1974, a few days before her 79th birthday. Her grave is in Feriköy Protestant Cemetery in Istanbul. A biography of Carp based on her correspondence and other sources, The Best Known American in Turkey by Rifat N. Bali, was published in Turkish in 2014. References 1895 births 1974 deaths People from Istanbul Office of Strategic Services American intelligence analysts

69723132

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Murder%20of%20Lisa%20Rene

Murder of Lisa Rene

Lisa Rene (1978 – September 26, 1994) was an American teenage girl who was kidnapped from her apartment in Texas, raped over the course of two days, and buried alive in Arkansas. She was kidnapped on September 24, 1994, by four men: 23-year-old Orlando Cordia Hall, 21-year-old Bruce Carneil Webster, 19-year-old Demetrius Kenyon Hall, and 22-year-old Steven Christopher Beckley. Another man, 23-year-old Marvin Terrance Holloway, did not directly participate in her kidnapping, rape, or murder, but was present at times and provided financial assistance to the group. Orlando Hall (April 24, 1971 – November 19, 2020), considered to be the ringleader in the crime, was sentenced to death and executed by the federal government in 2020. Victim Lisa Rene was born in 1978 in Saint Croix on the U.S. Virgin Islands. Prior to her death, she had moved to Texas to study. Rene was 16 years old when she died. She had wanted to become a doctor. Perpetrators Orlando Cordia Hall was born on April 24, 1971, in El Dorado, Arkansas. He had previously been sentenced to seventeen years in prison at the Arkansas State Prison for conspiracy to deliver cocaine. However, he was paroled in December 1993. His prior occupation had been a maintenance man. Demetrius Hall was also born in El Dorado, Arkansas in September 1975, and is the younger brother of Orlando Hall. The father of the Hall brothers was allegedly physically abusive towards their mother. Webster's father physically and sexually abused him, his siblings, and his mother. Kidnapping, murder, and arrest In the mid-1990s, Orlando Hall, Bruce Webster, and Marvin Holloway ran a drug trafficking operation in Arkansas. Steven Beckley, who lived in Irving, Texas, helped the trio buy marijuana specifically around Dallas and Fort Worth. Beckley would transport the drugs to Pine Bluff, Arkansas and give them to Holloway, who stashed them in his house. On September 21, 1994, Orlando flew to Texas for a drug deal and was picked up by Demetrius and Beckley. Orlando and Beckley then met with two drug dealers, Neil Rene (Lisa's biological brother) and Stanfield Vitalis (Lisa's half-brother), and gave them $4,700 to buy marijuana. However, Vitalis and Neil never returned to hand over the drugs. When Orlando called the two using a telephone, they said they were robbed and had their car taken. By tracking the number, Orlando was able to find an address in Arlington. Orlando, Demetrius, and Beckley went to the address and saw Vitalis and Neil leaving an apartment and walking to the car they claimed was stolen. Orlando then realized that the two men had lied about being robbed and swindled the group out of their money. Outraged, he was adamant on either receiving what he was owed or getting revenge, saying "I'm not going back to Arkansas until I get my money my drugs or some blood on my hands." Three days later, Webster flew to Texas. He, Orlando, Demetrius, and Beckley then returned to the apartment where they had seen Vitalis and Neil. The group, dressed in camouflage fatigues, brought two pistols, a baseball bat, duct tape, and gasoline. Orlando later said he was planning to light the two men on fire. Webster and Demetrius knocked on the front door, claiming they were FBI agents. Vitalis and Neil were not there, but their 16-year-old sister, Lisa Rene, was home alone. Rene did not let the men in and called her sister and 911. When Webster tried to break inside, Lisa told a 911 dispatcher "They’re trying to break down my door! Hurry up!" Webster and Demetrius then went to a glass door on the patio, where they saw Rene talking to the dispatcher. Demetrius smashed the door and Webster rushed inside and dragged Rene to the group's car. The men drove to an apartment which belonged to Hall's sister. Along the way, the group asked Lisa where her brothers were and where their money was. Lisa said her brothers were in Houston and that she knew nothing about the drug deal. At one point, Orlando panicked after seeing an approached patrol car, and Webster said he ready to have a shootout with the police. However, the car passed by, and the group continued driving. When they arrived at the apartment, they got out of the car, forced Rene into Beckley's car, and continued to drive, searching for a place to hide, where they could kill Rene quietly. As they drove, Orlando asked Rene if she had a boyfriend. When she said no, he raped her and forced her to perform oral sex. After their search was unsuccessful, the group went back to Hall's sister's apartment. While Orlando stayed behind, Beckley, Demetrius, and Webster drove Rene to Pine Bluff. On the way there, Beckley and Demetrius took turns raping her. After Beckley, Demetrius, and Webster arrived in Arkansas, Holloway gave them money to rent a motel room. To avoid drawing attention, the men had Rene pretend to be Beckley's boyfriend. Inside the motel room, they tied Rene to a chair and repeatedly raped her. Beckley admitted to raping Rene while the two were alone, but stopped when she started crying. "It felt like she trusted me", he later testified. Beckley then told Rene not to talk to him or look at him when the others returned. At one point, officers did a check on Orlando Hall's sister and her husband, the owners of the car used by the group, after noticing it matched the description of the car seen by local residents before the abduction. Finding that the two had no criminal records, the police concluded they had the wrong place and left. Orlando took a flight back to Arkansas the following day. After he and Holloway arrived at the motel, the two brought Rene into the bathroom for about 15 to 20 minutes. After coming out, Orlando told Beckley that she knew too much to be kept alive. After deciding to kill Rene, Orlando and Webster went to a local park to dig a grave. Rene was brought there after dark, but returned to the motel after the men were unable to find the grave. The following morning, the group drove in two cars with Rene to a different motel. They had become nervous after a close call. Haywood King, a motel security guard who had grown up with Webster in Arkansas, became suspicious of Demetrius after seeing him repeatedly look outside the curtains. King approached the room and asked the men if anything was wrong. They assured him by mentioning Webster. King never saw Rene, who was still tied to a chair in a corner. While moving Rene to a different motel, the group had another close call. A patrolling officer saw the car carrying Rene, which was driven by Beckley, take an illegal turn. Sanders started flashing his lights and pulled in-between Beckley's car and the other car, which was driven by Orlando. Another police car soon joined in. Believing it was over, Beckley pulled over. However, Orlando distracted the officers by pulling beside one of them, spinning around, and driving off. This resulted in the car being impounded and Orlando being ticketed for driving without a license. However, he was not arrested. That night, Orlando, Webster, and Beckley brought Rene, whose face was covered with a mask, back to the park and located the grave. Beckley brought Rene to the grave, reassuring her when she asked if she would die, saying "No you're not going to die. Keep quiet You're going to be OK." Orlando then placed a sheet over Rene's head and hit her in the head with a shovel. Beckley tackled Rene after she panicked and tried to run away, getting her to stop screaming by telling her not to resist. Orlando hit Rene a second time with the shovel before handing it to Beckley. Beckley hit Rene twice in the head with the shovel before handing it to Orlando. Orlando and Webster then beat Rene unconscious with the shovel. Webster gagged Rene, dragged her into the grave, soaked her with gasoline, and shoveled dirt onto her. Rene, who was unconscious but still alive when she was buried, suffocated. Afterwards, the group went back to the motel to pick up Demetrius. Three days after Lisa Rene's death, a warrant was issued for the arrest of Orlando, Demetrius, and Beckley for her kidnapping. Demetrius, Beckley, and Webster were quickly arrested, while Orlando surrendered to authorities the following day. Orlando said he would talk after he was extradited back to Texas. On October 5, 1994, following his transfer to a jail in Arlington County, Orlando gave a written statement to the FBI and local police, in which he admitted to kidnapping and killing Rene. Trials and execution of Orlando Hall Because the group had taken Rene over state lines from Texas to Arkansas, the kidnapping became a federal case under the Federal Kidnapping Act. On November 4, 1994, in a superseding indictment, Orlando, Demetrius, Webster, Beckley, and Holloway were charged with kidnapping resulting in death, conspiracy to commit kidnapping, traveling in interstate commerce with intent to promote the possession of marijuana with intent to distribute, using a telephone to promote the unlawful activity of extortion, traveling in interstate commerce with intent to promote extortion, and using and carrying a firearm during a crime of violence. In February 1995, the government announced it would seek death sentences for Orlando and Webster. The two were the first people to face a possible death sentence under the Federal Death Penalty Act, which became law just 13 days before Rene's murder. In October 1995, Orlando Hall was convicted of kidnapping resulting in death, conspiracy to commit kidnapping, traveling in interstate commerce with intent to promote the possession of marijuana with intent to distribute, and using and carrying a firearm during a crime of violence. After a federal jury unanimously recommended a death sentence, Orlando was sentenced to death for kidnapping resulting in death. He received a life sentence plus five years on the other charges. In June 1996, Bruce Webster was convicted of kidnapping resulting in death, conspiracy to commit kidnapping, and using and carrying a firearm during a crime of violence. After a federal jury unanimously recommended a death sentence, Webster was sentenced to death for kidnapping resulting in death. He received a life sentence plus five years on the other charges. In exchange for lesser sentences, Demetrius, Beckley, and Holloway, pleaded guilty and testified against Orlando and Webster. Their plea agreements stipulated sentence reductions for providing "substantial assistance." During their sentencing hearing, U.S. District Judge Terry Means admonished each of them for failing to prevent Rene's death. Demetrius Hall pleaded guilty to conspiracy to commit kidnapping and received a 25-year sentence. He had faced up to 33 years in prison. During sentencing, Demetrius's mother asked Means for leniency, saying her other son, Orlando, was already on death row, and she did not want to lose another son. Demetrius was released from prison on August 2, 2016. Steven Beckley pleaded guilty to kidnapping resulting in death. Although the charge generally carries a mandatory life sentence, the judge had the option to impose a lesser sentence due to Beckley's substantial assistance specification. Beckley received a 30-year sentence. Means reserved his harshest words for him, saying he deserved to be executed and likely would have received a death sentence had he not cooperated and his case had gone to trial. "Mr. Beckley, I can't imagine any more heinous crime than the one you participated in," he said. On November 12, 2019, Beckley was registered as a sex offender. He will remain on the sex offender registry until November 12, 2041. He was released from prison on April 21, 2020. Marvin Holloway, who was present at times and financed the crimes, but did not directly participate in the abuse of Rene, pleaded guilty to being an accessory after the fact to kidnapping and interstate transportation in aid of a racketeering enterprise. He received a 15-year sentence. He had faced up to 20 years in prison. Means told Holloway that while he was the least culpable member of the group, he still could have saved Rene. "The hardest part for me to understand the part that our community cannot forgive not completely is the fact that you saw Lisa Rene in that motel room tied up", he said. "You saw Lisa Rene sitting there praying for her life. You did nothing. It's not inappropriate for you to pay a stiff price for so callous." Holloway later appealed his sentence on the grounds that the actions of his co-defendants should not have been attributed to him as well. The court ruled against him, saying he had witnessed Lisa Rene, in his words, "praying for her life" while bound in the motel. They also pointed to Holloway loaning Orlando his car, knowing he was planning to murder Rene. Consequently, the court concluded that Rene's murder should have been foreseeable to Holloway, and he was responsible for "all reasonably foreseeable acts and omissions of others in furtherance of the jointly undertaken criminal activity." Holloway was released from prison on May 2, 2008. In 2019, Bruce Webster's death sentence was overturned after he was found to be intellectually disabled. Orlando Hall was executed by lethal injection on November 19, 2020, at the United States Penitentiary in Terre Haute, Indiana, at the age of 49. In his final statement, Orlando, who converted to Islam while on death row, invited others to become Muslims and thanked his supporters. He then said "Take care of yourselves. Tell my kids I love them." Hall was pronounced dead at 11:47 P.M. EST. After Orlando was put to death, Lisa Rene's sister, Pearl Rene, released a statement: "Today marks the day of a very long and painful chapter in our lives. My family and I are very relieved this is over. We have been dealing with this for 26 years and now we’re having to relive the tragic nightmare that our beloved Lisa went through. Ending this painful process will be a major goal for our family. This is only the end of the legal aftermath. The execution of Orlando Hall will never stop the suffering we continue to endure. Please pray for our family as well as his." Neil Rene and Stanfield Vitalis Neil Rene and Stanfield Vitalis were initially quiet after their sister's disappearance, refusing to talk to the authorities for three days. Officials considered charging the two with hindering the investigation of their sister's death but decided not to. Vitalis was brought in to testify at Orlando Hall's trial. In his testimony, he admitted there was a chance she would still be alive had he immediately talked to the police. After Orlando Hall was sentenced to death, Vitalis said "I just want to say that justice has been served. But that can't bring my sister back." In 1995, Neil and Vitalis were indicted on drug possession charges. Both of them pleaded guilty. Neil was sentenced to five years in prison and Vitalis was sentenced to five years of probation. While out on supervised release, Neil Rene violated his probation and was sent back to prison in fall 2000. He was re-released the following year. In 2012, Neil was arrested on drug trafficking charges in the U.S. Virgin Islands. After hearing of his arrest, Richard Roper, the attorney who prosecuted the killers of Lisa Rene, said "You would have hoped he would have changed his ways, but that’s exactly why he got in trouble. He got into things that led to a series of events that led to the murder of his sister, Lisa, who was completely innocent. They sexually assaulted her until they were finished with her and then they killed her. You would have thought he would have learned his lesson from it but evidently he didn’t. I just feel sorry for Mrs. Rene having to go through this in light of already losing a daughter." In 2013, Neil pleaded guilty to one count of conspiracy to possess with intent to distribute a controlled substance and one count of conspiracy to launder monetary instruments. He was sentenced to 151 months in prison. Neil is serving his sentence at Dallas RRM and is scheduled for release on February 28, 2024. See also List of people executed in the United States in 2020 List of people executed by the United States federal government References 1978 births 1994 deaths 1994 in Arkansas 1994 in Texas 1994 murders in the United States Deaths by live burial People murdered in Arkansas Violence against women in the United States People executed for kidnapping American people convicted of kidnapping Kidnappings in the United States

69723394

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chan%20Kai-chen

Chan Kai-chen

Chan Kai-chen () is a Taiwanese politician. Chan earned a master of business administration at Wisconsin International University. He served on the Overseas Compatriot Affairs Commission, then subsequently won election to the Eighth Legislative Yuan]] via party list proportional representation as a Kuomintang candidate. As a legislator, Chan traveled to the Pratas Islands in May 2012 to draw attention to territorial disputes in the South China Sea. Near the end of that year, Chan commented on the use of Simplified Chinese characters in downloadable teaching materials on the Overseas Chinese Affairs Council website, describing their use as well-intended but inappropriate, and on Taiwanese contributions to the regional economy of Asia. In 2014, he joined a group of Kuomintang members in visiting Vietnam-based Taiwanese businesses after anti-China protests in the country. That same year, he supported a proposal to permit Taiwanese police officers the use of pepper spray. References Living people Year of birth missing (living people) Party List Members of the Legislative Yuan Members of the 8th Legislative Yuan Kuomintang Members of the Legislative Yuan in Taiwan

69724057

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chen%20Pi-han

Chen Pi-han

Chen Pi-han () is a Taiwanese politician. Education and teaching career Chen attended Wu-Ling Senior High School, then studied physical education at Chinese Culture University before completing a master's degree at the University of Tsukuba and a doctorate in education at the University of Southern California. She taught at the National Taiwan University of Physical Education and Sport and was dean of the National Taiwan College of Performing Arts. While at the NTCPA, she designed a program that became the Hakka Youth Cultural Troupe. Political career Chen was placed on the Kuomintang party list and elected to the Legislative Yuan via proportional representation. In March 2012, Chen opined that the government should help younger people by calibrating the compatibility of university courses with job market demands. In August of that year, she and fellow legislator Apollo Chen organized a public hearing to discuss the development of visual arts. In 2013, Chen asked the Ministry of Economic Affairs to present analysis on the effects that joining the Trans-Pacific Partnership would have on agriculture in Taiwan, and commented favorably on the professionalism of David Lin in the aftermath of the Guang Da Xing No. 28 incident. In 2014, Chen signed off on a proposal to allow Taiwanese police officers the use of pepper spray. In 2015, Chen commented on the introduction of new educational curriculum, and expressed support for Ma Ying-jeou to report to the Legislative Yuan and discuss his meeting with Xi Jinping, additionally suggesting that Democratic Progressive Party lawmakers not boycott the proceedings. References Year of birth missing (living people) Living people Taiwanese university and college faculty deans Taiwanese expatriates in the United States Taiwanese expatriates in Japan University of Southern California alumni University of Tsukuba alumni Chinese Culture University alumni Women deans (academic) 21st-century Taiwanese women politicians Members of the 8th Legislative Yuan Party List Members of the Legislative Yuan

69724120

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/O%27Halloran%20and%20Francis%20v.%20United%20Kingdom

O'Halloran and Francis v. United Kingdom

O'Halloran and Francis v. United Kingdom was a 2007 European Court of Human Rights case. The case revolved around a challenge to a requirement in the United Kingdom's Road Traffic Act 1988 that owners of a speeding vehicle provide police with the name of the driver. The plaintiffs, two British citizens, argued that the requirement was a violation of Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights, under which there exists an implied right to remain silent. In a departure from previous rulings on the issue, the court ruled in a 15–2 majority that the Road Traffic Act requirement was not unreasonable and that there was therefore no Human Rights violation. Background The cars of Gerard O'Halloran and Idris Francis were caught speeding in 2000 and 2001 respectively, with Francis' vehicle caught doing 47 mph in a 30 mph zone, and O'Halloran's doing 69 mph in a temporary 40 mph zone on the M11 motorway. Both violations were captured via speed cameras. Under section 172 of the Road Traffic Act 1988, the two were obliged to provide the names and addresses of the drivers when the police enquired of them via a notice of intended prosecution. Francis claimed he had the right to remain silent to avoid self-incrimination under European law and refused to provide the information. O'Halloran confirmed he was driving but later attempted to withdraw his confession at the Magistrates' court under Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights. Both were convicted and fined. The magistrate refused to allow O'Halloran's confession to be withdrawn and he was fined a total of £250 including costs with six penalty points put on his driving licence. He applied for a judicial review but this was denied. Francis was convicted and fined a total of £1,000 including costs with three penalty points added to his licence. Case Both car owners appealed to the European Court of Human Rights asserting they had an absolute right to silence under European law. The British government opposed, on grounds previously outlined by the country's Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, that any implied right to silence in Article 6 must be balanced against the need to discourage dangerous driving. The court ruled in favour of the government, reasoning that vehicle owners and drivers had implicitly agreed to comply with legal regulations relating to motoring. They did rule that was compatible as the Road Traffic Act did allow for the defence that the accused would be able to show they did not know who was driving providing they had carried out due diligence in attempting to identify them. In terms of the individual cases, the court ruled that O'Halloran's statement being admitted was lawful as prosecutors still had to prove beyond reasonable doubt that the offence was committed and the defendant was still entitled to call witnesses and supply their own evidence to counter it. In Francis' case, the court ruled that his refusal to make a statement constituted the offence itself, so the question of his refusing to make the statement could not be used as evidence in the case. In summing up, the court dismissed the appeal on the grounds that drivers agreed to comply with regulations when they drove and that the information the police sought was minimal, thus there was no right to remain silent. 14 judges agreed with this with Judge Borrego Borrego concurring but arguing the case judgment should have been shorter. Judges Pavlovschi and Myjer filed separate dissents. Pavlovschi argued that there was a breach of Article 6 and the appeal should have been upheld, arguing people would be forced to walk or use bikes in order to avoid risking a breach of their rights under the law. Myjer concurred with the dissent and elaborated upon them arguing that the state did not have a right to compel people to provide information in exchange for the right of driving a vehicle. References European Court of Human Rights cases involving the United Kingdom 2007 in European Union case law 2007 in British law Driving in the United Kingdom Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights

69724377

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The%20Crimson%20Rivers%20%28TV%20series%29

The Crimson Rivers (TV series)

The Crimson Rivers is a French-Belgian-German crime thriller television series created by Jean-Christophe Grangé and first broadcast in Romandy since 6 September 2018 on RTS 1. In Belgium and France, it has been broadcast since 26 November 2018 on France 2, in Germany since 5 November 2018 on ZDF. Synopsis Following the events in Guernon, Commissioner Pierre Niemans (Olivier Marchal) is transferred to head the Central Office Against Crimes of Blood (OCCS). He teams up with a former and best student Camille Delaunay (Erika Sainte). The commissioner considers her as his daughter. Together they will solve the most difficult investigations. Cast Main Olivier Marchal: Commissioner Pierre Niemans (seasons 1–3), a legend of the French police, despite certain tensions with his hierarchy and his sometimes dubious respect for protocol. Without a wife or a child, Niemans gives body and soul to his investigations and never gives up, always pushing his own limits. But beneath his rigid cop looks hides a generous, deeply good man who has spent his life tracking down the evil side of man. Erika Sainte: Lieutenant Camille Delaunay (seasons 1–3), is Niemans' female counterpart, who is a lieutenant and his best student at the police academy and treats her as the daughter he never had, and she crosses paths with him during investigations that seals into an elite tandem. Beneath her energetic traits, she is meticulous and fierce. Her love and admiration for Niemans make her a staunch ally, who doesn't hesitate to risk her life for the one who taught her everything. Recurring and guest Season 1 Season 2 Season 3 Production Development In December 2015, it was announced the adaptation of the novel Blood Red Rivers by Jean-Christophe Grangé as a television series screened by EuropaCorp with the German production company Maze Pictures as its co-producer. Casting In July 2017, Olivier Marchal was chosen to play the character of commissioner Pierre Niemans. Grangé originally wanted Jean Reno in the series, but "everyone considered that he was too old for the role" as he explained in an interview, in November 2018. The actress Erika Sainte is chosen by the author for the role of Lieutenant Camille Delaunay, after spotting her in the series Baron Noir. Filming locations Season 1 Filming began in November 2017 in Namur Province, Walloon Brabant and in Brussels, Belgium. The religious site visible in many scenes is the former Abbey of Marche-les-Dames. "The Day of the Ashes" were partially filmed in the city of Tournai (in particular on the forecourt of the cathedral) and in Hainaut. The Liège-Guillemins railway station appears at the start of the episode. The chapel is located in Marcourt, in the province of Luxembourg, where it is the hermitage of Saint-Thibaut. "The Children's Crusade" was shot partly in the Charleroi region. The Collège du Christ-Roi in Ottignies serves as the backdrop for the Saint Vincent Institute. The Province of Namur serves as the backdrop for "The Last Hunt": the Château Bayard (in Éghezée) as well as a modernist villa from 1927, in a wooded park in Blaimont (in Hastière), located a few kilometres from the French border and Dinant. In "Songs of Darkness", some scenes were shot at the hotel "Les trois 3 clés" in Gembloux. The CBR building in Watermael-Boitsfort, a building by Belgian architect Constantin Brodzki, inaugurated in the early 1970s, was selected for the scenes of the police station. Season 2 The shooting of "Holy Theft" took place in Haute-Savoie, partly at the Château of Avenières in Cruseilles, as well as in Sainte-Croix-en-Jarez and in the woods of Vézelin-sur-Loire, in Loire. Season 3 The shooting of "Lune noire" took place in Picardy, partly in Ault-Onival, its cliffs, the esplanade under the storm, and the former Derloche-Cantevelle locksmith factory which transformed into a gendarmerie, and mainly in Hesdin – Pas-de-Calais in the villa Debruyne, also called “Château Dalle”, bequeathed in 2016 with its park to the town of Hesdin. For "XXY", the shooting took place in Vresse-sur-Semois, Belgium, in August 2020. Episodes English episode titles of Seasons 1 and 2 come from the on-demand services All 4 and SBS On Demand. Season 1 Season 2 A second season was announced on 17 December 2018. It is broadcast over four evenings, in January 2020. Season 3 International broadcasts In the United Kingdom, it aired on More4 on 11 January 2019 as part of Walter Presents. The second season aired on 20 August 2021. In Australia, it was released on SBS' on-demand service SBS On Demand on the 26 December 2019; it aired on the main channel on 14 April 2021. Season 2 was released in March 2020 in the streaming service; and later aired on television on 6 December of the following year in SBS. Awards and nominations Awards Polar Festival of Cognac 2019: French-language Television Film Grand Prize for "Kenbaltyu" (Season 2, Episodes 11 and 12 by David Morley). 2020 UCMF Award for Best Fiction TV Music for composer David Reyes, for his work on Season 2. Nominations La Rochelle TV Fiction Festival 2018: Presentation of "The Day of the Ashes" Nominated at the MASA Awards 2019: Best Main Title Music for a Television Series (David Reyes). References and notes References Notes 1. Guernon is a fictional town in the Alps created for the novel Blood Red Rivers. It is also present in the film adaptation. See also Blood Red Rivers, 1998 novel by Jean-Christophe Grangé The Crimson Rivers, 2000 film directed by Mathieu Kassovitz and starring Jean Reno and Vincent Cassel Crimson Rivers II: Angels of the Apocalypse, 2004 sequel directed by Olivier Dahan and starring Reno and Benoît Magimel External links 2018 French television series debuts 2018 Belgian television series debuts 2018 German television series debuts French crime drama television series 2010s French television series 2020s French television series France Télévisions crime television series Television shows based on French novels

69725702

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Muhammad%20Talab%20Hilal

Muhammad Talab Hilal

Muhammad Talab Hilal was a Syrian military officer and politician. He was the Minister of Supply in the Ba'athist government of Yusuf Zuayyin and acting Minister of the Interior under Hafez al Assad. Before he was the governor of Hama and the chief of police in the Governorate of al-Hasakah. While he was the chief of police Hasakah, Hilal wrote a book on Syria's Jazira region which was influential for the Syrian government's "Arab Belt" in the Kurdish populated regions in Syria. He denied an eventual existence of a Kurdish language and ethnicity and supported the shutting down of Kurdish schools also when they taught in the Arabic language. He deemed the existence of the Kurds in the vicinity of the Arab nation a similar threat as the Jews in Israel. Hilal completed his study on the National, Political, and Social Study of the Province of Jazira in November 1963. In view of the Kurdish uprising in Iraq he warned of a similar situation in Syria and suggested the creation of an Arab populated area in the border region between Syria, Turkey and Iraq. Hilal produced a twelvefold strategy to achieve the Arabization of the al-Jazira Province. The steps were: (1) eviction and resettlement of Kurds (2) deprivation of all education for Kurds (3) removal of Kurds from employment (4) the reevaluation of the Syrian citizenships of Kurds also holding a Turkish citizenship (5) encouragement of intra-Kurdish factionalism in order to divide and rule (6) Arab settlements in former Kurdish lands (7) colonization "pure and nationalist Arabs" to be settled in Syrian Kurdistan so Kurds might be "watched until their dispersion" (8) military involvement by divisions stationed in the zone of the cordon would guaranty that the dispersion of the Kurds and the settlement of Arabs would take place according to plans drawn up by the government (9) collective farms are to be established by Arab settlers equipped with "armament and training" (10) prohibition of "anybody ignorant of the Arabic language exercising the right to vote or stand for office" (11) Kurdish religious dignitaries were to be expelled to the south and replaced with Arabs (12) "a vast anti-Kurdish campaign amongst the Arabs" to be undertaken by the state References Notes Syrian politicians Syrian military personnel Kurds in Syria Syrian Arab nationalists

69726326

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nicholas%20Donnelly%20%28actor%29

Nicholas Donnelly (actor)

Nicholas Donnelly (1938 – 9 January 2022) was a British actor who was best known for appearing in the television drama series Grange Hill as Mr. Craig MacKenzie from 1985 to 1993, and as Sergeant Johnny Wills in police series Dixon of Dock Green from 1960 to 1976. Life and career Donnelly was born in Kensington, London, in 1938. He met his future wife, Alrun, whilst undertaking National Service in Germany during the late 1950s. He was a supporter of the football team Queens Park Rangers. Donnelly had two sons and twin daughters, as well as five grandchildren. He died on 9 January 2022, at the age of 83. Filmography References External links Aveleyman: Nicholas Donnelly 1938 births 2022 deaths 20th-century English male actors English male television actors Male actors from London People from Kensington

69726578

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shadows%20of%20the%20Bat%20%28event%29

Shadows of the Bat (event)

"Shadows of the Bat" is a 12-issue weekly comic book event published in December 2021, mainly set in the Detective Comics series. Set after "Fear State", the storyline features the Bat-Family dealing with a new villain and Arkham Tower being created in Gotham City. Publication history After the announcement of James Tynion IV departure from Batman after Fear State, DC Comics announces the event, where Batman and his allies must deal with a new villain and how the Arkham Tower will cause a split between the Bat Family. It was also revealed that Batman will leave Gotham City temporarily in order to deal with a new villain called Abyss, leaving the Bat-Family in charge of Gotham City. Main plot Prelude Batman remembers the time when Thomas Wayne tried to save a mentally ill individual name Peter Faust after they tried to murder him and his wife when Bruce was young. In the present day, Lucius Fox meets with representatives of Mayor Nakano (Gotham City's new mayor) in discussion of creating Arkham Tower to rehabilitate criminals since Arkham Asylum is not seen as effective. Nightwing and Batman investigate with Nightwing wondering if Arkham Aslyum is even effective since that is where the Bat Family just lock criminals without rehabilitating them. Nightwing and Batman apprehend Peter Faust, where Nightwing asks Batman why cant they send irredeemable people to better prisons in order to prevent them from hurting other people. While the police are escorting Peter Faust, their car explodes and Peter Faust is captured by a mysterious group of people. Nightwing and Batman manage to find Peter Faust after determining where he got inspiration for his costume and prevent him from committing suicide. Nightwing gets in a confrontation with police officers, and a therapist name Dr. Chase Meridian admires Nightwing's courage for wanting to rehabilitate criminals and plans to support Nightwing. Main plot The main story is told in a nonlinear fashion. After Arkham Aslyum was blown up and Scarecrow nearly taking over Gotham City, Mayor Nakano decides to create Arkham Tower in order to treat prisoners instead of punish them. A man named Dr. Wear decides to show an example of Nero XIX (an enemy that nearly killed Nakano back in "Fear State") as completely rehabilitated. Dr. Wear wants Dr. Chase Meridian to work with him in rehabilitating criminals. Kate Kane goes undercover at the Tower, being hired in under the alias of Dr. Lisa Frow, a psychiatrist, in order to investigate Dr. Wear, the facility itself, and the "miraculous" methods keeping the patients under control. Helena Bertinelli, due to her continued ability to see violent acts through a victim's eyes as a result of her parasitic infection during "Fear State," voluntarily checks in to Arkham Tower as a patient to receive treatment. 21 days after the Tower opens, Batwoman tells Barbara Gordon that there is a new drug on the streets and Arkham Tower was bombed. The criminals kill Dr. Wear, and Cassandra Cain, Nightwing, and Batwoman go to Arkham Tower to investigate when they hear Helena is missing. In a flashback, Dr. Wear wants to help cure prisoners because Ana Vulson, his mother, attacked him, and Mr. Freeze is rehabilitated. Before the Arkham Tower was bombed, Batwoman investigates the Arkham Tower and sees a previous criminal and Ana Vulson in the tower. Cassandra Cain follows a girl who met with Dr. Wear and Batwoman meets Huntress who's memory is gone and is "rehabilitated". Batwoman escapes when the police arrives, and Nightwing wonders how the Arkham Tower has "rehabilitated" criminals using drugs. Nightwing remembers how Huntress has been acting more violent and goes to Arkham Tower to get treatment. Nightwing goes to Arkham Tower to investiage and meets Mr. Freeze, and it's revealed that Psycho-Pirate is also one of the leaders of Arkham Tower. Psycho Pirate was trying to escape from people, and is responsible for the drugs that help make criminals rehabilitated and the recent drug deals that Barbara Gordon and Nightwing are trying to take down, and Penguin is one of the ringleaders. Psycho Pirate struggles to control the Arkham Tower residents (including Nightwing) and passes out briefly which causes pandemonium to occur in the tower. Dr. Wear finds Psycho Pirates and makes him take control of the Arkham Tower once more. Batwoman reveals that she put a listening device on Dr. Chase, but Dr. Chase (under the influence of Psycho Pirate) hangs up to prevent anyone from listening in. Cassandra Cain, Stephanie Brown, and Batwoman take down a drug deal that was heading for the Arkham Tower. Dr. Wear meets up with Penguin to talk about the Bat Family interfering with the Drug Deals, and tells a group of criminals to kill a woman who was a witness to the illegal operations. Cassandra Cain prevents that from happening, and Nightwing goes to investigate when he encounters Psycho Pirate. Nightwing breaks Psycho Pirate's mind control, which breaks Psycho Pirate's other holds on the inmates and criniminals which causes a criminal named Siphon to stab an innocent person and pull a gun on Dr. Wear. Critical reception According to Comic Book Roundup, Detective Comics Issue 1047 received an average score of 8.6 out of 10 based on 13 reviews. According to Comic Book Roundup, Detective Comics Issue 1048 received an average score of 8.3 out of 10 based on 11 reviews. According to Comic Book Roundup, Detective Comics Issue 1049 received an average score of 8.3 out of 10 based on 11 reviews. According to Comic Book Roundup, Detective Comics Issue 1050 received an average score of 8.6 out of 10 based on 14 reviews. According to Comic Book Roundup, Detective comics Issue 1051 received an average score of 7.8 out of 10 based on 13 reviews. According to Comic Book Roundup, Detective Comics Issue 1052 received an average score of 7.4 out of 10 based on 14 reviews. According to Comic Book Roundup, Detective Comics Issue 1053 received an average score of 7.7 out of 10 based on 13 reviews. According to Comic Book Roundup, Detective Comics Issue 1054 received an average score of 7.7 out of 10 based on 13 reviews. References

69728207

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ishihara%20Shik%C5%8D

Ishihara Shikō

was a Japanese historian, educator, and author active during the early 20th century. Biography Ishihara was born in the vicinity of Kumamoto city shortly after the Meiji Restoration. His father was , a former samurai retainer of the Kumamoto Domain and staff officer attached to the 2nd Regiment of the , an armed anti-foreign organization established by students of the kokugaku theologian Hayashi Ōen. In 1876, when Ishihara was three years old, his father participated in the Keishintō's assault on Kumamoto Castle. Although he survived the first engagement, Unshirō chose to commit seppuku alongside a friend after the uprising's defeat by forces under Kodama Gentarō. The young Ishihara was present when military police later arrived to search the family house, and he was thereafter raised by his mother and grandmother. Ishihara was distraught that the Keishintō would be forgotten while still branded insurgents, and devoted his life to gathering historical materials and testimony from surviving relatives of the men involved and investigating the truth of the uprising. Texts collected by Ishihara included the , a brief account of the rebellion's planning and execution by the captured participant . In 1935, the results of his studies were published in monograph form under the name . He was also a member of the , an association for the support of relatives of Keishintō members and general education about the rebellion. Near the end of his life, Ishihara exchanged letters with Tokutomi Sohō on several occasions. He died in 1936. Legacy Many of the documents collected by Ishihara were preserved at in Kumamoto. Ishihara's work was expounded upon by Hasuda Zenmei, one of the last kokugaku students and an early influence on the author Yukio Mishima. Later in the 20th century, material from the Sakurayama archive was examined by the author and historian . During the late 1960s, Araki collaborated with Yukio Mishima in the latter's preliminary research for the historical fiction novel Runaway Horses, which contains a depiction of the Shinpūren rebellion very closely modeled on Ishihara's text. References 1874 births 1936 deaths Japanese historians Japanese writers Japanese Shintoists Writers from Kumamoto Prefecture People from Kumamoto Prefecture

69729299

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Michael%20Torrence

Michael Torrence

Michael Rian Torrence (April 15, 1961 – September 6, 1996) was an American serial killer responsible for the homicides of three people in South Carolina from February to March 1987, two of which were committed with the help of his brother and his girlfriend. Sentenced to death for one murder and two life terms, Torrence successfully volunteered for his execution, dropping all appeals against the wishes of his public defender, and was executed in 1996. Murders and arrest In early 1987, 20-year-old Donna Michele Webb Torrence, a topless dancer who worked at a strip club called "The Carriage House" near Fort Jackson, complained to her husband, 28-year-old Thomas John Torrence, that two patrons had supposedly taunted her. In order to get back at them, Torrence recruited his younger brother, Michael, and the trio decided to rob them. They eventually tracked the two men, 31-year-old Charles Alan Bush and 41-year-old Dennis Lollis, both of whom were engineers at the M. Lowenstein Corporation textile mill in Olympia, to their shared room at the Red Carpet Inn in Cayce. On February 11, Donna, pretending to be a hitchhiker, was picked up by Bush, who drove her to her family house in Pine Ridge. She invited him to come inside, but before he could enter, the two brothers jumped out of the bushes and started beating him, with Michael delivering the finishing blow by choking him to death with a dog collar. The pair then stole the key to the motel room and drove to the Red Carpet Inn, where they snuck in and stabbed the sleeping Lollis to death. After stealing all of the money and valuables they could find, the brothers left. On the following day, Lollis' body was discovered, with an autopsy determining that he had been stabbed over 20 times. Soon after the murders, the Torrences left Pine Ridge and resettled in Charleston. On March 28, Michael picked up a 20-year-old prostitute, Cynthia M. Williams, but for reasons unknown, the pair got into an argument. Angered, he grabbed a shotgun and shot her in the chest, killing Williams on the spot. He then drove to the I-526 and dumped her body, where it was soon discovered by two motorists. As he was last seen in her company, Michael was considered the prime suspect by police, who kept him under surveillance until they gathered enough evidence to secure an arrest. On April 6, the two brothers were arrested at their Charleston home and brought in for interrogation. During questioning, they both admitted responsibility for the Bush-Lollis murders, later indicating where they had buried Bush's body. Trial, volunteering and execution After their arrest, the Torrences were held without bond and in separate jails: Donna and Thomas were in Lexington County, while Michael was held in Charleston County. Due to the severity of their crimes, prosecutors in both counties considered seeking the death penalty against all three defendants, especially concerning the Bush-Lollis murders. By the end of the trial, however, only Michael would be sentenced to death on one count for Lollis' murder, receiving life terms for the two other murders. His brother also received a life term, while Donna accepted a plea deal and was given a lesser sentence in exchange for testifying against them. The sentence was overturned by the South Carolina Supreme Court just a year later, and Torrence was ordered to undergo a new trial in 1994, where he was again found guilty and resentenced to death by jury verdict. Soon after, Torrence started petitioning the courts to allow him to drop all of his pending appeals, as he claimed that he preferred to be executed rather than spend the rest of his life in prison. Due to this, he frequently clashed with his court-appointed lawyer Joe Savitz, who barred him from doing interviews with the press. Savitz expressed his belief that his client was mentally unstable, as he had supposedly claimed to have killed a family in Guatemala in 1979 while working as a mercenary, which Torrence's father said could not be true, as Michael had been imprisoned in North Carolina at the time. In contrast, prosecutor Donald Myers supported Torrence's efforts, arguing that, in contrast to what his attorney claimed, his racial prejudices and other hateful beliefs did not make him irrational, and that he was well-aware of what he had done. Nevertheless, Torrence continued to push for his appeals to be dropped, stating in multiple interviews that while he acknowledged the gravity of his actions, he did not feel any remorse for the victims. He was eventually granted his request, and was scheduled for execution on September 6, 1996. After the announcement, Dennis Lollis' widow, Shelby, announced in a media interview that she would attend his execution, as she considered it a debt she owed to her late husband. On the aforementioned date, Torrence was executed via lethal injection at the Broad River Correctional Institution in Columbia, amidst fears Hurricane Fran might strike the state. Before his execution, Torrence's lawyer read a handwritten statement in which he claimed that he now "acknowledges and understands the effects" of his crimes, that he wished this would bring closure to the victims' families and that he had accepted God as his savior. His request for a last meal (steak, shrimp and lobster prepared by a local Japanese restaurant) was rejected, and the prison cafeteria instead gave him shrimp with cocktail sauce and strawberry shortcake. Torrence was executed on the same day as Douglas Franklin Wright, another serial killer who was executed in Oregon. See also Volunteer Capital punishment in South Carolina List of people executed in South Carolina List of people executed by lethal injection List of serial killers in the United States External links State v. Torrence (1991) References 1961 births 1996 deaths 20th-century American criminals American male criminals Male serial killers American serial killers American people convicted of murder People convicted of murder by South Carolina Executed American serial killers 20th-century executions by South Carolina People executed by South Carolina by lethal injection People executed for murder Prisoners sentenced to life imprisonment by South Carolina American prisoners sentenced to life imprisonment Executed people from South Carolina Criminals from South Carolina People from Lexington County, South Carolina

69729533

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mikhail%20Fonvizin

Mikhail Fonvizin

Mikhail Alexandrovich Fonvizin (Russian:Михаил Александрович Фонвизин; 31 August 1787, Bronnitsky Uyezd - 12 May 1854, Bronnitsky Uyezd) was a Russian Major-General, Saint-Simonist, Decembrist, and writer. Biography He was born near the small village of Maryno, to Podpolkovnik (Lieutenant-Colonel) Alexander Ivanovich Fonvizin (1749—1819) and his wife, Ekaterina (1750—1823). Denis Fonvizin, the noted playwright and author, was his uncle. After tutoring at home, he attended Saint Peter's School in Saint Petersburg, then lived at a boarding school in Moscow, while attending lectures at Moscow University. In 1801, he entered military service in the Preobrazhensky Life Guards Regiment. His military career was distinguished. He participated in the Finnish War and a series of battles during the French invasion of Russia, then was in France during the Hundred Days. He was briefly a wounded prisoner. Several units were under his command, and he received numerous awards, including the Order of Saint Vladimir and the Kulm Cross, from the Kingdom of Prussia. By 1814, he was a Polkovnik (Colonel). In 1816, he joined the first Decembrist organization; the Union of Salvation then, when it was dissolved, the Union of Prosperity. Shortly after, when he was appointed commander of a Jaeger regiment, one of his first acts was the abolition of corporal punishment. He retired and was discharged in 1822, with the rank of Major-General. That same year, he married , eighteen years his junior, the only surviving child of Captain Dmitry Apukhtin (1768-1838) and his wife Mariya née Fonvizina (1779-1842), one of Mikhail's cousins. He also retired from active work in secret organizations. When the Decembrist uprising was being planned, in 1825, he changed his mind and became involved in the process; preparing the program and charter for the Northern Society. In January 1826, he was arrested at his estate, a few miles north of Moscow, and taken to Saint Petersburg, where he was placed in the Peter and Paul Fortress. He was then sentenced to eight years of hard labor, and sent to Siberia in 1827. Natalya placed their two children in the care of relatives and followed him there. Initially, he was kept at the prison in Chita then, in 1830, was taken to do manual labor in Petrovsk-Zabaykalsky. There, he was allowed to participate in the activities of the "". Natalya had two more children during this time, but both died as toddlers. In 1834, he was transferred again; to Yeniseysk. In 1835, he received permission to live in Krasnoyarsk. Two years later, he and Natalya moved once more, to Tobolsk, where their children joined them. They both died, and Natalya began raising foster children. During the cholera epidemic there, in 1848, he and other former Decembrists tended to the sick; supplying them with food and medicine. He also assisted Ivan Yakushkin, one of the movement's founders, in his efforts to establish schools based on the Lancasterian System. In his later years, he turned to writing; producing tracts and essays such as Review of the Manifestations of Political Life in Russia, On Communism and Socialism, and On the Serfdom of Farmers in Russia. In April 1853, he was allowed to return to his homeland, where he lived on his brother's estate, under strict police supervision. He was prohibited from entering Moscow or Saint Petersburg. A year later, he died there, and was interred at the local cathedral. Natalya remarried in 1857, to another Decembrist, Ivan Pushchin. Sources Detailed biography by V. Zhitomirskaya and S. V. Mironenko @ Our Ancestry Detailed biography by Marina Achina, Historical Museum of Bronnitsky @ Проза A. F. Zamaleyev, М. А. Фонвизин, Мысль, 1976 (Online) Фонвизин М. А., Сочинения и письма (works and letters, 2 vols.). East Siberian Book Publishing House, Irkutsk, 1979—1982 External links Brief biography @ ХРОНОС Brief biography from the Great Soviet Encyclopedia and references @ Академик 1787 births 1854 deaths Russian military personnel of the Napoleonic Wars Decembrists Siberian internees Russian essayists Saint-Simonists People from Bronnitsky Uyezd

69729547

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Drishya%202

Drishya 2

Drishya 2 is a Kannada language action thriller film directed by P. Vasu and produced by Mukesh R Mehta, Seetharam GVS and CV Sarathi . The film stars Ravichandran, Navya Nair, Swaroopini, Prabhu and Asha Sharath. It is a remake of the 2021 Malayalam film Drishyam 2. It is sequel to Drishya. The film released to favourable reviews and did decently well at the box office. It was one of the successful movies of 2021. Unlike the original which released on OTT, this one saw a theatrical release and was regarded as one of the important movies which attracted the family audiences to the theatre. Plot On the night of 3 August 2013, a convict named Jose George is on the run from the authorities for murdering his brother-in-law. Hiding behind an unfinished police station, he sees Rajendra ponnappa emerging from it. Afterwards, he attempts to apologize to his wife, but end up being arrested by the police. Six years later, Rajendra ponnappa, Seetha, Sindhu and Shreya are leading a more prosperous life. Rajendra is now a successful businessman, and owner of a movie theatre who yearns to produce a film of his own, despite his family's strong reservations. He is in constant contact with Vinayachandran, a renowned screenwriter, to develop the screenplay for his story. However, Anju has recurring episodes of epilepsy and suffers PTSD – a direct consequence of her fears of being arrested, on account of her complicity in the murder of Tarun Chandrasekhar. Jealous of the family's rise in wealth, a number of villagers have resorted to spreading rumours about Sindhu having "venereal connections" with Tarun – much to Seetha's distress. Seetha's only source of solace is her friendly neighbor Saritha – a government clerk, who is often abused by her alcoholic husband, Sabu – a real estate broker. The Kannada Police has been humiliated in their inability to decipher the truth behind Tarun's case. Meanwhile, Rajendra has an encounter with Tarun's father Mr. Chandrasekhar, who vainly begs the former to disclose the location of his son's remains. Meanwhile, Shreya comes home for spring break and invites her friends for a house party, despite Seetha's objections. With Rajendra remaining aloof to her concerns, Seetha spends more time with Saritha, and on one occasion, inadvertently blurts on the truth about her family's complicity in Varun's death. Unbeknownst to her, Saritha and Sabu are actually married undercover cops, assigned by IG Thomas Bastin, who is a close friend and colleague of Geetha. Meanwhile, Jose is released from prison. After struggling to make amends with his now-estranged family, he seeks to find employment. While coming to know that Rajendra’s case is still ongoing, he recollects Rajendra's presence at the police station which was under construction. Realizing that Rajendra was indeed complicit in the murder, he tips Bastin – who later summons Geetha and Chandrasekhar from the U.S.A. After the trio bribes him with a sum of Rs. 500,000, Jose reveals Rajendra's presence at the then-unfinished police station on the night of August 3. Armed with Jose's revelations, the authorities raid the police station, eventually unearthing a human skeleton. Concurrently, Rajendra, having noticed the events through his CCTV cameras (which he had set up around the police station), seemingly gives up. Armed with the discovery of the human remains, Bastin, Geetha, and Prabhakar summons Georgekutty's family for an informal investigation. Rajendra, Seetha, Shreya and Sindhu manage to maintain their alibi. However, Geetha reveals a voice-recording of Rani's earlier confession to Saritha; the police had bugged the family residence earlier. Having exposed the family, Geetha turns to question Anju, resulting in the latter having another epileptic fit. Distraught, Georgekutty falsely confesses that he was the culprit in Varun's murder. With the police satisfied, the family is released and Georgekutty ends up being arrested, but Geetha isn't satisfied as she demands that Georgekutty's family be punished as well. Later, Georgekutty is placed on trial for Varun's murder. Concurrently, Vinayachandaran, having learned about Georgekutty's arrest, pays a visit to Bastin, Geetha and Prabhakar. He reveals that during his business collusions with Georgekutty, the latter had fabricated a script for a future crime-thriller, loosely based on Varun's murder. He further reveals that Georgekutty had published a novel, titled Drishyam, based on the film script (although it was published under Vinayachandran's name, for copyright protection). The quartet is then informed that Georgekutty had officially pleaded not guilty, with his legal defence submitting that he had been framed by the authorities, which had "misused" Drishyam's plot as a means to incriminate him. Realizing that Georgekutty's earlier confession matches with Drishyam's plot, Bastin deduces that Georgekutty had created the novel and the confession, as a part of a scheme to escape legal punishment. Even more surprising, the DNA tests conducted on the skeleton revealed that it doesn't match Varun's DNA. Stunned, Vinayachandran divulges that Georgekutty had fabricated an alternate climax for his film – in which the hero (Georgekutty), in his bid to evade legal punishment, would procure the remains of another person of same age and sex, who had died owing to similar injuries like that of the villain by befriending the gravedigger of the cemetery where that said body had been interred. The hero would keep the skeletal remains which he got from the cemetery with him for nearly three years, and befriend a security guard at the district medical college morgue under the pretext of offering him a chance in the film industry. On the night the remains excavated from the police station arrive at the morgue, after plying the security guard with drinks, the hero would switch the body in the morgue, just before the day the DNA analysis is to be performed. With no physical evidence to prove his culpability, Georgekutty is released on personal bail. Georgekutty's lawyer requests the Judge to kindly direct the state police not to proceed against Georgekutty and his family for the time being as they are approaching the High Court of Kerala to stop all the proceedings against them in connection with the "so-called" crime. The Judge calls IG Bastin to his chambers and tells him that both Georgekutty's and Prabhakr's families truly deserve justice but the legal system is unable to provide it to them. The Judge also orders Bastin to end all investigations of Varun’s case, as unsolved cases are not new to the system. Outside the courthouse, Vinayachandran discloses to Geetha and Prabhakar that Georgekutty's alternate climax had a tail end as well: the hero would transfer the villain's remains to his bereaved parents. Simultaneously, Georgekutty has Varun's cremated skeletal remains anonymously handed over to Geetha and Prabhakar. As Prabhakar immerses Varun's ashes into the river, Bastin convinces Geetha to let go of her enemity with Georgekutty, saying that they will never succeed in punishing Georgekutty since he is making good on his intent to protect his family. Bastin also states that Georgekutty's life is his punishment, as the latter must constantly endeavour in his efforts to protect his family from the ever-watchful eye of the authorities. Meanwhile, Georgekutty, who was watching the trio from afar, leaves solemnly. Cast Ravichandran as Rajendra Ponnappa Navya Nair as Seetha Aarohi Narayan as Sindhu Unnathi as Shreya Prabhu as Chandrashekhar Asha Sharath as Roopa Chandrashekhar Anant Nag Pramod Shetty Lasya Nagraj Sadhu Kokila Sonu Gowda Shivaram Sadhu Kokila Sampath Hebbale Krishna References External links Drishya 2 at IMDB Kannada remakes of Malayalam films

69731133

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lozman%20v.%20City%20of%20Riviera%20Beach

Lozman v. City of Riviera Beach

Fane Lozman and the city of Riviera Beach, Florida, have been parties to a number of lawsuits, two of which have been heard by the United States Supreme Court. In Lozman v. City of Riviera Beach (2013), 568 U.S. ___ (2013), the Supreme Court ruled that a "vessel" is something that a reasonable observer would consider designed for transportation on water, and that Lozman's floating home was thus not a vessel. In Lozman v. City of Riviera Beach (2018), 585 U.S. ___ (2018), the Supreme Court ruled that the existence of probable cause for a city police officer's arrest of Lozman did not bar him from bringing a retaliation claim under 42 U.S.C. § 1983.

69731425

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Johannes%20Wilhelm%20Colenbrander

Johannes Wilhelm Colenbrander

Johannes Wilhelm Colenbrander CB (1 November 1855-10 February 1918) was a Natal-born soldier and colonial official in Southern Africa. Colenbrander served with the Natal Mounted Police and joined the Stanger Mounted Rifles, seeing action in the 1879 Anglo-Zulu War. During the war Colenbrander negotiated the surrender of Zulu Inkosi Zibhebhu kaMaphitha and afterwards worked for him as a secretary and gunrunner. He fought for Zibhebhu during the Third Zulu Civil War but lost all his trade goods and cattle when the war was lost. Colenbrander worked as a trader in Swaziland for a period before moving to Mashonaland, where he worked closely with the British South Africa Company (BSAC). He won the trust of Ndebele King Lobengula but worked against him to set up the 1893-1894 First Matabele War, to the benefit of BSAC. After the war he was appointed head of a land commission that confined the Ndebele to a reserve of land much smaller than their pre-war territory. Colenbrander led a mercenary unit fighting for BSAC in the 1896 Second Matabele War. He raised another unit which saw action in the 1899-1902 Second Boer War. Colenbrander died in 1918 during filming of a movie about the Zulu War. Early life The National Archives of Rhodesia and a publication by the University of Natal give Colenbrander's birth date as 1 November 1855, though other sources give the year as 1856 or 1857. He was born in Pinetown in the British Colony of Natal, the fourth son of Dutch-born parents Theodorus Christiaan Colenbrander and Geraldine Nicolene van Groll. Colenbrander's parents had emigrated from Java in the Dutch East Indies to Natal in 1854. Their indigo plantation had failed and they founded the settlement of New Guelderland near Stanger. Colenbrander grew up in New Guelderland and in his youth became recognised as one of the best marksmen and horsemen in Southern Africa. Zululand Colenbrander joined the Natal Mounted Police, an all-white militarised colonial police force, in 1870. When the Stanger Mounted Rifles, a colonial volunteer military unit, was founded in 1875 he transferred to that unit. During the 1879 Anglo-Zulu War he saw action at the 22 January Battle of Inyezane and the 2 April Battle of Gingindlovu. At the latter battle he met John Robert Dunn, a British settler in Zululand who had been made a Zulu chief by King Cetshwayo. Colenbrander became Dunn's secretary in the later stages of the war and negotiated the surrender of Zulu Inkosi Zibhebhu kaMaphitha. Colenbrander won Zibhebhu's trust and stayed on with him in Zululand as a secretary, trader and gunrunner. In 1883 he married Mollie Mullins. During the Third Zulu Civil War Colenbrander fought for Zibhebhu at the head of a party of white mercenaries and contributed to the victory over the supporters of Cetshwayo at the 1883 Battle of Msebe. Colenbrander returned to Natal to recruit more men, but while he was absent, Zibhebhu was defeated in the 1884 Battle of Tshaneni (Mkuze), by the forces of Cetshwayo's son Dinuzulu. As a result of the defeat Colenbrander lost all his cattle and trade goods. Rhodesia Colenbrander worked for a period as a trader in Swaziland before moving to Mashonaland upon which the British South Africa Company (BSAC) had territorial ambitions (the BSAC territory later became known as Rhodesia). Mashonaland was ruled, along with Matabeleland by Lobengula of the Northern Ndebele people. Colenbrander worked with Lobengula as an interpreter and accompanied two of his inDuna to England in February 1889 for an audience with Queen Victoria. They left to return to Africa in early April. Colenbrander was appointed BSAC resident at Bulawayo, Matabeleland in 1889. Although he was an employee of the BSAC, Colenbrander won the trust of Lobengula, such that the King allowed him to represent the kingdom in negotiations with the company. Colenbrander's loyalty lay entirely with the company and he worked to assist Leander Starr Jameson in portraying the Ndebele as aggressors in reports to British officials, allowing the company to fight the First Matabele War. The company was victorious in the 1893-1894 war, bringing Matebeleland under BSAC control. The British authorities insisted on the establishment of a Matabeleland Land Commission to create native reserves for the Ndebele people. The BSAC wanted to force the Ndebele away from their traditional lifestyle and into wage slavery, as part of this effort they had imposed a hut tax, illegal under British colonial law. Colenbrander was appointed head of the commission and assigned the Ndebele a reserve of , significantly smaller than the of prime territory (with additional areas of wasteland) the Ndebele had previously occupied. Some of the land assigned by the commission was blighted by the Tsetse fly. He later served with the British South Africa Police, at one point having a horse shot from under him. The Ndebele rose against BSAC in the 1896 Second Matabele War, during which Colenbrander was granted the rank of Captain in the Bulawayo Field Force. He raised and led a Coloured mercenary unit, known as the Cape Boys, and, with Cecil Rhodes, helped negotiate the surrender of the Ndebele chiefs. After the war Colenbrander remained in the territory, working as a cattle dealer, labour recruiter, mining claims inspector and manager of Redrup's Kop Mine. Second Boer War During the Second Boer War (1899-1902) Colenbrander founded and led Kitchener's Fighting Scouts, a unit fighting for the British. He later commanded a British column, with the rank of lieutenant-colonel. Colenbrander received the first of numerous mentions in dispatches on 9 July 1901, being named by General Herbert Kitchener for bringing in Boer prisoners during a raid from Pietersburg in early May. He commanded troops that occupied the Boer settlement of Louis Trichardt on 9 May and on 19 November captured Warmbaths capturing 54 prisoners, 28 wagons and 35 horses, mainly from the commando of Christian Frederick Beyers. He remained at Warmbaths to keep the Boer military forces under observation. In December 1901, in conjunction with a column under Lieutenant-Colonel Dawkins he captured Boer Commandant Badenhorst and 22 burghers. Colenbrander, working independently, then took the towns of Jericho, capturing 60 prisoners, and Waterval, killing five Boers and taking 29 prisoners in a surprise dawn attack. After the latter he persuaded Chief Linchwe to stand down a war part of 2,000 warriors who were attempting to recapture livestock taken by Boer General Jan Kemp. Colenbrander was concerned that Linchwe's men posed a threat to Boer women and children. In February 1902 Colenbrander's column was ordered south, which allowed Beyers to raid Pietersburg. Afterwards Colenbrander was ordered to Rustenburg to search for Beyers. Beyers beseiged Fort Edward near Louis Trichardt and it was almost forced to surrender, its water supply being cut off. Colenbrander learnt of the attack and moved from Krugersdorp to launch a surprise dawn attack on the besiegers on 29 March, driving them off with three dead and four taken prisoner. Colenbrander afterwards followed Beyers to Pylkop. On 8 April he launched a successful attack on Beyers' position at Malipspoort. Although a planned encirclement failed to prevent the escape of the Boer force Colenbrander captured the town, much equipment and 119 prisoners, having inflicted nine dead. In pursuing Beyers to Oud Agatha part of Colenbrander's force was ambushed, losing six dead, 12 wounded and 30 captured. After this Beyers' force dispersed and Colenbrander returned to Pietersburg. In May 1902 Colenbrander carried out operations in the Malip Valley, killing one Boer, wounding 21 and capturing 101 before Beyers' arrival for peace negotiations ended operations. Colenbrander was appointed a Companion of the Order of the Bath on 26 June 1902 for his war service. Later life Colenbrander's first wife died and he married Yvonne Nunn in 1902. He later married Catherine Gloster. Colenbrander died on 10 February 1918 while crossing the Klip River at Henley on Klip, Transvaal. He was working on the making of a film, Symbol of Sacrifice about the Zulu War. The Klip stood in for the Tugela River but it was in flood when the scene was shot. The film's producer, I.W. Schlesinger had tried to dissuade Colenbrander from crossing but he insisted on continuing with the scene as written. Colenbrander's horse lost its footing and he was thrown into the water, he swam for the bank but was drowned, with two other actors. The sequence was caught on camera. The drownings, which happened on a Sunday, were mentioned in a South African House of Assembly debate as part of an argument against filming taking place on the Christian Sabbath. The loss of Colenbrander seems to have led to Chelmsford being relegated to the role of a minor character in the film. Some of his papers and correspondence are in the collection of the Bodleian Library and the National Archives of Zimbabwe. References 1855 births 1918 deaths People from Natal British military personnel of the Anglo-Zulu War British colonial officials Rhodesian people British South Africa Police officers People of the Second Matabele War British military personnel of the Second Boer War Companions of the Order of the Bath South African male actors People from Pinetown Accidental deaths in South Africa Deaths by drowning Filmed deaths

69731754

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lynching%20of%20Richard%20Dickerson

Lynching of Richard Dickerson

The Richard Dickerson lynching happened in Springfield, Ohio on 7 March 1904. Dickerson was an African American described as an "itinerant Kentuckian" who was being held for the fatal shooting of white Police Sergeant Charles B. Collis. The local authorities were unable to protect Dickerson from a large mob of angry white people who broke into the jail and seized and lynched him. The next night there were riots and attacks on black-owned businesses. Background Between 1902 and 1904 eleven African Americans were lynched in Springfield, Ohio. Most of those charged in the crimes received light sentences. Dickerson came to Springfield from Cynthiana, Kentucky. Some people who knew him spoke of his "bad reputation". On Sunday, 6 March 1904, he had some kind of altercation with a woman he called his wife, and he asked policeman Charles B. Collis to help him retrieve something from her. Next Dickerson was said to have shot his wife and then spun around and shot Patrolman Collis. When word spread there was talk of lynching Dickerson. The next day, Monday, 7 March 1904, Collis died from his wounds and the mob resolved to lynch Dickerson. Members of the Anti Mob and lynch -law association implored the Sheriff to ask for help, but the sheriff said he could protect the prisoner. Lynching At 9:00 pm on 7 March 1904, a mob came to the jail and demanded that Sheriff Routzahn turn over Dickerson. The Sheriff told the crowd to disperse and said he would defend Dickerson. He said he would "do his duty at whatever cost". A mob had been trying to knock down one of the jail's doors and they stopped after the Sheriff's statement. The Sheriff thought the trouble had passed, but an even larger mob returned and broke through the south door of the jail. The deputies and Sheriff Routzahn were overrun. Once inside the jail, the men used sledgehammers and began beating down the iron jail partitions. Finally, the Sheriff relented and turned Dickerson over to the mob. The attackers found Dickerson crouched in the corner of his cell. Two leaders of the mob were Albert Loback and George Hill. The mob took Dickerson out of the jail to a paved lot outside. They formed a square around him, and someone knocked Dickerson down. Nine shots were fired into him while he lay on the ground. Then the men carried him to Fountain Avenue and tied a rope around his neck. Two men climbed a telegraph pole to position the rope. They hung him from the telegraph pole and then the mob spent another hour shooting at his dead body. It was said that they passed guns around to members of the mob so that they could take shots at Dickerson's body. There were reportedly 26 revolvers in the mob. When Dickerson's limbs were hit by bullets they would move, delighting the crowd. His body was hung from a telephone pole and shot multiple times. Governor Myron T. Herrick dispatched ten companies of soldiers to restore order to the town. Riots On 8 March 1904, a day after the lynching, a mob of more than 1000 gathered at the rail yards. An attack on the "Levee" was planned. The Levee was an African American section of town filled with saloons. The mob gathered up flammable items and separated into three groups. Each group was responsible for burning down a different saloon. Before the night was over seven buildings were destroyed. The fire department showed up and stood by watching the buildings burn. During the rioting no effort was made by Company A Ninth Battalion because it was composed of many African Americans. City officials asked the governor for five more companies of soldiers to help restore order. The Governor complied bringing the total to 15 companies of soldiers. On 9 March the African Americans were ordered to stay inside. In one reported incident five shots were fired at one black man in town. Colonel Mead was in charge of the troops, and he restored order. Aftermath The coroner gave his ruling after an autopsy. He stated, "I am unable to determine the direct cause of death..." Albert Loback and George Hill were later arrested for leading the mob. They were each charged with malicious destruction of property. By 16 March Anna Corbin (the woman who was shot by Dickerson) filed a $5000 lawsuit against the city for Dickerson's lynching. See also List of lynching victims in the United States References Dickerson, Richard 1904 in Ohio 1904 murders in the United States African-American history of Ohio Dickerson, Richard March 1904 events

69731794

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saxon%20Police%20Force

Saxon Police Force

Saxony State Police (German: Polizei Sachsen) is a state law-enforcement agency in Saxony, Germany. It is subordinate to the Saxony State ministry for the Interrior. The Chief of State Police (Landespolizeipräsident) is Horst Kretzschmar and the political head is the Minister for the Interior in Saxony Roland Wöller (CDU). Organization The head office of the Saxony State Police is the Chief of State Police, Horst Kretschmar, in Dresden. There is also the state crime investigation office (Landeskriminalamt Sachsen). The University of Applied Science of Policing (Hochschule der Sächsischen Polizei) is the central institution for the education of police officers of State Police, located in Rothenburg and Bautzen. The office of the Anti-Riot Police Saxony (Bereitschaftspolizei Sachsen) is located in Leipzig. The President of Saxony Anti-Riot Police is Dirk Lichtenberger. Equipment Since 2018, the ordinance weapon of every officer is the Heckler & Koch VP9 semi-automatic pistol. The Riot Police Saxony has an air component with three EC135 police helicopters. History In 1936, all local police forces in the German Reich were reorganized by the Nazis and headed by Reichsführer SS and Chief of Police Heinrich Himmler. All state police offices in Saxony became part of Geheimen Staatspolizei in Berlin. After WWII, Saxony was part of the Soviet Military Administration in Germany and all local police offices (Volkspolizeiämter) became part of what later became Volkspolizei of GDR. The Soviet officers preferred antifacists to become police officers. In 1990, the recent Saxony State Police was recruited from the former Volkspolizei officers. References State law enforcement agencies of Germany Organisations based in Dresden

69732475

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robert%20Biehler

Robert Biehler

Robert Leroy Biehler (August 5, 1934 – January 10, 1993) was an American serial killer who killed four people in various neighborhoods of Los Angeles, California from 1966 to 1973, either to cover up previous crimes or as part of contract murders. Unable to be sentenced to death due to Furman v. Georgia, Biehler was instead given four consecutive life terms, which he served until his death in 1993. Crimes Biehler's first recorded criminal offense dates back to February 25, 1956, when he and two accomplices, 22-year-old Louis Evangelisti and 18-year-old Kay G. Mills, broke into the home of Paul and Marguerite Troutner in Pasadena during a robbery. After threatening to kill his wife if Troutner did not reveal where he hid his money, the trio tied them up with electric cords and gagged them adhesive tape, before stealing money and valuables amounting to $1,500. Reportedly, one of the trio later bought a motorcycle with the loot, which led to the arrest of all three by the local authorities. For this crime, Biehler and the two men were each convicted and given a short prison term. After his release in the late 1950s, Biehler went on to commit a variety of crimes, most notable of which was participating in an organized burglary ring that stole $10,000 from a bank in 1960. He was later caught and ordered to serve another sentence at the California Institution for Men, from where he was eventually paroled in August 1966. A few months later, on December 22, Biehler went to the North Hollywood home of a former associate, 38-year-old Julia Cook, who had an extensive criminal record for drug possession. Fearing that she might tell the police he was part of a prostitution ring, he held her and her 15-year-old Kenneth at gunpoint, before forcing them to kneel and shooting each twice in the head. Police later detained him and an acquaintance, Morton Molin, for parole violations and attempted to charge the pair with the murders - however, the police department were forced to drop them due to lack of evidence. As a result, Biehler was instead jailed for parole violation while Molin was later tried for unrelated offences, and despite the officers best efforts, they were unable to charge him with the killings at the time. After being paroled from prison in the early 1970s, Biehler again resumed with his criminal conduct, mainly centered around burglaries and pimping. On October 14, 1973, he confronted a retired a paratrooper from Sunland, 28-year-old Michael Rodney Coveny, after the pair had a scuffle at a lounge in Shadow Hills for the latter missing the deadline for a $800 debt concerning cocaine. After driving him out to supposedly meet another supplier, Biehler threatened Coveny at gunpoint with a shotgun. Despite Coveny's pleas for mercy, he was shot and killed on the spot, and after his death, Biehler drove to the Angeles National Forest, where he buried his body in a shallow grave. Approximately a year later, he was paid an undetermined sum of money by 34-year-old Maida Sue Ellington to kill her roommate, 33-year-old roller derby skater Carole E. Phillips, who had threatened to expose her criminal activities. Sometime during that month, Biehler, disguised as a plumber, went to the pair's shared apartment in Lake View Terrace, where he shot her four times in the head. Miraculously, Phillips survived, forcing Ellington to pay Biehler even more for a second attempt. He accepted, and Christmas Eve, shortly after leaving a bar in North Hollywood, Biehler confronted Phillips, pressed the gun up to her face and fired two shots into her eye and then her ear. To make sure that she was dead, he fired two additional shots into the body before leaving the crime scene. Arrest and trial Several months after Phillips' murder, Ellington was arrested under charges of conspiracy to murder. At her trial, Ellington initially claimed that she was innocent and that an unknown had shot and killed her friend, but evidence suggested that she was indeed the one who had paid for the hit. She was subsequently sentenced to life imprisonment and remanded to the California Institution for Women, where she visited by Biehler on December 12. In the midst of the visitation, Biehler was arrested by officers of the LAPD and charged with fourfold murder, after they had found Coveny's body a few days prior. The trial was marred with difficulties from the very beginning, as the prosecution asked for an extension regarding how long the convict could be detained, citing threats of harming the witnesses. The motion was granted over the protests of Biehler's attorney, Gerald Cohen, who claimed that this act would prejudice the perspective jury. From the beginning the prosecution announced that they would seek the death penalty under special circumstances, citing charges such as contract killing, kidnapping resulting in murder and a killing with prior murders. After accepting a plea bargain in exchange for legal immunity, Biehler's ex-wife Janet testified that she had fabricated an alibi in the 1966 murders, claiming that he had been at home with her at the time. In her testimony, she confirmed suspicions that Biehler had indeed killed Cook because she supposedly threatened to rat him out to the police, and had later convinced her to lie for his benefit. Later on, one of Biehler's attorneys, Jeffrey Brodey, unsuccessfully attempted to petition for a mistrial to the one of the higher courts, citing the fact that a dozen jurors had been excused from jury duty due to their views on the death penalty, but his request was promptly shot down. Another attorney, Donald Wager, who later dropped out of the case, was later sentenced to 10 days in jail for contempt of court over his refusal to divulge the details of a conversation he had had with his client prior to his resignation. On his part, Biehler claimed that he was not responsible for the murders, even pinning the Coveny killing on his wife, claiming that she had accompanied the pair to the supposed meeting with the dealer and had accidentally shot their hostage after he had attempted to snatch the shotgun out of her hands. Imprisonment and death In spite of his various claims, neither judge nor jury were swayed by Biehler's explanations, and he was subsequently convicted on all counts. The ruling came after five days of deliberations. Due to the statute at the time, Justice Harry V. Peetris was forced to sentence Biehler to four consecutive life terms with chance of parole, as the law prohibited him applying either the death penalty or life without parole. He expressed his disappointment with the verdict in court statements, but reiterated that he had to abide by the law. In the aftermath of the verdict, Peetrus published a letter addressing the criticisms surrounding the verdict, and advocated that the citizens take action and demand judicial reform, as the sentencing laws were being reviewed at the time. The later rulings did not affect Biehler's sentence, which he served at San Quentin State Prison until his death from cancer in 1993. See also List of serial killers in the United States External links FamilySearch People v. Biehler (1961) References 1934 births 1993 deaths 20th-century American criminals American male criminals Male serial killers American serial killers Contract killers American murderers of children American people convicted of murder People convicted of murder by California American people convicted of attempted murder American people convicted of robbery American prisoners sentenced to life imprisonment Prisoners sentenced to life imprisonment by California Serial killers who died in prison custody Deaths from cancer in California Criminals from Kansas People from Rice County, Kansas

69733526

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marcos%20de%20Noronha%20e%20Brito%2C%208th%20Count%20of%20Arcos

Marcos de Noronha e Brito, 8th Count of Arcos

Dom Marcos de Noronha e Brito, 8th Count of Arcos, (7 July 1771 — 6 May 1828) was a Portuguese nobleman and colonial administrator, the last viceroy of Brazil. He ruled from 21 August (or 14 October) 1806 to 22 January 1808, when John VI of Portugal, then Prince Regent of Portugal, arrived in the city of Salvador, transferring the seat of the monarchy to Brazil. He had been sent to Brazil to occupy the position of governor and captain general of the provinces of Grão-Pará and Rio Negro. Called back to Rio de Janeiro, he replaced Fernando José de Portugal e Castro as viceroy of Brazil. In 1808, with the arrival of the Portuguese royal family in Brazil, he was transferred to Bahia as governor. There he established the first printing press and printed the newspaper Idade d'Ouro do Brazil (Golden Age of Brazil), created the public library, completed the São João Theater and the customs wharf, in addition to installing a postal line to Maranhão. During the Pernambuco revolt of 1817, he helped in the repression of rebels, some of whom were hanged. Appointed Minister of the Navy and Overseas, he moved again to Rio de Janeiro. With the return of John VI to Portugal, he remained in Brazil, in charge of the affairs of the Kingdom and Foreigners portfolio, he was Minister of Affairs of the Kingdom of Brazil. Soon after the Dia do Fico, emperor Pedro I fired him and sent him to Portugal, at the request of the troops, who could not stand the treatment he had given them. His rule was characterized by the severe persecution of smugglers and an effort to clean up the administration of justice. While alive, he was awarded the Grand Cross of the Order of St. Benedict of Aviz and of the Order of the Tower and Sword. He was commander of the Order of Our Lady of Conception of Vila Viçosa and commander of Santa Maria da Vila do Rei, in the Order of Christ. Biography He began his military career as a cadet in the Cais Cavalry Regiment in November 1796, becoming a captain the following year. Governor of Bahia He assumed the government of Bahia in 1810, after the death of the Count of Ponte in 1809, ruling the captaincy for eight years (1810-1818) and was described as an energetic man, influenced by new ideas. The Count of Arcos was responsible for achievements in education. During his government, schools were created. Education His period as governor was good for the education in Bahia. the Count of Arcos was responsible for creating schools and classes. In all, 25 chairs of literacy and 11 of Latin grammar were created. He also received authorization to open the Archepiscopal Seminary. One of his first achievements in education was the creation of the commerce class, in 1810, the same year he assumed the government. In the commerce class, bookkeepers were trained and chairs of public instruction were created. A year later, on 15 July 1811, the Praça do Comércio was founded, which concentrated commercial and mercantile buildings. The idea was suggested by judge Brito and other men. The Praça de Comércio was the beginning of the Commercial Association of Bahia, which still exists today. Another course created under his supervision was agriculture, due to the need of the captaincy. At the time, the captaincy of Bahia was the second most important in the country, thanks to its port, through which sugar and tobacco were exported. The course was created by an order of the Royal Court, through a royal charter dated 25 June 1812, so that the inhabitants could learn how to take care of the soil, as agriculture was a great source of the national income. The Court also established that the course should be similar to those given by the other captaincies. In the Agriculture course, the cultivation of plants used by amerindians, exotic or already known, was studied, such as hemp and linen. Mulberry trees and spices from Asia were also studied. Domingos Borges de Barros was the professor appointed for the course, as he had made many trips - including to the University of Coimbra, in Portugal - and gained knowledge in the area. He was also named director of the Botanical Gardens. Because of this, there was a great proximity between the agriculture classes and the Botanical Garden itself. A year after the royal charter for the creation of the course, on 28 July 1813, a declaration with the indigenous medicinal products studied in each captaincy was requested, which the governors should attest to the quality and quantity of the products to be used to treat sick people at the Royal Military Court Hospital. The costs of extracting the products and who was trafficking them should also be reported. The information was passed on to the court through the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and War. With the creation of the agriculture class, activities were developed in the area in addition to those requested by the Royal Court. An example was the work of Antônio Moniz de Souza, who was a recognized botanist at the time. In 1817, he traveled through the backlands of Bahia and brought exotic plants to the Count of Arcos. The plants were evaluated by the professor of theoretical chemistry Sebastião Navarro de Andrade, a course created in 1817 at the Colégio Médico-Cirúrgico. With proof that the discoveries were valuable, the Count of Arcos called Moniz de Souza, offering his protection so that the botanist could go to Europe to study natural history and bring his observations back with him. A drawing class was also created, which was administered by the governor himself. Music classes were created by the Count of Palma, the governor who succeeded the Count of Arcos, on 30 March 1818. At the time, although the captaincy was no longer under his jurisdiction, the Count attested to the need to create the class due to "the decay of teaching". Creation of the public library On 13 May 1811, Noronha e Brito founded the Public Library of Bahia. The initiative came from Pedro Gomes Ferrão Castelo Branco, Alexandre Gomes Ferrão and Francisco Agostinho Gomes, who were used to reading books from France on philosophy and politics in Masonic clubs. Enlightenment ideas were discussed. For the creation of the library, colonel Pedro Gomes Ferrão Castelo Branco presented an administrative plan for the institution. The plan was approved by the Count of Arcos and the library was established. It was the first public library created in Brazil, as those existing in convents until then were private and the Royal Library of Rio de Janeiro was created in Lisbon and had its headquarters transferred to Rio de Janeiro. When the library opened, there were donations of books, including from the governor himself. However, the copies of the Count of Arcos were only borrowed, as he withdrew his books when the library moved to the cathedral. In 1817, when the Count of Arcos was about to leave the government of Bahia, the library began to lose the attention and care it had at first. Press In addition to improvements in education, there was the development of the press. The Idade d'Ouro do Brazil was the first newspaper printed in Bahia, approved by the prince regent and the Count of Arcos. The first edition was printed on 14 May 1811. Upon seeing the first publication, the governor tried to establish rules for the press. In the ordinance of 5 May 1811, the Count of Arcos established that newspaper editors should tell political news in a simple way, announcing the facts without bringing reflections that could directly or indirectly influence public opinion. At the time, the press had a doctrinal character. The Count of Arcos attested that: São João theater The construction of the São João theater was initiated in 1806, during the government of the Count of Ponte (1805-1810), predecessor of the Count of Arcos. However, it was only completed during the government of the Count of Arcos. At the time, it was noticed that the theater's shareholders' contribution was not sufficient to pay for the expenses, and the collection of the lottery was instituted. The royal charter of 27 January 1809 established that all lottery income should be transformed into benefits for the theater itself for a period of six years. In January 1811, the Count of Arcos was responsible for receiving the lottery income. Lotteries started to be advertised in the newspaper Idade d'Ouro do Brazil. Slavery Noronha e Brito believed that slave masters were too strict and petty for punishing their slaves with unnecessary rigor, forcing them to work too much, feeding them poorly, and giving them minimal leisure. For him, slaves were "uneasy" due to mistreatment. Therefore, he encouraged the festivities held by slaves, unlike their masters. The Count of Arcos chose to deal with slaves through deterrence. In his view, when the slaves practiced their religions, they would come into conflict with each other, since the African ethnic plurality was enormous, which was also reflected in Brazil. He believed this to be a better option than inducing the practice of Christianity among them, as that could lead to unity and possibly rebellions. The Count of Arcos also believed that slavery was a necessary evil that could be alleviated by making it more bearable for the slaves. In some cases, the Count encouraged disagreements among African peoples. He supported the jejê-nagô brotherhood of Barroquinha and the brotherhood of the Martírios, causing discord with the Angolan brotherhood Nossa Senhora do Rosário dos Pretos, which was prominent among them. His goal was to exploit existing rivalries to prevent them all from uniting against the government. It was with his support that the brotherhood of Barroquinha managed to build a noble hall attached to its temple. The temple also gained more equipment and increased in size. The meetings, which were prohibited by the previous governor, the Count of Ponte, became legal by the Count of Arcos and, therefore, had a substantial improvement even in their structures. His policy in dealing with slavery displeased the local nobles. They wrote a letter to the king to demonstrate their displeasures. During his rule, there were at least three slave revolts in the captaincy. In the letter, they mentioned that the rebels had achieved the union of various ethnic groups, contrary to the Count's policy that the free practice of their customs would separate them. They commented that the uprisings were violent, noting that 150 houses were burned by the rebels and more than 50 people were killed. They also asserted that slaves could not be treated well, as "fear and punishment are the only means of doing them well". The Count of Arcos paid little attention to the nobles. For him, the masters' fear and discontent was based on the very remorse they felt for daily mistreating their slaves. With this, the nobles held a meeting with the aim of removing Marcos de Noronha from power. Despite the support of the Military Commander of Bahia, brigadier Felisberto Caldeira Brant, future Marquis of Barbacena, the nobles were not prepared to carry out a coup d'état. Brant proved to be a strong opponent of the Conde of Arcos on the slave issue, as he wrote to the court in Rio de Janeiro that the governor should change his guidelines and ban slave parties, which were known as batuques. He claimed that the Count of Arcos seemed unable to "write or say a syllable against blacks". His discontent reached the level of personally going to Rio de Janeiro, seat of the court, to protest in favor of the slave owners in Bahia. There he obtained an order from the government with basic measures for the treatment of slaves. When Brant returned to Bahia, the Count of Arcos imprisoned him for a few days because of his audacity. Afterwards, the two reconciled to fight the Pernambuco Revolt of 1817, which demanded the independence of Brazil. His approach was peaceful so that the slaves would not rebel, but when they did they were harshly repressed. In one of the revolts that took place in the captaincy, four slaves were sentenced to death, others sentenced to public floggings, and 23 men - probably freed slaves - were deported to Angola, to the Portuguese port of Benguela. More than 20 slaves died in prisons from mistreatment. Pernambuco Revolt of 1817 When Noronha learned of the revolt taking place in the captaincy of Pernambuco, he did not wait for the king's order to organize the repression. He sent troops to Pernambuco by land and sea. On 16 April 1817, it was possible to see a brig and two corvettes arriving to blockade Recife. By the end of the month, the brig and the corvettes joined a warship that came from Rio de Janeiro. As in the rebellion of the slaves, the Count of Arcos reacted to the revolt with violence. One of the rebel leaders, José Inácio Ribeiro de Abreu e Lima, which was known as father Roma, went to Bahia to persuade the captaincy to join the revolt. When he arrived in Bahia, he was immediately arrested and sentenced to death by firing squad on the orders of the governor. The judgment was quick, done verbally. The surprised even some government officials. The Minister of the Kingdom, Tomás António de Vila Nova Portugal, disapproved of the procedure and ordered the Count of Arcos to stop executing rebels "without the guarantees of the law". When it became clear that the rebels had lost and there was no chance of escape, father João Ribeiro Pessoa de Melo Montenegro, one of the rebel leaders, chose to commit suicide. His body was exhumed and displayed in a public square. Other leaders such as Domingos José Martins, José Luís de Mendonça and father Miguelinho were arrested in Bahia and sentenced to death by the governor. Ministry of navy and overseas Count of Arcos palace After losing the title of viceroy when the royal family came to Brazil, Marcos de Noronha e Brito did not lose his influence in the government. In addition to having received the Portuguese royal family in the country, he was appointed Minister of the Navy and Overseas in July 1817 by king John VI. He assumed the position in February 1818 and stayed in Rio de Janeiro. Due to his prestige, a residence was built for him - the Count of Arcos Palace. When he was removed from office in 1821, the property became vacant and in 1824 it was bought by the emperor Pedro I to become the seat of the Imperial Senate. The palace served as the seat of the Senate until 1925. Work in the practical-chemical laboratory During his years as Minister of the Navy and Overseas, the count became director of the Practical-Chemical Laboratory. However, when the activities already carried out at the Laboratory were presented, the Count of Arcos said that it was not a priority. He was introduced to the laboratory by Francisco Vieira Goulart as soon as he took office. The Laboratory was one of the first initiatives in the country to work with chemistry. There, chemical researches were carried out for commercial purposes. The first product evaluated by the laboratory was brazilwood. The preparation of opium and the purification of sugarcane spirit were also studied. Under the direction of the Count of Arcos, the laboratory faced the difficulty of looking for a new headquarter. Goulart later found a new building to be the headquarters of the laboratory, but when he received the request in December 1818, he stated that he had no money to invest and would not request it from the King. On 22 December 1819, the laboratory was dissolved. Imprisonment decree With the typical communication difficulties of the time, news of arrests spread slowly. Furthermore, there was little or no control over arbitrary imprisonments, and few police and judges to carry out trials. Noting this situation, the Count of Arcos issued a decree on 23 May 1821 that aimed to regulate the imprisonments and living conditions of prisoners. In his words, the justification for the decree was: The decree contained five articles. The first attested that people could only be arrested with a written court order, except in flagrante delicto. The second article attested to the conditions under which a judge could issue arrest warrants: guilt confirmed by three witnesses, two of them sworn; the fact being a crime exposed by law; description of the accused; a court decision determining the arrest and release. The third article provided a non-extendable period of 48 hours for the conviction or acquittal. The entire process should be public, with authorization for defendants and witnesses to be confronted if necessary. The decree made self-defense legal in crimes that did not carry the death penalty. Regarding living conditions in prisons, the Count prohibited in the decree: The last article threatened the fulfillment of all previous articles by governors. Anyone who disobeyed any article would lose public employment and be permanently banned from public service. References Bibliography 1771 births 1828 deaths Portuguese nobility

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Murder%20of%20Margery%20Wren

Murder of Margery Wren

Margery Wren (1850 – 25 September 1930) was a former maid and sweetshop owner who was murdered at her premises in Ramsgate in 1930. Life She was born in 1850 at 3, Charlotte Street, Broadstairs. Her parents were William Wren, a house painter, and his wife Elizabeth. She had at least one sibling, a sister named Mary Jane Wren, who was born in 1855. Margery worked as a servant in London and was living in Islington in 1871 and was living with her parents at 42 Spencer Street, Clerkenwell, working as a maidservant until at least 1891. A relative, Mrs Wroughton, died in the 1890s, leaving Margery and Mary Jane and her sweet shop at 2 Church Road, Ramsgate. The sisters moved there and ran the shop, living on the premises. Mary Jane died on 31 January 1927, leaving Margery ₤921 12s 7d and her share of the shop. Neither sister had married. Day of attack Albert Williams, a 69-year-old man from Dover, visited her about 1pm to complain to her about his nephew, who was leaving to find lodgings elsewhere. Children from the local school bought sweets from the shop at lunchtime and coal was delivered by Reuben Beer about half an hour afterwards. A woman with a red hat visited the shop shortly before the murder. She was attacked around 5:30pm. Shortly after 6pm Ellen Marvell arrived to buy blancmange powder for her mother and found the shop shut, knocked on the door. Margery came to the door, unkempt and bleeding badly from a head wound. Ellen asked her for some blancmange powder and Margery let her select it. Margery told her father what happened when she got home and he went to the shop. When he arrived at the shop, he found Margery had passed out, he then sent his daughters for a doctor and police. On regaining consciousness, Margery told Mr Marvell that she had fallen and hit her head, but Dr Richard Archibald, her doctor, saw she bore signs of multiple blows of a blunt instrument. She told him that she had been assaulted by a man with the tongs. The fire tongs bore bloodstains. The doctor was puzzled that she did not want the name of her assailant to be known. Hospital She was taken to Ramsgate hospital where she survived for another five days. She was confused and gave further accounts of what happened to her with inconsistent details such as the name and number of attackers. When the magistrate came to take her statement she said "I do not wish him to suffer. He must bear his sins. I do not wish to make a statement". The local vicar could not persuade her to name her attacker. The Chief Constable of Ramsgate contacted Scotland Yard, who sent Chief Inspector Walter Hambrook to take over the investigation. He arrived on 24 September, but Margery had slipped into a coma. Death She died of her wounds on 25 September. Investigation Hambrook inspected the shop, finding it had little stock, as well as being verminous and dirty. The victim had told some people she owned valuable property in London, but told others she was quite poor and was known to have meals at a soup kitchen. Two elderly cousins, Hannah Cook, 72, and Ann Wilson, 84, were beneficiaries of her will, though neither could have physically carried out the attack, especially Wilson, who was an invalid. Hannah's son Arthur Cook was investigated, but he was a police constanble with a perfect record and there was no evidence of blood on his clothes. John Lambert, a prisoner, confessed to the murder, but when Hambrook questioned him, he made many untrue statements and could not describe the landscape of Ramsgate. Albert Williams was one of those named by Margery in her inconsistent ramblings, but nothing emerged to link him to the murder. She had also named "Hamelyn of number 19", which matched the name of Arthur Hamelyn, a butcher's assistant of 19 Church Road. He had once nearly accidentally knocked her down with his motorbike, but he had an alibi for the murder. Hambrook thought she knew her attacker, but for some unknown reason kept it to herself. She also said "Hope did it! Hope was the one that did it!", leading police to investigate everyone with that surname in Ramsgate. A man of that name in Dene Road was found to be 84 and his sons were in Tunbridge Wells at the time of the murder. Of six people she named, three had solid alibis, Hambrook thought one of the other three was her killer. Possible suspect The police file on the murder indicates that their main suspect was one Charles Ernest Hope (1 October 1910 - January 1983) of 88 Church Road. The police file refers to him as "Ernest Charles Hope". He was a former private with the Royal Corps of Signals who was discharged for larceny. He spent time in Borstal. On 27 August he was arrested in London for stealing jewellery worth ₤10 from a luggage compartment of a train. On 18 and 19 September he stayed in the Salvation Army hostel in Euston Road, then took a train from London Victoria station to Ramsgate railway station the following day. He arrived at 4pm and by 4:20pm was at his parents house in Church Road. He claimed that bloodstains on his clothes and kit bag were from cutting himself during the train robbery, but this was contradicted by the police inspector who arrested him. He lied about his movements on 20 September, claiming he got off the train at Dumpton Park railway station. He was never named as a suspect or charged with the murder. He married Mary Rosamund, abandoned his life of petty crime and became a foreman carpenter. He moved to Langley. He died from a burst duodenal ulcer. Inquest The inquest was opened by Dr. F. W. Hardman on 26 September and went on to 24 October. Bernard Spilsbury and Dr. Gerard Roche Lynch testified that Margery had been held very firmly by the throat in an attempt at strangulation, then beaten repeatedly with the tongs. A policewoman testified at length about Margery's confused comments on her deathbed. The woman in a red hat was never identified, despite a police appeal. The inquest returned a verdict of murder against a person or persons unknown. Nobody was ever charged with her murder. Today The former shop has been converted into a private residence. See also List of unsolved murders in the United Kingdom References 1850 births 1930 deaths 1930 in England 1930s in Kent Female murder victims Murder in Kent Unsolved murders in England Violence against women in England

69738033

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jos%C3%A9%20Manuel%20Villarejo

José Manuel Villarejo

José Manuel Villarejo (El Carpio, Valladolid, August 3, 1951), is a Spanish businessman and a former officer in Spain's national police Corps. He was arrested in 2017 and could face a jail term of 109 years if convicted. He is accused of involvement in a network of corrupt politicians, businesspeople, police officers and media figures known as the “sewers of state”. His trial started in October, 2021. Biography He joined the Spanish National Police Corps in 1972, assigned to the provincial police station of San Sebastián until 1975, where he was part of the anti-terrorist group and took part in various actions against ETA. He was later assigned to the Citizen Security team of the Prefecture of Madrid, where he remained until 1983. On leave from 1983 to 1993, during these years he devoted himself to business. Villarejo managed up to 46 different companies with a share capital of more than 16 million euros. In 1993 he was reinstated as an operating agent, or undercover agent, in the Secretary of State for the Interior. During his periods of leave and after retiring from the Spanish police, Villarejo carried out several investigative work for companies, mainly a detective agency and a law firm. These jobs include research commissioned by public bodies, private entities and individuals. In the mid-1990s, he participated in the preparation of the Véritas report, commissioned by the Spanish Ministry of the Interior led by José Luis Corcuera (PSOE) and coordinated by Enrique de Federico, Commissioner of Judicial Police in which collected data on the private lives of judges such as Baltasar Garzón, politicians, journalists and businessmen such as Javier de la Rosa. Since 2014, Villarejo has been involved in several criminal cases against Félix Sánz Roldán for disclosure of secrets, membership in criminal organization and money laundering. Villarejo is also charged in a Madrid court with crimes of disclosure of secrets and membership in a criminal organization in the process of searching for a separate piece of the Pequeño Nicolás, for alleged illegal recording, manipulation and dissemination of a conversation between police officers and members of the Spanish intel, the National Intelligence Center. In February 2017, to avoid prosecution, Villarejo leaked information to the press about the Spanish King Juan Carlos and the National Intelligence Center. He also threatened to leak more information if he was not removed from the process. In early 2019, José Manuel Villarejo sent a letter to Pedro Sánchez, Spain's Prime Minister, accusing Sanz Roldan of threatening certain judges of the National Court with data of their privacy so that they stop investigating issues that affect the CNI. He also accused him of working against the interests of Spain by supporting Venezuelan interests or allowing the leaks about the Spanish royal family. Other accusations against Roldan made by Villarejo has been to protect emeritus king Juan Carlos I by threatening and bribing Corinna zu Sayn-Wittgenstein-Sayn, a lover of the monarch, who supposesly hides critical information for the former king of Spain. All this accusations has been denied by Sanz Roldán and the CNI. Regarding Catalonia independence movement, Villarejo testified before a notary that he was the author of several reports of Operation Catalonia, a maneuver by the Spanish Ministry of the Interior to curb independence in Catalonia. The recording of the wiretaps was leaked by Police Commissioner Marcelino Martín-Blas. On Jan 2022, Villarejo claimed at the Spanish High Court that the National Intelligence Service (CNI) was involved in the terrorist attacks in Barcelona and Cambrils in August 2017. “I continued to work with the CNI until the last day. I worked with them to try to fix the mess of the famous attack by the Imam of Ripoll, which in the end was a serious mistake by Sanz Roldán, who miscalculated the consequences of making a small scare action in Catalonia”. References Spanish businesspeople Spanish police officers 1951 births Living people

69738365

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List%20of%20Euphoria%20characters

List of Euphoria characters

Euphoria is an American teen drama television series created by Sam Levinson, which centres on a group of dysfunctional high school students at East Highland High School. The show premiered on June 16, 2019, on HBO. Cast timeline Key Main characters Ruby "Rue" Bennett played by Zendaya Janice LeAnn Brown (4 years old, "Pilot" and "And Salt the Earth Behind You") McKenna Rae Roberts (10 years old, "Pilot") Aliyah Conley (13 years old, "'03 Bonnie and Clyde") Alumière Glass (3 years old, "Stand Still Like the Hummingbird") Born September 14th, 2001, Rue is a recovering teenage drug addict who is fresh out of rehab and struggling to find her place in the world. She serves as the narrator for the series. She lives with her mom and sister. Her dad passed away from cancer before the start of the series. She was formerly best friends with Lexi, having known her since preschool. The plot of the first season mainly revolves around her relationship with Jules. Alexis "Lexi" Howard played by Maude Apatow Lexi was born August 31st, 2002. She is Rue's childhood best friend, and Cassie's younger sister. She begins to have a relationship with Fezco in Season 2 and finding out they have similar interests, such as the 1986 film Stand by Me. Lexi mentions that her mother (and Cassie's mother) is Jewish. (Season 2, Episode 1) Fezco played by Angus Cloud Mason Shea Joyce (10 years old, "Trying to Get to Heaven Before They Close the Door") Fez is a local drug dealer with a close relationship to Rue. He was raised by his grandmother who is now an invalid. He lives with Ashtray, whom he considers his business partner, and even though they do not appear to be related, he treats him like a brother. He begins to have a relationship with Lexi in Season 2. Cal Jacobs played by Eric Dane Elias Kacavas (18 years old, "Ruminations: Big and Little Bullys") Cal is Nate's strict, demanding father with a double life. He is married to Marsha, who was his high school girlfriend, and they have three children together. Madeleine "Maddy" Perez played by Alexa Demie Keilani Arellanes (11 years old, "Made You Look", "’03 Bonnie and Clyde", and "Out of Touch") Maddy was born January 31st, 2001. She is Nate's on-and-off girlfriend. She is best friends with Kat and Cassie, as well as BB. Nathaniel "Nate" Jacobs played by Jacob Elordi Gabriel Golub (11 years old, "Stuntin' Like My Daddy") Nate is a high school athlete whose anger issues mask his sexual insecurities. He has a relationship with Maddy during season 1, and during season 2 he starts a secret relationship with Cassie. Katherine "Kat" Hernandez played by Barbie Ferreira Johanna Colón (11 years old, "Made You Look") Kat was born August 15th, 2001. She is a girl fighting for body-positivity while exploring her sexuality. She is an plus-sized teenage girl with chin-length hair, ivory skin, and dark brown eyes. At the beginning of the first season, she wears cat eyeglasses and her everyday clothes often consist of average shirts, tops, and dresses, preferring minimalist makeup looks. Leslie Bennett played by Nika King Malia Barnhardt (14 years old, "A Thousand Little Trees of Blood") Leslie is Rue and Gia's mother. After losing her husband, Leslie takes care of her children on her own. Georgia "Gia" Bennett played by Storm Reid Hyla Rayne Fontenot (7 years old, "Pilot") Nyran Hepburn and Ashton Hunsberger (Baby Gia, "Stand Still Like the Hummingbird") Rue's younger sister. The summer before Rue's junior year, Gia found her overdosing and choking on a pool of vomit, which traumatized her. Jules Vaughn played by Hunter Schafer Clark Furlong (11 years old, "Shook Ones Pt. II") Jules was born February 28th, 2002. She is a transgender girl who enters a turbulent relationship with Rue, as well as others, after moving into town. Chris McKay played by Algee Smith Yohance & Zakai Biagas-Bey (11 years old, "The Next Episode") McKay is a young football player and Cassie's ex-boyfriend who is having difficulties adjusting to college. Cassandra "Cassie" Howard played by Sydney Sweeney Kyra Adler (11 years old, "The Trials and Tribulations of Trying to Pee While Depressed") Cassie is Lexi's older sister, McKay's ex-girlfriend, and Nate's current fling with an infamous sexual past that continues to haunt her. She is Maddy’s best friend and is close friends with Kat and BB. Her sister Lexi mentions that their mother is Jewish. (Season 2, Episode 1) Ali played by Colman Domingo ("Trouble Don't Last Always"; recurring season 1–2) Ali is a man in recovery from substance use disorder who often speaks at Rue's Narcotics Anonymous meetings and eventually becomes her sponsor. Ashtray played by Javon "Wanna" Walton (season 2; co-starring season 1) Daelo Jin Walton (6 years old, "Trying to Get to Heaven Before They Close the Door") Ashtray is Fez's "little brother" and a drug dealer. Ethan Daley played by Austin Abrams (season 2; recurring season 1) Ethan is Kat's love interest who becomes her boyfriend. Elliot played by Dominic Fike (season 2) Elliot is a new friend of Rue's, who comes between her and Jules. Supporting characters Recurring guest stars Suze Howard, played by Alanna Ubach, Lexi and Cassie's mother. Her daughter Lexi mentions that her mother Suze is Jewish, during the first episode of the second season. She and Gus, her ex-husband, separated the night before Cassie started ninth grade. Although Suze allowed Gus to see their daughters on weekends, he visited less and less over time and eventually stopped visiting altogether. Despite being almost constantly inebriated, she acts as a loving and supportive mother. Tyler Clarkson, played by Lukas Gage, a college student who is brutally attacked by Nate for having sex with Maddy at a party (season 1). David Vaughn, played by John Ales, Jules' father. Daniel, played by Keean Johnson and Isaac Arellanes (11 years old, "Made You Look"), a junior who dated Kat in sixth grade and later tries to hook up with Cassie (season 1). Marsha Jacobs, played by Paula Marshall and Rebecca Louise (17 years old, "Ruminations: Big and Little Bullys"), Nate and Aaron’s mother and Cal’s wife. Aaron Jacobs, played by Zak Steiner, Nate's older brother who is considered a "fuck-up" by his father and brother. Kat's mom, played by Mercedes Colon (season 1). Custer, played by Tyler Chase, assistant to Mouse, Fez's supplier (seasons 1-2). Robert Bennett, played by Bruce Wexler, Rue's father, seen in flashbacks, died from cancer when Rue was 13. Gus Howard, played by Nick Blood, Lexi and Cassie's father, seen in flashbacks, a painkiller addict who is estranged from the family. Laurie, played by Martha Kelly, former school teacher turned drug dealer. Unlike her employees, Laurie is calm and soft-spoken, however she claims to be ruthless when it comes to making her money back. She is addicted to OxyContin and it is implied that her addiction had forced her into prostitution in order to earn money for drugs to avoid withdrawal (season 2). Samantha, played by Minka Kelly, Maddy’s employer at her new babysitting job (season 2). Co-stars Troy and Roy McKay, played by Tyler Timmons and Tristan Timmons, McKay's younger twin brothers, got Gia involved with drugs (season 1). Barbara "BB" Brooks, played by Sophia Rose Wilson, a friend of Maddy, Kat, Cassie, and Lexi. She is known by fans as "vape girl" due to her excessive nicotine usage. She is prone to gossip and excites drama as shown when she persuades Maddy to beat up Cassie. Ted Perez, played by Ruben Dario, Maddy's alcoholic father (season 1). Mouse, played by Meeko, Fez's supplier (seasons 1–2). Miss Marsha, played by Marsha Gambles, server at the diner Frank's Fezco's grandmother, played by Brynda Mattox and Kathrine Narducci ("Trying to Get to Heaven Before They Close the Door"), who he looks after as she is bed-ridden. Faye, played by Chloe Cherry, Custer's girlfriend, who stays with Fezco and Ashtray after she’s wanted by the police for pushing her superintendent off the motel balcony. She is initially presented as a somewhat self-centred airhead who is rude towards Rue after she expresses discomfort over doing heroin, however later in the series she is shown to be kinder and forms a friendship with Fez. After learning her boyfriend is cooperating with the police against Fez, she is conflicted due to her split loyalties. Shortly before the police raid Fez's apartment, Faye signals to Fez to warn him that Custer may be recording the conversation (season 2). Bruce, played by Melvin “Bonez” Estes, Laurie’s right-hand man (season 2). Theo, played by Yukon Clement, Samantha’s child that Maddy babysits (season 2). Sebastian, played by Fernando Belo, Theo’s father and Samantha’s husband (season 2). Bobbi, played by Veronica Taylor, an acquaintance of Lexi's, who helps develop her play. In her first appearance, Bobbi assists Lexi in the casting of her play and later on in the season, during Lexi's play, she acts as Lexi's right-hand man. Following Cassie's interruption of the play, Bobbi comforts Lexi and convinces her to carry on by claiming that the play isn't boring and that in the history of East Highland High School, no other play has incurred a riot (season 2). Caleb, played by Ansel Pierce, a student at East Highland High School. He is first seen using the toilet while Cassie is hiding from Maddy in the bath and is later seen in the audience of Lexi's play (season 2). Leslie’s mother, played by Gwen Mukes, appears in flashbacks at Robert’s eulogy (season 2). Guest stars Principal Hayes, played by Jeremiah Birkett, principal of East Highland High School, appears in episodes "Stuntin' Like My Daddy" and "'03 Bonnie and Clyde". Trevor, played by Shiloh Fernandez, a store clerk at Femme to whom Kat develops an attraction, appears in "Made You Look" and "'03 Bonnie and Clyde". Amy Vaughn, played by Pell James, Jules' mother, appears in "Shook Ones Pt. II" and "Fuck Anyone Who's Not a Sea Blob". Luke Kasten, played by Will Peltz, a notoriously hung former East Highland student who hooks up with Kat, appears in "Shook Ones Pt. II". Sonia Perez, played by Elpidia Carrillo, Maddy's mother, appears in "'03 Bonnie and Clyde" and "And Salt the Earth Behind You". Officer Wilson, played by Larry Joe Campbell, appears in "'03 Bonnie and Clyde". Johnny_Unite_USA, played by Jeff Pope, a man with a small penis who pursues Kat as a financial dominatrix, appears in "Made You Look" and "'03 Bonnie and Clyde" Minako, played by Sean Martini, one of Cal's transgender hookups, appears in "'03 Bonnie and Clyde". Frederick McKay, played by Cranston Johnson, McKay's father, appears in "The Next Episode". Rick, played by Nat Faxon, Leslie's new boyfriend, appears in "The Trials and Tribulations of Trying to Pee While Depressed". TC, played by Bobbi Salvör Menuez, Jules' non-binary friend from the city, appears in "The Trials and Tribulations of Trying to Pee While Depressed". Anna, played by Quintessa Swindell, TC's pansexual friend who hooks up with Jules, appears in "The Trials and Tribulations of Trying to Pee While Depressed". Natalie, played by Allie Marie Evans, Nate's winter formal date, appears in "And Salt the Earth Behind You". Dr. Mardy Nichols, played by Lauren Weedman, Jules' therapist, appears in "Fuck Anyone Who's Not a Sea Blob". "Tyler", played by Jayden Marcos, Jules' fantasy, appears in "Fuck Anyone Who's Not a Sea Blob". Bowl-Cut, played by Andy Mackenzie, drug dealer who rips off Fez’s grandma, appears in "Trying to Get to Heaven Before They Close the Door". Bruce Jr., thug who works for Laurie, played by Richie Merritt, appears in "Trying to Get to Heaven Before They Close the Door" and "Stand Still Like the Hummingbird". Travis, played by Demetrius "Lil Meech" Flenory Jr, DJ and producer involved with Maddy, appears in "Trying to Get to Heaven Before They Close the Door". Derek, played by Henry Eikenberry, Cal’s best friend in high school, appears in "Ruminations: Big and Little Bullys" and "You Who Cannot See, Think of Those Who Can". Jade, played by Aja Bair, character in Lexi’s play based on Rue, appears in "The Theater and It’s Double" and "All My Life, My Heart Has Yearned for a Thing I Cannot Name". Hallie, played by Eden Rose, character in Lexi’s play based on Cassie, appears in "The Theater and It’s Double" and "All My Life, My Heart Has Yearned for a Thing I Cannot Name". Rose also appears as an influencer in "Out of Touch". Marta, played by Izabella Alvarez, character in Lexi’s play based on Maddy, appears in "The Theater and It’s Double" and "All My Life, My Heart Has Yearned for a Thing I Cannot Name". Luna, played by Isabella Amara, character in Lexi’s play based on Kat, appears in "The Theater and It’s Double" and "All My Life, My Heart Has Yearned for a Thing I Cannot Name". References Euphoria (TV series) Lists of American drama television series characters

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bureau%20Nationale%20Veiligheid

Bureau Nationale Veiligheid

The Bureau Nationale Veiligheid (BNV) was a Dutch security agency that was founded in 1945 and succeeded in 1946 by the Centrale Veiligheidsdienst, which in turn was transformed into the Binnenlandse Veiligheidsdienst (BVD) in 1949. Foundation The Bureau Nationale Veiligheid was established on May 29, 1945, by the Chief of Staff of the Military Authority, Major General H.J. Kruls. The objective was to guarantee the security of the state and to maintain contact with the Allies about this. When the Military Authority was dissolved on 4 March 1946, the BNV came under the responsibility of the Ministry of General Warfare. The BNV was initially intended to roll up the remnants of German security and intelligence services and their possible stay-behind networks. In addition, the agency helped with the purge of the police and administrative bodies and kept an eye on Indonesian activists, the BNV also investigated the activities of Reinder Zwolsman and other collaborators. The underlying intention was to prevent the freedom that the Netherlands had lost during the German occupation from being lost again. Many employees of the BNV came from the resistance, especially from the Albrecht Group,and for them this work was in a sense a continuation of what they had already done during the war. Corruption On behalf of Prime Minister Gerbrandy and Minister of War Jan de Quay, the BNV employed the members of former resistance groups in order to benefit from their information about war criminals and traitors. In November 1945, the BNV employed 1356 people, a far too large number to check whether they were reliable enough. This led to "wild west" situations in which former resistance fighters sometimes thought they could still afford things that they were used to during the war. In this way, the Political Crimes Service of Wim Sanders, which was involved in tracking down collaborators and war criminals, was also included in the BNV (as Bureau D). As a result, Sanders came to work under the leadership of Louis Einthoven, which led to a fierce power struggle. On behalf of the Ministry of Justice, which wanted to take over the security task, Sanders secretly made copies of hundreds of BNV files. For this, Einthoven had him arrested on 2 September 1946, but although he was soon released, Sanders could not return to the BNV as a result. Disoultion As a result of the Sanders affair and complaints about abuses within the BNV, Prime Minister Beel set up the Wijnvelt Committee, which issued a 191-page report on 12 May 1948. Among other things, it was concluded that Einthoven had made policy mistakes, but because the set-up of the BNV was not well thought out in advance, he could stay on as head, and then become the head of the CVD and the BVD. In January 1946, the government had already decided to dissolve the BNV on 31 December of that year, as there appeared to be no longer any question of German sabotage activities. Meanwhile, for future tasks in the field of internal security, the Centrale Veiligheidsdienst (CVD) was established in April 1946, which was renamed the Binnenlandse Veiligheidsdienst (BVD) in 1949. Literature Constant Hijzen, Terug naar de bron. Vrijheid, onvrijheid en de dienst in de jaren veertig en vijftig, Uitg. Algemene Inlichtingen- en Veiligheidsdienst, Zoetermeer 2021. References 1945 establishments in the Netherlands Government agencies established in 1945 1947 disestablishments in the Netherlands Dutch intelligence agencies Domestic intelligence agencies Organisations based in South Holland Zoetermeer

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eugen%20Nesper%20%28Agent%29

Eugen Nesper (Agent)

Eugen Nesper (born 2 August 1913) was a young mechanic who became interested in politics early on, joining the Young Communists when he was 16. His first experience of the inside of a jail came in 1932, even before the Hitler government had taken power, and was the result of political activism that included leafleting. After 1933 he was subject to security service surveillance, and in 1935 was invited for a meeting with the Stuttgart police chief, Friedrich Mußgay. He was given the option of working as an informant/agent for the Gestapo. There was an alternative available, which would involve concentration camp detention. Nesper agreed to the first option, but he did not lose instantly all his existing political beliefs. Some sources suggest that he hoped to be able to "help his friends" by having a closer and more open relationship with the Gestapo. He has come to be classified as a double agent. He is best remembered for his role in the betrayal in 1944 of the group around the resistance activist Friedrich Schlotterbeck and his family. Life Provenance and politicisation Born at Aufhausen (Aalen) in the hill country east of Stuttgart, one year before the outbreak of the First World War, Eugen Nesper was a member of the generation politicised and radicalised by the international economic crisis. In 1929, already a qualified metal worker, he joined the Young Communists, aged just 16. Two years later, in 1931, he joined the paramilitary Roter Frontkämpferbund, which had close links to the Communist Party and which had already, in May 1929, been outlawed by the Interior Minister, controversially invoking Article §235 of the constitution in the aftermath of the so-called Bloody May riots in Berlin. Membership of the Roter Frontkämpferbund seems to have brought him into contact with more uncompromisingly militant communists than he had encountered up to this time. When he was arrested in 1932, however, it was not for membership of an illegal paramilitary organisation, but in connection with a leafleting campaign involving "militant" printed material, calling on readers to join the fight against fascism ("... zum Kampf gegen den Faschismus"). A two-month prison sentence resulted. 1933-1934: The first of the Hitler years: arrest, release, surveillance In January or February 1933 he was again arrested and spent, this time, six months the jail at Rottenburg. The charge on which he was convicted was "Breach of the Peace" ("Landfriedensbruch"). His arrest followed a shooting incident as part of an attack on "Nazi" paramilitaries. The court was told he had beaten people up during the course of the altercation, thrown stones and called out incendiary phrases of encouragement such as "schlagt die Nazis tot" ("beat the Nazis to death"). From this final piece of evidence the court was invited to infer that he was no mere participant in the violence, but a communist ring leader. During the second half of 1934, following his release from jail, Nesper underwent a lengthy meeting with Officer Frank, a senior officer at the main police station in nearby Schwäbisch Gmünd. Frank also urged him to resist the blandishments of the reds, and suggested that he might do better to become a leader with the local Hitler Youth. At this point it is clear that Nesper had not thrown in his lot with National Socialism. During his meeting with Frank it became apparent that the local police had extensive files on most of his political activism before 1933. The only important detail of which they were evidently completely unaware was his involvement with the paramilitary Roter Frontkämpferbund. Nesper concluded that of all the political allies and comrades with whom he had been involved, only those in the RFB were to be trusted. He relocated to Stuttgart and took a job. 1935-1940: Stuttgart years: Gestapo agent or double agent? In Stuttgart he rented a room with the family of Gotthilf Schlotterbeck, whose links with the Communist Party went back many years. The author and resistance activist Friedrich Schlotterbeck was a son of Gotthilf Schlotterbeck. It has never become clear just why, how and when Nesper became a Gestapo informant. A similar absence of clarity surrounds various aspects of his biography. It seems likely that the development was an iterative one, occurring over many months. A number of Gestapo employees subsequently stated that Nesper was already supplying information before the end of 1934. Irrespective of any information he may have provided to members of the security services in 1934, he clearly appeared on the radar for the senior political police authorities in what was by that time his home city, Stuttgart. That summer a man called Berkhemer who was, or at least had been, a communist, and whom he already knew, approached Nesper, asking him to arrange for Berkhemer to meet the wife of Alfred Haag. The Haags were both known to have been communist politicians and activists before 1933 and it is probable that by the time Berkhemer made his request, Alfred Haag himself had already been arrested and was being held at the Oberer Kuhberg concentration camp. Nesper mentioned that matter to Gotthilf Schlotterbeck, in whose home he was still lodging. Schlotterbeck knew already from his own contacts that Berkhemer had become a police spy, and shared his knowledge with Nesper who was able to warn Lina Haag against Berkhemer appropriately. Berkhemer evidently worked out what had happened and informed his contacts in the police department of it. A few days later Eugen Nesper received an invitation to a meeting with Kriminalrat Friedrich Mußgay. Friedrich Mußgay had worked for the police service in Stuttgart since 1917 and then, having joined the party in May 1933 and switched to the political police department for the region that same year: by the end of 1935 he had become head of the "political police" and of police intelligence for the entire Württemberg region. It was at the meeting with Mußgay that Nesper found himself presented with two mutually exclusive options. He could co-operate with the security services or he could be sent to a concentration camp. Nesper chose the first option, while hoping that he would be able to continue to be helpful to comrades. Mußgay passed Nesper a list of names. These were Communist Party members and people of interest to the authorities. Helpfully, Nesper found that they were all people whom he already knew. He was to provide regular reports on each of these once every two or three months. After 1945 Nesper would recall that in each of his reports he had written the same formulaic couple of lines: the individual in question no longer wanted to know anything about politics and was no longer [politically] active. Two generations later, commentators highlight the extent to which Nesper's own recall of his years as a double agent was necessarily incomplete. He would later make out that between 1935 and 1945 he operated successfully as a double agent. From the Gestapo he received information about arrests and convictions that he was able to pass on to comrades. As a trusted Gestapo informant he was able to move around freely, making it far easier than it otherwise would have been to deliver illegal material effectively, sustain a network of connections, and distribute money provided by the Moscow backed "Rote Hilfe" welfare organisation to concentration camp inmates. In the case of illegal written material - anti-government political leaflets - he was able to pass some of it to Gestapo handlers, and distribute the rest to appreciative comrades. This is not entirely incompatible with other surviving reports and records, which indicate that during the later 1930s Nesper became a reliable and valued informant. He reported regularly to his Gestapo handler, Karl Maile, on his financial dealings with Communist comrades. The two became friends. From the other side of the political divide, the Communist Party functionary Paul Meuter would later recall the remarkable frequency with which Nesper visited Zürich "disguised as a skier" between 1936 and 1938. The fact that the political police in Württemberg were exceptionally well-informed on all the details of the reorganisation being attempted at that time by the communist "Rote Hilfe" welfare organisation almost certainly tracks back directly to information received from Nesper. 1940-1942: German army During the summer of 1940 Nesper was conscripted into the German army. He fought initially on the western front and then on the eastern front. During August 1942 he managed to make his way across the lines to the Soviet side. For the next five months he enjoyed the status of a Soviet prisoner of war, held in a camp at Sverdlovsk ("Свердловск" - as Yekaterinburg had been known before 1924, and would again become known after 1991). Nesper's explanations and shared insights evidently had been checked out satisfactorily against information from other sources: towards the end of 1942 he was transferred to Moscow, where questioning continued at the Lubyanka. Nesper's NKVD interrogators were particularly interested to know every detail of concerning his work as a "Gestapo spy". 1943: An offer from the NKVD After a little while Nesper was asked if he would be prepared to undertake a foreign mission. He agreed to the assignment, which involved returning to Stuttgart and transmitting reports to Moscow on the economic and social situation n Germany. His contacts in Moscow were also concerned to find out more about any resistance activities and the outcomes of any military sabotage missions undertaken by under cover comrades in Germany. It turned out that the mission was part of an Anglo-Soviet programme undertaken under the code name "Операции Айгер" / "Operation Eiger". According to at least one source, it was necessary to involve the British because at this time the Soviets had no suitable aircraft capable of flying from the Soviet Union to the Stuttgart region and back again without a refueling stop. Solo missions of this nature under Soviet auspices would have been unusual, and Nesper was to be the junior member of a two-man team. His comrade, Hermann Kramer, was also originally from Stuttgart. A committed communist, Kramer had been captured by the German authorities during or soon after 1933, but by 1936 he had escaped from the concentration camp to which he had been sent, and made his way to Spain where between 1936 and 1938 he fought in the Spanish Civil War. Before the outbreak of war Kramer had already settled at Chelyabinsk in the Soviet Union and started to build a new life for himself as an ordinary worker, employed at the city's tractor plant. 1943-1944: Parachute agent Between January and October 1943 comrades Kramer and Nesper underwent an extensive training programme in Moscow to prepare them for their new roles as "parachute agents". They were provided with false identities and complete sets of new identity papers, along with safe "starting point" addresses in Stuttgart. In October 1943 Kramer and Nesper embarked from Murmansk for the British Scapa Flow naval base on the British Orkney Islands, where they arrived on 11 November. From there they were transferred to London in England where the British Secret Intelligence Service completed their training. The Soviets did not trust their British allies either with the men's true identities nor with the code names they had been using in the Soviet Union. Instead, they were presented with the identities used for the false identity documents intended for subsequent use in Germany. Hermann Kramer was presented to the British as 35-year-old Ivan Johann Herbert and 30-year-old Eugen Hesper was presented as 45-year-old Georg Schmidt. They both arrived in London with cover stories based - selectively - on aspects of their actual biographies. In addition to completing their training, the British supplied Nesper and Kramer with further necessities, including 5,000 Marks and a lesser quantity each of US Dollars, British Pounds and Swiss francs. The money came with some food, German food coupons, army maps, Mauser pistols with ammunition, a couple of hand grenades and a suicide pill. During the very early morning of 8 January 1944 Nesper and Kramer made successful parachute jumps from a British war plane that had taken off from an airfield in Bedfordshire a few hours earlier, landing near Hechingen, in the hills some 40 miles south of Stuttgart. The flight crew waited till they were satisfied that all three parachutes had opened and then headed back to England. The third parachute carried the men's luggage, which consisted principally of a large radio receiver/transmitter. It landed on a hillside approximately 150 meters from where the men landed. As they went to collect it, it became obvious that their descent had been spotted by an air defence unit, and they found themselves under fire. In the gun fight that ensued a part of Kramer's nose was shot away: despite being gravely wounded he continued to fore his pistol towards the direction from which they were being shot, and he thereby permitted Nesper to escape before he was himself captured. Nesper made his way to Stuttgart, despite an extensive manhunt in the area. Kramer was probably executed later. 1944: Agent in Stuttgart The safe "starting point" address in Stuttgart which he had been given before leaving Moscow was actually the family home of Gotthilf Schlotterbeck, in which Nesper had been a lodger before the war. He arrived unencumbered by baggage, having been unable to bring his luggage (including the Soviet radio apparatus) when he escaped from the drop point to Stuttgart, but Schlotterbeck had his own underground network of contacts through which Nesper was nevertheless able to send to Moscow a report of the accident that had befallen Kramer and himself on landing. The security services had already received intelligence that Nesper was to be smuggled into the Stuttgart area as an Anglo-Soviet spy. Possibly as a result of something Kramer had said under interrogation and/or possibly from other sources, they had very quickly identified Nesper as the man who had got away from the drop point: they therefore took the precaution of placing his wife's home in the city under covert surveillance: Nesper seems not to have been aware of this. He stayed with the Schlotterbnecks for long enough to brief Gotthilf's sons, Hermann and Friedrich Schlotterbeck, in some detail about his time in Moscow and in London, and then made his way to his wife's apartment, where he remained undisturbed for several days. A few days later Nesper was arrested in the street, close to his wife's place of work. What happened over the next few hours, days and weeks is indicative as much of what remain unknown about Nesper as of what is on the record. Nesper would have been trained by the Soviets and the British to resist arrest under the circumstances. He still had his pistol, while the Gestapo officer arresting him was unarmed. One reason he did not attempt to get away was presumably that the officer who had been sent to find him was Karl Maile, the same Gestapo officer - albeit now with a more senior position - who in the 1930s had been Nesper's interlocutor-handler on behalf of the security services. Maile had been, and still remained, one of the most trusted senior officers working under Friedrich Mußgay, the regional head of criminal policing. The arrest by Maile of Eugen Nesper unleashed an immediate and bitter turf war between Friedrich Mußgay's political police service in Württemberg and Himmler's "Reichssicherheitshauptamt" which claimed for itself a national, and indeed international remit, when it came to fighting the enemies of the state. Two months later that had extended to a confrontation over the Nesper case between the Gestapo and "Wehrmachtsabwehrstelle V", a military defence department. As soon as Maile had arrested Nesper he took him to see Obersturmbannführer Friedrich Mußgay who greeted him like an old friend, assuring him that the Stuttgart police had everything in hand and that his friend - Hermann Kramer - was alive and being held in police custody. In the same spirit of friendship he continued to set out a new pair of options for Nesper. The choice, now, was between co-operation and death. Mußgay had a plan, based on the mission that the Soviets had assigned to Nesper. He was to make his regular reports to Moscow as previously envisaged, but his reports would be based not on what he was able to pick up, but on information - much of it false - provided by the Gestapo. The choice that Mußgay offered was a brutal one, but it was probably more attractive than the outlook faced by the other Soviet parachute agents who landed in Germany and were arrested. There were about fifty of them. Most were held in solitary confinement (and then killed) while the rest their movements rigorously monitored at every turn. Eugen Nesper, who evidently chose co-operation with Mußgay's plan rather than death, was released, and sent to live in an SS accommodation block where he lived with Carl Maile. The arrangement did not entirely suit either man, and later Nesper went back to live with his wife. Maile came too, setting up home in the front room. Mußgay had a second set of tasks in mind for Nesper. The Stuttgart police were still troubled by the subversive campaign being waged by "communists". The Communist Party had been outlawed in 1933, but many members remained "active underground" as part of an anti-government resistance network. Mußgay and Nesper both knew that many of the individuals involved in the Stuttgart region were Nesper's friends and/or former comrades. Nesper was to report regularly on these people. It was partly because Mußgay knew he would need to obtain authorization from Berlin to employ Nesper as he wished that Nesper was detained under an informal arrangement that involved remaining at liberty, albeit with Karl Maile in constant attendance. A more conventional approach would have involved simply introducing him at once into the criminal justice system. Details could then be logged and, in due course, accessed by Berlin. In the case of Eugen Nesper, Obersturmbannführer Mußgay was in no great hurry to work through the various procedures required of him. As the dual set of tasks for which Mußgay was using Nesper became evident to other branches of homeland security, they did indeed trigger intensifying opposition from rival departments. There were inherent risks that the radio transmissions to Moscow for the Gestapo and the surveillance of local communist resistance cells for Mußgay would lead to unanticipated operational conflicts. In order to try and keep the operation to himself, Mußgay instructed Nesper to deliver his reports o comrades not to the main police building but to a separate "N-Referat" ("Nesper department") in a little building halfway along the "Kronprinzstraße" ("Crown Prince Street"). The work involved re-establishing and maintaining closer contacts with his old friends, the Schlotterbecks, and the little group of friends and acquaintances working with them. The "political work" in which the Schlotterbeck group was known to engage involved gathering information about war-related industries, military codes and other communication modalities, about civilian morale, and about conditions in Germany more generally. They then communicated this "intelligence information" to the government's enemies in Moscow and London, using such methods as they could find. One of the details on which Mußgay was keen to find out more involved whether and how much the Schlotterbecks knew about the two Soviet parachute agents who had appeared in the hills south of Stuttgart the previous month. In February 1944, roughly four weeks after his first visit in more than four years, Nesper turned up again at the Schlotterbeck home, explaining that he had found the most important parts of his radio apparatus and would soon be in a position to undertake his reporting assignments for Moscow after all. Over the next few months he was able to keep in close contact with the SDchlotterbeck family, and indeed met some of their friends. Karl Stäbler During March 1944 one of the members of the Schlotterbeck group whom Nesper came to know was a soldier called Karl Stäbler. Stäbler had been stationed nearby in an Army Convalescence Unit and was working as a radio operator. Invoking his evident credentials with the Gestapo, Nesper was able to get the man to disclose to him numerous military secrets, including secret communication codes. Even if the details might have been individually trivial, their cumulative effect came to the attention of the army authorities, who then became keen to have Stäbler arrested at once. Arresting Stäbler would have interfered with various otherwise unrelated Gestapo operations, however. The case therefore led to renewed conflict between the army and the Gestapo. In the immediate term Mußgay was able to insert himself and use his authority to resolve the matter. In the end Karl Stäbler was assigned to serve on the Russian front, after a few weeks of compulsory service leave in Stuttgart. On the way back to Russia, he was to be arrested by the Gestapo. Mußgay reported these plans back to Nesper and Nesper passed the information back to the Schlotterbecks: they, presumably, included in it a report to Moscow. Knowingly or recklessly, by confiding the information on Stäbler's intended arrest to Nesper Mußgay ensured that Nesper was unable to ignore the increasing dangers of his own position. Flight to(wards) Switzerland In view of the deteriorating situation, in June 1944 Eugen Nesper decided that the time had come to tell Friedrich Schlotterbeck that he had been reporting on the family's resistance activities to the Gestapo ever since his arrival back in Germany in January 1944.{{efn According to one relatively recent source, Nesper admitted that he had been spying on he Schlotterbecks for the Gestapo only after he had been confronted by Friedrich Schlotterbeck with his suspicions to this effect.}} The ensuing conversation continued through most of the night, lasting approximately seven hours. Nesper will probably have admitted that he had already been active as a Gestapo spy when he had been the Schlotterbecks' lodger in the later 1930s. The meeting concluded with the decision that the time had come to escape across the Swiss border to the south. The plan was for the Schlotterbeck brothers and two other comrades believed to be most at risk to escape in two pairs. Friedrich Schlotterbeck, who had been freed after slightly under ten years in "protective custody" at Welzheim in August 1943, would cross into Switzerland with Else Himmelheber, a comrade who had become Friedrich's fiancée a few months following his release. Friedrich's brother, Hermann Schlotterbeck, would cross with Karl Stäbler. In the event Friedrich Schlotterbeck was the only one of the four who managed to reach Switzerland. He would learn the fate of his family, fiancée and other activist comrades only after the war ended. Stäbler was shot as he attempted to cross the border, but he escaped capture and made his way back to Stuttgart where he spent the rest of the war hiding successfully from the authorities in a shed on a comrade's vineyard on the city's edge. A price to be paid for Nesper's treachery On 10 June Eugen Nesper failed to arrive for a scheduled appointment with Alfred Hagenlocher, his Gestapo counter-intelligence interlocutor at the time. At around the same time reports came in to the effect that Friedrich Schlotterbeck and his fiancée had disappeared. The coincidence immediately triggered loud warning bells. Shortly afterwards a report came in on the radio that a border official had been shot: the report came with a description of the shooter. It sounded like a description of Eugen Nesper. Hagenlocher and Mußgay informed the "Reichssicherheitshauptamt" (RHSA) in Berlin by radio and lost no time in organising a manhunt for Nesper and Schotterbeck. For Mußgay the escape of the two main protagonists in one of his surveillance schemes represented a significant personal setback: he now feared disciplinary sanctions emanating from Berlin. For its part, the RHSA gave orders for the strongest possible measures to be taken against anyone associated with Eugen Nesper. That meant the Schlotterbecks and their antifascist associates. On 10 June 1944 Gotthilf and Marie Schlotterbeck, the parents, were arrested. Also arrested at the same Luginsland address was their daughter Gertrud Lutz who was visiting with her infant daughter Wilfriede. The two year-old Wilfriede was removed to a children's home at Waiblingen. That same day, in another part of town, Erich Heinser, Emil Gärttner und Sophie Klenk (the girl-friend of Hermann Schlotterbeck) were arrested at the Kodak factory. Hermann Seitz was detained one day later. His sister-in-law, Emmy Seitz, worked out of town at Hofheim-am-Taunus (near Frankfurt) but was arrested and transferred to Stuttgart to be dealt with alongside the others. Her husband, Theodor Seitz, was a soldier: he was arrested by an agency of the army department. Else Himmelheber managed to avoid the initial series of arrests, but was then "picked up" by a police patrol near Aalen a couple of weeks later. The brutal interrogation sessions to which the detainees were subjected involved torture. The prisoners were then distributed across a number of different prisons, but all remained under direct Gestapo surveillance and control. From Berlin, the RHSA had directed that all should be held in solitary confinement. During the next few weeks, at their Stuttgart main office in the former "Hotel Silber", Mußgay's political police prepared a series of reports for the RHSA which were submitted to Berlin with a "Sonderbehandlung" ("Special Treatment") application, the granting of which would provide for the prisoners to be "extrajudicially executed". The reply came through immediately, by "express mail". Ten prisoners were named for "liquidation": Gotthilf and Maria Schlotterbeck, Gertrud Lutz (born Schlotterbeck), Else Himmelheber, Erich Heinser, Emil Gärttner, Sofie Klenk, Emmy Seitz, Hermann Seitz and Frida Schwille. They were all transferred to Dachau concentration camp, near Munich, on 29 November 1944. Earky the following morning, they were taken to the camp's execution area and killed by shooting. The "political police" for Gau Württemberg and the RHSA were both keen - each for their own reasons - that the Schlotternbeck group "members" should be executed without any trial. The only charges available would include an indictment involving "high treason", in which both the spying activities of Mußgay's "N-Referat" ("Nesper department") in the "Kronprinzstraße" and the radio games of counter-intelligence would have to be ventilated. Both required secrecy. At a time when the end of the war was looming and the government had become increasingly unpopular, reports on the circumstances of the deaths of the ten individuals would be more likely to become public in the event of court proceedings, and so generate public unrest. That was worth avoiding. It was not till January 1945 that the families of the executed/murdered individuals received written notifications that their family members had been sentenced and executed for "preparing to commit high treason". On the express instructions of the RHSA, their place of execution was given not as Dachau but as their home city (in most cases) of Stuttgart. The only member of the "Schlotterbeck group" who was executed only after undergoing a formal trial process was Theodor Seitz, the husband of Emmy Seitz. Theodor Seitz was a serving soldier at the time of the arrests. Just over two months after his wife's execution, on 2 February 1945, he was sentenced to death by a National Court Martial on account of his "not having reported war treason" ("Nichtanzeigen eines Kriegsverrats"). He was killed on the guillotine at the Torgau Military Prison four days later. After the war was over, one former Gestapo officer volunteered the insight that most of those executed in November 1944 as members of the "Schlotterbeck group" had little involvement in anti-government resistance, and had simply been included because their names appeared on Eugen Nesper's contacts list. The truth of the matter is likely to remain unfathomed. Two people who were by definition members were the brothers Hermann and Friedrich Schlotterbeck, however. At the time when ten supposed group members - including the brothers' parents, sister and, in the case of Friedrich, fiancée - were executed, both brothers were still at liberty. Friedrich Schlotterbeck had successfully crossed to Switzerland, where he remained till after the war. Hermann Schlotterbeck had failed to cross, and had made his way back to Stuttgart where he remained in hiding till September 1944. His presence was then betrayed to the authorities and on 16 September he was arrested and, following initial interrogation, transferred by Gestapo officer Hagenlocher to the "Police prison" (as the badly overcrowded detention camp was commonly termed with increasingly savage irony) at Welzheim. The Schlotterbeck name was acquiring a certain level of unwelcome fame at this time, and the deputy camp governor was instructed to register prisoner Hermann Schlotterbeck under a false name and hold him in solitary confinement. That was done. During April 1945, however, as the approach of American troops heralded the end of the war, the "Police prison" was evactuated, on an instruction received from Himmler: surviving inmates were to be transported on trucks towards the Austrian Alps. During July 1945, a few weeks after the end of the war, three bodies were found in a hastily dug grave in a small forest just outside Riedlingen. They belonged to three Welzheim evacuees who had been shot on orders received from the Gestapo main office in Stuttgart. One of those had been Hermann Schlotterbeck.. Final years Relatively little is known of Eugen Nesper's final years. When the war ended he was still in Switzerland. He had been arrested in Basel on 3 April 1945 and detained, suspected of "unauthorized espionage activity". Further investigation had to be abandoned, however, and on 22 June 1945 the Swiss authorities returned him to Germany. On 5 February 1947 he was again arrested in Basel and found to have crossed the border from Germany illegally. On this occasion he had a consignment of ball-bearings with him, which he had been intending to smuggle into Switzerland. On 10 February 1947 he was banned in perpetuity from returning to Switzerland: deportation was completed on 17 February 2021. On 14 July 1948 the Stuttgart Denazification Court ("Spruchkammer") identified Nesper as a "major culprit" on account of his "involvement with National Socialism", and sentenced him to a ten-year term of internment. Two years later, on 19 July 1950 the Assizes Court at Konstanz added three more years of imprisonment on convicting him of the murder of Karl Weber, the border official whom he had shot - and evidently killed - during his escape from Germany in 1945. Reflections Nesper clearly deserves a major share of the responsibility for the executions during 1944 and 1945 of eleven individuals identified in his records as members/associates of the "Schlotterbeck group". Nevertheless, the way in which the case was viewed and treated in the immediate post-war period invites a number of questions which were apparently overlooked at the time. In the deliberations the Denazification Court dealing with Nesper's case, those murders were central to the case. Yet in the cases of the former Gestapo officials who ordered and implemented thpse killings were treated as peripheral, and excluded from serious consideration in evaluating either culpability or atonment measures imposed. There was never any requirement for a judicial evaluation of the RHSA decision (and insistence) that ten of the eleven Schlotterbeck group verdicts and sentences should be determined and implemented outside any judicial process. Another question which has intrigued commentators, and which arises naturally in the case of anyone identified as a "double agent", concerns Eugen Nesper's true loyalties and their political underpinnings. Eugen Nesper appears in sources as an exceptionally ambivalent figure. As a young man he was a committed communist, and when he fell into the hand of Soviet handlers they and their British counterparts were sufficiently persuaded of his anti-Hitlerite credentials to send him on an important mission on enemy territory. Yet in 1935 he was persuaded - admittedly through a "hard to refuse" offer - to agree to work covertly for National Socialist security services, and the people he betrayed in ways that led to their being killed were all assiciated with Communist anti-Nazi resistance. One conclusion put forward is that Eugen Nesper were through life driven by an exceptionally strong need for a father figure. The need for an authority figure - whether it was the police chief Friedrich Mußgay or a powerfully charismatic communist - was far more important to him than some fixed political conviction, and the result in terms of his activism was a constant tension between political extremes, between which his beliefs swung. The tensions probably remained unresolved throughout his life. That, certainly, was the verdict of Schaffhausen Cantonal Presdident Walter Bringolf who was much involved in the Nesper case during and after the latter's time in Switzerland as a refugee from Nazi justice during the mid-1940s. It is also reflected in the version of Nesper featured in a 1948 synposis for a film about his career in espionage. The film was never made, although "Je dunkler die Nacht, desto heller die Sterne", the long-forgotten semi-novel by Clara Nehmitz (in which Nesper is renamed "Noller") and on which the film would have been based, implies similar conclusions. Notes References Gestapo agents Rotfrontkämpferbund members Double agents Communists in the German Resistance 1913 births Year of death missing People from Aalen

69738999

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nebraska%20v.%20One%201970%202-Door%20Sedan%20Rambler%20%28Gremlin%29

Nebraska v. One 1970 2-Door Sedan Rambler (Gremlin)

Nebraska v. One 1970 2-Door Sedan Rambler (Gremlin) 191 Neb. 462, 215 N.W.2d 849 (1974) is a Nebraska Supreme Court civil forfeiture case. It was brought by the American state of Nebraska to seize a Rambler Gremlin on the sole grounds it was transporting illegal marijuana. The owner appealed against the forfeiture decision on the grounds of a claimed lack of due process. The court ruled 4-2 and sustained the confiscation as lawful. The form of the styling of this case – the appellant and defendant being an object, rather than a legal person is because this is a jurisdiction in rem (power over objects) case, rather than the more familiar in personam (over persons) case. Background On February 14, 1972, Donald Ruyle was arrested in possession of marijuana after he had driven in his 1974 Rambler Gremlin to a friend's house in Beatrice, Nebraska that was under surveillance by the police. His car was locked and the next day he granted permission for the police to search it while in custody. Inside, the police found marijuana and cannabis joint butts. Ruyle was sentenced to a week in jail for possession and transportation of marijuana and fined $350. Accordingly, they seized his car for transporting drugs; Ruyle appealed the seizure order. Case Ruyle contended that the notice informing him of the seizure was an arrogation in violation of the due process clause of the United States constitution. He argued he had not been properly notified nor had a hearing taken place to discuss the legality of the seizure. Rejecting the claim, the court held that the car was seized immediately on the street and taken as evidence to an impound lot to remove the drugs before the seizure order was issued, all within process and Ruyle had been notified. Ruyle also contended that under Nebraskan state law, the word "transport" meant drug trafficking, not merely carrying drugs. The court ruled that though "transport" was not clearly defined in law, it decided to take the public's general understanding that it meant "to carry or convey from one place or station to another". The court ruled 4–2 in favor of the seizure. The judgment was read by Chief Justice White. It was concurred with by Justices Spencer, Boslaugh and Newton. Justice Smith abstained from issuing a ruling. Justice McCown dissented on the grounds that the court declined to rule that Fuentes v. Shevin, which the defendant cited, was controlling. McCown ruled that it was and accordingly the seizure would have been unlawful. Justice Clinton also dissented on the grounds that the court's interpretation of "transport" was too broad, meaning that someone who had a box of Kleenex in their glove compartment, would be "transporting" the Kleenex. The case has since been cited in other state supreme court opinions as precedent. It was also used by the Drug Enforcement Administration as grounds for asserting that Nebraska followed the federal rules for forfeiture of conveyances when they are discovered with illegal substances within them. The case is illustrative of bedrock legal practices in the United States. In deciding a forfeiture case rooted in a fofeiture prohibition, the Supreme Court stated the principle: “But whether the reason [for the forfeiture] be artificial or real, it is too firmly fixed in the punitive and remedial jurisprudence of this country to now be displaced.” As one law review notes:"When certain kinds of property are involved in the commission of a crime or as instrumentality of a crime, they may be subject to seizure and forfeiture to the government. Yet neither the fact of the crime nor the participation of the owner to the property may be critical to the forfeiture. The property may be beneficial in its own right, and its owner unaware of the illegal use, and the forfeiture will attach." The case name has been the source of bemusement. However, its format is a result of an in rem civil forfeiture, which is against the offending thing, and not a person. The burden of proof in such proceedings is placed on the object to prove its innocence. Epilogue When the property is on trial, as it was in a Texas case, the burden of proof is on the property to prove the negative. Some critics opine that "Cash is not a crime" and this is "Violating the American justice system’s cornerstone presumption of innocence, those whose property has been taken via civil asset forfeiture must prove their property wasn’t involved in a crime or lose it forever...." In Texas, such cases can be initiated by the filing of a simple affidavit, even by officers who did not witness the underlying event itself. There was an Indiana case (involving forfeiture of a Land Rover) which successfully alleged that civil forfeitures may be violative of the Eighth Amendment to the United States Constitution's ban on excessive fines, as incorporated by the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution and thereby applicable to the states. In fact, the court held in Timbs v. Indiana 586 U.S. _, 139 S. Ct. 682 (2019) that the 8th Amendment applied to the State of Indiana, and that the forfeiture might be excessive and unlawful. The court remanded for further proceedings to determine the factual question of excessiveness. The case was also noteworthy for its voids and interstices. While discussing "excessive" broadly, it did not mention ability to pay or the effect of the forfeiture on the fortunes and employment of the loser. See also Bennis v. Michigan United States v. Schooner Peggy References Notes Citations Bibliography Nebraska Supreme Court 1974 in American law United States civil forfeiture case law United States in rem cases Cannabis in Nebraska

69740959

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2022%20East%20London%20floods

2022 East London floods

On January 10, 2022, floods in East London, South Africa killed over ten people and left hundreds homeless as poorly built homes were swept away, especially in Mdantsane just outside the city. Scientists believe that climate change is responsible for the more droughts and floods along the eastern coastline. The death toll was 14 including a police service diver who was attempting to rescue victims of the floods. See also Weather of 2022 References 2022 disasters in Africa 2022 floods 2022 in South Africa 2022 meteorology 2020s floods in Africa 2022 floods January 2022 events in South Africa

69741271

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Killing%20of%20Mitch%20Henriquez

Killing of Mitch Henriquez

Mitch Henriquez was killed by Dutch police at a music festival in the Hague on 27 June, 2015. During an altercation, he was restrained by five police officers and was choked to death. The official narrative that Henriquez had died at the hospital was immediately disputed by bystanders who had filmed the incident; the killing led to four days of rioting in the Hague and a ban on public assembly. At trial two years later, two police officers were convicted and sentenced to six months in prison. On appeal, one sentence was quashed and the other upheld. At the final court of appeal, the Supreme Court, the remaining sentence was upheld in 2021. The case has been compared to other police homicides such as the murder of George Floyd and the death of Freddie Gray. RTL Nieuws revealed in 2021 that the Hague police force had spent €1.3 million on lawyers to defend the police officers involved in the killing. Killing Aruban man Mitch Henriquez (aged 42) was on holiday in the Netherlands in the summer of 2015. On 27 June, he went to the Night at the Park music festival which was headlined by UB40 at the Zuiderpark in the Hague. He died after being arrested by five police officers, who choked him until he was dead. On the police account, Henriquez had told the officers he had a weapon and then pointed at his crotch. The officers went to arrest him on suspicion of being armed, he resisted arrest and then became unwell as he was being transported to the police station. This narrative was immediately contested by footage filmed by concerned bystanders which showed the police picking up Henriquez's limp corpse and moving it to the van. Immediate aftermath Henriquez was killed on Sunday and footage of his death immediately began to circulate on social media; #mitchhenriquez became the top Dutch hashtag on Twitter. On Monday night, people gathered outside a police station in the inner-city district of Schilderswijk to protest, resulting in 61 arrests after three days of riots. On the fourth night, the police announced a ban on the public assembly of more than three people, with use of weapons and scooters prohibited. The police then arrested 200 people for breaching the order. Chief Public Prosecutor Kitty Nooy claimed that Henriquez had died in hospital. She said the autopsy stated that Henriquez had died of asphyxiation, as result of being choked. There were no natural causes of death and Henriquez's body did not contain alcohol or drugs. Five police officers were then suspended and put under investigation. Paul van Musscher, Chief of the Hague police force, said "it really went wrong". On the Caribbean island of Aruba (a constituent country within the Kingdom of the Netherlands) the killing received much coverage in the media. Ronald Plasterk, the Minister of the Interior and Kingdom Relations spoke to Mike Eman, the Prime Minister of Aruba, in order to assure him that a full investigation would be carried out. One week later on Saturday 7 July, Henriquez's family led a silent procession of 300 people from Moerwijk station to the Zuiderpark. Trial The Public Prosecution Service (Dutch: Openbaar Ministerie, OM) decided in 2016 to charge two of the five police officers who had been suspended. It considered that the arrest was justified but the means of restraint was not. One of the two officers had clamped Henriquez's neck, the other had punched him in the face and sprayed pepper spray. Of the other three officers, two were given written warnings. Henriquez's family responded that all five police officers should stand trial since they had not called an ambulance, despite the obvious need to do so. The family had also requested twice without success for the names of the officers to be released. The District Court of the Hague postponed the trial because a new expert report had given a different cause of death for Henriquez, namely cardiac arrest or heart arrhythmia. It was also noted that the conduct of former chief of police Gerard Bouman would be analysed since he had promised the five officers that they would not be sacked and that they would financially compensated for their suspension. The case came to trial in November 2017. Both officers said they felt threatened when Henriquez told them he had a gun and assumed he was serious when he stopped smiling. The prosecution disputed this account, saying that the officers did not search for a firearm at any stage. Since there were two differing explanations for Henriquez's death, a third specialist report had been commissioned and this expert told the court that Henriquez had died from acute stress as a result of police violence. A lip-reader affirmed that the police officers had known Henriquez was dead when they put him in the van, saying things such as "It's finished", "He doesn't respond" and "According to me, dead". On day 4 of proceeding, the family of Henriquez and their supporters left the court en masse in protest at the lack of interest in new images they had presented showing that Henriquez was already turning blue before being lifted into the van. The two officers on trial were sentenced to a prison sentence of six months (suspended). The anonymous public servants were told that the use of a neck clamp, punching in the face and spraying pepper spray in the face were all illegal acts. The court believed they had caused the death of Henriquez but did not consider it murder. Paul van Musscher expressed sympathy both for the family of Henriquez and for the officers involved, saying "Noone wanted this to happen". The officers appealed their convictions and at an introductory hearing in 2018, their right to remain anonymous was upheld. The officers had given evidence in secret in court, using voice distorters, since they feared for the safety of their families. In 2019, the court of appeal decided that one officer's conviction could be quashed and the other conviction for the neck clamp was fitting. Henriquez's mother disputed the verdict, saying "Officers can now continue to kill people". The sole remaining convicted police officer then took their case to the final court of appeal, the Supreme Court. In 2021, the court ruled that the neck clamp was illegal and the sentence was just. Members of the family of Henriquez were pleased with the verdict, although they expressed disbelief that the officers involved were still working for the force. Legacy The killing of Mitch Henriquez received sustained media attention in the Netherlands and was mentioned at Black Lives Matter protests. It has been compared to the murder of George Floyd and the death of Freddie Gray. Academic work has noted that it was only because the death of Henriquez was filmed that the false official narrative could be challenged and eventually overturned. A controversy developed in 2021, when it was revealed by RTL Nieuws that the Hague police force had spent €1.3 million on lawyers to defend the police officers involved in the killing of Mitch Henriquez. Richard Korver who represented Henriquez's mother in the case disclosed that he had been paid a total of €50,000. He commented "1.3 million is an outrageous amount of money. And the government is financing this". The chairman of the Dutch Association of Criminal Lawyers said it was clear that the police officers were being given the best possible legal assistance and this created an imbalance in the proceedings. See also Killing of Rishi Chandrikasing References External links Juridical record of the Henriquez case (in Dutch) 2015 deaths 2015 in the Netherlands Deaths by person in the Netherlands History of The Hague People killed by law enforcement officers

69742303

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thiers%2C%20Marseille

Thiers, Marseille

Thiers is a neighbourhood () of the 1st arrondissement of Marseille. A cultural and student quarter in the centre of Marseille, it is located between Place Jean-Jaurès and La Canebière, near the Vieux-Port. Description The centre of the district is the Lycée Thiers, the oldest school in Marseille, which gave it its name. A network of cultural institutions has developed around the school: at the end of the Place du Lycée is the Théâtre du Gymnase, and, on the premises of the school itself, the Couvent des Bernardines. The headquarters of the Faculty of Economics and Management of Aix-Marseille is also located here, 95 Long des Capucins Street. History The school and the district owe their name to Adolphe Thiers (1797-1877), first President of the French Third Republic, born in Bouc-Bel-Air situated between Marseille, Gardanne and Aix-en-Provence. The district was sealed off by the Vichy militia during the Occupation of France by Nazi Germany, and the school was used as police headquarters. The district was the epicentre of the May 68 demonstrations in Marseille. In the early 2020s, the school built a boarding school in the street next to the school, rue Sénac-de-Meilhan, in two six-storey buildings for the students of the school and the preparatory classes. References Quarters of Marseille 1st arrondissement of Marseille

69742977

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tahj%20Miles

Tahj Miles

Tahj Di Nero Miles is an English actor. He appears in the BBC series Death in Paradise (2021-22) and in films by director Steve McQueen (2020). Life and work Miles was born in Hackney, London and has Jamaican, St Lucian and Dominican heritage. He attended the Betty Layward Primary in Stoke Newington. He joined the Anna Fiorentini Theatre and Film School at the age of seven, then signed for Fiorentini Agency. Miles performed in a West End production of Oliver!. He joined Disney’s Cub School and performed as Simba in a West End production of The Lion King for over a year. He was then in Matilda the Musical with the Royal Shakespeare Company at the Cambridge Theatre (2013) and Emil and the Detectives with the Royal National Theatre. He also secured advertising contracts with Lego and Sainsbury’s. He appeared in Bugsy Malone in the West End (2015), before studying at the BRIT School of performing arts. Miles was cast in the BBC's Class Dismissed and Flunked before joining the regular cast of BBC1's Death in Paradise as police officer Marlon Pryce. He appeared in Steve McQueen's film anthology Small Axe. Miles lives in Hackney, east London. References BBC television comedy Actors from London English musical theatre actors People from Hackney, London Living people English male child actors People educated at the BRIT School Year of birth missing (living people)

69743006

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/M.%20K.%20Varghese

M. K. Varghese

M.K.Varghese (born 4thJune 1956) is an Indian politician who currently serves as the mayor of the Thrissur Corporation .He was elected from Nettisery ward, belonging Thrissur Assembly Constituency.He was previously elected to Municipal Corporation in 2000 and 2010 from Nettisery Division. Early life Mk Varghese is the son of Menachery Kochappu. He born in Mannuthy Thrissur District.He did his Schooling from VVS High School Mannuthy.Later he joined in Armed force. After a long career in Armed force he returned back his home village and entered into active politics through Indian National Congress.He contested to Ollukkara Grama Panchayat and elected to Panchayat in 1995. In 2000 Thrissur Municipality was upgraded by the Kerala Government to Municipal corporation. Ollukkarara Panchayat was merged with the municipality to form the Thrissur Municipal Corporation.The first elections to the corporation were held in 2000.Congress party denied ticket to M.K.Varghese in that local bodies election.He contested as LDF independent candidate and elected to council for a majority of 48 votes from Nettisery Division.He returned to Congress and contested as Congress candidate from Mukkatukara Division in 2005 but he defeated by CPIM Candidate.He again contested from Nettisery Division in 2010 and elected to council with a thumbing majority.He was the Executive Chiarman of Jawahar Bala Bhavan Thrissur from 08.08.2011 to 30.11.2017. Mayor Of Thrissur M.K Varghese elected as the Mayor of Thrissur on December 2020.He represents the Nettisery Division in Municipal Council. Varghese contested from Nettissery division as an independent candidate after Congress denied him ticket, and won with a margin of 38 votes. His stance became crucial as LDF won 24 seats and UDF 23 seats in the corporation.LDF has reached a consensus with M.K.Varghese to the Thrissur corporation mayor's post and decided to appoint Varghese as mayor for the first two years of the term. The decision was taken in a discussion held by CPM leaders including Minister A C Moideen. Controversy Mayor MK Varghese has sent a complaint to the state police chief alleging that no police officer has shown due respect to him and given him the customary salute though the mayor comes after the governor and chief minister as per the protocol.In his letter, he urged the DGP to look into the matter and do the needful as the mayor is considered the first citizen of the corporation he/she governs. “I was elected the mayor of Thrissur Corporation only a few months back. Before that itself, I had noticed this attitude of police officers. They salute the ministers and even MLAs but not the mayor, who is actually above the other categories as per the protocol.  Hence, I wrote to the police chief so that there would be a clarification on the matter,” said Varghese.“When we go out in the field meeting people and ensuring that their needs are addressed, some police officers disrespect us by showing their back to us,” he added. Positions held Member Ollukkara Grama Panchayat 1995-2000 Councillor Nettisery Division Thrissur Corporation 2000-2005 Councillor Nettisery Division Thrissur Corporation 2010-2015 President Jana Sevana Samithi Mannuthy 2000 onwards Executive Director Jawahar Bala Bhavan Thrissur 2011-2017 Working President ACTS Thrissur Mayor Thrissur Municipal Corporation Dec 2020 onwards Personal life M.K.Varghese is married to Lizzy Varghese.She retires from Ollukkara service Co operative Bank. References 2. https://keralakaumudi.com/en/news/news-amp.php?id=460618&u= Living people 1956 births 20th-century Indian politicians People from Thrissur

69743188

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anthony%20LaRette

Anthony LaRette

Anthony Joe LaRette, Jr. (October 1, 1951 – November 29, 1995) was an American serial killer and rapist. Convicted of one murder in St. Charles, Missouri in 1980, he later confessed to thirty-one murders in eleven states dating back to the late 1960s, fifteen of which were closed based on information provided by him. Sentenced to death for his sole conviction, LaRette was executed in 1995. Murders In August 1976, LaRette, posing as one "Mike Watson", registered in two separate motels while staying in Marathon, Florida. On August 20, he broke into the home of 26-year-old Jeanette "Mickey" Wade, who had just returned from work. After realizing she had come back, he confronted the woman in the kitchen and stabbed her multiple times before finally cutting her throat. LaRette then left the scene and hitchhiked out of the city, and despite a witness providing a description of the supposed assailant, he was not caught. Three days later, now in St. Petersburg, he noticed 52-year-old Betty H. Brunton, an employee at the Memorial Park Cemetery who was returning home to get her lunch. LaRette stalked her to her house, went inside and repeatedly stabbed her to death with a knife, leaving the weapon stuck in her stomach. The body was later discovered by co-workers who had become concerned that she had not gone to lunch with them and called the ambulance, initially believing that she had fallen ill with some sort of sickness. An ambulance was dispatched to the house and went in, but the attendants pronounced that she was dead at the scene. The incident was deemed suspicious from the very beginning, as there were not apparent signs of a break-in or struggle. In 1979, The Tampa Tribune published an article in which they speculated that her murder could have been the doing of John Benjamin Kennedy, an inmate serving a life sentence for an unrelated murder in Oklahoma, but no definitive connection was established. On December 7, 1977, LaRette was prowling around Kansas City, Missouri when he came across 24-year-old Beverly Wortmann, a reporter and photographer who was returning to her apartment after going out to buy cigarettes. After stalking her to the apartment, he went inside and stabbed her 19 times before finally slashing her throat and leaving afterwards. Upon discovery of the crime, a 24-year-old man, who had been reading the Bible in front of Wortmann's apartment, was arrested and queried in her death, as well two other recent ones that had occurred in the city. The unnamed man vehemently denied any involvement in any of the crimes, and as nothing connected him to the killings, he was subsequently released without charges. On May 20, 1978, 60-year-old Helen Alderson Hall, whose family were prominent participants in Greyhound racing, was found murdered in her St. Petersburg home by her son, Richard. Upon examining the crime scene, the authorities concluded that she had apparently been bludgeoned to death with an unknown object in her bedroom by her assailant. However, they were unable to determine a concrete motive, as there was no sign of forced entry. Her 1971 light-green Lincoln Continental was missing, and it was supposed that it was stolen by her killer. At the time, while the sheriffs continued to investigate her murder, they were unable to find any potential suspects. On November 2, 1978, a secretary for a law firm based in Manhattan, Kansas went to the home of 26-year-old Tracey Gladys Miller to check on her out of concern, as she had not attended lunch with her colleagues. She went inside the family home, only to find Miller's body on the stairway. After notifying her neighbor, both women called an ambulance. At the hospital, it was determined that the victim had been stabbed multiple times and her throat had been slashed. As part of their investigation, police combed the wooded area around the house, but were unable to find any substantial clues to point towards the killer. A secret witness program was established by police in an attempt to gather clues, but this proved to be futile, as none led to any arrests. Murder of Mary Fleming On July 25, 1980, LaRette had arrived in St. Charles, Missouri, when he happened upon 18-year-old Mary Fleming, who was returning to her parents' apartment from grocery shopping at the nearby Hedges & Hafer supermarket. After following her to the apartment and making sure she was alone, he crept inside and attacked Fleming while she was making herself a salad, ripping off her clothes in an attempted rape. Since she resisted too much, LaRette stabbed her twice in the chest and then slashed her throat, but was unable to finish her off and instead fled through the front door. Fleming, clad only in a bikini top, then ran to towards the home of neighbor and banged on the door, before eventually collapsing. An ambulance was called and she was taken to the St. Joseph Hospital, where she succumbed to her injuries. Investigation at first proved difficult, as, at first glance, there was no apparent motive to the attack. Initially, it was suggested that Fleming's death might be related to the recent rape-murder of a 4-year-old boy in the area and possibly a 43-year-old woman in another part of town, but these possibilities were later ruled out. Two days later, an autopsy report confirmed that she had not been sexually assaulted, and on the same day, police released a sketch of a possible witness, complete with details of his appearance and his vehicle. Arrest, investigation and trial Almost a week later, the man depicted in the sketch was identified as LaRette, who was reportedly visiting some friends in St. Charles who, coincidentally, lived in the same area as Fleming. An arrest warrant charging him with murder was subsequently issued for him, with Missouri police sending sheriffs to arrest him at his permanent address in Topeka, Kansas. However, upon arrival it was discovered that he had likely fled the area, causing authorities from both states to ask the FBI for assistance in case of a possible manhunt. A day later, LaRette was found at his sister's house, and upon learning that the police were about to apprehend him, he attempted to commit suicide by slashing his neck and one of his wrists. His injuries proved to be minor, and he was subsequently taken into custody. After waiving extradition to Missouri, LaRette was returned to St. Charles and lodged in the county jail, where authorities planned to question on a string of rapes that occurred around the time of Fleming's murder. He was held on $500,000 bond, and after delving into his past, detectives discovered that LaRette, a construction worker whose disabled veteran father and mother lived off Social Security checks, had a conviction for raping a woman in Lawrence, Kansas in 1974. On August 12, the St. Charles prosecutor announced that he had upgraded the initial charge of first-degree murder to capital murder. Five days after this announcement, officials from the Riley County Police Department and the KBI executed a search warrant of LaRette's residence in connection to the unsolved murder of Tracey Miller. After searching his apartment and car, Riley County Attorney Dennis Sauter announced that they would likely file murder charges against LaRette after finding items they believed could link him to the Miller case. In conjunction with this, they also declared that they would be investigating him for other unsolved murders committed in the state and possibly elsewhere. On September 19, LaRette unsuccessfully attempted to escape from prison by attempting to hack through his cell's lock using a hacksaw, but he was prevented from doing so by another inmate, who informed the deputies of what he was trying to do. At a preliminary hearing, the prosecution introduced testimony by Richard Roberson, the friend whom LaRette had been visiting on the day he killed Fleming. According to his testimony, Roberson claimed he had invited "Tony" to spend a week at his house and had even let him drive his car, a yellow Buick convertible. After reading about the murder in the newspaper, he immediately phoned LaRette, who by then had left Missouri, and attempted to question him about his possible responsibility, eventually leading to LaRette confessing and even explaining how he had done it. In spite of these claims, LaRette entered a plea of not guilty at his arraignment. In April 1981, LaRette hatched yet another escape plan, this time involving his father, Anthony Sr. In this scheme, the elder LaRette would hire some men to kill the guards accompanying Anthony Jr. to the hospital, who would pretend to be sick, freeing him afterwards. The plan was thwarted when Anthony Sr. offered $400 for the hit to a police informant, who then relayed their plans to the police department, resulting in the former's arrest. Subsequently, both men were charged with conspiracy to murder. At his murder trial, which began on August 11, prosecutor Donald L. Kohl presented color photographs depicting the gruesome crime scene, in order to illustrate the brutality of the murder. LaRette and his attorneys contended that, while he was indeed guilty, he was not the instigator - in their version of events, LaRette had been the accomplice of a male hitchhiker who was the actual killer. This theory was dismissed by Kohl, who pointed out that LaRette had given him two radically different stories, in the second of which he claimed that he was solely responsible, but had killed Flemming on accident. Sentence, imprisonment and execution After having a change of venue to Warrenton due to pretrial publicity, LaRette was found guilty by jury verdict after one hour of deliberations, with a recommendation that he be sentenced to death. As per the jury's suggestion, Justice Edward Hodge promptly sentenced LaRette to death, who showed no visible emotion during sentencing. A week after sentencing, the charges in regard to the attempted prison escape were dropped. The sentence was appealed to the Supreme Court of Missouri, with LaRette's attorney, Donald Tiemeyer, arguing that the killing was not pre-planned and was influenced by his client's emotional and marital problems. This claim was rebuked by Attorney General Kelly Klopfenstein, who argued that the fact that LaRette had stalked her to her residence and the subsequent assault proved that he had planned it in advance. Six years after his death sentence was upheld, Riley County officials again attempted to have LaRette extradited to face charges in Tracey Miller's murder. Accusations of this being a political move against his Republican opponent in the upcoming county attorney race were levelled against the current attorney Bill Kennedy, who denied the allegations. By late November 1988, LaRette suddenly contacted investigators from Florida and Missouri and gave detailed confessions to the Wade and Wortmann killings, which were recorded on tape. He provided astonishingly accurate descriptions of both crimes: in the Wade case, he said that he had used the "Mike Watson" alias while in the state and had used a fileting knife to break into the woman's home, which he then threw under a bridge. As for the Wortmann case, LaRette detailed his movements, placement of the surrounding buildings and the layout of the victim's apartment, as well as how he had threatened her at gunpoint into the bedroom, where he stabbed her to death. When quizzed as to what he did with the knife, he claimed that he threw it in a sewer in Topeka. Despite his confessions, attorneys in the respective states announced that they would not charge him with the murders, as LaRette was already on death row. The Kansas Attorney General's Office continued to fight for his extradition to their state, succeeding in securing the proceedings in June 1989. However, the proceedings were dropped three months later, with Attorney General Robert Stephan claiming he had done so due to high costs and out of respect for the Tracey Miller's family, who did not want to go through with a trial. Execution With his appeals exhausted, LaRette was scheduled to be executed on November 29, 1995; at the time, he was Missouri's longest-serving death row inmate at almost 15 years. The day before his scheduled execution date, he was granted a stay of execution by District Court Justice Catherine D. Perry, on the grounds that the his claims of ineffective counsel and supposed mental illness be taken under consideration. The stay of execution was lifted on the very next day, with the orders that the procedure move forward. On that day, LaRette spontaneously confessed to a total of 31 murders and 10 rapes he had committed in 11 states while drifting across the country, but at the time, the details of these confessions were not publicized. Later that day, LaRette was executed via lethal injection at the Potosi Correctional Center. In his final statement, he apologized to both his and his victims' family members, saying "I'm sorry it had to come this way." His last meal consisted of steak, a dozen fried shrimp, baked potato, fried potatoes, fried mushrooms, fried onion rings, and two cans of Coca-Cola. Confessions About a week after LaRette's execution, the Montgomery Advertiser published an interview with sheriff's Detective Patricia Juhl, who had conducted multiple interviews with the inmate since 1989. In it, she outlined how she had approached her conversations with him and how he would begin to describe his various killings. Thanks to her interviews, detectives across several states closed the books on approximately 15 murders, and Juhl was later named "Deputy of the Year" for her achievements. She was also granted $1,000 as a reward, which she later donated to her 27-year-old son in Ohio, who was battling cancer. Aside from his conviction for Flemming's murder, LaRette has also been designated as responsible for the murders of Wade, Brunton, Wortmann, Hall, Miller and ten additional victims, whose identities have not been revealed. He has provided details for the following crimes: a non-fatal assault of a high school girl in North Little Rock, Arkansas an undisclosed murder in Denver, Colorado two to three murders committed across Florida an unsolved murder somewhere within Illinois, but was unable to give an exact location at least 8 murders committed across Kansas, without naming locations three murders committed in three Louisiana cities (Morgan City, Houma and Grand Isle) another murder in Kansas City and one more in Independence two killings in Biloxi, Mississippi a singular murder in Omaha, Nebraska two murders in Texas (one in Dallas and another in Houston) one murder committed on an Interstate highway between Virginia and Maryland See also Capital punishment in Missouri List of people executed in Missouri List of people executed by lethal injection List of serial killers in the United States External links FindAGrave State v. LaRette (1983) Bibliography In the media and culture Mary Fleming's murder was covered on season 11 of On the Case with Paula Zahn. References 1951 births 1995 deaths 20th-century American criminals American male criminals American serial killers Male serial killers American rapists American people convicted of murder People convicted of murder by Missouri American people convicted of rape 20th-century executions by Missouri Executed American serial killers People executed by Missouri by lethal injection People executed for murder Violence against women in the United States

69743624

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robert%20K.%20Christenberry

Robert K. Christenberry

Robert Keaton Christenberry (January 27, 1899 – April 13, 1973) was an American businessman and political figure who served as president of the Hotel Astor, chairman of the New York State Athletic Commission and Postmaster of New York City and was the Republican nominee in the 1957 New York City mayoral election. Early life Christenberry was born on January 27, 1899, in Huntingdon, Tennessee. He grew up in Milan, Tennessee. Christenberry enlisted in the United States Marine Corps following the United States' entry into World War I. He served in the 55th Company, 2nd Battalion, 5th Marine Regiment, which was positioned in the trenches near Verdun. During grenade practice, a defective grenade exploded on Christenberry, which caused serious damage to his right arm and resulted in his discharge. After the war, Christenberry served as the American vice consul in Vladivostok and Santo Domingo and was a sports reporter for The Washington Herald. Business career Christenberry got his start in the hotel business as a deputy hotel commissioner of Florida. He then served as public relations director of the Hotel Winton in Cleveland from 1929 to 1931, sales and promotions director of the Book-Cadillac in Detroit from 1931 to 1932, manager of the Jefferson in Peoria from 1933 to 1934, and general manager of the Roosevelt in Pittsburgh from 1934 to 1935. In 1935 he became the vice president and general manager of Hotel Astor in New York City. In 1944 he was promoted to president and treasurer of the Astor. In 1945 the Astor was purchased by Sheraton Hotels and Christenberry became the vice president and managing director of the Sheraton Astor. From 1955 to 1964 he was the president and chairman of the Ambassador Hotel. From 1941 to 1956, Christenberry served as president of the Broadway Association. During World War II he served as head of the Greater New York Civilian Defense Volunteer Office's War Identification Bureau, was a hotel industry adviser to the Office of Price Administration, and led Manhattan's air raid warden organization. Christenberry was also as a director of the Ritz-Carlton Hotel, Webb and Knapp, and the Hotel Association of New York City, a member of the National Council of the Boy Scouts of America, and a trustee of the St. James School. New York State Athletic Commission In 1951, Governor Thomas E. Dewey appointed Christenberry chairman of the New York State Athletic Commission. Dewey tasked Christenberry and his fellow commissioners with cleaning up the sport of boxing. Christenberry overturned Carmen Basilio's May 29, 1952 victory over Charles Pierce Davey after finding discrepancies on the referee's scorecard. Following a December 19, 1952 Joey Giardello-Billy Graham at Madison Square Garden, Christenberry changed judge Joe Agnello's card from 6-4 Giardello to 5–5 with Graham ahead on points, 6–5, giving Graham the victory. This decision led to legal action which concluded on February 17, 1953, when Judge Bernard Botein upheld Christenberry's decision. In 1955, Dewey's successor W. Averell Harriman replaced Christenberry as chairman, but Christenberry remained on the commission until March 12, 1956. Mayoral campaign On June 27, 1957, the Republican leaders of New York's five boroughs announced that after a two-month search they had selected Christenberry to be the party's nominee for Mayor. Throughout the campaign, Christenberry attacked Wagner on the issue of crime and claimed that the administration had "miserably failed" on that issue. He centered his campaign around a plan to hire 5,000 new police officers, the reduction of graft and corruption in city government, and halting New York City's population loss. President Eisenhower and Vice President Nixon appeared with and endorsed Christenberry. He also received the endorsement of former Governor Dewey and was praised by Eleanor Roosevelt for his energy and knowledge of the issues. Wagner, who was favored throughout the race, defeated Christenberry 69% to 27%. Postmaster of New York City On June 3, 1958, Christenberry was sworn in as acting Postmaster of New York. He was recommended for the position by Senator Jacob Javits after his original choice, Samuel Roman, declined the position. On July 6, 1959, he was nominated by President Eisenhower for permanent status as postmaster. He was confirmed by the United States Senate on September 15, 1959. He resigned as Postmaster due to ill health effective June 17, 1966. Later life Upon his retirement, Christenberry moved to Fort Lauderdale, Florida. In February 1973 he suffered a stroke while visiting relatives in Tennessee. He never recovered and died on April 13, 1973, at Methodist University Hospital in Memphis, Tennessee. References 1899 births 1973 deaths Hotel executives American sportswriters Businesspeople from New York City New York State Athletic Commissioners New York (state) Republicans People from Fort Lauderdale, Florida People from Milan, Tennessee Politicians from New York City Postmasters of New York City United States Department of State officials United States Marine Corps personnel of World War I

69743636

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tariniprasanna%20Majumdar

Tariniprasanna Majumdar

Tariniprasanna Majumdar (19 May 1892 - 15 June 1917) was a personality of the anti-British independence movement in the Indian subcontinent and a revolutionary of the fiery age. He had been in hiding for a long time to avoid police arrest. When police surrounded a house in Comilla to arrest him, he evaded police and fled with a revolver and a pistol. When he came to the house of Bhabanipur in Calcutta again to catch the police, he jumped from the second floor and broke his leg, but he was able to escape from the police encirclement by acting as a lame beggar. He then went into hiding in Dhaka and was surrounded by the revolutionary base police at Kalta bazar on the last night of June 15, 1918. He was severely wounded in the exchange of fire and died there. His partner Nalini Bagchi.He was injured and died in Dhaka jail on the same day. Despite police torture before their deaths, none of them even mentioned their names. One policeman was killed and several others were injured in the fighting. His patron Chaitanya Dey was sentenced to 10 years in prison. References Indian independence activists from Bengal 1892 births 1918 deaths

69743850

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Killing%20of%20Rishi%20Chandrikasing

Killing of Rishi Chandrikasing

Rishi Chandrikasing (2 February 1995 – 24 November 2012) was shot dead by a Dutch police officer at Hollands Spoor railway station in the Hague on 24 November 2012. He was 17 years old and the killing became a controversial case in the Netherlands. At trial, the police officer who shot him was cleared of manslaughter. Killing Rishi Chandrikasing was a 17 year old Dutch national who lived in a shelter for disadvantaged youths in Scheveningen. On 23 November 2012, he went out to a club for his cousin's birthday and then in the morning headed to his mother's house, to bid farewell to his grandmother who was travelling to Suriname that day. At 6:00 am on 24 November 2012, three police officers went to Hollands Spoor railway station, having been informed there was someone who was making threats with a firearm. They encountered Chandrikasing on platform 4 and he did not stop moving away from them. Whilst pursuing him with gun drawn, one officer shot him in the neck, from behind. The police waited for one minute before attempting to resuscitate him and he was then rushed to Westeinde Hospital, where he died. He was not carrying a firearm and had only keys and a mobile phone in his pockets. The police took eight hours to contact Chandrikasing's family, even though his mother's telephone number was on his keychain. Reactions Friends of Chandrikasing expressed disbelief that the police had not fired a warning shot or shot him in the leg. On 2 February 2013, they celebrated what would have been Chandrikasing's 18th birthday with a memorial service on platform 4. De Telegraaf announced that Chandrikasing had been living under a court-imposed curfew and should not have been outside at the time of his death; this was later proven to be untrue because he had appeared in court two days before his death and the curfew had been lifted. His friends and family members began to fight what they saw as a campaign of vilification in the media. A witness told her story that she had seen the police shout "Stop" and before Chandrikasing had a chance to turn around, he was shot. By December, the family of Chandrikasing had lost patience with the investigation and launched a civil case against the officer who had shot him. They also made formal complaints against the person who had told the police there was someone at the station acting in a threatening manner and against the municipality of the Hague because information about Chandrikasing's criminal record had been leaked. Before the trial, the police paid for the funeral of Chandrikasing, which was attended by a thousand people. The National Criminal Investigation Department then announced it had completed its investigation and the public prosecutor decided to prosecute the officer who shot Chandrikasing for manslaughter. The report stated that when at the station, Chandrikasing had allegedly told an English man that he could not stand in the waiting area because it was only for Dutch people and subsequently told him he had a weapon. The Englishman told the station staff, who called the police. This story was immediately disputed by Chandrikasing's cousin who said that in fact a station employee had given a statement saying Chandrikasing's behaviour on the night in question had been exemplary. He also queried why the family had not been allowed to view footage from the station's many CCTV cameras. The report itself questioned why the officer had shot whilst moving, in direct contravention of guidelines, and asked why he had not aimed at the legs. Trial At trial in December 2013, the Hague court announced that the anonymous police officer was cleared of the charges of manslaughter and murder. The verdict said the officer had been left with no other option but to shoot the young man and the officer had tried to aim for the leg. Chandrikasing's family said they were deeply disappointed by the ruling. Later events Following the aquittal of the officer, a demonstration was held by 50 people which demanded the resignations of Mayor Jozias van Aartsen and local chief of police Paul van Musscher. Three people were arrested. In 2017, the police officer who shot Chandrikasing was arrested on suspicion of corruption and breach of secrecy, for leaking information from police systems to third parties. Dutch playwright Kees Roorda wrote a play based on first hand accounts of the shooting called Rishi. It premiered at Pakhuis De Règâh in the Hague in 2017. In 2021, a production of the play entitled A kid like Rishi was put on by the Origin Theatre Company in New York. See also Killing of Michael Koomen Killing of Mitch Henriquez References 2012 in the Netherlands Deaths by person in the Netherlands 21st century in The Hague People shot dead by law enforcement officers in the Netherlands November 2012 events in Europe

69744372

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Centrale%20Veiligheidsdienst

Centrale Veiligheidsdienst

The Centrale Veiligheidsdienst (CVD) was a Dutch security agency founded in 1946 as the successor to the Bureau Nationale Veiligheid. It was transformed into the Binnenlandse Veiligheidsdienst in 1949. Foundation World War II had made it clear to the Dutch government how important a good intelligence service was, and wished to install a more general and permanent institution than the Bureau Nationale Veiligheid (BNV), whose primary mission had been to roll up remnants of German intelligence services, monitor former collaborators with the German regime, and track separatists in Dutch Indonesia. Louis Einthoven, head of the BNV, advised the government to model a security agency after the British MI5, meaning it would be responsible for gathering intelligence but have not the power to enforce laws, in order to prevent the agency from being a secret police like the German Gestapo. The CVD was founded with a (secret) Royal Decree on 9 April 1946, and Einthoven was its first director. It was run under the Ministry of General Affairs, headed by prime minister Louis Beel. References Sources , Terug naar de bron. Vrijheid, onvrijheid en de dienst in de jaren veertig en vijftig, Uitg. Algemene Inlichtingen- en Veiligheidsdienst, Zoetermeer 2021. External links Voorlopers Binnenlandse Veiligheidsdienst: Bureau Nationale Veiligheid & Centrale Veiligheidsdienst 1946 establishments in the Netherlands Government agencies established in 1946 Dutch intelligence agencies Domestic intelligence agencies

69744427

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Transport%20Act%20%28Northern%20Ireland%29%201967

Transport Act (Northern Ireland) 1967

The Transport Act (Northern Ireland) 1967 (c 37) (NI) is an Act of the Parliament of Northern Ireland which Deals with Public Transport including Roads, Trains and Buses and which established The Northern Ireland Transport Holdings Company which trades as Translink a government-owned body which Manages Trains and Buses in Northern Ireland. Arrangement of Act PART I repealed by The General Consumer Council (Northern Ireland) Order 1984 (ART 5, Paragraph 2) which dissolved the Transport Users Committee established under Section 1 of the Act and transferred the Functions under Sections 6(2) and (3), 59(1) and (2) and 60(2) of that Committee to the General Consumer Council PART II - Carriage Of Passengers By Road PART II is Excluded by Section 54(3) of The Taxis Act (Northern Ireland) 2008 Functions under PART II transferred to the Department For Infrastructure from the Department Of The Environment under Schedule 5, Part II Of the Departments (Transfer of Functions) Order (Northern Ireland) 2016 Section 4. Road service licences Section 5. Particulars to be provided by applicants for road service licences. (b) and (c) Repealed on 5.10.2015 under Section 19 of The Transport Act (Northern Ireland) 2011 Section 6. Functions as to grant of road service licences. (1)(a),(b),(h),(i), (2) and (3) repealed on 5.10.2015 by Section 20, Subsection (b) paragraph (ii) of The Transport Act (Northern Ireland) 2011 Section 6A. Refusal of road service licence in certain cases. 7A. Conditions as to matters required to be notified (2) repealed on 18.8.2014 by Regulation 9, 5 (b) of The Road Passenger Transport (Qualifications of Operators) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2014 Section 8. Duration of road service licences. (3) repealed on 5.10.2015 by Section 9, Subsection 5 of The Transport Act (Northern Ireland) 2011 Section 9. Fees for road service licences. Section 10. Revocation and suspension of road service licences. (3B) and (3C) Repealed on 18.8.2014 by Regulation 9, (6)(c) of The Road Passenger Transport (Qualifications of Operators) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2014 Section 10B. Permits in relation to buses used by educational and other bodies. Section 10C. Further provision with respect to permits under section 10B. Section 10D. Permits under section 10B: regulations. Section 11. Powers to make grants to operators of road passenger transport services. repealed on 22.4.2013 by Schedule 2 (Repeals) of The Transport Act (Northern Ireland) 2011 Section 12. repealed on 19.02.1985 by Schedule 3 (Repeals) of The Road Traffic, Transport and Roads (Northern Ireland) Order 1984 Section 13. repealed by Section 2, Article 2, paragraph (11) of The Transport (Northern Ireland) Order 1977 PART III The Whole of PART III was repealed on 1.7.2012 by SCHEDULE 4 (repeals) of The General Consumer Council (Northern Ireland) Order 2010 PART IV - General Provisions Relating to Licences Under Part II and III Section 31. Records of licences. Section 32. Copies of licences. Section 33. Transfer of licences. Section 34. Forgery of licences. Section 35. False statements. (d) Repealed on 1.7.2012 by SCHEDULE 4 (repeals) of The General Consumer Council (Northern Ireland) Order 2010 Section 36. Disclosure of information. Section 37. Inspectors and powers of entry (1) Repealed on 12.07.1997 by SCHEDULE 4 (Repeals) of The The Road Traffic (Northern Ireland) Order 1995 Section 38. Obtaining of information etc. by inspectors. Section 39. Power to seize certain articles. (3)(a) and (4) repealed on 1.7.2012 by SCHEDULE 4 (repeals) of The General Consumer Council (Northern Ireland) Order 2010 Section 40. Obstruction of inspectors. Section 41. Authorisation of inspectors. Section 42. Functions of police. Section 43. Prosecutions. Section 44. Repealed on 2.7.1990 by SCHEDULE 3 (Repeals) of The Transport (Amendment) (Northern Ireland) Order 1990 Section 45. Regulations for purposes of Parts II, III and IV. Section 46. Interpretation of “carriage for reward” for purposes of [Part 2] and this Part. (c), (d) and (e) repealed on 1.7.2012 by SCHEDULE 4 (repeals) of The General Consumer Council (Northern Ireland) Order 2010 Section 46A. Interpretation of certain expressions in Parts II and III. Repealed on 18.8.2014 by Section 9 (8) of The Road Passenger Transport (Qualifications of Operators) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2014 Section 46B. Good repute Section 46C. Financial standing of road freight and road passenger transport operators Section 46D. Professional competence of road passenger transport operators Section 46E. Professional competence of road freight operators Repealed on 1.7.2012 by SCHEDULE 4 (repeals) of The General Consumer Council (Northern Ireland) Order 2010 Section 46F. Savings* Repealed on 18.8.2014 by Section 9 (12) of The Road Passenger Transport (Qualifications of Operators) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2014 PART V - The Northern Ireland Transport Holding Company Section 47. Establishment of the Northern Ireland Transport Holding Company. Section 48. General functions of the Holding Company.* Section 49. Power to Minister to give directions as to policy and control by the Holding Company of its subsidiaries* Section 50. Surplus Funds of the Holding Company.* Section 51. Borrowing powers of the Holding Company* Section 52. Accounts, audit and returns.* Section 53. Supplemental provisions as to the Holding Company and its subsidiaries.* Section 54. Pension schemes.* Section 55. Provision of railway services. Section 56. Powers of the railway undertaking. Section 57. Power of railway undertaking to made byelaws. Section 58 repealed on 19.02.1985 by Schedule 3 (Repeals) of The Road Traffic, Transport and Roads (Northern Ireland) Order 1984 Section 59. Complaints as to inadequacy of railway services. Section 60. Discontinuance of railway services. Section 61. Abandonment of railway lines. (2)(a) and (b) and (4) repealed on 19.02.1985 by Schedule 3 (Repeals) of The Road Traffic, Transport and Roads (Northern Ireland) Order 1984 Section 62. Powers of acquisition where railway diverted for road purposes. (1) repealed on 17.02.1994 by SCHEDULE 11 (Repeals) of The The Roads (Northern Ireland) Order 1993 Section 63. Exchequer grants to meet capital expenditure of the railway undertaking. Section 64. Financial assistance by Holding Company to the railway undertaking. Section 65. Trespass on premises of the railway undertaking. Section 66. Safety arrangements at level crossings. Section 67. Supplemental provisions as to the railway undertaking.* PART VA - Construction Of Railways Section 67A. Construction of railways. Section 67B. Acquisition of land by Holding Company. Section 67C. Information as to ownership of premises. Section 67D. Power to enter land. Section 67E. Supplementary provisions relating to section 67D. Section 67F. Extinguishment of public rights of way. Section 67G. Diversion of navigable watercourses. Section 67I. Orders under sections 67A(2), 67G(1) and 67H Section 67J. Incorporation of Railways Clauses Consolidation Act, 1845 and Railways Clauses Act, 1863 PART VB - Penalty Fares On Buses and Trains Section 67K. Operation of Schedule 1B. PART VI - Distribution Of The Undertaking of the Authority Section 68. Vesting of the Authority's undertaking in the Holding Company Section 69. Transfer or letting of property of the Holding Company to the railway undertaking. Section 70. upplementary provisions as to the letting of property by the Holding Company to the railway undertaking. PART VII The Whole of PART VII was repealed on 19.02.1985 by Schedule 3 (Repeals) of The Road Traffic, Transport and Roads (Northern Ireland) Order 1984 PART VIII - Miscellaneous and General Section 75. Termination of Transport Tribunal. (3) and (4) repealed by The Statute Law (Repeals) Act 1976 Section 75A. Grants for transport facilities and services. repealed on 22.4.2013 by Schedule 2 (Repeals) of The Transport Act (Northern Ireland) 2011 Section 76 repealed on 19.02.1985 by Schedule 3 (Repeals) of The Road Traffic, Transport and Roads (Northern Ireland) Order 1984 Section 77 repealed by The Statute Law (Repeals) Act 1976 Section 78. Regulations. Section 79 (1) Amended Section 2 of The Motor Vehicles and Road Traffic Act (Northern Ireland) 1930 (2)repealed on 19.02.1985 by Schedule 3 (Repeals) of The Road Traffic, Transport and Roads (Northern Ireland) Order 1984 (3) Repealed by The Road Traffic (Northern Ireland) Order 1981 Section 80. Saving for powers of Minister of Transport, etc. Section 81. Interpretation. definitions of "goods", "operators' licences", road freight operators" and "vehicle licences" repealed (1.7.2012) by SCHEDULE 4 (repeals) of The General Consumer Council (Northern Ireland) Order 2010 definition of "road service licence" repealed (5.10.2015) by Schedule 2 (Repeals) of The Transport Act (Northern Ireland) 2011 Section 82. repealed on 19.02.1985 by Schedule 3 (Repeals) of The Road Traffic, Transport and Roads (Northern Ireland) Order 1984 Section 83. Short title and commencement SCHEDULE 1 - The Northern Ireland Transport Holding Company SCHEDULE 1A - Modifications Of[Articles 133(2) AND (4) Of, And SCHEDULE 8 To, The Roads (Northern Ireland) Order 1993] For The Purposes Of SECTIONS 67A, 67G AND 67H 3 (a), (b)(i) and (d) Repealed on 11.02.1994 by Schedule 11 (Repeals) of The Roads (Northern Ireland) Order 1993 SCHEDULE 1B - Provisions For Penalty Fares On Buses and Trains SCHEDULE 2 repealed on 19.02.1985 by Schedule 3 (Repeals) of The Road Traffic, Transport and Roads (Northern Ireland) Order 1984 References Acts of the Parliament of Northern Ireland 1967 Railway Acts Transport policy in the United Kingdom History of transport in the United Kingdom legislation

69745331

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shane%20Stringer

Shane Stringer

Shane Stringer is an American politician and former law enforcement officer serving as a member of the Alabama House of Representatives from the 102nd district. He assumed office on November 7, 2018. Career Stringer was elected to the Alabama House of Representatives in 2018. He also served as the chief of police in Satsuma, Alabama. He later resigned from his position to serve as a captain in the Mobile County Sheriff's Office. In May 2021, Stringer was fired from his position in the sheriff's office for sponsoring constitutional carry legislation. References Living people Alabama Republicans Members of the Alabama House of Representatives People from Mobile County, Alabama Year of birth missing (living people)

69745998

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cycling%20in%20Canberra

Cycling in Canberra

Cycling in Canberra, the capital city of Australia, is a popular means of transportation, sporting and recreational pass time. Commuting in the city is supported by an extensive network of urban cycleways and on-street bicycle lanes. As a city established in the 20th century, Canberra's development was heavily influenced by the automobile for much of its history. The popularity of cycling in the city has increased dramatically in the 21st century with growing awareness of environmental issues, government policy supporting active transport and investment in cycling infrastructure. This has led to the development of a strong cycling culture. A relatively small city, Canberra has some of the highest rates of active transport in the country. Australian Bicycle Council research released in 2014 showed that more people in Canberra cycled than in any other Australian city or state, against a slight decline in the national participation rate, with 47% of residents reporting they had cycled at least once during the year. In 2019, Austroads data suggested as many as 93,700 residents cycled in a typical week, with 183,300 riding at least once per year. 57% of Canberra households owned at least one bicycle. Amongst regular cyclists, the main reasons for cycling were commuting to work or travelling for study, while those who rode less frequently were more likely to do so for recreation. The number of male cyclists in the city is significantly higher than females, although the participation rates for both are still higher than the national average. As the location of the headquarters of the Australian Institute of Sport, many professional and elite-level cyclists live in Canberra, or travel to the city for training. The Australian Capital Territory and surrounding region is a popular destination for both on and off-road cycling, with the city hosting a number of national and international competitions across a variety of cycling disciplines. The Trek Bicycle Corporation's Australian headquarters is located in the Canberra suburb of Fyshwick, taking advantage of the cycle-friendly infrastructure and varied terrain offered by the many mountain biking trails throughout the Territory. History 20th century Cycling has been a popular recreational pass time in the Canberra region since before the city's foundation in 1913. The Queanbeyan Cycling Club was established in 1899 (located just across the present-day border with New South Wales). Additional cycling clubs were formed in Canberra and Kingston during the 1920s. By March 1927, the Canberra Cycling Club alone had over 90 members - at that time the population was just 6000. During the 1960s, transport network planning in Canberra was based around private vehicles as the primary mode. A network of dedicated cycle paths was first proposed by the National Capital Development Commission (NCDC) in the early 1970s. A 1973 NCDC news feature discussed the benefits of building such a network to supplement the pedestrian paths and equestrian trails linking the suburbs, although considered the costs to be quite high given that there were very few cyclists in the city at that time. It was estimated that 25% of high school students rode bikes to school, while fewer than 3% of university students did the same. From a survey of 363 workers in the employment hub of Phillip in the Woden Valley district, only 1 indicated they cycled to work. The first cycle path, considered a pilot for an extended commuter network was opened from Dickson to the city along a route parallel to Sullivan's creek. The path was officially opened by Minister for Urban and Regional Development Tom Uren, while the occasion was celebrated with a race between local media personalities. Today, the Sullivans Creek shared path remains the busiest commuter cycling route in Canberra. Despite the low number of bicycle commuters, cycling was gaining popularity in the Territory. Although there were some sporting facilities operated by cycling clubs, including a velodrome that opened in Narrabundah in 1972, there was little public investment to address the needs of local cyclists. In 1974, a mass ride involving more than 50 bikes was organised by Howard Rawson and Bill Crowle. The ride from Belconnen to the city via Belconnen Way and Macarthur Avenue received significant media attention, drawing attention to the lack of infrastructure that forced cyclists to ride on main roads. Further protest rides would lead to the formation of cycling advocacy group Pedal Power ACT in 1975. Census data in 1981 showed that the number of commuters cycling to work in Canberra had increased from just 0.9% of all trips to 2.1% in the five years since 1976, coinciding with the extension of the NCDC's cycle path network. Yet modelling during this period did not consider commuter cycling when determining future transport policy. Planning continued to favour private cars and the growth in bicycle commuters had stagnated by the mid-1980s. This situation remained largely unchanged until the ACT achieved self-government in 1989, as well as a renewed interest in cycling as a sport during the 1990s. Between the 1970s and 1990s, the district of Tuggeranong was the first in the ACT to be developed with a cycling network incorporated into the design of new neighbourhoods, now a feature of all new Canberra suburbs. In 1990, the Australian Institute of Sport established its Men's Road Cycling program in Canberra under coach Heiko Salzwedel. The Women's program was added two years later in 1992. A Canberra-based mountain biking program established at the same time was later dropped. In 1993, the ACT Cycling Federation (now Cycling ACT, merged into AusCycling) split from the NSW Cycling Federation as a separate entity governing bicycle racing in Canberra. The first Big Canberra Bike Ride was held in 1999. This non-competitive, mass participation event has since become an annual charity ride, encouraging Canberrans of all ages and abilities to meet at the Albert Hall before cycling different scenic routes around the city. 21st century Significant investment in new cycling infrastructure during the 2000-10s and Canberra's growing reputation as a cycling destination was credited with noticeably increasing non-competitive, social participation in events organised by the Canberra Cycling Club by the mid-2010s. In 2017, the ACT Environment, Planning and Sustainable Development Directorate proposed a variation to the Planning and Development Act 2007 to incentivise property developers to incorporate end-of-trip facilities such as secure bicycle parking, showers and lockers, in new and renovated buildings to encourage uptake of active transport options. Sydney based bike share company Airbike expanded into Canberra in 2018, despite concerns that it would lead to bikes being dumped around the city and in Lake Burley Griffin. In 2020, the ACT became the second jurisdiction after Western Australia to implement the Crime Stoppers Bikelinc platform, a database that allows owners to register details of their bicycles to assist police in tracking and returning stolen bikes. ACT Policing reported a 25% increase in bicycle theft across Canberra between 2017 and 2020, yet only a small number of recovered bikes were able to be returned to their owners Also in 2020, City Renewal Authority began installing public bike repair stations in areas with high bicycle traffic in an effort to encourage cycling as a preferred mode of transport. These stations include an air compressor for inflating tyres, common tools such as allen keys and spanners and QR codes linking to information on bicycle maintenance and how to use the equipment. Cycling culture Canberra is renowned as a cycling destination both in Australia and abroad. The cultural influence of cycling on the city is represented in the local arts community, through public installations and special events such as an exclusive Australian screening of Dutch documentary Why We Cycle at the National Film and Sound Archive in 2018 A key campaign to promote Canberra internationally and drive growth the tourism sector is the promotion of cycling events and tours within the city and surrounding region. A number of businesses operating in Canberra currently provide small group bicycle tours. Bentspoke Brewing Co, a local boutique brewery have adopted a cycling theme, both in the name of their beverages (e.g. Crankshaft, Sprocket and Fixie) and bicycle inspired decor for their brew pub in the suburb of Braddon. The company is a major sponsor of local cycling events, including the 2017 Kowalski Classic mountain bike race on the Sparrow Hill trails in Kowen Forest. The 2021 ACT BMX Jam staged a round at the Bentspoke cannery in the industrial suburb of Mitchell, while Bentspoke's Braddon brewpub is the starting location for the Monaro Cloudride 1000. The Canberra Bicycle Museum previously operated within the Tradesman's Union club in the suburb of Dickson until closing in 2009. The majority of museum's extensive collection of over 1000 rare and historic bicycles were sold to the public and collectors. Built to celebrate the city's 100th anniversary in 2013, the Centenary Trail is a signposted loop consisting of sealed shared paths, fire trails, equestrian trails and public roads that is designed to allow cyclists and hikers to explore the city's heritage, natural environments and native wildlife. The trail, which skirts Canberra's urban fringe, quickly earned a positive reputation in the cycling press and is a popular day trip for local and visiting off-road cyclists. Commuter cycling network Canberra's network of cycling routes uses both shared paths (including some with grade separation) and on-road cycle lanes. In 2021, American cycling advocacy group PeopleForBikes ranked Canberra 34th out of 770 cities for the quality of its cycling networks - the highest ranking for any Australian city, ahead of Alice Springs and Melbourne. On some streets within the Civic precinct, as well on the Belconnen Bikeway, cycle routes are segregated from motor vehicle traffic. There are ten signposted routes linking the major town centres and other points of interest: Cycling as a sport Canberra well represented in terms of competitive and professional cycling. In 2009, the city hosted the UCI Mountain Bike World Championships at Stromlo Forest Park, while the Australian Institute of Sport in the suburb of Bruce maintains a road cycling training program for competitors at elite level. Notable competitive cyclists from Canberra include two-time Commonwealth Games women's road race medallist Chloe Hosking, Commonwealth Games and Olympic medallist Michael Rogers, Team Sky road racer Mathew Hayman, and Orica-AIS rider Jessie MacLean. Others who have trained an competed in Canberra include 1992 Olympic Road Race Gold Medallist Kathy Watt, Olympian and successful international coach Gary Sutton and dual 1998 Commonwealth Games gold medallist Anna Wilson. The mobile training app Today's Plan was developed in Canberra during 2015, attracting local investors and support from the ACT Government. The platform supports cyclists to train remotely, while monitored by coaches and teammates. This app was adopted by several UCI WorldTeams, including Team Sky, Bora–Hansgrohe and Team Bahrain Victorious. Events and competitions Canberra hosts a variety of annual events and competitions including: BMX AusCycling BMX Territory Championships - A state-level racing competition held at the Canberra BMX Club track ACT BMX Jam - A freestyle competition held at various locations around Canberra Hillclimbs Giro d’Canberra - a charity road race, including a hillclimb. Fitz's Challenge - A challenging hillclimb race in the Brindabella Range. Five Peaks Challenge - A charity ride involving a series of short hillclimbs up hills within the urban area. Off Road Events The Stromlo Classic - A UCI and AusCycling sanctioned competition held annually at the Stromlo Forest Park hosted by the Canberra Offroad Cycling Club Monaro Cloudride 1000 and Cloudride Prologue 500 - a bikepacking event taking in Canberra and the alpine terrain of the adjacent Monaro region and Snowy Mountains. The shorter prologue event is a testing and preparation event, also suitable for riders of a lower fitness level. AMB100 Marathon - Has been held at Stomlo Forest Park and Kowen Forest trails. Road Races Canberra Tour - a two-day, multi-stage event hosted by the Canberra Cycling Club Tour de Femme - Australia's largest women's-only cycle race ACT Criterium Championships - held on the Stephen Hodge Criterium Cycling Circuit Track Events ACT Track Championships - local competition held by the Canberra Cycling Club Venues The Stromlo Forest Park is a major mountain biking venue located just outside of Canberra. It was the venue for the 2008 UCI Mountain Bike World Cup (Round 6) and hosted the 2009 UCI Mountain Bike & Trials World Championships, as well as national competitions including Round 2 of the Fox Superflow enduro series in 2019. The park has of maintained trails, built to International Mountain Bicycling Association difficulty rating criteria and ranging from easy to extremely difficult. There is a training area consisting of a course with progressive increases in difficulty and alternative paths around obstacles along its length. A shuttle bus also operates on weekends to carry riders from the car park to the trailheads for the downhill and jumps courses. At the base of the mountain, there is a pump track and BMX jumps. Other facilities at Stromlo include four-cross and trials courses, as well as guest amenities including a cafe and bike shop. Sparrow Hill, in the Kowen district east of Canberra is another popular mountain biking location, mainly used for local competitions by the Canberra Off-Road Cycling club. These trails opened as an alternative to Stromlo Forest Park, after it was destroyed in the 2003 Canberra bushfires, offering four cross-country loop courses of various lengths and difficulties. Other popular recreational off-road cycling trails can be found at Majura Pines and Tuggeranong Pines on Canberra's outskirts. It has was the venue for the now defunct Kowalski Classic off-road race and the AMB100 Marathon, which relocated here from Stromlo Forest Park in 2020 and ran as an asynchoronous race due to COVID-19. The Stephen Hodge Criterium Cycling Circuit is a criterium venue with multiple configurations, located within Stromlo Forest Park. The circuit, which hosts international competitions, is also open to the public at no cost when not in competitive use. The setting of the track in bushland has led to incidents where crits have been interrupted by kangaroos. The Narrabundah Velodrome (locally known as the "Bundahdome") hosts track cycling club meets and competitions. Originally built in 1972, the facility was not suitable for interstate competitions due to the very steep bank angles of the curves and harsh transitions. The outdoor velodrome was closed in April 2013 due to concerns about the condition of this facility and despite uncertainty about its future, was reopened following remediation and re-surfacing works in time to host the 2014 ACT Track Championships. In addition to Territory Championship events, the Capital Region Masters Cycling Club hold regular race meets at the velodrome. There are a number of BMX tracks throughout the suburbs, including the Canberra BMX Club in Melba, the Tuggeranong BMX track in Kambah and at Yerrabi Pond District Park in Canberra. Both the Canberra BMX Club and Canberra Off Road Cyclists club stage events at these facilities throughout the year. Cycling rules and regulations Unlike New South Wales and Victoria, cyclists in the Australian Capital Territory are permitted to ride on standard footpaths. Cyclists are also not required to dismount at pedestrian crossings. While helmets are required, there are some exemptions, including for religious head gear. With the use of dashcams becoming more widespread, cycling advocacy groups have lobbied for the ACT Government to enact harsher penalties for negligent driving that injures vulnerable road users. In general, when riding on public roads, cyclists have the same legal rights and obligations as other road users, although there are some road rules that are specifically designed to protect cyclists and other vulnerable road users. Drivers of motor vehicles are required to leave at least 1 meter of lateral spacing when passing cyclists on roads with a speed limit of 60 km/h or below. Where the speed limit is over 60 km/h, this distance increases to 1.5 meters. Cyclists are permitted to use roads as an alternative to dedicated cycle paths, but must only ride in marked cycle lanes where these are provided and must give way to vehicles signalling a left turn. Riding two-abreast is permitted at all times, however it is encouraged that cyclists move to single file to let traffic pass and exercise commonsense based on traffic conditions. Front and rear lights are required for on road cycling at night and in poor visibility. Public transport The Canberra light rail network was designed to integrate with cycling and other forms of active transport. All light rail vehicles have bicycle racks on board. Outdoor Bike racks are also installed at all stations, as well as some bus stops. No locks are provided, and use of these racks is at passengers' own risk. A secure, covered bicycle cage is available at the Nullarbor Avenue light rail station. Under the "Bike and Ride" initiative, Transport Canberra maintains additional bike cages key bus stops and interchanges across the network that can be accessed on request using a valid MyWay card. Most ACTION busses have bicycle carriers installed on the front of the vehicle for up to two bicycles (it is the passenger's responsibility to securely attach and remove bicycles when boarding or alighting). Carriage of bicycles is included in the fare for both bus and tram services. Bicycle organisations and groups Pedal Power ACT - the largest cycling organisation and advocacy group in Canberra. Formed in 1975. Canberra Cycling Club - Canberra's oldest cycling club, formed in 1926. The club is an affiliate of AusCycling and hosts regular road and track events, including the Canberra Tour and a winter road racing series. Canberra Off Road Cyclists (CORC) - Australia's largest mountain bike club, and a MTBA foundation club formed in 1988. Capital Region Masters Cycling Club - formerly the ACT Veterans Cycling Club, formed in 1993, catering to cyclists aged over 30. The club runs regular road, track and criterium events. Vikings Cycling Club ACT - a club based in Canberra's southern suburbs that hosts social and competitive events for cyclists of all ages and abilities, particularly focussing on increased participation by women, junior cyclists and those with a disability. See also Belconnen Bikeway Cycling in Australia References External links Transport Canberra - Your Guide to Cycling in Canberra, including a map of Canberra's urban cycle path networks ACT Policing - information for cyclists Pedal Power ACT Canberra Cycling Club Canberra Off Road Cyclists Cycling in Australia Cycling in Canberra

69748195

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sr%C4%91an%20Vulovi%C4%87

Srđan Vulović

Srđan Vulović (; born 1965) is a Kosovo Serb politician. Since 2019, has been the president (i.e., mayor) of Zubin Potok, a predominantly Serbian municipality in northern Kosovo on the border with Central Serbia. He also served in the National Assembly of Serbia from 1997 to 2001. Private career Vulović is a graduated transportion engineer. He has overseen the Belgrade-based company Ibar, which manages energy production on Gazivoda Lake, an artificial lake that produces vital cooling water for two coal plants that provided ninety-five per cent of Kosovo's electricity in 2018. Ownership of the lake and its resources have been the subject of a dispute between the governments of Serbia and Kosovo; Vulović contends that the right to manage the lake belongs to Serbia. Politician Parliamentarian Vulović received the fourth position on the electoral list of the Socialist Party of Serbia (Socijalistička partija Srbije, SPS) for the division of Kosovska Mitrovica in the 1997 Serbian parliamentary election. The list won five out of seven seats in the division, and Vulović was included in the SPS's parliamentary delegation when the national assembly convened in December 1997. (From 1992 to 2000, Serbia's electoral law stipulated that one-third of parliamentary mandates would be assigned to candidates from successful lists in numerical order, while the remaining two-thirds would be distributed amongst other candidates on the lists by the sponsoring parties. It was common practice for the latter mandates to be awarded out of numerical order; Vulović's list position did not give him an automatic mandate.) The Socialist Party won the election, and Vulović served as a supporter of the administration. Serbia's electoral laws were reformed after the fall of Slobodan Milošević's government in October 2000, such that the entire country was counted as a single electoral division and all mandates were awarded to candidates on successful lists at the discretion of the sponsoring parties or coalitions, irrespective of numerical order. Vulović appeared in the twenty-eighth position on the Socialist Party's list in the 2000 Serbian parliamentary election, which was held in December of that year. The list won thirty-seven seats; on this occasion, he was not selected for a mandate. His term ended when the new assembly convened in January 2001. Local politics Early years Vulović was identified in a December 2000 news report as chair of the municipal assembly of Zubin Potok, a position that was recognized in Serbia as equivalent to mayor. In this capacity, he helped to facilitate the distribution of voting materials among Kosovo Serb communities in the 2000 parliamentary election. Like most Kosovo Serb politicians, Vulović strongly opposes Kosovo's 2008 declaration of independence and considers Kosovo to be the sovereign territory of Serbia. In 2008, he indicated that Kosovo Serb communities would not permit the authorities in Priština to re-establish checkpoints on the border with Central Serbia. He added that the communities would continue co-operating with the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and Kosovo Force (KFOR), in accordance with United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244. Mayor of Zubin Potok The governments of Serbia and Kosovo partially normalized their relations under the 2013 Brussels Agreement, which, among other things, led to the renewed participation of northern Kosovo's Serb community in the broader politics of Kosovo. The agreement did not address the status of Kosovo, and the Serbian government considers Kosovo's current governing authorities to be provisional. In November 2018, the mayors of Zubin Potok and three other predominantly Serb municipalities in the north of Kosovo resigned in protest against the Kosovo government's imposition of a one hundred per cent tax on goods from Serbia. Vulović ran as the candidate of the Serb List in the subsequent mayoral by-election for Zubin Potok; he described the vote as "a referendum on how much the state of Serbia will be present here" and called for a high voter turnout. The outcome was never in any serious doubt, and Vulović was elected mayor of the municipality in a landslide on 19 May 2019. Shortly after his election, Vulović criticized the Kosovo Police for making an incursion into Zubin Potok under the auspices of anti-smuggling campaign; he contended that the people arrested had no connections to the underground economy and that the police had causes significant property damage through their actions. In April 2021, he signed a twinning agreement between Zubin Potok and Gradiška in the Republika Srpska, Bosnia and Herzegovina. He was re-elected, again without any serious competition, in the 2021 Kosovan local elections. Electoral record Local Notes References 1965 births Living people Kosovo Serbs People from Zubin Potok Mayors of places in Serbia Mayors of places in Kosovo Members of the National Assembly of Serbia Socialist Party of Serbia politicians Serb List (Kosovo) politicians

69748739

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/R%C3%A5dhusstr%C3%A6de%208

Rådhusstræde 8

Rådhusstræde 8 is an 18th-century property situated at the southern corner of Rådhusstræde and Kompagnistræde in the Old Town of Copenhagen, Denmark. It was listed in the Danish registry of protected buildings and places in 1945. Notable former residents include the historians (1760–1792) and Laurids Engelstoft, later Minister of Interior Affairs (1798–1872), writer (1779–1842), instructor and former solo dancer at the Royal Danish Theatre Carl Dahlén and architect Martin Nyrop. History 18th centuary The property was listed as No. 26 in the city's West Quarter (Vester Kvarter) in Copenhagen's first cadastre of 1689. It was at that time owned by Lorenz Kreier. In October 1750 most of the western side of Rådhusstræde was consumed by a devastating fire. A strip of the fire site was subsequently used for a widening of the street. What was left of the property was listed as No. 24 in the new cadastre of 1756 and was then owned by a man named Walbohm. The current building on the site was constructed in 1783–1784 by master mason Anders Nielsen Eegeroed. At the time of the 1787 census, it was home to 15 residents in three households. Otto Franz von der Osten, an adjutant general and captain in the Danish Life Regiment, resided in the building with his wife Ingeborg Margrethe Edinger, their six-year-old son Johan Friederich von Osten, a lodger, a maid and a male servant. The servant was a musketeer in the Danish Life Regiment. Jens Lausen, a jurist, resided in the building with his wife Hinriette Leffler, a maid and a female cook. Lars Jensen, a grocer (), resided in the building with his wife Marie Sørens Datter, their one-year-old son, a maid and a lodger. The historian (1760–1792) resided in one of the apartments from 1789 until his death three years later. The building just the Copenhagen Fire of 1795. The fire spread from the east and continued westwards along the south side of Nytorv just a few houses further to the north. 19th century The property had by the turn of the century been acquired by goldsmith Lorens Christopher Linde. At the time of the 1801 census, Linde's property was home to two large households. Linde resided in the building with his wife Anette Kramer, their four children (aged eight to 13), 14 lodgers mostly in the age range eight to 18, two maids, two goldsmiths, a master shoemaker and the master shoemakers' wife. Stine Pedersen, a widow and the mother of the shoemaker's wife, resided in the building with two shoemakers, a shoemaker's apprentice, lawyer Jens Laasbye Rottbøl (1766–1824, son of bishop ), clerk Christian Lund, servant Jens Tolbøl and student Andreas Hausen. The property was listed as No. 145 in the new cadastre of 1806. It was at that time still owned by Linde. The historian Laurids Engelstoft was among the residents of the building in 1807. , a civil servant and later politician, was among the residents in 1827. At the time of the 1840 census, No. 145 was home to 21 residents in four households. Georg Friderich Dørge, a county surgeon in Copenhagen (since 1802), resided on the ground floor with his wife Marie Dorthea Dørge (née Kufs), their 24-year-old daughter Louise Augusta Vilhelmine Dørge, three lodgers, two barbers (surgeons) and one maid. (1779-1842), a magazine publisher and writer, resided on the first floor with his large book collection. Carl Dahlén, an instructor and former solo dancer at the Royal Danish Theatre, resided on the second floor with his wife Elise Dahlin (née Morthorst) and one maid. Jens Petersen Roerup, a beer seller, resided in the basement with his wife Margrethe Roerup, their two children (aged 10 and 15) and three lodgers. At the time of the 1845 census, No. 145 was home to 33 residents in four households. The ground floor apartment was still occupied by county surgeon Johan Georg Friderik Dørge. Knuddine Andrea Andresen, a 45-year-old widow with a pension, resided on the first floor with her 27-year-old daughter Christiane Andresen, three lodgers, a maid (widow) and the maid's nine-year-old daughter. Sigismund Neve, a theologian-turned-teacher, had opened a private boarding school on the second floor. He lived there with his wife Kirstine Bay, their four-year-old son Hans Neve, six lodgers/pupils (aged 11 to 17) and two maids. The pupils were sons of wealthy families in the provinces. One of them, Christian Mazardele Garde, was the son of a . Two of them, Hans and Ove Muus, were sons of the owner of Sørup Manor at Ringsted. Two others, Sophus and Christian Rosted, were the sons of the owner of Belteberga in Scania. The last one, Andreas Bendixsen, was the son of merchant, tobacco manufacturer and consul in Thisted Frederich Carl Bendixen. Jens Pedersen Borup, the beer seller from the 1840 census, was still residing in the basement with his wife, their 14-year-old son and four lodgers. The building was expanded by one floor in 1846. In 1859, when house numbering by street was introduced in Copenhagen (as a supplement to the old cadastral numbers), No. 145 was listed as Rådhusstræde 8. At the time of the 1880 census, Rådhusstræde 8 was home to 28 residents. Annette Margrethe Cecilie Lind (née Kofod, 1803–1881), widow of a policeman in Tårnby, resided on the ground floor with three female tailors (aged 31 to 41). Christian Johan Tauber, a printmaker, resided on the first floor with his wife Caroline Laurine Amalie Tauber (née Halvorsen), their two children (aged six and 11) and one maid. Johan Vilhelm Otto, a dentist and recipient of Dannebrogordenens Hæderstegn, resided on the second floor with his wife Anna Cathrine Dorothea Otto (née Do-Meyer), their two children (aged seven and nine) and one maid. Johan Nicolai Adam Romeis, a master bookbinder and also a recipient of Dannebrogordenens Hæderstegn, resided on the third floor with his wife Ida Marie Romeis (née Haase), their 31-year-old son Just Christian Nicolai Romeis (bookbinder) and two other employees. Andrea Martine Wilmer (née Petersen), a widow, resided on the fourth floor with the lodgers Theobald Villiam Folknar Bøggild (journalist and teacher) and Anna Madsen (tailor). Hans Christian Christiansen, the proprietor of a tavern in the basement, resided in the associated dwelling with his wife Sophie Christiansen, (née Larsen) and one maid. Maas Sprehn, a retailer, resided in the other half of the basement with his wife Anna Marie Magdalene Sprehn, (née Christensen) and one maid. The architect Martin Nyrop resided in the second floor apartment from 1886 to 1887. Architecture The building is constructed with three storeys over a walk-out basement. The building has a 10-bay-long principal facade on Rådhusstræde with a slightly projecting four-bay median risalit and a six-bay-long facade on Kompagnistræde. The ground floor has a chamfered corner and the upper floors are supported by a column. The facade is plastered and painted in a pale yellow colour. It is finished with a white-painted belt course above the ground floor, sill courses below the lateral windows on the first floor towards Rådhusstræde and below all the windows on the first and third floor towards Kompagnistræde, and a cornice. The outched red tile roof features four dormer windows towards Rådhusstræde. The roof ridge is pierced by a chimney. Today The building is owned by E/F Rådhusstræde 8. It contains two shops in the basement and on part of the ground floor, office space on the rest of the ground floor and one condominium on each of the upper floors. References External links Ludvig Andreas Sundbye Kongsted at geni.com 1784 establishments in Denmark Listed residential buildings in Copenhagen Residential buildings completed in 1784

69749179

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khwaab%20Nagar%20Ki%20Shehzadi

Khwaab Nagar Ki Shehzadi

Khwaab Nagar Ki Shehzadi () is a Pakistani television family soap series aired on ARY Digital from 8 February 2021 to 10 July 2021. It is produced by Abdullah Seja under IDream Entertainment. It stars Mikaal Zulfiqar, Mashal Khan and Anmol Baloch in lead roles. The story revolves around a young, pretty, and ambitious maid Sehar (Anmol Baloch), who wants to get rich by any means possible even if it means by luring her employer's husband Saim (Mikaal Zulfiqar); a devoted husband, who later gets smitten with the maid and cheats his wife, Meera (Mashal Khan). The drama received mixed reviews from the viewers, receiving positive response for intriguing plot of the serial along with praise for Baloch and Khan's character's and their acting skills. Cast Main cast Mikaal Zulfiqar as Saim Mashal Khan as Dr.Meera Anmol Baloch as Sehar Supporting cast Sajida Syed as Asma,Amjad and Saim's mother Shaheen Khan as Meera and Saman's mother Nayyar Ejaz as Jamil Khan: Sehar and Samina's father Ayesha Toor as Asma: Amjad and Saim's sister Alyy Khan as Amjad: Asma and Saim's elder brother Ayesha Gul as Naila: Amjad's wife Nazli Nasr as Shamim: Sehar and Samina's mother Aidah Shaikh as Samina: Sehar's elder sister Qasim Khan as Imran: Samina's husband Ramsha Salahuddin as Saman: Meeea's sister and love interest of Hamza Ammad Mohammad Khan as Hamza Umair Leghari as Munir: Asma's husband Farzana Thaheem as Imran's mother Shazia Gohar as Hamza's mother Arsala Siddiqui as Farah Kainat Kazmi as Seema: Hamza's sister Uzair Ahmed Abbasi Umair Rafiq as Fahad Guest appearance Sohail Masood as Shahid: police officer who's Saim's friend Salma Qadir as Bashir's wife: caretaker of Shamim on her death bed Child stars Ahmed Usman as Hassan: Saim and Meera's son Esha Usman as Fizza: Amjad and Naila's daughter Ayan as Owais: Asma and Munir son Hoorain as Yumna: Asma and Munir daughter Production Casting In 2020, it was reported that Mikaal Zulfiqar is going to make appearance with Mashal and Anmol as female leads for IDream Entertainment serial. Senior actors Sajida Syed, Nayyar Ejaz, Shaheen Khan and Nazli Nasr were also cast for the serial. However, Nasr made appearance in initial 9 episodes only. Ayesha Toor and Omair Leghari joined the cast from eleven episode onwards. References ARY Digital original programming Pakistani television series 2021 Pakistani television series debuts 2021 Pakistani television series endings

69749502

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Killing%20of%20Michael%20Koomen

Killing of Michael Koomen

Michael Arjan Koomen (20 July 1979 – 14 May 2011) was a Dutch amateur footballer who was shot and killed by a police officer while trying to calm down a struggle between his team mates and the officer in Amsterdam. The Dutch public prosecutor announced the officer would not be charged over the shooting, a decision upheld on appeal, so the Koomen family lawyers announced they would go to the European Court of Justice. Biography Koomen was born on 20 July 1979 in Buitenveldert, Amsterdam, as an eldest son. He studied notary law, graduating from the University of Amsterdam in 1997, and worked as a jurist at SNS Reaal. At the time of his death, he was single and had two cats. Koomen captained the amateur football team , located in neighbouring Amstelveen. Incident On 14 May 2011 in North Holland, Dutch team RKAVIC 4 was celebrating that it had won their league championship. 20 team members boarded a boat at Ouderkerk aan de Amstel and began to drink heavily. The captain of the boat decided to cut the trip short and went to the endpoint at Museumplein in Amsterdam. The men then walked through the inner city, and at the corner of Weteringschans and Spiegelgracht, around 22:00, they met a passing police officer who attempted to arrest two men from the group for public intoxication (one of them being Nick Koomen, Michael's brother). The officer handcuffed them together and put them in his van. The police officer then pushed another man, Diego Medina, to the ground and Medina retaliated. Five more men joined the attack and in the ensuing struggle, the police officer took out his gun. He fired off four shots in quick succession, fatally hitting Michael Koomen in the heart with the first bullet, which was later claimed to have been a warning shot. Another man was hit in the leg and Nick Koomen was wounded lightly by two bullets. Passing witnesses thought that the officer was panicked and fighting for his life, whilst an aide worker alleged that the footballers had used beer and cocaine. Later events In September 2011, AFC Ajax fans broke into applause at the 31st minute of a match against FC Twente to commemorate the life of Koomen, who had been a season ticket holder. At trial in the Amsterdam District Court in October 2011, Nick Koomen and Diego Medina were accused of violence against a police officer; it was stated that Michael Koomen had not used violence. Amsterdam FM reported that the officer who shot Koomen had a bad reputation in the force and had been convicted in 1999 of assaulting a handcuffed arrestee. On the evening of 30 January 2012, part of Stadhouderskade and Weteringschans were closed off to enable a reconstruction of events by twenty researchers. The public prosecutor announced that the officer would not be charged, having been justified in using lethal force. After the court of appeal upheld the decision not to prosecute the officer, lawyers for Koomen's family said in 2014 that they would be taking the case to the European Court of Justice based on the grounds that a police officer can only fire a weapon as a last resort. They also saw a conflict of interest because the public prosecutor had formerly worked with the accused officer. The Dutch appeals court emphasised how regrettable it was that a man who had been attempting to calm everyone down had been killed. The judges commented "At no time did he behave violently toward the police officer". See also Killing of Rishi Chandrikasing References 2011 in the Netherlands 2010s in Amsterdam Deaths by person in the Netherlands May 2011 events in Europe

69750088

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jia%20Jianhu

Jia Jianhu

Jia Jianhu (Chinese: 贾建虎; 1970 – December 7, 2004) was a Chinese serial killer who killed twelve prostitutes across six provinces in China from 1998 to 2003, out of a desire to take "revenge" on society. He was subsequently convicted of these crimes, sentenced to death and executed in 2004. Background Born in Xinzhou in 1970, Jia Jianhu was the son of a seemingly ordinary couple who often worked in neighboring provinces. In contrast to his parents, Jia proved to be an undisciplined child who often refused to interact with his peers, and when he got older, he quit school altogether and spent most of his time at home. As he was not keen or studying or working any kind of labor-intensive job, he lived in squalor, as his parents too busy working to provide him with material support. Growing tired of poverty, Jia decided to begin stealing in 1988, but was quickly caught after burglarizing an apartment and given a 2-year prison term. The news of his arrest caused his parents lose their confidence in him, leading to them barely contacting him at all. After his release, Jia started living on the streets and living of off stealing before he was caught again in 1991 and given a 7-year prison term. While in prison, his psyche gradually warped and he developed a feeling that society had wronged him, for which he wanted to take revenge once he got out. After he was released in 1996, Jia began to study police procedure and investigative methods through television programs and books, honing his knowledge for approximately two years. Once he felt he was ready, Jia decided that he would take revenge by hunting and killing prostitutes. Murders Jia committed his first murder on July 15, 1998, when he entered a beauty salon in Taiyuan operated by a masseuse named Sun. He then approached the woman and killed her, stealing approximately 200 yuan. Following this, he began to travel from province to province, targeting itinerant prostitutes between the ages of 21 and 40. His modus operandi involved raping his victim before either strangling with his hands or a rope, or alternatively cutting their throat with a knife, before finally stealing any valuables he found on them. From 1998 to 2003, Jia killed eleven victims in the aforementioned manners, with his killings locations being the cities of Taiyuan and Yuncheng in his native Shanxi, with others killed in the provinces of Heilongjiang, Jilin, Sichuan, Hubei and Hunan. On March 28, 2003, he killed his 12th victim, a prostitute named Wang Dongxiang, in Taiyuan, stealing her mobile phone, gold jewelry and some yuan. After identifying the victim, district police quickly connected her killing to that of prostitute Chen Mou, who had been killed only thirteen days prior. Upon interrogating witnesses around the Wanbailin District, some claimed that they had seen a man who had accompanied the two women shortly before their deaths, and stated that he lived around Baijiazhuang. After investigating the residents of the area, both permanent and temporary, authorities eventually zeroed in on Jia, an unemployed ex-con who had recently returned to Shanxi not too long ago. Upon gathering enough evidence to charge him with the murder, police recovered the murder weapon in his house. Execution Shortly after his arrest, Jia confessed to the two murders, claiming that he had used their services before ultimately killing them. To the shock of the investigators, he additionally claimed responsibility for ten more homicides dating back to 1998, providing accurate details to the respective crime scenes. He was subsequently convicted and sentenced to death for the murders by the Taiyuan Intermediate Court. On December 27, 2004, he was shot at an undisclosed prison in Taiyuan, along with eight other criminals convicted for unrelated crimes. See also List of serial killers by country References 1970 births 2004 deaths 20th-century Chinese criminals 21st-century Chinese criminals Chinese male criminals Male serial killers Chinese serial killers Chinese people convicted of murder People convicted of murder by China People convicted of robbery 21st-century executions by China Executed serial killers People executed by China by firearm People executed for murder Violence against women in China People from Xinzhou

69750234

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/255th%20Separate%20Chechen-Ingush%20Cavalry%20Regiment

255th Separate Chechen-Ingush Cavalry Regiment

The 255th Separate Chechen-Ingush Cavalry Regiment was a military unit of the Red Army during World War II which was active from 1942 to 1943. Formation 114th Division According to a decision of the State Defense Committee of the USSR made on 13 Novemnber, 1941, the formation of the 114th Chechen-Ingush Cavalry Division was to begin in Grozny. This unit would eventually become the 255th Regiment. Colonel Khadzhi-Umar Mamsurov was appointed as the division's commander, Muslim Gayrbekov was appointed commissioner, and Lieutenant Colonel Kh. Baev was appointed chief of staff. The 114th Division consisted of the 277th, 296th, and 315th Cavalry Regiments, a unit of horse artillery, and supporting forces. Despite signing up to recruit 614 more volunteers than was mandated by the state, the division was in very poor condition early in its formation. It did not receive weapons, it had too few officers, and almost 500 recruits deserted. An inspection by the Inspector General of the Cavalry of the Red Army in March 1942 reported that the division was not capable of combat. As a result of these issues, it was not possible to complete the formation of the division. In March 1942, Lavrentiy Beria, the Soviet chief of secret police in Georgia, issued an order which terminated the conscription of Chechens and Ingush. The division's commander, Mamsurov, was sent to the front where he became deputy commander of the 7th Cavalry Corps of the Bryansk Front. Commissioner Gayrbekov was recalled to the post of secretary for a regional committee. Influence of National Politics The disbandment of the 114th Division, apparently due to failing its check by the Inspector General, was actually likely due to the influence of national politics on the Red Army. The formation of the 114th Division was rife with oddities. After staffing, the division was not accredited with the People's Commissariat of Defense. Additionally, neither the republic nor the leadership of the North Caucasus Military District supplied the new division with horses, housing, food, or fodder for four months after its formation. Finally, the division's final commander, Colonel Mamsurov, was at one point the head of a sabotage directorate of the Intelligence Directorate of the General Staff. Historian Timur Muzaev claims that it could only have been by deliberate action by Colonel Mamsurov that the 114th Division could have come to such disarray. In many cases, political motives trumped the needs of the army when in came to the formation of national military units, such as those drawn from the Chechens and Ingush. The formation of such divisions became an important element of national policy in the region. During this time period, the Soviet Union was preparing to deport the Chechens and Ingush. Therefore, it can be assumed that the decision to disband the 114th Division was one made not in the interest of national defense, but in order to better prepare for the deportation of these ethnic groups. This theory is supported by the fact that the order to disband the division, allegedly as a result of the poor inspection it had undergone, was signed two days prior to the inspection. Not only that, but the order was issued by the Supreme Command Headquarters, the top leadership of the country. 255th Regiment Despite the opposition by Soviet high command to the creation of military units in Checheno-Ingushetia, local authorities were forced to begin the formation of the 255th Regiment as a result of a massive influx of volunteers from the region. Built on the foundations of the 114th Division, the 255th Separate Chechen-Ingush Cavalry Regiment was born. Major Yaponts Abadiyev was appointed commander and Major Movlid Visaitov was appointed chief of staff. However, on 13 May 1942 Abadiyev received new orders and Visaitov was appointed commander of the regiment. In an attempt to meet the demands of local volunteers, the local Military Council also formed a Separate Reserve Chechen-Ingush Cavalry Division. However, these formations were not enough to organize all of the volunteers. A report from the command of the regiment stated:Many of the fighters who remained after the formation of the Separate Cavalry Regiment and the Reserve Cavalry Division, not wanting to remain in the rear, came to command and demanded that they be included in the lists of fighters of the aforementioned national units, which indicates the desire of the Chechens and Ingush to participate in the Patriotic War against the Nazi invaders.As a result, many Chechens and Ingush were send to other regular units of the Red Army, including cavalry regiments, artillery and mortar regiments, reconnaissance divisions, and air defense divisions. As part of these units, the Chechens and Ingush participated in the battles of Stalingrad, Kursk, and other engagements during World War II. Combat Record On 4 June 1942, the regiment was transferred to the Special Cavalry Corps under Major General Boris Pogrebov. The Special Corps also included the 115th Kabardino-Balkarian and 110th Kalmyk Cavalry Divisions. The regiments was an active part of the Battle of Stalingrad from the very beginning of the engagement. In was included in the task force of General Vasily Chuikov as part of the 64th Army and operated on the distant approaches to the city of Stalingrad. On 3 August, the regiment was covering the withdrawal of Soviet troops and was attacked by elements of the German 4th Panzer Army near the Kotelnikovo rail station. During the battle, the regiment knocked out four German tanks and killed several dozen enemy soldiers. However, the regiment also suffered heavy losses in personnel, wagon trains, and horses. Under pressure by the superior German forces, which had close air support, the regiment was forced to retreat. Disbandment Over the course of the Battle of Stalingrad, the regiment suffered heavy losses. Since the Germans had advanced far into the North Caucasus, it was not possible to reinforce the regiment from Checheno-Ingushetia. Therefore, it was decided to create two units of reconnaissance cavalry from the remnants of the regiment and integrate them into the 4th Cavalry Corps under Lieutenant General Timofey Shapkin. References Bibliography S.A. Argaztseva, Y.F. Boldyrev, M.V. Vagabov. Я твой солдат, Stalingrad. 2003. P.P. Brikel. Повесть о последнем рейде. 1984. Movlid Visaitov. От Терека до Эльбы. Воспоминания бывшего командира гвардейского полка о боевом пути в годы Великой Отечественной войны. Chechen-Ingush Publishing House. 1966. K.A. Gakaev. И помнит мир спасенный: По велению октября / Герисханов И. А. 1987. V. Grossman. Сталинград. Сентябрь 1942 – январь 1943. 1943. Z.K. Dzhambulatova. Сыны Чечено-Ингушетии на фронтах Великой Отечественной войны 1941—1945 годов. — М.: Известия Чечено-Ингушского научно-исследовательского института истории, языка и литературы. 1960 Oshaev Khalid. Слово о полку чечено-ингушском. 2004. V.I. Filkin. Партийная организация Чечено-Ингушетии в годы Великой Отечественной войны Советского Союза. Cavalry regiments Military units and formations established in 1942 Military units and formations disestablished in 1943

69751615

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Killing%20of%20Halim%20Dener

Killing of Halim Dener

Halim Dener was a 16-year-old Kurdish boy shot dead by a German police officer in Hanover, on 30 June 1994. The Halim Dener Campaign commemorates the anniversary of his death. Shooting Halim Dener was a 16-year-old Kurdish boy who had been tortured by the Turkish military. He fled Turkey before his village was destroyed and he was living in Hanover as an asylum seeker in 1994. On 30 June, he went out at night to put up posters for the National Liberation Front of Kurdistan (ERNK), an offshoot of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). The PKK had recently been banned in Germany as a terrorist group. Dener was in the central Steintor pedestrian zone when he encountered several police officers. According to the account of the police, what happened next was that he tried to run away and they restrained him. There was a scuffle and when a police officer tried to pick up his gun it fired, killing the boy. Later events On the 20th anniversary of Dener's death in 2014, a proposal was made to rename a square after Dener, as a memorial. In the Linden-Limmer district, council members voted to do so, but the plan was then vetoed by the city council. The cancellation of the plan was controversial; one campaigner said "I don't think anyone would arrive at the idea that they wouldn't name a square after victims of fascism because that would upset neo-Nazis". The Halim Dener Campaign continued to press for a memorial to Dener in the city, but Mayor Stefan Schostok resisted, saying he did not want to enflame tensions between Turks and Kurds. A mural painted to commemorate Dener in 1994 on a social centre in Bielefeld became subject to a three-year legal battle and was eventually declared in 2020 to be a work of art (and therefore not illegal). In 2021, 300 people marched in memory of Dener and to protest recent police raids on a Kurdish social centre. See also Killing of Rishi Chandrikasing References External links 1994 deaths History of Hanover (city) Kurdish independence activists

69753504

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1988%20Hargeisa-Burao%20offensive

1988 Hargeisa-Burao offensive

The 1988 Hargeisa-Burao offensive () was a major offensive conducted during the Somaliland War of Independence in May 1988 by the Somali National Movement on the cities of Hargeisa and Burao, then the second and third largest cities of Somalia. The SNM captured Burao on 27 May within two hours, while the SNM entered Hargeisa on 29 May, overrunning most of the city apart from its airport by 1 June. During the offensive the Somali National Army committed gross human rights violations, including attacking the civilian population using heavy artillery and tanks. Background In 1982, the Somali National Movement (shortened SNM) moved its headquarters from London to Dire Dawa, Ethiopia where 3 key military bases were established. From here, it would launch guerrilla raids into the Waqooyi Galbeed and Togdheer regions. A growing number of northern civilian recruits and defectors from the Somali army, drawn almost exclusively from the Isaaq clan, were shaped into a guerrilla force and trained to produce a hard-core of disciplined fighters. Although the Ethiopians were said to have initially only supplied ammunition, Isaaq recruits came with their own arms in addition the equipment seized from the Somalian army. Soon after, the Somalian army established the "Isaaq Exterminator" command which aimed to ethnically cleanse the Isaaq population. Over the following years, the SNM made numerous clandestine military incursions into northwest Somalia. Although these attacks never posed a direct threat to the regime's control of the area, such activities and the boldness and tenacity of its small force were a constant irritation to the Barre regime. The first military offensive of the SNM took place near Baligubadle where a small force attacked a fuel tanker supplying the Somalian regime's base in the town. This operation was organised by local commanders without prior planning utilizing a local force of Arap clansmen based in the organisation's Lanqeyrta base. In the late 1980s, the National Security Service increased its activities against dissidents and SNM sympathizers. In response, the SNM carried out the assassination of the regional National Security Service Chief in 1986 which led to the newly appointed Northern military commander Mohammed Said Hersi Morgan in unleashing a new wave of terror against the Isaaq population as set out by his "Letter of Death". Cause In 1987, Siad Barre, the president of Somalia, frustrated by lack of success of the army against insurgents from the Somali National Movement in the north of country, offered the Ethiopian government a deal in which they stop sheltering and giving support to the SNM in return for Somalia giving up its territorial claim over Ethiopia's Somali Region. Ethiopia was in agreement and a deal was signed on 3 April 1988 that included a clause confirming agreement not to assist rebel organisations based in each other's territories. The SNM felt the pressure to cease their activities on the Ethiopia-Somalia border, and had no option but to attack the northern territories of Somalia to take control of the major cities in the north. The brutal nature of the Siad Barre government response was unprecedented, and led to what Robin Cohen described as one of the "worst civil wars in Africa". The SNM originally planned to attack Adadley, Mandera and Berbera, and to then advance into Hargeisa and Berbera, however the plan was changed at the last minute by the SNM High Command. This new plan prioritized the symbolic capture of the northern capital, Hargeisa, over a logistical blockade, and would further lengthen the war. Despite light attacks conducted by the SNM, Berbera remained under Somali government control, and the port city served as a beachhead for receiving troops and supplies from southern Somalia and overseas, unloading them, and redistributing them across the region. Offensive The SNM's forces were divided into three regiments; Mecca, Medina and the Central Front. A total of 5,700 SNM troops took part in the large offensive. Burao At dusk on 26 May, the SNM units left the village of Samatar Ahmed. The unit consisted of roughly 1,200 fighters, with minimal ammunition and vehicles, and was led by Colonel Ahmed Mire. They arrived in the town of Dhoqoshay at sunset and by early morning the next day, the SNM advanced to Badhka, an execution site outside of Burao used by Barre's government. SNM troops passed Badhka and advanced directly to Burao without any resistance. On 27 May the Medina Front forces of the SNM launched an offensive on Burao early on Friday morning, overrunning it within 2 hours. When SNM forces reached the Baarsiigo restaurant, the unit was divided into two sections. One was heading for Burao's main bridge and the other heading for Burao's military headquarters. Almost immediately SNM fighters took over the military compound at Burao airport where the majority of Somali army soldiers were stationed, the military compound at Goon Ad () in the outskirts of the city, as well as two police stations (including the central police station of Burao), Burao prison and a variety of government offices in the city. Government troops fled, leaving behind large amounts of ammunition, guns, and tanks captured and used by the SNM troops. The SNM executed a number of Somali military officers and officials. After capturing Burao's central prison the SNM freed political prisoners (including schoolchildren). Somali troops subsequently retreated to their base in Goon Ad. Upon capturing Burao the SNM was overwhelmed with recruits, with over 30,000 men picking up arms and joining the group. During the fighting the commander of the SNM units in Burao, Colonel Ahmed Mire, suffered a head injury and was temporarily replaced by Colonel Handulleh. Hargeisa The western SNM forces were still behind in their preparation, thereby delaying the attack on Hargeisa. The unit marched from Masaajidka, on the Ethiopia-Somalia border at noon on 27 May. To relieve the pressure on the SNM forces attacking Burao, 300 men were sent to attack Adadley, which hosted one of the largest Somali army defenses in northern Somalia, as well as a large weapons depot. Around 30 armed vehicles were captured, with the captured armed vehicles being distributed to other attacking groups in Hargeisa and Burao. On 28 May, the Sayyid Omar Brigade () captured Debis, a place in the mid-point of both the Hargeisa-Burao and Hargeisa-Berbera roads, with the goal being preventing Somali government forces from moving between the three cities. On 29 May, the Sayid Ali and Barkhad Brigades from the central regiment captured Adadley. Upon receiving news of Somali army reinforcements being sent to Werarta in preparations for a counteroffensive on Adadley, the SNM launched a sudden attack, with the SNM capturing material, including field guns and jeeps. The SNM then advanced to Abdaal, where the SNM ambushed convoys of reinforcements arriving from southern Somalia, and attacked Mandera prison, where they freed 664 prisoners, including the former mayor of Hargeisa, Ethiopians and southern Somalis. An SNM fighter who partook in the battle of Adadley recounted the SNM offensive on the village: Wounded Somali troops who claimed to be from the Hawiye clan in southern Somalia were to their surprise spared and left unharmed, being sent back to their villages of origin upon their recovery and told to not join government forces ever again. Occasionally captured Somali soldiers would, upon realizing SNM forces would not harm them, reveal hidden guns and hand them over. On 30 May the SNM reached Sheikh Mowdhle at 5pm, and advanced to Sheikh Omar, Adrosh and Hagal. By 7:30pm the SNM units were roughly 300 metres from the military headquarters of the 26th Division of the Somalian army. The same day South African mercenary planes conducted airstrikes against the SNM forces. Although the SNM forces managed to shoot down a plane they took heavy casualties. The SNM attack on Hargeisa started at 2:15 a.m. on 31 May. The SNM force attacking Hargeisa was estimated at 500 men equipped with 84 vehicles, of whom only 14 were left due to vehicles being sent to the front in Adadley. The SNM captured the headquarters of the 26th Division, as well as capturing the Birjeex arms depot where the SNM collected ammunition. An SNM fighter who partook in the Hargeisa offensive described Somali troops dropping their uniforms on the ground and fleeing. The SNM encountered stiff resistance from the Somalian Army as they surrounded Radio Hargeisa's headquarters. The Somalian army units withdrew to Hargeisa Airport and the hills east of the city. Due to heavy bombardment from Somalian heavy artillery and tanks, the SNM force tasked with capturing Hargeisa airport fell back and retreated to Adadley. By 1 June, with the exception of Hargeisa Airport, the SNM overran the city. During the Somali army counterattack the SNM line of defense in the city was behind Hargeisa's radio station. Government retaliation and counteroffensive Hargeisa As news of the SNM advance on Burao and its capture reached government officials in Hargeisa, all banks were ordered to close, and army units surrounded the banks to prevent people from approaching. Both electricity and water-supply lines were cut from the city, and residents resorted to fetching water from streams, and due to it being the rainy season they were also able to collect water from rooftops. All vehicles (including taxis) were confiscated to control the movement of civilian population, this also ensured sufficient transport was available for the use of military and government officials. Top government officials evacuated their families to the capital Mogadishu. The period between 27 and 31 May was marked by much looting by government forces as well as mass arrests. Killings in Hargeisa started on 31 May. A curfew was imposed on 27 May starting at 6:00 p.m, the army began systematic house-to-house searches, looking for SNM fighters. On the following day the curfew started earlier at 4:00 pm; the third day at 2:00 pm; and on the fourth day at 11:00 am. Anticipating fighting to start, people stock-piled food, coal and other essential supplies. Government forces looted all warehouses and shops, with the open market of the city being one of their prime targets. Soldiers raided mosques and looted its carpets and loudspeakers. Later, civilians would be killed inside mosques. A significant number of civilian deaths at the time occurred as a result of government soldiers robbing them, those who refused to hand valuables (watches, jewellery and money) or were not quick enough to comply with soldiers' demands were shot on the spot. Another major cause of civilian deaths was food robbery, this was reportedily because the soldiers were not being supplied by the government. Artillery shelling of Hargeisa started on the third day of the fighting and was accompanied by large-scale aerial bombing of the city carried out by aircraft of the Somali Air Force. Somali government aircraft "took off from the Hargeisa airport and then turned around to make repeated bombing runs on the city". The scale of destruction was unprecedented, up to 90 percent of the city (then the second largest city in Somalia) was destroyed, (United States embassy estimated 70 percent of the city was damaged or destroyed). The testimony of Aryeh Neier, the co-founder of Human Rights Watch, confirms the large-scale nature of government attacks against civilians:In an attempt to dislodge the SNM, the government is using artillery and air bombardment, especially Hargeisa and Buroa, on a daily basis, aiming particularly at civilian population targets. Reports from eye witnesses speak of the town of Hargeisa as mere rubble, devastated to the point that it is barely recognizable even to its inhabitants.The Guardian reported the scale of destruction as follows:The civil war left Hargeisa in ruins: 80 percent of the building in the town were destroyed, many of them by the aerial bombardment of General Siad Barre's Zimbabwean mercenary pilots. The view from the air is of a town without roofs. The exposed pale green and blue plaster walls reflect the sunlight.Many of the houses are boarded up because of the small anti-personnel mines scattered by Gen Siad Barre's forces when tens of thousands of Hargeisa residents fled. What was not destroyed was looted.Other descriptions of what took place in Hargeisa include:Siad Barre focused his wrath (and American-supported military might) against his Northern opposition. Hargeisa, Somalia's second city and the former capital of British Somaliland was bombed, strafed and rocketed. Some 50,000 people are believed to have lost their lives there as a result of summary executions, aerial bombardments and ground attacks. The city itself was destroyed. Streams of refugees fleeing the devastation were not spared by government planes. The term "genocide" came to be used more and more frequently by human rights observers.Amnesty International confirmed the large-scale targeting and killing of civilian population by Somali government troops. The campaign had completely destroyed Hargeisa, causing its population of 500,000 to flee across the border and the city was "reduced to a ghost town with 14,000 buildings destroyed and a further 12,000 heavily damaged". The Congressional General Accounting Office team noted the extent to which residential districts were especially targeted by the army:Hargeisa, the second largest city in Somalia, has suffered extensive damage from artillery and aerial shelling. The most extensive damage appeared to be in the residential areas where the concentration of civilians was highest, in the marketplace, and in public buildings in the downtown area. The U.S. Embassy estimated that 70 percent of the city has been damaged or destroyed. Our rough visual inspection confirms this estimate.Much of Hargeisa appears to be a "ghost town," and many homes and building are virtually empty. Extensive looting has taken place even though the military has controlled the city since late July 1988. We were told that private property was taken from homes by the military in Hargeisa. Homes are devoid of doors, window frames, appliances, clothes, and furniture. The looting has resulted in the opening of what are called "Hargeisa markets" throughout the region, including Mogadishu and Ethiopia, were former residents have spotted their possessions. One observer remarked that Hargeisa is being dismantled piece by piece. We were told that long lines of trucks heavily laden with Hargeisa goods could be seen leaving the city, heading south towards Mogadishu after the heavy fighting had stopped.The Governor of Hargeisa estimates the present population to be around 70,000, down from a pre-conflict population figure of 370,000. However, the current residents of Hargeisa are not believed to be the former Issak residents. Observers believe that Hargeisa is now composed largely of dependents of the military, which has a substantial, visible presence in Hargeisa, a significant number of Ogadeni refugees, and squatters who are using the properties of those who fled.The report also stated that the city was without electricity or a functioning water system, and that the Somali government was "actively soliciting multilateral and bilateral donors for reconstruction assistance" of cities primarily destroyed by the government's own forces. Burao After Somali troops retreated to Goon Ad, in the late afternoon, off-duty soldiers regrouped and entered the center of the city. According to reports by Human Rights Watch's Africa Watch, the soldiers, upon entering the city, went on a rampage on 27 and 28 May. This included "dragging men out of their houses and shooting them at point blank range" and summary killing of civilians, the report also noted that "civilians of all ages who had gathered in the centre of town, or those standing outside their homes watching the events were killed on the spot. Among the victims were many students." There was also widespread looting by the soldiers, and some people were reportedly killed as a result. Following the first two days of the conflict, angered by the extent to which Isaaqs welcomed the SNM incursion, and frustrated by their inability to contain the SNM advance, the military started attacking the civilian population without restraint "as if it was the enemy". The military used "heavy artillery and tanks, causing severe damage, both to civilians and to property. Bazookas, machine guns, hand grenades and other weapons of mass destruction were also directed against civilian targets in Hargeisa which had also been attacked as well as in Burao." A United States Congressional General Accounting Office team reported the Somali government's response to the SNM attack as follows:The Somali army reportedly responded to the SNM attacks in May 1988 with extreme force, inflicting heavy civilian casualties and damages to Hargeisa and Burao....The Somali military resorted to using artillery and aerial shelling in heavily populated urban centres in its effort to retake Burao and Hargeisa. A majority of the refugees we interviewed stated that their homes were destroyed by shelling despite the absence of SNM combatants from their neighbourhoods....The refugees told similar stories of bombings, strafings, and artillery shelling in both cities and, in Burao, the use of armored tanks. The majority saw their houses either damaged or destroyed by the shelling. Many reported seeing members of their families killed in the barrage....Refugee interviews conducted by Africa Watch described how the government separated the non-Isaaqs from the Isaaqs before the attack was initiated:As soon as the fighting broke out, the government used loudspeakers to sort the civilians out into Darood and Isaak. They would shout, "Who is from Galkayo? Mogadishu? Las Anod? Garoe?" [Non-Isaaq territory]. They appealed to the non-Isaaks to leave so they could burn the town and all those who remained behind. Most of the people from these towns left; the government provided them with transportation. Aerial bombardment and destruction of Burao Somali Air Force aircraft started intense aerial bombardment of Burao on Tuesday 31 May. Burao, then the third largest city in Somalia was "razed to the ground", and most of its inhabitants fled the country to seek refuge in Ethiopia. Foreign aid workers who fled the fighting confirmed that Burao was "emptied out" as a result of the government's campaign. Aftermath The Somalian army recaptured Burao on 17 July, and by the end of July 1988 the Somalian army managed to regain full control of both cities, due to unprecedented levels of internal reinforcements, the employment of non-Isaaq militias and armed Ogaden refugees. Moreover, external assistance to the Somalian regime including mercenary pilots from South Africa and Libya in addition to economic and military aid from the UAE and Italy played a large role in recapturing the cities. Approximately, 50,000 people were killed between March 1988 and March 1989 as a result of the Somalian Army's "savage assault" on the Isaaq population. By June 1989, the SNM was actively mounting attacks on major hubs across the North-West, blockading transport routes and interfering with regime supplies to military garrisons. As a result, the Barre regime gradually lost control of the area by December 1989 with exception to major towns which were under active siege by the SNM. On December 5, 1989, the SNM announced that they had taken control of Hargeisa. References Conflicts in 1988 Somali Civil War Conflicts in Africa Somali National Movement

69753683

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Disappearance%20of%20Reed%20Jeppson

Disappearance of Reed Jeppson

Reed Taylor Jeppson (born May 28, 1949, disappeared October 11, 1964) was an American teenager who disappeared along with his two dogs as he walked them on the afternoon of October 11, 1964. Despite an extensive search and media coverage (including renewed attention in the early 2010s), neither Jeppson nor either dog have been located. Background Reed Taylor Jeppson was born on May 28, 1949 to Elizabeth and Edward Jeppson. At the time of his disappearance, he had eleven siblings and he and his family lived in Salt Lake City, Utah; they also had a summer home in Montana. Jeppson was a sophomore at East High School, and played on the school's football team. He also was a paperboy. Jeppson is described as a good and popular student with many friends in both Salt Lake City and Montana, and who enjoyed training his dogs to hunt birds. Disappearance and investigation The Jeppson family had attended church on the morning of October 11, 1964. After they’d returned home, Jeppson went to feed and walk his two German Shorthaired Pointers, one an adult and the other a puppy, telling his sister that he would return within a half hour for dinner. The dogs were kept about 200 yards from the Jeppson residence. A friend of Jeppson's saw him walking the dogs near the College of Saint Mary-of-the-Wasatch at around 1 PM. He was wearing a white knit cotton shirt, a reversible parka with a black side and the other blue, blue Levi's jeans and gym shoes. Neither Jeppson nor either dog returned home. Although investigators stated that there is no evidence of foul play in his disappearance, Jeppson's loved ones don't believe that he ran away, stating that he wasn't having any problems and that he'd left all his belongings (including money he'd earned from his paper route) behind, and his sister believes that he was taken against his will. Despite an intense initial search and media coverage, Jeppson remains missing. He is described as a white male with blond hair and blue eyes, and with dental braces in 1964. Jeppson's disappearance is the oldest active missing person case in the Salt Lake City Police Department’s files, and the department announced in 2010 that it would reexamine the case. In September 2012, Salt Lake City police searched a gully using shovels and a backhoe for Jeppson's remains, which yielded no results. Reactions Jeppson's family had a tombstone for him interred at Larkin Sunset Lawn Cemetery in Salt Lake City, listing his birth and disappearance dates. His parents are now deceased and are buried in this same cemetery. See also List of people who disappeared References External links 1949 births 1960s missing person cases 1964 in Utah Missing American children Missing person cases in Utah October 1964 events in the United States People from Salt Lake City Salt Lake County, Utah

69757641

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Portrait-Robot

Portrait-Robot

Portrait-Robot or The Sketch Artist is a French Canadian ten-part television crime drama series, which premiered on Club Illico on April 15, 2021. It was broadcast on Australian network, SBS-TV's streaming service, On Demand, from December 16, 2021. The series was co-created by Sophie Lorain (who also acts) with her spouse, Alexis Durand-Brault (who also directs). The action is set in Montreal, where the titular identikit or forensic sketch artist, Éve Garance (Rachel Graton), profiles both suspects and victims for a police investigation unit. The unit's leader, Maryse Ferron (Lorain) is assisted by veteran detective, Bernard Dupin (Rémy Girard) and rookie crime scene technician, Anthony Kamal (Adrien Bélugou). Major story arcs are generally resolved in two episodes, while background stories continue across more episodes. According to Club Illico's press release, in October 2021, Portrait-Robot, has been renewed for a second season. Premise Éve, a forensic identikit artist, who profiles suspects and victims for a Montreal police unit led by Maryse. Lead detective Bernard also mentors rookie, Anthony as they analyze crime scenes and question witnesses. Éve submerges herself in people's recollections to create her images. A subtext is the disappearance of Éve's infant son, William five years ago, coupled with her bipolar condition and the recent return of her ex-husband James. Meanwhile, Canadian Intelligence hired Bernard to infiltrate the local mafia, which are planning to expand operations. Maryse's brittle bone disease is worsening and her pregnant daughter, Delphine is worried by its inheritability. Cast Rachel Graton as Éve Garance: Montreal forensic sketch artist, diagnosed with bipolar II disorder, which is regulated by medication, her son William disappeared five years ago Sophie Lorain as Maryse Ferron: Investigation Unit's leader, wheel-chair bound with brittle bone disease-like condition Rémy Girard as Bernard Dupin: career police officer, unit's lead investigator Adrien Bélugou as Anthony "Anto" Kamal ( Ramadés Kamal): recent unit member, crime scene technician, back-up detective Brett Donahue as James Healy: Éve's ex-husband, father of William, billionaire businessman who now lives in England, engaged to Laura Kathleen Fortin as Elektra Stavros-Poulain: Cyber Crimes investigator, Bernard's casual sex friend. Giovanni Scaglione as Santo Luciani: Mafia 2nd-in-charge, Bernard's waterfront contact Antoine Rivard-Nolin as Xavier Desjardins: uniformed police officer, first-on-scene at William's disappearance, also arrested "Jon-E-Zee" Teddy Pluviose as Evans Toussaint: Internal Affairs investigator Jean-François Pichette as Patrick Lacenaire: former cyber-security expert and computer programmer, convicted serial killer, born-again Christian Martine Francke as Rita Young: Franco-Ontarian widow, Adèle's mother Romane Denis as Audrey Sandôme: now 20-year-old pregnant woman, former 12-year-old kidnap, rape victim Hubert Proulx as Karl Maublanc: Audrey's father-in-law Roch Aubert as Nick Chauvet: retired policeman, suspected pedophile Émile Schneider as "Jon-E-Zee"/Jonathan Dareau: YouTuber, fakes his own assault for clickbait Irlande Côté as Romane Lever: 10-year-old kidnap victim, rescued by police Michel Brouillette as Dr. Pascal Lauzon: gynecologist Alex Bisping as Mr Rosenberg: Patrick's lawyer Marie Turgeon as Annie Chevalier: former paramedic, later a writer, vlogger Rémi Goulet as Gabriel Falco: Patrick's cyber security intern, committed suicide Simon Boudreault as Julien Falco: Gabriel's father Nazmiye Moutier as Vicky Lacerda: 16-year-old prostitute for Joker, mutilated murder victim Lydia Dépeault as Lilou Lacerda: Vicki's 18-year-old sister, fellow prostitute for Joker Carla Turcotte as Delphine: Maryse's daughter Jean-René Moissan as Philippe Daviau: Belcastel High School counsellor, procures students for Joker's prostitution ring Fabrice Yvanoff Sénat as Jean-Christophe Bonnessée or "Joker": local pimp, who brands his prostitutes with Jo/<3® tattoo, 3-5-5 criminal gang leader Isabelle Giroux as "Mother of Vicky Lacerda": drug-addled, disinterested mother of Lilou and Vicky Camille Felton as Adèle: Rita's daughter, runaway aged 16, joined a cult, Brotherhood of the Dusk Robert Lalonde as Michel Lambeau/Robert Hargrave: Robert assumes Michel's identity as an expert on cults and sacred geometry, as Robert he survived when his family completed a cult ritual killing youngsters Gaston Lepage as Christophe Marivaux or "Kriss Rambo": sells survival kits and supplies to doomsday preppers and cultists Karim Babin as Ziad Nardnashir: towtruck driver, partner of Erika (third shooting victim) Anyjeanne Savaria as Cléa Millet: 22-year-old double-homicide victim, shot alongside her boyfriend Jules Roy Sicotte as Théo Rivière: 22-year-old double-homicide victim, shot alongside his girlfriend Rodger LaRue as Jocelyn Demarais: Ziad's legally blind neighbor Antoine Yared as David Brown: James' friend, attended their home on night William disappeared Laurent Bélanger as Benjamin Trevor: Cléa's ex-boyfriend, threatened Théo Episode guide References 2021 Canadian television series debuts 2020s Canadian drama television series French-language television shows Television shows set in Montreal

69760381

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Death%20of%20Laye-Alama%20Cond%C3%A9

Death of Laye-Alama Condé

Laye-Alama Condé (also known as Laye-Alma Condé) was an asylum seeker from Sierra Leone living in Bremen, Germany. On 27 December 2004, he was arrested by the police on suspicion of being a drug dealer. At the station, a doctor forcibly inserted a tube through Condé's nose and fed him syrup of ipecac (an emetic). This occurred several times until Condé collapsed and was taken to hospital. He died on 7 January 2005. The case immediately caused controversy in Germany and the doctor was taken to court three times, resulting in a punishment of a fine of 20,000 euros paid to Condé's family. Meanwhile, the practice of induced vomiting was deemed torture by the European Court of Human Rights in 2006 and the practice was discontinued in Bremen shortly afterwards. The Initiative in Memory of Laya Alama Condé (German: Initiative in Gedenken an Laya Alama Condé) has pressed for a permanent monument to people who died in police custody to be erected in Bremen. Incident Laye-Alama Condé was an asylum seeker from Sierra Leone living in Bremen, Germany. On 27 December 2004, the police arrested Condé on suspicion of dealing drugs. He allegedly had hazelnut-sized pellets of cocaine in his mouth, which he swallowed. Condé was in police custody when a doctor forced syrup of ipecac (an emetic) into his stomach though his nose with a 70 mm tube, aiming to make him vomit and therefore produce the drugs as evidence of crime. Condé swallowed back the vomit that had been induced, washing liquid into his lungs. The process was forcefully repeated several times until Condé had foam coming out of his mouth and nose. He then collapsed and was resuscitated by paramedics before being taken to the hospital. Condé fell into a coma and died over a week later, on 7 January 2005. The Federal Court of Justice declared in 2010 that he had died from "cerebral hypoxia as a result of drowning after aspiration during forced vomiting". Later events The death immediately caused controversy since it was caused by the practice of forcefully administering emetics. In Bremen there were over 1,000 such incidents between 1991 and 2004, and it was supported by the ruling coalition. Achidi John had died in Hamburg in 2001 in the same way as Condé. There, Olaf Scholz had said the practice was "without an alternative". It was then deemed to be torture by the European Court of Human Rights in 2006 and the practice was discontinued in Bremen soon afterwards. The doctor who had administered the emetic was put under investigation. He was also a foreigner, working for a private institution contracted to the Senate of Bremen. His qualifications were called into question, but charges against him were dropped. On appeal, the Federal Court overturned the decision on legal grounds in 2010. Another investigation cleared the doctor and this verdict was also overturned by the higher court. In 2013, a third investigation ended by telling the doctor to pay a fine of 20,000 euros to the family of Condé. The doctor had fallen seriously ill by this point and the family said they were less concerned with punishing him and more concerned with having a ruling on the legality of induced vomiting. The Initiative in Memory of Laya Alama Condé (German: Initiative in Gedenken an Laya Alama Condé) was set up to remember his death, holding a memorial every 7 January. It also pressured the city to make a permanent memorial to Condé, which generated more controversy. In 2019, it created a mobile artwork which stood outside different places in central Bremen and was dedicated to all people who died in police custody. A representative termed Condé's demise as "death by drowning". References 2005 deaths History of Bremen (city) Deaths in police custody in Germany Sierra Leonean emigrants to Germany Sierra Leonean people who died in prison custody

69760488

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Troy%20Pickard

Troy Pickard

Troy Pickard ( 1973 – 13 January 2022) was an Australian local government politician. He was the mayor of the City of Joondalup from 2006 to 2017, deputy mayor of the City of Stirling from 2001 to 2005, president of the Western Australian Local Government Association from 2010 to 2015, and president of the Australian Local Government Association from 2014 to 2016. Local government career Pickard started out in local government in 2001, elected to the coast ward of the City of Stirling. There, he was deputy mayor. He left the City of Stirling in 2005. In 2006, Pickard was elected as the second mayor of the City of Joondalup, gaining 15% of the vote, and beating ten other candidates. This was three years after the previous Joondalup council had been sacked. Between December 2003 and his election May 2006, the City of Joondalup was controlled by state government appointed commissioners. He was re-elected in 2009, gaining 54% of the vote and beating two other candidates, and in 2013, gaining 57% of the vote and beating one other candidate. Although he initially said he would recontest the 2017 election, he eventually chose not to. He was succeeded as mayor by former state government minister Albert Jacob. His achievements at the City of Joondalup include planning for the Ocean Reef Marina and overseeing high density development in the Joondalup central business district. Pickard was a long-term member of the Liberal Party. In April 2012, fellow Joondalup councillor Brian Corr accused Pickard of assault during a council meeting on 3 April. The police investigation was concluded in June 2012, with no charges laid. In 2007, Pickard was elected deputy president of the Western Australian Local Government Association (WALGA). On 7 April 2010, Pickard was elected as the president of WALGA, after previous president Bill Mitchell resigned. On 12 November 2014, Pickard was appointed president of the Australian Local Government Association (ALGA). He stayed in his role at WALGA until 1 July 2015, wanting to stay until the end of the state government's local government mergers. In 2016, Pickard left his role as president of ALGA. Outside local government In June 2016, Pickard founded Franchise Fusion Group, which was the Western Australian master franchisee of the Bucking Bull roast meat restaurant chain. In late 2017, Pickard opened a nitro coffee shop named Primal Pantry in Brookfield Place. Primal Pantry was operated by a subsidiary of Franchise Fusion Group. By January 2020, Franchise Fusion Group and its subsidiaries were in liquidation, with over $1 million of creditor claims. In January 2018, Pickard was charged with assault, with police alleging he threw a cup of coffee at his neighbour's face. In March 2019, he went on trial, and in April 2019, he was acquitted, with CCTV unable to show whether Pickard's neighbour had sprayed him with a hose in the moments before. Death Pickard died suddenly on 13 January 2022, at the age of 48. References 1970s births 2022 deaths City of Joondalup Mayors of places in Western Australia Liberal Party of Australia politicians 21st-century Australian politicians People acquitted of assault

69761067

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/M%C3%BCnsterland%20murders

Münsterland murders

The Münsterland murders (German: Münsterlandmorde) is the nickname given to a series of unsolved murders committed in the Münster and Bentheim areas of Germany from 1971 to 1974. The four known victims were all young, petite, dark-haired women in their 20s who had hitchhiked prior to their disappearances. They were later found strangled, without signs of sexual abuse, with their corpses posed in unnatural positions. Their possessions had been stolen, with only one item ever found in a location far away from the murder scene, partly burned. The killings are unsolved, and the suspected perpetrator, nicknamed 'The Münsterland Killer' (German: Münsterlandmörder) or 'The Hitchhikers' Killer' (German: Anhalterinnenmörder) by the media, has never been caught. Murders The victims came from different social classes and were not known to have any connection with each other. All are believed to have been strangled immediately after their kidnappings, but not at the location where they were abducted. Edeltraud van Boxel The first victim was 23-year-old Edeltraud van Boxel, a street sexworker on the Industriestraße in Münster, near the former WGC petrol station. She was described as very short (1.47 cm), with dark hair and in the seventh month of a pregnancy. On the evening of her disappearance, she was dressed in a light-colored coat and knee socks, and carried a black handbag and a red umbrella. According to her colleagues, she got into a white Volkswagen Beetle with a "large rear window" on Sunday, November 21, 1971, at around 8:30 PM, later stating that the car's registration number had the letter "F" and the number "8" in it. The car was parked a little out of the way and suddenly drove away at high speeds after 20 minutes, without bringing Boxel back. Her umbrella was left behind. About an hour later, at around 9:15 PM, witnesses travelling on the Bundesstraße 54 between Nienberge and Altenberge were overtaken by a Volkswagen Beetle driving at high speeds, and according to them, they had seen the lifeless form of a woman tilt against the window of the passenger seat. At about 11:40 PM, her body was found on a dirt road by a farmer on his way home. Boxel was partially undressed and placed on her stomach, and burn marks were found on her ankles from the heater in Volkswagen Beetle models of the time, confirming that she was transported either unconscious or dead by her kidnapper. She had been strangled, but there was no indication that she had been sexually assaulted. A button which was torn off from her coat and her black handbag were missing, and have never been found. Barbara Storm Described as a "fun-loving party girl who liked to hitchhike", the 20-year-old Storm, an ironer from Schüttorf, was 1.68 cm tall and had black hair, which she typically wore with Cleopatra-style bangs (fringe). On the day of her disappearance, she wore a red crinkled patent leather coat, a green pantsuit (trouser suit), a burgundy handbag with a long imitation leather strap, yellow ankle socks and light brown suede shoes. Storm met the perpetrator after an extended disco tour, which also included the then popular “Tenne” discotheque in Rheine. She left her house in Schüttorf on Saturday, May 13, 1972, around 7:30 PM, and initially drove unmolested by hitchhiking to Rheine, where she was soon seen at the disco. Storm left with a visitor, with whom she presumably spent the night, but was seen again at the disco the following evening. However, she failed to appear at work on Monday 15 May, and upon questioning witnesses, it was learned that she had been accompanied to Schüttorf by a 20-to-30-year-old man about 1.75 to 1.80 cm tall, slim and supposedly with facial or acne scars, but were unsure whether that was on that Monday or at least Tuesday. What was clearly verifiable is that her bank received a call from a woman who claimed to be Barbara Storm, who wanted to know if her her salary had been paid in to her account. Nothing could be given to her, as she did not give her account number and the clerk responsible had already gone home. The following Monday evening, she was seen at the "Tenne" again, and this time, witness claimed she started a conversation with a young man about 1.80 to 1.90 cm in height and who had short, dark-blonde hair. The pair left the disco at around 10:30 PM, after which, Storm's trail vanished. On Wednesday, May 17, 1972, Storm's body was found in a field on a then unpaved junction in the woods near Schöppingen: she was lying on her back, in a cross-shaped position, and her genitalia were exposed. She had been strangled and had apparently resisted heavily, as she had lacerations and bruises; like the previous victim, nothing indicated that she had been raped. The lane near where she was found connected Schöppingen and Gronau, but there was also a relatively direct road connection via Neuenkirchen, Wettringen and Metelen to Schöppingen (today part of Bundesstraße 70), so the exact crime scene remains unknown. According to the forester who found Storm's body, the place where she had been dumped was a known lovers' lane, but the employee said the body was not there on Tuesday because there had been a buck hunt that day which he had attended. The police concluded that she must have been brought there in a vehicle. Like Boxel, personal items such as her left shoe, jacket, handbag and a white/red cosmetics bag were missing, and have never been found. Marlies Hemmers An 18-year-old schoolgirl from Nordhorn, Hemmers, like the previous victims, was described as petite, short and with dark hair. On August 6, 1973, she wanted to hitchhike from Nordhorn to the Kunsthalle in Düsseldorf, accompanied by her friend Peter, who was planning a trip to Vienna, Austria. They started very early in the morning and arrived at the Franzosenschlucht near Bad Bentheim at 7 AM, but after realizing that they had less of a chance of being picked up due to excessive luggage, the pair decided to hitchhike separately. Her friend was taken first, but only as far as the exit from Ochtrup on the B54. When he started hitchhiking again, at about 7:45 AM, he saw a foreign car with a black license plate drive past him. Inside, he saw Hemmers, who did not respond to his calls or waving. Peter later told police that the driver, whom he described as "older" and whose car's back seat was crammed with various items, accelerated after he saw him. After arriving at the Kunsthalle in Düsseldorf, Peter waited for six hours, and after Hemmers failed to arrive, he filed a missing persons report. Hemmers was found almost six months later, on December 22, in a small wood called Merfelder Bruch, opposite a horse breeding ground. By that time, her body had completely skeletonized, so it was impossible to determine whether she was sexually assaulted or what the cause of death was but the date of death was assumed to have been the day of the abduction. Unlike the other victims, the perpetrator had apparently taken some effort to conceal the corpse, because he must have carried both the body and the heavy luggage into the area, which was inaccessible by car from the main road. Hemmers' luggage was found not far from her body, but her handbag and hostel ID were missing and have never been found. Erika Kunze Kunze, a 22-year-old student at the University of Münster, had planned to hitchhike to her mother's home after successfully passing her exam. A petite woman with shoulder-length dark hair, she was described as polite but wary of vehicles with non-local license plates. When she did not arrive at her mother's house at the appointed time, her mother called the police. In the evening, a driver passing near the Samerott, an impassable piece of forest near Burgsteinfurt, which encloses the former Germanic place of execution Rabenbaum, near Steinfurt recounted a strange experience he had: he later told the police that he drove behind a dark-gray limousine with "rear fins" (possibly a Mercedes) with a "BF" license plate, the driver of which was apparently looking for an entrance towards the forest. By his side, what appeared to the lifeless body of a woman was slumped at the passenger seat. Less than a week later, Kunze's body was found by a farmer. The body was in an advanced state of decomposition, and the authorities were unable to determine the cause of death, it was clear, however, that this was the work of the same purpetrator who operated in the area. Like all previous victims, Kunze had been strangled and left half-naked, with several belongings missing, including a bag with floral patterns containing library books. These were found by chance many weeks later, together with a man's jacket, half-burned near the Haddorf Lakes. Perpetrator The supposed perpetrator was described as "relatively tall" (1.80 cm - 1.90 cm), with medium to dark blonde, short hair, with an "inconspicuous" haircut which parted in the middle. His age ranged from early 20s to "older". After the second murder, the police made a facial composite based on witness descriptions. It is also supposed that he had access to different cars of both German and non-German origin, and was likely very familiar with the local area. Possible vehicles According to witness reports the killer used at least three different vehicles. Two vehicles had white German license plates, while the third had black plates of unknown origin. In the Boxel case, he drove a bright Volkswagen Beetle with a "large rear window" and a German license plate with an "F" and an "8" In the Hemmers case, he drove what was described as a dark or dark green foreign car with a black license plate. According to the hosts of Aktenzeichen XY… ungelöst, the car might have been a Citroën DS with a French license plate. In the Kunze case, he drove a "gray limousine with fintails" (possibly a Mercedes) with a German license plate bearing the letters "BF". Of the four known murder victims, only the car used in the Storm murder is unknown. Investigation Due to the locations of origin, kidnappings and crime scenes being scattered across North Rhine-Westphalia and Lower Saxony (three of the victims being from the Bentheim area, with the exception of Boxel, the only one from Münster), the investigation fell mostly to the Münster Police Station and Public Prosecutor's Office, as well as their colleagues in Nordhorn and Osnabrück. Det. Inspector Wills was placed in charge of Münster, while Det. Inspector Alois Krone and Chief Det. Inspector Johann Goldenstein were appointed for Nordhorn. After Boxel's murder in 1971, a manhunt was initiated for the killer based on the descriptions given by fellow prostitutes, but it was unsuccessful. At that time, only two districts in the vicinity used an "F" in their license plate numbers (Steinfurt and Warendorf), but despite a large-scale operation checking all license plates available, they were unable to capture the perpetrator. Following Storm's murder, a facial composite was created based on the additional descriptions of the witnesses, with a 5,000 Deutsche Mark reward offered for any potential tips. Wanted posters were also put up, but to no avail. Police also inspected the 308 registered Mercedes cars in the area, but unlike the previous search, the owners never visited personally and only wrote letters to the investigators. In the 1990s, DNA was found under Storm's fingernails, but so far, it has not been matched to a suspect. In 2015, the cold case was reopened and is under active investigation. The grave of a now-deceased suspect was also opened, but unfortunately, the match came back negative, thus eliminating him from the inquiry. The case is being actively investigated by a cold case unit. Possible connection to other murders Since the Münsterland murders seemed to abruptly stop, it has been suspected that the killer might have continued killing elsewhere. It has been suggested that the killer might be responsible for the following crimes: The 'Heidelberg murders' - an unexplained series of murders that occurred in Heidelberg in 1975. Like the Münsterland Killer, the Heidelberg murderer's victims were all young women who often hitchhiked; however, all of his known victims were blond and had visible traces of sexual assault. It was speculated that he might have been a student at the University of Münster who later moved to Heidelberg, or possibly a soldier who had later been transferred out of the area. The 'Rhine-Neckar murders' - a year after the Heidelberg killings, the bodies of young hitchhikers began to appear in the Rhine and Neckar rivers, all of which remain unsolved to this day. The main difference to this theory is none of the Münsterland Killer's victims were thrown into bodies of water. 1977 to 1979, another similar killing spree started in Cuxhaven, and was initially named "The Disco Murders". It later continued into Bremen in the 1980s, and was later given the collective name "The Death Triangle of Bremen". Unlike the aforementioned killings, however, two of the murders included in this category have been solved and were determined to be the doing of different, unrelated (serial)killers, like Egidius Schiffer. The Göhrde murders - finally, an attempt was made to link the perpetrator of the Göhrde murders, Kurt-Werner Wichmann, but to no avail. In the 1970s, the Münsterland murders provoked a great deal of press hype and were repeatedly showcased on the television program Aktenzeichen XY... ungelöst, who ran several broadcasts on the case from April 11 to May 9, 1975. Since 2019, German director Detlef Muckel has also announced that he is working on a documentary revolving around the case, titled Akte Münsterlandmörder. See also List of German serial killers References 1970s murders in Germany 1971 crimes in Germany 1972 crimes in Germany Crimes against sex workers Fugitives wanted on murder charges Fugitives wanted by Germany Female murder victims Serial murders in Germany Unidentified serial killers Unsolved murders in Germany Murder Violence against women in Germany History of Münster

69761236

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1941%20Auckland%20Rugby%20League%20season

1941 Auckland Rugby League season

The 1941 Auckland Rugby League season was its 33rd. North Shore Albions won the Fox Memorial Shield for the 6th time since their formation in 1909. Their previous titles were in 1913, 1914, 1928, 1932, and 1933. This was to be their last first grade championship title. They finished with a 13 win, 1 draw, 2 loss record for 27 competition points, just one competition point ahead of Manukau. Both teams were well out in front in the title race with Richmond Rovers third 8 points behind Manukau. Manukau did however win the Roope Rooster knockout final when they defeated Ponsonby United 28–10. This was their second Roope Rooster win, following on from the 1936 win. Mount Albert United won the Phelan Shield for the first time when they beat Richmond 8–7 in the final. The Phelan Shield was competed for between teams who had been knocked out of the Roope Rooster in the early rounds. In the Stormont Shield, champion of champions match between North Shore (first grade winners), and Manukau (Roope Rooster winners) the Onehunga based Manukau side won easily 30–10. This was also the first time Manukau had won the Stormont Shield. The season was extremely disrupted by World War 2 with a huge number of senior grade players in first grade, reserve grade, and the senior B grade going away to fight. As a result, the reserve grade and senior B grade were merged and City Rovers, Newton Rangers, and Papakura unable to field any teams in the grade. Otahuhu Rovers won the senior B grade for the 4th consecutive time, although it was essentially a combined grade with the reserve competition. As a result, they gained admission to the Roope Rooster competition where they beat Papakura in the first round before losing by a point to City Rovers in round 2. With the war on the representative season was once again relatively short with matches only played within a small geographical area. Auckland Māori played against South Auckland (Waikato) and an Auckland Pākehā side. Auckland played twice against South Auckland, winning both matches. Also a senior B trial match was played between senior and junior affiliated clubs on September 13 and the recently formed New Zealand Old Boys Association played a match against the South Auckland Old Boys at Western Springs in late September. Auckland Rugby League News Season prospects The Auckland Rugby League held a special meeting on March 13. It was indicated that the competitions would carry on as usual and be successful “in spite of many players being in the fighting forces”. The chairman, Mr. G. Grey Campbell said that “last season was easily the best experienced for many years, as the annual report would show, and already several clubs were mustering their forces in anticipation of another good year… it is pleasing to know that progress during the past three years has been marked, and every thanks is due to the excellent co-operation of the players and all officials, even down to the ball boys. The enthusiasm shown in club competition was remarkable and the public gave most generous support”. They then decided to hold their annual meeting on April 2. Annual meeting Their 31st Annual Meeting was held at the League Rooms in the Grey Buildings, Courthouse Lane on Wednesday, April 2 at 7.45pm. Remarkably despite the disruption caused by the war the 1940 season had turned out to be a record year for revenue for Auckland Rugby League. Revenue from gates and the grandstand were £4370 which was the highest ever. This allowed £1885 to be transferred to the appropriation account, compared with £1537 in 1939. “Liberal expenditure was allowed for maintenance, £218 was paid to injured players, and grants amounting to £705 were made to clubs”. A benefit match for the injured players’ fund realised £169. The league also raised £398 for “patriotic purposes”, and £198 was granted to the Sports’ Queen fund. The “total assets of the league were £10,853, and a reserve had been created for expenses of a capital nature likely to occur during the coming season”. It was stated that 800 players competed in the junior grades and there were 38 teams in the schoolboy competition. The ladies committee was also referred to in the annual report. They held many functions and from these donated £161 to patriotic funds, and £64 to the injured players fund and “also assisted several patriotic organisations”. At the meeting president John A. Lee spoke, saying “in spite of the war conditions, so satisfactory a balance-sheet speaks volumes for the excellent spirit which prevailed last year… the league code has gone from success to success, and in the forces fighting in the Middle East, league players are doing well in the rugby union fifteens”. Chairman C. Grey Campbell said “in days of stress ahead the management would rally round any deserving war cause… [and] the future was very uncertain from a playing point of view, but the speaker had no hesitation in saying that the right thing was to carry on doing a part in New Zealand affairs as a sports organisation. It was far better that the public should be occupied in their thoughts away from the tragic happenings in England. The game’s players, officials and supporters were behind the government and the people of Britain in their great struggle”. The following officers were elected at the meeting:- Patron, Mr. J.B. Donald; vice patron, Mr. J.F.W. Dickson; president, Mr. John A. Lee, M.P., vice presidents, the Mayor, Sir Ernest Davis, Messrs. J. Donald, C. H. Drysdale, H. Grange, R.J. Laird, W.J. Lovett, E. Morton, F. W. Schramm, M.P., W. Wallace, H.W. Brien, L. Coakley, H. Luke, R. D. Bagnall, E. Montgomery, T.G. Symonds, G.T. Wright, R.H. Wood, H. Walmesley, Joe Sayegh, R.H. Benson, A. Moody, H. W. Gray, J. C. Gleeson, B. Brigham, N. Kyle; trustees, Messrs. G. Grey Campbell, Edward John Phelan, A. Stormont; auditor, Mr. R.A. Spinley; hon. solicitor Mr. H.M. Rogerson; hon. physicians, Drs. M.G. Pezaro, S. Morris, K.H. Holdgate, J.N. Waddell, G.W. Lock, H. Burrell, H. Smith; board of control, Messrs. G. Grey Campbell (chairman), Edward John Phelan, William Mincham, V. Rose, R. Doble, T. Davis, J.W. Probert, T. Wilson, Jim Clark, J.F. Knowling (treasurer), Ivan Culpan (secretary); finance committee, Messrs. J.W. Probert, T. Wilson, William Mincham; delegate to New Zealand Rugby League, Mr. R. Doble. At the meeting a framed photograph of the board of control was presenting by Mr. J. A. Lee to chairman Mr. C. Grey Campbell. Communication with English rugby league It was decided at a meeting early in the season to send a message of support to the English rugby league which was endeavouring to carry on its operations in spite of the war. They had “expressed deep appreciation and admiration of the magnificent courage of the English people”. It was reported in the New Zealand Herald on April 12 that the English Rugby League replied: “our heartfelt thanks for your inspiring message. We are playing football: we are cheerful; we will ever be strong”. Amalgamation and suspension of the reserve grade At the annual meeting on April 2 the possibility of amalgamating some senior clubs was discussed with delegates being asked to keep an open mind on the idea. It was decided to suspend the senior reserve grade competition for the 1941 season. They also planned a series of preliminary games on Saturday, April 19 to see first hand the playing strength of the senior clubs, so they could then finalise the details regarding the senior grade competition. At the board of control meeting on April 23 Mr. J. Rutledge of the City Rovers club suggested that “the stronger clubs give their strength to the weaker clubs, and then you would have a better balanced competition”. The City, Newton and Papakura clubs had all been in conference with the league about their prospects for the season after having struggled somewhat in recent time. Chairman Campbell remarked that there might be some merit in the suggestion. Richmond Rovers was named by Rutledge as a club in particular that had a lot of strength. Huntly teams desire to join the Auckland competition At the board of control meeting on April 16 the Huntly clubs sent a deputation to ask about entering a team in the senior championship. Mr. W. C. Davies, the South Auckland Rugby League's chairman spoke on their behalf and said they “desired to play matches at Carlaw park and at Huntly on alternate Saturday’s and the clubs were not concerned with gate receipts” at Carlaw Park. Auckland Rugby League's deputy-chairman, Mr. E. J. Phelan said that the clubs had already discussed the issue and had raised many questions and difficulties. Mr. F. T. McAneny, chairman of the senior clubs’ officers’ association said “the general impression of his executive was that the scheme was a wartime measure, but, judging from the remarks of members of the deputation, their idea was a permanent one. Auckland clubs… had a strong objection to playing what appeared to be a fully representative South Auckland (northern Waikato) team,… and the question of transport was also a matter to consider”. Phelan said that in the absence of chairman Campbell no final decision could be made until after their meeting the following week. In mid May the South Auckland (northern Waikato) wrote to the ARL “expressing its intention of inviting Auckland senior clubs to play matches at Huntly”. The secretary, Ivan Culpan, was advised by the ARL board to advise all clubs of the offer for when they had their byes. Richmond and North Shore had already travelled to Davies Park in Huntly to play local sides. Senior competitions At the meeting on April 23 it was decided to make no alteration to the senior teams from the previous season and to decline the applications from Huntly and Otahuhu to enter sides. It was “resolved that senior clubs with teams in the senior B competition be allowed to draw on senior B players, provided the players concerned do not participate in three consecutive games, or five at intervals, in the second round of the competition. Richmond reported that their senior team was unable to obtain a supply of the club coloured jerseys, and permission was given to them to wear white jerseys and pants, and maroon stockings in place of their usual maroon and blue. Protest by Otahuhu In early May the Otahuhu club wrote a letter of protest to the Auckland Rugby League regarding their non-acceptance of their senior team. They “made suggestions that a fairer method of selection be devised in future. The letter pointed out that the Otahuhu club was in a position to field a strong team at the start of the season, but since then senior clubs in the city had made Otahuhu a recruiting ground”. Junior competitions There were fifty three team nominations for junior sides received by the Auckland Rugby League when nominations closed in late April. It was then decided to commence the season on May 10. Carlaw Park and other grounds On the afternoon of January 16 a grass fire on the railway embankment threatened the railway grandstand before it was extinguished by fire fighters from the central fire station. Only slight damage was caused to the advertising hoardings behind the stand. Carlaw Park was being used regularly for military activities after the Auckland Rugby League having granted its use to the army in 1940 with the First Battalion, Auckland Regiment parading there in January. Indeed, the ground during the summer of 1940-41 saw the ground and facilities being loaned out to “various bodies and letters of thanks were read [at a meeting on March 13] from the military authorities, the New Zealand Red Cross Society, the Patrotic Sports committee, and Home Guard units”. At the annual meeting on April 2 chairman Campbell announced that the lease for Carlaw Park had been extended by 21 years. It was also reported at the meeting that Carlaw Park would not be available for night training “owing to the blackout regulations” but “other arrangements, however, were being made”. Chairman Campbell said that training could take place “between the hours of 5 p.m. and 7.30 p.m.” and a suggestion was made that a “well-known gymnasium might be taken over for physical training”. Whilst many teams had their own grounds in the outer suburbs and could train at them, City Rovers, Ponsonby United, Marist Old Boys, and Newton Rangers all relied on Carlaw Park for the majority of their training. On April 5 they were all scheduled to train on the same day with Newton allocated the No. 1 ground from 2 pm to 3:30 pm, Ponsonby No. 1 from 3:30 to 5 pm, Marist No. 2 from 2pm to 3:30 pm, and City No. 2 from 3:30 to 5pm. As in previous times, soldiers, sailors, and airmen were admitted to the ground free of charge along with children. On match days special trams ran from Customs Street to Carlaw Park. In May the Auckland Council advised that the following grounds had been allocated for rugby league for the season: Auckland Domain (2), Outer Domain (1), Victoria Park (1), Walker Park (2), Western Springs (1), Grey Lynn (1). In June the Mount Albert club requested that the league consider improving the lighting in the dressing rooms at Carlaw Park and the league agreed to the request. In September Opai Asher, the custodian of Carlaw Park had his handcart stolen and smashed up. After not being able to find it in the morning he searched up into the Auckland Domain and "spied what looked like a heap of wood. It was the remains of the handcart, upside down, absolutely dismantled, with the wheels, springs and axle missing". The police were left to look into the matter. At the June 25 ARL meeting the Newton club “drew attention to the lack of protection afforded players through goal posts on suburban grounds not being properly padded. Many injuries had been reported during the last few Saturdays as the result of crashing against the posts”. The league decided to take the issue up with the local bodies involved. It was reported that the Auckland City Council's parks and reserve committee that “provided the necessary equipment was available, the groundsmen would attend to the requirements”. Tenders for refreshment rights and programme rights On April 5 the Auckland Rugby League put out a tender advertisement in the Auckland newspapers. It asked for tenders for “Refreshment Rights” for Carlaw Park, and “Programme Rights” for the 1941 season with it stated that the highest or any tender not necessarily accepted”. Auckland representative team In April Hec Brisbane notified the league that due to “private reasons” he would not be able to offer his services as a selector this year. The ARL then appointed Bill Cloke, Dougie McGregor, and Stan Prentice as selectors for the season. Old Boys club rooms On June 14 the Rugby League Old Boys’ Association opened its “newly established” club rooms on Great North Road in the evening with nearly 200 in attendance. The opening ceremony was performed by Mr. John A. Redwood, the president of New Zealand Rugby League. The club rooms were large and contained 2 full sized billiard tables, 2 indoor bowling greens, reading rooms, and with photographs around the walls of “historic events since the inception of league football in Auckland”. Those who spoke at the opening included ARL chairman C Grey Campbell, president John A. Lee, and Steve Watene who was chairman of the Māori Control Board. The secretary of the club was Mr. William Opie and he said that one of the objectives of the club was to give assistance to “old players of the league game who were financially embarrassed”. During the evening “use was made of the recreation facilities of the club, Clark McConachy, New Zealand billiards champion figuring in an exhibition of billiards and snooker in association with E.V. Roberts, a former New Zealand champion and Craddock Dufty, of full back fame, respectively”. Toasts were offered for “the King”, “Absent Friends”, “Parent Bodies”, and “Visitors Club Rooms Opened/League Old Boys. Ladies Committee On July 2 the Auckland Rugby League Ladies Social Committee held a dance at the Peter Pan Cabaret. The evening featured “modern and old-time dancing” from 8 to 12pm. It “attracted a crowded attendance” with guests including Ivan Culpan, the secretary of Auckland Rugby League and chairman Campbell. The proceeds from the dance were to be “divided between the injured players’ fund and the sick benefit of the ladies’ committee. The committee was:- Mrs. I Stonex, Mrs. C. Howe, Mrs. Chernside, Mrs. R. Doble and Mrs. A Scott (secretary). On August 20 the board thanked the ladies committee for a donation of £25 for the injured players fund. Players in military service and military related news It was reported on June 21 that three former senior players were reported safe and back in the Middle East after “participating in the Greece and Crete campaigns. They were Laurie Mills, Trevor Bramley, and J. Vernall who had all played for the Richmond senior side, with Mills and Bramley meeting up on the same transport in a “hurried evacuation”. Bramley had played in several army games in Cairo and had won the General Freyberg Medal for being part of a New Zealand unit which won a seven-a-side rugby tournament. Sadly Mills was later killed in battle. Jack Campbell who had played for Ponsonby senior side in 1938 before transferring to Christchurch was reported missing after serving in Greece and being evacuated to Crete. Around the same time Ivor Stirling was also reported missing in the Middle East. Both players were part of the same unit. Stirling had played for the North Shore Albions in 1937 and 38. He ultimately survived the war and his son Ken Stirling also represented New Zealand at rugby league while his daughter Glenda Stirling represented New Zealand at the 1968 Summer Olympics and 1970 British Commonwealth Games. Prior to round 9 on July 5 both Verdun Scott of North Shore and Arthur McInnarney of Mount Albert departed to join up to camps at Trentham and Papakura respectively. It was reported on July 7 that Private H. A. Meyer of the Point Chevalier club was a prisoner of war. On July 12 it was reported that Lance-corporal H. R. McKinnon was missing. He had played “for the Richmond club for over ten years, from schooldays to his enlistment, when he was playing senior grade”. On July 26 it was reported that Martin Hansen, the captain of the Mount Albert team had returned from the war. He fought in Egypt and was evacuated from Greece. While overseas he saw other Auckland league players W. Walker (Mount Albert), Trevor Bramley and Laurie Mills (Richmond), Noel Martin and Dan Klane (Ponsonby). The latter two were now prisoners of war. Hansen had been wounded and spent time in a Scottish hospital before moving to another hospital and then returning to New Zealand. With several players in the army in the Wellington area it was asked who the players would return to if they played league for various Wellington clubs while on service. “it was eventually decided, subject to approval of the New Zealand Rugby League, that any players on active service are free to play for any club without registration, but upon return to Auckland on military leave the player must revert back to his former club”. In August the league donated £75 to the Fighters’ Mother Fund and the Auckland Trotting Club wrote a letter expressing their appreciation for the donation on behalf of the Allied Sports Gymkhana. Representative fixtures Auckland decided to play South Auckland on July 12 after a request from their southern neighbours. Mr. W. C. Davies, secretary of the South Auckland League also requested a higher percentage of the gate receipts as the gate percentages offered to his team had been gradually reduced over time. They felt that 40% was a reasonable request after amusement taxes were deducted especially after their “fine showing” in their last two matches. After a discussion in committee, chairman Campbell told the deputation that the request would be granted. Mr. T. Shaw of Huntly said that their fans in the Lower Waikato were looking forward to seeing an Auckland team in action. Obituaries Walter Roland Clarke It was reported in May that former Papakura senior player, Gunner Walter Roland Clarke was killed in action on April 15 as part of an anti-tank unit. Clarke was the first Papakura killed in action in the war. He had been educated at Papakura District School and as well as playing for the Papakura senior side in the forwards and was also a “keen supporter of the Papakura Greyhound Racing Club”. Before enlisting in the military he had been working as a grocer's assistant driving the mail and grocers van. Clarke enlisted in 1940 with the second Echelon and spent 7 months in England before moving to Egypt. He was aged just 24 at the time of his death. John David Campbell Long John David Campbell Long was killed on May 11, 1941, after having initially been reported missing in action. He was a player in the Avondale 3rd grade side. Long had joined the Royal Air Force and trained at the Levin and Ohakea stations before leaving for the war on April 26, 1940. His last rank was Sergeant (Rear Gunner). He had been educated at Owairaka Primary School and Mount Albert Grammar School before becoming employed at the Otahuhu Railway Workshops. He was just 21 years of age when he was killed. His name is on the Otahuhu Railway Workshops War Memorial on the corner of Piki Thompson Way in Otahuhu, Auckland. George Gardiner On May 17 George Gardiner was killed in action in Tobruk. Gardiner had played rugby league for New Zealand on 21 occasions and represented Marist Old Boys in 1924, and Ponsonby United from 1925 to 1932. He also played 4 matches for Auckland in 1924–25, and one for Auckland Province in 1925. After his rugby league career finished he moved to Australia and enlisted in the army there aged over 40 using a fake age as he was 'too old' to enlist, after having earlier fought in World War 1 also using a fake age as he had been too young at that time. He was part of the Australian 2/23rd Battalion and left for the Middle East in November 1940. In early 1941 a German advance in Libya pushed British and Commonwealth forces back towards the Egyptian border. In “the early hours of 17 May the 2/23rd Battalion participated in an unsuccessful attempt to recapture the lost ground”. They made some gains but most of the Australian attacking forces were forced back and they suffered heavy casualties. After the operation there were 95 Australians reported missing including Gardiner amongst six other officers. There were conflicting reports of what had happened to him including him being taken to a hospital in Egypt, or that he had been captured. It was later determined after an inquiry that he had been shot “through the abdomen and died of his wounds the day after the battle”. His death occurred in fighting at Cyrenaica near Tobruk with the cause of death recorded as peritonitis. George Gardiner was buried in the Knightsbridge War Cemetery in Acroma, west of Tobruk in Libya. On May 13, 1942, the Bay of Plenty Times published an obituary for George Gardiner. On 10 April 2016 the Australian War Memorial held a ceremony to commemorate Lieutenant George Gardiner's life and service. Gardiner was survived by his wife Mary Gardiner and a son, Parata Ngatai Gardiner. Walter Gamble Mulholland On August 2, Walter Gamble Mulholland passed away aged 58. He was a former secretary of Newton Rangers and secretary of the Referees’ Association in 1909–10. Bernard George Evans It was reported in mid August that North Shore senior player Bernard George Evans had been killed “in the course of air operations”. He had been born at Takapuna and educated at Takapuna Grammar School before playing rugby union for Takapuna Rugby Club. He moved to Sydney and joined the rugby league code and then returned to New Zealand. He then joined the North Shore Albions. He was also a cyclist competing in Takapuna events and a member of the Takapuna junior surf club. He had volunteered into the Air Force early in 1940 and after spending six months preliminary training at Levin and Ohakea he left for Scotland to complete his training as an air gunner. Details of his death later revealed that the aircraft he was on was attacked on its way back to base on the night of August 13–14. Wing Commander and New Zealander, Trevor Owen Freeman wrote he “immediately returned the fire and succeeded in beating off the first three attacks, but on the fourth attack an unlucky bullet from the enemy fatally injured him. Although your son was a comparatively new member of the squadron he was already very popular, and we will miss him greatly. He died gloriously in the service of the empire, maintaining to the end the highest traditions of the Royal Air Force”. Robert Arthur Spinley On August 29 Mr. Robert Arthur Spinley died suddenly at the age of 53. He was the secretary of Auckland Rugby League from 1914 to 1918 and was closely involved with the formation of Carlaw Park. He was also involved with the North Shore Rowing Club and North Shore Gold Club. He was a prominent accountant and was the former president of the New Zealand Accountants and Auditors’ Association. He was survived by his wife. William Robert Dil On September 21 William Robert Dil of Birkenhead, Auckland was killed in action. He was a sergeant in the Royal New Zealand Air Force and part of the 101 Squadron. Dil had trained at Levin, Harewood, and Woodbourne before leaving to Canada in April 1940. He died from injuries which he received in air operations over England. Dil was born in New Plymouth and educated at Birkenhead Primary School and Northcote High School, before later studying at Auckland teachers’ Training College, and Auckland University College. He had been posted to the staff of Birkenhead School at the time he enlisted. Dil was a player for the Northcote and Birkenhead Ramblers rugby league club as well as being a “prominent table tennis player”, and a member of the Piha Surf Club. He was aged 22 and was buried at the Cambridge City Cemetery in England. Hugh McLennan Macdonald Ponsonby United reserve grade player Hugh McLennan MacDonald was reported missing during air operations on September 28 and it was later confirmed that he had died on September 29 in the Netherlands. He had been born in Fairlie, South Canterbury in 1918 and was educated at Curran Street School and later the Seddon Memorial Technical College in Auckland. He was a Sergeant (Wireless Operator/Air Gunner) in the Royal New Zealand Air Force, 99 Squadron. He had embarked on the Aorangi vessel and trained in Canada at the RCAF, 1 Wireless School in Montreal, Quebec, and then the RCAF, 2 Wireless School in Calgary, Alberta. He then moved to England in May 1940. His twin brother Ian was also serving in the air force at Ohakea as was another brother Allan at Hobsonville. He was buried at Texel (Den Burg) Cemetery, Plot K. Row 4. Grave 89. He is memorialised at All Saints Church in Ponsonby. Gordon Bert Osborne Gordon Bert Osborne was killed in action in Tobruk, Western Desert, North Africa on December 1. He was a Private in the army and part of the 18 Infantry Battalion. He had been educated at Northcote Primary School and played for Northcote and Birkenhead Tigers as a junior and then Ellerslie United later on after living in Onehunga at the time of his enlistment. His name is on a memorial at the Onehunga War Memorial Swimming Pool. He was married to Alys O. Osborne of Birkenhead, and 22 years of age when he died, and was buried at the Knightsbridge War Cemetery, Acroma, Libya. His father was Labour Party M.P. Arthur George Osborne, who was the M.P for the Manukau electorate. Charles John Brockliss On December 24 Charles John Brockliss passed away at the age of 58. He played for Newton Rangers from 1908 to 1914 as a foundation member. He went on to be a member of the first executive of the Auckland Rugby League from 1915 to 1923 and a vice-president for many years. He played for Auckland in 1910 in a match against Nelson and for Auckland again in 1913 in an exhibition match at Pukekohe against the champion North Shore Albions side. Senior first grade competitions Preliminary rounds Preliminary round 1 Alan Sayers, the former New Zealand 440 yard champion in 1937, and 1938 British Empire Games representative was on debut for Richmond Rovers. He had previously been playing rugby for Waikato, though he was originally from Auckland where he had been educated at Royal Oak Primary School and Auckland Grammar School. He had scored a record 53 tries for Hamilton Old Boys in the Stag Trophy but had broken his collarbone in a match in 1939 and not played again until this season with Richmond Rovers. This was to be his only season playing rugby league as he enlisted in the army and was seconded to the Royal New Zealand Navy where he served as an intelligence officer in the South Pacific. He passed away in 2017 aged 101 and is survived by his son, councillor Greg Sayers. During the matches Patrick O’Hanlon (aged 18) was concussed and taken to Auckland Public Hospital. It was said that his condition was not serious. Preliminary round 2 Following these matches some players departed for the war such as R. Cato, the Mount Albert standoff. Joe Gunning was called up for military service at home but he expected to be available for club matches. Fox Memorial standings {| |- | Fox Memorial results Round 1 In City Rovers match with Newton Rangers they passed 5,000 points scored in the first grade competition and were the first team to do so. Round 2 No games were going to be played at Carlaw Park on May 10 due to a military parade being held there on Saturday. However, after receiving more information from the military authorities it was found that the parade would be finished in time for one match to be played at 3pm. Therefore, the Richmond v Marist match went ahead at the later start time of 3:30pm. Unofficial shorter matches were also played between Newton and City at 2pm, and Ponsonby and North Shore at 2:45. Newton won their match 19 to 15, while the Ponsonby-North Shore score was not reported if it indeed took place at all. In the City match Lindsay Symons played for City after returning from Wellington where he had spent some seasons. He had previously been a North Shore player. Schultz, who had also played in Auckland for Mount Albert before moving to England to play for York had now returned and played for Newton. He broke his collarbone and was out for the season. Manukau played Papakura in a friendly at Prince Edward Park in Papakura and won 35 to 20. Jack Hemi played his first game of the season for Manukau. Round 2 continued Round 3 Graham in the Richmond side played his last game before going into camp. Newton, who had the bye were supposed to play Huntly during the weekend but the match fell through. Round 4 Round 5 Despite heavy rain during the week the Carlaw Park fields were still in good conditions. Alan Sayers scored a remarkable 7 tries for Richmond in their match against Papakura which was a senior club record. Joe Cootes played for Manukau after moving up from Wellington but was said to be returning to Wellington that week. Round 6 At this point of the season it was proposed to relegate senior B teams to the reserve grade and attach them to affiliated senior clubs. However the Junior Control Board strongly objected. It was decided to try and play senior B games earlier so that players could then play for senior sides in the 3pm matches if they were short. Round 7 In the match between North Shore and Papakura played at the Ellerslie Domain, C Peterson of North Shore scored 5 tries while playing in the forwards. It was suggested in the New Zealand herald match report that this may have been a record for a forward in senior matches. It was mentioned in the same newspaper that Jim Murray, who had joined Manukau at the start of the season had been a Hawke's Bay rugby player prior to coming to Auckland. In the Manukau v Newton match, Barnard was on debut for Newton. He had previously been a South Island representative. Watkins was also now playing with Newton after previously having played for Richmond and Mount Albert. During Ponsonby's 8–8 draw with City they brought up their 5,000 point in the senior grade competition becoming the second team to do this after City had done it earlier in the season. Round 8 James Harold Rae Brassey was on debut for City and scored a try. He had played in the preliminary games at the start of the season. He was a very good athlete, particularly running. He had also been part of the Auckland Grammar 1st XV before leaving school 2 years prior. Round 9 Joe Cootes had returned again from Wellington and was back playing for Manukau. W Shilton was forced to play halfback for Manukau with the unavailability of Osborne. Verdun Scott was unavailable for North Shore as he had gone into camp at Trentham. Arthur McInnarney was also away at camp as well and unable to play. D McLeod was sent off for Marist in their match with Papakura. He failed to attend the disciplinary meeting mid week and was stood down until he attended to explain the referees charge. Taripo was on debut for Marist in the same match and it was said that he was “a recent arrival from the islands”. Up to this point few if any players from the Pacific Islands had played in Auckland though Dave Solomon who had been at Richmond for 2 seasons had been born in Fiji. Round 10 Round 11 Round 12 Jack Hemi scored 24 points for Manukau which included nine successful kicks at goal (7 conversions and 2 penalties). Jack Smith had been in camp at Trentham and played rugby for the Army team the weekend prior. He returned to North Shore and kicked a penalty in their 8–8 draw with Ponsonby. While playing for Marist, William John Bates was concussed and taken to Auckland Hospital. Round 13 Jack Hemi scored his 100th point in senior games for the season in their win over City. There was controversy during the week with O Chalmers appointed the referee for the Manukau v City match but Manukau officials requested a different referee and J. O’Shannessey refereed instead. Discussion over the matter was taken in committee at the control board meeting the following week and Manukau were summoned to appear. They then expressed regret over their actions and it was decided to take no further action. Former New Zealand representative Dick Smith came out of retirement to fill the fullback position which was usually occupied by his brother Jack Smith. Jack was away for military training. Round 14 Papakura recorded their first and last win of the season when they defeated City 5–2. A novel event happened during the weekend when Manukau, who were on their bye, played at Te Kohanga in a game of rugby union. They played under the name of 'Tamaki Rugby' team. The match was to assist (Princess) Te Puea Hērangi in raising funds for the New Zealand Māori Red Cross Society with a dance being held in the Te Kohanga Hall in the evening with music supplied by the T.P.M. orchestra from Ngaruawahia. ‘Manukau’ won by 37 points to 6 and the day also raised £56. Former Manukau player and New Zealand representative Jack Brodrick made his first appearance for the season. Round 15 Round 16 Verdun Scott of North Shore had gone back to camp and J Greenwood replaced him at centre. City Rovers signed Takapuna rugby wing three quarter H. Rogan. L. Naughton, a North Shore rugby played joined North Shore Albions and played centre. Round 17 The Auckland representative team was playing South Auckland in Huntly at the same time as the Carlaw Park matches were on. It had been arranged that 3 teams would have a bye to allow for enough talent to be in the Auckland team. They were Mount Albert, Richmond, and Marist. There was supposed to be a match between City and Ponsonby played at Carlaw Park 2, however it appears that these teams decided not to play the match as they were both out of championship contention. During the week the Auckland Star published a piece on Claude List who was remarkably now in his 29th season of rugby league. He had debuted at the senior level for the Kingsland Rovers in 1921. He remained with them for many years and was selected to play for Auckland and New Zealand despite the fact that they were a senior B side. He was the first player ever to do this. After Kingsland amalgamated with Grafton and then essentially folded he joined Marist, and then Mount Albert who he was currently playing with. Round 18 After round 18 had been completed North Shore Albions had secured the title ahead of Manukau after their 19–9 win over Newton. Manukau won the Thistle Cup by scoring 360 points to North Shore's 304. J Donald came out of retirement to help the City team after not having played for a few seasons. Roope Rooster It was decided to include 10 teams in the Roope Rooster competition which would be the 9 teams from the Fox Memorial competition and Otahuhu Rovers who had won the senior B competition. The first round included the 3 lowest placed teams from the Fox Memorial championship and Otahuhu. Round 1 The 2 matches were played as curtain raisers to the Auckland Māori v Auckland Pākehā match. Round 2 Marist upset Richmond in their match 11–10 with John Anderson scoring all of their points through a try, conversion, 2 penalties and a “sensational” drop goal which won the match. Semi Finals Final Manukau won the Roope Rooster competition with a comfortable win over Ponsonby. It was reported after the game that Jack Hemi had broken the goal kicking record in senior rugby league with 160 points from kicks. He broke the previous record of Bill Davidson who scored 136 points in 1921. However Davidson's total included all club matches and Auckland representative matches. Phelan Shield Round 1 The first match in the Phelan Shield was played between Mount Albert and Papakura who had both been eliminated in the first round of the Roope Rooster. It was played at Fowld's Park in Morningside, the home ground of Mount Albert. The score was reported but no scoring details were provided. Round 2 Semi Finals George Tittleton, the brother of Wally Tittleton had returned to play for Richmond and kicked a penalty in their 13–7 win over City. Ross Jones made his first appearance for North Shore since he returned from the aborted New Zealand tour of England in 1939. He had returned to his farm at Matakana and not played since. City had serious difficulty fielding a team for their match with Richmond. Final Stormont Shield Final Top try scorers and point scorers Jim Murray of Manukau scored a remarkable 31 tries which was a record for a season. His teammate Jack Hemi also broke the record for the most points in a season, finishing with 206 which was well ahead of the previous record set by Bill Davidson in 1921. Senior B grade/Reserve grade competition With senior teams depleted by the large numbers of players going away to war the Auckland Rugby League decided to merge the reserve grade and senior B grade. The competition was generally reported as “senior B” but was named “reserve grade” at times as well. The fixtures were not listed apart from the first 2 weeks so few venues or referees are known and very few results were reported either. In early June it was reported at the board of control meeting that “several senior B teams had defaulted” and “it was decided to refer the matter to the junior control board for a report”. Standings {| |- | Results Other club matches and lower grades Lower grade clubs Otahuhu Rovers won the 3rd grade for the 3rd consecutive time. City Rovers won the 4th grade for the 4th consecutive year. They also beat Richmond Rovers 7–6 in the 4th grade knockout final. Point Chevalier won the 5th grade for the first time in their history. Ellerslie beat Richmond in the 5th grade knockout final by default. Richmond were unbeaten in winning the 6th grade while Ellerslie won the 7th grade. In the senior Schoolboys knockout final Point Chevalier beat R.V. 3–0. R. Martin of the Otahuhu 3rd grade side won the J.F.W. Dickson medal for the most sportsmanlike player. Grades were made of the following teams with the winning team in bold: Third Grade: City Rovers, Glenora, Green Lane, North Shore Albions, Otahuhu Rovers, Papakura, Point Chevalier, Ponsonby United, Richmond Rovers Fourth Grade Gillett Cup: Avondale, City Rovers, Ellerslie United, Mount Albert United, North Shore Albions, Northcote & Birkenhead Ramblers, Otahuhu Rovers, Point Chevalier, Ponsonby United, Richmond Rovers Fifth Grade: Ellerslie United, Papakura, Point Chevalier A, Point Chevalier B, Richmond Sixth Grade: Ellerslie United, Green Lane, Newton Rangers, North Shore Albions, Northcote & Birkenhead Ramblers, Otahuhu Rovers, Ponsonby United, Richmond Rovers Seventh Grade: Ellerslie United, Green Lane, Ponsonby United, Richmond Rovers Schoolboys Senior (Lou Rout trophy): Avondale, Ellerslie United, Mount Albert United, Newmarket, Newton Rangers, Northcote & Birkenhead Ramblers, Point Chevalier, R.V., Ponsonby United, Richmond Rovers Intermediate (Newport and Eccles Memorial Shield): Avondale, Ellerslie United, Green Lane, Mount Albert United, Newmarket, Newton Rangers, Point Chevalier, Ponsonby United, R.V., Richmond Rovers Junior: Glenora, Green Lane, Manukau, Marist Old Boys A, Marist Old Boys B, Mount Albert United, Newmarket, North Shore, Northcote & Birkenhead Ramblers, Point Chevalier, Ponsonby United, R.V., Richmond In October a representative Auckland Schoolboys side was selected to play for the Golden Bloom Banner in a match against South Auckland Schoolboys. The team was: (BACKS) J. Takiru (R.V.), M. Daly (Avondale), J. Mackie (Mount Albert), L. Jury (Point Chevalier), J. Stackpole (Newton), D. White (Ponsonby), C. Moyle (Newton), C. Laurent (Mount Albert), (FORWARDS) W. Forman (Point Chevalier), P. Martin (R.V.), C. Aulderton (Newton), D. Rodgers (Mount Albert), C. Poole (Point Chevalier), J. Allen (Avondale), and H. Moore (Northcote). They played a return match at Carlaw Park a week later with Auckland winning 17–0. On November 8 a Schoolboy Gala Day was held at Carlaw Park. Events included 50 yard races, relay races, Tug O War, and a seven-a-side tournament with Mount Albert beating Green Lane. Other matches Auckland Referees v South Auckland Referees The match was for the Walmesley Shield Papakura v City Stratford v Newton Miramar (Wellington) v Richmond Representative fixtures In August the West Coast board requested Auckland send a touring side there to play a match and possibly others in the South Island. However Auckland declined as “owing to war conditions and the fact of many prominent players being unable to obtain leave”. Chairman Campbell said “tentative arrangements had already been made, but it was found that at least six players hold important positions in various war industries, and unless the best combination was available, the trip was not advisable”. Auckland Māori v South Auckland (Waikato) The first representative match of the season was played on the Kings Birthday holiday. A curtain raiser was played between the Papakura Camp army side against Ellerslie's senior B team. Auckland v South Auckland (Waikato) Originally Brian Riley and Pita Ririnui were named to play in the Auckland side but were dropped after being unable to train. Chairman G. Grey Campbell said “chosen players must practise”. Ririnui had said he was unable to attend the two trainings while Riley had injured an ankle on the previous Saturday. Acting Prime Minister, the Honorable Walter Nash, and Honorable Patrick Charkes Webb (Minister of Labour) were among the spectators which numbered between 9 and 10 thousand. Auckland trialled 14-6 before a big comeback saw them win 25–14. In a curtain-raiser the South Auckland Schoolboys beat Auckland Schoolboys 9–8. South Auckland Old Boys v All Golds On Sunday, August 10 an All Golds team of veteran representative players traveled to Davies Park in Huntly to take on a South Auckland veteran side. The cause was to raise money for "local patriotic funds" and the days events were organised by the Huntly Patriotic Committee. Nine Auckland bands also made the trip with 3,000 spectators in attendance and £200 was raised. The All Golds team included Craddock Dufty, Roy Hardgrave, Allan Seagar, Clarrie McNeil, Stan Prentice, C Dunn, Roy Powell, Stan Clark, Jack Satherley, Des Herring, Jack McLeod, W. McLaughlin, Trevor Hanlon, with the reserves: Norm Campbell, Tim Peckham, Len Schultz, J Purdy, Gordon Campbell, and H Flanagan. South Auckland (Waikato) v Auckland Jim Clark and E Chapman were appointed managers for the Auckland team on their trip south to Davies Park in Huntly. Auckland Schoolboys travelled with them and defeated South Auckland Schoolboys 17–3. Auckland were welcomed to the ground by the mayor of Huntly, Mr. George Smith with a large attendance present. There was no rain during the match but it was in heavy condition with large pools of water in places. Auckland Māori v Auckland Pākehā Auckland Māori won the match with a last minute try to Gregory after they had trailed 16–17. Senior B Trial match Senior Clubs v Junior Clubs On September 13 a trial match was played between the Senior Clubs and Junior Clubs from the senior B grade. The Senior clubs were made up of Manukau, Ponsonby, Mount Albert, Richmond and North Shore, while the Junior Clubs were made up of Point Chevalier, Otahuhu, Ellerslie, and Northcote. NZ OB's v S. Auckland OB's (Les Lees Challenge Cup) On September 27 a match was played between the recently formed New Zealand Old Boys Association and the South Auckland Old Boys. The New Zealand side was essentially made up of Auckland players. The Minister of Labour, Paddy Webb kicked off the match. The afternoon also including marching bands and a tribute to soldiers who served in the First World War, along with a wrestling match between M. Donovan, and A. Edwards. Auckland Representative Matches Played and Scorers Auckland Māori Representative Matches Played and Scorers Auckland Pākehā Representative Matches Played and Scorers Annual General Meetings and Club News Auckland Rugby League Junior Control Board They held their annual meeting on March 25 at the League Rooms on Courthouse Lane. At the annual meeting of the Junior Control Board on April 8 the following board was elected:- Messrs. E. Chapman (chairman), C. Howe (vice-chairman), W. Clarke (secretary), I. Stonex (assistant secretary and grounds allocator), G. Batchelor, W. Burgess, T. Carey, M. McNamara, E. Kane, E. Renner. Nominations for all grades would close on April 22 with May 3 set as a possible season start date. ARL Schoolboy Management Committee In May it was reported that 39 teams had been nominated in the schoolboys competition. Auckland Rugby League Referees Association They held their annual meeting on March 10 at the ARL Board Rooms in Greys Buildings. They elected the following officers”- President, Mr, Les Bull; vice-president, Mr. G. McGowatt; delegate to the ARL, Mr. William Mincham; delegate to the junior control board, Mr. J. Short; delegate to the senior management committee, Mr. J. Kelly; delegate to the New Zealand Referees’ Association, Mr. Les Bull; secretary, Mr. Thomas E. Skinner; treasurer, Mr. A. E. Chapman; auditor, Mr. Percy Rogers; official critic, Mr. S. Billman; examination committee Messrs. Renton and Brady; appointment board, Mr. Percy Rogers; executive, Messrs. Maurice Wetherill, R. Otto, and Hawkes. At their meeting on June 3 they farewelled Seargant N. D. McIvor who was going to war. With 50 members present best wishes and a safe return were wished and Mr. G. McCowatt presented him with an inscribed notecase. Avondale Rugby League Football Club Avondale held their annual meeting in St. Jude's Street Hall on Tuesday, April 1. Their honorary secretary was H. W. Green. They advertised for a general practice in the newspaper to be held at the Avondale Racecourse on Saturday, April 5 with all players to report to club captain, Mr. E. Buck at 2pm. Then on April 18 they advertised for players in all grades from schoolboys to senior B. City Rovers Football Club City Rovers held their annual meeting at the League Rooms in the Grey Buildings on Courthouse Lane on Thursday, the 20th of March. Ernie Asher was their secretary for the season. At the control board meeting on April 23 Mr. J. Rutledge said that the City club would have Roy Hardgrave as their player coach. Ellerslie United League Football Club On March 12 Ellerslie United held their annual meeting at the Parish Hall in Ellerslie. They held a training for “all grades” on the Ellerslie Reserve on Friday, April 11 at 2 pm. Their honorary secretary for 1941 was Mr. G. Whaley. Ellerslie applied for life memberships in Auckland Rugby League in April on behalf of Messrs. G. Chapman, and J. McInnarney but this was deferred by the Auckland Rugby League and a subcommittee of chairman Campbell, Ivan Culpan, Ted Phelan, and W. O. Carlaw was appointed to offer suggestions governing the classification of life-members. In May “the Ellerslie branch of the Fighting Forces Patriotic fund appealed for a senior fixture to be arranged at Ellerslie on a date in the near future”. The request was deferred so that a suitable match could be arranged. The round 7 match on June 21 was played at the Ellerslie Domain and the Ellerslie patriotic committee wrote a letter expressing thanks in July. Glenora Rugby League Football Club Green Lane Football Club Green Lane held their annual meeting at the Training Shed in Green Lane on Wednesday, March 26. At the June 25 ARL meeting a letter from the Green Lane club was read asking about trophies which would be allotted for the season. Several suggestions were made but the matter was deferred until later in the season. Manukau Rugby League Football Club They held their annual meeting on March 11 in the Labour Party Rooms, in the Strand Theatre Buildings on Queen Street in Onehunga. They began their preseason training at the Training Shed on Galway Street on Saturday, March 29. On July 15 at the ARL meeting Manukau requested that their match with Marist scheduled for August 2 be played at Waikaraka Park in Onehunga for the benefit of the Onehunga Patriotic Fund. The board decided to defer the decision for a week. News came on July 24 from Mihaka Panapa, the former Manukau player who was serving in the war. He said “the restaurants were our camping grounds, and really we did make gluttons of ourselves”. “It was eat, eat all the time, and still more eating” as they were on leave from Crete for seven days in Egypt. Panapa was killed on December 16 in the same year in the Western Desert, North Africa and was buried at Knightsbridge War Cemetery, Acroma, Libya. Marist Brothers Old Boys League Football Club On March 6 The Marist club in conjunction with the Parnell branch of the Returned Soldier's Association held a gathering at the Parnell Returned Soldiers Hall to farewell J. Matthews who had played three quarter for the senior side for several seasons. He was a member of the expeditionary force. They presented him with a razor case. They held their annual meeting in the rugby league rooms on Courthouse Lane on March 13. Mount Albert League Football Club Their annual meeting was held at King George's Hall at the Mount Albert Terminus on March 17. They held their first official training for all grades at Fowlds Park, Morningside on Saturday, April 5. Their honorary secretary was H. G. Shaw. On June 28 it was reported that 4 brothers, who had all represented Mount Albert were serving in the war. They were Private Theodore Roberts, Private Albert Roberts, Gunner Kenneth Roberts, and Gunner Reginald Roberts. Newmarket Rugby League Football Club They held their annual meeting in the Municipal Buildings in Newmarket on Wednesday, April 9. Their honorary secretary was Mr. B. R. Arnott. Newton Rangers League Football Club Newton held their annual meeting on March 17 in the League Rooms. They began their preseason training for seniors and juniors on Tuesday, April 1 at Carlaw Park at 7pm. Their honorary secretary was Mr. J. A. MacKinnon. At the July 9 meeting of the ARL Newton were granted permission to travel to Taranaki on August 2 to play an exhibition match at Stratford. Mr. J. A. McKinnon was appointed manager for the trip. North Shore Albions League Football Club North Shore Albions held their annual meeting in Buffaloes’ Hall on Wednesday, March 26. They advertised for their first training on Wednesday, April 9 at 7:30 pm at the Football Shed with juniors and schoolboys practising the following Saturday on the Football Ground at 2pm. Their secretary for the season was Mr. Merven William Coghlan. Northcote and Birkenhead Ramblers Football Club Otahuhu Rugby League Football Club On March 11 Otahuhu held their annual meeting at the League Rooms on Hutton Street, Otahuhu. Papakura Rugby League Football Club Held their annual meeting in early March. Their president Mr. L. McVeagh explained that it was very difficult to secure senior players for the coming season as “no fewer than thirty members were now serving overseas and a dozen were waiting to be called up”. McVeagh said “in the senior team only five could be accounted for, the rest were serving overseas. All the third grade had now joined up and no fewer than 35 members were in army service”. The possibility of “grouping clubs” was discussed. Mr. J. Miller passed a motion that a special meeting be called with a “suggestion that a senior team be formed from the Papakura, Otahuhu and Ellerslie clubs”. While another speaker stated that “other amalgamation proposal were: City and Newton, and Ponsonby and Mt. Albert, and that Papakura would have to be prepared to do likewise”. The financial statement showed that £150 had been spent on transport, though £300 had been received in donations and they finished the year with £115 as a credit balance. The following officers were elected:- President, Mr. L. McVeagh; 20 vice-presidents, treasurer, Mr. B. Turner; committee Messrs. A. Hill, W. Tyson, F. Osborne, W. Leighton, E.J. Clarke, R. Bates, A. Burgess, F. Smith, and F. Wells. At a meeting of the Papakura Council on March 24 permission for the use of Prince Edward Park was granted for the league club at a rental of £10, plus the cost of lighting. The mayor said that the lighting might be used for training in the future if it were sufficiently shrouded which would have been due to the war and the effort to not use lighting unnecessarily at night. It was reported on May 1 that the Papakura club had taken exception to the grazing of sheep on Prince Edward Park on their playing area. The Papakura Borough Council decided to cut the grass on the playing area but refused to withdraw the sheep from the park. The club was also advised that the Auckland Rugby League strictly prohibited lighting for practice at the park in May. In June it was reported that A. Verner had been wounded in the war. He had been a playing member of the Papakura club and his father Fred served on the committee. At the July 9 meeting of the ARL they requested permission for a senior match to be played at Prince Edward Park later in the season. The league decided to defer their decision until the next meeting. They again requested a match on July 15 for later in the season but the decision was deferred further. On July 19 a lengthy article was written in the Auckland Star about the poor showing from the Papakura senior team which had struggled in the past 2 seasons. Pt Chevalier Rugby League Football Club Pt. Chevalier advertised a practice for all grades to be held on Saturday, April 19 at 2pm on Walker Park in Point Chevalier. The schoolboys were to practice at 10:30 a.m. Ponsonby United Football Club Held their annual meeting on February 24 in their club rooms on Jervois Road, Ponsonby. They began their pre-season training on Saturday, March 22 at Carlaw Park. Their honorary secretary for 1941 was Mr. W. J. Grieve. Their senior coach for the season was Dougie McGregor. Richmond Rovers Football Club Richmond Rovers held their annual meeting on March 5 at their clubrooms in Grey Lynn Park. Their first preseason training session was at Grey Lynn Park on Saturday, April 5. Junior players were expected to report to Mr. J. Wilson, Club Captain at 2pm and senior players at 3pm. In September Richmond were granted permission to travel to Wellington to play a match against Miramar who were the Wellington champions at the Basin Reserve. Messrs. J. McGregor, W. Rodwell, and W. R. Dick were approved at officials to go with the team. Transfers and registrations Robert Grotte had his transfer cleared from Marist to City in late April. On May 21 the following transfers were approved: R Oliver from Newton to Manukau, R Cheater from North Shore to Newton, J.S. Boyd and W.L. Dormer from Ponsonby to Point Chevalier. On June 4 M. Soloman was reinstated. C Brimble was granted a transfer from the Central club in Wellington to Newton, while L. Shaw was transferred from North Shore to Manukau. On June 18 M. Barnard of Christchurch was transferred to Newton Rangers, and C. Webb from Stratford to City Rovers. On June 25 the transfers were approved of G. Moyes and C. Deverall from Manukau to Huntly, while R. Lumley was reinstated. On July 15 Roy Hardgrave had his transfer from Mount Albert to Newton approved, as did L. Rowntree who was moving from City to Newton. On July 23 Edwin Abbott was granted a transfer from Richmond to Ellerslie and regraded to senior B. He had represented New Zealand from 1930 to 1932 but had not played in Auckland for many seasons after originally playing in the Waikato. The following players were registered:- W. Major, M Thompson, J. Gregory (Manukau); W. N. C. Craig (Richmond), M. Smythe (Mount Albert); E. G. Wood (Marist); J. H. Corbett (City). Also G. O. Leahy transferred from the St. George club in Wellington to Northcote. On August 27 “the question of the membership with the Newton club of W. R. Brimble, who had already played this season with Manukau was discussed at length, and it was decided that as Brimble was not a registered member of the Manukau club, he must stand down for a period of 12 months, dating from his last game with Newton”. On September 3 L. A. Naughton was officially registered with North Shore, and G. H. Hewson with Papakura. References External links Auckland Rugby League Official Site Auckland Rugby League seasons Rugby league in Auckland Rugby league governing bodies in New Zealand Rugby league

69761471

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monstrous%20%28TV%20series%29

Monstrous (TV series)

Monstrous () is an upcoming South Korean streaming television series starring Shin Hyun-been, and Koo Kyo-hwan. The series is scheduled to air in April 2022. Synopsis A supernatural thriller story about archaeologists unveiling a strange mystery. Casts Main Shin Hyun-been as Lee Soo-jin. A genius pattern interpreter who faces a terrible disaster Koo Kyo-hwan as Jeong Ki-hoon. An eccentric archaeologist who studies strange supernatural phenomena. The ex-husband of Lee Soo-jin. Supporting Kwak Dong-yeon as Kwak Yong-joo Nam Da-reum as Han Do-kyung. Han Seok-hee's son. Kim Ji-young as Han Seok-hee The police chief. Park Ho-san as Kwon Jong-soo. The governor of Jinyang-gun, where disaster struck. Park So-yi as Ha-yeong Jo Hyun-woo Dong Hyun-bae as Kim Soon-kyung References External links TVING original programming South Korean television series Korean-language television shows 2022 South Korean television series debuts Television series by Studio Dragon Upcoming television series

69761839

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hypnodancer

Hypnodancer

"Hypnodancer" is a song by the Russian punk-rave group Little Big, released on 8 May 2020 via Warner Music Russia and Little Big family. It was the first song to be released by the group after the single UNO, which was going to go to Eurovision 2020, before being cancelled due to the COVID-19 Pandemic. Music video In addition to the usual group members, other celebrities took part in the video including: showman Alexander Gudkov, frontman of The Hatters, Yuri Muzychenko, vocalist of the Leningrad group Florida Chanturia, bloggers Ruslan Usachev and Danila Poperechny. The video was shot in St. Petersburg. The plot of the video revolves around a group (Played by the members of Little Big), who visit various casinos, where the main character (Ilya Prusikin) jumps on the table and begins to dance a hypnotic dance, while his accomplices collect money from other players, after which they leave together. In one of the casinos, another hypnotist is found (Yuri Muzychenko) and a dance battle begins. The police arrive and they dance together called 'Super Hypnodancer' and quietly leave together. Success The music video hit YouTube trends in 26 countries, and in Russia, Latvia, Ukraine, Estonia and Belarus, it took 1st place in the charts. In the first hour of the videos upload, it was viewed 473,000 times, and 1 million times in the first three hours. In the first two days, it had 12.5 million views, and in 10 days, it had 33 million views. The music video was ranked #5 on the international weekly chart of the most watched video on YouTube on May 14, 2020. References External links Little Big (band) songs 2020 songs Songs written by Ilya Prusikin

69762319

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dar%20al-Kiswa

Dar al-Kiswa

The Dar al-Kiswa al-Sharifa ("House of the noble Kiswa") abbreviated Dar al-Kiswa, was an artistic workshop in Cairo which operated from 1817 to 1997. For more than a century it made sacred textiles for the Islamic holy sites in Mecca and Medina including the kiswa, the ornamental textile covering of the Kaaba which is replaced annually. The kiswa and other sacred textiles were conveyed each year across the hundreds of miles of desert from Cairo to Mecca on camels among the Hajj pilgrims. The workshop also made textiles for royal and state purposes, including military and police uniforms. At its peak, the workshop employed over a hundred craftsmen to make textiles for the holy sites. Egypt sent the kiswa every year with few exceptions until 1962, when the kiswa sent to Mecca was returned unused. From then on, the textiles were made in a dedicated factory in Mecca. The building is now a government storage space. Background There was a long tradition, from the beginning of Islam, of decorating the Kaaba with cloth from Egypt. For 750 AH (1349–50 AD) onwards, an endowment created by the Mamluk sultan As-Salih Ismail set aside the revenue of three Egyptian villages to fund a new covering of the Kaaba each year, plus coverings for the Prophet's tomb and for the minbar (pulpit) of the Prophet's mosque, which were replaced every five years. In 1540, the Ottoman sultan Suleiman the Magnificent added seven more villages to the arrangement. The manufacture was done at various places in Egypt over the centuries until the establishment of a dedicated workshop. History The workshop is located on the al-Khoronfesh street in the al-Gamaleya neighborhood of Cairo. It was founded in 1817 by Muhammad Ali Pasha, Egypt's Ottoman governor. Originally it was the Warshat al-Khoronfesh, a large complex employing 4,000 craftsmen to make many kinds of textiles. The governor cancelled the existing endowment which drew funds from ten villages; from then on, the sacred textiles were funded directly from the Egyptian Treasury. By the 1880s, most of the complex had fallen in to disuse. The remaining part had been taken over by the government and dedicated to the production of the sacred textiles. At this point, it was known as the Maslahat al-Kiswa al-Sharifa ("Department of the noble Kiswa"). In 1953 the workshop became part of the Egyptian Ministry of Endowments and its name changed to Dar al-Kiswa al-Sharifa ("House of the noble Kiswa"). Workers At the start of the 20th century, there were more than a hundred craftsmen, including 47 embroiderers. The workers' contract required them to work six days per week, excluding public and religious holidays. Their work was defined by strict plans and timescales, and they could be denied pay for deviating. The workers included accomplished calligraphers such as 'Abdullah Zuhdi, who had designed inscriptions for the Kaaba and for the Prophet's Mosque; Mustafa Al-Hariri, a pupil of Zuhdi's; and Mustafa Ghazlan, calligrapher to King Fuad I. The workshop was organised into sections, each with its own head, responsible for spinning and dyeing yarn, weaving the yarn, spinning and gilding silver wire, and embroidery. The director of the entire workshop was known as the Ma'mur al-Kiswa al-Sharifa. Interviewed in 2021, the grandson of a former director described how craftsmen in the 1920s prepared themselves with spiritual rituals before working on the kiswa. Output Sacred textiles of Islam The Kaaba is the most sacred site in Islam. Its distinctive covering is assembled from various textile pieces, which are among the most sacred objects in Islamic art. The kiswa is the overall covering and the hizam is a belt circling it, about two thirds of the way up. The curtain over the door of the Kaaba is the sitara, also known as the burqu'''. The basic designs of the hizam and sitara changed infrequently from the 16th century to the present, although the colour schemes and embroidery details are changed from year to year so that no two sitaras are alike. The inscriptions are calligraphed on paper then embroidered in gold and silver wire. These include verses from the Quran and supplications to Allah, as well as the names of the rulers who commissioned the textiles. At an average of by , the sitara is assembled by sewing together four separate textile panels. The hizam is similarly assembled from eight panels (two for each wall of the Kaaba). The other sacred textiles include sitaras for the minbar of the Prophet's Mosque and for the internal door of the Kaaba, as well as the silk bag for the key of the Kaaba. The Maqam Ibrahim (Station of Abraham) is a small square stone near the Kaaba which, according to Islamic tradition, bears the footprint of Abraham. It used to be housed in a structure called the Maqsurat Ibrahim. A covering for the Maqam Ibrahim and a sitara for the Maqsurat Ibrahim were among the textiles regularly replaced by the Dar al-Kiswa until 1940. Construction of these textiles required nearly a thousand metres of silk, along with gilded silver wire, white silver wire, cotton, and linen. There were strict procedures in place to keep track of the valuable silver wire, including weighing the input materials and finished textiles. Along with the textiles, the Dar al-Kiswa sent ropes for attaching the kiswa to the Kaaba and spare silk in case the kiswa needed repair. The textiles for the Kaaba were sent to Mecca on camels along with the annual Hajj pilgrim caravan. Part of the Dar al-Kiswa building was set aside as stables for the camels. Before the trip across the desert to Mecca, the camel was paraded in Cairo, covered in colourful fabrics. Up to 1953, the pilgrim caravan from Cairo to Mecca included the mahmal, a ceremonial passenger-less litter. The elaborate fabric covering for the mahmal was also the responsibility of the Dar al-Kiswa. Other textiles The workshop also produced marks of rank for the army and police as well as robes and uniforms signifying the ranks of Bey and Pasha. The embroiderers made various special textiles for royal clients, including a dress for Queen Nazli of Egypt and a door curtain for a daughter of the Sultan of Brunei. They also embroidered covers for the tombs of saints. Awards The workshop sent examples of its work to national and international exhibitions, winning awards. At the Agricultural and Industrial Exhibition held in Cairo in 1926, it won a gold medal and certificate of merit, eventually winning first prize in the 1931 exhibition. It won a Diplôme de Médaille d'Or'' ("diploma for a gold medal") at both the Exposition of 1930 in Liège and the 1937 Exposition Internationale des Arts et Techniques dans la Vie Moderne in Paris. Decline and legacy In 1927 for the first time a kiswa was produced in Mecca, at a factory opened by King Abd Al-Aziz. This is the present location where the sacred textiles are produced, using a combination of traditional crafts and modern digital technology. In 1962, due to political tensions between Egypt and Saudi Arabia, the Saudi authorities rejected a kiswa from the Dar al-Kiswa, sending it back to Egypt. Over the following decades, the workshop concentrated on decorative panels for other mosques. The workforce aged and were not replaced, so staff numbers dwindled to a handful. The Dar al-Kiswa officially closed in 1997; the building which housed it is now a storage space for the Egyptian Ministry of Endowments and, as of 2017, has fallen into disrepair. The Khalili Collection of Hajj and the Arts of Pilgrimage includes some of the textiles produced by the workshop as well as materials used in their production and archival documents. These materials include paper stencils used as templates for the embroidery, tools, and coils of silver wire. References External links Art of Hajj: the Dar al-Kiswah, online exhibition of objects from the workshop "Hajj and the remarkable story of the Mahmal", Europeana, 17 July 2021 1817 establishments in Africa 1997 disestablishments in Africa‎ Embroidery‎ Islamic art Islam in Cairo‎

69779023

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Combined%20Operations%20%28Rhodesia%29

Combined Operations (Rhodesia)

Combined Operations (commonly abbreviated as COMOPS) was a high level body established in 1977 to lead the efforts of the Rhodesian Security Forces during the Rhodesian Bush War. It was commanded by Lieutenant General Peter Walls. Prime Minister Ian Smith did not delegate formal authority to set overall policies or direct the actions of the security forces to Walls. The Combined Operations Headquarters also lacked the planning and intelligence staff needed to effectively carry out its functions. As a result, COMOPS mainly operated as an coordination body. Walls personally directed many attacks against Rhodesia's neighbours and other aspects of the war, at times independently of political control. Combined Operations was replaced by the Joint High Command following Rhodesia's transition to Zimbabwe in 1980. History Establishment As the security situation for Rhodesia deteriorated from 1972 some senior Rhodesian Army officers and leaders of the police Special Branch began to call for the establishment of a single body to direct operations against the guerrilla forces. This was modelled on the success of an equivalent body headed by Sir Gerald Templer during the Malayan Emergency. The Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith resisted these proposals, as he believed that he was the appropriate person to lead the overall military and security campaign with the Operations Coordination Committee handling most matters and escalating key decisions to him. Smith was also unwilling to delegate authority over the war as he was concerned that this could undermine his leadership. Following years of pressure from the security forces and his Rhodesian Front party, Smith appointed Roger Hawkins to the new position of Minister of Combined Operations on 23 March 1977. As part of this change, it was also decided to establish a Combined Operations Headquarters led by the Commander, Combined Operations to "exercise command over all elements of the security forces, as well as civil agencies directly in the prosecution of operations against the terrorists". The commander was also given direct control over the Rhodesian special forces, including the Selous Scouts and Special Air Service. Lieutenant General Peter Walls, the head of the Army, was appointed as the Commander, Combined Operations. He also led the National Joint Operations Centre (NATJOC) that was established to replace the Operations Coordination Committee. Operations While Walls was meant to be able to lead the efforts of the Joint Operations Centres that had been established over previous years in each theatre of the war and the security forces, he was never granted the authority to do so. As he was not promoted to full general, he also held the same rank as the heads of the Army, Rhodesian Air Force, police service and Central Intelligence Organisation. As a result, Walls could only issue directives in the name of the NATJOC, which was a coordination body and lacked authority over the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Ministry of Law and Order. NATJOC was also hindered by rivalries between its members. Taken together, this meant that COMOPS and the NATJOC had less ability to direct the war than the Operations Coordination Committee. Walls repeatedly asked Smith to clarify what his authority was, without success. Smith preferred to personally direct the war effort, formally and informally, until it ended in defeat and a transition to a black majority government during early 1980. COMOPS Headquarters included a secretariat and planning staff and an operations staff. The operations staff developed plans for operations that fell under COMOPS' authority, such as those involving the special forces. The planning staff was intended to develop long-term plans, but never did so. As the services' planning staffs remained separate from COMOPS, the headquarters lacked the ability to develop high quality plans. COMOPS headquarters also did not include logistics staff, though it collaborated well with the services' logisticians. More seriously, it also lacked a central body for coordinating intelligence which meant that its plans were often not well informed. A Headquarters, Special Forces was established on 1 July 1978 to oversee special operations conducted by forces assigned to COMOPS. In his role as commander of the special forces, Walls often personally led attacks made by Rhodesian forces against guerrilla bases in neighbouring countries, including from his command aircraft. He also often sought to direct minor details of operations led by the Joint Operations Centres, to the frustration of their commanders. COMOPS did not develop a national strategy for the war until it was nearing its conclusion. Bishop Abel Muzorewa assumed the positions of Minister for Defence and Minister for Combined Operations following his election as prime minister in May 1979. In practice, the security forces remained loyal to Smith and the white minority, and COMOPS increasingly ran the war independently of political control. Replacement Following Rhodesia's transition to majority rule in 1980, Prime Minister Robert Mugabe asked Walls to lead the establishment of the Zimbabwe National Army that integrated former Rhodesian and guerrilla forces. COMOPS was disbanded and a new Joint High Command was formed, which was also initially chaired by Walls. Walls resigned on 17 July 1980. In 1997 the government of Zimbabwe revived the Combined Operations concept by establishing the Joint Operations Command. This body comprised the heads of the Zimbabwean army, air force, police, prison and intelligence services. Assessments The RAND Corporation and the historian Jakkie Cilliers have judged that COMOPS was not a success. A RAND report noted that "in the final result COMOPS did not meet the expectations of the security forces or the government". It noted that Walls was not granted the absolute power that Templer had been given in Malaya, and that this was not feasible in the Rhodesian system given Smith's role. Paul L. Moorcraft and Peter McLaughlin have written that COMOPS formed part of a "command structure of Kafkaesque proportions" and "the creation of COMOPS tended to increase rather than diminish inter-service and inter-departmental rivalry". Moorcraft and McLaughlin argued in 1982 that as the Selous Scouts came under the direct command of the Commander, Combined Operations, the most senior officers in the Rhodesian security forces were complicit in at least some of the atrocities the unit committed. References Citations Works consulted Military units and formations of Rhodesia in the Bush War Military units and formations established in 1977 Military units and formations disestablished in 1980 Rhodesian Bush War

69779266

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gender%20and%20International%20Aid%20in%20Afghanistan

Gender and International Aid in Afghanistan

Gender and International Aid in Afghanistan: The Politics and Effects of Intervention is a 2009 book by Lina AbiRafeh. The book documents and critiques western efforts to bring gender equity to women in Afghanistan after the 2001 fall of the Taliban. It note how poor context and cultural understanding by western aid workers were counterproductive to gender equity ambitions and is generally highly critical of their efforts. It concludes by sharing the perceptions of Afghan women: that they see no material benefit from the western efforts. Gender and International Aid in Afghanistan was praised by book critics and noted for its strong critique of the western efforts. Summary Gender and International Aid in Afghanistan documents gender equity efforts undertaken by humanitarian aid agencies as well as United States and NATO forces in Afghanistan after the 2001 fall of the Taliban and critiques the way that western forces sidelined the role of Afghan men with regards to women's empowerment. The book starts by giving a history of gender issues in Afghanistan, noting the significance of gender relations in politics, and criticizing western powers for neglecting to acknowledge this as they went about their work.It documents disparity between the progressive aspirations contained within United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 and the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Violence Against Women and the actual implementation of gender equity work in Afghanistan. Examples provided include the constitutional democracy agreement made by the United States, NATO and the Northern Alliance, which is described as "progressive" for its inclusion of references to Article Seven of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights and the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Violence Against Women, existing in contrast to the actions of institutions mandated to enforce them, such as the Afghanistan police force. It documents how western attempts to enforce technical solutions to social problems of gender inequity fail and block local grassroots social change. A key theme in the book is how western governments ill-advisedly interpret gender work to mean only working with women. APA</ref> Fatima Mohammadi of Chemonics quotes page 27 in her 2017 paper published in the Asia Pacific Journal of Advanced Business and Social Studies: "gender has been conflated with women, and the language of aid programming has been oriented around women’s objectives, without a broader understanding of gender.” APA</ref> The book suggests that narratives that ignore women's agency in Afghanistan are pushed by Western governments in order to justify their military interventions. It describes the western media's tendency to use images of "downtrodden" women wearing burqas to fuel aspirational narratives of "liberation" and "empowerment", and criticizes western interventions for bringing neither. The book criticizes the aid sector's tendency to portray women and children as "vulnerable" thus inhibiting their ability to be perceived as having more agency, reinforcing oppression. The book concludes that Afghan women perceive that western efforts have not brought about any significant improvement in their situation with regards to employment, education, free movement or safety. The book criticizes income-generating programs due to their tendency to create employment opportunities for women that reinforce traditional gender-stereotyped jobs. Reception Abirafeh and the book are praised throughout Ben Walter's book Gendering Human Security in Afghanistan. The book is described by Julie H. Smith in the Journal of Peace, Conflict & Development as a damning critique of the western attempts to bring gender equity to Afghanistan. Smith praises the author's "refreshing" critique of an intervention that she was part of. References 2009 non-fiction books Books about Afghanistan Books about women Books about war Books about human rights Books about feminism

69779746

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bruce%20Fairbairn%20%28actor%29

Bruce Fairbairn (actor)

Robert Bruce Fairbairn (born February 19, 1947) is an American film and television actor. He is known for playing for the role of "Officer Chris Owens" in the American police procedural television series The Rookies. Fairbairn was originally an employee at the restaurant J.G. Melon, in which he also studied about acting. He began his career in 1974, where Fairbairn replaced actor, Michael Ontkean in The Rookies. He played the role of "Officer Chris Owens". On September 9, 1975, Fairbairn was arrested from drunk driving in Los Angeles, California, in which he paid the fine. After the series ended in 1976, Fairbairn guest-starred in television programs, including, Knight Rider, Matt Houston, Remington Steele, The Trials of Rosie O'Neill, Baywatch, The Incredible Hulk, Matlock, Simon & Simon and Charlie's Angels. He also appeared in four films, such as, Cyclone, Vampire Hookers (as "Tom Buckley"), 3 Strikes, The Hanoi Hilton. Fairbairn played the recurring role of "Sheldon Ganz" in the legal drama television series L.A. Law, with also playing the role of "Ray Geary" in the soap opera television series Knots Landing. References External links Rotten Tomatoes profile 1947 births Possibly living people Place of birth missing (living people) American male film actors American male television actors American male soap opera actors 20th-century American male actors

69782437

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Babarlo

Babarlo

Babarlo, also spelled Babarloi or Baberloi, is a village and deh in Khairpur taluka of Khairpur District, Sindh. As of 2017, it has a population of 13,636, in 2,409 households. Babarlo has the dargah (shrine) for the Muslim pir Makhdoom Pir Syed Rajan Qattaar Jahania, who came to Sindh from Uch Sharif sometime in the mid-19th century. During the saint's urs on 14-16 Shaban, thousands of devotees come to pay their respects to him, offer prayers, and ask for mannats, or favours. This shrine has a unique tradition that, since the saint was reputedly fond of riding donkeys, devotees are expected to offer a donkey in return for a mannat. The donkeys offered this way are said to become "special", which makes them desirable for purchase. The shrine's caretakers sell the offered donkeys and spend the money on the upkeep of the shrine (which is privately maintained). Babarlo is identified with the Babarlūka mentioned in the Tarkhan-Nama as the residence of the Mughal emperor Humayun for five months beginning in approximately December 1542. The text says, "Having taken up quarters in the town of Lahari (Rohri), he established his own residence within the walls of the delightful garden of Babarluka." A similar account appears in the Chach-Nama, which uses the spelling of Babarlō for the place. The Chach-Nama offers more context behind Humayun's stay: in anticipation for Humayun's arrival, Babarlo "with its four celebrated gardens" was decorated and its fort repaired in order to be a suitable and secure residence for the emperor and his family. It also says that Humayun's camp consisted of some 200,000 people (two lakh), including troops and camp followers; they were so numerous that their camp covered the whole distance between Babarlo and Rohri. It also gives a slightly different duration for Humayun's stay: "about 6 months". The 1951 census recorded the village of Babarlo (under the spelling "Baberloi") as having an estimated population of about 2,760, in about 650 houses. It had a police station, post office, dispensary, and school at that point. In November 2021, the rape and murder of a 10-year-old Hindu boy in Babarlo sparked protests in several cities throughout northern Sindh. References Populated places in Khairpur District

69782495

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Teresa%20van%20Lieshout

Teresa van Lieshout

Teresa Angela van Lieshout (born 1971) is an Australian perennial candidate, author, and former teacher. She has been contesting elections since 2004. In 2021, she was arrested for alleged taking part in a plot to overthrow the government. Early life Van Lieshout was born and raised in Mundijong, Western Australia. Her parents were Dutch migrants. Political career Van Lieshout contested Swan as an independent in the 2004 Australian federal election, receiving 1.4%. She was a candidate for Pauline Hanson's One Nation in the 2005 Western Australian state election. Contesting the multi-member South Metropolitan Region, she and her fellow candidate Neil Gilmour received 1.2% of the vote. She contested the 2006 Victoria Park state by-election as an independent, coming last place with 0.27%. In March 2013, van Lieshout ran as an independent in the Western Australia state election for the district of Willagee. She received 1.8% of the vote. On 20 June 2013, van Lieshout was endorsed by Clive Palmer's United Australia Party to contest Fremantle in the federal election, having turned down offers by the Australian Democrats and Katter's Australian Party. The party rescinded its endorsement two weeks later. Van Lieshout initially claimed this was done by party executives without Palmer's knowledge and refused to accept the decision, however he would later label her an opportunist. In response, van Lieshout accused Palmer of promoting human trafficking with his policies on asylum seekers. She would go on to contest the seat for the white nationalist Australian Protectionist Party, receiving 0.24% of the vote. In April 2014, she contested the 2014 Australian Senate special election in Western Australia. Later in October, she ran in the 2014 Vasse state by-election, raising attention by posing in a bikini in a campaign ad. She placed last with 1.4% of the vote. In 2015, she contested the 2015 Canning by-election. She launched her campaign with a dance video. She received 0.64% of the vote. In the 2016 Australian federal election, she ran for the senate in New South Wales alongside Colin Bennett. Together they received 0.09%. She contested the 2018 Batman by-election as an independent, receiving 1.5% of the vote. In 2019, she contested Cooper in the 2019 Australian federal election. During the campaign, she was captured on video berating two Nigerian men in the street, telling them to get out of her country and claiming that foreigners are being brought to Australia to murder Australian-born citizens. Despite the video, she denied being racist and claimed that the men had verbally abused her beforehand. She placed last and received 1.7% of the vote. Van Lieshout has attempted to launch two political parties of her own, the West Australian Party (not to be confused with the earlier Western Australian Party or the later Western Australia Party), and the Voter Rights Party. Van Lieshout's attempt to register the Voter Rights Party was rejected by the Electoral Commission in 2018. Views Van Lieshout has campaigned on a platform of banning psychiatry. This is due to her brother being involuntarily institutionalised after he was diagnosed with schizophrenia. She claims he was nearly killed after being pumped full of drugs. She supports the policy of sending asylum seekers to the immigration detention facilities of Christmas Island, Manus Island, and Nauru. She wants all Islamic schools to be closed. She is against same-sex marriage, preferring civil unions instead. During the COVID-19 pandemic, van Lieshout has given speeches at anti-lockdown protests. She has also sold fake "mask exemption badges". Legal issues In 2013, Van Lieshout was convicted for breaching planning laws after putting up political signage outside her home during an election. She had two appeals rejected by the Supreme Court of Western Australia. On 8 September 2015, a warrant was issued for her arrest after she failed to show up at court on charges of breaching bail, stealing, and wilful unlawful damage in relation to the destruction of a wheel clamp placed on her car. She referred to the trial as "a Nazi fascist process" and called for the judge to be arrested. After this was reported in the Mandurah Mail, van Lieshout lashed out in a tirade on Facebook and left them abusive voicemails. Her attacks were condemned by the local Media, Entertainment & Arts Alliance chapter. By 9 November, she had been arrested. Coup plot Van Lieshout was arrested after importing 470 fake police badges. She was part of a group called "Equity of the People's Nation", which aims to form an alternative police force to arrest politicians and other public servants. The group was brought to the attention of police after a video went viral showing a man claiming to be a police officer holding a recruitment meeting for this alternative police force. In the video, he refers to van Lieshout as "the true governor-general". After a 9 July Zoom call with one thousand members of the group during which van Lieshout threatened violence against Australian political leaders, the group distanced itself from her and subsequently splintered. In January 2022, she was refused bail. Her proposed guarantor had previously been fined for breaching COVID-19 rules, which judge Brett Dixon said made him unsuitable. She will be remanded in custody until March. Other activities Van Lieshout is a former teacher. She has a Master of Education from the University of Notre Dame Australia. Her registration as a teacher was cancelled in April 2015. She claimed this was done by the government to destroy her political career. She has published four non-fiction books. In 2014, after police dropped the investigation into historical rape claims against Australian Labor Party leader Bill Shorten, van Lieshout published a video expressing support for the accuser and claiming that "the male gender is not morally fit to be politicians or police officers". In 2016, van Lieshout organised a petition to stop the Commonwealth Bank of Australia from closing its branch in the suburb of Brighton-Le-Sands. In 2018, a member of the Ordo Templi Orientis successfully sued a woman for defamation after she shared a video made by van Lieshout in which van Lieshout accuses the group of being Satanic pedophiles. References 1971 births Living people People from Perth, Western Australia Australian Christians Pauline Hanson's One Nation politicians United Australia Party politicians Independent politicians in Australia Far-right politics in Australia Australian women non-fiction writers Australian people of Dutch descent

69784337

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aberfeldy%20Town%20Hall

Aberfeldy Town Hall

Aberfeldy Town Hall is a municipal building on Crieff Road in Aberfeldy, Perth and Kinross, Scotland. The structure, which is used as an events venue, is Category B listed. History Following significant population growth, largely associated with the tourism industry, the area became a police burgh in 1887. In this context, the new police commissioners decided to procure a town hall: the site they selected was the former site of the Black House, the original home of the Menzies of Weem, who arrived from Nithsdale around the 14th century. The site was donated to the town by Gavin Campbell, 1st Marquess of Breadalbane in 1887. The foundation stone for the new building was laid by the local member of parliament, Sir Donald Currie, on 21 September 1889. It was designed in free style by James MacLaren, who was London-based architect who had been born in Callander; it was built in brick with a harled finish and was officially opened on 5 December 1891. The structure incorporated elements of the old Breadalbane Academy, built circa 1840, at the rear. The design involved a symmetrical main frontage with three bays facing onto Crieff Road; there was a loggia with red brick voussoirs and wrought iron gates on the ground floor and a five-part window on the first floor set into a stone panel and surrounded by a large gable. At roof level there was a large turret. Internally, the principal rooms were the main hall and the lesser hall. The design was influenced by the American architect, Henry Hobson Richardson: the architectural commentator, Nick Haynes, described it as an "exceptionally avant-garde piece of Free Style" although he regarded the turret as "oversized". The building was used as an events venue from an early stage and highlights included the premiere of The Provost's Chain by the playwright, Andrew P. Wilson, on 24 August 1931. The building continued to serve as the meeting place of the burgh council for much of the 20th century but ceased to be the local seat of government when the enlarged Perth and Kinross District Council was formed in 1975. In 2014, Locus Breadalbane, a community organisation formed to manage the Locus Centre in Aberfeldy, acquired the town hall from Perth and Kinross Council. At the same time, the author, J. K. Rowling, who lives at Killiechassie, made a sizable donation to a fund to convert the town hall into a music and drama venue. See also List of listed buildings in Aberfeldy, Perth and Kinross References Government buildings completed in 1891 1891 establishments in Scotland City chambers and town halls in Scotland Town Hall Category B listed buildings in Perth and Kinross

69785749

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rod%20Beaton%20%28USA%20Today%29

Rod Beaton (USA Today)

Hugh Roderick Beaton Jr. (September 28, 1951June 22, 2011) was an American sports journalist. He reported for The News Journal in the late 1970s covering ice hockey and baseball, then became one of the original writers for USA Today in 1982. He served as president of the Professional Hockey Writers' Association from 1985 to 1987, when voting for starters in the National Hockey League All-Star Game shifted from the sportswriters to the league's fans. He focused solely on writing about baseball for USA Today since the late 1980s. He traveled to Minor League Baseball games to watch the younger players and write about them prior to them making it to Major League Baseball. He was credited by The Washington Post for establishing a network to gather information, for writing columns that discussed prospect talent for each major league team, and for giving exposure to many future star players. Sports Illustrated writer Jeff Pearlman described Beaton as a journalist who would not degrade a player just to get attention, and wrote "in a voice that was authoritative and oft-funny". As a student, Beaton graduated from the University of Delaware, was involved with Students for a Democratic Society, participated Vietnam War protests, and helped to form a student union in high school. He was diagnosed with Parkinson's disease in 2000, retired from journalism in 2006, was diagnosed as having dementia with Lewy bodies in 2007, and died at age 59. Early life and education Hugh Roderick Beaton Jr. was born on September 28, 1951, in Augusta, Georgia, and grew up in the greater Wilmington, Delaware area. He graduated from Alexis I. duPont High School in Greenville. He helped to form a student union while in high school. Beaton said about the curriculum, "They don't teach you to teach yourself, which is what education is about". He felt that students who taught themselves how to learn then suffered from low grades and poor recommendations for colleges. According to Beaton, he was suspended from high school for "general insubordination", "organizing a one-day strike", and for "publishing an underground newspaper". He sought for the students' underground New Left newspaper be permitted for sale in the school, and sought for students to have more say into discipline and felt that some students and particularly African Americans were unfairly suspended. Beaton became involved in the Students for a Democratic Society while in high school, and participated in a New Castle County student group opposed to the Vietnam War, and a peace rally in Rodney Square in Wilmington. He attended the University of Wisconsin–Madison where he was a roommate of activist David Fine in 1969. Beaton stated that he became frustrated with the atmosphere in Wisconsin, when he participated in peaceful protests that were met "with fierce police resistance". He returned to Delaware by October 1970, and was the spokesperson for a group of students protesting the "system of the ruling class necessitating Agnews" at a speech given by Spiro Agnew, the vice president of the United States. After attending an anti-war rally in March 1971, Beaton was acquitted of a disorderly conduct charge at the event. After David Fine was arrested in connection to the Sterling Hall bombing at the University of Wisconsin, Beaton became chairman of a fundraising committee to assist with the legal defense for Fine. By 1976, Beaton lived in Newark, Delaware, and graduated from the University of Delaware. Journalism career Beaton became a reporter for The News Journal in Wilmington by September 1977. He reported on local high school sports then regularly wrote hockey columns on the Philadelphia Flyers. When USA Today was founded in 1982, Beaton was one of its original writers. He continued to write about hockey, in addition to baseball coverage for the Philadelphia Phillies and Baltimore Orioles. He also reported the Daytona 500, the Super Bowl, and the Winter Olympic Games. The Professional Hockey Writers' Association (PHWA) elected Beaton its president from 1985 to 1987. The PHWA had annually chosen participants of the All-Star Game of the National Hockey League prior to the league's fans voting for the starting players as of the 1986 All-Star Game. As the PHWA president, he led the committee which nominated the players to appear on the ballot, ensuring that at least one player from each team was listed. He felt that the previous voting system by the PHWA had glitches, whereby players who received votes at both the center and winger positions did not accumulate enough votes at a single position to make the All-Star Game. When the league's fans voted Pelle Lindbergh as a starting goaltender in the 1986 game despite his death a few months earlier, Beaton doubted that the PHWA would have been chosen Lindbergh since its members were not sentimental and took the choice seriously. Beaton felt that the fans "had voted with reasonable intelligence", and choosing Lindbergh "was a quality gesture", but was disappointed when a deserving player did not play because fans voted for a long-term star instead. Beaton focused solely on writing about baseball for USA Today since the late 1980s. He annually attended and reported on spring training, the Major League Baseball All-Star Game and the World Series. He traveled to Minor League Baseball games to watch the younger players and write about them prior to them making the major league. He was credited by The Washington Post journalist Matt Schudel for establishing a network to gather information, for writing columns that discussed prospect talent for each major league team, and for giving many future star players "their first national exposure". On May 9, 1996, Beaton and Barry Bonds of the San Francisco Giants were involved in a shoving incident in the team's clubhouse one hour before a game against the St. Louis Cardinals, while Beaton was waiting to interview Robby Thompson. Bonds told Beaton to leave, when Beaton replied that according to Major League Baseball rules, 15 minutes remained to talk with players. Bonds then waved a finger in Beaton's face and shoved him in the chest, when the incident was broken up by members of the team's coaching staff and front office. They spoke again after the game and Beaton said, "He accused me of having an attitude", and that "I told him he went over the line by shoving me, but there was no apology". Bonds felt that the incident was overblown and stated that, "We don't have a problem. We like each other. It was a big joke — he just got whacked out". Beaton did not file any formal complaint about the incident, despite USA Today filing a grievance with the team. Several years later, Beaton and Bonds were at the same baseball gathering, where Beaton was unable to get up from a chair due to Parkinson's disease symptoms. Bonds helped Beaton get to his feet, while others walked by. According to Beaton's wife, he never criticized Bonds again. As Beaton's medical condition worsened, he retired from journalism in 2006. Reputation Sports Illustrated writer Jeff Pearlman described Beaton as a journalist who was willing to assist younger writers and offer reassurance, and would not degrade a player just to get attention. Pearlman felt that Beaton wrote "in a voice that was authoritative and oft-funny", and that "Beaton guided his readers through the ups and downs of a season with precision, intelligence and understanding". Personal life Beaton was married twice, and had two sons with his second wife, Maria. During the mid-1980s, his wife Maria worked in the stands at Memorial Stadium while he reported on the Baltimore Orioles. He resided in Herndon, Virginia, and enjoyed cooking baby back ribs and spicy chili. Beaton's wife noticed a change in his behavior in the mid-1990s, which included occasional violent outbursts. In May 2000, he was diagnosed with Parkinson's disease. In 2006, his pacemaker was removed due to an infection. He had brain surgery three times since 2006, and lived in a nursing home since 2007 when he was diagnosed as having dementia with Lewy bodies. In later life, he found solace watching baseball on television. He died in Arlington County, Virginia, on June 22, 2011, at age 59. References 1951 births 2011 deaths 20th-century American journalists 21st-century American journalists American male journalists American newspaper journalists Deaths from Lewy body dementia Deaths from Parkinson's disease Journalists from Georgia (U.S. state) Journalists from Virginia Neurological disease deaths in Virginia People from New Castle County, Delaware Sportswriters from Georgia (U.S. state) University of Delaware alumni University of Wisconsin–Madison alumni USA Today journalists Writers from Augusta, Georgia

69788301

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David%20Goins

David Goins

David Goins (born July 26, 1960) is an American politician who was elected in 2021 as the first African American mayor of Alton, Illinois. Biography Goins was born on July 26, 1960, the son of Mark and Opal Goins. His mother died in 1967 and his father died in 1971. He was raised thereafter by his grandparents. In 1978, he graduated from Alton High School. In 1983, he graduated from the College of the Ozarks on a full basketball scholarship with a B.A. in English. After school, he worked as a detention officer and correctional officer at the Madison County Department of Court and Probation Services. In 1986, he joined the Alton Police Department reaching sergeant in 1999. He retired as a police office in 2010. in 2017, he was elected to the Alton school board. In 2021, Goins entered the race for mayor of Alton on a platform focusing on the recruitment of new businesses, job growth, the revitalization of the downtown, COVID-19 vaccinations, and the encouragement of recent college graduates to return to the city. He was supported by the local unions. On April 6, 2021, Goins was elected mayor of Alton defeating two-term Mayor Brant Walker 2,021-1,625 to become the first African-American mayor since the city's founding in 1818. In 2019, Alton was 68.7% white, 24.9% Black, 0.4% Asian, 1.6% Latino, and 4.3% multi-racial. He was sworn in on May 12, 2021. In July 2021, Illinois Governor J.B. Pritzker appointed Goins to the Central Port District Board. Upon taking office, he faced 8.5% unemployment, the loss or closure of over 200 businesses due to Covid, and a budget shortfall fueled by underfunded public employees' pensions. Personal life In 1985, he married Sheila Goins; they have three children. Since 2001, he has served as a pastor at the Morning Star Missionary Baptist Church in Alton. In 2018, he was diagnosed with prostate cancer. References African-American mayors in Illinois 21st-century American politicians Mayors of places in Illinois 1960 births Living people 21st-century African-American politicians People from Alton, Illinois College of the Ozarks alumni

69789005

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Colleyville%20synagogue%20hostage%20crisis

Colleyville synagogue hostage crisis

On January 15, 2022, Malik Faisal Akram, a 44-year-old British Pakistani armed with a pistol, took four people hostage in the Congregation Beth Israel synagogue in Colleyville, Texas, United States, during a Sabbath service. Hostage negotiations ensued, during which Akram demanded the release of Aafia Siddiqui, a Pakistani national and alleged al-Qaeda operative imprisoned in nearby Fort Worth for attempted murder and other crimes. He released one hostage after six hours, and the remaining three hostages escaped eleven hours into the standoff. Tactical officers from the FBI Hostage Rescue Team subsequently entered the synagogue and fatally shot Akram. Background Congregation Beth Israel Congregation Beth Israel is a Reform Jewish synagogue in Colleyville, Texas, a suburb northeast of Fort Worth in the Dallas–Fort Worth metroplex. The congregation was initially a chavurah established in 1999 with 25 families; a religious school with 75 children was founded shortly afterward. After in its early years holding its services at rented facilities, Congregation Beth Israel opened a synagogue of its own in 2004. The congregation is smaller than other Jewish congregations in the area; at the time of the incident, the congregation had around 140 members. The synagogue's rabbi, Charlie Cytron-Walker, is originally from Lansing, Michigan. He became the congregation's rabbi in 2006, and he is known for his work in interfaith relations. Cytron-Walker was already set to leave the congregation in June 2022 when the incident occurred. Clergy and staff at the synagogue had taken courses for a number of years through the FBI, the Anti-Defamation League, the Colleyville Police Department, and Secure Community Network in order to prepare for the possibility of an intruder. Cytron-Walker credited the information learned in the courses with saving the hostages' lives. Perpetrator Malik Faisal Akram was a 44-year-old British citizen originally from Blackburn, Lancashire, in North West England. He was born to a family originally from Jhelum Punjab, Pakistan. As a youth, Akram was expelled from school for getting involved in fights, and his parents subsequently sent him to a military school in Pakistan. During negotiations, he said that he had six children. A brother of Akram said that he had undiagnosed mental health issues that were well known to the Blackburn community, and that three months prior to the incident, a younger sibling had died. He also said that Akram did not harbor any hatred towards Jewish people in the past and that "religious nuts" had radicalized his brother in 2003. In September 2001, Akram was banned from Blackburn's magistrates' court for threatening staff on a number of occasions, including on days when he was not due in court. His final threat was made on September 12, when he said that he wished that a court usher had been killed in the 9/11 terrorist attacks the day before. Akram had a criminal record in the UK, which included a drug deal-linked assault, violent disorder, and driving offenses. A community organizer in Blackburn said that Akram served a custodial sentence in England. The Times of London reported that Akram been referred to Prevent, a voluntary British counter-radicalization program, in 2016 and 2019 amid concerns about his views; it was unclear whether Akram took part in the program. After he spent six months in Pakistan in 2020, Akram was investigated by the MI5, the British security service. He was on a watchlist as a "subject of interest" in a four-week MI5 "short lead investigation"; by 2021, he was moved to a "former subject of interest" list, having been no longer considered a terrorist threat. Akram was not on any U.S. watchlists. Aafia Siddiqui Aafia Siddiqui is a Pakistani national and alleged al-Qaeda operative formerly dubbed "Lady al-Qaeda". She is currently being held in the Federal Medical Center, Carswell, a women's federal prison in Fort Worth, while serving an 86-year sentence for attempted murder and other crimes. After being on the U.S. most wanted fugitives list for five years, Siddiqui was arrested in 2008 by Afghan police in Afghanistan, carrying handwritten notes plotting a "mass casualty attack", along with explosive and poisonous substances, and a list of possible targets in New York City and methods. According to U.S. authorities, in 2001, Siddiqui married Ammar al-Baluchi, an accused al-Qaeda member and the nephew of Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, who was the ringleader of the September 11 attacks. Siddiqui was convicted in a jury trial in a U.S. federal court in 2010 of attempting to kill a U.S. Army captain while in Afghan custody; armed assault; using and carrying a firearm; and three counts of assault on U.S. officers and employees. For years, Siddiqui has been a cause célèbre in Islamist militant circles and in Pakistan, where she is depicted as a martyr and heroine. The Islamist terrorist groups al-Qaeda, al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, and the Islamic State (Daesh) have all unsuccessfully tried to negotiate Siddiqui's release at various times, as a condition for them releasing foreign hostages. The Islamic State sought to trade kidnapped American journalist James Foley for her; after the U.S. government declined, the Islamic State beheaded Foley. During her trial, Siddiqui made antisemitic statements and asked that there not be any Jewish people on the jury, going so far as to demand genetic tests on jurors at one point, to determine if they were Jewish. She later claimed she was not against all "Israeli Americans". After her sentencing by the U.S. court for a crime against Americans, she said, "This is a verdict coming from Israel and not from America. That's where the anger belongs." According to The Daily Telegraph, Congregation Beth Israel is the nearest synagogue to where Siddiqui is being held. Events Akram enters the U.S. and acquires weapon Akram entered the U.S. from the United Kingdom on December 27, 2021, two weeks prior to the incident, at John F. Kennedy International Airport in New York City, listing a Queens hotel as his local address on a customs form. He was checked against law enforcement databases and did not raise any red flags. Investigators believe that Akram lied on his tourist visa waiver, which requires applicants to disclose criminal records. Akram then traveled to Dallas, Texas, apparently by air on December 31, 2021, and intermittently stayed in at least two local homeless shelters between January 2 and 11. While there, he was described, by an official at one of the shelters, as quiet and not being there long enough to build any relationships. On video dated January 2, Akram was captured being dropped off at one of the shelters by an unknown individual who stayed with him at the shelter for fifteen minutes and hugged him before departing. Investigators determined that Akram purchased a Taurus G2C handgun on the street, from someone he met at the Union Gospel Mission Dallas, one of the shelters where he stayed. The handgun's last legal sale was recorded in early 2020, and it was reported stolen later that year. On January 5, Akram arrived at the Islamic Center of Irving to pray. He became belligerent when he was told he could not sleep inside the building due to city ordinances and mosque policy, and he was kicked out of the mosque. Mosque officials described him as behaving erratically, but without any indication of potential violence. Akram returned the next day to apologize, and the mosque allowed him to pray inside; officials said that he was like a different person on that day and that his demeanor was a "flip flop in the behavior in the extremes." His movements on January 12–15 were unclear. Hostage crisis begins On the morning of January 15, 2022, Akram visited a Starbucks located less than a mile away from the Congregation Beth Israel, then he traveled to the synagogue by bicycle. At around 10:00 a.m., Akram entered Beth Israel by knocking on a locked glass door and posing as a homeless man seeking shelter. He was welcomed inside by Rabbi Charlie Cytron-Walker, who made him a cup of hot tea. Cytron-Walker said after his rescue that he was not initially suspicious of Akram, but he was "curious" after some of his story did not add up. Cytron-Walker introduced Akram to Jeffrey Cohen, the vice president on the synagogue's board of trustees, who said Akram was calm and on the phone at the time. During Sabbath prayer, Cytron-Walker turned his back on the congregation to pray towards Jerusalem, and he then heard a click, which turned out to be Akram's pistol. A yelling Akram then began taking hostages in the synagogue. A total of four hostages, including Cytron-Walker and Cohen, were held captive. As he was being taken hostage, Cohen secretly dialed 9-1-1 and placed his phone down on its screen before moving as commanded. The Colleyville Police Department first received a 9-1-1 call reporting the situation at 10:41 a.m., and an officer responded to the scene minutes later. A report that hostages had been taken at Congregation Beth Israel was made public at around 11:30 a.m. via a tweet from the Colleyville Police Department, which said a SWAT team was on the scene. Police were later assisted by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the Texas Department of Public Safety. Law enforcement evacuated the neighborhood in the vicinity of the crime scene. Ultimately, more than 200 local, state, and federal law enforcement officers and agents responded to the scene, including a team of around 70 FBI hostage negotiators and rescue operatives who flew in from Quantico, Virginia. A livestream of the synagogue's services on its Facebook page streamed the ongoing situation, including the forceful taking of hostages. In the livestream, Akram could be heard speaking to authorities, who attempted to negotiate with him. At one point, Akram claimed (apparently falsely) to have a bomb. The livestream also streamed Akram saying that he had flown to the city where Siddiqui was imprisoned with the intent of taking hostages. He also said that he chose to take hostages in a synagogue because the U.S. "only cares about Jewish lives" and because "Jews control the world. Jews control the media. Jews control the banks." Negotiations During the incident, Akram demanded that Siddiqui be released from prison and referred to her as "sister". He believed Siddiqui was "framed." Siddiqui's lawyer said her client had no involvement in the incident. A brother of Akram's was involved in the negotiations, speaking to his brother from a Blackburn Greenbank police station, having been taken to its incident room to liaise with the FBI and negotiators. He later wrote that their whole family condemned Akram's actions. The brother urged him to release the hostages and surrender to police, but Akram said that he came to the synagogue with the intent to die, telling his brother that he intended to “go down as a martyr” and would be "coming back in a body bag”. During negotiations, Akram was emotionally unstable and agitated. He ranted against the U.S., Israel, and Jews; used antisemitic and anti-Israeli epithets; delivered a rambling condemnation of U.S. military conflicts overseas; and occasionally spoke in different languages. He boasted about his desire for martyrdom and addressed fellow jihadists. He threatened to kill the hostages, saying, "If anyone tries to enter this building, I'm telling you... everyone will die," and "I'm going to die. Don't cry about me...." At one point, Akram asked each hostage how many children they had, and then said to the hostage negotiator: "Do you want to have seven children lose their parent?" However, he also said "I don't wanna hurt 'em, yeah" in reference to the hostages. He allowed the hostages to call their families, and Cohen was able to write a post on Facebook. Akram said he would shoot hostages unless he spoke to a Jewish leader in New York. Just after 12:00 p.m., Akram called Central Synagogue in New York City and twice demanded to speak to Senior Rabbi Angela Buchdahl. While on the phone with Buchdahl, he said that he had a bomb, and asked her to use her position of influence to secure Siddiqui's release. Buchdahl immediately contacted law enforcement. Authorities suspect Akram chose to call Buchdahl because of her leadership position of a synagogue in New York City, where Siddiqui was convicted. At around 12:30 p.m., the FBI took over hostage negotiations. At about 2:00 p.m., Facebook cut the livestream feed, but police were able to access the synagogue's closed-circuit television system and view the events in real time. Shortly after 5:00 p.m., Akram released one of the hostages. The man did not need medical attention. Resolution As the standoff reached ten hours, and Siddiqui remained unreleased, the situation became dire. Cytron-Walker said Akram grew "increasingly belligerent and threatening." However, Cytron-Walker, Cohen, and the third remaining hostage saw that Akram was out of position, knew an exit was nearby, and positioned themselves nearby, one by one. Akram then ordered them to get on their knees, and Cytron-Walker got him a cup of juice to drink. As Akram drank, Cytron-Walker yelled at the others to run and threw a chair at Akram while the others fled towards the exit. All three hostages escaped, and no shots were fired by Akram. Video taken outside the synagogue by WFAA just before 9:15 p.m. showed the hostages sprinting out of the building while being followed by Akram, who then withdrew into the building. Cytron-Walker credited security courses he had taken for helping the captives figure out the right moment to flee. After the hostages fled the building, the FBI Hostage Rescue Team was seen surrounding another part of the synagogue. At around 9:21 p.m., the FBI Hostage Rescue used a stun grenade to attempt to disorient Akram. Electricity was cut to the synagogue, and agents breached the building at around 9:22 p.m. Within seconds, the agents shot Akram multiple times, killing him. At around 9:30 p.m., after an 11-hour standoff, all remaining hostages were confirmed to have been recovered unharmed. After the synagogue was secured, the building was swept by the FBI's Evidence Response Team and bomb technicians. No explosives aside from police entry tools were found at the scene. Investigation The FBI's North Texas Joint Terrorism Task Force coordinated the investigation. Immediately after the incident, an official initially said Akram's demands were "specifically focused on issues not connected to the Jewish community". The statement attracted criticism for downplaying antisemitism as a possible motive, given Akram's selection of a synagogue as a target, and Siddiqui's antisemitic beliefs. In an official FBI statement made on January 17, it said the incident was "a terrorism-related matter, in which the Jewish community was targeted". British counterterrorism police are assisting the U.S. authorities. On January 21, the FBI said it was investigating the incident as a "federal hate crime" and an "act of terrorism". The FBI believes that Akram acted alone, and Matthew DeSarno, the special agent in charge of the FBI's Dallas field office, said there was no indication that the man was part of any broader plan. DeSarno also said the investigation into the incident will have "global" reach, and he confirmed that the FBI Shooting Incident Review Team "will conduct a thorough, factual, and objective investigation of the events." A day after the incident, President Joe Biden said Akram was armed with guns, but his claim of being armed with a bomb was not true. Akram's motive for the hostage-taking was his anger over the U.S. imprisonment of Siddiqui; a U.S. official said that the hostage situation deteriorated in its final hours in part because Akram "became increasingly skeptical that the FBI would accede to his demands to free Siddiqui." American and British investigators retrieved electronic data about Akram's movements and interests in the days before he came to the synagogue. Over the two weeks leading up to the incident, Akram's Internet search history revealed that he looked up information about influential rabbis, Siddiqui, gun stores, and pawnshops. Related arrests The day after the incident, Akram's two teenage sons were apprehended in south Manchester, North West England, by officers from Counter Terror Policing North West. They were subsequently released without being charged. On January 20, two men were arrested in Manchester and Birmingham, West Midlands, as part of the investigation into the Colleyville incident. They were later released with no further action as of January 26. On January 25, two additional men were taken into custody in Manchester as part of the investigation. On January 27, one of them was released without being charged. On January 26, a 32-year-old Texas man was arrested for being a felon in possession of a firearm; he is alleged to have sold Akram the Taurus G2C handgun used in the incident. The sale reportedly occurred on January 13, and the man had exchanged several phone calls with Akram within the two preceding days. The man reportedly told authorities that he believed Akram wanted to use the gun to intimidate someone who owed him money. Reactions Cytron-Walker expressed gratitude and thanks "for all of the vigils and prayers and love and support, all of the law enforcement and first responders who cared for us, all of the security training that helped save us." Officials in the White House monitored the situation, and President Joe Biden called it "an act of terror" and said, "We will stand against antisemitism and against the rise of extremism in this country." British Foreign Secretary Liz Truss condemned the incident, calling it an antisemitic act of terror. Livia Link, the Israeli Consul General in Houston, Texas, attended the scene, and the Israeli government established contact with U.S. law enforcement regarding the situation. The Washington Post reported that the incident had shaken Jewish communities in the U.S. and around the world, and Haaretz reported that Jewish leaders condemned an FBI official's initial suggestion that the incident may not have been antisemitic. Rabbi Shmuley Boteach, recounting the series of recent attacks on American Jews, said a "bullseye is being drawn on the backs of Jews in the United States." Many synagogues and other Jewish institutions increased security measures. Jewish leaders also called for stronger turnout at synagogues as a show of defiance against antisemitism. Many Muslim community leaders and Islamic organizations in Texas condemned the actions of the hostage-taker and expressed their support for the synagogue in the wake of the hostage incident. The Council on American–Islamic Relations, which has called for the release of Siddiqui and asserted that she is innocent, condemned the incident as "an act of pure evil" and expressed support and prayers with the people being held hostage in the synagogue. The attorney who represents Siddiqui said she had "absolutely no involvement with [the hostage crisis]" and that they condemn the incident. The Muslim community of Blackburn, the hometown of Akram, expressed their solidarity with the Jewish community and stated, "our sympathy goes out to the hostages and the rest of the Jewish community". During the aftermath of the hostage-taking, the Anti-Defamation League released a report documenting conspiracy theories and antisemitic responses to the crisis, including false claims that the incident was an inside job by the U.S. government. Supporters of the American radical right political conspiracy theory movement QAnon termed the survivors "crisis actors" and the incident a false flag operation. The document also criticized Islamophobic reactions to the incident, such as the use of the slur Paki. Far-right political commentator Gavin McInnes posted that "maybe we should consider cutting Islam out of our 'interfaith' communities", which the ADL denounced as Islamophobic. The ADL issued resources to counter hate and misinformation. See also Hypercacher kosher supermarket siege Los Angeles Jewish Community Center shooting 2019 Jersey City shooting Munich massacre History of the Jews in Dallas List of antisemitic incidents in the United States References External links Winnipeg Rabbi Kliel Rose says his heart 'just sank' when he learned his friend Rabbi Charlie Cytron-Walker was a hostage in the Texas synagogue. Canadian Jewish News. January 16, 2022. 2022 crimes in the United States 2022 in Judaism 2022 in Texas 2020s crimes in Texas 21st-century attacks on synagogues and Jewish communal organizations in the United States Attacks on religious buildings and structures in the United States Colleyville, Texas Hostage taking in the United States Islam and antisemitism Islamic terrorism in Texas January 2022 crimes in the United States Jews and Judaism in Texas Tarrant County, Texas Terrorist incidents in Texas Terrorist incidents in the United States in 2022

69789360

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John%20Jo%C3%ABl%20Joseph

John Joël Joseph

John Joël Joseph is a Haitian politician. He sat in the Senate of Haiti. Life Six days after the assassination of Jovenel Moïse in July 2021, a police warrant for his arrest was launched. Haitian National Police Chief Léon Charles said that Joseph was a mastermind of the plot, furnishing the attackers with weapons and organizing meetings. In January 2022 he was arrested in Jamaica under suspicion of the presidents murder. References Living people Members of the Senate (Haiti) Suspected criminals Year of birth missing (living people)

69790175

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Agios%20Myronas

Agios Myronas

Agios Myronas (Άγιος Μύρωνας, formerly Άγιος Μύρων Agios Myron) is a village in the Heraklion regional unit of Crete, Greece named for Saint Myron of Crete. In 2011, its population was 612. Agios Myronas is built on two hills. The school's clock tower is familiar landmark in the region. Most residents are farmers producing raisins and wine. History The ancient name of Agios Myronas was (Raukos, latinized as Rhaucus). There are archaeological finds dating as early as 1900 BCE in the Archaeological Museum of Heraklion. A chamber tomb of the Late Minoan IIIa period was discovered in 1941. The modern name comes from Saint Myron the Wonderworker (c. 250-350), born in Raukos, who became a bishop of Gortyna. The first attestation of the name is in a contract from 1281. Under the late Ottoman Empire, several natives of Agios Myron participated in resistance to Ottoman rule, including in the Macedonian Struggle, the Theriso revolt, and the Balkan Wars. The village was completely rebuilt after being destroyed by an earthquake in 1856. Until the Kallikratis reorganization of 2011, it was the seat of the Municipal Unit of Gorgolainis within the Province (Επαρχία) of Malevizi, which included Ano Asites, Kato Asites, Pentamodi, Petrokefalo, and Pyrgou. Facilities The church of Saint Myron sits in a prominent position, and contains relics of the saint. Below the church is the skete where Myron is said to have worshipped, now a chapel. The village also has an primary school, a middle school, a secondary school, a police station, a post office, and an office of the Agia Varvara health center. Notes Bibliography Το Ηράκλειον και ο Νομός του (Heraklion and its region), published by the Prefecture of Heraklion Populated places in Heraklion (regional unit)

69790308

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nhlanhlayamangwe%20Felix%20Ndiweni

Nhlanhlayamangwe Felix Ndiweni

Chief Nhlanhlayamangwe Felix Ndiweni (born 1963) is a Ndebele traditional leader from Zimbabwe who is known as one of the few traditional leaders to speak out against the ZANU-PF government. He is a Chief in the Matabeleland region of Zimbabwe. Chief Ndiweni lived in Canvey Island, Essex for several years and left the UK in 2010 to assume the Chieftanship in Matabeleland. Ndiweni is well known criticizing the Zimbabwean government for political abuses, land-use abuses and is a supporter of human rights in Zimbabwe. He is known for calling on the Zimbabwean government to recognize the Gukurahundi genocide. In particular, he has also asked for the return of cattle seized from his father and other ZAPU opposition supporters, the late Paramount Chief Khayisa Ndiweni, during the Gukuranhundi in Matabeleland. He has also asked for Ntabazinduna Police Training Depot which was used by the 5th Brigade Military Unit during that time to be restored as a school. He was arrested in 2019 by the Zimbabwean government, granted bail, and currently has a warrant issued by the Zimbabwean government for his arrest because he is regarded as a "security threat" in Zimbabwe. Career Ndweni is an accounting auditor by profession and worked at Waltham Forest Council in the UK. He left the UK to assume the role of chief in Matabeleland which he was appointed by family members using traditional protocols. He was fired as chief in 2019 by Edward Mnangagwa who argued that Ndiweni was not the legitimate traditional leader. Mnangagwa ordered his benefits as chief to end including the possession of state-owned items including the state issued car. Supporters argue that a president cannot dethrone a traditional leader and argue that his dethronement was politically motivated. Imprisonment Ndiweni ordered the hedge of a woman accused of adultery to be destroyed in 2019. He went to carry out the ruling with his supporters in accordance to the ruling and was arrested for damaging property. He was put on trial with 23 of his supporters who received 525 hours of community services. Chief Ndiweni was sentenced to jail for two years under the charge of malicious damage to property worth US$30. He received a six-month suspended sentence. His supporters argue that the sentencing was unfair and politically motivated. Political ctivists protested his arrest in Zimbabwe on March 17, 2019. A social media campaign under the hashtag #IStandwithNdiweni was also held online. His jail sentence was appealed by his lawyer, Welshman Ncube, Movement for Democratic Change Alliance Vice-president. Movement for Democratic Change Alliance president Nelson Chamisa visited him while he was in jail at Khami Prison. Additionally, he was granted bail while his appeal was pending. A warrant of arrest was issued for him for violating his bail conditions in December 2021 while he was in the UK receiving medical care. The warrant was issued by police chief Canisious Chesango a week after he petitioned Boris Johnson to support the Zimbabwean Diaspora's voting rights. 2020 Bulawayo attack Chief Ndiweni was attacked at a shopping center in Bulawayo on May 15, 2020, by unknown youth gang and reported ZANU PF supporters in a bid to confiscate his car. Activism Gukurahundi Genocide He has been a vocal supporter of survivors of the Gukurahindi and their families. He is known for calling on the Zimbabwean government to recognize the Gukurahundi genocide. In particular, he has also asked for the return of cattle seized from his father and other Zimbabwe African People's Union opposition supporters, the late Paramount Chief Khayisa Ndiweni, during the Gukuranhundi in Matabeleland. He has also asked for Ntabazinduna Police Training Depot which was used during that time to be restored as a school. COP23 protest In October 2020 he led a protest at the outside British parliament offices in opposition to President Emmerson Mnangagwa's invitation to attend the COP26 climate change conference held in Glasgow, Scotland. Mnangagwa attended the conference. My Right to Vote Campaign Ndiweni formed a pressure group with the Movement for Democratic Change Alliance, a Zimbabwean political opposition party, to ask the government to allow the Zimbabwean Diaspora to vote. Part of this included delivering a petition to Boris Johnson and the British government to intervene in Zimbabwe's human rights record. Media appearances The Breakfast Club, Centre for Innovation and Technology, December 19, 2019 In Conversation with Trevar, December 13, 2019 Personal He is the son of Khayisa Ndiweni and a descendant of Paramount Chief Gundwane Ndiweni. References 1963 births Living people Zimbabwean people

69790493

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/C.%20Ed%20Massey

C. Ed Massey

C. Ed Massey (born October 14, 1967) is an American attorney and politician serving as a member of the Kentucky House of Representatives from the 66th district. Elected in November 2018, he assumed office on January 1, 2019. Early life and education Massey was born in Hebron, Kentucky in 1967. He earned a Bachelor of Science degree in criminal justice and police science from Eastern Kentucky University and a Juris Doctor from the Salmon P. Chase College of Law at Northern Kentucky University. Career Massey is licensed to practice law in Kentucky, Ohio, and Indiana. In 2012 and 2013, he was the president of the National School Boards Association. He was also a board member of the National PTA, National Underground Railroad Freedom Center, New York Says Thank You Foundation, American Public Education Foundation, and Boone County Schools. Since 2008, he has worked as an attorney at Blankenship Massey & Associates. Massey was elected to the Kentucky House of Representatives in November 2018 and assumed office on January 1, 2019. He also serves as chair of the House Judiciary Committee. References Living people 1967 births People from Hebron, Kentucky Eastern Kentucky University alumni Northern Kentucky University alumni Salmon P. Chase College of Law alumni Kentucky lawyers Kentucky Republicans Members of the Kentucky House of Representatives

69790707

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Natalie%20Sumner%20Lincoln

Natalie Sumner Lincoln

Natalie Sumner Lincoln ( – ) was an American novelist who wrote mystery and crime novels mostly set in her native Washington, DC. Natalie Sumner Lincoln was born on in Washington, D.C. She was the daughter of Dr. Nathan Smith Lincoln, Civil War physician and White House physician to US President James A. Garfield, and Jeanie Gould, novelist and children's author. Her brother was political reporter George Gould Lincoln. She was educated at Laura A. Flint's Private School in Washington. Lincoln was society editor for the Washington Herald from 1912 to 1914. She was editor of the Daughters of the American Revolution Magazine from April 1915 until her death. Lincoln wrote 22 novels, all but one set in Washington DC. About half of them featured either Inspector Mitchell or Detective Ferguson of the Washington, DC police. Two of her novels were adapted as silent films: The Man Inside (1916) and Black Shadows (1920), the latter based on her novel The Official Chaperon. She also contributed short stories to a number of magazines, including Smith's Magazine, McCall's, All Story, and Detective Story Magazine. She made philatelist headlines in 1930 when she discovered one of her father's letters with a rare postmaster provisional stamp from Baltimore postmaster James M. Buchanan, which she sold for $10,000. Natalie Sumner Lincoln died at her Hawthorne Street home in Washington, D.C. on August, 31 1935. Bibliography Inspector Mitchell I Spy (1916) The Nameless Man (1917) The Moving Finger (1918) The Three Strings (1918) The Cat's Paw (1922) The Meredith Mystery (1923) The Missing Initial (1925) The Blue Car Mystery (1926) The Dancing Silhouette (1927) P.P.C. (1927) Detective Ferguson The Red Seal (1920) The Unseen Ear (1921) Other novels The Trevor Case (1912) The Lost Despatch (1913) The Man Inside (1914) C.O.D. (1915) The Official Chaperon (1915) The Thirteenth Letter (1924) The Secret of Mohawk Pond (1928) The Fifth Latchkey (1929) Marked "Canceled" (1930) 13 Thirteenth Street (1932) References Created via preloaddraft 1881 births 1935 deaths Writers from Washington, D.C. American mystery novelists

69790709

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brandon%20Storm

Brandon Storm

Brandon Jackson Storm (born May 14, 1976) is an American attorney and politician serving as a member of the Kentucky Senate from the 21st district. Elected in November 2020, he assumed office on January 1, 2021. Early life and education Storm is a native of Laurel County, Kentucky. He earned a Bachelor of Science degree in police administration from Eastern Kentucky University in 2000 and a Juris Doctor from the Mississippi College School of Law in 2003. Career Storm worked in independent law firms before founding his own in 2009. He was elected to the Kentucky Senate in November 2020 and assumed office on January 1, 2021. He also serves as vice chair of the Senate Transportation Committee and chair of the Senate Enrollment Committee. References Living people 1976 births People from London, Kentucky People from Laurel County, Kentucky Kentucky Republicans Kentucky lawyers Kentucky state senators Eastern Kentucky University alumni Mississippi College School of Law alumni

69790727

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lynching%20of%20Jake%20Brooks

Lynching of Jake Brooks

The Lynching of Jake Brooks occurred in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma on January 14, 1922. Background In 1922, the meatpackers Union in Oklahoma City was on strike. Militant strikers were angered by scab workers taking their jobs and plotted to make an example. Lynching The Militants went to great lengths and even recruited Jake Brooks' own cousin to take part in the lynching. They abducted him from his home on Saturday, January 14, 122, drove him 5 out of Oklahoma City and hung him from a tree. It took three days for his body to be discovered. Aftermath The local police were initially hesitant to investigate the killing but Govenor James B.A. Robertson directly intervened and five "ringleaders." They were Lee Whitley, 29; Charles Polk, 18l Elmert Yearta, 19; (the three white accused) and Robert Allen, 27; Nathan Butler, 40 (the two Black accused) were arrested, charged, plead guilty and were sentenced. Photographs of Jake Brooks's hanged body are sent to Congress, hoping for passage of the Dyer Anti-Lynching Bill. The Dyer Anti-Lynching Bill was first introduced in 1918 by Representative Leonidas C. Dyer, a Republican from St. Louis, Missouri, in the United States House of Representatives as H.R. 11279. It was intended to establish lynching as a federal crime. The Dyer Anti-Lynching Bill was re-introduced in subsequent sessions of Congress and passed, 230 to 119, by the U.S. House of Representatives on January 26, 1922, but its passage was halted in the Senate by a filibuster by Southern Democrats, who formed a powerful block. Southern Democrats justified their opposition to the bill by arguing that lynchings were a response to rapes and proclaiming that lynchings were an issue that should be left for states to deal with. Attempts to pass similar legislation took a halt until the Costigan-Wagner Bill of 1934. It was not until 2018 that the Senate passed the anti-lynching legislation Justice for Victims of Lynching Act, on which the House of Representatives took no action. On February 26, 2020, the House passed a revised version, the Emmett Till Antilynching Act, by a vote of 410–4. The Bill currently has not been passed and no anti-lynching bill has been passed by both houses into federal law. Bibliography Notes References - Total pages:920 1921 riots 1921 in Oklahoma African-American history of Oklahoma Lynching deaths in Oklahoma December 1921 events Protest-related deaths Racially motivated violence against African Americans Riots and civil disorder in Oklahoma White American riots in the United States

69791038

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Great%20Russification%20program

Great Russification program

The "great Russification program" was a plan for new laws concerning the Grand Duchy of Finland made during the second period of oppression from 1912 to 1914, which would have set Finland even deeper under the control of the government of the Empire of Russia and significantly suppressed its autonomy, had it ever come into force. This secret plan leaked into the public in November 1914, which caused fear in Finland of losing the country's autonomy and of Russification. Background and preparation Pyotr Stolypin, Prime Minister of Russia from 1906 to 1911 was a nationalist and a staunch supporter of concentration of power, who wanted to discontinue most of Finland's autonomy. Under his term, a law of nationwide legislature was made against the Finns' will, which made it possible for the Russian legislative bodies to enact laws concerning Finland without the approval of the Parliament of Finland. However, the Russian government did not have a ready-made plan as to how it would use this opportunity. Governor-General of Finland Franz Albert Seyn sent a letter to Stolypin in 1910, where he listed six things required for new laws in Finland: a bureau of officials, court treatment of crimes against the state, the news press, union legislation, the police and the gendarmerie, and the position of the Russian language. Stolypin's government decided to propose a committee to prepare a detailed program of the needed laws. The emperor Nicholas II of Russia appointed a committee in January 1912, at which time Stolypin was already dead and had been succeeded by the more benign Vladimir Kokovtsov. The director of the secret preparation committee was the real state official Nikolay Korevo. He had already previously led the "committee for the systematisation of Finnish laws" at the Russian State Council as the successor of professor Nikolay Sergeyevsky. Korevo's committee had a total of 24 members, of which 23 represented different branches of the Russian government. The only representative of the Grand Duchy of Finland was the procurator of the "admiralty senate" Alexey Hozyainov, who also was Russian by ethnicity. The committee first met in late April 1912. It decided to enact a program for all laws necessary for the protection of the interests of Russia and its governing authority in Finland regardless of whether they were general state laws. Content The program prepared by Korevo's committee was officially named "a sketch for a program of law proposals to be enacted in the Grand Duchy of Finland". It contained three parts: protection of the authority and control of the Russian government in Finland, protection of the interests of the Russian armed forces and bringing Finland closer to the Empire of Russia in political and economical terms. The program had a total of 38 points. Proposed actions included the discontinuation of Finland's own customs and money, discontinuation of Finnish nationality, integrating some of Finland's government offices directly into the Russian ministries, improving the position of the Orthodox church, facilitation of the Russian money authority and further development of the equality law of 1912. Some of these actions had already been under work for a long time. The program also included social goals, such as improving the situation of the steadless public with affordable acquisition of land and expanding the activity of the Peasants' Land Bank into Finland. The Parliament and Senate of Finland, core parts of the autonomy of Finland, could continue operation. Publicity The existence of the secret committee already came to public knowledge in summer 1912, when one of its meeting documents was leaked to the press. The committee finished its program in March 1913. It was discussed at the second committee led by prime minister Ivan Goremykin in May 1914, when its first version was leaked to the public. It was first published by the Russian newspaper Novoye Vremya on 6 May 1914 and on the next day by numerous Finnish newspapers. Nicholas II signed the final version of the program in September 1914. World War I prevented it from being taken into action, but it was later fully leaked to the public and was published in the Swedish language newspapers in Helsinki on 17 November 1914. At this point the Finns named it the "great Russification program". In Finland, the goal of the program was seen as the total eradication of Finnish autonomy and Russification of Finland. Even though the program was never taken into action, mere knowledge of its existence caused a strong negative reaction in Finland. The "treasury meeting", which signalled the foundation of the Jäger Movement, was held in Helsinki on 20 November 1914, only three days after the program was leaked to the public. References Political history of Finland 1914 in Finland Cancelled projects

69791553

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mohd%20Zaman%20Khan

Mohd Zaman Khan

Tan Sri Mohd Zaman Khan bin Rahim Khan (21 December 1941 – 11 September 2021) was a former Malaysian police officer. Early life Mohd Zaman Khan was born on 21 December 1941 at Pasir Mas, Kelantan. He was educated at Victoria Institution in 1959. Police career He joined the Royal Malaysia Police as a Cadet Assistant Superintendent of Police in June 1962, then attended a Special Course on Policing in America in 1969. He was the District Police Chief in Batu Gajah, Grik, Klang and Georgetown (1964–1972). He later became the Head of Kuala Lumpur Traffic (1972–1974), District Police Chief in Petaling Jaya (1974), Head of the Criminal Investigation Department in Selangor (1974–1977), Negeri Sembilan Police Chief (1977–1979), Penang Police Chief (1979–1984) then became Kuala Lumpur Police Chief (1984–July 1987) and his deputy at that time was SAC (Rtd.) Dato' Ahmad Tajuddin Shahabudin. Subsequently, he was promoted to Director of the Internal Security and Public Order Department at the Police Headquarters (August 1987 – 1989) and changed to the Director of the Criminal Investigation Department at the Bukit Aman Police Headquarters from 1989 to 1994. He also conducted operations on arrestment of Bentong Kali a.k.a P. Kalimutu, and his last position in the security team was as Director General of the Prisons Department (1994–1997). He was also involved in the rescue operation of the victims of the Highland Towers Tragedy. Death Mohd Zaman Khan died at the National Heart Institute, Kuala Lumpur on 11 September 2021 and was buried at the Bukit Kiara Muslim Cemetery. Honours Honours of Malaysia : Officer of the Order of the Defender of the Realm (K.M.N.) (1975) Commander of the Order of Loyalty to the Royal Family of Malaysia (P.S.D.) – Datuk (1984) Companion of the Order of the Defender of the Realm (J.M.N.) (1990) Commander of the Order of Loyalty to the Crown of Malaysia (P.S.M.) – Tan Sri (2011) : Knight Companion of the Order of Sultan Ahmad Shah of Pahang (D.S.A.P.) – Dato' (1986) : Knight Grand Commander of the Order of the Loyalty to the Crown of Kelantan (S.P.S.K.) – Dato’ (2015) References 1941 births 2021 deaths People from Kelantan Malaysian police officers Officers of the Order of the Defender of the Realm Commanders of the Order of Loyalty to the Royal Family of Malaysia Companions of the Order of the Defender of the Realm Commanders of the Order of Loyalty to the Crown of Malaysia

69791979

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/April%201933%20Siamese%20coup%20d%27%C3%A9tat

April 1933 Siamese coup d'état

April 1933 Siamese coup d'état was a government change on 1 April 1933 by conservative and monarchist elites, led by Phraya Manopakorn Nititada (Phraya Mano), after the Draft National Economic Plan proposed by Pridi Banomyong, Khana Ratsadon's progressive leader, was deemed as a communist threat by King Prajadhipok and Mano. It is considered to be the first coup in Thailand's history, followed by the first military coup two months later by Khana Ratsadon's army officer, Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena. Background On 24 June 1932, Khana Ratsadon ("The People's Party") carried out a bloodless revolution against the absolute rule of King Prajadhipok (Rama VII) and drafted a new provisional constitution. The constitution stripped the king of most of his powers, and granted them to the new Government of Siam, which included the People's Assembly (the legislative branch), the People's Committee (the executive branch), and the Supreme Court (the judicial branch). The president of this new assembly would be the head of government and the de facto Prime Minister of Siam. The role was offered and accepted by the 48 year-old former Minister of Justice, Privy Councillor and Middle Temple lawyer, Phraya Manopakorn Nititada. Phraya Mano was selected more probably out of pragmatism and shrewdness rather than any honourable intention. Prelude Draft National Economic Plan The new People's Committee (the government) was made up of 20 ministers of state, 10 of whom came from the People's Party while the 10 others are high ranking civil servants picked by the party. On 15 March 1933, Pridi Phanomyong, one of the founding members of the People's Party and a member of the People's Committee, submitted a "Draft National Economic Plan" to the People's Assembly, the so-called "Yellow Cover Dossier" (). The dossier outlined Pridi's plan for the country including an overhaul of the county's economic, financial, and social structure. This ambitious plan would try to revise 700 years of feudalism in Siam. In his own words he wrote, "...this change of administration is not merely a coup d'état but an economic revolution". In section 1 of the economic plan he wrote: I remain resolute on this subject, and am of the view that if the government devises an appropriate national economic plan, finding employment for every citizen will not be beyond us. The improvement of the people's welfare is one of the primary goals in the reform of the system. Never was there an intention to transform the political system from a monarchy to an oligarchy, which would attempt to be a democracy in name only. I focused on the substance, namely, nourishing the welfare of the people. The constitution became the key to open the door of opportunity for the ordinary people to have a voice in the country's administration according to their needs and aspirations. Once this door has been opened, it is the duty of the government to lead the people through this door into a new land of prosperity. Pridi tried to further his objective by suggesting reforms deemed socialist: national welfare, the redistribution of wealth and land to the poor, government guided economy, subsidies for rural farmers, a progressive taxation system, and social assurance and security for the poor. Pridi realised this and argued that these suggestions were merely a means to raise the standard of living of the rural poor. He further argued that, "Those who read the economic plan with a negative frame of mind would conclude that the government's attempt to run the economic system would de-humanise peoples into animals...I took great caution to prevent such de-humanisation; on the contrary, my desire was to help make people more human by eliminating the dangers to personal welfare brought about by economic factors...." Despite its socialist leanings the dossier was a mix of both liberalism and socialism. For instance, the plan guaranteed the right of private property (in sections 1 and 5). The plan also called for the establishment of an independent central bank, one of the components of a liberal economic system. Conflict between political tendencies The plan drew criticism upon publication, including from newspapers, intellectuals stoked mostly by the urban elites, and landed nobility under the newly formed Khana Chart (, "National Party"), seeking a way to discredit the People's Party. The criticism centred on the socialistic nature of the dossier, including charges of communism and charges that Pridi was instigating a social revolution. The criticisms were also aimed at Phraya Mano, who allowed Pridi to publish the plan. Despite these charges, the People's Party, the young revolutionaries, and most of the urban middle class and rural poor stood behind Pridi. The debate, however, escalated into a constitutional crisis when King Prajadhipok, who had confessed to the nation that he had little knowledge of financial affairs, attacked Pridi verbally and asked whether Pridi copied his plans from the Soviet Union. The controversial and harsh royal intervention drew even more outrage from the public, this time not directed at Pridi but at the king. The monarch had violated the constitution and, in effect, was criticising his own constitutional government. This led to a lawsuit by Thawan Ritthidet, a civilian suing the monarch on the grounds that he had violated the constitution by interfering in political affairs. The People's Committee was split between two opposing political tendencies; that of the old Thai, conservative and monarchist, led by Phraya Mano, and that of the new school, democratic and perhaps republican, led by Pridi. Phraya Mano realised the danger of Pridi's plans. On one side were the revolutionaries and members of the People's Party. On the other were civil servants and some elite members of the military, and former revolutionaries, among them Phraya Songsuradet, Phraya Ritthi Akhaney, and Phra Prasan Pithayayut. These men threatened Pridi and his supporters, stating that they would carry weapons into the assembly. When Pridi did not attend a session, they surrounded Pridi's house with armed supporters. Silent coup Phraya Mano called for the dissolution of the People's Assembly on 1 April 1933. Under the emergency decree, some parts of the constitution, including the legislature and the judiciary, were suspended. While closing the People's Assembly, Phraya Mano stated that: On April 2, the government issued the "Anti-Communist Act", which gave the police executive powers to arrest citizens who are considered to be communist without trial. Under this law, the People's Party was disbanded. The New York Times reported this as an act against a communist movement. The Communist Party of Siam's central committee were arrested, as well as numerous others, including Vietnamese exiles who were accused of being communist sympathisers. Left wing newspapers and publications were suppressed. On 12 April 1933, Pridi was exiled to France. These series of events are called the "Silent coup" () and is considered by many Thai historians as the first "real" coup d'état instigated by the military in Thailand against a constitutional government. Aftermath Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena staged a successful military coup two months later on 20 June 1933, and appointed himself as the country's second prime minister. It was the first military coup in Thailand's history, after the 1932 revolution. References Bibliography Siamese revolution of 1932 1930s coups d'état and coup attempts 1930s in Thailand 1933 in Siam Conflicts in 1933 1933 Political history of Thailand Battles and conflicts without fatalities April 1933 events

69792533

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Foreign%20policy%20of%20Herbert%20Hoover

Foreign policy of Herbert Hoover

Foreign policy of Herbert Hoover covers the international activities and policies of Herbert Hoover for his entire career, with emphasis to his roles from 1914 to 1933. World War I World War I broke out in August 1914, pitting Germany and its allies against France and Britain and their allies. The US was neutral, and about 125,000 American tourists and visitors were trapped in Europe and needed to get home immediately. The transatlantic passenger ships were temporarily cancelled, and banks were closed so they were short of money. They flooded the American embassies especially in London. Hoover volunteered and soon took charge of operations in London in cooperation with other London-based American businessmen and the US ambassador. Hoover raised money locally until gold appropriated by Congress arrived. His team helped tens of thousands with loans and travel assistance. He finished his emergency role by October. Belgium and occupied France 1914–1917 Food Administrator in US 1917–1918 Post-war relief in Europe American relief and Russian famine of 1921 Under Hoover's direction, very large scale food relief was distributed to Europe after the war though the American Relief Administration. In 1921, to ease famine in Russia, the ARA's director in Europe, Walter Lyman Brown, began negotiated an agreement with Soviet People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, Maxim Litvinov in August, 1921; an additional implementation agreement was signed by Brown and People's Commissar for Foreign Trade Leonid Krasin on December 30, 1921. The U.S. Congress appropriated $20,000,000 for relief under the Russian Famine Relief Act of late 1921. At its peak, the ARA employed 300 Americans, more than 120,000 Russians and fed 10.5 million people daily. Its Russian operations were headed by Col. William N. Haskell. The Medical Division of the ARA functioned from November 1921 to June 1923 and helped overcome the typhus epidemic then ravaging Russia. Hoover strongly detested Bolshevism, and felt the American aid would demonstrate the superiority of Western capitalism and thus help contain the spread of communism. The ARA's operations in Russia were shut down on June 15, 1923, after it was discovered that Russia renewed the export of grain. Secretary of Commerce, 1921-1928 President, 1929–1933 In his Memoirs Hoover recalled his main efforts to promote peace: Ending intervention policy in Latin America. Advocated adherence to the world court with reservations. Negotiated treaties calling for arbitration and conciliation. Expanded the Kellogg-Briand peace pact. Cooperated with the League of Nations and activities that did not involve force. Reduced naval competition with Great Britain. Ended British expansion of its naval and air bases in the Western hemisphere. Worked to sustain democratic government in Germany. Worked with other nations to restrain Japanese aggression in China. Although he did use military force to protect American interests in China. Worked a limit the international naval arms race. In 1931 imposed a moratorium on intergovernmental debts to reduce the impact of the Great Depression Disarmament Hoover placed a priority on disarmament, which he hoped would allow the United States to shift money from the military to domestic needs. Hoover and his Secretary of State Henry L. Stimson focused on extending the 1922 Washington Naval Treaty, which sought to prevent a naval arms race. As a result of Hoover's efforts, the United States and other major naval powers signed the 1930 London Naval Treaty. The treaty represented the first time that the naval powers had agreed to cap their tonnage of auxiliary vessels, as previous agreements had only affected capital ships. Hoover's Chief of Naval Operations William V. Pratt (1930-1933) agreed with Hoovers's emphasis on disarmament and went along with postponement of new construction and cutting the fleet. Other naval officers disagreed sharply with Hoover's policies. At the 1932 World Disarmament Conference, Hoover urged further cutbacks in armaments and the outlawing of tanks and bombers, but his proposals were not adopted. China In 1931, Japan invaded Manchuria, defeating the Republic of China's National Revolutionary Army and establishing Manchukuo, a puppet state. The Hoover administration deplored the invasion, but also sought to avoid antagonizing the Japanese, fearing that taking too strong a stand would weaken the moderate forces in the Japanese government and alienate a potential ally against the Soviet Union, which he saw as a much greater threat. In response to the Japanese invasion, Hoover and Secretary of State Stimson outlined the Stimson Doctrine, which held that the United States would not recognize territories gained by force. Trade decline: Higher tariff and hostile retaliation The Tariff Act of 1930, commonly known as the Smoot–Hawley Tariff, implemented protectionist trade policies, was signed by President Hoover on June 17, 1930. The act raised US tariffs on over 20,000 imported goods. The new law and tariffs imposed by America's trading partners in retaliation were major factors of the reduction of American exports and imports by 67% during the Depression. Most of the decline was due to a plunge in GDP in the US and worldwide. However beyond that was additional decline. Some countries protested and others also retaliated with trade restrictions and tariffs. American exports to the protesters fell 18% and exports to those who retaliated fell 31%. Economists and economic historians have a consensus view that the Smoot–Hawley Tariff worsened the effects of the Great Depression. Latin America According to William Leuchtenburg, during Hoover's term, the world order established in the immediate aftermath of World War I began to crumble. As president, Hoover largely made good on his pledge made prior to assuming office not to interfere in Latin America's internal affairs. In 1930, he released the Clark Memorandum, a rejection of the Roosevelt Corollary and a move towards non-interventionism in Latin America. Hoover did not completely refrain from the use of the military in Latin American affairs; he thrice threatened intervention in the Dominican Republic, and he sent warships to El Salvador to support the government against a left-wing revolution. Notwithstanding those actions, he wound down the Banana Wars, ending the occupation of Nicaragua and nearly bringing an end to the occupation of Haiti. The Roosevelt Corollary, articulated by President Theodore Roosevelt in 1904, states that the United States could intervene in the internal affairs of Latin American countries if they committed flagrant and chronic financial wrongdoings. The U.S. took over the police role to stop interventions by European powers. Hoover in 1930 endorsed the Clark Memorandum that repudiated the Roosevelt Corollary in favor of what was later called the Good Neighbor policy. Haiti and Nicaragua Hoover appointed William Cameron Forbes to lead a commission to Haiti in 1930. Forbes gave Hoover a plan to stabilize Haiti and remove the Marines. An agreement in August 1931 started the withdrawal and a similar plan led to Hoover's withdrawal of troops from Nicaragua. Franklin Roosevelt later completed the process, calling it the "Good Neighbor policy." It ended three decades of intervention, but ignored the rise of dictators. Debt moratorium of 1931 The Hoover Moratorium was a public statement issued by Hoover on June 20, 1931, who hoped to ease the coming international economic crisis. It provided a one-year delay ("moratorium") on payments of German and inter-Allied war debt stemming from World War I. The proposal would postpone the repayment of both capital and interest. Many, both in the United States and abroad, were outraged by this idea. The statement was met with initial disapproval from France and many American citizens, but, after much telephonic lobbying by Hoover, went on to gain support from 15 nations by July 6. It was approved by the United States Congress in December. In 1932 the resumption of payments did not happen. The debts were finally consolidated and paid off in 1953 by the London Agreement on German External Debts. Ex-president 1933–1964 World War II Late 1940s After being frozen out by Roosevelt, Hoover was delighted that his offer of help to the new President Harry S Truman was quickly accepted.<ref>Benjamin F. Rogers, "Dear Mr. President': The Hoover-Truman Correspondence." Presidential Studies Quarterly 16.3 (1986): 503-510. </ref> They became friends and Hoover took on the role as chief advisor regarding food relief and other help to impoverished Europe. 1950s When the Korean war broke out in 1950, Hoover first gave his friend Truman public support. But late in the year, as Chinese intervention pushed the American, South Korean and UN forces back to the South, Hoover made a major address that called for a new strategy. His repeated his frequent warning that the massive manpower advantage of the communist states, now including China, made a land made land warfare a losing proposition for America and its allies. Instead it was necessary to relate rely on technological superiority and airpower and seapower. For East Asia, Hoover recommended a different defensive alliance that included Japan, Formosa, and the Philippines, but did not include South Korea. By minimizing reliance on Army land forces, it was a cost-saving procedure. He recommends a Japan being encouraged to build up its forces as well. Hoover's position was widely adopted by formerly isolationist Republicans like Sen. Robert Taft, and criticized by the internationalist-oriented Republicans such as John Foster Dulles. Dwight D. Eisenhower agreed with Hoover's deemphasis on expensive ground armies and followed through in implementing that policy after his election in 1952. See also History of U.S. foreign policy, 1913–1933 Foreign policy of the Woodrow Wilson administration International relations (1919–1939) History of China–United States relations to 1948 Latin America–United States relations United Kingdom–United States relations Hoover Institution Library and Archive Notes Further reading Biographies Best, Gary Dean. Life of Herbert Hoover : Keeper of the Torch, 1933-1964 (2013). Burner, David. Herbert HooverL A Public Life (1979). Clements, Kendrick A. The Life of Herbert Hoover: Imperfect Visionary, 1918-1928 (2010) Jeansonne, Glen. Herbert Hoover: A Life (2016), long scholarly biography excerpt Jeansonne, Glen. The Life of Herbert Hoover: Fighting Quaker, 1928-1933 (Palgrave Macmillan, 2012). excerpt Leuchtenberg, William E. Herbert Hoover (2009). online Morison, Elting E. Turmoil and Tradition: A Study of the Life and Times of Henry L. Stimson (1960) online Nash, George H. "The 'Great Humanitarian': Herbert Hoover, the Relief of Belgium, and the Reconstruction of Europe after War I." The Tocqueville Review 38.2 (2017): 55–70. Nash, George H. "An American Epic’: Herbert Hoover and Belgian Relief in World War I." Prologue Magazine 21 (1989). online Nash, George H. The Life of Herbert Hoover: The Engineer 1874–1914 (1983) vol 1. online. Nash, George H. The Humanitarian, 1914–1917, The Life of Herbert Hoover, 2. (1988) Nash, George H. Master of Emergencies, 1917–1918, The Life of Herbert Hoover, 3. (1996) online Smith, Richard Norton. An Uncommon Man: The Triumph of Herbert Hoover (1984), focus on post-presidency Stimson, Henry L. and McGeorge Bundy. On Active Services in Peace and War (1948) online Wilson, Joan Hoff. Herbert Hoover: forgotten progressive (1975) pp 168–208. Scholarly studies Accinelli, Robert D. "The Hoover Administration and the World Court." Peace & Change 4.3 (1977): 28–36. Banholzer, Simon, and Tobias Straumann. "Why the French Said 'Non': A New Perspective on the Hoover Moratorium of June 1931." Journal of Contemporary History 56.4 (2021): 1040–1060. doi:10.1177/0022009420949924 Braeman, John. "Power and Diplomacy: the 1920's Reappraised." The Review of Politics 44.3 (1982): 342–369. Brandes, Joseph. Herbert Hoover and economic diplomacy; Department of Commerce policy 1921-1928 (1962) online borrow Burk, Kathleen. "The Lineaments of Foreign Policy: The United States and a 'New World Order,' 1919–39." Journal of American Studies 26.3 (1992): 377–391. Cabanes, Bruno. "The hungry and the sick: Herbert Hoover, the Russian famine, and the professionalization of humanitarian aid" in Bruno Cabanes, The Great War and the Origins of Humanitarianism, 1918-1924 (Cambridge UP, 2014) 189–247. Chapman, Michael E. "Ironies of Character: Hoover's Foreign Policy with Asia." in A Companion to Warren G. Harding, Calvin Coolidge, and Herbert Hoover (2014): 502–521. Costigliola, Frank. Awkward dominion: American political, economic, and cultural relations with Europe, 1919-1933 (Cornell UP, 1984). Current, Richard N. "The Stimson Doctrine and the Hoover Doctrine." American Historical Review 59.3 (1954): 513–542. online DeConde, Alexander. Herbert Hoover's Latin-American policy (1951) online DeConde, Alexander, ed. Encyclopedia of American Foreign Policy: Studies of the Principal Movements and Ideas (4 vol 1979) DeConde, Alexander. A History of American Foreign Policy (1963), textbook. Doenecke, Justus D. "The Anti-Interventionism of Herbert Hoover." Journal of Libertarian Studies 8.2 (1987): 311–340. online Doenecke, Justus D. Not to the Swift: The Old Isolationists in the Cold War Era (1979) Dozer, Donald. Good Neighbors? Three Decades of Inter-American Relations, 1930-1960 (1959) Druelle, Clotilde. Feeding Occupied France during World War I: Herbert Hoover and the Blockade (2019) Ellis, L. Ethan. Republican Foreign Policy, 1921-1933 (1968) online Fausold, Martin L. The Presidency of Herbert C. Hoover (UP of Kansas, 1985), aa major scholarly survey online Ferrell, Robert H. American Diplomacy in the Great Depression: Hoover–Stimson Foreign Policy, 1929–1933 (1957). Gelfand, Lawrence E. ed. Herbert Hoover--the Great War and Its Aftermath, 1914-23 (U of Iowa Press, 1979). Eight essays by scholars. online George Jr, James H. "Another Chance: Herbert Hoover and World War II Relief." Diplomatic History 16.3 (1992): 389–407. online Herring, George C. From colony to superpower: US foreign relations since 1776 (Oxford University Press, 2008), textbook. Jeansonne, Glen S. "Hoover goes to Belgium." History Today (Jan 2015) 65#1 pp 19–24. online; popular history Kennedy, Greg. "Depression and security: Aspects influencing the United States Navy during the Hoover administration." Diplomacy and Statecraft 6.2 (1995): 342–372. Koyoma, Kumiko. 2009. “The Passage of the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act: Why Did the President Sign the Bill?” Journal of Policy History 21 (2): 163-86 Kubo, Fumiaki, Ryūji Hattori, and Satoshi Hattori. "The 1930s: Japan’s War with China and American Non-Recognition." in The History of US-Japan Relations (Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore, 2017). 83–102. online Lippmann, Walter. The United States in world affairs: An account of American foreign relations: 1931 (Harper, 1932). Lippmann, Walter. The United States in world affairs: An account of American foreign relations: 1932 (Harper, 1933). Lochner, Louis P. Herbert Hoover and Germany (1960) online McKercher, B. J. C. "'A Certain Irritation': The White House, the State Department, and the Desire for a Naval Settlement with Great Britain, 1927–1930." Diplomatic History 31.5 (2007): 829–863. online McKercher, B. J. C. "Chrysalis Of Power: Us Foreign Policy And The Retreat From Isolationism, 1919–1941." in A Companion to US Foreign Relations: Colonial Era to the Present (2020) pp: 345–381. McPherson, Alan. "Herbert Hoover, Occupation Withdrawal, and the Good Neighbor Policy." Presidential Studies Quarterly 44.4 (2014): 623–639 online Maddox, Robert James. William E. Borah and American Foreign Policy: 1907-1929 (1964). Myers, William Starr; Walter H. Newton, eds. The Hoover Administration; a documented narrative (1936) pp 577–618.online many documents included in the narrative. Nash, Lee, ed. Understanding Herbert Hoover: Ten Perspectives (1987); essays by scholars on various topics. online Parafianowicz, Halina. "Hoover's Moratorium and Some Aspects of American Policy Towards Eastern and Central Europe in 1931," American Studies. (1987) 6#1 pp 63–84. Parrini, Carl P. Heir to empire: United States economic diplomacy, 1916-1923 (1969) online Pemberton, Jo-Anne. "The Hoover Plan, Reparations and the French Constructive Plan." in Pemberton, The Story of International Relations, Part Two (Palgrave Macmillan, Cham, 2019) pp. 185–277. On war debts owed to US. Rappaport, Armin. Henry L. Stimson and Japan, 1931-33 (1963) Robinson, Edgar Eugene, and Vaughn Davis Bornet. Herbert Hoover: President of the United States (1975). 398 pp; a weak defense of Hoover's policies Rogers, Benjamin F. “‘Dear Mr. President’: The Hoover-Truman Correspondence.” Presidential Studies Quarterly 16#3 (1986), pp. 503–10, online Thorne, Christopher. The Limits of Foreign Policy: The West, the League and the Far Eastern Crisis of 1931–1933 (1972) Van Meer, Elisabeth. "The Transatlantic Pursuit of a World Engineering Federation" Technology & Culture (2012) 53#1 pp 120–145. online Walker III, William O. "Crucible for peace: Herbert Hoover, modernization, and economic growth in Latin America." Diplomatic History 30.1 (2006): 83–117. online jstor Webster, Andrew. Strange Allies: Britain, France and the Dilemmas of Disarmament and Security, 1929–1933 (Routledge, 2019). Weissman, Benjamin M. Herbert Hoover and famine relief to Soviet Russia, 1921–1923 (Hoover Institution Press, 1974). Wheeler, Gerald E. "Republican Philippine Policy, 1921-1933." Pacific Historical Review 28.4 (1959): 377–390. online jstor Wilson, Joan Hoff. American Business and Foreign Policy: 1920–1933 (University Press of Kentucky, 1971). Wilson, John R. M. “Herbert Hoover’s Military Policy.” in Herbert Hoover and World Peace, ed. Lee Nash. (2010) pp 115–32. Wilson, John R. M. “The Quaker and the Sword: Herbert Hoover’s Relations with the Military.” Military Affairs 38#2 (1974), pp. 41–47, online. Wynn, Neil A. Historical dictionary from the great war to the great depression (Scarecrow Press, 2013). online Historiography Doenecke, Justus D. "Historians' Views of the Republican Era: Was Roosevelt an Entirely New Turn?" in A Companion to Warren G. Harding, Calvin Coolidge, and Herbert Hoover (2014): 543–565. Goodall, Alex. "U.S. Foreign Relations under Harding, Coolidge, and Hoover: Power and Constraint." in A Companion to Warren G. Harding, Calvin Coolidge, and Herbert Hoover (2014): 53–76. Hatfield, Mark, ed. Herbert Hoover Reassessed: Essays Commemorating the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Inauguration of Our Thirty-First President (US Government Printing Office, 1981). online free, major collection of 29 essays by scholars; 8 deal with foreign policy, pp 313–448. Hawley, Ellis. "Herbert Hoover and the Historians—Recent Developments: A Review Essay" Annals of Iowa 78#1 (2018) p. 75-86 https://doi.org/10.17077/0003-4827.12547 Hogan, Michael J. ed. Paths to Power: The Historiography of American Foreign Relations to 1941 (Cambridge UP, 2000). Kahan, Paul. "Herbert Hoover's Diplomacy Toward Latin America." in A Companion to Warren G. Harding, Calvin Coolidge, and Herbert Hoover (2014) pp: 484–501. Primary sources Hoover, Herbert. An American Epic: Introduction: The Relief of Belgium and Northern France, 1914-1930 (1959) online also online review Hoover, Herbert. An American epic. 2, Famine in forty five nations : organization behind the front 1914-1923 (1960) online Hoover, Herbert. An American epic. 3, Famine in forty-five nations. The battle on the front line 1914-1923 (1961) Hoover, Herbert. Memoirs volume 1: Years of Adventure 1874-1920 (1952) online Hoover, Herbert. Memoirs volume 2: The Cabinet and the Presidency, 1920–1933 (1952) online Hoover, Herbert. Memoirs volume 3: The Great Depression, 1929–1941 (1952) online Hawley, Ellis, ed. Herbert Hoover: Containing the Public Messages, Speeches, and Statements of the President, (4 vols. 1974–1977). Myers, William Starr; Walter H. Newton, eds. The Hoover Administration; a documented narrative''. (1936) online many documents included in the narrative. External links Saladin Ambar, "Woodrow Wilson: Foreign Affairs" (Miller Center, 2021) Eugene P. Trani, "Warren Harding: Foreign Affairs" (Miller Center, 2021) David Greenberg, "Calvin Coolidge: Foreign Affairs" (Miller Center, 2021) David E. Hamilton, "Herbert Hoover: Foreign Affairs" (Miller Center, 2021) 1929 establishments in the United States 1933 disestablishments in the United States History of the foreign relations of the United States Presidency of Herbert Hoover Aftermath of World War I in the United States

69792712

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Carl%20Peter%20Mazer

Carl Peter Mazer

Carl Peter Mazer (9 March 1807, Stockholm – 27 July 1884, Naples) was a Swedish painter, graphic artist, and photographer. Biography His father, Jean-Pierre Mazer († 1829), was a silk weaver and stocking maker, originally from France. Johan Mazer, a noted merchant and musician, was his half-brother from his father's first marriage. At an early age, he became interested in painting, and was able to study with Gustaf Erik Hasselgren at the Royal Swedish Academy of Fine Arts. In 1825, he accompanied his father to Paris and took lessons from Antoine-Jean Gros; becoming his assistant and helping to paint the backgrounds on historical scenes. During the July Revolution of 1830, he manned the barricades. From 1833 to 1835, he was in Italy, then returned to Sweden. His first exhibition, of twenty-five paintings, took place at the Royal Academy in 1836. In 1837, he spent some time in Finland, then went to Saint Petersburg. He would eventually spend fifteen years in Russia; living in Moscow and Yaroslavl, where he worked as a drawing teacher. He also travelled in barges down the Volga, from Nizhny Novgorod to Astrakhan, making sketches. His best known work from that period is a posthumous portrait of Alexander Pushkin, commissioned by , a close friend of Pushkin's and a noted art collector. In 1848, he visited Siberia, where he created a series of portraits of the revolutionaries who had been exiled there. In Tobolsk, when he attempted to paint a group portrait of and his family, the police stopped him and sent him out of the city, At the beginning of 1851, he opened a daguerreotype studio in Moscow, where he worked until the end of 1852; making copies of art works as well as taking portrait photographs. After returning to Stockholm in 1854, he had difficulty making a living from his art, and became exclusively involved with photography; creating a professional manual in 1864. He moved to Paris in 1876. After staying there for two years, he moved to Naples, where he died in 1884, aged seventy-six. His works may be seen at the State Historical Museum, the , and the Hermitage, as well as several smaller ones. His unpublished memoirs and other manuscripts are in the collection of the Nationalmuseum, Stockholm. Selected paintings References Further reading C.P. Mazer: Nationalmuseum hösten 1973, exhibition catalog, Detailed biography @ the Svenskt biografiskt lexikon External links Brief biography from the Nordisk familjebok @ Projekt Runeberg Brief biography @ Photographer.ru Brief biography @ Art Investment 1807 births 1884 deaths Swedish painters Swedish portrait painters Swedish photographers Swedish people of French descent Artists from Stockholm

69792860

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pankaj%20Kumar%20Singh

Pankaj Kumar Singh

Pankaj Kumar Singh (born 19 December 1962) is the 29th Director General of BSF, and an Indian Police Service officer of 1988 batch. He is the son of Ex BSF DG Prakash Singh. Education Pankaj Kumar Singh holds degrees of BSc (Hons) Physics from Hindu College, Delhi University, M.Phil. from Chennai University, LL.B Delhi University, and PG Diploma in Business Administration from IIM Ahmedabad. Awards He has been decorated with several DG's Discs and commendations. He also got awarded with UN Peace Medal (Bar), Police Medal for Meritorious Service and President Police Medal for Distinguished Service. References External links 'BSF won’t be a parallel police force': DG Pankaj Kumar Singh Pankaj Kumar Singh appointed new BSF DG नियुक्ति: पंकज कुमार सिंह बने बीएसएफ के नए डीजी, संजय अरोड़ा ने संभाला आईटीबीपी का पदभार Rajasthan केडर के वरिष्ठ IPS Pankaj Singh बने BSF के नए DG, जयपुर के महानिरीक्षक के रूप में भी किया है काम 1962 births Living people Indian civil servants Indian police officers All India Services

69793827

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Julius%20Helfand

Julius Helfand

Julius Helfand (December 11, 1902 – August 17, 1987) was an American politician and attorney who served as the assistant Brooklyn District Attorney in charge of organized crime prosecutions, chairman of the New York State Athletic Commission, and a New York state court judge. Early life Helfand was born on December 11, 1902, in Brooklyn and attended Boys High School. He graduated from the New York University School of Law in 1923 and was admitted to the bar in 1924. New York State Assembly In 1934, Helfand was elected to the New York State Assembly by 15 votes. He sponsored an amendment to the New York State tax law which prohibited educational institutions from denying admission to qualified applicants because of race, color, or creed. He was defeated in 1935 by Republican Robert J. Crews. Assistant District Attorney In 1937, Helfand became a deputy assistant Brooklyn District Attorney. He was promoted to assistant district attorney in 1940 and was made the chief of the homicide division in 1946. In 1949 he became District Attorney Miles F. McDonald's chief organized crime prosecutor. In 1951 Helfand led the prosecution of Harry Gross, a bookmaker whose $20 million a year operation was protected by members of the New York Police Department and city government. Gross was convicted and sentenced to 12 years in prison. The investigation also led to the conviction of 10 police officers and the resignation of New York City Police Commissioner William O'Brien. Helfand also led an investigation into conditions on Brooklyn's waterfront, which led to convictions for payroll padding, usury, kickbacks, and theft of union funds. 1953 election In 1953, Helfand ran for President of the New York City Council on the ticket of Mayor Vincent R. Impellitteri. Impellitteri, Helfand, and the third member of their ticket, Comptroller were challenged for the Democratic nomination by the Tammany Hall-backed ticket led by Robert F. Wagner Jr. Wagner's ticket was victorious, with Abe Stark defeating Helfand to 62% to 38% in the Democratic primary. New York State Athletic Commission In 1955, Helfand was appointed chairman of the New York State Athletic Commission by Governor W. Averell Harriman. He spent much of his first year in office investigating the Boxing Guild of New York, a boxing manager's guild. On December 12, 1955, Helfand outlawed the guild, accusing it of conspiring to blackballing fighters who were not in the good graces of its members, having monopolistic power over television contracts, associating with underworld figure Frankie Carbo, and requiring out-of-state managers to pay the guild in order to work in the state. He and fellow commissioner Robert K. Christenberry gave the members until January 16, 1956, to quit the guild or have their license suspended or revoked. On January 5, 1956, the Guild's members voted unanimously to ignore Helfand's order and not disband. On January 7, the Guild was dealt a major blow when Al Weill, manager of world heavyweight champion Rocky Marciano, resigned. By Helfand's January 16 deadline, 59 of the 74 managers had resigned from the guild. Willie Gilzenberg and Tex Sullivan, who ran Boxing from St. Nicholas Arena, announced they would move their operations to the Baltimore Coliseum in response to Helfand's order. Maryland Governor Theodore McKeldin sided with Helfand and persuaded his state athletic commission to ban Gilzenberg and Sullivan. On February 26, 1956, the commission voted to revoke Gilzenberg and Sullivan's licenses. In 1956, the commission passed a rule requiring managers to submit itemized expense accounts to the board after every fight. Later that year the commission indefinitely banned former lightweight world champion Paddy DeMarco from fighting in New York for having a person with a criminal record as a manager. In 1959, Harriman's successor Nelson Rockefeller appointed Melvin Krulewitch to succeed Helfand as chairman. Helfand remained on the commission until his term expired in 1960. Judicial career In 1961, Helfand was made a magistrate of the Brooklyn Felony Court. In 1963 he was promoted to acting justice of the New York Supreme Court. In 1967 he presided over one of the trials of George Whitmore Jr. He retired from the bench on January 31, 1972. Upon announcing his retirement, Helfand called for the legalization of gambling, the return of capital punishment, and the distribution of free narcotics. Later life Helfand retired to West Palm Beach, Florida, where he died on August 17, 1987, at the age of 83. References 1902 births 1987 deaths American prosecutors Boys High School (Brooklyn) alumni Lawyers from Brooklyn Members of the New York State Assembly New York (state) Democrats New York State Athletic Commissioners New York Supreme Court Justices New York University School of Law alumni People from West Palm Beach, Florida Politicians from Brooklyn

69795024

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Temiang%E2%80%93Pantai%20Highway

Temiang–Pantai Highway

Temiang–Pantai Highway () or Federal Route 366 is a federal route in Seremban, Negeri Sembilan, Malaysia. It is built to shorten amount of time for users from Kajang–Seremban Highway to Malaysia Federal Route 86 which connects Seremban to Kuala Klawang and Simpang Pertang. Route description and Overview The kilometre zero of this road is located at Temiang, at its interchange with Kajang-Seremban Expressway at the Ulu Temiang Interchange. The road is has four lanes, dual carriageway from Ulu Temiang Interchange until Temiang roundabout and two lanes, single carriageway (super two) for the rest of the road until Pantai junction. History Construction and cost The construction of the road began in 2019 and was completed on 23 July 2021, 17 days earlier than its expected completion. The road was opened to traffic on 26 August 2021. Construction of the road costs about RM180 million. Scenic view along road The road has a mountainous scenery view. Locals describe it having a "New Zealand-like view". Features At most sections, the Federal Route 366 was built under the JKR R5 road standard, allowing maximum speed limit of up to 90 km/h. (Super two road) Wide roadside medians and emergency lanes 2 roundabouts, one at-grade and another one is below elevated main route Scenic montainous view along the road Controversy On January of 2022, a car group posted a picture of their gathering which the cars are parked along the roads emergency lane. This results in mixed reactions from people as the road was usually full of cars stopping on the roadside and emergency lanes which is very hazardous. Starting from February of 2022, the road will be constantly patrolled by Seremban police and JPJ that will not allow and issue fines to any vehicle that stop along the road except for emergencies. Plans to build a rest stop/vista point for road users to stop by safely are still in the works. List of junctions See Also Kajang–Seremban Highway Malaysia Federal Route 86 Seremban References Malaysian Federal Roads Highways in Malaysia

69796235

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/F.%20E.%20Thanos

F. E. Thanos

Frans Eddy Thanos-Kaunang (commonly written as Frans Eddy Thanos only) (19 November 1921 – 4 December 2003) was an Indonesian army officer who served as the General Secretary of the Army Staff from 1960 until 1962. He wrote several books during his career in the army and became a candidate for the People's Representative Council in the 1999 Indonesian legislative election. Early life Thanos was born on 19 November 1921 in Purworejo, Central Java. He attended the Police Academy in Palembang during the Japanese occupation of the Dutch East Indies and became a commander in the Tokubetsu Keisatsu Tai, a special police unit formed by the occupying Japanese Imperial Navy. Military career After the independence of Indonesia, Thanos joined the Indonesian Army and became the chief of staff of a detachment in the 12th Military Police Battalion in Garut. He was promoted and became the commander of the detachment in 1947. A year later, the detachment was restationed to guard the Nusa Kambangan prison. Thanos was transferred to the 3rd Military Police Battalion in Bandung and became the battalion's chief of staff. He left the battalion in 1952 in order to study military law at the Military Law Academy. During his studies there, he became a member of the student senate. He graduated from the academy with a doctorandus. He was then appointed as the head of the legal bureau in the Ministry of Defense until 1958. Following service in the Ministry of Defence, the army chief of staff appointed him as the Deputy General Secretary of the Army Staff in February 1960. He became general secretary later that year. He held the position for two years until he was rotated to the post of assistant officer in the army staff. He attended a brief course in the Indonesian Army Command and General Staff College for a few months in 1966. Thanos was subsequently appointed as the deputy director for personnel in the Department of Defence and Security after finishing the course. With his position, Thanos was entrusted to chair the cadet selection commission in 1968. Thanos was promoted to the rank of brigadier general on 1 October 1970 and retired from the military with the rank of major general. Retirement Thanos resided in South Jakarta after his retirement. He was nominated by the National Christian Party for a seat in the People's Representative Council in the 1999 Indonesian legislative election, but the party failed to win any seats in his constituency. He died on 4 December 2003 and was buried at the Kalibata Heroes Cemetery. Works References 1921 births 2003 deaths People from Purworejo Regency Indonesian generals

69796648

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Children%27s%20Reformatory

Children's Reformatory

Children's Reformatory (), is a 1907 French silent short film directed by Charles Decroix, inspired by the eponymous novel by Aristide Bruant. Plot A young orphan is thrown out into the street by a ruthless janitor after the death of his mother. He wanders pitifully through the streets, soliciting in vain the charity of the passers-by. Driven by need, he grabs a loaf of bread from a bakery and runs away. Caught in the act of vagrancy and theft, he is sent to a penitentiary where he leads the hard life of convicts. He manages to escape and hides in a doghouse where he eats the dog's food but is soon recaptured. However, an old philanthropist takes an interest in him. He educates him and allows him to escape from definitive misery. Production and release This film was produced by the S.C.A.G.L. ( [Cinematographic Society of Authors and Writers]) a company created in order to widen the audience of the cinema towards more cultivated and more affluent layers of the population, with the film adaptation of classics of popular literature. This is the case with this film loosely based on the eponymous novel by Aristide Bruant. Charles Pathé was a shareholder and director of the S.C.A.G.L., for which he built new state-of-the-art studios on land adjacent to his factory in Vincennes. The film was distributed by Pathé Frères in the 8th series of its Scènes dramatiques et réalistes [Dramatic and realistic scenes] which often related the adventures of poor children, sometimes with a happy end. It was directed by Charles Decroix, a French actor, director, producer and screenwriter, who directed around 50 films in France and Germany between 1907 and 1922. The film was released on 26 July 1907 in Lyon (France), and on 31 August 1907 in the United States. Analysis The film is composed of 9 multishot scenes introduced by intertitles, including a total of 30 shots. Most of the shots are filmed on location in a forest and at some military premises and 4 are shots on studio sets. All shots are wide shots or full shots with the exception of two medium shots. Despite the fact that all shots are taken with a fixed camera, the short duration of the shots and the continuity editing, notably during the chase scenes (shots 5 to 12 and 19 to 25), gives it great dynamism while the natural acting and the on-location filming gives it realism. I. The orphan. 1. view of a poor bedroom with the mother dying in her bed attended by her son. When she dies the boy fetches a man and a woman. II. Cast onto the streets. 2. The facade of a house. The boy is kicked out of the house. III. Sleeping under the open sky. 3. The boy leaning on a tree by a river. 4. A street in a village with the closed gate of a park. The boy asks money from a couple of passers-by who ignore him. IV. The theft. 5. The facade of a baker: the orphan steals a bread and runs away with it, the baker  runs after him.  6. A clearing in a forest; the boy seats down to eat his bread while a man walks by.  7. A lane in a forest; the baker comes running in, meets the man seen in 6 who points to where he saw the boy. 8. Same as 6. The boy is still eating sitting down. The baker grabs him and drags him away. 9. A path at the edge of a forest. The man still holding the boy meets two gendarmes. After a brief talk they all exit left. 10. A street with a police station. The three men and the boy enter right and go inside the police station. 11.The commissioner's office. The three men and the boy enter right. The baker explains the case and leaves. The boy kneels down to beg the commissioner who waves him away and he is dragged out by the two gendarmes. 12. Same as 10. The two gendarmes and the boy come out of the police station and exit right. V. The reformatory. 13. The facade of a building with the inscription Colonie Pénitenciaire [Penitentiary Colony]. The two gendarmes and the boy enter left, a sentry open the gate and they go inside. 14. The registrar's office. The two gendarmes and the boy enter right, the registrar writes opn his registry and two guards drag the boy out left. 15. The gate of a military building. A couple of guards escort a gang of children in convict attire. They all exit left. 16. A field surrounded by trees. The children work under the custody of guards. 17. The facade of a military building. A group of children is punished by guards. 18. A prison cell. The boy is sitting on a stool. He sees an apparition of his mother (double exposure). A boy comes in with a guard and gives him discreetly a piece of bread. VI. The escape. 19. A clearing on a hillside. A group of convict children are digging the earth under the custody of guards. The orphan whispers something in the ear of one of the children and rapidly exits left. After a while the guards notice his absence. Two guards run after him while the other guards round up the children and march them uphill. 20. Another view of the forest. The guards herd the children downhill. 21. A breach in a wall. The orphan jumps over the breach and runs out to the right pursued by two guards.  22 to 24. The chase continues over a trench in the forest, along some fortifications and in the street of a village. VII. Medor's hideout. 25. A farm courtyard. The orphan comes running in and hides in the dog house where a dog is lying. The guards come after him look around and leave the farm. 26. Inside the doghouse. Medium shot of the orphan eating the dog's food while the dog is looking at him. 27. A garden in front of a house. The orphan enters right and lie down on a bench. Two guards enter him and catch him. A well-dressed gentleman gives his card to the guards and convince them to leave the boy with him. VIII. Tutor him. 28. A well-furnished parlour. The boy is sitting at a table, working. The gentleman enters and hugs him.  The boy continues his work while the gentleman reads his newspaper. IX. One year later. 29. Full shot sideways of the boy is standing in front of the gate of a house in an elegant suit. 30. Medium shot of the boy. The film concludes with the Pathé logo of a rooster with the initials S.C.A.G.L. Alison Griffiths notes that the film shows that 'the Auburn system of congregant labor by day and isolation in the single cell by night [was] in effect in the French "maison de correction"' and controversially considers that there is 'an obvious comic element to seeing eight- to fourteen-year-old boys, as opposed to adult men, dressed in prison stripes performing hard labor.' She also remarks that 'the image of children being subjected to punishments that hardly match their crime raises the question of the potential bad taste of such a film. In this respect, Richard Abel discusses the censorship problems met by the film in the USA. Cast Briand as the orphan boy References External links Le bagne des gosses (1907) Children's Reformatory at A Cinema History French films 1907 films French silent short films 1906 short films

69797102

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monroe%20Hickson

Monroe Hickson

Monroe Hickson (July 8, 1908 – December 29, 1967), known as Bluecorns, was an American serial killer who murdered four shopkeepers in Aiken County, South Carolina during a crime spree dating from April to September 1946. At the time, each murder was believed to be unrelated, and another man was wrongfully convicted for one of them. In 1957, after an arrest for robbery, Hickson confessed to each of the murders, and was sentenced to four consecutive life sentences. On March 10, 1966, Hickson escaped from prison, and was added to the FBI Ten Most Wanted Fugitives list in 1967. He died while still a fugitive on December 29, 1967. Early life Monroe Hickson was born on July 8, 1908, in Aiken County, South Carolina. Hickson, although lacking a formal education, was said to have been very intelligent, and was an advocate reader of the Bible, regularly carrying one with him. Crimes Hickson is known to have committed his first murder on April 17, 1946, when he fatally shot David Garrett at Garrett's shop in Aiken. Afterwards, he robbed the place and stole a pistol. A week later, on April 28, Hickson killed Edward and Mary Bennett, a married couple who were working at the grocery store they owned. Before he died, Edward exclaimed to police “A big negro shot me and robbed me”. In September, Hickson attacked Annie Wisburg at her home, where he stabbed and bludgeoned her to death. In October, Hickson struck again, this time attacking a female liquor store clerk with a brick, however, she survived. He was arrested shortly after the last attack, but was not linked to the previous crimes, and was sentenced to 20 years imprisonment. Wrongful conviction of L.D. Harris During the investigation of the Bennett slayings, police were notified about L.D. Harris, who had left town for Nashville, Tennessee shortly after the murders. Harris, who was illiterate, was questioned without a lawyer, in which he confessed. In January 1947, Harris' case went to trial. His defense claimed that besides the confession, which they claimed was the result of pressure from higher authority, no other evidence linked Harris to the crime. Nevertheless, the jury found Harris guilty on all counts, and he was sentenced to death. His lawyers attempted to appeal his sentence by contacting the Supreme Court of South Carolina, but they found no basis that his confession was involuntary. In 1948, Harris appealed to the United States Supreme Court, and they noted several factors that made his confession involuntary; Harris had not been informed of his rights under South Carolina law, had no access to family or friends, and the persistence of the authorities. As such of this, in June 1949, the Supreme Court voted 5–4 in favor that Harris' sentence should be reversed. Afterwards, Harris was released from prison. Confessions, imprisonment and escape On August 8, 1957, Hickson was arrested after perpetrating another violent assault, in which he attempted to kill Lucy Hill Parker, leaving her with a serious head injury. In the subsequent interrogation, Sheriff Wyman Busch questioned Hickson about other crimes, after noticing patterns in Hickson's movements to unsolved murders in the area. After this, Hickson confessed to having perpetrated four murders in the Aiken area in 1946, but claimed he was drunk each time he committed the crimes. Because of this, Hickson was forced in four consecutive life sentences for each of the murders. On March 10, 1966, Hickson escaped Manning Correctional Institution in Columbia, South Carolina, where he had been serving his sentences. A federal warrant was issued the following month, but with no leads in sight, Hickson was added to the FBI Ten Most Wanted Fugitives list on February 17, 1967. In 1968, a couple from Chapel Hill, North Carolina came forward with information, after identifying Hickson to a migrant farm worker who had died on December 29. A positive identification was later made via fingerprinting. See also List of serial killers in the United States FBI Ten Most Wanted Fugitives by year, 1967 References External links HARRIS v. STATE OF SOUTH CAROLINA 1908 births 1967 deaths 20th-century American criminals American people convicted of murder American prisoners sentenced to life imprisonment American serial killers Criminals from South Carolina FBI Ten Most Wanted Fugitives Fugitives African-American people 20th-century African-American people Male serial killers People convicted of murder by South Carolina Prisoners sentenced to life imprisonment by South Carolina

69797276

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Frans%20Baleni

Frans Baleni

Msokoli Frans Baleni (born 1959 or 1960) is a South African businessman and former trade unionist who was general secretary of the National Union of Mineworkers between 2006 and 2015. Since 2007, he has been a member of the Central Committee of the South African Communist Party. Early life Baleni was born in the Free State and attended high school in the Eastern Cape on a bursary, until he moved back to the Free State in 1979 when his political activity had attracted the attention of Eastern Cape police. Between 1979 and 1988, he worked as a gold miner in Welkom, Free State, at an Anglo American (then AngloGold) mine. 1982–2015: Trade union career He was a founding member of the National Union of Mineworkers in 1982, and the next year was elected a shaft shop steward at Western Holdings mine in Welkom. He was a strike leader, and one of the youngest negotiators, during the August 1987 national mining strike, the largest in the NUM's history. By 1993, he was head of the organising department, and was later the chief education officer. In 2006, he succeeded Gwede Mantashe as general secretary of NUM, by then the biggest union in the country and the most powerful affiliate of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu). He was elected unopposed after the other contestant, Archie Phalane, was disqualified on a technicality, and he was thought to have the support of Mantashe, who has been described as his mentor. He was general secretary between 2006 and 2015, gaining re-election in both 2009 and 2012. NUM decline He presided over a period of declining influence and membership at the NUM, particularly in the platinum belt in the north-east of the country. Although one factor was the general decline of the South African mining sector, the NUM also lost influence to the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (Amcu), founded in 2001 and now a major force in the platinum mines. In 2012 and 2013, conflict between the NUM and Amcu led to violence in Rustenberg, North West province, both among Lonmin miners and among Anglo American Platinum miners. After the Marikana massacre, when police shot and killed miners in an Amcu-led wildcat strike at the Lonmin mine, Baleni defended the police's actions. Among other things, the NUM was criticised for its and Baleni's perceived closeness to mining bosses and to the government, to the extent that critics nicknamed the union the "National Union of Management." Stephen Grootes writes that Baleni "almost epitomised 'union establishment,'" and, similarly, Raphaël Botiveau says he "embodies the ideal type of the 'trade union executive.'" Botiveau also claims that he subscribed to "a version of communist ideology that is characterised by the exercise of tight control over the organisation." In 2012, there was a minor scandal when his salary was leaked to the Mail & Guardian, which identified him as "one of the highest-paid unionists in South Africa." Politics Baleni, and the NUM under his leadership, have been criticised for their perceived preoccupation with a political agenda, at the expense of attention to labour grievances. This criticism related to Tripartite Alliance politics as well as to inter-union rivalries. Baleni was reportedly close to his predecessor, Mantashe, who by then was secretary general of the ruling African National Congress (ANC), and he was allied to the South African Communist Party under Blade Nzimande – he had been elected to its Central Committee months after he was elected general secretary. In Cosatu, he was seen as allied with Cosatu president S'dumo Dlamini, who in turn was a key ally of eventual national president Jacob Zuma. Indeed, Baleni himself has been described as "a leading figure" in Zuma's campaign for re-election as ANC president ahead of the ANC's 2012 Mangaung conference. He was seen as "a key player in leading the offensive" against Cosatu general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi and the National Union of Metalworkers (Numsa) when they were expelled from Cosatu in 2014 and 2015 respectively. He also had an antagonistic relationship with Julius Malema, the former president of the ANC Youth League. Although Baleni supports state intervention in strategic economic sectors, he is opposed to nationalising the mines – according to the Mail & Guardian, on "pragmatic" grounds. He has not taken up political leadership positions outside the NUM, except in the SACP. He declined an ANC nomination for a seat in the National Assembly of Parliament in 2009. In 2011, he was rumoured to be a potential candidate for the next general secretary of COSATU, when Vavi was believed to be stepping down, although left-wing critics objected to his perceived sympathy for the government's economic policies. Ousting Baleni was removed as general secretary in June 2015, when the Free State regional secretary, David Sipunzi, narrowly beat him in a vote: Baleni won 345 votes and Sipunzi 357. The result of the vote was described as unexpected, and local commentators viewed it as reflecting a shift of momentous significance, with journalist Max du Preez calling it "a political earthquake." According to a leftist source, it was a "heavy blow" to the right wing of the union and of Cosatu. The Mail & Guardian said that the election "threatened to split the union." Local commentators believed that the expulsion of Vavi and Numsa had been the decisive issue in the leadership contest – Sipunzi was notably more sympathetic towards them than Baleni. Forbes saw Baleni's perceived closeness with the mining companies as another crucial issue, quipping, "Apparently, many in NUM felt the gentlemanly Baleni may have been too gentlemanly in dealing with the mining bosses." Career in public entities After losing the 2015 election, Baleni retired from union work. In December 2018, President Cyril Ramaphosa appointed him to the Eskom sustainability task team, which reviewed the turnaround plan and long-term strategy of the public power utility. In October 2019, he was appointed chairperson of the board of PetroSA, the state-owned oil and gas company, where he is implementing a corporate turnaround, and he was appointed to the board of the Public Investment Corporation, the state-owned asset manager, in November 2021. He has also been on the board, at one point as deputy chairperson, of the state-owned Development Bank of Southern Africa. He is viewed as a political supporter of Ramaphosa (also a former NUM general secretary). Personal life He is married to Phindile Baleni, an admitted attorney who was appointed South Africa's first female director-general in the presidency in March 2021 and who was previously director-general in the office of David Makhura, the Gauteng premier. As of 2018, he lived in Boksburg, Gauteng. See also United Democratic Front References Further reading External links BBC interview about Marikana (2012) Mail & Guardian interview (2013), with Baleni and his Numsa rival Irvin Jim EWN interview about Ramaphosa (2019) South African trade unionists South African Communist Party politicians Living people Year of birth missing (living people)

69797936

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alcohol%20in%20association%20football

Alcohol in association football

Alcohol companies are sponsors of major association football teams and tournaments. Branding has been voluntarily removed from children's replica kits and banned outright in France. Alcohol cannot be consumed in parts of English football grounds with view of the pitch, or anywhere in Scottish grounds outside of corporate hospitality. In England, football had a drinking culture, which declined from the late 1990s due to foreign managers such as Arsène Wenger and an increased focus on health and fitness. Some star footballers have suffered from alcohol abuse up to the point of death, and others have committed alcohol-related crimes such as drink driving. Conversely, other players abstain from alcohol, including for reasons of faith. Alcohol and players English football had a drinking culture as could seen by the example of Arsenal's Tuesday Club. One of the first managers to challenge this and promote the health and performance benefits of abstinence was Frenchman Arsène Wenger, who was hired by Arsenal in 1996. In 2016, he said that there was no longer a drinking culture in English football as players were aware of the risks. Players who died due to chronic alcohol abuse include Northern Irishman George Best (59) and Brazilian Garrincha (49). Players who had long-term issues with alcohol include Tony Adams, Paul Merson, Paul Gascoigne and Brian Clough. Footballers convicted of drink driving include Yaya Touré, Wayne Rooney and Hugo Lloris. Muslim footballers do not consume alcohol and celebrations have been altered to avoid exposing them to alcohol. Notable non-Muslim footballers who abstain from alcohol include Cristiano Ronaldo, Gareth Bale and Harry Kane. Alcohol and fans In 1985, the consumption of alcohol in the stands of English football grounds and stadium areas with views of the pitch was banned in order to curb hooliganism. In 2021, former sports minister Tracey Crouch considered changes to this rule, believing that it encouraged fans to drink quickly at half time. The idea was criticised by Mark Roberts, the police's leader on football. Alcohol has been banned from any parts of Scottish football grounds since unrest at the 1980 Scottish Cup Final between Celtic and Rangers, excluding corporate hospitality areas. There was talk on revoking this ban for UEFA Euro 2020, which was opposed by the police. Sponsorship English football clubs sponsored by alcohol include Liverpool with Carlsberg (1992–2010), Newcastle United by Scottish & Newcastle (1980–2000), and Everton by Chang Beer (2004–2017). By the 2017–18 season, there were no longer any alcohol sponsors on shirts in the Premier League for the first time, as gambling companies predominated. In Scotland, rivals Celtic and Rangers shared Carling (2003–2010) and Tennent's (2010–2013) as sponsors before moving onto Magners and Blackthorn Cider, respectively. English tournaments sponsored by alcohol include the Premier League by Carling (1993–2001), the FA Cup by Budweiser (2011–2014), and the EFL Cup by Worthington's (1998–2003) and Carling (2003–2012). In Scotland, such tournaments include the Scottish Cup by Tennent's (1989–2007) and the Scottish Football League by Bell's whisky (1994–1998; 1999–2006) In June 2007, the Portman Group, representing Britain's drinks industry, voluntarily agreed to remove alcohol sponsors from replica kits for children. Owing to concerns about alcohol, Carling removed their branding from children's Celtic and Rangers kits in 2008 ahead of a Scottish legal ban on alcohol adverts appearing on children's kits which came into force in 2009. Since the passing of the Loi Évin in 1991, it is illegal in France to use sponsorship to promote alcohol. For this reason, visiting foreign teams have to remove alcohol branding from their kits. There exists a loophole by which the branding of alcohol companies is permitted if it is explicitly promoting a low-alcohol beer with an ABV of under 1.2%; Carlsberg was able to sponsor UEFA Euro 2016 in France for this reason. At UEFA Euro 2020, French player Paul Pogba removed a sponsored bottle of non-alcoholic Heineken during a press conference; organisers then said they would no longer place beer bottles around Muslims such as Pogba. In June 2019, North America's Major League Soccer allowed jersey and stadium sponsorship by liquor and gambling companies. As of November 2020, the only Central American countries banning the advertising of alcohol in sport were Costa Rica and Panama. A bill in Costa Rica then passed its first reading, prescribing a 6% tax on alcohol sponsorships, and ensuring that 20% of advertising fees would be spent on building and maintaining sports facilities. In 2012, Spain banned sponsorship of alcohol with an ABV of 20% or higher, in sport. The compromise was due to breweries investing heavily in the game, including investment at grassroots level: in 2017 they invested €60 million, with sponsorships potentially doubling or trebling that amount. See also Smoking in association football References Alcohol Alcohol Alcohol Sponsorships Drinking culture

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shoop%20v.%20Twyford

Shoop v. Twyford

Shoop v. Twyford (Docket 21–511) is a pending United States Supreme Court case related to death row inmates' habeas corpus petitions. Background In the fall of 1992, Raymond A. Twyford, III (born October 15, 1962), and accomplice Daniel Eikelberry (born December 23, 1973), murdered 37-year-old Richard Franks in Jefferson County, Ohio. Franks was accused of sexually assaulting both an 18-year-old girl and a 13-year-old girl. Both girls were the daughters of a woman Twyford lived with. In September 1992, Twyford and Eikelberry lured Franks to a remote spot under the premise of a hunting trip where he was brutally murdered. Franks was shot multiple times in the head, and his hands were cut off in an attempt to deter police from identifying the body. Police found a 1992 calendar diary in Franks' pocket and were able to identify him. A short time later, Eikelberry was arrested and confessed to the crime. Twyford was also captured shortly afterward. Both suspects supposedly showed no remorse for the crime. Twyford was convicted and sentenced to death soon thereafter. Eikelberry was sentenced to life in prison and is eligible for parole in 2024. In 2019, Twyford sought an order compelling Ohio to transport him to the Ohio State University Wexner Medical Center for neurological testing, which he asserted might help him challenge his death sentence. The district court granted the request, and the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit affirmed, over the dissent of Judge Alice Batchelder. The warden filed a petition for a writ of certiorari. Supreme Court Certiorari was granted in the case on January 14, 2022. References 2022 in United States case law United States Supreme Court cases of the Roberts Court