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U.S. Department of State Seal 新闻声明 国务卿迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥 2019年12月10日 本周和上周，在“全球马格尼茨基”制裁计划下，美国宣布了72项制裁认定。这些行动针对全球范围内严重的人权侵犯和腐败，展示了美国的行动，努力让那些削弱法治、无视国际上接受的人权标准以及威胁国际政治和经济体系稳定的人承担切实、重大的后果。 在世界纪念12月9日的国际反腐败日和12月10日的国际人权日的时候，美国在尽自己的一份力，通过继续致力于支撑“全球马格尼茨基”的美国理想来促进问责。仅在2019年一年，美国在该计划下列出了97个个人和机构，该计划对美国用以针对恶意行为体施加经济和签证制裁的其他工具和机构形成补充。我们将继续利用这些工具在2020年及以后制止并预防全球的人权侵犯和腐败。 美国还赞扬我们的国际伙伴对这些同样的理想的承诺。我们祝贺欧洲联盟昨天决定努力发展欧盟人权制裁制度。这些工具孤立和阻止那些在行为上与尊重人权和打击腐败的全球价值观背道而驰的国家、领导人、个人和实体，并促进对其问责。 最后，我们还赞扬公民社会和新闻工作者的勇敢工作，他们在揭露侵犯人权和腐败以及追究公职人员责任方面发挥了重要作用。我们必须共同努力，以确保那些犯下此类行为的人们不因有权利用我们的金融系统和我们的海岸而获益。

PRESS STATEMENT MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE DECEMBER 10, 2019 This week and last, the United States announced 72 sanctions designations under the Global Magnitsky sanctions program.  These actions target serious human rights abuse and corruption on a global scale, demonstrating the United States’ action to pursue tangible and significant consequences for those who undermine the rule of law, disregard internationally accepted human rights standards, and threaten the stability of international political and economic systems. As the world recognizes International Anticorruption Day on December 9 and International Human Rights Day on December 10, the United States is doing its part to promote accountability by remaining committed to the American ideals underpinning Global Magnitsky.  In 2019 alone, the United States has designated 97 individuals and entities under this program, which complement other tools and authorities the United States uses to impose economic and visa restrictions on malign actors.  We will continue to leverage these tools to disrupt and deter human rights abuse and corruption around the globe in 2020 and beyond. The United States also applauds our international partners for their commitment to these same ideals.  We congratulate the European Union on its decision yesterday to pursue the development of an EU Human Rights Sanctions regime.  These tools isolate, deter, and promote accountability for states, leaders, individuals, and entities whose actions run contrary to global values of respect for human rights and combatting corruption. Finally, we also commend the courageous work of civil society and journalists, who play an important role in exposing human rights abuse and corruption and in holding public officials accountable.  Together, we must strive to ensure those who have committed such acts are cut off from the benefits of access to our financial systems and our shores.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区 2021年7月16日 7月16日，美国国务院协同美国财政部（U.S. Department of the Treasury）、美国商务部（U.S. Department of Commerce）、美国国土安全部（U.S. Department of Homeland Security）发布工商咨询公告，提醒美国工商业在香港开展经营和活动面临新的风险。其中很多方面的风险来自中华人民共和国香港特别行政区维护国家安全法，又称国家安全法的执行及其他近期的立法变更。 过去一年香港的事态发展对多国公司明显构成了经营、财务、法律和名誉等方面的风险。工商咨询公告为各公司提供有关信息，有助于在知情的情况下考虑商业决策，并做出适当的风险评估。 中华人民共和国政府和香港政府已执行的政策破坏了对香港个人和工商业在具备法律确定性的条件下自由从事经营具有重要意义的法律和监管环境。 工商业须认识到，在中国大陆面临的风险正日益在香港出现。国家安全法和中华人民共和国及香港当局采取的行动可能对他们的人员、财务、法律合规、名誉和经营产生负面影响。 咨询公告要点如下： 可能受到影响的工商业须注意在香港维持经营或人员可能面临名誉、经济和法律等方面的风险。 为了降低名誉等方面的风险，工商业应通过行业审慎调查政策和相关程序解决相应的和已识别的风险。 欲查看原稿内容:  https://www.state.gov/issuance-of-a-hong-kong-business-advisory/

Issuance of a Hong Kong Business Advisory FACT SHEET OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON JULY 16, 2021 On July 16, the U.S. Department of State, along with the U.S. Department of the Treasury, the U.S. Department of Commerce, and the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, issued a business advisory to caution U.S. businesses about emerging risks to their operations and activities in Hong Kong. Many of these risks stem from the implementation of the Law of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) on Safeguarding National Security in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, also known as the National Security Law (NSL), and other recent legislative changes. Developments over the last year in Hong Kong present clear operational, financial, legal, and reputational risks for multinational firms. This business advisory provides companies with information that can assist them in making informed business decisions and properly assessing risk. The policies which the PRC government and the Government of Hong Kong have implemented undermine the legal and regulatory environment that is critical for individuals and businesses to operate freely and with legal certainty in Hong Kong. Businesses should be aware that the risks faced in mainland China are now increasingly present in Hong Kong. The National Security Law and actions taken by PRC and Hong Kong authorities may negatively affect their staff, finances, legal compliance, reputation, and operations. The advisory highlights the following: Businesses with potential exposure should be aware of the potential reputational, economic, and legal risks of maintaining a presence or staff in Hong Kong. In order to mitigate reputational and other risks, businesses should apply industry due diligence policies and procedures to address applicable and identified risks.

2022年9月26日   9月24日，美国驻华大使馆在使馆场地内举办了2022年教育展。42所美国高校现场参加了展览，75所高校线上参展。本次活动吸引了600多人到场，还有大约10000人线上观展。 在预先录制的活动致辞中，美国驻中华人民共和国大使尼古拉斯·伯恩斯（Nicholas Burns）表示：“我们非常自豪，美国仍然是中国留学生赴海外留学的首选目的地。”伯恩斯大使还分享了他的个人心得，他曾经是大学教授，教过很多中国留学生，大使表示：“我有第一手的经验，来说美国是衷心欢迎来自中国的国际学生、研究人员和学者到美国的校园。通过他们的创意、创新、多元的视角——我还必须提到他们的勤奋好学——中国留学生让我们的高等院校，以及我们身处的社区，更加丰富多彩。” 最新的数据显示，在疫情之前，每年有超过37万名中国学生为了自己的未来，选择到美国留学。虽然疫情充满挑战，但是自去年5月至今，美国已向中国学生和学者签发超过15.5万份签证。在2020/2021学年，中国已连续第12年是美国国际留学生最大来源地，有317299名学生注册了本科、研究生、非学历、选择性实习（OPT）项目。中国留学生占美国所有国际留学生的34.7%。 “美国热诚地欢迎你。”伯恩斯大使表示，“我们向你提供帮助，让你逐梦成真，增进我们两国之间坦诚的了解。” 如需观看线上展览，了解75所不同类型的美国大学，以及获取留学美国的最新资讯与建议，请浏览：https://udty.tech/EducationUSA2022Fair。你还可以随时随地观看2022年教育展上的4场现场讲座： EducationUSA是隶属于美国国务院的国际留学生咨询中心网络，在175多个国家和地区设有430多个咨询中心，在美国驻华大使馆和我们在中国的每个领事馆都设有分支机构。每年，数以百万计的国际留学生通过我们的全球网络获得准确、全面和及时的信息，并了解如何申请获得认证的美国大学。我们所有的活动均免费且立场公正，专门帮助学生、高等教育机构以及指导老师、行政人员和英语教师。关于美国留学和今后活动的更多信息，请查看EducationUSA中国的网站，给我们发电子邮件到 educationusachina@state.gov，或关注我们的微博： 你可以关注伯恩斯大使的推特账号以及美国驻华大使馆的微信公众号、微博和推特账号：

September 26, 2022 2022 Education Fair:  Ambassador Burns welcomes students from China to study in the United States On September 24, the U.S. Embassy Beijing held its 2022 Education Fair on the Embassy’s grounds.  42 U.S. colleges and universities participated in the fair on-site, while 75 colleges and universities showcased their schools online.  The event attracted more than 600 participants in person and about 10,000 online. U.S. Ambassador to the PRC Nicholas Burns, in recorded remarks to attendees, said:  “We are very proud the United States remains the top destination for Chinese students who choose to pursue education beyond China.”  Sharing his personal observations as a former college professor who has taught many students from China, Ambassador Burns added:  “I can say first-hand that the United States wholeheartedly welcomes international students, researchers, and scholars from China on U.S. campuses.  Through their creativity, innovation, and diverse perspectives, and I must say hard work, Chinese students enrich our colleges and universities as well as our surrounding communities in the U.S.” According to the most recent available figures, before the COVID-19 pandemic, more than 370,000 Chinese students annually chose to invest in their future by studying in the United States.   Despite the challenges of COVID-19, since May of last year the United States has issued well over 155,000 visas to Chinese students and scholars.  In the 2020/2021 academic year, China was the largest source of international students in the United States for the 12th consecutive year, with 317,299 students enrolled in undergraduate, graduate, non-degree, and optional practical training (OPT) programs.  Chinese students accounted for 34.7 percent of all international students. “America warmly welcomes you,” said Ambassador Burns.  “We’re here to help you on a journey that will fulfill your dreams and help improve the understanding, frankly, between our two countries.” To check out the online exhibition, learn about 75 U.S. universities of various types, and to get the latest information and advice for studying in the United States, please see:  https://udty.tech/EducationUSA2022Fair.  You can also listen to the four presentations made at the 2022 Education Fair: EducationUSA, a U.S. Department of State network of over 430 international student advising centers in more than 175 countries and territories, has branches at the U.S. Embassy in Beijing and each of our Consulates throughout China.  Every year, millions of international students obtain accurate, comprehensive, and timely information through our global network and learn how to apply to accredited American universities.  All our activities are free and unbiased, geared towards helping students, higher education institutions, and guidance counselors, administrative staff, and English teachers.  For more information about study in the United States and upcoming events, check out EducationUSA China’s website, email us at educationusachina@state.gov, or follow our Weibo account: You can follow Ambassador Burns’ Twitter account as well as the U.S. Embassy in Beijing’s main WeChat, Weibo, and Twitter accounts here:

7月24日，美国国土安全部（DHS）的移民和海关执法局（ICE）宣布，非移民学生以及学生和交流访问者项目（SEVP）认证的学校应遵守最初发布于2020年3月的SEVP指导意见。鉴于COVID-19引起的公共卫生危机，该指导意见允许部分远程学习超出规定时限。 根据2020年3月的指导意见，2020秋季学期在美读书的非移民学生可留在美国，即使他们的教育机构转换为混合式学制或全网课授课。在此情形下，学生将保留他们的非移民身份，并且不会面临基于他们的网络学习发起的遣返程序。 但是，根据2020年3月的指导意见，3月9日之后才获得新生或初始入学状态的非移民学生若攻读全部课程为100%网络授课的学业，将无法以非移民学生的身份于秋季学期进入美国来入学美国学校。 确实满足DHS I-20（资格证明）表格上以及学生和交流访问者信息系统（SEVIS）中SEVP要求的学生或可获得学生签证。 国际学生仍必须在前往美国前获得相应的签证，并且由于COVID-19的缘故，仍可能在签证受理和旅行上受限。学生应前往美国在中国的签证信息服务网站（https://www.ustraveldocs.com/cn/）查询关于签证受理的最新信息。目前，整个驻中国使团的常规移民和非移民签证预约均已暂停。我们将尽快恢复常规签证服务，但目前无法提供具体日期。 我们认识到COVID-19大流行给大学和学生都带来严峻挑战，我们也希望诸多计划今秋在美国学习的国际学生仍能实现自己的计划。 更多信息请见： Travel.State.Gov网站的“2020秋季学期F和M签证学生的SEVP网络授课指导意见” （“SEVP Online Course Guidance for F and M Students for Fall 2020”）:  https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/News/visas-news/sevp-online-course-guidance-for-f-and-m-students-for-fall-2020.html 移民和海关执法局（ICE）在“非移民学生和SEVP认证学校”标题下设有“关于COVID-19的指导意见”页面，其中的常见问题（FAQ）部分列出了有关2020秋季学期的澄清性问题：https://www.ice.gov/coronavirus 面向中国的美国签证信息服务网站：https://www.ustraveldocs.com/cn/ 美国驻华大使馆和领事馆签证页：https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/zh/visas-zh/

On July 24, the Department of Homeland Security’s (DHS) Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) announced that nonimmigrant students and schools certified by the Student and Exchange Visitor Program (SEVP) should abide by SEVP guidance originally issued in March 2020, which allows some distance learning in excess of regulatory limits due to the public health emergency generated by COVID-19.  Per the March 2020 guidance, nonimmigrant students pursuing studies in the United States for the fall 2020 school term may remain in the United States even if their educational institution switches to a hybrid program or to fully online instruction. The students will maintain their nonimmigrant status in this scenario and would not be subject to initiation of removal proceedings based on their online studies. However, in accordance with the March 2020 guidance, nonimmigrant students in new or initial status after March 9 will not be able to enter the U.S. to enroll in a U.S. school as a nonimmigrant student for the fall term to pursue a full course of study that is 100 percent online.  Students who do satisfy SEVP requirements as reflected on the DHS form I-20 (Certificate of Eligibility) and in SEVIS may qualify for student visas. International students must still obtain the appropriate visa before traveling to the U.S., and may still be subject to visa processing and travel restrictions due to COVID-19.  Students should check with the  Information Service for China website (https://www.ustraveldocs.com/cn/) for the latest information on visa processing. Routine immigrant and nonimmigrant visa appointments are currently suspended throughout Mission China. We will resume routine visa services as soon as possible but are unable to provide a specific date at this time. We recognize the serious challenges the COVID-19 pandemic has posed to universities and students alike, and we hope that many international students who had planned to study this fall in the United States will still be able to do so. For more information, please see: Travel.State.Gov’s “SEVP Online Course Guidance for F and M Students for Fall 2020”: https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/News/visas-news/sevp-online-course-guidance-for-f-and-m-students-for-fall-2020.html Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s (ICE) “Guidance on COVID-19” page under the “Nonimmigrant Students and SEVP-certified Schools” header, which has a FAQ with clarifying questions for Fall 2020: https://www.ice.gov/coronavirus U.S. Visa Information Service for China website: https://www.ustraveldocs.com/cn/ U.S. Embassy & Consulates in China Visas page: https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/visas/

美国国务院 2021/03/22 美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区 国务卿安东尼·布林肯发表声明，要求与我方伙伴共同加强对践踏人权的行为实行问责 今天，美国与我方伙伴根据全球马格尼茨基（Global Magnitsky）制裁计划共同对新疆生产建设兵团党委书记王君正和新疆公安厅厅长陈明国实施制裁。我们的行动针对的是在新疆严重践踏民族和宗教少数群体人权的行为。 对王君正和陈明国的认定以针对中华人民共和国在新疆骇人听闻的暴行发布的13818号行政命令为根据。王君正被认定为在新疆生产建设兵团工作，或据称在新疆生产建设兵团工作，或者间接或直接代表新疆生产建设兵团的人员。陈明国被认定为担任新疆公安厅负责人或官员的外国人员，该机构本身或其成员从事与陈某任期有关的严重践踏人权的行为。 在国际社会的谴责日益高涨之际，中华人民共和国仍继续在新疆从事种族灭绝和反人类的罪行。美国重申，要求中华人民共和国停止镇压新疆穆斯林占多数的维吾尔人以及其他民族和宗教少数派群体，包括释放所有在拘押营和拘留所被任意拘押的人员。 今天，我们采取的这项行动与我方的英国、加拿大和欧盟（European Union）伙伴相互配合。作为今天他们行动的一部分，我方伙伴还对与新疆地区和其他国家的暴行有联系的践踏人权的涉案人员实施制裁。这些行动表明，我们继续承诺采取多边行动促进对人权的尊重，并揭发中华人民共和国政府和中国共产党应对这些暴行负责的人员。 美国坚持通过全球马格尼茨基制裁计划和类似的努力为全球反对严重践踏人权的行为发挥强大的主导作用。有针对性的制裁，包括制裁侵犯或践踏人权的人员，是遏制恶意行为者和倡导问责制的重要工具。 美国对今天欧盟更广泛的涉及人权事务的制裁行动表示赞赏。我们欢迎欧盟通过这个有力的工具在全球范围内加强对践踏人权的人员追究责任。跨大西洋的联合反应向侵犯或践踏国际人权的人员发出了强烈的信号。我们将与志同道合的伙伴共同采取进一步行动。我们将继续支持我们在世界各地的伙伴，要求立即制止中华人民共和国的罪行，为众多的受害者伸张正义。 进一步详情见财政部新闻简报。

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE Office of the Spokesperson For Immediate Release STATEMENT BY SECRETARY ANTONY J. BLINKEN Promoting Accountability for Human Rights Abuse with Our Partners Today, the United States, in unity with our partners, is imposing sanctions against Wang Junzheng, the Secretary of the Party Committee of the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps (XPCC) and Chen Mingguo, Director of the Xinjiang Public Security Bureau (XPSB) under the Global Magnitsky sanctions program.  We are doing so in response to serious human rights abuse against members of ethnic and religious minority groups in Xinjiang. Wang Junzheng and Chen Mingguo are being designated pursuant to Executive Order 13818 in connection with the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) appalling abuses in Xinjiang.  Wang is being designated for having acted or purported to act for or on behalf of, directly or indirectly, the XPCC.  Chen is being designated for being a foreign person who is a leader or an official of the XPSB, which has engaged in, or whose members have engaged in, serious human rights abuse related to Chen’s tenure. Amid growing international condemnation, the PRC continues to commit genocide and crimes against humanity in Xinjiang.  The United States reiterates its calls on the PRC to bring an end to the repression of Uyghurs, who are predominantly Muslim, and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups in Xinjiang, including by releasing all those arbitrarily held in internment camps and detention facilities. We have taken this action today in solidarity with our partners in the United Kingdom, Canada, and the European Union.  As part of their actions today, our partners also sanctioned human rights abusers in connection with the atrocities occurring in Xinjiang and other countries.  These actions demonstrate our ongoing commitment to working multilaterally to advance respect for human rights and shining a light on those in the PRC government and CCP responsible for these atrocities. The United States is committed to playing a strong leadership role in global efforts to combat serious human rights abuse, through the Global Magnitsky sanctions program and similar efforts.  Targeted sanctions, including against those who violate or abuse human rights, are an important tool to discourage malign actors and promote accountability The United States applauds the EU’s broader human rights sanctions action today.  We welcome the EU’s use of this powerful tool to promote accountability for human rights abuse on a global scale.  A united transatlantic response sends a strong signal to those who violate or abuse international human rights, and we will take further actions in coordination with likeminded partners.  We will continue to stand with our allies around the world in calling for an immediate end to the PRC’s crimes and for justice for the many victims. For further information, see the Department of the Treasury’s press release.

The United States Ratifies Central Arctic Ocean Fisheries Agreement 美国是继加拿大、俄罗斯联邦和欧盟之后第四个正式批准《防止北冰洋中部公海无管制渔业协议》的缔约方。该协议经所有十个缔约方正式批准之后便可生效。 目前在北极公海不存在商业渔业，因该地区大部分终年被冰层覆盖。但是，随着一年中越来越长的时间段里出现越来越大片的夏季无冰区，缔约方预期商业捕捞在可预见的未来将有可能出现。该协议是第一个此类多边协议，在商业捕捞开始之前，就采取具有法律约束力且预防性的方法保护某一地区免受这样的捕捞之害。 于2018年10月3日在格陵兰岛签署，共有十名参与者参加了协议的谈判：加拿大、中华人民共和国、丹麦王国（法罗群岛和格陵兰）、欧盟、冰岛、日本、挪威王国、大韩民国、俄罗斯联邦和美利坚合众国。该协议有两个主要目标：防止北冰洋中部公海部分的无管制捕捞以及促进联合科学研究和监测。

The United States is the fourth party to ratify the Agreement to Prevent Unregulated High Seas Fisheries in the Central Arctic Ocean after Canada, the Russian Federation, and the European Union. The Agreement will enter into force once all ten Signatories ratify. There are currently no commercial fisheries in the Arctic high seas, with most of the region covered by ice year round. However, with an ever-increasing ice-free area in the summer for an increasingly lengthy portion of the year, parties anticipate that commercial fishing will be possible in the foreseeable future. This Agreement is the first multilateral agreement of its kind to take a legally-binding, precautionary approach to protect an area from commercial fishing before that fishing has even begun. Signed in Greenland on October 3, 2018, there were ten participants in the negotiation of the Agreement: Canada, the People’s Republic of China, the Kingdom of Denmark (in respect of the Faroe Islands and Greenland), the European Union, Iceland, Japan, the Kingdom of Norway, the Republic of Korea, the Russian Federation, and the United States of America. The Agreement has two principal objectives: the prevention of unregulated fishing in the high seas portion of the central Arctic Ocean and the facilitation of joint scientific research and monitoring.

即刻发布   2023年4月22日   今天，根据我的命令，美国军队展开了行动，从喀土穆撤离美国政府人员。我为我们大使馆员工致力于工作的非凡决心感到骄傲，他们勇敢、专业地履行职责，体现了美国与苏丹人民的友谊和联系。我感谢我们的军队无与伦比的技能，他们成功地将使馆人员带到了安全的地方。我还感谢吉布提、埃塞俄比亚和沙特阿拉伯，这些国家对我们的行动取得成功发挥了至关重要的作用。   我从我的团队收到他们正在做的工作的定期报告，他们尽可能地协助在苏丹的美国人。我们也正与我们的盟友和伙伴一起在这项工作上密切合作。   苏丹灾难性的暴力已经造成了数百名无辜平民丧生。这违背良知，必须停止。交战的各方必须立即落实无条件停火，允许不受限制的人道主义救助，并尊重苏丹人民的意愿。我们临时暂停了美国驻苏丹大使馆的运作，但我们致力于支持苏丹人民以及他们自己想要的未来的决心没有结束。   ###    https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2023/04/22/statement-from-president-joe-biden-on-the-situation-in-sudan/

Today, on my orders, the United States military conducted an operation to extract U.S. Government personnel from Khartoum.  I am proud of the extraordinary commitment of our Embassy staff, who performed their duties with courage and professionalism and embodied America’s friendship and connection with the people of Sudan.  I am grateful for the unmatched skill of our service members who successfully brought them to safety.  And I thank Djibouti, Ethiopia, and Saudi Arabia, which were critical to the success of our operation. I am receiving regular reports from my team on their ongoing work to assist Americans in Sudan, to the extent possible.  We are also working closely with our allies and partners in this effort. This tragic violence in Sudan has already cost the lives of hundreds of innocent civilians.  It’s unconscionable and it must stop.  The belligerent parties must implement an immediate and unconditional ceasefire, allow unhindered humanitarian access, and respect the will of the people of Sudan.  We are temporarily suspending operations at the U.S. Embassy in Sudan, but our commitment to the Sudanese people and the future they want for themselves is unending. ###

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿特区 2022年9月1日 联合国人权事务高级专员办事处关于新疆人权情况的报告 安东尼·布林肯国务卿声明 联合国人权事务高级专员办事处（UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights）8月31日的报告对新疆发生的践踏人权和虐待作出了惊人详细的叙述。报告的结论是，“对维吾尔族成员和以穆斯林为主体的群体成员的任意和歧视性拘留的程度……有可能构成国际罪，尤其是危害人类罪”，并且在新疆“发生了对人权的严重践踏”。 美国对这一重要报告表示欢迎，报告权威性地记述了中华人民共和国政府对维吾尔族人和其他少数民族和宗教群体成员的令人发指的对待和践踏。 这份报告加深并再次肯定了我们对中华人民共和国政府正在新疆对以穆斯林为主体的维吾尔族人以及其他少数民族和宗教少数群体成员进行种族灭绝和犯下危害人类罪的严重担忧。 我们将继续与我们的合作伙伴、公民社会以及国际社会密切合作，为众多受害者寻求正义和追究责任。我们将继续要求中华人民共和国承担责任，并且呼吁中华人民共和国释放那些被不公正拘留的人，澄清失踪者的下落，同时让独立调查人员能够完全和无障碍地进入新疆、西藏和中华人民共和国各地。   欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/un-office-of-the-high-commissioner-for-human-rights-report-on-the-human-rights-situation-in-xinjiang/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

PRESS STATEMENT ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE SEPTEMBER 1, 2022 The August 31st report by the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights outlines in alarming details the human rights violations and abuses occurring in Xinjiang. It concludes that “the extent of arbitrary and discriminatory detention of members of the Uyghur and predominantly Muslim groups… may constitute international crimes, in particular crimes against humanity,” and that “serious human rights violations have been committed” in Xinjiang. The United States welcomes this important report, which describes authoritatively the appalling treatment and abuses of Uyghurs and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups by the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). This report deepens and reaffirms our grave concern regarding the ongoing genocide and crimes against humanity that PRC government authorities are perpetrating against Uyghurs, who are predominantly Muslim, and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups in Xinjiang. We will continue to work closely with our partners, civil society, and the international community to seek justice and accountability for the many victims.  We will continue to hold the PRC to account and call on the PRC to release those unjustly detained, account for those disappeared, and allow independent investigators full and unhindered access to Xinjiang, Tibet, and across the PRC.

庆祝美国创新：互联网诞生50周年 庆祝美国创新：互联网诞生50周年 2019年10月29日东部夏令时间下午2：07 发言人办公室 1969年10月29日，美国国防部高级研究计划局下属研究人员在加利福尼亚大学洛杉矶分校和斯坦福研究所的实验室之间发出了第一条主机对主机的信息。正如我们所知，这标志了互联网的诞生。如今，全球一半以上的人口可以上网，互联网为全球经济贡献数万亿美元。 值此50周年之际，我们向那些通过这项美国发明开创人类进步新时代的创新者致敬。美国政府致力于确保互联网以及其他信息和通讯技术对未来的子孙后代依然是有价值且可行的工具。 与其他国家/地区结伴，国务部正引领美国政府致力于促进开放、可互操作、安全和可靠的信息和通讯基础设施，以支持国际贸易和商业，加强国际安全并促进自由表达和创新。 网络空间的安全对保护美国的国家安全和促进美国人民的繁荣至关重要。

Office of the Spokesperson On October 29, 1969, researchers working under the U.S. Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency sent the first host-to-host message between laboratories at the University of California Los Angeles and the Stanford Research Institute. This marked the birth of the Internet as we know it. Today, more than half the world’s population is online and the Internet contributes trillions to the global economy. On the 50th anniversary, we salute the innovators who ushered in a new age of human progress with this American invention. The U.S. government works to ensure that the Internet and other information and communication technologies remain valuable and viable tools for future generations. In partnership with other countries, the Department of State is leading the U.S. government’s efforts to promote an open, interoperable, secure, and reliable information and communications infrastructure that supports international trade and commerce, strengthens international security, and fosters free expression and innovation. The security of cyberspace is fundamental to protecting America’s national security and promoting the prosperity of the American people.

美国东部标准时间 2020年12月11日 下午 04:26 发言人办公室 美国祝贺马来西亚在COVID-19大流行带来挑战的情况下仍然成功完成了今年的APEC东道主工作。全部通过视频举行的APEC系列会议以APEC领导人以及外长和贸易部长视频会议收官。通过这些会议，21个APEC经济体就一系列部长级声明达成一致，其收官声明为《APEC领导人吉隆坡宣言》和《布城愿景2040》。为应对COVID-19，美国已优先考虑本着疫情后的经济恢复重新定位APEC议程，与此同时保持APEC在贸易和数字经济方面的核心工作的势头以及在为改善投资和监管环境开展长期行动方面的势头。 我们为什么要参与APEC APEC是美国在亚太地区与我们的区域伙伴就贸易和投资问题进行交往的首要平台。APEC的21个经济体加起来相当于约38％的世界人口、近60％的全球GDP，以及约47％的世界贸易。美国产品出口的全球前十五大市场中，APEC成员占了七个。 我们在APEC的工作推动着我们自由开放的印度太平洋地区的远景。 ***** 为APEC绘制新远景 APEC领导人签署了《APEC布城愿景2040》，以引导APEC未来20年的工作。该愿景发出了一个重要信号，表明APEC在亚太地区促进贸易、投资和可持续增长方面的持续重要性。它反映了美国的关键优先事项，如着手应对不公平的贸易做法和其他贸易壁垒、创造市场驱动的赋能环境、鼓励创新，并扩大数字经济以推动未来的强劲增长。 让区域贸易自由、公平、对等 美国与APEC伙伴一道促进自由、公平、对等的贸易与投资，同时为美国企业带来实质性结果。美国在APEC中的优先事项包括推动服务贸易以及让其他经济体为参与高标准的贸易协定做好准备。 ****** 支持美国创新和数字经济 COVID-19凸显了数字经济在推动经济增长、创造新的就业机会及培育新市场和新行业上对所有APEC经济体的重要性。更加开放、可共同操作和安全的互联网将使美国经济受益。据估计，美国的数字经济占国内生产总值（GDP）的5%。 ****** 帮助美国公司开展业务 我们与APEC各经济体一道改善经济政策、商业监管和公平竞争的执行情况，以为美国公司提供公平的竞争环境和开放的市场。我们还与各经济体一同实施良好的监管做法，打破商业壁垒并实施反腐败措施。 ****** 扩大女性的经济参与 我们在APEC的首要优先事项之一仍然是推动整个地区女性的经济赋能。提高女性经济参与并发挥女性领导力，尤其是在本地区后新冠疫情的经济复苏中这样做，将刺激GDP的增长及促进稳定。 ****** 促进健康、有复原力和可持续的经济 美国与APEC的伙伴一道，着手解决影响经济参与的外部因素，如健康和环境问题。特别是，努力保持人口健康、建设复原力及促进环境资源的可持续利用对于保持长期经济增长都是必要的。 ******

12/11/2020 04:26 PM EST Office of the Spokesperson The United States congratulates Malaysia for hosting a successful APEC year despite the challenges brought on by the COVID-19 pandemic.  Through entirely virtual APEC meetings, culminating with the virtual meetings of APEC Leaders and Foreign and Trade Ministers, the 21 APEC economies reached consensus on a number of ministerial statements culminating with the Kuala Lumpur Leaders’ Declaration and the Putrajaya Vision 2040.  In response to COVID-19, the United States has prioritized reorienting APEC’s agenda toward post-pandemic economic recovery and maintaining momentum on the forum’s core work on trade and the digital economy, and long-term initiatives to improve the investment climate and regulatory environment. WHY WE ENGAGE IN APEC APEC is the premier platform for the United States to engage our regional partners on trade and investment issues in the Asia-Pacific region.  Taken together, APEC’s 21 economies account for approximately 38 percent of the world’s population, approximately 60 percent of global GDP, and about 47 percent of world trade.  APEC members represent seven of the top 15 markets in the world for U.S. goods exports.  Our work in APEC advances our vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific. CHARTING A NEW VISION FOR APEC APEC Leaders endorsed the “APEC Putrajaya Vision 2040” to guide APEC’s work over the next twenty years.   The Vision sends an important signal of APEC’s continued importance to fostering trade and investment and sustainable growth in the Asia-Pacific.  It reflects key U.S. priorities such as addressing unfair trade practices and other barriers to trade, creating a market-driven enabling environment, fostering innovation, and expanding the digital economy to drive strong future growth. MAKING TRADE IN THE REGION FREE, FAIR AND RECIPROCAL The United States works with partners in APEC to advance free, fair, and reciprocal trade and investment while delivering meaningful results for U.S. businesses.  U.S. priorities in APEC include advancing services trade and preparing other economies for participation in high-standard trade agreements.  We continue to work in APEC to lower barriers to U.S. exports and open markets for U.S. businesses by: SUPPORTING U.S. INNOVATION AND THE DIGITAL ECONOMY COVID-19 has underscored the importance of the digital economy in driving economic growth, creating new jobs, and cultivating new markets and new industries in all APEC economies.  A more open, interoperable, and secure Internet will benefit the U.S. economy, where the digital economy accounts for an estimated five percent of GDP.  This year, United States promoted new, innovative digital technologies to respond to and recover from COVID-19 by: HELPING U.S. COMPANIES DO BUSINESS We work with APEC economies to improve implementation of economic policies, business regulation and fair competition to level the playing field and open markets for U.S. companies.  We also work with economies to implement good regulatory practices, break down barriers to business, and institute anti-corruption measures. Our work in APEC makes it easier for U.S. companies to do business in the region by: EXPANDING WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION IN THE ECONOMY One of our top priorities for APEC remains advancing women’s economic empowerment across the region.  Greater economic participation, and leadership by women, especially in the region’s post-pandemic economic recovery, will spur GDP growth and foster stability. Through APEC, we work to expand opportunities for women to participate in the economy by: PROMOTING HEALTHY, RESILIENT, AND SUSTAINABLE ECONOMIES The United States works with partners in APEC to address external factors that affect economic participation, such as health and environmental issues.  In particular, working to maintain healthy populations, build resilience, and promote the sustainable use of environmental resources are all necessary to maintain long-term economic growth.  We work in APEC to mitigate the economic impacts of health and environmental challenges by: For further information, please contact the Office of Economic Policy, Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs at DOSAPEC@state.gov.

Sam Brownback, the U.S. ambassador-at-large for international religious freedom, speaks to journalists in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates, Sunday, Feb. 24, 2019. Pakistan has “a desire to change” its ways and be removed from an American blacklist of countries that infringe religious freedoms, Brownback said Sunday on a tour of a Mideast long riven by faith. (AP Photo/Jon Gambrell) 美国国务院 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区 2019年3月8日 塞缪尔•布朗巴克（Samuel D. Brownback） 国际宗教自由事务无任所大使 外国记者会（Foreign Correspondents Club） 中国香港 [讲话稿] *          *          *          * 我首先要向中国人民表达我深深的敬意。我的小女儿是中国人，现在就读于贝勒大学（Baylor University）。 ……在此次讲话中，我将表述美国对中国大陆的宗教自由状况的一系列关切。这是出于痛心，而不是愤怒。我们高度评价中国人民过去、现在以及将来为人类做出的所有贡献。 *          *          *          * 我们都目睹了中国走上国际舞台。我第一次到中国是在1985年。我认为中国政府往往按民族划分，并通过实行“宗教事务条例”，做出对数不胜数的宗教群体施行控制、摧毁敬拜场所、非法关押宗教领袖，以及无情镇压任何形式的有建设性的异见的行为，显示出其无视每一位中国公民的个人尊严。 有鉴于此，我想谈谈美国政府所抱的关切——特别是关于中国大陆日益恶化的宗教自由状况。过去几年来，我们看到了中国政府对来自很多信仰以及来自大陆各地的宗教信徒的迫害越来越严重。全世界都表示关切。 让我先谈谈新疆维吾尔族自治区——让人警觉的是，中国有关当局任意关押穆斯林少数群体的成员，将他们关进拘留营的原因包括常见的宗教行为，例如蓄须、戴面纱、参加仪式、信守斋月、分享宗教著述，乃至祈祷。 自2017年4月以来，大陆有关当局关押了超过100万名穆斯林族裔。他们把维吾尔人、哈萨克人、吉尔吉斯人以及其他穆斯林少数群体成员作为对象，并强行将他们迁往拘留营。这些人的亲属不知道他们的去向，甚至不知道他们的死活。特朗普政府（Trump Administration）深表关切，认为这类迫害活动说明北京蓄意对这些穆斯林群体的身份、文化和信仰进行重新界定和控制。 中国只把这些设有岗楼和铁丝网的不断蔓延的营地说成是“职业培训中心”。我们必须揭露这些营地的真相；它们是为了抹杀少数社群的文化和宗教身份而设的拘留营。多份报告显示，大陆有关当局强迫无辜民众进入这些营地，往往主要根据他们的宗教信仰和族裔身份。国际社会目睹并报道了这类事件。我最近读到了两篇有关这类事件的文章。他们随后受到不确定期限的关押，并遭到身体及心理折磨、高强度政治灌输，以及强制劳动。11月，这类拘留营中的一位幸存者告诉美国国会（United States Congress），她遭受了残忍的酷刑，并亲眼看到与她同牢房的至少9名无辜女性在短短几个月内死去。这位妇女与她的三胞胎骨肉分离。可悲的是，她的一名子女在被中国政府关押期间死去。除了拘留营外，中国政府还在新疆镇压民众，限制出行，利用一套“奥威尔式”的高科技监控系统监查他们的一言一行，并严禁某些宗教活动。政府甚至禁止儿童参加宗教仪式，并禁止父母给他们的子女取常见的伊斯兰名字。 中国长期借助于其经济势力来压制对其严重践踏人权的行径的批评。我赞赏那些公开批评中国在新疆的侵权行径的国家。土耳其最近就那里的人权危机发表了强烈的谴责。应当有更多的国家这样做。 中国声称使用拘留营以及采取其他镇压行为是为了先发制人地铲除恐怖主义。 但中国强行将妇女、儿童、老人以及教育程度极高的知识分子送进大规模关押中心和拘留营，不仅没有解决恐怖主义问题，反而还制造了问题。这类关押的规模之大，与中国面临的来自极端主义的任何切实威胁完全不相称，甚至根据中国自己的官方媒体和警方报告也是如此。在关押规模于2017年3月之后扩大以前，新疆已有一年半甚至没有过大型极端主义事件的报道。而中国政府的种种行为的目的在于确保独特的族裔和宗教群体受到残酷的、强制性的管控；原因就在于他们与众不同。出于某种原因，有信仰的男女民众被视为对中国共产党的一种威胁。 根据幸存者的证词，清楚明确的是中国在新疆采取的错误和残酷的政策正造成忿懑、仇恨、分裂、贫困和愤怒。引用一位中国官员自己的话说，这实际上是养肥了“滋生恐怖主义的土壤……”。 *          *          *          * 中国共产党必须聆听本国人民发出的宗教自由的呼声，并采取行动纠正错误。 中国人民是伟大的人民。在不久的一天，他们将能自由地践行自己的信仰。宗教自由的大门将在中国完全敞开，宗教迫害的铁幕将被打破。目前中国政府正站在历史错误的一边……但这将会改变。 美国及其他国家正在汇聚全世界各国政府和宗教领袖，以增进所有人的宗教自由。我们去年7月创设的促进宗教自由部长级会议（Ministerial to Advance Religious Freedom）就是为了专门推进这项事业。蓬佩奥国务卿（Secretary Pompeo）已宣布下一次部长级会议将于7月16日到18日在华盛顿举行。 我们还在同全世界其他政府和组织合作，举办后续性地区会议，着重于各地区特有的宗教自由问题。 *          *          *          *

Samuel D. Brownback Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom Foreign Correspondents Club Hong Kong, China March 8, 2019 Introduction I would like to begin by expressing my profound respect for the Chinese people. My youngest daughter is Chinese and now attends school at Baylor University. *** During this speech, I will express a number of concerns the United States has about the religious freedom situation in mainland China. That is out of lament, not anger. We highly regard the Chinese people for all their contributions to mankind in the past, present, and for the future. *** Increasing Religious Freedom Problems in China  We have all watched China emerge onto the international stage. I first traveled to China 1985. I believe the efforts by the Chinese government to exert control over members of countless religious groups, often along ethnic lines, through the enforcement of “religious affairs regulations,” the destruction of houses of worship, the unlawful imprisonment of religious leaders, and actions to ruthlessly silence any forms of constructive dissent, demonstrates its disregard for the individual dignity of every Chinese citizen. In that spirit, I want to talk about concerns the United States government has – and specifically about the deteriorating state of religious freedom in mainland China. Over the last few years, we have seen increasing Chinese government persecution of religious believers from many faiths and from all parts of the mainland. The world is taking notice. *** Xinjiang Let me start in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region – it is alarming that Chinese government authorities have arbitrarily detained members of Muslim minority groups in internment camps for reasons including common religious practices, such as having a beard, wearing a veil, attending services, observing Ramadan, sharing religious writings, or even praying. Since April 2017, mainland authorities have detained more than one million ethnic Muslims. They have targeted and forcibly relocated to internment camps Uighurs, Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, and members of other Muslim minority groups. Family members do not know the whereabouts of their loved ones, or even whether they are dead or alive. The Trump Administration is deeply concerned, and considers this oppression a deliberate attempt by Beijing to redefine and control members of these Muslim minority groups’ identity, culture, and faith. China describes these sprawling camps with guard towers and barbed wire as simply “vocational training centers.” We need to call these camps what they are; they’re internment camps created to wipe out the cultural and religious identity of minority communities. Numerous reports indicate that mainland authorities force innocent people into these camps often based primarily on their religious beliefs and ethnic identity. The international community has seen and covered these events. I recently read two articles on these events. They are then held for an indeterminate amount of time and subjected to physical and psychological torture, intense political indoctrination, and forced labor. In November, a survivor of one of these camps told the United States Congress that she was brutally tortured and witnessed at least nine other innocent women in her cell die in just a few months. The same woman was separated from her triplets. Tragically, one of her children died while being held in Chinese government custody. Beyond the camps, the Chinese government also represses people in Xinjiang, restricting travel, monitoring their every move by using a high-tech Orwellian surveillance system, and banning certain religious practices. The government even bans children from participating in religious services and prohibits parents from naming their children common Islamic names. China has long used its economic weight to silence criticism of its severe human rights abuses. I applaud the countries that have spoken out against China’s abuses in Xinjiang. Turkey recently issued a strong condemnation of the human rights crisis there. More countries should do so. China justifies its use of internment camps and other repressive practices by claiming that it is rooting out terrorism preemptively. But China is not solving a terrorist problem by forcibly moving women, children, the elderly, and the highly educated intelligentsia into mass detention centers and internment camps. Instead, they are creating one. The magnitude of these detentions is completely out of proportion to any real threat China faces from extremism, even according to China’s own official media and police reports. Xinjiang had not even reported a large scale extremist incident for more than a year and a half before the detentions expanded after March 2017. Rather the Chinese government’s actions are intended to ensure that distinct ethnic and religious peoples are brutally and forcefully controlled; why—because they are different. Somehow, men and women of faith are viewed as a threat to the Chinese Communist Party. Based on the testimonies of survivors, it is clear that China’s misguided and cruel policies in Xinjiang are creating resentment, hatred, division, poverty, and anger. To use a Chinese official’s own words, this is essentially fertilizing the “soil that breeds terrorism…” *** What We Are Doing The Chinese Communist Party must hear the cries of its own people for religious freedom and act to correct this wrong. The Chinese people are a great people. Someday soon, they will be free to practice their faith. The gates of religious freedom will fly open in China and the iron curtain of religious persecution will come down. The Chinese government is currently on the wrong side of history…but this will change. The United States and other nations are bringing together government and religious leaders from around the world to promote religious freedom for all. We created the Ministerial to Advance Religious Freedom last July specifically to advance this cause. Secretary Pompeo has already announced that the next Ministerial will take place on July 16th to 18th in Washington. We are also working with other governments and groups around the world to host follow-on regional conferences that focus on religious freedom issues specific to that area. *** Conclusion Through all of our efforts, we are chasing a simple but important dream: that one day all peoples around the world will be able to worship freely and believe what they want, just like you can in Hong Kong. We invite the rest of the world to join us in achieving this goal. As the detained pastor of the Early Rain Church, Wang Yi [Wong Yee], said: “In Xinjiang, in Shanghai, in Beijing, in Chengdu, the rulers have chosen an enemy that can never be imprisoned – the soul of man.”

DOS Seal 美利坚合众国国务卿、法国外长、德国外长、英国外交大臣联合声明 媒体消息 发言人办公室 2021年2月18日 以下乃由美国国务卿布林肯(Antony J. Blinken)、法国外长勒德里昂(Jean-Yves Le Drian)、德国外长马斯(Heiko Maas)和英国外交大臣拉布(Dominic Raab)在今天部长级会议结束后所发表的声明： 内文开始： 法国外长、德国外长、英国外交大臣和美国国务卿召开线上会议，此为国务卿布林肯上任之后第二次以这种形式讨论伊朗和其他紧迫议题。他们再次确认应对安全、气候、经济、健康和其他全球所面临的挑战时，跨大西洋伙伴关系的中心地位。 在伊朗问题上，欧洲三国和美国皆表达，维持核不扩散体制和确保伊朗决不发展核武器符合共同的根本安全利益。在此背景下，联合全面行动计划（伊核协议）的达成是多边外交的重要成果。欧洲三国欢迎美国所述之意图，回归外交处理伊朗问题，以及欧洲三国与美国恢复互信、深度的对话。各外长确认强烈意愿继续就此重要安全议题进行磋商和协调，包括与中国和俄罗斯在内，并认识到欧盟高级代表为欧洲委员会协调人。 欧洲三国和美国确认其共同目标，使伊朗回到完全遵守伊核协议中所做出的承诺。国务卿布林肯重申，如拜登总统所言，如果伊朗回到严格遵守在伊核协议中所做出的承诺，美国也将同样行事，准备好与伊朗进行讨论以便达到该目标。 在这种情况下，欧洲三国和美国向伊朗呼吁，切勿采取额外行动，特别是中止执行附加议定书和限制国际原子能机构在伊朗的核查工作。欧洲三国和美国立场一致，强调限制国际原子能机构的决定是危险的，并呼吁伊朗考虑到该严重行为所会引发的后果，特别是此时有着重新利用外交的契机。外长们重申全力支持国际原子能机构和其总干事不偏不倚的角色，以及其根据伊核协议，努力执行必要的核查和监督伊朗所做出的核承诺。 欧洲三国和美国也共同表达了对伊朗最近将铀浓缩达到20%和进行铀金属生产的关切。该类活动不具任何可信的民用目的。铀金属生产是发展核武器的一个关键步骤。 欧洲三国欢迎美国和伊朗重返遵守伊核协议。欧洲三国和美国确认其之后的决心为，增强伊核协议，并且与地区各方和更大范围的国际社会一道，应对涉及伊朗导弹项目和地区活动更广泛的安全关切。我们承诺将共同努力朝向这些目标。 外长们同时呼吁伊朗，释放所有被任意拘留的我国国民，让其与家人团聚。外长们也表达对伊朗境内人权继续遭到严重侵犯的深切关注。 欧洲三国和美国期待与伙伴们一道，以便努力达到这些重要的目标。 外长们表达其共同的决心，努力缓减波斯湾地区的紧张情势。向地区伙伴再度确认坚定不移的承诺的同时，他们特别强调结束也门战争的紧迫性。在也门问题上，外长们同意将紧密合作，支持联合国特使格里菲斯(Griffiths)结束战争和处理人道危机的努力。他们对最近胡塞人攻击马里卜(Marib)和沙特阿拉伯民用基础设施的行动表达了关切，呼吁胡塞人和所有也门各方积极参与政治进程。 在伊拉克问题上，外长们重申谴责埃尔比勒(Erbil)在2月15日所遭受的火箭攻击。他们向受害者、其家人和伊拉克人民表达哀悼之意，并强调绝不容忍对美国、联军和北约组织人员及设施的攻击。外长们重申对伊拉克政府的支持。 谈到伊斯兰国所引发的变化不断的挑战，外长们再次承诺将继续重大努力，针对并消灭伊斯兰国在伊拉克和叙利亚的威胁，包括通过由83个会员所组成的打击伊斯兰国全球联盟所做的工作。他们同时强调要针对应付伊斯兰国分支和其全球网络所带来的威胁，相互协调的重要性日益增加。 外长们同意紧密协调以应对中国所带来的全球挑战，以及需要合作来因应包括气候变化在内的各种议题。 在缅甸问题上，他们谴责军事政变。他们呼吁军方领导立即终止国家紧急状态、恢复由民选政府的权力、不诉诸暴力、释放所有被不公平拘留的人，以及尊重人权和法治。 外长们同意进一步加强北约，并且根据北约检讨小组(NATO Reflection Group)的建议，确保其足以因应今日的战略现实， 是为之重要的。 外长们同意坚实的国际和多边合作对结束新冠疫情和进行集体重建是至关重要的。他们回顾了全球响应的努力，包括主要通过获取COVID-19工具加速计画所进行的支持全球疫苗快速部署。 他们同意在联合国气候变化框架公约第26届缔约方大会11月份在格拉斯哥(Glasgow)召开之前，必须迫切应对气候危机。他们同意必须采取重大的集体行动来落实巴黎协定，包括将升温幅度控制在摄氏1.5度之内。他们期待由美国主办且即将召开的领袖气候峰会，认为其为一重要论坛，得以提升应对气候议题的雄心大志。 内文结束。

Joint Statement by the Secretary of State of the United States of America and the Foreign Ministers of France, Germany, and the United Kingdom MEDIA NOTE OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON The following statement was released by United States Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken, French Foreign Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian, German Foreign Minister Heiko Maas, and UK Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab following today’s ministerial meeting: Begin text: The Foreign Ministers of France, Germany and the United Kingdom and the U.S. Secretary of State held a virtual meeting, for the second time in this format since Secretary Blinken took office, to discuss Iran and other pressing issues. They reaffirmed the centrality of the transatlantic partnership in dealing with the security, climate, economic, health and other challenges the world faces. Regarding Iran, the E3 and the United States expressed their shared fundamental security interest in upholding the nuclear non-proliferation regime and ensuring that Iran can never develop a nuclear weapon. In this context, the conclusion of the JCPOA was a key achievement of multilateral diplomacy. The E3 welcomed the United States’ stated intention to return to diplomacy with Iran as well as the resumption of a confident and in-depth dialogue between the E3 and the United States. The Ministers affirmed strong interest in continuing their consultations and coordination, including with China and Russia, on this key security issue, recognizing the role of the High Representative of the European Union as Coordinator of the Joint Commission. The E3 and the United States affirmed their shared objective of Iran’s return to full compliance with its commitments under the JCPOA. Secretary Blinken reiterated that, as President Biden has said, if Iran comes back into strict compliance with its commitments under the JCPOA, the United States will do the same and is prepared to engage in discussions with Iran toward that end. In this context, the E3 and the US called on Iran not to take any additional steps, in particular with respect to the suspension of the Additional Protocol and to any limitations on IAEA verification activities in Iran. The E3 and the United States are united in underlining the dangerous nature of a decision to limit IAEA access, and urge Iran to consider the consequences of such grave action, particularly at this time of renewed diplomatic opportunity. They reiterated their full support for the professional and impartial role of the IAEA and its Director General and their efforts to implement the necessary verification and monitoring of Iran’s nuclear commitments under the JCPOA. The E3 and the United States also expressed their shared concerns over Iran’s recent actions to produce both uranium enriched up to 20% and uranium metal. These activities have no credible civil justification. Uranium metal production is a key step in the development of a nuclear weapon. The E3 welcomed the prospect of a U.S. and Iranian return to compliance with the JCPOA. The E3 and the United States affirmed their determination to then strengthen the JCPOA and, together with regional parties and the wider international community, address broader security concerns related to Iran’s missile programs and regional activities. We are committed to working together toward these goals. The Ministers also called on Iran to release all our arbitrarily detained nationals and reunite them with their families. They also expressed deep concern about the continuing grave human rights violations in Iran. The E3 and the United States look forward to engaging with partners in order to work together toward these key objectives. They expressed their joint determination to work toward de-escalating tensions in the Gulf region.   They stressed in particular the urgency of ending the war in Yemen, while reaffirming their steadfast commitment to the security of their regional partners. On Yemen, the Ministers agreed to work closely together to support United Nations Special Envoy Griffiths’ efforts to end the war and to address the humanitarian crisis.  They expressed concern about the recent Houthi offensive against Marib and strikes against civilian infrastructure in Saudi Arabia, calling upon the Houthis and all Yemeni parties to engage constructively in the political process. On Iraq, the Ministers reiterated their condemnation of the February 15 rocket attack in Erbil.  They expressed their condolences for the victims, their families, and the Iraqi people and emphasized that attacks on U.S., Coalition and NATO personnel and facilities will not be tolerated.  Ministers reiterated their support for the Iraqi Government. Discussing the evolving challenge posed by ISIS, ministers re-committed to continuing critical efforts to target and eliminate the ISIS threat in Iraq and Syria, including efforts via the 83-member Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS.  They also emphasized the growing importance of coordinating efforts to target the threat posed by ISIS branches and networks worldwide. The Ministers agreed to closely coordinate to address the global challenges posed by China, as well as the need for cooperation across a range of issues, including climate change. On Myanmar, they condemned the military coup.  They called on military leaders to immediately end the state of emergency, restore power to the democratically elected government, refrain from violence, release all those unjustly detained, and respect human rights and the rule of law. The Ministers agreed on the importance of further strengthening NATO and ensuring it is positioned to address today’s strategic realities building on the NATO Reflection Group’s Recommendations. Ministers agreed that strong international and multilateral cooperation was essential to ending the COVID 19 pandemic and building back better collectively. They reviewed efforts on the global response, including support for rapid deployment of vaccines globally, primarily through the ACT-A/COVAX facility. They agreed to work with urgency to address the climate crisis ahead of the 26th UN Framework Convention on Climate Change Conference of the Parties in Glasgow in November.  They agreed that significant collective action was needed to implement the Paris Agreement, including keeping a 1.5 degree Celsius temperature rise within reach. They look forward to the upcoming U.S.-hosted Leaders’ Climate Summit as an important forum to for enhanced climate ambition. End text.

(© Susan Walsh/AP Images) 今天，美国针对伊朗袭击美国军队和美国利益的行动，采取一系列行动切断伊朗政权实施暴力对外政策的资金。我们将继续责成某些个人和实体为支持伊朗政权众多的恐怖前沿行动承担责任。 根据13876号行政命令（Executive Order），我们对8名受最高领导人委任或代表最高领导人采取行动的伊朗高层领导人实施制裁，其中包括最高国家安全委员会（Supreme National Security Council）秘书阿里·沙姆哈尼（Ali Shamkhani）、巴斯基民兵（Basij）指挥官戈拉姆雷扎·苏莱曼尼（Gholamreza Soleimani）及其他6名高级官员。上述个人在该地区各处策划伊朗的恐怖阴谋和制造动乱的活动，参与杀害了约1,500名最近为争取自由举行示威的伊朗民众。 伊朗政权侵吞本国金属行业的收益，为破坏稳定的各种活动提供资金。为此，国务院根据伊朗自由和防扩散法（Iran Freedom and Counter-Proliferation Act ）1245款的规定，对庞潮（北京）有限公司[Pamchel Trading (Beijing) Co., Ltd.]实施制裁，因该公司从属于“特别认定的全球恐怖主义”（Specially Designated Global Terrorist）的某伊朗公司转运了29,000公吨钢材。财政部（Department of the Treasury）也根据第13871号行政命令（E.O. 13871）对在伊朗钢铁、金属铝和金属铜行业从事运行及相关活动的22个实体和3艘船只实施类似的制裁。 总统还将发布一项行政命令，授权对伊朗经济更多的行业实施制裁，其中包括建筑、制造、纺织和采矿业。这次制裁将大大增强美国有针对性地切断该政权各种收入来源的能力。 特朗普总统（President Trump）昨天指出，我们的制裁将持续实施，直至伊朗改变自己的行为。文明世界必须向伊朗政权发出一个明确、一致的讯息：伊朗制造恐怖、杀戮和混乱的行径绝不会再得到容忍。美国呼吁所有的国家坚决反对伊朗政权的恐怖意识形态，要求伊朗为其采取的暴力承担责任。 媒体声明，国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥，2020年1月10日

Press Statement, Secretary Pompeo January 10, 2020 Today, the United States is taking a series of actions in response to Iran’s attacks against U.S. forces and interests, and to deprive the Iranian regime of revenue to conduct its violent foreign policy.  We will continue to hold individuals and entities accountable for supporting the Iranian regime’s many fronts of terror. We are sanctioning eight senior Iranian leaders, including Ali Shamkhani, the Secretary of the Supreme National Security Council, Gholamreza Soleimani, the Commander of the Basij, and six other senior officials pursuant to Executive Order 13876 (E.O. 13876) for being appointed by, or acting for or on behalf of, the Supreme Leader.  These individuals have carried out Iran’s terror plots and campaigns of mayhem across the region and are complicit in the recent murders of around 1,500 Iranians protesting for freedom. The Iranian regime exploits revenue from its metals industry to fund its destabilizing activities.  Accordingly, the Department of State is sanctioning Pamchel Trading (Beijing) Co., Ltd. pursuant to section 1245 the Iran Freedom and Counter-Proliferation Act for transferring 29,000 metric tons of steel from an Iranian firm that is a Specially Designated Global Terrorist.  The Department of the Treasury is similarly sanctioning twenty-two entities and three vessels pursuant to E.O. 13871, for operating in the iron, steel, aluminum, or copper sectors of Iran, and related activities. The President will also issue an Executive Order authorizing the imposition of sanctions with respect to additional sectors of the Iranian economy, including: construction, manufacturing, textiles, and mining.  This action will significantly expand the United States’ ability to target this regime’s various revenue streams. As President Trump said yesterday, our sanctions will remain until Iran changes its behavior. The civilized world must send a clear and unified message to the Iranian regime: Iran’s campaign of terror, murder, and mayhem will not be tolerated any longer.  The United States calls on all nations to stand against the Iranian regime’s ideology of terror and to hold Iran accountable for its violence. Link: https://www.state.gov/intensified-sanctions-on-iran/

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿特区 2022年6月2日 本杰明·富兰克林厅（Benjamin Franklin Room） 布林肯国务卿：各位早上好。今天，国务院发布2021年《国际宗教自由报告》（International Religious Freedom Report）。这份报告全面地、基于事实地审视了全世界近200个国家和地区的宗教自由状况。我们自1998年以来每年发布这份报告，是在时任国务卿奥尔布赖特的领导下开始的，她的生平和业绩继续为我们所弘扬。 在那个时候，主导起草这份报告的年度进程的国际宗教自由办公室（Office of International Religious Freedom）是全世界唯一一个承担着监督及捍卫国际宗教自由的职责的政府机构。今天，在20多年以后，已有超过35个政府和多边组织设立了专门致力于这个目标的办公室。 我要感谢该办公室今年在拉沙德‧侯赛因（Rashad Hussain）大使的领导下再次付出努力。这个团队工作卓著，我非常赞赏这些努力。 我还要感谢世界各地的数百名国务院官员，他们收集信息及调查事实的工作实际上正是这份报告的核心所在。而且我们所有人——我们所有人——都要感谢公民社会、信仰领袖、宗教组织、人权团体、新闻工作者以及其他人士，他们分享他们的观点和分析，并且每天都在全世界每个地区从事着提倡宗教自由的至关重要的工作。 奥尔布赖特国务卿在首次介绍这份报告时指出，从我们最早期开始，美国人一直相信，我引用她的原话：“当公民享有选择、宣告及行使他们的宗教身份的自由时，国家就会更强大，其人民的生活也会更富足”。 的确如此，宗教自由是神圣地载入我国宪法《权利法案》（Bill of Rights）的第一项自由。它作为一项人权得到全世界各国的承认，包括在《世界人权宣言》（Universal Declaration of Human Rights）之中。 尊重宗教自由不仅是最深入人心的价值观之一以及一项根本权利。在我看来，它还是一项至关重要的对外政策优先事项。原因在于：我们知道当每个人践行他们的信仰或选择不遵从一种信仰的根本权利得到尊重时，人们就能为他们的社区的成功做出自己最全面的贡献；整个社会都会变得更好。 而在另一方面，当有关政府剥夺这项权利时，它也造成了紧张、散播了分歧，并往往导致不稳定和冲突。 今年的报告涵盖了几个国家，我们在那里看到了值得注意的进展，这要归功于有关政府、公民社会组织和公民们的努力。例如，摩洛哥王国于去年启动了行动计划，修缮犹太会堂和陵园等犹太教传统场所，并将犹太教历史纳入摩洛哥公立学校教纲。 在台湾，有关当局正在提供便利，以举报那些拒绝给员工每周一天休息日去参加宗教活动的雇主。 在东帝汶，新总统拉莫斯-奥尔塔（Ramos-Horta）最近承诺维护全体公民的权利，不论他们有何种宗教背景。 在伊拉克，国家领导人欢迎教皇方济各（Pope Francis）对该国进行有史以来的首次教宗访问，他在巴格达、摩苏尔以及伊拉克库尔德地区都举行了基督教和跨信仰仪式。 纳西里耶（Nasiriyah）市的一位地方领导人谢赫海德尔·杜拜依斯（Sheikh Haider al-Dubaisi）后来在谈到教皇的这次访问时说，我引用他的原话：“尽管他行走困难，依然前来访问。他不仅向伊拉克人，而且向整个世界传递了一个信息：伊斯兰教和其他宗教可以和平共处”。 和平共处。归根结底，这份报告旨在向全世界更多的地区传播这种进步。 遗憾的是，报告也显示我们仍有更多工作要做。在世界许多地方，政府未能尊重本国公民的基本权利。有些政府继续使用不得诽谤宗教和弃教的亵渎罪和叛教罪法，并管制宗教少数派群体的语言。还有些政府限制表达宗教信仰的方式，如宗教服饰。 所有社会，包括我们自己和欧洲各国，必须加大努力打击日益抬头的仇恨形式，包括反犹太主义和反穆斯林情绪。 举几个例子。3月，基于对有关证据的仔细法律评审，我确定缅甸军方在2017年犯下了种族灭绝和反人类罪，旨在消灭以穆斯林为主的罗兴亚人——对这种意图的证据包括但不限于：袭击清真寺，使用具有宗教和民族诋毁性的语言，亵渎古兰经，以及其他许多行径。 在厄立特里亚，只有四个宗教群体可以自由践行他们的信仰，其他宗教少数派群体的成员遭到拘留，逮捕，并以被迫放弃信仰作为他们获释的先决条件。 在沙特阿拉伯，我们看到了最近对扩大跨信仰对话和宗教宽容采取的重要举措。但是，公开践行除伊斯兰教以外的任何信仰仍然属于非法，并且政府继续歧视宗教少数派群体的成员。 中国继续对以穆斯林为主的维吾尔族和其他宗教少数群体成员施行种族灭绝和压制。2017年4月以来，100多万维吾尔族人、哈萨克族人、吉尔吉斯族人以及其他少数民族成员在新疆被关入拘留营。中华人民共和国继续骚扰奉行被视为与中国共产党学说不符的其他宗教的人士，包括摧毁佛教、基督教、伊斯兰教和道教的敬拜场所，并且在就业和住房方面对基督徒、穆斯林、藏传佛教徒和法轮功学员设置障碍。 在阿富汗，宗教自由状况在塔利班统治下大幅度恶化，尤其是他们往往打着宗教旗号，对妇女和女童的受教育、工作和参与社会的基本权利严加限制。与此同时，伊斯兰国呼罗珊（ISIS-K）正在对宗教少数派群体，尤其是什叶派哈扎拉人（Shia Hazaras），发起越来越暴力性的攻击。 在巴基斯坦，至少有16名被控亵渎罪的人在2021年被巴基斯坦法庭判处死刑，不过尚未对其中任何人执行死刑。 除了上述这些国家外，报告也记述了宗教自由和宗教少数群体的权利在全球各地社区受到的威胁。 例如，我们看到，在世界最大的民主国家和有着非常多元信仰的印度，对信教者和祷告场所的攻击增多；在越南，当局骚扰未注册的宗教群体的成员；在尼日利亚，数个州政府使用反诽谤和亵渎法惩罚表达自己信仰的人。 美国将继续在全球各地支持宗教自由。我们将继续与其他国家政府、多边组织以及公民社会一道为此而努力，包括下个月在英国举行的促进宗教自由部长级会议（Ministerial to Advance Religious Freedom）上。 我们努力的核心在于，确保所有人都能自由地追求对自己在地球上的有生之年有意义的精神宿求。它为的是让人们有机会自由地表达自己，这是做最完整的自己的含义之一。那将是进步。那将是这份报告所希望促成的进步。 因此，我要再次感谢所有为完成这份报告而辛勤工作的人。现在，让我请也许是最辛勤工作的一位人士侯赛因大使，介绍今年报告的几个主题。拉沙德，请。（掌声）   欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/secretary-antony-j-blinken-and-ambassador-at-large-for-international-religious-freedom-rashad-hussain-on-the-2021-report-on-international-religious-freedom/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

Secretary Antony J. Blinken And Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom Rashad Hussain on the 2021 Report on International Religious Freedom REMARKS ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE AMBASSADOR AT LARGE FOR INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM RASHAD HUSSAIN BENJAMIN FRANKLIN ROOM WASHINGTON, D.C. JUNE 2, 2022 SECRETARY BLINKEN: Good morning, everyone. Today, the State Department is releasing the 2021 International Religious Freedom Report. This report offers a thorough, fact-based review of the state of religious freedom in nearly 200 countries and territories around the world. We produce this document every year since 1998, starting under the leadership of then Secretary Albright, whose life and legacy we continue to celebrate. Back then, the Office of International Religious Freedom, which leads this annual process of drafting the report, was the only government entity in the world charged with monitoring and defending international religious freedom. Now, more than two decades later, we have more than 35 governments and multilateral organizations that have created offices that are dedicated to this goal. And I’d like to thank the office for its efforts again this year under the leadership of Ambassador Rashad Hussain. This team has done remarkable work, and I very much appreciate the efforts. I also want to thank the hundreds of State Department officials around the world who gather information, conduct the fact-finding that’s actually at the heart of this report. And all of us – all of us – are indebted to civil society, faith leaders, religious organizations, human rights groups, journalists, and others who share their perspectives and analysis, and who do the critical work of promoting religious freedom every day in every part of the world. When Secretary Albright first introduced this report, she noted that from our earliest days, Americans had believed, and I quote, “that nations are stronger, and the lives of their people richer, when citizens have the freedom to choose, proclaim, and exercise their religious identity.” Indeed, religious freedom is the first freedom enshrined in our Constitution’s Bill of Rights. It’s been recognized by nations around the world as a human right, including in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Respect for religious freedom isn’t only one of the deepest held values and a fundamental right. It’s also, from my perspective, a vital foreign policy priority. Here’s why. We know that when the fundamental right of each person to practice their faith or to choose not to observe a faith is respected, people can make their fullest contributions to their community’s successes; entire societies are better off. On the other hand, when governments deny this right, it ignites tension, it sows division, it often leads to instability and conflict. This year’s report includes several countries where we see notable progress, thanks to the work of governments, civil society organizations, and citizens. For example, last year the Kingdom of Morocco launched an initiative to renovate Jewish heritage sites like synagogues and cemeteries, and to include Jewish history in the Moroccan public school curriculum. In Taiwan, authorities are making it easier to report employers who refuse to give their workers a weekly rest day in order to attend religious services. In Timor-Leste, the new president, Ramos-Horta, recently pledged to defend the rights of all citizens regardless of religious background. And in Iraq, national leaders welcomed Pope Francis for the first ever papal visit to the country, where he conducted Christian and interfaith ceremonies in Baghdad, in Mosul, and in the Iraqi Kurdish region. One local leader from the city of Nasiriyah, Sheikh Haider al-Dubaisi, later reflected on the Pope’s visit, and he said, and I quote, “He came even though he could barely walk. He sent a message not only to Iraqis, but to the whole world, that Islam and other religions can sit together peacefully.” Sitting together peacefully. Ultimately, this report is about spreading that kind of progress to more parts of the world. Unfortunately, the report also shows that we have more work to do. In many parts of the world, governments are failing to respect their citizens’ basic rights. Some governments continue to use blasphemy and apostacy laws, which banned defamation and renunciation of religion, to police the language of religious minorities. Others curtail expressions of religious belief like restrictions on religious attire. And all societies, including our own and across Europe, must do more to combat rising forms of hate, including anti-Semitism and anti-Muslim sentiment. To highlight a few examples, in March, based on extensive legal review of the evidence, I made the determination that Burma’s military committed genocide and crimes against humanity with the intent to destroy predominantly Muslim Rohingya in 2017 – intent that was evidenced by, among other things, attacks on mosques, the use of religious and ethnic slurs, the desecration of Korans, among, again, many other actions. In Eritrea, only four religious groups are permitted to practice their faith freely, while members of other religious minority groups have been detained, arrested, forced to renounce their faith as a precondition for their release. In Saudi Arabia, we recognize the important recent moves to increase interfaith dialogue and religious tolerance. However, publicly practicing any faith other than Islam remains illegal, and the government continues to discriminate against members of religious minority communities. China continues its genocide and repression of predominately Muslim Uyghurs and other religious minority groups. Since April 2017, more than 1 million Uyghurs, ethnic Kazakhs, Kyrgyz and others have been detained in internment camps in Xinjiang. The PRC continues to harass adherents of other religions that it deems out of line with Chinese Community Party doctrine, including by destroying Buddhist, Christian, Islamic, and Taoist houses of worship and by erecting barriers to employment and housing for Christians, Muslims, Tibetan Buddhists, and Falun Gong practitioners. In Afghanistan, conditions for religious freedom have deteriorated dramatically under the Taliban, particularly as they crack down on the basic rights of women and girls to get an education, to work, to engage in society, often under the banner of religion. Meanwhile, ISIS-K is conducting increasingly violent attacks against religious minorities, particularly Shia Hazaras. In Pakistan, at least 16 individuals accused of blasphemy were sentenced to death by Pakistani courts in 2021, though none of these sentences has yet to be carried out. Beyond these countries, the report documents how religious freedom and the rights of religious minorities are under threat in communities around the world. For example, in India, the world’s largest democracy and home to a great diversity of faiths, we’ve seen rising attacks on people and places of worship; in Vietnam, where authorities harass members of unregistered religious communities; in Nigeria, where several state governments are using antidefamation and blasphemy laws to punish people for expressing their beliefs. The United States will continue to stand up for religious freedom around the world. We’ll keep working alongside other governments, multilateral organizations, civil society to do so, including next month at the United Kingdom’s Ministerial to Advance Religious Freedom. At its core, our work is about ensuring that all people have the freedom to pursue the spiritual tradition that most adds meaning to their time on Earth. It’s about giving people the chance to express themselves freely, which is part of being their fullest selves. That’s the progress. That’s the progress that this report hopes to help create. So once again, I’d like to thank everybody whose hard work made this report possible. And with that, I want to turn the floor over to the person who’s maybe worked the hardest, Ambassador Hussain, to highlight a few themes from this year’s report. Rashad, over to you. (Applause.) AMBASSADOR HUSSAIN: Thank you so much, Mr. Secretary. I’d like to thank President Biden, Vice President Harris, Secretary Blinken for leading United States global efforts to defend and advance human rights, including international religious freedom for all people everywhere. And I’m grateful to our colleagues in governments and to thousands of civil society partners in the United States and around the globe, partners from all political and faith backgrounds, who were instrumental in developing the report. Religious freedom is a critical part of the American story. Our nation was founded centuries around by individuals fleeing religious persecution. It is natural then that freedom of religion was enshrined in America’s founding documents, including in the First Amendment to our Constitution in our Bill of Rights. Freedom of religion is also a universal right enshrined in several international instruments and covenants, including in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Earlier today, we transmitted this year’s 2000-plus page Report on International Religious Freedom to Congress. And I’d like to thank Bob Boehme, his editing team, and our colleagues at embassies and posts around the world for their tireless work in collecting the information that’s in this year’s report. The report gives voice to countless individuals around the world who have been killed, beaten, threatened, harassed, or jailed for seeking to exercise their beliefs in accordance with the dictates of their conscience. The United States will continue to stand for those who are oppressed all over the world. On the pages of this year’s report are stories of individuals who have endured unspeakable persecution, governments that have sought to restrict religious belief, practice, and expression for people across a wide range of belief traditions. Non-state actors have targeted religious groups, attacked places of worship, and vilified religious, ethnic, and racial groups in their hateful narratives, including on social media platforms. From Jehovah’s Witnesses in Russia; Jews in Europe; Baha’is in Iran; Christians in North Korea, Nigeria, and Saudi Arabia; Muslims in Burma and China; Catholics in Nicaragua; and atheists and humanists around the world, no community has been immune from these abuses. I’d like to lay out three key themes in the report. First, too many governments use discriminatory laws and policies and abuse their own people. We have seen two genocides of religious minority communities in recent years – in China and in Burma. Second, rising societal intolerance and hatred are fueling violence and conflict around the world. Governments must not sit silent or stand idly by in the face of such oppression. Third, powerful collaboration among civil society, governments, and multilateral partners has led to some progress and provides hope in addressing these complex challenges. To provide concrete examples of how these themes are playing out around the world: first, far too many governments remain undeterred in the repression of their citizens. It comes as no surprise that the People’s Republic of China is a glaring example here. The PRC Government continue to commit genocide and crimes against humanity against Uyghurs who are predominantly Muslim and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups. The PRC uses sophisticated emerging technologies such as AI and facial recognition to surveil and maintain control of its open-air prison in Xinjiang. Behind all the evidence and data, the many reports of deaths in custody, torture, and physical abuse, there are thousands of Uyghur family members – daughters and sons are desperate to know where their parents are, but are terrified of what news they could discover and are wondering whether they will ever be safely reunited. The PRC Government also continued its crackdown on Tibetan Buddhists. Authorities arrested, tortured, and committed other abuses against Tibetans who promoted their language and culture, possessed pictures and writings of the Dalai Lama, or practiced their religion at Buddhist monasteries. Secretary Blinken recently determined that the Burmese military committed genocide and crimes against humanity against Rohingya. Throughout Burma, already vulnerable communities, including civil society leaders and members of religious and ethnic minority groups, continue to face heightened risk of atrocities and other abuses. Following its designation as a Country of Particular Concern for the first time last year, Russia has doubled down on its violations of religious freedom rather than reverse course. Russian courts regularly reach new milestones for excessive prison sentences against individuals exercising their religious freedom, and Russian authorities carry out hundreds of home raids against suspected extremists that frequently include violence. President Putin sought to justify the unprovoked and unjustified invasion of Ukraine through the blatantly false pretext of de-Nazification. The world clearly sees through this lie and is instead witnessing Russia’s brutal suppression, including suppression of religious leaders and the appalling destruction of religious sites. Religious Freedom conditions in Afghanistan have deteriorated since the Taliban seized control. The Taliban regime and rival militant group ISIS-K have detained, intimidated, threatened, and attacked members of religious minority communities. And as the Secretary stated, in India some officials are ignoring or even supporting rising attacks on people and places of worship. To elaborate further on the report’s second theme, there are a number of ways that rising societal intolerance and hatred are fueling violence and conflict around the world. Governments must speak out and protect the vulnerable and marginalized. Anti-Semitism, anti-Muslim hatred, and xenophobia are on the rise in many countries. Democratic backsliding and the rise of nationalism and nativist rhetoric and policies have been used to justify violence towards members of ethnic or religious minority groups and historically marginalized peoples. Social media platforms are used to spread hate speech and to incite violence by vilifying and threatening members of religious minorities. And finally, I’d like to say a little bit more about the report’s third theme, how collaboration between civil society and government has created some progress. While this report paints a challenging picture of the state of religious freedom around the world, we remain hopeful about the future. Civil society groups and countries all over the world are essential to this report and to our work. Their advocacy changes laws, it lifts up the names of prisoners, provides lawyers to fight against spurious charges, and pushes governments including our own to do the right thing. I’ve had the opportunity to work with civil society on powerful initiatives, such as the Marrakesh Declaration, which affirms the rights of Christians and other religious minorities in Muslim-majority countries, and the Istanbul Process, which rejects criminalization of blasphemy. Independent and strong civil societies help governments solve problems and better serve their people by shining a light on the issues that matter most. Where civil society thrives, governments operate with more transparency and accountability, creating a tangible impact on the lives of everyday citizens. We must listen to and empower the voices of civil society, including those who dissent from majority views or criticize the government, as we work towards a more just and peaceful future for us all. Change is only possible with the hard work of the groups and individuals dedicated to fighting for these rights. Today, more than ever, we have tools at our disposal to facilitate the flow of information to keep individuals informed. We have mechanisms to shed light on abuses taking place, and we have the means to hold bad actors accountable. We have more partners in this effort now than ever before, including religious leaders. And religion can be such a powerful force for good, and it should never be used to harm people. Our greatest hope is that together we can unite our efforts to ensure respect for freedom of religion or belief for all people around the globe, and we continue to stand in solidarity with all people seeking to exercise their beliefs. Thank you. (Applause.) SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you all. Appreciate the good work. (Applause.)

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿特区 2022年3月5日   发言人内德·普赖斯 (Ned Price) 的声明 美国在乌克兰危机中的多边领导作用 自从普京总统 (President Putin) 一周前对乌克兰发动无端、无理和违背良知的侵略以来，全球国际社会坚定地团结起来，纷纷谴责俄罗斯的侵略行径并要求立即停止这一行径。为使这一共同行动能够发出呼声并表明宗旨，必须要有联合国等现有国际组织，在这些组织中，俄罗斯政府及其日益减少的支持者无法阻止对其行径进行严格审视。 拜登总统 (President Biden) 早期外交政策中的优先事项之一是重新确立美国在联合国和其他国际组织中的领导地位，我们的价值观、安全和繁荣能够在这些组织中得到保障和推动。从本周一系列卓著的多边行动中可以清楚地看到这一努力的成功。 在 2 月 25 日召开的联合国安理会 (UN Security Council) 上，美国和阿尔巴尼亚共同提出了一项还有另外 80 个联合国会员国联合发起的决议，要求停止入侵乌克兰，并明确表示俄罗斯对持续发生的暴力事件负有全部责任。俄罗斯对该决议的否决恰恰突显了它在国际社会中日益孤立的窘境。正如美国驻联合国大使琳达·托马斯–格林菲尔德 (Linda Thomas-Greenfield) 在投票后所说的：“俄罗斯无法否决《联合国宪章》。俄罗斯不能、也将无法否决其应负的罪责。” 紧随这一行动之后，安理会于 2 月 27 日投票，要求联合国召开有关乌克兰问题的紧急特别会议。这次特别会议对俄罗斯及其对乌克兰人民和乌克兰主权的残酷攻击进行了前所未有的谴责。来自世界各地的 141 个联合国会员国都投票支持一项谴责俄罗斯侵略并要求立即停止入侵的决议。在两天的讨论结束时，俄罗斯只拉拢了四个国家组成的流氓阵营来支持其违背良知的行径和谎言。 联合国人权理事会 (Human Rights Council) 于周五结束了一场就克里姆林宫对乌克兰发动战争的紧急辩论。该理事会以压倒多数的支持票要求俄罗斯停止对乌克兰人民的攻击。俄罗斯几乎处于完全孤立的状态。该决议确定了理事会可以设立的最高审查级别：成立一个调查委员会。这一强大的调查机制将确保对俄罗斯在乌克兰的残酷行径进行仔细的、可以核查的记录，以便对普京总统以及其他负有罪责的人追究责任。 我们以及合作伙伴和盟友也在联合国系统的各个机构以及相关国际组织中提出了俄罗斯的侵略行径问题，这些组织包括国际原子能机构 (International Atomic Energy Agency)、国际民用航空组织 (International Civil Aviation Organization)以及国际海事组织 (International Maritime Organization)。我们在所有这些机构中所传达的信息明确无误：在俄罗斯对其邻国发动残酷战争的情况下，根本不可能一切照常进行。 即便对于那些最坚定的外交人员来说，多边外交有时也会令人感到举步维艰。但是，面对如此赤裸裸的对和平与安全的蔑视，世界各国纷纷采取行动团结起来，孤立侵略者。国际团结和集体行动有力地表明，联合国等多边组织在有效应对基于规则的国际秩序所受到的威胁方面具有独特作用而且不可或缺。这不仅仅是一个认识到联合国的作用的时刻，也是一个加强和振兴国际体系以防止未来发生此类侵略的机会。 正如拜登总统所说：“绝大多数国家都已认识到，普京不仅仅是在攻击乌克兰，而且是在攻击全球和平与安全的根基——以及联合国所代表的一切”。  欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/u-s-multilateral-leadership-on-the-crisis-in-ukraine/  本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

U.S. Multilateral Leadership on the Crisis in Ukraine PRESS STATEMENT NED PRICE, DEPARTMENT SPOKESPERSON MARCH 5, 2022 Since President Putin launched his unprovoked, unjustified, and unconscionable invasion of Ukraine over a week ago, the international community across continents has spoken with powerful unity to denounce Russia’s aggression and demand its cessation. Giving voice and purpose to that common cause requires ready international venues such as the United Nations, where the Russian government and its dwindling supporters cannot impede scrutiny of their actions. One of President Biden’s early foreign policy priorities was to reestablish American leadership at the United Nations and other international organizations, where our values, security, and prosperity could be protected and advanced. The success of that effort can clearly be seen in this week’s remarkable series of multilateral actions. In the UN Security Council on February 25, the United States and Albania introduced a resolution co-sponsored by an additional 80 UN member states demanding an end to the invasion and making clear that Russia alone bears responsibility for the ongoing violence.  Russia’s veto of that resolution only underscored its growing international isolation.  As U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Linda Thomas-Greenfield stated after the vote, “Russia cannot veto the UN Charter.  Russia cannot, and will not, veto accountability.” That action was followed quickly by a February 27 Security Council vote to call for an Emergency Special Session of the UN General Assembly on Ukraine.  That Special Session resulted in an unprecedented repudiation of Russia and its horrific assault on the people of Ukraine and Ukraine’s sovereignty.  One hundred forty-one UN Member States, from all regions, voted in support of a resolution condemning Russia’s aggression and calling for an immediate end to its invasion.  At the end of two days of discussion, Russia could only assemble a rogue’s gallery of four nations to support its unconscionable actions and false narratives. On Friday, the UN Human Rights Council concluded an Urgent Debate on the Kremlin’s war against Ukraine.  The Council voted overwhelmingly to demand that Russia halt its assault on the Ukrainian people.  Russia stood virtually isolated.  The resolution establishes the highest level of scrutiny the Council can create: a Commission of Inquiry.  This powerful investigative mechanism will ensure that Russia’s horrific conduct in Ukraine is carefully and verifiably documented so those responsible, like President Putin, can be held to account. We and our partners and allies are also raising Russia’s aggression in every corner of the UN system and in related international organizations, such as the International Atomic Energy Agency, International Civil Aviation Organization, and International Maritime Organization. Our message in all these bodies is clear: there can be no business as usual so long as Russia wages this brutal war on its neighbor. Multilateral diplomacy can at times frustrate even the most determined of diplomats.  But, when faced with such naked contempt for peace and security, the nations of the world took action to unite and isolate the aggressor.  The powerful display of international solidarity and collective action demonstrates the unique role and indispensability of multilateral organizations like the United Nations to effectively respond against threats to the rules-based international order.  This is not only a time to appreciate the role of the United Nations, but it is also an opportunity to strengthen and revitalize the international system to prevent such aggression in the future. As President Biden has said: “An overwhelming majority of nations recognize that Putin is not only attacking Ukraine, he is attacking the very foundations of global peace and security—and everything the United Nations stands for.”

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区 2020年5月20日   迈克尔·蓬佩奥国务卿的声明 履行美国应对COVID-19冠状病毒疫情的承诺，追加提供对外援助   在国内外抗击COVID-19全球性疫情数月之后，美国继续引领全球对抗这场疫情的努力，并巩固几十年来在拯救生命的医卫和人道主义援助方面的领导作用。由于美国人民慷慨相助，我们的对外援助正在全世界拯救生命，并帮助缓解严重的经济困难。   美国人民今天承诺追加提供1.62亿美元用于应对COVID-19，使自疫情爆发至今所提供的援助总额超过10亿美元，以此继续证明他们是全世界所知晓的最慷慨的人道主义者。   今天宣布的这笔新资金将继续支持至关重要的健康方面的干预努力；水、环境卫生及个人卫生；防护；以及物流安排；同时还开始应对COVID-19全球性疫情所造成的粮食不安全状况的迅速增多。这笔资金支持紧急粮食援助，是我们至今提供的抗击COVID-19追加资金的首次努力。由于COVID-19全球性疫情破坏供应链、限制行动并制造了宏观经济不稳定的状况，紧急粮食援助尤为重要。这是我们多层面的人道主义应对努力的一部分，在最贫弱的群体经受这种致命病毒的影响之时拯救他们的生命。   美国作为一个国家已真正调动起来，在国内外抗击COVID-19疫情，并履行了特朗普总统（President Trump）向我们在非洲、亚洲、欧洲和拉丁美洲的盟友提供呼吸机的承诺。第一批由美国国际发展署（U.S. Agency for International Development）捐赠的美国制造的呼吸机已于5月11日运抵南非，还有更多的为其他伙伴和盟友提供的物资即将送达。   即便是在国内抗击这种病毒之时，私营美国公司、非营利组织、慈善机构、信仰团体以及个人继续伸出援手，数额超过了全世界其他地区之和，在我们的政府所提供的援助之外，已向全球提供的捐赠和援助超过了43亿美元。

STATEMENT BY SECRETARY MICHAEL R. POMPEO May 20, 2020 Months into fighting the COVID-19 pandemic at home and abroad, the United States is continuing to lead the global charge against the pandemic, building on decades of leadership in life-saving health and humanitarian assistance. Through the generosity of the American people, our foreign assistance is saving lives and helping to mitigate economic devastation around the world. The American people continue to prove they are the most generous humanitarians the world has ever known with today’s commitment of an additional $162 million for COVID-19 response, bringing the total to date to more than $1 billion since the outbreak began. The new funding announced today will continue to support vital interventions in health; water, sanitation, and hygiene; protection; and logistics; while also beginning to address the rapid rise in food insecurity driven by the COVID-19 pandemic. This funding supports emergency food assistance, a first in our provision of COVID-19 supplemental funding to-date. Emergency food assistance is particularly important as the COVID-19 pandemic has disrupted supply chains, restricted movement and created macroeconomic instability. It is part of our multifaceted humanitarian response to save the lives of the most vulnerable as they weather the impacts of this deadly virus. The United States has truly mobilized as a nation to combat COVID-19 both at home and abroad, and has fulfilled President Trump’s commitment to provide ventilators to our allies in Africa, Asia, Europe and Latin America. The first shipment of American-made ventilators donated by the U.S. Agency for International Development arrived in South Africa on May 11, and more are on the way to other partners and allies. Even while battling the virus here at home, private American businesses, nonprofits, charities, faith-based groups, and individuals continue to out give the entire rest of the world combined, having provided more than $4.3 billion in donations and assistance globally, in addition to what our government has provided.

大家，早安。 我是Matt Pottinger，副国家安全顾问，在白宫与您讲话。我带来我的上司，美国第四十五任总统Donald J. Trump向大家的热情致意。 今天我们在线聚集了几千个来自不同的地区的人，因为传染病大流行使我们没有办法相聚。 但通过因特网的奇迹，我们聚集的规模反而更大。作为美国人、作为中国人、作为人类大家庭的成员、我们大家都各尽所能，发挥着从“宏大”到“小巧”的创造力，克服困难，保护社区。 人类创造力的“宏大”包括利用生物技术和数据分析来开发治疗方法和疫苗。同时，创造力的“小巧” 包括生活中的细微之处，比如，待在家里学习相互剪剪头发。我的妻子是个有经验的病毒学家，她今天也在，不过从我的头，您可能发现作为家庭理发师，她还是个新手。 这是我第二次有幸在弗吉尼亚大学米勒中心与听众交谈。 约十年前，在海军陆战队服役后，我应邀在米勒中心发言，内容是我从兵役中学到的知识，还有军队与公民的关系。 从那以后，我始终记得米勒中心主任Jerry Baliles的热情和睿智，但他不幸在去年10月去世。他曾为弗吉尼亚和我们国家的公共利益，而服务终生。 我们感谢像Jerry这样的人。 今天，我受 Harry Harding(何汉理)教授和林夏如(Shirley Lin)教授的邀请，同大家分享关于美中关系的一些想法。 林教授告诉我，这次活动恰好是在 “五四”一百零一周年之际。我知道，这是个很好的切入点来展开从美国的视角讨论关于中国的过去和现在。 1919年的“五四”，一次大战结束，北京数千大学生聚集在天安门广场，抗议中国在巴黎和会上受到的不公平待遇。 西方国家为了安抚日本帝国，将德国在山东半岛 “权益”转让日本。 游行到天安门的学生高喊：“还我山东！” “拒签《凡尔赛条约》！”等口号，警察强力驱散示威人士。正如政府关闭和平表达的途径后经常会发生的那样，一些学生诉诸暴力，抗议升级。 意识到民怨沸腾，中国政府拒绝签署《凡尔赛条约》。 三年以后，在美国的帮助和调停下，1922年在华盛顿海军会议达成协议，中国收回了山东。然而，一百零一年前的今天，学生们发起的运动，意义远远超越了对不平等条约的民族主义的愤慨。它激励了对中国人民对现代化的探索。 正如John Pomfret（潘文）所描述的美中关系历史中提到，“五四”运动在于“彻底改变了中国的政治，社会和文化”。 “赛先生”和“德先生”是那次中国现代化运动的口号。 有人称运动为“中国的启蒙运动”。 Vera Schwarcz（舒衡哲）教授以此为题目，写了本关于“五四”的很有见地的书。 实际上，关于“五四”有很多极好的研究。 今天至少有两位著名的当代中国历史学家应邀参加会议：牛津大学的Rana Mitter和弗吉尼亚大学的John Israel。探讨“五四”的历史和意义，我建议请教这些专家。 现在我想花几分钟，来回顾几个张扬了“五四”精神的中国人。 很自然，胡适是“五四”时代最有影响力的领导人之一：此前，他已经是个为中国现代化而努力的重要思想家。出生在安徽省的胡适，同鲁迅和许多成名作家一样，当时到国外留过学。在康奈尔大学他从学农业，转向学习哲学。胡适曾在美国教育家John Dewey的指导下在哥伦比亚大学学习。 胡适贡献给中国人最伟大的礼物是语言。之前，中国的书面语言“文言文”几个世纪以来基本上没有变化。许多研究证明，文言文与白话的距离，不亚于拉丁文同现代意大利语。书面语言的艰深，在统治者和被统治者之间设置了鸿沟——这是问题的关键。 文言文，还有识字本身，主要由少数政治精英和读书人掌握，他们最大的愿望是“中举”，读书不是为了普罗大众。 与此相反，胡适认为文字应该反映人民的声音，而不只是记录先贤。“是什么时代的人, 说什么时代的话!” 他推广白话文，确信文字要普及。他对中文语言的发展起了关键作用。 事后看来，胡适推广白话文的意义是如此之明显，以至于很容易忘记，这在当时是革命性的想法，曾引起过极大的争议。 北京大学的儒家学者和西方文学教授辜鸿铭，嘲笑扫盲。 他在1919年8月写道：“想想四万万人，九成识字，结果是什么。 想一想，在北京，苦力、马夫、司机、剃头匠、店小二、小商贩、猎人、懒汉，流浪汉都有文化，同大学生一样，都想参与政治，我们的美妙处境会怎样呢？” 这种精英沙文主义一直阻碍了“五四”所拥护的民主理想。 胡适运用他所推广的白话，巧妙地反驳了反对全民社会契约的论点。 胡适说：“民主的唯一途径就是民主”政府是一门手艺，需要实践。 胡适根本不在乎精英主义。 但“五四”运动的领军人经常受到各方指责，政府官员或御用文人曾经指责，“五四”运动偏袒西方，中国气息不够，甚至不爱国。 但学者张彭春的生平事迹，驳斥了“五四”不够“中国化”的观点。同样是‘五四’一代，像好友胡适一样，张彭春拿到奖学金，到美国留学。出于对戏剧的爱好，他第一个把“花木兰”改变成为舞台剧。他把西方话剧介绍到兄长资助的南开大学；再把名旦梅兰芳 邀请到美国演出西化的京剧。中国的传统道德修养和严格的教育理念中，张彭春看到了可以与西方思想相结合而形成新事物的优势。 这最终彰显了张彭春的最高成就：对《世界人权宣言》的决定性贡献。 这份宣言是第二次世界大战后由罗斯福夫人（Eleanor Roosevelt）主持的国际专家小组起草的。代表中国的资深外交官张彭春是该小组的成员。 《宣言》的目的是通过道义上的要求，使政府尊重基本人权来防止专制和战争。1948年宣言中规定的人权包括生命、自由、安全、不被奴役或遭受酷刑、宗教自由以及思想自由。 John Pomfret曾写道：“把西方的个人主义和中国的集体主义结合起来，” 张彭春促成了一份所有国家适用的普世宣言。张彭春认为，《人权宣言》不仅仅是关于个人权利，也同个人对社会的义务有关。 张彭春的传记作家，斯德哥尔摩大学的Hans Ingvar Roth强调了他对《世界人权宣言》的贡献，他说：“如今宣言中最有意义的所有方面，比如宣言的普世性、宗教中立性、对个人基本需求和尊严的强调，张彭春都有关键贡献。” 《宣言》在联合国通过后的短短几年，对中国缺乏民主感到沮丧，张彭春辞去了外交官职务。不难发现，张彭春对政府缺乏民主的判断并不来自于古希腊哲学，而是中国传统思想中对领导的品德要求。张彭春和胡适都知道“中国人不适和民主” 不过是一派胡言，是最不爱国的论调。今天的台湾就是鲜活的证据。 那么，如今中国“五四”精神在哪里呢？ 在我看来，现在“五四”的继承人，就是有公民意识的中国公民，其表现在于他们做出的大大小小的勇敢行为。李文亮医生就是这样的人。 李医生并不是寻求拯救中国的公共知识分子，是个眼科医生，年轻的父亲。他先是做出了小小的勇敢行动，然后才是更大的英勇举措。 十二月下旬，他最初是通过微信向几名医学院同学传递警告，说武汉医院发现严重的冠状病毒病例，敦促朋友们保护自己和家人。 他的警示，没想到，在网上被广为传播，李医生感到不安。不安是有充分理由的。 医院主管迅速告诫他，不要透露冠状病毒病例的消息。 然后，李医生，因“在互联网上发表虚假评论”，受到警察的“训诫”，被迫签字承认“造谣”，被威胁诉讼。如果有人怀疑，这只是地方警察的过激行为，那么官方动用中央电视台对李医生所谓“谣传”大肆宣传，会消除任何疑问。 然后，李医生做了一件大胆的英勇举措。 他在社交媒体上发表了自己在派出所的遭遇，附上了警察的警告信。全世界都密切关注。 那时李医生已经感染了冠状病毒。他在二月七日的去世使全世界人民感觉像失去了亲人一样。李医生告诉记者：“我认为，健康的社会，应该有多个声音，我不赞成公权力的过度干预。” 李医生使用的是胡适的“大白话”。 在今天的中国, 见记者， 或当记者都需要勇气。如今在中国，连找到国内外的调查记者都难上加难。一些试图揭露武汉疫情的公民记者失踪了，包括陈秋实、方斌和李泽华。 最 近几个月，被驱逐出境的外国记者人数超过了几十年中被苏联驱逐出境的人数。 李文亮的医生同事艾芬医生也对武汉的疫情提出了警告。据报道，艾芬医生在接受采访后再也不能露面了。 当政府压制有点勇气的普通行为时，往往招致更大胆的英勇行为。 过去的几个月中，有许多人表现出道德和行动上的勇气，都在追求一个世纪前胡适、张彭春后几代人的共同理想。他们中有政治人物、有人把生命献给了信仰，也有人遵循中国传统的良心学者，很多是普通公民。许章润、任志强，许志勇、伊力哈木、方方、20位拒绝上帝服从共产党的天主教神父，以及去年数百万为法治—法律的统治—而和平示威的香港市民。这些还只是少数。 今天， 五四运动进入它第二个世纪。它的最终遗产将是什么？这个问题，只有中国人民才能回答啊。 五四运动属于他们。“五四”的民主愿望还会等到下一世纪吗？“五四”的核心思想会不会每次都被官方的审查而抹掉？ 今天仍然坚信这一主张的人会被称为“不爱国”、“亲美”有“颠覆性”吗？我们知道共产党会尽量这样做的。 毕竟，毛泽东对“五四”英雄中少数仍被官方承认的最著名作家鲁迅的宽容度也是有限的。1957年，官员罗稷南问毛泽东：“鲁迅今天还活着会怎样？” 毛泽东的回答语惊四座，“要么被关在牢里继续写他的，要么一句话也不说。” 那些有志在中国寻求真理、说真话的人可能会感到安慰，鲁迅写道：“墨写的谎说，决掩不住血写的真实。” 最后，从美国的角度来看：胡适以解决问题而不在乎抽象政治理论著称。 但是，让我打破他“少谈主义”的规则，试问今天的中国是否能从少一些民族主义和多一些平民主义中受益。平民主义民主较少关注左与右，而是关注上与下。 就是说，少数人需要得到多数人的同意。 当掌握特权的人脱离群众、变得狭隘和自私，平民主义能使他们退缩或出局。这是一种动力。 它推动了2015年的英国脱欧；2016年特朗普总统胜选；推动了贵校的创始人1776年参与签署《独立宣言》。它能提醒国家权贵记住他们应该为谁工作：“美国优先”！ 类似的想法不也在“五四”精神中存在吗？ 胡适的白话文难道不是针对自觉了不起的贵族吗？难道不是对传统权力结构的宣战吗？不是要在中国建立“民为重”的政府，而不是“打江山坐江山”吗？世界将等待中国人民最终提供的答案。 感谢大家！

FOREIGN POLICY Issued on: May 4, 2020 The following is the English language version of a speech that was delivered by Deputy National Security Advisor Matt Pottinger in Mandarin Chinese. Click here for Mandarin version. Good morning everyone.  I’m Matt Pottinger, the Deputy National Security Advisor, speaking to you from the White House.  I bring warm greetings from the 45th President of the United States, Donald J. Trump. We gather today online, from a thousand different places, because a pandemic still prohibits us from meeting in person.  But through the marvel of the Internet, we have managed to come together as an even bigger group than if there had been no public health emergency.  In ways big and small, we are all tapping our ingenuity as Americans, as Chinese, as human beings, to overcome hardship and preserve our communities. “Big” examples of human ingenuity include harnessing biotechnology and data analytics to develop therapies and vaccines.  “Small” examples of ingenuity include family members figuring out how to give each other haircuts when barbershops are closed.  My wife, who is speaking on a panel later today, is a highly trained virologist.  She is new to her role as the family barber, as you might have guessed by looking at my hair. This is the second time I’ve had the privilege of addressing an audience at the Miller Center at the University of Virginia.  Nearly a decade ago I was invited to speak about what I’d learned from service in the Marine Corps and about the relationship between our military and the civilians it defends.  Since that day, I’ve never forgotten the warmth and wisdom of the Miller Center’s director, Governor Jerry Baliles, who passed away last October after a life of public service to the Commonwealth of Virginia and to our nation.  We give thanks for people like Jerry. Today, I’ve been invited by Professors Harry Harding and Shirley Lin to share some thoughts about U.S.-China relations.  When Professor Lin told me this event would land precisely on the 101st anniversary of the start of China’s historic May Fourth Movement, I knew I had a potent topic for discussing the China of then and now. On May the fourth, 1919, following the end of World War I, thousands of university students from across Beijing converged on Tiananmen Square to protest China’s unfair treatment at the Paris Peace Conference.  Western nations chose to appease Imperial Japan by granting it control of Chinese territory that Germany had previously occupied, including the Shandong Peninsula. The Chinese students who marched to Tiananmen that day shouted “give us back Shandong!” and “don’t sign the Versailles Treaty!”   Police forced the students to disperse.  But, as frequently happens when governments close down avenues for peaceful expression, some protesters resorted to violence.  In a principled move that acknowledged popular anger, China refused to sign the Treaty of Versailles later that year. China would regain control of Shandong three years later with the help of the United States, which brokered an agreement at the Washington Naval Conference in 1922.  But the movement ignited by those students exactly 101 years ago was about much more than nationalist outrage at “unequal treaties.”  The movement galvanized a long-running struggle for the soul of modern China.  As John Pomfret wrote in his fine history of U.S.-China relations, the May Fourth Movement aimed for “a wholesale transformation of Chinese politics, society, and culture.” “Mr. Science” and “Mr. Democracy” were the mottos of this movement to transport China into modernity. Some called the movement the “Chinese Enlightenment.”  Vera Schwarcz wrote an insightful book by that title.  In fact, there’s a lot of good scholarship on this subject.  At least two eminent historians of modern China are participating in this event today—Oxford’s Rana Mitter and the University of Virginia’s John Israel.  I refer you to the experts to explore the history and meaning of the May Fourth Movement. But I would like to spend a few minutes highlighting a few Chinese heroes that I believe embody the May Fourth spirit, then and now. Hu Shih is naturally identified as one of the most influential leaders of the May Fourth era.  He was already an influential thinker on modernizing China.  Hu Shih’s family was from Anhui province.  Like Lu Xun and many other leading writers of their generation, Hu Shih traveled overseas to study.  After switching his focus at Cornell from agriculture to philosophy, Hu Shih studied at Columbia University under the American educator John Dewey. Hu Shih would contribute one of the greatest gifts imaginable to the Chinese people:  The gift of language.  Up until then, China’s written language was “classical,” featuring a grammar and vocabulary largely unchanged for centuries.  As many who have studied it can attest, classical Chinese feels about as close to spoken Chinese as Latin does to modern Italian.  The inaccessibility of the written language presented a gulf between rulers and the ruled—and that was the point.  The written word—literacy itself—was the domain primarily of a small ruling elite and of intellectuals, many of whom aspired to serve as officials.  Literacy simply wasn’t for “the masses.” Hu Shih believed otherwise.  In his view, written Chinese—in form and content—should reflect the voices of living Chinese people rather than the documents of dead officials. “Speak in the language of the time in which you live,” he admonished readers. He believed in making literacy commonplace.  He played a key role promoting a written language rooted in the vernacular, or baihua—literally “plain speech.”  Hu Shih’s promotion of baihua is an idea so obvious in hindsight that it is easy to miss how revolutionary it was at the time.  It was also highly controversial. Gu Hongmin, a Confucian gentleman and Western literature professor at Peking University, ridiculed widespread literacy for China and what it implied.  In August 1919 he wrote: “Just fancy what the result would be if ninety percent of [China’s] four hundred million people were to become literate.  Imagine only what a fine state of things we would have if here in Peking the coolies, mafoos [stable boys], chauffeurs, barbers, shop boys, hawkers, hunters, loafers, vagabonds, [etc.] all became literate and wanted to take part in politics as well as the University students.”   Such elitist chauvinism was—and some would argue still remains—a headwind impeding the democratic ideals espoused by the May Fourth Movement.  Hu Shih, wielding the language he had helped bring to life, skillfully dismantled arguments against broadening the social contract.  “The only way to have democracy is to have democracy,” Hu Shih argued.  “Government is an art, and as such it needs practice.”  Hu Shih didn’t have time for elitism. Still, May Fourth leaders were constantly sapped of energy by accusations, sometimes leveled by government officials or their proxies among the literati, that the movement was slavishly pro-Western, insufficiently Chinese, or even unpatriotic. The life and contributions of P.C. Chang make a mockery of the notion that the May Fourth ideals weren’t “Chinese” enough.  Like his friend Hu Shih, Chang had studied in the United States on a scholarship.  Attracted to the theater, he was the first to adapt the Chinese story of Mulan for the stage.  He brought Western plays to Nankai University, which his brother helped found.  And he organized a tour of the United States by the Peking Opera star Mei Lanfang, adapting the music and dance to Western tastes.  In China’s philosophy of moral cultivation and rigorous education, Chang saw advantages that could be combined with ideas from the West to form something new. This culminated in Chang’s crowning achievement:  His decisive contributions to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.  This was the document drafted after World War II by an international panel chaired by Eleanor Roosevelt.  Chang, who was by then a veteran diplomat representing China, was a member of the panel.  The declaration’s aim was to prevent despotism and war by morally obligating governments to respect fundamental rights.  The rights enshrined in the 1948 declaration include life, liberty, and security; the right not to be held in slavery or subjected to torture; the right to freedom of religion; and the right to freedom of thought. “Marrying Western belief in the primacy of the individual with Chinese concern for the greater good” Chang helped craft a document that would be relevant to all nations, John Pomfret wrote.  A declaration on human rights was not simply about the rights of the individual, in Chang’s view. It was also about the individual’s obligations to society. Chang’s biographer, Hans Ingvar Roth of Stockholm University, highlighted the weight of Chang’s contributions to the Declaration:  “Chang stands out as the key figure for all of the attributes now considered significant for this document: its universality, its religious neutrality, and its focus on the fundamental needs and the dignity of individual human beings.” A few short years after the Declaration was adopted by the United Nations, Chang resigned his post as a Chinese diplomat, having grown dismayed by the lack of democracy in China.  In diagnosing the problem, it is easy to imagine P.C. Chang prescribing a closer reading not of ancient Greek philosophy, but of traditional Chinese ideals about virtuous leadership.  The cliché that Chinese people can’t be trusted with democracy was, as both P.C. Chang and Hu Shih knew, the most unpatriotic idea of all.  Taiwan today is a living repudiation of that threadbare mistruth. So who embodies the May Fourth spirit in China today?  To my mind, the heirs of May Fourth are civic-minded citizens who commit small acts of bravery. And sometimes big acts of bravery.  Dr. Li Wenliang was such a person.  Dr. Li wasn’t a demagogue in search of a new ideology that might save China.  He was an ophthalmologist and a young father who committed a small act of bravery and then a big act of bravery.  His small act of bravery, in late December, was to pass along a warning via WeChat to his former medical school classmates that patients afflicted by a dangerous new virus were turning up in Wuhan hospitals.  He urged his friends to protect their families. When his warning circulated more widely than he intended, Dr. Li was upset and anxious—and with good reason.  Supervisors at his hospital quickly admonished him for leaking word of the coronavirus cases.  Dr. Li was then interrogated by the police, made to sign a “confession,” and threatened with prosecution if he spoke out again.  Anyone tempted to believe this was just a case of overzealous local police, take note: China’s central government aired a news story about Dr. Li’s “rumor-mongering.” Then Dr. Li did a big brave thing.  He went public with his experience of being silenced by the police.  The whole world paid close attention.  By this time, Dr. Li had contracted the disease he’d warned about.  His death on February 7 felt like the loss of a relative for people around the world.  Dr. Li’s comment to a reporter from his deathbed still rings in our ears: “I think there should be more than one voice in a healthy society, and I don’t approve of using public power for excessive interference.” Dr. Li was using Hu Shih-style “plain speech” to make a practical point. It takes courage to speak to a reporter—or to work as one—in today’s China.  Even finding an investigative reporter in China, foreign or local, is getting hard.  Citizen journalists who tried to shed light on the outbreak in Wuhan went missing, including Chen Qiushi, Fang Bin and Li Zehua.  More foreign reporters were expelled in recent months than the Soviet Union expelled over decades.  Dr. Ai Fen, a colleague of Dr. Li Wenliang who also raised the alarm about the outbreak in Wuhan, reportedly can no longer appear in public after she spoke to a reporter. When small acts of bravery are stamped out by governments, big acts of bravery follow. We have seen big acts of moral and physical courage recently by people pursuing the ideals that Hu Shih and P.C. Chang championed a century ago.  Some are political insiders; some have devoted their lives to God. Others follow the long tradition of scholars serving as China’s conscience.  Many are regular citizens.  Xu Zhangrun, Ren Zhiqiang, Xu Zhiyong, Ilham Tohti, Fang Fang, 20 Catholic priests who have refused to subordinate God to the Communist Party, and the millions of Hong Kong citizens who peacefully demonstrated for the rule of law last year.  The list goes on. As the May Fourth Movement today marks the inaugural year of its second century, what will its ultimate legacy be?  It is a question only the Chinese people themselves can answer.  The May Fourth Movement belongs to them.  Will the movement’s democratic aspirations remain unfulfilled for another century?  Will its core ideas be deleted or distorted through official censorship and disinformation?  Will its champions be slandered as “unpatriotic,” “pro-American,” “subversive”?  We know the Communist Party will do its best to make it so.  After all, Mao Zedong had limited tolerance even for Lu Xun, China’s most celebrated modern writer and one of the minority of May Fourth heroes whose writing wasn’t heavily censored by the Party.  In 1957, an official named Luo Jinan asked Chairman Mao: “What if Lu Xun were alive today?”  Mao’s reply about the national hero surprised many in the audience:  “He could either sit in jail or continue to write or he could remain silent.” Those with the fortitude to seek and speak the truth in China today may take comfort, however, in something Lu Xun wrote:  “Lies written in ink can never disguise facts written in blood.” One final thought, from a U.S. perspective:  Hu Shih famously preferred solving concrete problems to wallowing in abstract political theory.  But let me break his rule against discussing “isms” to ask whether China today would benefit from a little less nationalism and a little more populism.  Democratic populism is less about left versus right than top versus bottom.  It’s about reminding a few that they need the consent of many to govern.  When a privileged few grow too remote and self-interested, populism is what pulls them back or pitches them overboard.  It has a kinetic energy.  It fueled the Brexit vote of 2015 and President Trump’s election in 2016.  It moved the founder of your university to pen a declaration of independence in 1776.  It is an admonition to the powerful of this country to remember who they’re supposed to work for: America first. Wasn’t a similar idea beating in the heart of the May Fourth Movement, too?  Weren’t Hu Shih’s language reforms a declaration of war against aristocratic pretension?  Weren’t they a broadside against the Confucian power structure that enforced conformity over free thought?  Wasn’t the goal to achieve citizen-centric government in China, and not replace one regime-centric model with another one?  The world will wait for the Chinese people to furnish the answers. Thank you.

Ambassador Keshap Discusses the Indo-Pacific Strategy and U.S. Priorities for the East Asia Summit at the CSIS Asian Architecture Conference 2020 克夏大使在美国战略与国际研究中心2020亚洲架构年会讨论印太战略及美国在东亚峰会上的优先事项 REMARKS AMBASSADOR ATUL KESHAP, PRINCIPAL DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY BUREAU OF EAST ASIAN AND PACIFIC AFFAIRS CENTER FOR STRATEGIC AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES ASIAN ARCHITECTURE CONFERENCE 2020 VIRTUAL NOVEMBER 10, 2020 Thank you, Greg, for that kind introduction. I’m honored to be with you today to discuss U.S. priorities for this year’s East Asia Summit.  I’m joined by my good friend and colleague Deputy Assistant Secretary of State David Feith.  David, as many of you know, leads our multilateral engagement in the Indo-Pacific, and he has been a tremendous partner in helping us to realize the goals of our Indo-Pacific Strategy. After my brief remarks, David and I look forward to your questions. Vision for the Indo-Pacific In just a few days, leaders from around the Indo-Pacific will gather virtually for the East Asia Summit, or EAS.  The 18 members of the EAS include the ten ASEAN member states and their eight dialogue partners, including many partners and allies of the United States. The last major EAS event was in September, at the ministerial when Secretary Pompeo joined his counterparts for a useful discussion on the region’s political and security challenges.  I know the Secretary was heartened to hear the widespread support for transparency, the rule of law, and respect for sovereignty, and to hear shared concerns over recent threats to those values. Let me take a moment to mention a few of our major engagements over the past few months, despite the pandemic: In June, Secretary Pompeo met with Yang Jiechi in Honolulu; our dialogue with the PRC is ongoing while we work through our differences. In July, Secretary Pompeo and former Secretary Esper met their Australian counterparts face to face in Washington, D.C. demonstrating the enduring bonds between our two countries. Last month, the Secretary participated in the Quad meeting in Tokyo.  This forum represents multilateral diplomacy at its best – effective, and efficient, and working for the security of the Indo-Pacific. The Secretary participated in the important 2+2 meetings in Delhi. And he recently wrapped up very productive meetings with our partners in Jakarta, Hanoi, Colombo, and Malé in the Maldives. This week the Secretary welcomed to Washington ROK Foreign Minister Kang for important discussions between allies. This year, HHS Secretary Azar and Under Secretary of State for Economic Growth, Energy and Environment Keith Krach made historic trips to Taiwan. And importantly Deputy Secretary of State Biegun has had regular calls with key Indo-Pacific counterparts on our fight against COVID and planning for the region’s economic recovery. So as we carry on our bilateral efforts to ensure the security and economic prosperity of the region, we recognize the importance of fora like the EAS, with ASEAN at its center. At this year’s EAS, we will again describe our bold vision for the Indo-Pacific that the President outlined in Vietnam in 2017.  We’ll focus on what we have achieved so far and what we want to achieve going forward. Our Indo-Pacific vision aligns with the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific and with the priorities of our allies and partners. It is based on principles that underpin peace and security, including transparency, fair and reciprocal trade, adherence to international law, energy security, and a commitment to ASEAN centrality. The vision is necessarily a long-term one, but the United States is always prepared to respond to the region’s immediate needs.  This year and in the coming year, those immediate needs center on responding to and recovering from the COVID-19 pandemic. COVID-19 At the EAS, we will discuss how the United States is leading in public health and humanitarian assistance.  We have invested more than $20 billion in the international fight against COVID-19.  And we will ensure that a safe and effective vaccine is available as quickly as possible. We will describe further collaboration between the United States and ASEAN countries in preventing infections, adding to our extensive public health programs and projects in the region. The U.S.-ASEAN Health Futures initiative, for example, will expand public health cooperation in Southeast Asia, building on over $3.5 billion in U.S. public health assistance to ASEAN countries over the last 20 years. Our public health work includes USAID’s support to the ASEAN Public Health Emergency Coordinating System, a network that enhances coordination, data transparency, and legal measures so ASEAN countries can respond as a region to emerging public health crises and help prevent the next pandemic. We will also note our appreciation for the efforts of our Indo-Pacific partners in supporting ASEAN’s COVID-19 response. U.S. Support for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Whether in public health, human capital development, investment, or innovation, the United States is making good on its commitment to the ASEAN region and the greater Indo-Pacific.  We will make this clear at the EAS. Since 2005, we have provided over $813 million to support basic and higher education and more than $785 million to support exchange programs.  We have welcomed over half a million ASEAN students in U.S. universities since 2010.  Just this year, we inaugurated the Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative Academy at Fulbright University in Ho Chi Minh City.  The Academy offers executive-level seminars for entry- to mid-level professionals from across Southeast Asia, around the themes of technology and innovation, public policy, and entrepreneurship. The United States is committed to expanding private sector participation as an alternative to state-dominated financing that impinges on national sovereignty and saddles economies with debilitating debt.  We are strengthening energy markets and infrastructure through Asia EDGE and helping the region attract U.S. finance and investment. For example, despite the pandemic, we joined with Vietnam to hold the 3rd Indo-Pacific Business Forum last month, which brought together business and government leaders to spur economic innovation and collaboration.  U.S. firms signed over $11 billion in commercial deals, and the United States with our partners, Australia and Japan, announced a $30 million investment in an undersea fiber optic cable in Palau. Over 4,200 U.S. companies operate in the ASEAN region, including 70 percent of U.S. companies in the Fortune 500.  They employ local workers. They train their staff and improve their leadership and technical skills, contributing to the region’s human capital development. In addition to our private sector, the U.S. government is using a range of tools to support private sector-led growth. The U.S. International Development Finance Corporation already has over $1 billion invested in the countries of Southeast Asia and is eager to catalyze billions more. There are other government agencies also working to grow our trade and investment, including the U.S. Trade and Development Agency, the Commerce Department, and the U.S. Ex-Im Bank.   In the last year alone, these and other agencies supported dozens of projects with a market value of over $125 billion and potential U.S. export content of $22 billion. Another exciting aspect of our economic work is the U.S.-ASEAN Smart Cities Partnership, which is announcing pairings on transportation between Las Vegas and Phuket, Dallas and Kuala Lumpur, Portland and Johor Bahru, Boston and Phnom Penh, and Los Angeles and Jakarta.  We are also working to announce three new city pairings on water management and are starting a digitalization project with three ASEAN Smart City power grids.  This will help them to become more efficient, resilient, and able to incorporate new sustainable energy sources. The United States is also working with our partners to build out the Blue Dot Network and Clean Network initiatives.  These initiatives promise to enhance transparency and sustainability in key infrastructure, including the next generation of 5G telecom networks. We think these exciting new programs and partnerships are solid proof of the sustaining U.S. commitment to ASEAN. PRC Destabilizing Actions China, unfortunately, has chosen a different path from a free and open Indo-Pacific.  They have exploited the COVID-19 crisis with destabilizing actions. I expect we will hear—as we did at the EAS foreign minsters’ meeting in September—region-wide concern over Beijing’s assault on the autonomy of its neighbors and on the rules-based system that has underpinned global prosperity and peace for decades.  The United States will be equally candid in our remarks. South China Sea In the South China Sea, Beijing’s unlawful maritime claims and its intimidation of ASEAN coastal states are unacceptable. In 2015, General Secretary Xi Jinping stood in the White House Rose Garden and stated “China does not intend to pursue militarization” of the Spratly Islands, and China’s outposts would not “target or impact any country.”  Beijing instead pursued a reckless and provocative militarization of those disputed outposts: they have deployed anti-ship cruise missiles, expanded military radar and signal intelligence capabilities, constructed dozens of fighter jet hangars, and have built runways capable of accommodating combat aircraft. The PRC uses these militarized outposts as platforms of coercion to assert control over waters to which Beijing has no lawful maritime claim.  They serve as staging grounds for the hundreds of maritime militia vessels and China Coast Guard ships that regularly harass civilian craft and impede legitimate law enforcement activities, offshore fishing, and hydrocarbon development by neighboring states. Since 2013, the PRC has undertaken massive dredging to build up more than 3,000 acres across the South China Sea, causing untold destruction to coral reefs and fisheries, all in an attempt to further Beijing’s unlawful maritime claims. Beijing has sought to scare away the competition for oil and gas resources, then push other states in the South China Sea to accept what it calls “joint development” deals with its own state-owned firms, essentially saying “if you want to develop those resources off your coast, your only option is to do so with us.” This is extortion, plain and simple. In June, ASEAN leaders stressed that maritime disputes like these and a Code of Conduct in the South China Sea must rely on international law, including UNCLOS.  We support that. This year, we strengthened our approach to the South China Sea, rejecting China’s unlawful maritime claims and imposing costs on executives and state-owned firms that further them.  Since then, an unprecedented number of countries, including six of the 18 EAS members, have rejected China’s South China Sea claims at the UN. Ream Moving to the mainland, we have seen reports that a maritime security facility was demolished at Ream Naval Base in Cambodia.  We are concerned that razing the facility may be tied to plans for hosting PRC military assets and personnel at Ream.  A permanent PRC military presence in Cambodia would be disruptive and destabilizing to the Indo-Pacific region and could undermine the freedom of navigation and overflight. In a November 2019 letter, the President opened the door to discussing ways to increase U.S.-Cambodia cooperation that protects the autonomy of Cambodia and reflects the will of the Cambodian people. We hope that Prime Minister Hun Sen will take us up on our offer for dialogue. We would welcome a dialogue about Cambodia’s needs, and to identify how we can support infrastructure at Ream that would benefit an independent Cambodia and all nations supportive of a free and open Indo-Pacific. Mekong The disturbing reports out of Ream are part of broader troubling trends in the Mekong region.  The region faces several challenges, including historic droughts exacerbated by Beijing’s chokehold of Mekong River flows, and its ties to infrastructure-linked debt and a significant increase in transnational crime and trafficking in persons, drugs, arms, and wildlife.  Beijing is increasingly applying its South China Sea playbook – coercion, disinformation, and contempt for rules – throughout the region. We have a playbook as well: supporting the prosperity, autonomy, and security of our friends and allies.  That’s why we were thrilled to join with our Mekong partners to launch the Mekong-U.S. Partnership in September.  The Partnership follows the hugely successful Lower Mekong Initiative, and will support a deeper, more strategic relationship with the five countries of the Mekong. The Partnership will continue our long-time work on water governance, which is not simply a technical issue for the peoples of the Mekong but an existential one with over 60 million people depending on the River for their livelihoods. I mentioned Beijing’s unilateral manipulation of upstream water flows through its network of 11 mega-dams.  I’ve been told that these dams hold enough water to fill the entire Chesapeake Bay or provide water to all 8.3 million residents of New York City for 35 years. Until recently, China has refused to share year-round data on its dam operations.  Its unilateral withholding of water has exacerbated historic droughts and contributed to devastating economic impacts on tens of millions of people. In response to requests from the Mekong countries, Beijing recently announced its intention to share year-round water data with the Mekong River Commission.  This is a start, but regional experts point out the limited scope of the data Beijing is providing, which falls short of the comprehensive and year-round hydrological data necessary for downstream planning and water resources management.  Then there are also the challenges for Mekong stakeholders to independently verify the PRC’s data.  Beijing needs to do better. The PRC’s unilateral manipulation of upstream dams is just one of a number of the troubling trends I mentioned.  We hear from communities in the Mekong that are concerned about infrastructure-linked debt and the predatory business practices of Beijing’s state-owned actors.  We hear concerns about  People’s Republic of China-controlled economic zones and casinos, which function as clusters of trans-national criminality, with ties to trafficking of persons, drugs, and wildlife, and money-laundering networks. Beijing’s failure to curb corruption tied to these PRC-controlled projects threatens to further strengthen criminal networks that undermine the security and autonomy of not only Mekong countries but even other ASEAN members. We will raise these concerns at the EAS and we will continue to encourage ASEAN to elevate the Mekong region as central to their prosperity and collective interests, as they have done with the South China Sea.  Vietnam has done a terrific job doing just that this year as ASEAN Chair. Hong Kong, Tibet, Xinjiang We will also raise our concerns about Beijing’s actions in Hong Kong, Tibet,  Xinjiang, and elsewhere in China. Beijing has broken its promises to the people of Hong Kong.  Any erosion of confidence in the rule of law or protection of rights has significant international impacts. We will continue to call out Beijing’s repression of Uyghurs and members of other Muslim and ethnic minority groups in Xinjiang. The global community is calling on the PRC to end its inhumane campaign of repression in Hong Kong, Xinjiang, Tibet, and elsewhere in China. Burma/Rakhine State Crisis As the Secretary said yesterday, the United States recognizes that Burma’s parliamentary elections, the second competitive national election since the end of military rule, mark an important step in the country’s democratic transition.  While we are concerned by problems in the electoral process — including unelected seats reserved for the military, disenfranchisement, and the cancellation of voting in several regions — we remain a dedicated partner of the people of Burma in their pursuit of democracy, peace, and national reconciliation. A key component of these efforts is addressing the Rakhine State crisis.  We continue to call on the Government of Burma to fully implement its commitments with UN agencies; to allow unhindered humanitarian access to regions affected by violence; and to establish conditions conducive to the safe, voluntary, dignified, and sustainable return of refugees and internally displaced persons. The United States is the leading single donor of humanitarian assistance to the Rakhine State crisis, providing nearly $1.2 billion since the escalation of violence in 2017.  On October 22, we co-hosted a conference to promote sustained support for the Rohingya refugee response that generated nearly $600 million in new commitments. By comparison, China’s contribution to the Joint Response Plan in 2020 was only $400,000, and nothing in 2019 and 2018 — a paltry sum for a UN P5 member, especially given China’s role in drug and weapons smuggling that erode peace and stability in Myanmar and the region. Democratic People’s Republic of Korea Finally, on the DPRK, we will explain that we remain open to diplomatic negotiations with North Korea to eliminate the threat to international peace and security posed by the DPRK’s nuclear and ballistic missile programs.  Our goal is to achieve complete denuclearization of the DPRK, as committed to by Chairman Kim when we met in Singapore. We will call on EAS members’ cooperation, to fully implement obligations under UN Security Council resolutions sending a strong, unified message that North Korea must halt provocations, abide by its obligations under UNSCRs, and engage in sustained and substantive negotiations with the United States. Conclusion Thank you for your invitation today.  As you’ve heard, we have a lot to discuss at the East Asia Summit.  As it always has, the Indo-Pacific is critical to achieving the goals of our National Security Strategy. https://www.state.gov/ambassador-keshap-discusses-the-indo-pacific-strategy-and-u-s-priorities-for-the-east-asia-summit-at-the-csis-asian-architecture-conference-2020/

Ambassador Keshap Discusses the Indo-Pacific Strategy and U.S. Priorities for the East Asia Summit at the CSIS Asian Architecture Conference 2020 REMARKS AMBASSADOR ATUL KESHAP, PRINCIPAL DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY BUREAU OF EAST ASIAN AND PACIFIC AFFAIRS CENTER FOR STRATEGIC AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES ASIAN ARCHITECTURE CONFERENCE 2020 VIRTUAL NOVEMBER 10, 2020 Thank you, Greg, for that kind introduction. I’m honored to be with you today to discuss U.S. priorities for this year’s East Asia Summit.  I’m joined by my good friend and colleague Deputy Assistant Secretary of State David Feith.  David, as many of you know, leads our multilateral engagement in the Indo-Pacific, and he has been a tremendous partner in helping us to realize the goals of our Indo-Pacific Strategy. After my brief remarks, David and I look forward to your questions. Vision for the Indo-Pacific In just a few days, leaders from around the Indo-Pacific will gather virtually for the East Asia Summit, or EAS.  The 18 members of the EAS include the ten ASEAN member states and their eight dialogue partners, including many partners and allies of the United States. The last major EAS event was in September, at the ministerial when Secretary Pompeo joined his counterparts for a useful discussion on the region’s political and security challenges.  I know the Secretary was heartened to hear the widespread support for transparency, the rule of law, and respect for sovereignty, and to hear shared concerns over recent threats to those values. Let me take a moment to mention a few of our major engagements over the past few months, despite the pandemic: In June, Secretary Pompeo met with Yang Jiechi in Honolulu; our dialogue with the PRC is ongoing while we work through our differences. In July, Secretary Pompeo and former Secretary Esper met their Australian counterparts face to face in Washington, D.C. demonstrating the enduring bonds between our two countries. Last month, the Secretary participated in the Quad meeting in Tokyo.  This forum represents multilateral diplomacy at its best – effective, and efficient, and working for the security of the Indo-Pacific. The Secretary participated in the important 2+2 meetings in Delhi. And he recently wrapped up very productive meetings with our partners in Jakarta, Hanoi, Colombo, and Malé in the Maldives. This week the Secretary welcomed to Washington ROK Foreign Minister Kang for important discussions between allies. This year, HHS Secretary Azar and Under Secretary of State for Economic Growth, Energy and Environment Keith Krach made historic trips to Taiwan. And importantly Deputy Secretary of State Biegun has had regular calls with key Indo-Pacific counterparts on our fight against COVID and planning for the region’s economic recovery. So as we carry on our bilateral efforts to ensure the security and economic prosperity of the region, we recognize the importance of fora like the EAS, with ASEAN at its center. At this year’s EAS, we will again describe our bold vision for the Indo-Pacific that the President outlined in Vietnam in 2017.  We’ll focus on what we have achieved so far and what we want to achieve going forward. Our Indo-Pacific vision aligns with the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific and with the priorities of our allies and partners. It is based on principles that underpin peace and security, including transparency, fair and reciprocal trade, adherence to international law, energy security, and a commitment to ASEAN centrality. The vision is necessarily a long-term one, but the United States is always prepared to respond to the region’s immediate needs.  This year and in the coming year, those immediate needs center on responding to and recovering from the COVID-19 pandemic. COVID-19 At the EAS, we will discuss how the United States is leading in public health and humanitarian assistance.  We have invested more than $20 billion in the international fight against COVID-19.  And we will ensure that a safe and effective vaccine is available as quickly as possible. We will describe further collaboration between the United States and ASEAN countries in preventing infections, adding to our extensive public health programs and projects in the region. The U.S.-ASEAN Health Futures initiative, for example, will expand public health cooperation in Southeast Asia, building on over $3.5 billion in U.S. public health assistance to ASEAN countries over the last 20 years. Our public health work includes USAID’s support to the ASEAN Public Health Emergency Coordinating System, a network that enhances coordination, data transparency, and legal measures so ASEAN countries can respond as a region to emerging public health crises and help prevent the next pandemic. We will also note our appreciation for the efforts of our Indo-Pacific partners in supporting ASEAN’s COVID-19 response. U.S. Support for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Whether in public health, human capital development, investment, or innovation, the United States is making good on its commitment to the ASEAN region and the greater Indo-Pacific.  We will make this clear at the EAS. Since 2005, we have provided over $813 million to support basic and higher education and more than $785 million to support exchange programs.  We have welcomed over half a million ASEAN students in U.S. universities since 2010.  Just this year, we inaugurated the Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative Academy at Fulbright University in Ho Chi Minh City.  The Academy offers executive-level seminars for entry- to mid-level professionals from across Southeast Asia, around the themes of technology and innovation, public policy, and entrepreneurship. The United States is committed to expanding private sector participation as an alternative to state-dominated financing that impinges on national sovereignty and saddles economies with debilitating debt.  We are strengthening energy markets and infrastructure through Asia EDGE and helping the region attract U.S. finance and investment. For example, despite the pandemic, we joined with Vietnam to hold the 3rd Indo-Pacific Business Forum last month, which brought together business and government leaders to spur economic innovation and collaboration.  U.S. firms signed over $11 billion in commercial deals, and the United States with our partners, Australia and Japan, announced a $30 million investment in an undersea fiber optic cable in Palau. Over 4,200 U.S. companies operate in the ASEAN region, including 70 percent of U.S. companies in the Fortune 500.  They employ local workers. They train their staff and improve their leadership and technical skills, contributing to the region’s human capital development. In addition to our private sector, the U.S. government is using a range of tools to support private sector-led growth. The U.S. International Development Finance Corporation already has over $1 billion invested in the countries of Southeast Asia and is eager to catalyze billions more. There are other government agencies also working to grow our trade and investment, including the U.S. Trade and Development Agency, the Commerce Department, and the U.S. Ex-Im Bank.   In the last year alone, these and other agencies supported dozens of projects with a market value of over $125 billion and potential U.S. export content of $22 billion. Another exciting aspect of our economic work is the U.S.-ASEAN Smart Cities Partnership, which is announcing pairings on transportation between Las Vegas and Phuket, Dallas and Kuala Lumpur, Portland and Johor Bahru, Boston and Phnom Penh, and Los Angeles and Jakarta.  We are also working to announce three new city pairings on water management and are starting a digitalization project with three ASEAN Smart City power grids.  This will help them to become more efficient, resilient, and able to incorporate new sustainable energy sources. The United States is also working with our partners to build out the Blue Dot Network and Clean Network initiatives.  These initiatives promise to enhance transparency and sustainability in key infrastructure, including the next generation of 5G telecom networks. We think these exciting new programs and partnerships are solid proof of the sustaining U.S. commitment to ASEAN. PRC Destabilizing Actions China, unfortunately, has chosen a different path from a free and open Indo-Pacific.  They have exploited the COVID-19 crisis with destabilizing actions. I expect we will hear—as we did at the EAS foreign minsters’ meeting in September—region-wide concern over Beijing’s assault on the autonomy of its neighbors and on the rules-based system that has underpinned global prosperity and peace for decades.  The United States will be equally candid in our remarks. South China Sea In the South China Sea, Beijing’s unlawful maritime claims and its intimidation of ASEAN coastal states are unacceptable. In 2015, General Secretary Xi Jinping stood in the White House Rose Garden and stated “China does not intend to pursue militarization” of the Spratly Islands, and China’s outposts would not “target or impact any country.”  Beijing instead pursued a reckless and provocative militarization of those disputed outposts: they have deployed anti-ship cruise missiles, expanded military radar and signal intelligence capabilities, constructed dozens of fighter jet hangars, and have built runways capable of accommodating combat aircraft. The PRC uses these militarized outposts as platforms of coercion to assert control over waters to which Beijing has no lawful maritime claim.  They serve as staging grounds for the hundreds of maritime militia vessels and China Coast Guard ships that regularly harass civilian craft and impede legitimate law enforcement activities, offshore fishing, and hydrocarbon development by neighboring states. Since 2013, the PRC has undertaken massive dredging to build up more than 3,000 acres across the South China Sea, causing untold destruction to coral reefs and fisheries, all in an attempt to further Beijing’s unlawful maritime claims. Beijing has sought to scare away the competition for oil and gas resources, then push other states in the South China Sea to accept what it calls “joint development” deals with its own state-owned firms, essentially saying “if you want to develop those resources off your coast, your only option is to do so with us.” This is extortion, plain and simple. In June, ASEAN leaders stressed that maritime disputes like these and a Code of Conduct in the South China Sea must rely on international law, including UNCLOS.  We support that. This year, we strengthened our approach to the South China Sea, rejecting China’s unlawful maritime claims and imposing costs on executives and state-owned firms that further them.  Since then, an unprecedented number of countries, including six of the 18 EAS members, have rejected China’s South China Sea claims at the UN. Ream Moving to the mainland, we have seen reports that a maritime security facility was demolished at Ream Naval Base in Cambodia.  We are concerned that razing the facility may be tied to plans for hosting PRC military assets and personnel at Ream.  A permanent PRC military presence in Cambodia would be disruptive and destabilizing to the Indo-Pacific region and could undermine the freedom of navigation and overflight. In a November 2019 letter, the President opened the door to discussing ways to increase U.S.-Cambodia cooperation that protects the autonomy of Cambodia and reflects the will of the Cambodian people. We hope that Prime Minister Hun Sen will take us up on our offer for dialogue. We would welcome a dialogue about Cambodia’s needs, and to identify how we can support infrastructure at Ream that would benefit an independent Cambodia and all nations supportive of a free and open Indo-Pacific. Mekong The disturbing reports out of Ream are part of broader troubling trends in the Mekong region.  The region faces several challenges, including historic droughts exacerbated by Beijing’s chokehold of Mekong River flows, and its ties to infrastructure-linked debt and a significant increase in transnational crime and trafficking in persons, drugs, arms, and wildlife.  Beijing is increasingly applying its South China Sea playbook – coercion, disinformation, and contempt for rules – throughout the region. We have a playbook as well: supporting the prosperity, autonomy, and security of our friends and allies.  That’s why we were thrilled to join with our Mekong partners to launch the Mekong-U.S. Partnership in September.  The Partnership follows the hugely successful Lower Mekong Initiative, and will support a deeper, more strategic relationship with the five countries of the Mekong. The Partnership will continue our long-time work on water governance, which is not simply a technical issue for the peoples of the Mekong but an existential one with over 60 million people depending on the River for their livelihoods. I mentioned Beijing’s unilateral manipulation of upstream water flows through its network of 11 mega-dams.  I’ve been told that these dams hold enough water to fill the entire Chesapeake Bay or provide water to all 8.3 million residents of New York City for 35 years. Until recently, China has refused to share year-round data on its dam operations.  Its unilateral withholding of water has exacerbated historic droughts and contributed to devastating economic impacts on tens of millions of people. In response to requests from the Mekong countries, Beijing recently announced its intention to share year-round water data with the Mekong River Commission.  This is a start, but regional experts point out the limited scope of the data Beijing is providing, which falls short of the comprehensive and year-round hydrological data necessary for downstream planning and water resources management.  Then there are also the challenges for Mekong stakeholders to independently verify the PRC’s data.  Beijing needs to do better. The PRC’s unilateral manipulation of upstream dams is just one of a number of the troubling trends I mentioned.  We hear from communities in the Mekong that are concerned about infrastructure-linked debt and the predatory business practices of Beijing’s state-owned actors.  We hear concerns about  People’s Republic of China-controlled economic zones and casinos, which function as clusters of trans-national criminality, with ties to trafficking of persons, drugs, and wildlife, and money-laundering networks. Beijing’s failure to curb corruption tied to these PRC-controlled projects threatens to further strengthen criminal networks that undermine the security and autonomy of not only Mekong countries but even other ASEAN members. We will raise these concerns at the EAS and we will continue to encourage ASEAN to elevate the Mekong region as central to their prosperity and collective interests, as they have done with the South China Sea.  Vietnam has done a terrific job doing just that this year as ASEAN Chair. Hong Kong, Tibet, Xinjiang We will also raise our concerns about Beijing’s actions in Hong Kong, Tibet,  Xinjiang, and elsewhere in China. Beijing has broken its promises to the people of Hong Kong.  Any erosion of confidence in the rule of law or protection of rights has significant international impacts. We will continue to call out Beijing’s repression of Uyghurs and members of other Muslim and ethnic minority groups in Xinjiang. The global community is calling on the PRC to end its inhumane campaign of repression in Hong Kong, Xinjiang, Tibet, and elsewhere in China. Burma/Rakhine State Crisis As the Secretary said yesterday, the United States recognizes that Burma’s parliamentary elections, the second competitive national election since the end of military rule, mark an important step in the country’s democratic transition.  While we are concerned by problems in the electoral process — including unelected seats reserved for the military, disenfranchisement, and the cancellation of voting in several regions — we remain a dedicated partner of the people of Burma in their pursuit of democracy, peace, and national reconciliation. A key component of these efforts is addressing the Rakhine State crisis.  We continue to call on the Government of Burma to fully implement its commitments with UN agencies; to allow unhindered humanitarian access to regions affected by violence; and to establish conditions conducive to the safe, voluntary, dignified, and sustainable return of refugees and internally displaced persons. The United States is the leading single donor of humanitarian assistance to the Rakhine State crisis, providing nearly $1.2 billion since the escalation of violence in 2017.  On October 22, we co-hosted a conference to promote sustained support for the Rohingya refugee response that generated nearly $600 million in new commitments. By comparison, China’s contribution to the Joint Response Plan in 2020 was only $400,000, and nothing in 2019 and 2018 — a paltry sum for a UN P5 member, especially given China’s role in drug and weapons smuggling that erode peace and stability in Myanmar and the region. Democratic People’s Republic of Korea Finally, on the DPRK, we will explain that we remain open to diplomatic negotiations with North Korea to eliminate the threat to international peace and security posed by the DPRK’s nuclear and ballistic missile programs.  Our goal is to achieve complete denuclearization of the DPRK, as committed to by Chairman Kim when we met in Singapore. We will call on EAS members’ cooperation, to fully implement obligations under UN Security Council resolutions sending a strong, unified message that North Korea must halt provocations, abide by its obligations under UNSCRs, and engage in sustained and substantive negotiations with the United States. Conclusion Thank you for your invitation today.  As you’ve heard, we have a lot to discuss at the East Asia Summit.  As it always has, the Indo-Pacific is critical to achieving the goals of our National Security Strategy. https://www.state.gov/ambassador-keshap-discusses-the-indo-pacific-strategy-and-u-s-priorities-for-the-east-asia-summit-at-the-csis-asian-architecture-conference-2020/

2020年9月10日 美国东部夏令时间 下午12:35 国务卿迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥 今天，美国财政部外国资产控制办公室（OFAC）制裁了四名与克里姆林宫有关联的个人，因为他们试图干预美国选举。 财政部根据第13848号行政命令将安德里·德卡奇（Andrii Derkach）列为制裁对象，因为他试图影响2020年美国总统大选。德卡奇与俄罗斯情报部门保持着密切联系，并曾试图通过一场由俄罗斯指导的秘密影响活动来影响美国选民的观点，其重点是操纵美国的政治进程，以推进俄罗斯在乌克兰的恶意利益。这一行动的计划是在选举日之前达到顶峰。 财政部还将三名与网络水军工厂“互联网研究机构”（也称为拉赫塔互联网研究 Lakhta Internet Research）有关联的俄罗斯国民列为制裁对象，该机构的拥有者和经营者是与克里姆林宫有关联的寡头叶夫根尼·普里戈任（Yevgeniy Prigozhin）。阿特姆·利夫希茨（Artem Lifshits）、安东·安德烈耶夫（Anton Andreyev）和达里亚·阿斯拉诺娃（Darya Aslanova）支持了“互联网研究机构”的加密货币帐户，为该机构针对美国人民的恶意影响活动提供便利。 本次行动发出了一个明确的信号：美国将毫不犹豫地使用所有国家权力工具，来回应试图以任何方式干预或以其他方式影响我国选举的外国行为者。 财政部制裁与俄罗斯有关联的干预选举行为者 今天针对“互联网研究机构”采取的行动得到了美国弗吉尼亚州东区检察官办公室和美国特勤局的协调。

PRESS STATEMENT MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE SEPTEMBER 10, 2020 Today, the U.S. Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) sanctioned four Kremlin-linked individuals for their efforts to interfere in United States elections. Treasury designated Andrii Derkach pursuant to Executive Order (E.O.) 13848, for his efforts to influence the 2020 U.S. presidential election.  Derkach maintains close ties to Russian intelligence and sought to influence the views of American voters through a Russian-directed covert influence campaign centered on manipulating the American political process to advance Russia’s malign interests in Ukraine.  This operation was designed to culminate prior to Election Day. Treasury also designated three Russian nationals linked to the troll farm Internet Research Agency (also known as Lakhta Internet Research), owned and operated by Kremlin-linked oligarch Yevgeniy Prigozhin.  Artem Lifshits, Anton Andreyev, and Darya Aslanova supported the Internet Research Agency’s cryptocurrency accounts, facilitating the Internet Research Agency’s malign influence campaigns targeting the American people. This action sends a clear signal: the United States will not hesitate to use all tools of national power to respond to foreign actors that seek to interfere in or otherwise influence our elections by any means. Treasury Sanctions Russia-Linked Election Interference Actors Today’s action against the Internet Research Agency was coordinated with the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Eastern District of Virginia and the United States Secret Service.

U.S. Department of State Seal 美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年 5月28 日   新闻简报 关于香港的联合声明   以下是美利坚合众国、澳大利亚、加拿大和英国政府发表的声明（译文）。 正文开始：   本声明各签署方重申我们高度关注北京对香港强行实施国家安全法的决定。 香港作为自由的堡垒得到蓬勃发展。香港的繁荣和稳定对国际社会具有重大和长远的利害关系。北京当局对香港直接强行实施国家安全法，不按《基本法》（Basic Law）第23条的规定通过香港本身的各项机制，将导致香港人民的自由受到破坏。这种做法极大地侵蚀了香港的自治地位及促使香港如此繁荣的体制。 中国决定对香港强行实施新的国家安全法直接违背了中国按具有法律约束力并在联合国（UN）存档的《中英联合声明》（Sino-British Joint Declaration）有关原则所承担的国际义务。拟议的法律将破坏“一国两制”的框架。该法律还提高了香港对政治犯罪进行惩处的可能性，同时损害了目前保护香港人民权利的各项承诺，其中包括纳入《公民和政治权利国际公约》（International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights）和《经济、社会和文化权利国际公约》（International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights）的各项权利。 我们还对这项行动将加剧香港社会现有的严重分歧表示极为严重的关注；该项法律对香港内部增进相互理解及推动和解没有任何举措。为了使香港恢复正常状态，缓解过去一年紧张和动荡的局势，唯一的途径是重建香港社会各界的信任，允许香港人民享有已得到承诺的权利和自由。 全世界在集中关注全球疫情之际，需要增强政府间的信任，促进国际合作。北京采取的前所未闻的行动可能造成相反的效果。 鉴于新强加的法律破坏了香港的稳定与繁荣，我们呼吁中国政府与香港特别行政区政府和香港人民一起寻求共同接受的解决办法，履行中国在联合国存档的《中英联合声明》中承担的国际义务。

May 28, 2020 Joint Statement on Hong Kong The text of the following statement was released by the Governments of the United States of America, Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom. Begin Text: Signatories to this statement reiterate our deep concern regarding Beijing’s decision to impose a national security law in Hong Kong. Hong Kong has flourished as a bastion of freedom. The international community has a significant and long-standing stake in Hong Kong’s prosperity and stability. Direct imposition of national security legislation on Hong Kong by the Beijing authorities, rather than through Hong Kong’s own institutions as provided for under Article 23 of the Basic Law, would curtail the Hong Kong people’s liberties, and in doing so, dramatically erode Hong Kong’s autonomy and the system that made it so prosperous. China’s decision to impose a new national security law on Hong Kong lies in direct conflict with its international obligations under the principles of the legally-binding, UN-registered Sino-British Joint Declaration. The proposed law would undermine the One Country, Two Systems framework. It also raises the prospect of prosecution in Hong Kong for political crimes, and undermines existing commitments to protect the rights of Hong Kong people – including those set out in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. We are also extremely concerned that this action will exacerbate the existing deep divisions in Hong Kong society; the law does nothing to build mutual understanding and foster reconciliation within Hong Kong. Rebuilding trust across Hong Kong society by allowing the people of Hong Kong to enjoy the rights and freedoms they were promised can be the only way back from the tensions and unrest that the territory has seen over the last year. The world’s focus on a global pandemic requires enhanced trust in governments and international cooperation. Beijing’s unprecedented move risks having the opposite effect. As Hong Kong’s stability and prosperity are jeopardized by the new imposition, we call on the Government of China to work with the Hong Kong SAR Government and the people of Hong Kong to find a mutually acceptable accommodation that will honor China’s international obligations under the UN-filed Sino-British Joint Declaration.

华盛顿特区——美国农业部长桑尼·珀杜（Sonny Perdue）和美国贸易代表罗伯特·莱特希泽（Robert Lighthizer）今天宣布，中国已经采取多项行动，开始落实基于具有里程碑意义的《美中第一阶段经贸协议》（U.S.-China Phase One Economic and Trade Agreement）时间表作出的与农业相关的承诺。这项协议于2020年2月14日生效。 这些行动包括： 此外，中国开始宣布，对受制于报复性关税的进口美国农产品给予关税排除（“排除关税程序公告”[Tariff Exclusion Process Announcement]），并宣布对某些美国农产品降低报复性关税税率（“关税税率调整公告”[Tariff Rate Adjustment Announcement]）。这类行动将有助于中国向兑现其《第一阶段》采购承诺推进。 珀杜部长说，“特朗普（Trump）总统和本届政府与中国谈判达成一项强有力的贸易协议，它将给美国农业带来重大收益”。他说，“我们期待今年实现这些收益，上星期的进展令人鼓舞。我们充分期待协议的所有各项内容得到遵守。” 莱特希泽大使说，“特朗普总统在一个月稍多一点以前签署《第一阶段》协议，而我们已经在看到积极成果。在特朗普总统领导下，我们将确保协议得到严格执行，让我们的工人、农民、牧民和工商业受益。”

Washington, DC – U.S. Secretary of Agriculture Sonny Perdue and United States Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer announced today that China has taken numerous actions to begin implementing its agriculture-related commitments under the landmark U.S.-China Phase One Economic and Trade Agreement on schedule. The agreement entered into force on February 14, 2020. These actions include: In addition, China has begun announcing tariff exclusions for imports of U.S. agricultural products subject to its retaliatory tariffs (Tariff Exclusion Process Announcement), and it announced a reduction in retaliatory tariff rates on certain U.S. agricultural goods (Tariff Rate Adjustment Announcement). These types of actions will facilitate China’s progress toward meeting its Phase One purchase commitments. “President Trump and this Administration negotiated a strong trade agreement with China that promises significant benefits for American agriculture,” Secretary Perdue said. “We look forward to realizing these benefits this year and are encouraged by progress made last week. We fully expect compliance with all elements of the deal.”  Ambassador Lighthizer said, “President Trump signed the Phase One agreement a little more than a month ago and we are already seeing positive results. Under the President’s leadership, we will ensure the agreement is strictly enforced for the benefit of our workers, farmers, ranchers and businesses.”

白宫 华盛顿特区 2022年5月23日 简报：2022 年四方伙伴关系（Quad）领导人东京峰会 在东京，拜登总统、澳大利亚总理安东尼·阿尔巴尼斯、印度总理莫迪和日本首相岸田将推进雄心勃勃和多样化的四方议程，包括通过一项旨在提高整个印太地区海域意识的重大新举措。 四方伙伴关系国家（澳大利亚、印度、日本和美国）的领导人将于 2022 年 5 月 24 日在东京举行第四次会议，也是第二次面对面会议。四方伙伴关系在 2004 年印度洋海啸之后组建，旨在协调人道主义援助和救灾工作，迄今已成为一个主要的区域伙伴关系，致力于通过针对 21 世纪各种挑战的切实可行的合作来推进自由开放的印太地区的共同愿景。四方伙伴关系拥有六个国家领导人一级的工作组，分别侧重于新冠肺炎疫情应对和全球卫生安全、气候、关键和新兴技术、网络空间、太空和基础设施等领域。该伙伴关系正在促进四个国家之间的常规性合作，借此支持一个更加和平与繁荣的印太地区。拜登总统和四方其他领导人对东京峰会的以下声明表示欢迎： 印太海域意识伙伴关系 在东京峰会上，四方领导人将欢迎一项重大的海事倡议：印太海域意识伙伴关系（IPMDA）。在与地区合作伙伴密切协商后，IPMDA 将提供接近实时、集成且具有成本效益的海域意识图。该倡议将改变太平洋岛屿、东南亚和印度洋地区合作伙伴全面监测其海域的能力，进而维护自由和开放的印太地区。四方致力于通过在五年内对 IPMDA 的投资为该地区的海域意识做出贡献——这种意识是和平、稳定与繁荣的基本要求。该伙伴关系将在现有海域意识工作的基础上创新，迅速将新兴技术应用于促进印太社区的更大利益。 使用现有技术利用商用数据。通过自动识别系统和射频技术的结合，四方合作伙伴可以提供前所未有的活动“共同主线”。由于其商业来源，这些数据将是公开的，因此四方可以将其提供给希望从中受益的广泛合作伙伴。 扩展对现有区域融合中心（fusion center）信息共享的支持，例如位于印度的印度洋地区信息融合中心、位于新加坡的信息融合中心；位于所罗门群岛的太平洋岛屿论坛渔业局和设在瓦努阿图的太平洋融合中心，后二者得到澳大利亚的支持。 四方奖学金计划 四方领导人自豪地宣布四方奖学金计划正式启动，该奖学金将每年资助 100 名美、澳、印、日留学生在美国攻读科学、技术、工程和数学 (STEM) 领域的研究生学位。 四方奖学金计划有助于杰出的 STEM 研究生在其整个职业生涯中推进研究和创新，发挥积极的社会影响力。它通过提供奖学金、有益于社会的浸入式和启发式STEM活动、指导和职业发展计划以及跨文化交流机会来实现这一目标。 四方疫苗伙伴关系和全球卫生安全 四方致力于保持其在应对新冠疫情和加强全球卫生安全方面的全球领导地位。迄今为止，四方合作伙伴已共同向印太地区提供了 2.57 亿剂安全有效的疫苗。在我们继续捐赠疫苗之际，我们也将调整我们的集体方法并为新的病毒变种做好准备，包括为风险最高的人口提供疫苗、检测、治疗和其他医疗产品。 气候 气候危机直接威胁到我们每个国家和印太地区。太平洋岛屿特别脆弱；正如太平洋岛国论坛的《波伊区域安全宣言》所说：“气候变化仍然是对太平洋人民生计、安全和福祉的最大威胁。2021 年 3 月，在我们的首次峰会上成立气候工作组后，我们四个国家在应对气候危机方面实质性地深化了我们的合作并使之常规化。四方领导人将在绿色航运、能源供应链、减少灾害风险和气候信息交换服务方面启动进一步措施。 关键和新兴技术 四方致力于在关键和新兴技术方面进行负责任的创新。自 2021 年 3 月在首次四方领导人峰会上启动关键和新兴技术工作组以来，四方合作伙伴已经对全球半导体供应链中的集体能力和薄弱环节进行了全面摸底，并发布了“关键技术供应链原则共同声明“，这将为增强该地区的供应链复原力提供合作基础。与此同时，四方合作伙伴正在探索在该地区部署开放和安全电信技术的合作方式，通过开放无线接入网（Open RAN）Track 1.5 对话与行业合作。 网络安全 四方网络安全伙伴关系寻求在我们四个国家建立复原力，以应对网络安全漏洞和网络威胁。其重点领域包括：关键基础设施保护，由澳大利亚领导；供应链复原力和安全，由印度领导；劳动力开发和人才，由日本领导；软件安全标准，由美国领导。其工作将以新联合网络原则为指导，以在快速变化的威胁环境中增强网络复原力。这些原则旨在预防网络事件，针对可能发生的网络事件建设国家和国际能力，和/或在网络事件万一发生时快速有效地应对。 太空 作为太空领域的领导者，我们四国正在加强合作并汇集我们的集体专业知识，以交换卫星数据，促进能力建设，并就规范和指南进行磋商。 基础设施 为了帮助满足印太地区巨大的基础设施需求，四方领导人成立了四方基础设施协调小组，该小组将深化合作并采取互补行动，包括在数字连通性、交通运输基础设施、清洁能源和气候复原力等方面。 人道主义援助和救灾 四方伙伴关系是在 2004 年印度洋海啸之后组建。鉴于这段历史和当今的威胁，四方建立了一个新的人道主义援助和救灾 (HADR) 机制。   欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/05/23/fact-sheet-quad-leaders-tokyo-summit-2022/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

FACT SHEET: Quad Leaders’ Tokyo Summit 2022 MAY 23, 2022•STATEMENTS AND RELEASES In Tokyo, President Biden, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese of Australia, Prime Minister Modi of India, and Prime Minister Kishida of Japan will advance the Quad’s ambitious and diverse agenda, including through a major new initiative to improve maritime domain awareness across the Indo-Pacific. The leaders of the Quad nations—Australia, India, Japan, and the United States—will meet on May 24, 2022 in Tokyo for the fourth time and the second time in person. Established in the wake of the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami to coordinate humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, the Quad has since become a leading regional partnership dedicated to advancing a common vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific through practical cooperation on diverse 21st-century challenges. With six leader-level working groups—on COVID-19 Response and Global Health Security, Climate, Critical and Emerging Technologies, Cyber, Space, and Infrastructure—the Quad is building habits of cooperation among our four countries that will support a more peaceful and prosperous Indo-Pacific. President Biden and his fellow Quad leaders welcome the following announcements from the Tokyo Summit: The Indo-Pacific Partnership for Maritime Domain Awareness   At the Tokyo Summit, the Quad leaders will welcome a major maritime initiative: the Indo-Pacific Partnership for Maritime Domain Awareness (IPMDA). In close consultations with regional partners, IPMDA will offer a near-real-time, integrated, and cost-effective maritime domain awareness picture. This initiative will transform the ability of partners in the Pacific Islands, Southeast Asia, and the Indian Ocean region to fully monitor the waters on their shores and, in turn, to uphold a free and open Indo-Pacific. Quad countries are committed to contributing to the region’s maritime domain awareness—a fundamental requirement for peace, stability, and prosperity—through an investment in IPMDA over five years. The partnership will innovate upon existing maritime domain awareness efforts, rapidly bringing emerging technologies to bear for the greater good of the Indo-Pacific community. Harnessing commercially-available data using existing technologies. Through a combination of Automatic Identification System and radio-frequency technologies, Quad partners can provide an unprecedented “common thread” of activities. Because of its commercial origin, this data will be unclassified, allowing the Quad to provide it to a wide range of partners who wish to benefit. Extending support for information-sharing across existing regional fusion centers, such as the Information Fusion Center-Indian Ocean Region, based in India; the Information Fusion Center, based in Singapore; the Pacific Islands Forum Fisheries Agency, based in the Solomon Islands, and the Pacific Fusion Center, based in Vanuatu, both of which receive support from Australia. The Quad Fellowship Quad leaders are proud to open applications for the Quad Fellowship, which will sponsor 100 American, Australian, Indian, and Japanese students to study in the United States each year for graduate degrees in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields. The Quad Fellowship empowers exceptional STEM graduate students to advance research and innovation throughout their careers with a lens of positive social impact. It does so by providing scholarships, immersive and inspiring events at the nexus of STEM and society, mentorship and career-advancing programming, and cross-cultural exchange opportunities. The Quad Vaccine Partnership and Global Health Security The Quad is committed to maintaining its global leadership in responding to the COVID-19 pandemic and bolstering global health security. To date, Quad partners have collectively provided 257 million safe and effective doses to the Indo-Pacific. Even as we continue to donate vaccines, we will adapt our collective approaches to and prepare for new variants, including by getting vaccines, tests, treatments, and other medical products to those at highest risk. Climate The climate crisis is existential for each of our countries and for the Indo-Pacific. The Pacific Islands are particularly vulnerable; as the Pacific Island Forum’s Boe Declaration on Regional Security states, “climate change remains the single greatest threat to the livelihoods, security and wellbeing of the peoples of the Pacific.” After inaugurating a Climate Working Group at our first-ever leader summit, in March 2021, our four countries have meaningfully deepened and regularized our cooperation on meeting the climate crisis. The Quad leaders will launch further efforts on green shipping, energy supply chains, disaster risk reduction, and the exchange of climate information services. Critical and Emerging Technologies Our four countries are committed to responsible innovation in critical and emerging technologies. Since launching the Critical and Emerging Technologies Working Group at the first-ever leader-level summit of the Quad, in March 2021, Quad partners have mapped collective capacity and vulnerabilities in global semiconductor supply chains, and launched the Common Statement of Principles on Critical Technology Supply Chains, which will provide a cooperative foundation for enhancing supply-chain resilience in the region. At the same time, Quad partners are exploring ways to collaborate on the deployment of open and secure telecommunications technologies in the region, working with industry through Open RAN Track 1.5 dialogues. Cybersecurity The Quad Cybersecurity Partnership seeks to build resilience across our four countries in response to cybersecurity vulnerabilities and cyber threats. Its areas of focus are critical-infrastructure protection, led by Australia; supply-chain resilience and security, led by India; workforce development and talent, led by Japan; and software security standards, led by the United States. Its work is guided by new joint cyber principles to improve cyber resilience in a rapidly changing threat environment. These principles aim to prevent cyber incidents, prepare national and international capabilities for potential cyber incidents, and/or respond quickly and effectively to a cyber incident, when or should one occur. Space As leaders in space, Quad countries are strengthening cooperation and pooling our collective expertise to exchange satellite data, enable capacity-building, and consult on norms and guidelines. Infrastructure To help meet the Indo-Pacific’s enormous infrastructure needs, Quad leaders launched the Quad Infrastructure Coordination Group, which will deepen collaboration and pursue complementary actions, including in digital connectivity, transportation infrastructure, clean energy and climate resilience. Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief The Quad was forged in the wake of the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami. In recognition of that history and of present-day threats, the Quad established a new humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HADR) mechanism.  ###

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Contact Us DHS-USCIS (Main Website): https://www.uscis.gov/ DHS-USCIS Contact Center: If you are in the United States or a U.S. territory, dial 1-800-375-5283 (for people who are deaf, hard of hearing, or have a speech disability: TTY 1-800-767-1833) to access automated information through an interactive menu 24 hours a day, seven days a week. If you are outside the United States or a U.S. territory, you can call +1-212-620-3418.  You can get live help from a USCIS representative Monday through Friday from 8 a.m. to 8 p.m. Eastern Standard Time except on federal holidays. Contact Information: https://www.uscis.gov/about-us/contact-us DHS-USCIS Guangzhou Websites: DHS-USCIS GZH General Information About Guangzhou Office Fax Number: (8620) 3814 5883 Email: CIS.Guangzhou@uscis.dhs.gov DHS-USCIS Beijing Websites: Beijing CIS Office Contact DHS-Customs and Border Protection (CBP) Please direct U.S. entry and admission questions to U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) at https://help.cbp.gov. Contact DHS-Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) Report Crimes, Suspicious Activity and Suspected Child Exploitation of Missing Children www.ice.gov/webform/hsi-tip-form

谢尔曼常务副国务卿访问中华人民共和国和阿曼 媒体通报 美国国务院发言人办公室 2021年7月21日  美国常务副国务卿温迪·R·谢尔曼（Wendy R. Sherman）将于7月25日至26日访问中华人民共和国（PRC），并于7月27日访问阿曼。  在中华人民共和国，常务副国务卿将前往天津，与包括国务委员兼外交部长王毅在内的中华人民共和国官员举行会晤。这次会谈是美国正在努力与中华人民共和国官员开展坦诚交流的一部分，以推进美国的利益与价值观并负责任地管控这一关系。常务副国务卿将讨论我们对中华人民共和国的行动存有严重关切的领域，以及我们的利益一致的领域。  在阿曼，常务副国务卿将与外交事务次大臣哈利法举行会晤，讨论推进该地区的和平与安全以及我们致力于加强美国-阿曼双边关系的共同承诺。

Deputy Secretary Sherman’s Travel to the People’s Republic of China and Oman 07/21/2021 07:13 AM EDT  Office of the Spokesperson Deputy Secretary of State Wendy R. Sherman will travel to the People’s Republic of China (PRC) July 25-26 and to Oman July 27. In the PRC, the Deputy Secretary will travel to Tianjin to meet with PRC officials, including State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi.  These discussions are part of ongoing U.S. efforts to hold candid exchanges with PRC officials to advance U.S. interests and values and to responsibly manage the relationship. The Deputy Secretary will discuss areas where we have serious concerns about PRC actions, as well as areas where our interests align. In Oman, the Deputy Secretary will meet with Deputy Foreign Minister Sheikh Khalifa Al Harthy to discuss advancing peace and security in the region and our shared commitment to bolstering the U.S.- Oman bilateral relationship.

供即时发布 2023年8月29日，星期二 公共事务办公室 publicaffairs@doc.gov   美国商务部长吉娜·雷蒙多与中华人民共和国总理李强讨论了美国和中国双边经济关系的重要性。   雷蒙多部长再次确认，她致力于保持沟通渠道开放，以促进在共同的全球挑战方面以及在共同的利益和责任领域的合作，如抗击气候变化和应对芬太尼危机。雷蒙多部长强调，美国致力于为美国国家安全采取必要行动，确保美国企业得到公平和透明的对待，并为美国劳动者和企业创造公平的竞争环境。   雷蒙多部长还强调，她支持对人文交流进行投入的行动，包括旅游、文化和教育交流。这些对更广泛的美中双边关系甚为重要。 https://www.commerce.gov/news/press-releases/2023/08/readout-secretary-raimondos-meeting-premier-peoples-republic-china-li

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Tuesday, August 29, 2023 Office of Public Affairs publicaffairs@doc.gov  U.S. Secretary of Commerce Gina Raimondo and Premier of the People’s Republic of China Li Qiang discussed the importance of the bilateral economic relationship between the United States and China. Secretary Raimondo reaffirmed her commitment to open channels of communication to facilitate cooperation on shared global challenges and areas of mutual interest and responsibility, such as combating climate change and addressing the Fentanyl crisis. The Secretary underscored the U.S. commitment to taking actions necessary to U.S. national security, ensuring fair and transparent treatment of U.S. companies, and creating a level playing field for U.S. workers and businesses. The Secretary also emphasized her support for actions that invest in people-to-people ties including tourism and cultural and educational exchanges which are important for the broader U.S.-China bilateral relationship.

2023年3月27日   为了向2023年3月27日在田纳西州纳什维尔发生的惨无人道的暴行的受害者表示纪念，按照美利坚合众国宪法和各项法律赋予我作为美国总统的权力，我在此命令白宫和所有公共建筑与场地、所有军事哨所与海军基地、以及联邦政府在哥伦比亚特区和全美各地及其海外领土与属地的所有海军舰艇将美国国旗降至半旗，直至2023年3月31日日落。我还指示，美国所有大使馆、公使馆、领事办公室以及包括所有军事设施、海军舰艇和驻地在内的其他海外设施在同一时间内降半旗。   我谨于公元两千零二十三年，即美利坚合众国独立二百四十七年之三月二十七日在此签名为证。   小约瑟夫·R·拜登   https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2023/03/27/a-proclamation-on-honoring-the-victims-of-the-tragedy-in-nashville-tennessee/

A Proclamation on Honoring the Victims of the Tragedy in Nashville, Tennessee MARCH 27, 2023 As a mark of respect for the victims of the senseless acts of violence perpetrated on March 27, 2023, in Nashville, Tennessee, by the authority vested in me as President of the United States by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, I hereby order that the flag of the United States shall be flown at half-staff at the White House and upon all public buildings and grounds, at all military posts and naval stations, and on all naval vessels of the Federal Government in the District of Columbia and throughout the United States and its Territories and possessions until sunset, March 31, 2023.  I also direct that the flag shall be flown at half-staff for the same length of time at all United States embassies, legations, consular offices, and other facilities abroad, including all military facilities and naval vessels and stations. IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this twenty-seventh day of March, in the year of our Lord two thousand twenty-three, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and forty-seventh.                                JOSEPH R. BIDEN JR.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年1月13日 国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥（Michael R. Pompeo）与斯坦福大学学生的政策讨论：”恢复威慑：伊朗的实例“ 斯坦福大学胡佛研究所（Hoover Institution at Stanford University） 帕洛阿托，加利福尼亚州（Palo Alto, California） 谢谢诸位。很高兴见到你们。今天大家都好吗？天气这么好，不会让人不高兴。我依稀记得，我在南加州长大期间每天都是如此。我还注意到——汤姆，谢谢你友好的介绍。我还注意到，对我的介绍是第70任国务卿，而特朗普总统（President Trump）是第45任总统，所我担任的职务周转率高得多。（笑声） 我希望对几位特别来宾表示感谢。我知道国务卿赖斯（Rice）也在座。汤姆，谢谢你的捧场。我以前的同事和亲密好友麦克马斯特（McMaster）将军也在场。能回到加利福尼亚会见诸位总是很令人高兴。 你们能在这个杰出的机构学习，可以说荣幸之至。你们早期的毕业生之一是美国的一名伟人，胡佛研究所就是以他的名字命名的。 他高度尊尚美国开创的所有不同凡响的辉煌业绩，值得我们对他赞佩有加。他从艾奥瓦州（Iowa）的一名孤儿成长为美国总统。他是一名优秀的采矿工程师。我本人也是工程专业毕业生。他的足迹遍及世界各地，从澳大利亚到中国，勤奋工作，事业有成。 第一次世界大战（First World War）爆发后，他发挥自己的才干参加协调工作，帮助被困在欧洲的成千上万的美国人返回美国。他在这项工作上取得的成功促使他在第一次世界大战期间和战后投身于救助欧洲摆脱饥馑的努力。他体现了我们数十年坚持的美国人道主义努力的每一个方面。 1948年74岁时，他在自己的出生地谈到美国对他这样一个贫穷的孤儿给予的恩惠。他说，“我拥有任何人都渴望的每一项荣耀。在整个地球上，除了美国，没有任何地方可以给予所有的孩子这样的生活机会。” 我自己也经常有同感。美国是一个真正特别的地方。 我不想谈近几天和几个星期采取的行动，只想谈谈我们的政府为努力保障美国的安全和保护你们每一个人所做的工作。 本月3日，我们使全世界最危险的恐怖分子之一从战场上永久消失。 你们很多人可能都知道有数百万人流离失所，叙利亚成千上万人被杀害；也门饥荒遍地，霍乱蔓延；什叶派武装团伙在黎巴嫩和伊拉克等什叶派新月地带（Shia Crescent）采取破坏民主的行动。 伊朗政权及其代理人在卡西姆·苏莱曼尼（Qasem Soleimani）直接指挥下制造了所有的种种罪孽。为此，在获悉苏莱曼尼的死讯后，数千名伊拉克人走上街头表示庆祝。还有更多的人原来毫无疑问可以加入他们的队伍，但担心会受到伊朗支持的残余歹徒对他们进行殴打、监禁和杀害。其中很多歹徒在这以前的几天曾出现在美国大使馆门前。 现在，诸位可以看到，伊朗人民正走上街头。尽管需要冒巨大的个人危险，他们的人数也同样相当可观。他们焚烧带有苏莱曼尼头像的海报和广告牌，高呼“苏莱曼尼是刽子手。” 他们知道，他们受到压迫，苏莱曼尼是主要的黑手之一。美国支持他们呼唤自由和公正，对阿亚图拉及其附庸和他们从内部摧毁伊朗伊斯兰共和国的行为发出正义的怒吼。我需要重申特朗普总统坚持的立场，伊朗不得伤害任何一名示威民众。我希望人人都这样做。我们已经呼吁我国在全世界和各地区的盟友都向他们发出同样的呼声。 卡西姆·苏莱曼尼的手上沾满了美国人的鲜血，除了奥萨马·本·拉登（Usama bin Ladin）以外，没有任何恐怖主义分子欠下的血债比他多。他杀害了我们美国600多名同胞。我还认识其中的一些年轻人。 他是最近对美国在伊拉克的驻军发动袭击的罪魁祸首，也是 去年12月27日杀害一名美国人的罪魁祸首。 他下令在12月31日攻击大使馆，攻击在巴格达（Baghdad）为美国国务院工作的人。我可以肯定地告诉各位，由于他不再能构成这种威胁，世界现在更加安全。 但是，我想以我们所一直进行的努力为背景来说明这点。这里涉及更宏观的战略。 特朗普总统和我们这些他的国家安全班子中的成员，正在重新建立对伊斯兰共和国的威慑——真正的威慑。用战略语言来说，威慑的意思就是让对方信服，它的某种行为会得不偿失。这需要有可信度；它确实要靠这点。你的对手必须懂得，你不仅有能力让它付出代价，而且你确实有这样做的意愿。 当年在冷战时期，我是个年轻军人。你可以拥有世界上最了不起的军队，但是如果你没有准备用它去实现你的战略目标，就无济于事。 正像你们这里的一位学者维克多·戴维斯·汉森（Victor Davis Hanson）所言，“威慑很难建立而很易丧失”。 让我们直言不讳。几十年来，美国两个党派的政府都从未能对伊朗采取足够行动，建立维护我们所有人安全所需要的威慑力。“联合全面行动计划”（JCPOA）本身——即核协议——使情况更糟糕。它让伊朗政权能够创造财富，给阿亚图拉打开了收入来源，发展什叶派武装力量网，就是这个网——就是这个网——杀害了一名美国人，并给我们在巴格达的大使馆带来巨大危险。核协议非但未能阻止这一切，反而还让伊朗走上明显的核武道路，特朗普总统在他的讲话一开始就说，我们当政时绝不会发生这种情况。 那么我们采取了哪些做法？我们发动了外交孤立声势，经济施压，以及军事威慑。 我们的目标是双重的。首先，我们要切断该政权的资源，那些它在全球从事恶毒活动所需要的资源。第二，我们要伊朗像正常国家那样行事。像挪威一样，是吧？（笑声） 在外交方面，盟国和伙伴加入了我们的行列。今天，他们在波斯湾（Persian Gulf）和我们一道巡逻霍尔木兹海峡（Straits of Hormuz），制止伊朗袭击航运。让我们不要忘记过去一个月里伊朗在海峡拦阻了多少船只。 德国、法国、意大利都对一家叫做马汉航空（Mahan Air）的公司实施了禁飞。这是一家向交战地区运送军事——伊朗军事资源和武器的伊朗航空公司。 阿根廷和英国现在均已将真主党（Hizballah）列为恐怖主义组织。 最后你们还看到，我们施加的经济压力切断了大约80%的伊朗石油收入。我们决心也要切断那最后的20%。 鲁哈尼（Rouhani）总统自己说，我们的做法让伊朗政权失去了2,000亿美元的外来收入和投资。而这些钱的大部分本来是会被用于支持让你们和你们的公民同胞遭受危险的活动。 你们还可以看到，伊朗人民对政府窃取他们的财富和让他们为该政权的暴力扩张付出沉重代价日益愤慨。 在军事方面，我们一再警告伊朗——我自己曾亲自这样做，给美国造成生命损失的攻击不会被容忍。 他们试探我们，就像他们以前多次试探前几届政府一样。昔日的松懈让他们更加胆大妄为。 但是，在12月27日，在苏莱曼尼的指示下，我们让这点发生改变。12月31日，伊朗支持的武装分子攻击了我们驻巴格达大使馆，而我们改变了他们的如意算盘。 参谋长联席会议主席的话也许最精辟。如果我们没有打击卡西姆·苏莱曼尼，我们的领导层——我们给特朗普总统的建议——如果我们没有提出那一建议，让该政权为其恶劣的决定付出沉重代价，那就是“过失渎职”。 卡西姆·苏莱曼尼认识了我们捍卫美国人生命的决心。 伊朗进行了反击。我们庆幸没有生命损失，我们也永远不会轻视对美国或美国军队的任何攻击的严重性。但是，从攻击的形式和程度判断，伊朗政权现在一定明白，如果他们再敢威胁美国人的生命我们将会怎样做。如果伊朗升级，我们将以我们的方式结束之。 特朗普总统在过去的一周发表一系列讲话时重申了这种威慑力。这几天伊朗一直在制造有关退出核协议的声势。总统在对全国发表讲话时首先指出：“只要我仍然任职美国总统，[我们就永远不会]——伊朗永远都不会被允许拥有核武器。”这是有其原因的。这种宣告是以全世界最有效的威慑能力作为后盾的。 我们的制裁措施将会继续，直到该政权停止其恐怖主义活动，并承诺永不拥有核武器，而且允许有一个能让全世界确信那绝不会发生的核查制度。 我们现在在伊朗问题上享有一种极大的实力优势。这是有史以来最有利的，而且伊朗从未处于像今天这样的境地。 我们重新确立了威慑力，但我们知道它不会是永恒的，而且风险依然存在。我们决心不失去这种威慑力。在所有情况下，我们都必须这么做。 我们必须这么做，来捍卫全世界的自由与自由权。这正是特朗普总统的努力的全部意义所在，让我们的军队前所未有的强大。 我们不仅在伊朗，而且在其他地方，看到美国的威慑力曾是薄弱的。我们目睹了俄罗斯于2014年占领克里米亚（Crimea），并支持针对乌克兰的进犯，因为威慑力遭到了损害。我们已恢复对乌克兰军队提供杀伤敌人的支持。 还有中国在南中国海建岛的活动，及其公然试图胁迫美国的盟友的行为，也损害了威慑力。特朗普政府同我们在整个地区的盟国、友邦及合作伙伴一道加强了在南中国海的海军演习。 你们也看到，俄罗斯无视一项协议。我们在我们的北约（NATO）盟友的一致支持下退出了《中导条约》（INF），因为当时只有一方执行了这项双方的条约。我们认为，这又一次恢复了信誉和威慑力，以保卫美国。 这是无法独自做到的。因此，总统坚持要求北约成员国尽自己的力量，分担责任。到2024年年底，将增加大约4,000亿美元用于北约的武器装备，以保卫世界各地的自由。这是美国为鼓励我们的合作伙伴增进我们所有人都在力争共同取得的成果而努力的直接结果。 多年来，中国一直在限制美国产品进入他们的市场，同时要求他们的产品进入到这里来。我曾是一名小企业所有者。我曾在上海有一间小办公室。我们已阐明要同中国达成一种公平、对等的贸易安排。我们将坚决要求这一点。我希望，在这里在未来可以计数的小时内，我们会签订将成为一项重大协议的第一部分，将改善美国公民的生活，提高这里国内公民的工资，并基于对中国和美国都可行的一系列条款增进我们两国间的经济关系。 而且还有第二项使命。中国盗取了数量巨大的美国创新，在像我现在所在的这座校园一样的高校推出的创新——从基因改造的作物种子到自驾车技术无所不有。他们予以盗取。他们不必进行投资或承担风险。 我们正在取得进展，确保协议的下一个部分将改善与中国的第一阶段贸易协议中所包含的知识产权保护。 我就讲到这里，因为我想尽量多地回答你们的提问。请注意，我们不知道伊朗政权会在我们继续重新确立威慑力的过程中做出何种反应。如果我们做出正确的选择并重新回到我们之间存在相互尊重的状况，那将是对世界有益的事情。 我们希望伊朗伊斯兰共和国的领导人和我们拥有相同的看法，我们希望我们能为增强在国内的安全以及中东（Middle East）和整个世界的稳定而实现这个目标。 感谢你们大家今天邀请我来到这里。我期待着接受你们的提问。 （掌声）

Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State The Hoover Institution at Stanford University Palo Alto, California MR GILLIGAN:  This is all pretty elaborate, isn’t it?  (Laughter.)  Well, good morning.  My name is Tom Gilligan.  I am the director of the Hoover Institution.  I want to – it’s my great pleasure to welcome you all to listen to a message from our chief diplomat from the United States. I especially want to thank the students for being here, our future policy makers, for taking time to join us in this important dialogue. For those of you who aren’t familiar with the Hoover Institution, we’re a research center dedicated to generating policy ideas that promote economic prosperity and national security and democratic governance.  Throughout our nearly 100-year history, our work has directly led to policies that produce greater freedom, democracy, and opportunity in the United States and around the world. The Hoover Institution and Stanford University have long served as conveners of policy discussions promoting a platform for civil discourse, and I am pleased that so many of you took the time today to be here to engage in thoughtful conversation on some of our country’s most pressing foreign policy issues. I’ve always known I work at a very special place because where else could you say that we have a secretary of states club?  Our 60th and 66th secretaries of state, George Shultz and Condoleezza Rice, are Hoover fellows, and Condi is going to moderate our Q&A session today.  Thank you, Condi, for doing that.  And our guest today, of course, may soon join our club.  He’s a southern California native, so stay tuned, we’ll see how that goes.  (Laughter.) Our guest today graduated first in his class from the United States Military Academy at West Point and served as a cavalry officer patrolling the Iron Curtain before the fall of the Berlin Wall.  He also served with a second squadron, 7th Cavalry in the United States Air – excuse me, United States Army’s 4th Infantry Division.  After leaving active duty, he graduated from the Harvard Law School having been an editor on the Harvard Law Review.  He founded Thayer Aerospace, where he served as the CEO for more than a decade and later became president of Century International. Prior to joining the administration, he was serving in his fourth term as a congressman from Kansas’s 4th Congressional District.  From January of 2017 to April of 2018, he served as director of the Central Intelligence Agency.  On April 26th of 2018, he was sworn in as our nation’s 70th secretary of state.  Ladies and gentlemen, please join me in welcoming Secretary of State Mike Pompeo.  (Applause.) SECRETARY POMPEO:  Thank you, all.  Good to see you.  Everybody having a good day?  It’s hard to be unhappy when the weather is this great.  I vaguely remember from my time growing up in Southern California that every day was like this.  I’m also mindful – Tom, thanks for the kind introduction.  I’m also mindful when I get introduced as the 70th secretary of state, that President Trump is the 45th president, so there’s a lot more turnover in my gig.  (Laughter.) And I want to recognize a few special people.  Secretary Rice I know is with us.  Tom, thank you for being here.  My former colleague and dear friend General McMaster is with us, too.  It’s always great to get back here and be with you in California. You have this incredible privilege to study at this remarkable institution.  One of your early graduates was a great American for which this institution, the Hoover Institution, was named. He deserves our praise for revering America in all of its exceptional splendor.  He went from being an orphan in Iowa to the president of the United States.  He was a brilliant mining engineer.  I graduated as an engineer myself.  He traveled the world from Australia to China and earned a fortune through his own hard work. When the First World War broke out, he used his talent to coordinate the effort of tens of thousands of Americans stranded in Europe and helped them get back to America.  His success there led him to spearhead the effort to save Europe from starvation both during and after World War I.  He embodied everything in the American humanitarian efforts that we kept at and keep at for decades. In 1948, at age of 74, he spoke at his birthplace on what America had given to him as a poor orphan boy.  He said, quote, “I have had every honor to which any man could aspire.  There is no place on the whole earth except in America where all of the sons of man can have this chance in life.” I feel that way often myself.  America is a truly special place. I don’t want to talk about the actions of just these past handful of days and weeks, but the things that our administration has done to try and keep America safe and to protect each and every one of you. On the 3rd of this month, we took one of the world’s deadliest terrorists off the battlefield for good. Many of you are probably aware of the millions of displaced persons and those who have been killed in Syria, numbering in the hundreds of thousands, the starvation and cholera epidemics in Yemen, Shiite militias destabilizing democracies in both Lebanon and Iraq along the Shia Crescent. The Iranian regime and its proxies under the direct supervision of Qasem Soleimani have nurtured all of that misery.  It’s why thousands of Iraqis took to the streets to celebrate when they heard Soleimani was dead.  Many more would have undoubtedly joined them, but for the fear that the remaining Iranian-backed thugs, many of which were at the gates of the American embassy in the days before, would have beaten them or jailed them or killed them. Right now – you can see it – the Iranian people are in the streets.  They are likewise there in astounding numbers in spite of enormous personal risk to themselves.  They are burning posters and billboards with Soleimani’s face on them and chanting, “Soleimani is a murderer.”  They know he was one of the key architects of their oppression.  And the United States is with them in their calls for freedom and justice, in their justified anger at the ayatollah and his minions and what they have destroyed inside of the Islamic Republic of Iran.  I want to repeat President Trump’s insistence that Iran not harm a single protestor.  I hope everyone will do the same.  We’ve called on our allies across the world and the region to repeat this to them. There is no terrorist except Usama bin Ladin who has more American blood on his hands than did Qasem Soleimani, that killed more than 600 of our American patriots.  I knew some of these young men. He’s the mastermind of the most recent attacks against U.S. forces in Iraq, including the mastermind of the attack that took place that killed an American on December 27th of the year past. He ordered the December 31st assault on the embassy, the people that work for the United States Department of State in Baghdad.  And I can assure you that the world is safer as a result of the fact that he no longer poses that very risk. But I want to lay this out in context of what we’ve been trying to do.  There is a bigger strategy to this. President Trump and those of us in his national security team are re-establishing deterrence – real deterrence ‒ against the Islamic Republic.  In strategic terms, deterrence simply means persuading the other party that the costs of a specific behavior exceed its benefits.  It requires credibility; indeed, it depends on it.  Your adversary must understand not only do you have the capacity to impose costs but that you are, in fact, willing to do so. I was a young soldier back during the Cold War.  You can have the greatest army in the world, but it doesn’t matter if you are not prepared to use it to achieve your strategic objectives. As one of your scholars here, Victor Davis Hanson, said, “Deterrence is hard to establish and easy to lose.” And let’s be honest.  For decades, U.S. administrations of both political parties never did enough against Iran to get the deterrence that is necessary to keep us all safe.  The JCPOA itself – the nuclear deal – made things worse.  It enabled that regime to create wealth, it opened up revenue streams for the ayatollahs to build up the Shiite militia networks, the very networks – the very networks – that killed an American and imposed enormous risk at our – to our embassy in Baghdad.  Rather than blocking those efforts, the deal put Iran on a clear pathway to a nuclear weapon as well, something President Trump began his remarks by saying would never happen on our watch. So what did we do?  We put together a campaign of diplomatic isolation, economic pressure, and military deterrence. The goal is two-fold.  First, we wanted to deprive the regime of resources, resources it needs to perpetrate its malign activity around the world.  And second, we just want Iran to behave like a normal nation.  Just be like Norway, right?  (Laughter.) Diplomatically, allies and partners have joined us.  They are today patrolling the Straits of Hormuz alongside of us in the Persian Gulf to stop Iranian attacks on shipping.  Let us not forget how many ships the Iranians pulled from the straits over the past month. Germany, France, Italy have all put travel bans on a company called Mahan Air.  It’s an Iranian airline that ferries military – Iranian military assets and weapons to the battle zones. Argentina and the United Kingdom have both now declared Hizballah a terrorist organization. And you have seen finally, too, the economic pressure that we have put in place to cut off roughly 80 percent of the Iranian oil revenues.  We are determined to get at that last 20 percent, too. President Rouhani himself said that we have denied the Iranian regime some $200 billion in lost foreign income and investment as a result of our activities.  This is money that would have in large measure gone to support the very activities that would have put you and your fellow citizens at risk. And you can see it, too.  The Iranian people are increasingly angry at their own government for stealing their wealth and for the sake of violently spreading the regime at enormous cost to them. On the military side, we’ve warned the Iranians repeatedly – I’ve done so personally myself – that an attack that took American lives would not be tolerated. And they tested us, as they had tested previous administrations as well many times before.  Past laxity had emboldened them. But on December 27th, at Soleimani’s direction, we changed that.  On the 31st, Iranian-backed militias attacked our embassy in Baghdad and we changed that calculus for them. The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff said it perhaps best.  Had we not taken that strike against Qasem Soleimani, our leadership – the recommendation that we made to President Trump – we would have been “culpably negligent” had we not made that recommendation, imposed a significant cost on the regime for their bad decision. Qasem Soleimani discovered our resolve to defend American lives. And Iran hit back, and we’re grateful that no lives were lost, and we will never downplay the seriousness of any attack on the United States or its forces.  But judging from the type and intensity of the strike, the regime certainly must now understand what we will do if they ever again pose risk to American lives.  If Iran escalates, we will end it on our terms. President Trump reinforced that deterrence when he gave a set of remarks this past week.  And these days Iran is making noise about leaving the nuclear deal.  There’s a reason that the President had as his first words in those remarks to the nation that said, quote, “As long as I am President of the United States, – Iran will never be allowed to have a nuclear weapon.”  That declaration is backed by the most effective deterrence capability in the world. And our sanctions will continue until the regime stops its terrorist activity and commits to never having nuclear weapons and permits a verification regime which can give the world confidence that that will not take place. We now enjoy a great position of strength regarding Iran.  It’s as good as it has ever been, and Iran has never been in the place that it is today. We have re-established deterrence, but we know it’s not everlasting, that risk remains.  We are determined not to lose that deterrence.  In all cases, we have to do this. We have to do this to defend freedom and liberty around the world.  That’s the whole point of President Trump’s work, to make our military the strongest it’s ever been. We saw, not just in Iran, but in other places, too, where American deterrence was weak.  We watched Russia’s 2014 occupation of the Crimea and support for aggression against Ukraine because deterrence had been undermined.  We have resumed lethal support to the Ukrainian military. China’s island building, too, in the South China Sea, and its brazen attempts to coerce American allies undermined deterrence.  The Trump administration has ramped up naval exercises in the South China Sea, alongside our allies and friends and partners throughout the region. You saw, too, Russia ignored a treaty.  We withdrew from the INF with the unanimous support of our NATO allies because there was only one party complying with a two-party agreement.  We think this, again, restores credibility and deterrence to protect America. It doesn’t happen alone.  That’s why the President has insisted that NATO members do their part, share their burden.  Some $400 billion by the end of 2024 will be added to the NATO arsenal to protect freedom around the world as a direct result of America’s efforts to encourage our partners to reinforce what it is we are all trying to accomplish together. For years, too, China has restricted access for American products in its markets, while demanding access for their stuff here.  I was a small business owner.  I had a small office that was in Shanghai.  We’ve made clear that we’re going to have a fair and reciprocal trading arrangement with China.  We’ll demand it.  I hope, here in the next handful of hours, we sign the first part of what will be a significant agreement which will improve the lives of American citizens, raise wages for citizens here at home, and increase the economic relationship between our two countries on a set of terms that work for both China and for the United States. There is a second mission, too.  China has stolen massive quantities of American innovation, innovation created at campuses right like this one I’m standing on – everything from genetically engineered crop seeds to self-driving car technology.  They stole it.  They didn’t have to invest or take risk. We’re making progress to make sure that the next part of the deal will improve on the IP protections that are in Phase One of the Chinese trade deal. I’ll end here because I want to take as many questions from you as I can.  Look, we don’t know how the Iranian regime will react as we continue to rebuild deterrence.  If we make the right choice and return to a place where we have mutual respect between us, it will be a good thing for the world. We hope that the Islamic Republic of Iran’s leadership shares our view, and we hope that we can achieve that for the betterment of security here at home and for stability in the Middle East and throughout the world. Thank you all for having me here today.  I look forward to taking questions from you. (Applause.) SECRETARY RICE:  Well, thank you very much, Mr. Secretary, number 70.  Thank you very much.  Welcome to Stanford.  Welcome to the Hoover Institution.  I want the really important and difficult questions to come from the students, but I’m going to take the moment just to ask you one, which is that many of these students are students of international politics, and they have studied precepts developed by a person who is actually a faculty member here, a man named Alexander George.  It was called “coercive diplomacy.”  And the idea was that you do set deterrence, and you set the terms of what’s not acceptable, but then you open pathways for diplomacy.  So can you talk a little bit as the chief diplomat about how you think now about trying to open pathways for diplomacy now that we’ve set the table in the way that we have? SECRETARY POMPEO:  Yeah.  So I could certainly talk about that, but it didn’t begin with these last few days, this effort at diplomacy, and it’s not even just with Iran.  I could speak about that in the challenges that we have in Venezuela today, the challenges that we confront in other parts of the world.  In every case, we have endeavored to make this first a diplomatic outcome.  It is always best to resolve these things through a set of conversations where people express the reality. One of the risks – and you would know this – one of the risks is that you go have a meeting and you just sit and lie to each other.  Right?  You say nice things.  You have a conversation that’s polite and you go back and you bang heads again.  We’ve tried to just be candid.  We’ve said, “Hey look, the deals that we had with China for an awful long time, it’s on us.  We allowed this to take place.  No more.  Here’s how we’re going to think about our commercial relationship between our two countries.”  We think that’s helped get us to a better place. With Iran, too.  Everyone – there’s lots of talk that says, “Well, there’s no communication.”  That’s not true.  I think the Iranians clearly understood in – long before these past few weeks, how we’re thinking about the strategic relationship and Iran’s place in the Middle East.  We want them to be safe and secure.  We want a prosperous Iranian people.  But there’s certain things you simply cannot do, including develop their nuclear weapons systems. In each place, it’s the case that we have first delivered American expectations about how we think they can fit into what works for the United States of America, and we’ve done that through diplomacy. And then to your point, when that fails, when you – when they move past a boundary that you’ve set, it requires you to respond to that in a way that convinces them that you actually meant what you said. SECRETARY RICE:  Thank you.  All right, over to the students here.  I see right here in the middle, in blue shirt, and they will get a microphone to you.  And if you can identify yourself and what you’re studying. QUESTION:  Hi, I’m Bryce Tuttle.  I’m a political science major.  Sorry.  So you started your remarks talking about supporting the protesters who are fighting for hopefully democracy in Iran.  What is your administration doing to fight for the people who are also fighting for democracy in Hong Kong? SECERTARY POMPEO:  Yeah.  So you needn’t look no further than the President’s remarks at the United Nations, the remarks that I’ve made repeatedly and other senior American officials as well.  There’s a much longer conversation to be had about China, but with respect to Hong Kong in particular, our policy has been simply this:  The Chinese Government made a commitment to Hong Kong.  That commitment still exists.  It sits at the UN as well, so it’s a commitment they made not to the United States or, frankly, even just to the people of Hong Kong.  It’s a commitment that they made to the people of the world to honor this central understanding that there would be increased autonomy for the people of Hong Kong, and we have done our best to draw a set of boundaries for what we think would be acceptable. I think the President talked about this at some length when the protests first broke out and there were hints of violence at the front end of those protests.  I think we’ve been unequivocal about our support that says the Chinese Government made a commitment that there would be higher level of autonomy there, and it’s our expectation the Chinese Communist Party will live up to that. SECRETARY RICE:  Yes, right here in front, and again, identify yourself and what you study. QUESTION:  Hi, thank you for coming here.  It’s such a privilege to hear you speak.  I’m Gabby Conforti (ph).  I’m a junior studying political science.  Last week, I was reading an article on the death of Soleimani which stated in death he may have achieved what he never could have in life, which is forcing the Americans out of Iraq.  Can you please comment on the future plans for American soldiers and contractors stationed in Iraq?  Thank you. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Yeah.  Thanks.  Yes, I’ve seen that mantra repeated.  I’ve also seen the mantra repeated that says that the strike that we took would unite the Iranian people around the flagpole.  I will let history reflect whether that turns out to ultimately be true.  I think the Iranian people’s hearts beat for freedom.  And I’m not naive.  The Basij and the Iranian thugs will do everything they can to beat these protests back.  We saw tear gas; there were reports of violence even past that yesterday.  I understand the challenge that is presented both to the Iranians and to the Iraqis, who are looking for a sovereign, independent nation. And so our view is this:  We want to work with all of the various sectarian interests in Iraq.  We – we’ve been doing this before.  We will continue to do this.  How, ultimately, our force posture will be resolved inside of Iraq, we will work along the duly elected leaders in Iraq to get to the right place, but I’ve probably had 50 phone calls with various Iraqis over just these past 10 days – Sunni leaders, Kurdish leaders, Shia leaders from a broad spectrum of the Shia community as well.  They won’t all say so publicly, but privately, they all welcome the fact that America is still there executing its counterterror campaign, making sure that Daesh, ISIS doesn’t reemerge in the theater, and providing an opportunity for the Iraqis to gain the sovereignty and independence that most Iraqis want. We hope that there will be a day when they can move past the sectarian strife that has plagued them since you were the secretary of state and even before that.  It is not an easy solution, but we’re committed to seeing that through, caveated by this:  I have been fully supportive of President Trump’s effort to reduce the American footprint throughout the region.  There’s enormous risk to American lives.  As we sit here today, within the last 48 hours, there were strikes at Balad Air Force Base by the Shia militias formerly under the control of Qasem Soleimani.  That risk is not behind us. And so to the extent we can use less American treasure and put fewer American lives at risk, we ought to do that.  We ought to make sure we understand precisely what America’s interests are, and we should preserve those.  And I think we can achieve both of these goals – reduce our footprint, reduce our risk, while still achieving the American objectives in the region, including in Iraq. SECRETARY RICE:  Yes, right here, and then you’ll be next, and then I’m going to look to this side, so put your hands up if you’ve got a question. QUESTION:  Hi, thank you so much for coming.  My name’s John; I’m a senior studying economics.  One – huge fan as well, but one thing I wanted to sort of ask about was back in April of 2019, there were plans to label the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organization.  Back in 2015, you sponsored the Muslim Brotherhood Terrorist Designation Act. SECRETARY POMPEO:  I vividly remember this.  Yes, I’m reminded about that. QUESTION:  And so one thing I was just curious about is we – there was a big media flare-up over that back in April, but then we kind of never heard the follow-up on that, so I was just wondering, to the extent you can, if you could comment on where the status of that is currently and if there’s an ongoing effort. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Yeah.  I appreciate the question.  I always – full disclosure – I was one of I think eight members of Congress who sponsored legislation asking the previous administration to designate the Muslim Brotherhood broadly as a terrorist organization.  The administration’s still looking at this, trying to evaluate, trying to make sure that we get it right.  It is – it’s perhaps a bit more nuanced than I appreciated as a member of Congress from Kansas. SECRETARY RICE:  It’s always more nuanced when you’re Secretary of State.  (Laughter.) SECRETARY POMPEO:  Yeah, it’s – it’s – that is a very – I’m mindful – all my old friends always throw bombs, and I welcome that but remind them it’s a complicated world. So we’re still trying to figure out how to get that right.  There are undoubtedly elements of the Muslim Brotherhood that are properly designated as terrorists.  We just want to make sure that we get it right, that we calibrate this appropriately, that we make sure that we’ve got the legal foundation for this.  This is something that Secretary Rice would know.  We talk about these designations and it seems as if it’s just a decision that we made.  In fact, the work that’s done to make sure that there is a legal basis for this, that there’s a statutory legal basis for this, the work to make sure that we got the dataset right before we designate an individual or a group as a terrorist organization is deep and robust and important.  We got to get it right, and we’re working our way through this process as well.  I don’t know how that will ultimately be resolved, but I do know there is real risk from the Muslim Brotherhood in many nations throughout the Middle East and we ought to do our part, I hope alongside our European friends as well. SECRETARY RICE:  Yes. QUESTION:  Hi, my name’s Nathaniel.  I’m a senior studying international relations and getting my master’s in communications.  I was just wondering, given the cold war that’s happening right now in the Middle East between Saudi and Iran, like, how – between Sunni and Shia as well – how does the U.S. and the administration view their policy towards Iran as playing into that cold war?  And how do we plan to undermine Chinese economic interests in countries that do have Shia majorities and are ruled by Shia groups at the same time? SECRETARY POMPEO:  Well, I wouldn’t describe it as a cold war.  Missiles landed at an Aramco facility taking 5 percent of the world’s oil supply off the market like that, I’d – does not seem very cold.  Certainly to the people who were working at that facility, it didn’t.  So I think we are – Iran is engaged in a kinetic war against its Middle East co-inhabitants that is real and serious, and it’s part of the problem set that we’ve been confronting since we came in.  We took a very different approach than the previous administration.  It’s not political.  We just had a very different judgment about the risks and how to resolve those risks in America’s favor in the Middle East than the previous administration.  Of all the things we did, it’s probably the biggest, sharpest change we made in policy that you can see playing out on the ground. As for Chinese influence in the Middle East, they want to have political influence there.  We brook no ill towards them if they’re trying to have economic engagement.  We want the Chinese economy to be successful.  But I’ve been pretty clear about the risks that come when there’s not a straight-up transparent deal with the Chinese.  And I think you see countries in Southeast Asia, countries in Africa today recognizing that some of the transactions that took place have proven to be debt traps and have put these countries in the political thrall of the Chinese Communist Party, something that they didn’t anticipate, they don’t want, and now they are coming to the United States to help figure out a path back. And we’re – so we’re mindful as they do these things, kinds of things in the Middle East, a different dynamic, these are wealthy nations as opposed to some of these other countries that needed Chinese money.  We try to make sure that they’re aware of those risks.  They are sovereign nations that get to make their own choices.  We simply tell them how America will respond if they act in a way that we believe is inconsistent with the things that matter most to us. Does that answer your question, at least in part? SECRETARY RICE:  Yeah.  The black t-shirt back here. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Yeah, right here. SECRETARY RICE:  She’s right next to you.  Yes.  She’s right next to you, the black and white t-shirt, yeah.  There we go. QUESTION:  Hi.  My name is Anat Peled.  I’m a senior studying history — SECRETARY POMPEO:  Good morning. QUESTION:  — and I served in Israeli intelligence.  So I’m struck by the — SECRETARY POMPEO:  I’m not sure I’m allowed to talk to you.  I got to figure this out.  (Laughter.) QUESTION:  So you spoke about an imminent threat that was thwarted, but I’m struck by the fact that Americans have little faith in the intelligence agencies, especially since the Iraq war.  Why should the American people trust the intelligence about an imminent threat, especially in light of the President’s own distrust for the agencies? SECRETARY POMPEO:  Yeah.  So I’ll just give you my personal analysis on that.  It’s – it is certainly that, having had the privilege to serve as the director of the Central Intelligence Agency for a year and a half – the first year and a half of this administration, I watched these professionals do their level best to get it right every day.  That’s not the – the Intelligence Community makes mistakes all the time, right?  Happens. But the depth and breadth, the intellect, the capacity and reach of America’s intelligence capability is enormous.  They do their level best to present this accurately.  We do our best, indeed, to translate their products into a situation where we can talk about this publicly.  That is often difficult because we have to preserve the capacity and the resources that were put in place.  We can’t risk them to share something with the American people.  We have to protect them and preserve them because we’ve still got folks in harm’s way even as we sit here today. But I can say to the American people you should have enormous confidence in the Intelligence Community that their efforts are genuine, they are real, they are authentic, they are trying to provide good datasets to – now I’m on the other side as the policy advisor for the President receiving this intelligence, informing our decision making.  There was enormous work done over the last 12 months to put us in a place where the President had every opportunity to make a good decision when the risk was high.  My judgment is the President made the right call.  It’s what I recommended to him.  There was, in fact, a set of imminent attacks that were being plotted by Qasem Soleimani.  It was unmistakable.  I mean, you heard the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff say that if we hadn’t done this, we would have been negligent.  It’s not a political act.  This is the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Milley. The Intelligence Community said the same thing.  It was their view that the risks were real and growing, and that the actions that we took that day reduced that risk.  It never eliminates it, but it reduced that risk.  And I hope the American people can see our intelligence professionals for what they truly are.  I know that I certainly do. SECRETARY RICE:  One final question right here.  Yes. QUESTION:  Thank you so much.  Jenny Tangeman (ph).  I’m a second-year MBA student.  I would just love to hear more – what’s being done on the diplomatic front so that we are able to reduce our military presence in the Middle East in the future? SECRETARY POMPEO:  Yeah.  So there’s – where to begin – lots of work.  I spoke, I think, with nearly all of my Middle East ambassadors on Saturday morning.  I spoke with Ambassador Abizaid, Saudi Arabia, I spoke with my – Ambassador Richardson in Lebanon, spoke to Ambassador Satterfield in Turkey, I spoke with our ambassador in Bahrain.  I – we are working diligently to build out a set of understandings that take down risk.  You will continue to see our efforts that relate to the conflict between the Israelis and the Palestinians.  That hasn’t drawn much attention lately.  We – still working very diligently on it.  Mr. Kushner’s leading the effort.  We’re at the State Department enormously supportive of that, to try and take this historic challenge, right.  There’s been conflict in the Middle East – how many of you are ancient Middle Eastern scholars in the room?  This is – there’s nothing new about this.  But we’re trying to create the conditions – and we’ve had some success.  I’ll give you examples. Back in May of last year, we held an event in Warsaw, the first time that you had Gulf states, Arabs sitting with the Israelis all identifying the identical risk to the region.  It was historic.  We’ve watched these countries work together in ways that they have not done before.  There’s still conflict.  The Qataris and the Saudis and the Emiratis have their challenges, their disagreements.  But our diplomacy is aimed to try and create a set of conditions – as the President says, always in the first instance of protecting the people in this room, protecting America, but also understanding that if we get this right, we can reduce the total effort that America needs to put in this, and that means bringing in countries from all across the world to be part of this collective effort.  I think we’ve made progress.  There’s – awful lot more to do. SECRETARY RICE:  Mr. Secretary, thank you very much for joining us here at Stanford at the Hoover Institution.  I want you to know that we know how difficult these jobs are, and whether one agrees or disagrees with outcomes from time to time, I know that you do it in a great spirit of patriotism and love for our country, and so thank you for that.  And thank you to the students who all showed up early and had their coffee and donuts so that they could participate.  So thanks for being here. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Thank you all very much for being with me this morning.  (Applause.)

国务卿对世界经济论坛的讲话 大家都知道，我们面临很多新威胁，有些不是太新。其范围涵盖北朝鲜的核计划、伊朗的对外冒险主义、中国的以国家为中心的经济模式、中国对邻居的好战性以及在国内拥抱极权主义。极端伊斯兰恐怖主义依然是我们将继续共同打击的持续性威胁。 在所有这些领域，我们都在取得进展。但是如果没有美国发挥核心作用的出色合作，这些进展都不可能实现。我们共同对北朝鲜施加了最大压力，这种压力让金来到谈判桌旁。联合国做了非常棒的工作，是这场全球联合制裁的重心。我们还召集了全球各国联合与伊朗对峙并支持伊朗民众的渴望。 与亚洲和全世界的伙伴国家一道，我们正在和中国重新平衡关系。值得一提的是，与“击败ISIS全球联盟”中的七十多个国家一道，我们还挫败了在叙利亚和伊拉克的ISIS哈里发。 …… 布伦德先生：谢谢您，国务卿。我们很高兴您加入了我们的论坛，那边的形势确实看起来不错。您也短暂提到了中国，我从达沃斯在座的所有与会者这里了解到，中美关系有着巨大利益。我们看到中国的增长在减速，我们还知道今年晚些时候会有一个贸易代表团访问华盛顿DC。所以，从您作为国务卿的角度，您如何看待中国今天在世界上作为一个新兴的地区大国和全球大国的角色，以及如何从美中关系的角度看待中国？ 蓬佩奥国务卿：博格，有些人说冲突——我们两国之间的超级大国冲突——不可避免。我们不这样看，我们想要找到我们可以合作的点。你谈到了将要来访的贸易代表团，我很乐观，我们会接待好他们，我们会从那些对话中取得一个好结果。但是要记得，这一关系的道路将取决于美国支持的原则——美国支持：自由和开放的海洋；各国能把自己的商品带到世界各地；公平和对等的贸易安排，让每个国家得以在公平、透明和开放的基础上进行竞争。这些民主的原则，为全球创造了如此多的财富的这些东西，将驱动美国和中国未来的关系。我们希望中国会采取与此相符的政策，如果他们这么做，我非常有信心我们两国可以共同繁荣昌盛。 布伦德先生：谢谢您，国务卿。听到您很乐观，这很有意思。我知道你是个乐观的人。去年在达沃斯，一个重要的讨论是北美自由贸易协定（NAFTA）的未来，您在那里找到了解决方案。所以当您说“乐观”时，您认为我们可以说今年美中之间在贸易方面会有另一个突破吗？我想我们在座的很多公司CEO对此非常好奇。 蓬佩奥国务卿：我不想提前谈论这次谈话，这次正在进行的谈判。有很多艰难的工作要做，肯定有些关于贸易平衡的问题，这些问题当然重要。但是贸易安排的核心前提、世贸组织（WTO）的结构、将要设置的关税水平、美国公司能够在中国运营而不会冒着他们的商业秘密和知识财产被盗的风险、以及对在我们两国的投资的理解，这些都将会是对等的。一个国家——一个想要，想要来美国这里投资的中国公司——应当有充分的机会这样做，只要他们来这里公平竞争。同样，美国公司也应当被允许这样做，而不是不得不面对这样一个机制：他们所提供的技术将被强制转让。 这些不是公平的安排，它们不是对等的协议，它们不是自由和公平贸易应当进行的方式，所以我希望这些问题中的每一个都能得到建设性处理，我希望中国准备好在这些条件下竞争。如果是这样的话，我非常有信心，不仅美国及其人民将拥有光明的未来，中国人民也将拥有光明的未来。 …… 布伦德先生：国务卿，知道您个人在北朝鲜，朝鲜问题方面表现出了极大的领导力。去年六月，特朗普总统会晤了金正恩委员长，创造了历史，为改善韩朝半岛安全形势带来了很大希望。正如我所说的那样，期望很高。我们知道总统将于二月底与金正恩委员长会晤。我想外界有诸多好奇。也许您可以阐述一下，当特朗普总统再次与委员长会晤时，您所设想的后续步骤是什么，也许您也可以让我们知道将会在何地会晤。 蓬佩奥国务卿：博格，我今天在这方面没有任何消息要宣布，但我可以这样说：谈判迄今已经进行了一段时间了，已经进行了很多讨论。当金英哲上周访问华盛顿时，我们不仅在他与总统的讨论中取得了进一步的进展，而且特别代表比根也有机会与新指定的对口官员会晤，他们在那里能够讨论一些复杂问题，以实现双方领导人去年六月在新加坡所作出的安排。 这样，在双方领导人再次会晤之前，我们还有几周时间。上周末在瑞典举行的一系列讨论现在已经结束。再一次取得了更多一点进展。还有非常多的工作要做，但好的事情已经发生了。北朝鲜人没有在进行导弹试验，北朝鲜人没有在进行核试验。在实现在新加坡所作出的无核化的安排，以及在实现双方领导人达成一致的半岛安全、稳定与和平方面，还有许多路要走。我们决心努力实现这一目标。我相信在二月底我们还会有一个好的标志性事件。 布伦德先生：谢谢。当施瓦布教授和我十二月在您的办公室与您会面计划您在达沃斯这里的访问时，我们也谈到了如果情况有所突破，私营部门作出贡献的可能性。您对此有何进一步的思考？ 蓬佩奥国务卿：我们确实就这一话题进行了良好的交谈，博格。今天还没有太大的角色给私营部门，但如果我们取得成功，如果我们能够朝着实现无核化和创造适当条件迈出实质性的一步，那么就会有私营部门出现，在后面等着出现，我知道北朝鲜人了解他们需要私营部门，无论是为这个国家的人民提供电力，还是建立北朝鲜迫切需要的基础设施。这些事肯定会有政府参与，但是还是需要私营部门的有力推动，才能实现北朝鲜的经济增长，这将最终引向我们所有人都在寻求的稳定。 所以疑虑，心存疑虑的私营企业，如果我们能够实现完全无核化，而且我知道这是全世界所希望的，他们准备投资北朝鲜并协助北朝鲜，私营部门也将成为实现协议最终内容的重要参与者。

As you all know, we face many new threats, some of them not so new. They range from North Korea’s nuclear program, to Iran’s foreign adventurism, to China’s state-centered economic model, its belligerence toward its neighbors, and its embraces of a totalitarian state at home. Radical Islamic terrorism remains a persistent threat that we will continue to fight together. In all of these areas we’re making progress. But none of this progress could have happened without beautiful coalitions in which America has played a central role. Collectively, we have exerted maximum pressure on North Korea, and that pressure has gotten Kim to the negotiating table. The United Nations did amazing work, acting as the center of gravity for sanctions that built out this global coalition. We’ve also assembled a global coalition of nations to confront Iran and support the aspirations of the Iranian people. And we’re rebalancing the relationship with China, alongside partner nations in Asia and all around the world. It should not go unnoticed that we’ve also defeated the ISIS caliphate in Syria and Iraq, alongside more than six dozen nations in the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS. … MR BRENDE: Thank you, Secretary. We’re very pleased that you have joined us, and it does look brisk there. And you also mentioned China in your short intervention, and I know from all participants here in Davos there is huge interest in the Sino-U.S. relationship. We see that growth is slowing in China. We also know that there will be a trade delegation visiting DC later this year. So from your perspective as Secretary of State, how do you see the role of China in the world today as an emerging regional and global power, and also in relationship to the U.S.-Sino relationship? SECRETARY POMPEO: Borge, there are those who say that conflict, superpower conflict between our two countries, is inevitable. We don’t see it that way. We want to find places where we can work together. You talked about the trade delegation coming. I am optimistic that we’ll receive them well and that we’ll have a good outcome from those conversations. But remember, the course of the relationship will be determined by the principles that America standbys – stands by: free and open seas, the capacity for nations to take their goods around the world, fair and reciprocal trade arrangements where every country has the opportunity to compete on a fair, transparent, and open basis. These principles of democracy, these things that have created so much wealth for the whole globe, will drive the relationship between the United States and China in the years ahead, and we hope that China will adopt policies that are consistent with that. If they do, I am very confident that our two nations can thrive and prosper together. MR BRENDE: Thank you, Secretary. It’s interesting to hear that you are optimistic. I know that you are an optimistic person. Last year in Davos, the big discussion was the future of NAFTA. There you found a solution. So when you’re saying “optimistic,” you think we will say another breakthrough this year on the trade side between the U.S. and China? I think a lot of our business CEOs are very curious about that here. SECRETARY POMPEO: I don’t want to get ahead of the conversations, the negotiations that are taking place. There’s lots of hard work to do. There are certainly issues around trade balances; those certainly matter. But the central premises of the trade arrangements, the structures at the WTO, the tariff levels that will be set, the capacity for American businesses to operate in China without risk that their trade secrets and their intellectual property will be stolen, the understandings that investments in our two countries will be reciprocal. A country – a Chinese company that want to – wants to invest here in the United States should have every opportunity to do so, so long as they’re coming here to compete fairly. In the same sense, American companies should be permitted to do that as well without having to have a mechanism by which the technology that they’re providing will be forced to be transferred. Those aren’t fair arrangements, they’re not reciprocal agreements, they’re not the way free and fair trade ought to be conducted, and so I am hopeful that each of those issues can be dealt with constructively and that China is prepared to compete on those terms. And if they are, I am very confident that there will be a bright future not only for the United States and its people but for the Chinese people as well. … MR BRENDE: Secretary, know that you personally have shown a lot of leadership when it comes to North Korea and the DPRK. History was made last June when President Trump met with Chairman Kim Jong-un, which a lot of hope for improvements of the security situation in the Korean Peninsula was established. Expectations, as I said, were high. We know that the President will meet with Chairman Kim Jong-un late in February. I think there is a lot of curiosity. Maybe you can shed some light on the next steps you envisage when President Trump meets again with the chairman, and maybe you can also let us know where it’s going to happen. SECRETARY POMPEO: Borge, I don’t have any news to break today on that front, but I can say this: The negotiations have been underway for some time now. There’s lots of discussions that have taken place. When Kim Yong-chol visited Washington last week, we made further progress not only in the discussions that he had with the President, but Special Representative Biegun had the opportunity to meet with his newly designated counterpart as well, where they were able to discuss some of the complicated issues towards achieving what the two leaders laid out back last June in Singapore. And so we have a handful of weeks before the two leaders will meet together again. A set of discussions that took place in Sweden over the weekend have now wrapped up. Again, a little bit more progress. There remains an awful lot of work to do, but good things have happened already. The North Koreans aren’t conducting missile tests. The North Koreans aren’t conducting nuclear tests. There are many steps yet along the way towards achieving the denuclearization that was laid out in Singapore and in achieving the security and stability and peace on the peninsula that the two leaders agreed to as well. We’re determined to work towards achieving that. I believe at the end of February we’ll have another good marker along the way. MR BRENDE: Thank you. When Professor Schwab and I met with you in your office in December, planning for your visit here in Davos, we also touched on a possibility for private sector to contribute, if there was a breakthrough. Any further reflections on that? SECRETARY POMPEO: We did have a good conversation about that, Borge. There’s not much role for the private sector today, but if we’re successful, if we can make a substantial step towards achieving the denuclearization and create the right conditions, it’ll be the private sector that sits there, looming in the background, that I know the North Koreans understand they need, whether that’s power for the people of the country, whether it’s to install the infrastructure that is so desperately needed in North Korea. Those things will certainly have a government component to them, but there’ll be an enormous private sector push that will be required to achieve the economic growth in North Korea that will ultimately lead to the stability that we’re all looking for. And so the specter, the specter of private sector companies who are prepared to invest in North Korea and to assist North Korea if we’re able to achieve that full denuclearization that I know the entire world wants, the private sector will be an important player in achieving the final elements of the agreement as well.

2020年11月20日 美国东部标准时间晚上9:12 发言人办公室 美国和台湾的密切关系植根于我们对守护自由和推进民主价值观的承诺。我们的伙伴关系以经济投资和共享的人民间联系为基础，而且我们对世界有共同的愿景，包括法治、透明度、对等、繁荣、保护人权以及各方的安全。这些同样的原则体现在“干净网络”中，我们双方均有幸是“干净网络”的成员。 在这些原则的指导下，同时认识到我们关系的重要性，在美国在台协会（AIT）和驻美国台北经济文化代表处（TECRO）的主持下，美国和台湾今天在华盛顿D.C.举行了首届美台经济繁荣伙伴对话。美台经济繁荣伙伴对话提供了机会在美国和台湾经济合作的现有领域中继续努力，同时打造美国和台湾间新的经济关系。美方代表团由负责经济增长、能源和环境事务的副国务卿基斯·克拉奇(Keith Krach)率领，参加官员包括负责东亚和太平洋事务的助理国务卿史达伟(David Stilwell)以及美国在台协会处长郦英杰（Brent Christensen）。台湾代表团包括台湾行政院政务委员邓振中、台湾经济部部长王美花、台湾科技部部长吴政忠以及台湾经济部政务次长陈正祺。 美台经济繁荣伙伴对话涵盖了广泛的经济议题，包括干净网络、5G网络和电信安全、供应链、投资筛查、干净基础设施合作、可再生能源、全球卫生、科学技术以及女性的经济赋能、教育和创业。作为对科学技术合作持续并扩大承诺的一个表示，美国在台协会和驻美国台北经济文化代表处还宣布打算就一项科学技术协议进行谈判协商，以增进对广泛科学技术议题的共同理解与合作。 未来的美台经济繁荣伙伴对话将有助于加强美台经济关系，进一步扩大两个社会对民主的尊重，并加强我们对自由市场、企业家精神和自由的共同承诺。

11/20/2020 09:12 PM EST Office of the Spokesperson The close relationship between the United States and Taiwan is rooted in our commitment to the defense of freedom and the promotion of democratic values. Our partnership is built on economic investment and shared people-to-people ties, and we share a vision for the world that includes the rule of law, transparency, reciprocity, prosperity, the protection of human rights, and security for all. These are the same principles that are embodied in the Clean Network, of which we both have the honor of being members. Guided by these principles and recognizing the importance of our relationship, the United States and Taiwan, under the auspices of the American Institute in Taiwan (AIT) and the Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office (TECRO), held the inaugural meeting of the U.S.-Taiwan Economic Prosperity Partnership (EPP) Dialogue today in Washington, DC. The EPP Dialogue was an opportunity to continue work in existing areas of economic cooperation while also forging new economic ties between the United States and Taiwan. Led by the Under Secretary of State for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment Keith Krach, the U.S. delegation included Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs David Stilwell and AIT Taipei Director Brent Christensen. The Taiwan delegation included Minister without Portfolio John Deng, Minister of Economic Affairs Wang Mei-Hua, Minister of Science and Technology Wu Tsung-Tsong, and Deputy Minister of Economic Affairs C.C. Chen. The EPP Dialogue covered a broad range of economic issues including the Clean Network, 5G networks and telecommunications security, supply chains, investment screening, clean infrastructure cooperation, renewable energy, global health, science and technology, and women’s economic empowerment, education and entrepreneurship. As a sign of continued and expanded commitment to science and technology collaboration, AIT and TECRO also announced their intention to negotiate a Science and Technology Agreement to advance joint understanding and collaboration on a broad range of science and technology topics. Future EPP Dialogues will help strengthen the U.S.-Taiwan economic relationship, further magnify the two societies’ respect for democracy, and strengthen our shared commitment to free markets, entrepreneurship, and freedom.

言归正传：伯恩斯大使谈如何驾驭世界上最重要的双边关系 中国美国商会采访伯恩斯大使 (2022年12月3日-链接)   In early March 2022, the new US Ambassador to the People’s Republic of China, Nicholas Burns, touched down in Beijing. In the nearly nine months since his arrival, Ambassador Burns has hit the ground running, working tirelessly for US interests in China through engagements with both government and business leaders. Shortly before China’s 20th Party Congress, AmCham China President Michael Hart sat down with Ambassador Burns for a frank and wide-ranging discussion on the state of US-China relations. After the Party Congress and the Biden-Xi meeting in Bali, we caught up again with Ambassador Burns to ask some follow-up questions.   Nicholas Burns is Ambassador of the United States of America to the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Nominated by President Biden, he was confirmed by the US Senate in December 2021. As Ambassador, he leads a team of experienced, dedicated, and diverse public servants from 47 US government agencies and sub-agencies at the US Mission in China, including at the Embassy in Beijing and at the American Consulates in Shanghai, Guangzhou, Wuhan, and Shenyang. He oversees the Mission’s interaction with the PRC on the full range of political, security, economic, commercial, consular, and many other issues. Ambassador Burns has had a long career in American diplomacy serving six Presidents and nine Secretaries of State, including as National Security Council Director and then Senior Director for Soviet Affairs and, later, Russia/Ukraine (1990-1995), State Department Spokesperson (1995-1997), Ambassador to Greece (1997-2001), Ambassador to NATO (2001-2005), Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs (2005-2008), and as a member of the Foreign Policy Advisory Board of Secretary of State John Kerry (2014-2017). Ambassador Burns has received 15 honorary degrees, the Presidential Distinguished Service Award, and the Secretary of State’s Distinguished Service Award. He is a graduate of Boston College (BA History, 1978) and the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies (MA International Relations, 1980).   Michael Hart: Let’s start with your international experience. How has your experience as US Ambassador here been informed by other postings that you’ve had in your career with the State Department or otherwise? How are [those experiences] helping you specifically here?   Ambassador Burns: First of all, let me just say thank you for the great engagement that we have with the American Chamber. You’re vital for us and… our economic commercial relationship is at the center of our relationship. We really value the dialogue with you and also with all the members.   This is a unique position to be American Ambassador in China at this time, given the complexities in our relationship. When President Biden called me to ask me to take the job, of course I accepted, because, as a career diplomat… I think it’s one of the great challenges that we face around the world these days. We have a very large and very competent Mission here filled with people who are experts on every aspect of the relationship. So I take it as my job to help people in our Mission succeed, to be working on the issues that are critical to the future of our country, such as our very competitive relationship, the military competition between us in the Indo-Pacific, and the building up of our very important alliances with Japan, South Korea, Australia; our defense alliances and treaty agreements with the Philippines and Thailand; our strategic relationship with India.   We obviously are focused on technology, and the competition between us in the digital realm, from AI to machine learning to quantum sciences to biotech. We’re focused on economics and trade. That’s really fundamental to us. Can we help to create here a level playing field for American businesses, knowing that, if we can do that, American business can succeed here? You’ve demonstrated that with more than 1,100 companies present here, with thousands more based in the US trading, importing, and exporting with the Chinese. It is a critical relationship for us, worth $718 billion in two-way trade last year.   “I believe competition on many different major issues will continue to be a primary element in our relationship. We also believe this competition should not veer into conflict and that the United States and China must manage the competition responsibly.”   Michael Hart: One of the wake-up calls for the American business community in Shanghai was supply chains. People did not necessarily realize how many things were running through Shanghai. Now, as the Biden Administration continues to roll out plans for sustainable supply chains, China is asking itself, where do they fit in in the global supply chain? I’ve also had people ask me if US companies are “anti-China” and I say no, people are just looking to rebuild their supply chains. So, the question is, where does China fit in in the global supply chain? Is it realistic for China to be a priority market for the US and multinational companies in terms of supply chain? How do you see that?   Ambassador Burns: To a certain extent, what we’ve learned from nearly three years now of the global pandemic is the over reliance that some of us have had on supply chains from China in critical materials, critical for the functioning of our economy or for the industrial enterprises of our most competitive industries. So I think there’s been a major movement to try to make sure that we control our own [supply chains] in certain industries, [so] we have greater access and more reliability about supply chains. This is not just a lesson that we’ve learned; the Europeans [and] Japanese have learned this. You’ve seen movement around the world to make sure that, in a crisis, you control your destiny, and you control your own fate, so your economy can continue to perform at a high level, and you’re not at the mercy of an autocratic power that might deny you critical materials. So, that’s a lesson we’ve learned, and you’ve heard our President, other senior members of our government and many members of the business community talk about that.   One of the motivations for the CHIPS [Creating Helpful Incentives to Produce Semiconductors] and Science Act is to make sure that we’re not only competitive in semiconductors, but that we actually have fabs in the United States that are world class. So that in a crisis, semiconductors – which are the building blocks of everything in a 21st century economy – are closer to home. The Chinese, I think in a way, have also learned that lesson, as I look at what the government here is trying to do. They’re trying to alter supply chains, they’re trying to insulate themselves, hypothetically, from pressure from the rest of the world in the future.   I often get asked about decoupling, but it’s not a word that we’ve used. I always say in my talks with the business community, we’re not actively seeking to decouple two economies that have come together over 45 years, a $718 billion two-way trade relationship annually, with thousands, tens of thousands of companies interacting with each other. If either side is beginning to decouple, it’s more China than the United States. They’ve talked about it more – they don’t use the word – but that’s certainly what they’re signaling in some respects, and they’ve been taking actions far longer than we have.   Obviously, you know there are two areas I would highlight here. One is CFIUS, the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States. We now, for a good 20 years, have been screening foreign investment opportunities in the United States in those areas that are critical to our national security. We have a right to do that, and it’s been very successful. The President just signed an Executive Order that sharpens the tools that CFIUS has to do that.   Second, on the other end of the spectrum, my own advice when I talk to American businesses here is, we want you to succeed, we know that most American companies… want to stay here. [Many] companies may be hesitating on future investments because of uncertainty over China’s economic policy. But my own advice to companies as Ambassador is stay away from investments in China that would assist the growth and development of China’s military industrial sector. We don’t want our national security interests diminished and affected by American investments to help the Chinese compete with us in areas that are core to our national security. Those are very important areas for businesses to think about in a responsible way.     Michael Hart: I dialed into one of those calls you did to help educate us. That also helps to answer a question we had around what is the US Embassy doing to help US companies understand new rules coming out that are specific to China. I think you’ve covered that pretty well. Another issue is flights. Flights between China and the US are at historic lows. What are your thoughts on how this impacts the US-China relationship? Is there anything you know of with the Department of Transportation and what they’re trying to do to get flights moving forward, or the challenges that they are dealing with in trying to get those flights between the US and China going?   Ambassador Burns: This has been a major challenge and a major frustration, frankly. Every country has a right to design its own anti-COVID measures. But they also have an obligation to respect our own bilateral agreements. In this case, we’re very frustrated by the fact that there are so few flights by our three big carriers – Delta, American, and United – into the major Chinese cities. This harms business, it harms Americans who want to study here, who can’t get here easily, it harms all of us who work here officially and try to come in and come out.   The fact is that the People’s Republic of China has not met many of their obligations to us and to our air transport agreements. And so, the Department of Transportation in Washington has been forced – on a reciprocal basis – to impose limits on Chinese airlines because our airlines are being put at a disadvantage. And I really hope – perhaps we’ll see this later in the autumn, I hope following the 20th Party Congress – that we’ll see more flexibility on the Chinese side, and we’ll see them adhering to the letter of our bilateral agreements. Because air transportation is fundamental to the functioning of a modern economy and modern society. It is very difficult to get into this country; it’s difficult to get out of this country.   Michael Hart: You’re right, transportation is a key. As we have tried to explain to anybody who will listen that, if you can’t have flights in and out, then you won’t have new foreign direct investment (FDI), because people won’t be able to come in and approve projects. There is starting to be some realization of that as the FDI numbers fall.   Ambassador Burns: I’ve heard businesspeople tell me, and these are senior American businesspeople representing major American firms, “How can we plan a major investment here if my CEO or Chairman, if he or she can’t come here, kick the tires, be on the ground, and talk to Chinese officials?” And until that happens, we’re not going to see – and we haven’t seen – substantial new investment by American, European, or Japanese firms here across the board. That’s one of the reasons why.     Michael Hart: I completely agree. You guys at the US Mission have completely opened visa services for Chinese nationals, that is another area where China has not fully reciprocated. This has had a serious impact on the business community. Sometimes I don’t think the Chinese public knows completely that US visa services are open, just through rumors or because you don’t see as many long lines out front anymore. What are your views in terms of how you have prepared to reopen and allow folks to get visas to the US?   Ambassador Burns: This is another example where, in implementing dynamic zero-COVID, the Chinese government has put Americans at an enormous disadvantage, and other foreign populations as well. We think we have about 290,000 Chinese students in the United States. The United States remains the leading destination for Chinese students. We just had a major fair here two weeks ago at the Embassy on a Saturday for Chinese students and their parents to familiarize themselves with the visa process, and also, most importantly, educational opportunities in the United States. Our doors are open to Chinese students. We want Chinese students to study in our country. It’s been extremely difficult, however, for American students to get visas; the doors have been closed. We think we only have max 400 American students in China right now, versus the 290,000 Chinese students in the United States. And it’s in our interest to have young Americans come here to learn Mandarin, to learn about the culture and history of this extraordinary country that we’re all living in, and maybe to be the next Michael Hart, or the next person leading one of our major American companies here, or to be an American diplomat here. But they need that experience, and they’re not getting it and the doors haven’t been opened. And again, here’s another example of almost a double standard, where our doors are clearly open. I went down to the Consular Section this summer to see the visa process in operation, we had lots of officers working there. It’s been difficult to get American students in here, difficult to get the visas, and it’s difficult to travel here. And then there are all sorts of restrictions that the students [in China] are locked down in their campuses and can’t have a normal student experience. So, I do think it’s incumbent upon the authorities here to be more flexible, to open up people-to-people contacts.   Michael Hart: I also want to ask about social media. I know you’re very active on social media from posting about policies and human rights to high-speed trains and baseball. Tell us about the importance of social media and how you’re trying to use it – both inside and outside of China.   Ambassador Burns: It’s a powerful instrument, and it’s a necessary one. The Biden administration encourages all of the Embassies to take part in the international debate… We have an embassy Weibo account, we have WeChat accounts, we have a Twitter account of 1.2 million followers, I have my own separate Twitter account. What we’re trying to do here is speak to the Chinese people and give them accurate information about us. We try to give the Chinese people an accurate portrayal of who we are as a country, what we believe in, and correct basic misstatements by their own government about us.   There’s a powerful censorship body here. When Secretary Blinken gave his big speech on the US-China relationship, the major speech of this administration, it was censored on WeChat and Weibo within two hours. We put it back up a couple of days later and it was censored within 20 minutes. But in that two-hour span, and in that 20-minute span, you can get a lot of people looking at it. We believe in freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and we think that people have a right to free and accurate information. That’s our goal, and to show respect to the people of China, respect for their culture, and their civilization, their history.   There are times we use our social media presence to debate the government here, to correct misstatements by the government, to criticize. So, I think we’re never going to live in a world where social media is not a presence.   Questions Post Party Congress and G20 Biden-Xi Meeting   What do you see as the biggest takeaways for US business from the 20th Party Congress? Are you optimistic about the future trajectory?   Ambassador Burns: On the 20th Party Congress, we recognize that important changes are happening in the PRC, and we are paying close attention. It will take time to see how those changes are translated into personnel and policy. One of the primary issues that arises from the 20th Party Congress is whether China will move in a more statist direction on economic policy. I’ve heard from many in the US business community questions about the PRC’s future economic policy in the year ahead.   The two Presidents met in Bali. Is that face-to-face meeting in itself a reason to celebrate and do you think it’s the start of a new bilateral footing?   Ambassador Burns: I was with President Biden for the Bali meeting with President Xi Jinping. It was a candid meeting where the two leaders spoke about their respective priorities and exchanged views on the most important regional and global challenges. President Biden was clear that we will compete with the PRC on the many issues where we have disagreements. On Taiwan, the President differed strongly with the PRC’s aggressive actions which undermine peace in the Taiwan Strait. President Biden raised US concerns about China’s non-market economic practices. It was important that our two leaders met face-to-face. The meeting was aimed at building a floor in the relationship and managing the competition responsibly. From our perspective, the meeting did allow us to take some steps in that direction. As President Biden said after the meeting, the two leaders were blunt with one another about places where we disagreed. I believe competition on many different major issues will continue to be a primary element in our relationship. We also believe this competition should not veer into conflict and that the United States and China must manage the competition responsibly.   We’ve heard a lot about competition between the two sides, but where do you see the largest areas for US-China engagement and cooperation?   Ambassador Burns: China and the US have a joint interest as well as a global responsibility, to work together on transnational challenges – such as climate change, global macroeconomic stability including debt relief, health security, and global food security. At their meeting, President Biden and President Xi agreed to empower key senior officials to maintain communication on these and other issues. The two leaders also agreed that Secretary of State Blinken will visit China early in 2023 to follow up on their discussions. Our message to the PRC is: let’s move forward when it is in our interest to do so. But at the same time, the US will also continue to raise our strong human rights concerns about Xinjiang, Tibet, Hong Kong, and other issues. We are going to continue to compete with the PRC to create a level playing field for US businesses here, but we also believe this competition should not veer into conflict and that the United States and China must manage the competition effectively and maintain a peaceful relationship.   This article has been edited from the original transcript for length and clarity. The interview took place in early October, prior to the meeting between President Biden and President Xi at the G20 in Bali, Indonesia. The follow-up questions were answered in late November following the 20th Party Congress and G20 meeting.

Down to Business: Ambassador Burns on Navigating the World’s Most Important Bilateral Relationship AmCham China Interview with Ambassador Burns (December 3, 2022 – LINK)   In early March 2022, the new US Ambassador to the People’s Republic of China, Nicholas Burns, touched down in Beijing. In the nearly nine months since his arrival, Ambassador Burns has hit the ground running, working tirelessly for US interests in China through engagements with both government and business leaders. Shortly before China’s 20th Party Congress, AmCham China President Michael Hart sat down with Ambassador Burns for a frank and wide-ranging discussion on the state of US-China relations. After the Party Congress and the Biden-Xi meeting in Bali, we caught up again with Ambassador Burns to ask some follow-up questions.   Nicholas Burns is Ambassador of the United States of America to the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Nominated by President Biden, he was confirmed by the US Senate in December 2021. As Ambassador, he leads a team of experienced, dedicated, and diverse public servants from 47 US government agencies and sub-agencies at the US Mission in China, including at the Embassy in Beijing and at the American Consulates in Shanghai, Guangzhou, Wuhan, and Shenyang. He oversees the Mission’s interaction with the PRC on the full range of political, security, economic, commercial, consular, and many other issues. Ambassador Burns has had a long career in American diplomacy serving six Presidents and nine Secretaries of State, including as National Security Council Director and then Senior Director for Soviet Affairs and, later, Russia/Ukraine (1990-1995), State Department Spokesperson (1995-1997), Ambassador to Greece (1997-2001), Ambassador to NATO (2001-2005), Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs (2005-2008), and as a member of the Foreign Policy Advisory Board of Secretary of State John Kerry (2014-2017). Ambassador Burns has received 15 honorary degrees, the Presidential Distinguished Service Award, and the Secretary of State’s Distinguished Service Award. He is a graduate of Boston College (BA History, 1978) and the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies (MA International Relations, 1980).   Michael Hart: Let’s start with your international experience. How has your experience as US Ambassador here been informed by other postings that you’ve had in your career with the State Department or otherwise? How are [those experiences] helping you specifically here?   Ambassador Burns: First of all, let me just say thank you for the great engagement that we have with the American Chamber. You’re vital for us and… our economic commercial relationship is at the center of our relationship. We really value the dialogue with you and also with all the members.   This is a unique position to be American Ambassador in China at this time, given the complexities in our relationship. When President Biden called me to ask me to take the job, of course I accepted, because, as a career diplomat… I think it’s one of the great challenges that we face around the world these days. We have a very large and very competent Mission here filled with people who are experts on every aspect of the relationship. So I take it as my job to help people in our Mission succeed, to be working on the issues that are critical to the future of our country, such as our very competitive relationship, the military competition between us in the Indo-Pacific, and the building up of our very important alliances with Japan, South Korea, Australia; our defense alliances and treaty agreements with the Philippines and Thailand; our strategic relationship with India.   We obviously are focused on technology, and the competition between us in the digital realm, from AI to machine learning to quantum sciences to biotech. We’re focused on economics and trade. That’s really fundamental to us. Can we help to create here a level playing field for American businesses, knowing that, if we can do that, American business can succeed here? You’ve demonstrated that with more than 1,100 companies present here, with thousands more based in the US trading, importing, and exporting with the Chinese. It is a critical relationship for us, worth $718 billion in two-way trade last year.   “I believe competition on many different major issues will continue to be a primary element in our relationship. We also believe this competition should not veer into conflict and that the United States and China must manage the competition responsibly.”   Michael Hart: One of the wake-up calls for the American business community in Shanghai was supply chains. People did not necessarily realize how many things were running through Shanghai. Now, as the Biden Administration continues to roll out plans for sustainable supply chains, China is asking itself, where do they fit in in the global supply chain? I’ve also had people ask me if US companies are “anti-China” and I say no, people are just looking to rebuild their supply chains. So, the question is, where does China fit in in the global supply chain? Is it realistic for China to be a priority market for the US and multinational companies in terms of supply chain? How do you see that?   Ambassador Burns: To a certain extent, what we’ve learned from nearly three years now of the global pandemic is the over reliance that some of us have had on supply chains from China in critical materials, critical for the functioning of our economy or for the industrial enterprises of our most competitive industries. So I think there’s been a major movement to try to make sure that we control our own [supply chains] in certain industries, [so] we have greater access and more reliability about supply chains. This is not just a lesson that we’ve learned; the Europeans [and] Japanese have learned this. You’ve seen movement around the world to make sure that, in a crisis, you control your destiny, and you control your own fate, so your economy can continue to perform at a high level, and you’re not at the mercy of an autocratic power that might deny you critical materials. So, that’s a lesson we’ve learned, and you’ve heard our President, other senior members of our government and many members of the business community talk about that.   One of the motivations for the CHIPS [Creating Helpful Incentives to Produce Semiconductors] and Science Act is to make sure that we’re not only competitive in semiconductors, but that we actually have fabs in the United States that are world class. So that in a crisis, semiconductors – which are the building blocks of everything in a 21st century economy – are closer to home. The Chinese, I think in a way, have also learned that lesson, as I look at what the government here is trying to do. They’re trying to alter supply chains, they’re trying to insulate themselves, hypothetically, from pressure from the rest of the world in the future.   I often get asked about decoupling, but it’s not a word that we’ve used. I always say in my talks with the business community, we’re not actively seeking to decouple two economies that have come together over 45 years, a $718 billion two-way trade relationship annually, with thousands, tens of thousands of companies interacting with each other. If either side is beginning to decouple, it’s more China than the United States. They’ve talked about it more – they don’t use the word – but that’s certainly what they’re signaling in some respects, and they’ve been taking actions far longer than we have.   Obviously, you know there are two areas I would highlight here. One is CFIUS, the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States. We now, for a good 20 years, have been screening foreign investment opportunities in the United States in those areas that are critical to our national security. We have a right to do that, and it’s been very successful. The President just signed an Executive Order that sharpens the tools that CFIUS has to do that.   Second, on the other end of the spectrum, my own advice when I talk to American businesses here is, we want you to succeed, we know that most American companies… want to stay here. [Many] companies may be hesitating on future investments because of uncertainty over China’s economic policy. But my own advice to companies as Ambassador is stay away from investments in China that would assist the growth and development of China’s military industrial sector. We don’t want our national security interests diminished and affected by American investments to help the Chinese compete with us in areas that are core to our national security. Those are very important areas for businesses to think about in a responsible way.     Michael Hart: I dialed into one of those calls you did to help educate us. That also helps to answer a question we had around what is the US Embassy doing to help US companies understand new rules coming out that are specific to China. I think you’ve covered that pretty well. Another issue is flights. Flights between China and the US are at historic lows. What are your thoughts on how this impacts the US-China relationship? Is there anything you know of with the Department of Transportation and what they’re trying to do to get flights moving forward, or the challenges that they are dealing with in trying to get those flights between the US and China going?   Ambassador Burns: This has been a major challenge and a major frustration, frankly. Every country has a right to design its own anti-COVID measures. But they also have an obligation to respect our own bilateral agreements. In this case, we’re very frustrated by the fact that there are so few flights by our three big carriers – Delta, American, and United – into the major Chinese cities. This harms business, it harms Americans who want to study here, who can’t get here easily, it harms all of us who work here officially and try to come in and come out.   The fact is that the People’s Republic of China has not met many of their obligations to us and to our air transport agreements. And so, the Department of Transportation in Washington has been forced – on a reciprocal basis – to impose limits on Chinese airlines because our airlines are being put at a disadvantage. And I really hope – perhaps we’ll see this later in the autumn, I hope following the 20th Party Congress – that we’ll see more flexibility on the Chinese side, and we’ll see them adhering to the letter of our bilateral agreements. Because air transportation is fundamental to the functioning of a modern economy and modern society. It is very difficult to get into this country; it’s difficult to get out of this country.   Michael Hart: You’re right, transportation is a key. As we have tried to explain to anybody who will listen that, if you can’t have flights in and out, then you won’t have new foreign direct investment (FDI), because people won’t be able to come in and approve projects. There is starting to be some realization of that as the FDI numbers fall.   Ambassador Burns: I’ve heard businesspeople tell me, and these are senior American businesspeople representing major American firms, “How can we plan a major investment here if my CEO or Chairman, if he or she can’t come here, kick the tires, be on the ground, and talk to Chinese officials?” And until that happens, we’re not going to see – and we haven’t seen – substantial new investment by American, European, or Japanese firms here across the board. That’s one of the reasons why.     Michael Hart: I completely agree. You guys at the US Mission have completely opened visa services for Chinese nationals, that is another area where China has not fully reciprocated. This has had a serious impact on the business community. Sometimes I don’t think the Chinese public knows completely that US visa services are open, just through rumors or because you don’t see as many long lines out front anymore. What are your views in terms of how you have prepared to reopen and allow folks to get visas to the US?   Ambassador Burns: This is another example where, in implementing dynamic zero-COVID, the Chinese government has put Americans at an enormous disadvantage, and other foreign populations as well. We think we have about 290,000 Chinese students in the United States. The United States remains the leading destination for Chinese students. We just had a major fair here two weeks ago at the Embassy on a Saturday for Chinese students and their parents to familiarize themselves with the visa process, and also, most importantly, educational opportunities in the United States. Our doors are open to Chinese students. We want Chinese students to study in our country. It’s been extremely difficult, however, for American students to get visas; the doors have been closed. We think we only have max 400 American students in China right now, versus the 290,000 Chinese students in the United States. And it’s in our interest to have young Americans come here to learn Mandarin, to learn about the culture and history of this extraordinary country that we’re all living in, and maybe to be the next Michael Hart, or the next person leading one of our major American companies here, or to be an American diplomat here. But they need that experience, and they’re not getting it and the doors haven’t been opened. And again, here’s another example of almost a double standard, where our doors are clearly open. I went down to the Consular Section this summer to see the visa process in operation, we had lots of officers working there. It’s been difficult to get American students in here, difficult to get the visas, and it’s difficult to travel here. And then there are all sorts of restrictions that the students [in China] are locked down in their campuses and can’t have a normal student experience. So, I do think it’s incumbent upon the authorities here to be more flexible, to open up people-to-people contacts.   Michael Hart: I also want to ask about social media. I know you’re very active on social media from posting about policies and human rights to high-speed trains and baseball. Tell us about the importance of social media and how you’re trying to use it – both inside and outside of China.   Ambassador Burns: It’s a powerful instrument, and it’s a necessary one. The Biden administration encourages all of the Embassies to take part in the international debate… We have an embassy Weibo account, we have WeChat accounts, we have a Twitter account of 1.2 million followers, I have my own separate Twitter account. What we’re trying to do here is speak to the Chinese people and give them accurate information about us. We try to give the Chinese people an accurate portrayal of who we are as a country, what we believe in, and correct basic misstatements by their own government about us.   There’s a powerful censorship body here. When Secretary Blinken gave his big speech on the US-China relationship, the major speech of this administration, it was censored on WeChat and Weibo within two hours. We put it back up a couple of days later and it was censored within 20 minutes. But in that two-hour span, and in that 20-minute span, you can get a lot of people looking at it. We believe in freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and we think that people have a right to free and accurate information. That’s our goal, and to show respect to the people of China, respect for their culture, and their civilization, their history.   There are times we use our social media presence to debate the government here, to correct misstatements by the government, to criticize. So, I think we’re never going to live in a world where social media is not a presence.   Questions Post Party Congress and G20 Biden-Xi Meeting   What do you see as the biggest takeaways for US business from the 20th Party Congress? Are you optimistic about the future trajectory?   Ambassador Burns: On the 20th Party Congress, we recognize that important changes are happening in the PRC, and we are paying close attention. It will take time to see how those changes are translated into personnel and policy. One of the primary issues that arises from the 20th Party Congress is whether China will move in a more statist direction on economic policy. I’ve heard from many in the US business community questions about the PRC’s future economic policy in the year ahead.   The two Presidents met in Bali. Is that face-to-face meeting in itself a reason to celebrate and do you think it’s the start of a new bilateral footing?   Ambassador Burns: I was with President Biden for the Bali meeting with President Xi Jinping. It was a candid meeting where the two leaders spoke about their respective priorities and exchanged views on the most important regional and global challenges. President Biden was clear that we will compete with the PRC on the many issues where we have disagreements. On Taiwan, the President differed strongly with the PRC’s aggressive actions which undermine peace in the Taiwan Strait. President Biden raised US concerns about China’s non-market economic practices. It was important that our two leaders met face-to-face. The meeting was aimed at building a floor in the relationship and managing the competition responsibly. From our perspective, the meeting did allow us to take some steps in that direction. As President Biden said after the meeting, the two leaders were blunt with one another about places where we disagreed. I believe competition on many different major issues will continue to be a primary element in our relationship. We also believe this competition should not veer into conflict and that the United States and China must manage the competition responsibly.   We’ve heard a lot about competition between the two sides, but where do you see the largest areas for US-China engagement and cooperation?   Ambassador Burns: China and the US have a joint interest as well as a global responsibility, to work together on transnational challenges – such as climate change, global macroeconomic stability including debt relief, health security, and global food security. At their meeting, President Biden and President Xi agreed to empower key senior officials to maintain communication on these and other issues. The two leaders also agreed that Secretary of State Blinken will visit China early in 2023 to follow up on their discussions. Our message to the PRC is: let’s move forward when it is in our interest to do so. But at the same time, the US will also continue to raise our strong human rights concerns about Xinjiang, Tibet, Hong Kong, and other issues. We are going to continue to compete with the PRC to create a level playing field for US businesses here, but we also believe this competition should not veer into conflict and that the United States and China must manage the competition effectively and maintain a peaceful relationship.   This article has been edited from the original transcript for length and clarity. The interview took place in early October, prior to the meeting between President Biden and President Xi at the G20 in Bali, Indonesia. The follow-up questions were answered in late November following the 20th Party Congress and G20 meeting.

Michael R. Pompeo Keynote Address at CERAWeek 美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2019年3月12日 国务卿迈克·蓬佩奥（Michael R. Pompeo）在剑桥能源周（CERAWeek）发表主题演讲（摘译） 美洲-休士顿希尔顿酒店（Hilton Americas-Houston Hotel） 德克萨斯州休士顿（Houston, Texas） 国务卿蓬佩奥：谢谢你，丹。感谢诸位与我一起出席会议。 *     *     *     * 我们丰富的石油供应使我们能够帮助我们的朋友保障能源的多样化。我们不想让我们的欧洲盟友通过北溪天然气管道II（NordStream II）工程依赖俄罗斯的天然气供应，正如我们不再希望依靠委内瑞拉获得石油供应一样。 正是由于多样化的需求，急迫的多样性需求，我们去年向全球各国出口了更多的原油，例如印度、日本、中国、韩国、意大利、爱尔兰、阿拉伯联合酋长国等各类国家。这份名单很长。正是因为如此，美国在向欧洲运送第一批液态天然气后不久，就向人们想不到的地方运送了产品，葡萄牙现在已经能够获得美国的能源。 *     *     *     *   现在我们的榜样很重要，坦白地说，在大国对抗和竞争的时代尤其如此，因为在这个时期某些国家利用自己的能源从事恶劣的勾当，并非如同我们在西方采取的方式促进繁荣。他们没有自由和解放的价值观，没有我们拥有的法治。他们正在利用自己的能源摧毁我们的能源。 先以中国为例。中国在国际水道非法进行岛礁建设并非属于简单的安全问题。 中国通过胁迫行为阻挠南中国海（South China）的开发，阻止东南亚国家联盟（ASEAN）获得价值2.5万亿美元可开采的能源储量。与此相反，美国政府倡导东南亚国家的能源安全。我们希望该地区各国能够获得自己拥有的能源。我们希望帮助他们。我们希望建立伙伴关系。我们希望透明的交易，不造成债务陷阱。我们进行负责任的勘探。 中国则不按照同样的规则行事。中国的价值观完全不同。诸位在各地都看到这一点，例如在非洲。他们往往向非洲输送本国的劳工，为中国工人创造工作机会，不是为当地经济的工人谋福利。中国利用我刚才所说的债务陷阱使这些国家陷入并非商业交易的境地，从事的是政治交易，目的在于使他们开展经营的国家受到伤害和政治影响。 你们许多人可能都不知道的是，中国是如今最大的债权国——请原谅，如今拉丁美洲最大的债主是中国。 *     *     *     * 在东南亚，美国是累计外来投资来源最大的单一国家。国务院在其中发挥了重要的作用，帮助投资人做出正确的决策并获得相关的渠道。一个事例是，我们有关印度-太平洋（Indo-Pacific）开放的项目。我们称之为“亚洲优势倡议”（Asia Edge Initiative）。该项目帮助印度-太平洋各地的伙伴进口、生产和开发自己的能源。 除投资外的第二个途径是我们可以通过鼓励全世界各国与美国建立伙伴关系，促进能源安全。我已经看见这方面的工作行之有效。我们提醒他们，与我们交易比与俄罗斯、中国或伊朗交易更有利。我们的交易不附带隐藏的条件。我们的合同一目了然。我们的动机纯正明了。 *     *     *     * 诸位应该知道，今后美国将继续响应全世界提出的能源需求，特别是在印度-太平洋等地区。我们的民营部门是其中的关键因素。 民营部门必将发挥重要作用。如果制高点由政府占据，必然无法完成任务。但不论民营企业还是联邦政府都不能独自完成这项工作。我们需要相互合作。美国的生产者与美国外交人员携手努力才能在世界各地开创这种稳定和繁荣的局面。 *     *     *     * 尤金（YERGIN）先生：你在今晚和其他重要讲话中都谈到印度-太平洋的概念。你认为在该地区竞争日益加剧的整体形势下，美国如何定位自身的作用？ 国务卿蓬佩奥：所以，中国向美国和全世界提出的挑战不同于我们以往面临的挑战。我们的国家安全战略明确了我们在特朗普（Trump）政府如何考虑中国的问题。其中有很多不同，最基本的是我们从来没有遇到另外一个像中国这样规模的国家，具备中国同样军事规模的国家，扩展到特定的空间和土地，其中我们并没有合法的诉求，但美国拥有各种深厚和相互交织的经济和商业关系。以往这种情形经常发生，如今对某些国家也是如此，我们相互没有商业关系，所以我们脱离接触，试图将他们逐出市场。中国的情况更为复杂，更为艰难，但对保障美国创造财富的动力构成的挑战并不亚于10年、20年和30年前的情况。 在印度-太平洋地区，我不去亚洲、南亚、东南亚那些能源不成为课题的任何国家。我很坦诚：在我所到之处，他们都公开或不公开地谈到这一点。其中很多国家都没有自身的能力对抗中国的胁迫。中国进入这些地方，利用其经济实力影响和控制他们的政府。他们都欢迎来自美国的公司。他们欢迎美国维护法治的能力。他们可能不经常谈到这一点，他们可能不经常公开表示自己的想法，但实际上在我接触的其中任何一个国家或领导人中，没有一个不希望获得更多来自美国的机会、更多来自美国的资源、更多来自美国的技术和发明作为组合的一个成分。 *     *     *     *

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE Office of the Spokesperson Washington, D.C. March 12, 2019 EXCERPTS OF REMARKS Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo Keynote Address at CERAWeek Hilton Americas-Houston Hotel Houston, Texas SECRETARY POMPEO:  Thank you, Dan.  Thank you all for joining me. *             *             *             * Our plentiful oil supplies allow us to help our friends secure diversity for their energy resources.  We don’t want our European allies hooked on Russian gas through the NordStream II project any more than we ourselves want to depend on Venezuela for our oil supplies. This need, this desperate need for diversification is why we exported more crude oil last year to countries all across the globe.  Places as diverse as India, Japan, China, the Republic of Korea, Italy, Ireland, the United Arab Emirates.  The list is long.  It’s why, shortly before the United States made its first LNG shipment to Europe, it made it to a place that people don’t think about, the country of Portugal that now has access to American energy resources. *             *             *             * Our model matters now, frankly, more than ever in an era of great power rivalry and competition where some nations are using their energy for malign ends, and not to promote prosperity in the way we do here in the West.  They don’t have the values of freedom and liberty, of the rule of law that we do, and they’re using their energy to destroy ours. Take China, just for starters.  China’s illegal island-building in international waterways isn’t simply a security matter. By blocking development in the South China Sea through coercive means, China prevents ASEAN members from accessing more than $2.5 trillion in recoverable energy reserves.  To contrast, the United States Government promotes energy security for those Southeast Asian nations.  We want countries in the region to have access to their own energy.  We want to help them.  We want to create partnerships. We want transparent transactions, not debt traps.  We explore responsibly. China doesn’t play by that same set of rules.  Its values are simply different.  You see that in places as diverse as Africa, where they often ship in their own labor, creating jobs for Chinese workers rather than for those in the local economy.  It’s using the debt trap which I referred to just a moment ago to put these countries in a place where it isn’t a commercial transaction, it’s a political transaction designed to bring harm and political influence in the country in which they’re operating. Many of you may not know this:  China’s largest creditor today – excuse me, Latin America’s largest creditor today is China. *             *             *             * In Southeast Asia, the United States is the single largest source of cumulative foreign investment.  And the State Department has played an important role in helping investors make good decisions and getting access.  An example is our program about the Indo-Pacific being open.  We call it the Asia Edge Initiative.  It helps Indo-Pacific partners import, produce, and deploy their own energy resources. The second way, other than investment, is we can promote energy security by encouraging countries to partner with the United States all around the world.  And I’ve seen this at work.  We’re reminding them that we’re simply better to do business with than Russia, China, or Iran.  Our deals come with no hidden strings attached, our contracts are clear, our motives unambiguous. *             *             *             * In the days ahead, you should know, America will continue to be asked to meet the world’s energy demand, especially in places like the Indo-Pacific.  Our private partners are essential to that.  The private sector will be absolutely instrumental.  It certainly can’t be done if the commanding heights are handed to the government.  But neither private enterprise nor the federal government can do it alone.  We need each other.  It is American producers, working in tandem with American diplomats, who can create this stability and prosperity all around the world. *             *             *             * MR YERGIN:  This evening you’ve mentioned, and in other important speeches, the Indo-Pacific concept.  And how do you see the role of the U.S. position itself in terms of the overall growing competition in the region? SECRETARY POMPEO:  So the challenge that’s presented to America and to the world by China is different than one that we’ve confronted before.  Our National Security Strategy defines how we think about China in the Trump administration.  There are many differences, but one of the most fundamental is we’ve never had another country of the scale of China, with the military of the scale of China’s, that has now expanded into space and property that they do not have a lawful claim to, but with which America has such a deep, intertwined economic and commercial set of relationships.  It was often the case, as it is with certain countries today, that we don’t have those commercial relationships, so we move away and try and drive them out of the marketplace.  China is more complicated and more difficult, but no less challenging to ensuring that America’s wealth creation engine is around 10 and 20 and 30 years from now. In the Indo-Pacific proper, I don’t travel to any country in Asia, South Asia, Southeast Asia where energy isn’t a topic.  I will be honest; where – depending on where I am, they mention it either in public or in private.  Many of them don’t have the capacity on their own to stand up to the coercive behavior of China, where China moves in and attempts to use its economic clout to influence and control their government.  They all welcome companies from the United States.  They welcome American capacity for the rule of law.  They may not always say this, they may not always speak their mind publicly, but know that I have literally not met a single one of those countries or leaders from one of those countries that didn’t want a more American opportunity, more American resources, more American technology and innovation as part of the mix. *             *             *             *

DOS Seal Featured Image 2019年5月9日美国东部夏令时间下午5:34 新闻声明 国务卿迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥 华盛顿DC 2019年5月9日 伊朗伊斯兰共和国在最近几周做出了一系列不断升级的威胁性行动和声明。美国以及我们的伙伴和盟友的回应一直是清晰的：我们不寻求战争。但是伊朗四十年来杀害美国士兵、袭击美国设施并绑架美国人作为人质的做法一直提醒着我们必须要保卫自己。 在德黑兰的政权应该明白，他们或他们的任何身份的代理人对美国利益或美国公民进行的任何袭击都将面临美国迅速而果断的回应。我们到目前为止的克制不应被伊朗错认为缺乏决心。迄今为止，该政权的默认选项一直是暴力，而我们呼吁在德黑兰的那些将局势降级视为通向繁荣未来之路的人去改变该政权的行为。正如特朗普总统昨天所陈述的，他“期待有朝一日与伊朗领导人会晤，以便制定出一份协议，而且非常重要的是采取步骤给伊朗它理应得到的未来。”

05/09/2019 05:34 PM EDT Press Statement Michael R. Pompeo Secretary of State Washington, DC May 9, 2019 The Islamic Republic of Iran has engaged in an escalating series of threatening actions and statements in recent weeks. The response of the United States and our partners and allies has been clear: We do not seek war. But Iran’s forty years of killing American soldiers, attacking American facilities, and taking American hostages is a constant reminder that we must defend ourselves. The regime in Tehran should understand that any attacks by them or their proxies of any identity against U.S. interests or citizens will be answered with a swift and decisive U.S. response. Our restraint to this point should not be mistaken by Iran for a lack of resolve. To date the regime’s default option has been violence, and we appeal to those in Tehran who see a path to a prosperous future through de-escalation to modify the regime’s behavior. As President Trump stated yesterday, he “looks forward to someday meeting with leaders of Iran in order to work out an agreement and, very importantly, taking steps to give Iran the future it deserves.”

以下内容来自美国国务院某发言人： 美国总统气候问题特使约翰·克里从中国天津与中华人民共和国中央外事工作委员会办公室主任杨洁篪举行线上会议，讨论以双边和多边努力来应对气候危机。克里特使强调美中合作来减少全球排放和提升全球气候雄心的重要性。他同时也强调政府间气候变化专门委员会(IPCC)最新气候报告的调查结果，以及采取果断的气候行动，让世界一起更快速地前进来避免最坏的气候危机后果的重要性。 克里特使到访中国天津，继四月份于上海举行的会议后，继续讨论《美中应对气候危机联合声明》中所列的气候危机重要内容。更多有关克里特使出访的信息请见本媒体简报。

For attribution to a State Department spokesperson: U.S. Special Presidential Envoy for Climate John Kerry met virtually today from Tianjin, China with People’s Republic of China Director of the Office of the Foreign Affairs Commission Yang Jiechi to discuss bilateral and multilateral efforts to address the climate crisis.  Secretary Kerry underscored the importance of U.S.-China cooperation to reduce global emissions and raise global climate ambition.  He also emphasized the findings of the recent IPCC climate report and the importance of decisive climate action that will allow the world to move forward faster together and avoid the worst consequences of the climate crisis. Secretary Kerry is on travel to Tianjin, China to continue discussions following meetings in April in Shanghai, China on key aspects of the climate crisis, as outlined in the U.S.-China Joint Statement Addressing the Climate Crisis.  Additional information on Secretary Kerry’s travel is available in this Media Note.

元旦 星期一, 一月 02

New Year’s Day Monday , January 02

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年12 月29 日 国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥（MICHAEL R. POMPEO）就中华人民共和国公民记者张展言论被压制和受到检控一事发表声明 美国强烈谴责中华人民共和国于12月28日对公民记者张展进行荒谬的检控和判决。我们要求中华人民共和国政府立即无条件释放她。中国共产党再次表明，对于质疑该党官方路线的人，必将竭尽全力压制他们的声音，即使是涉及重大公共卫生信息的情况也是如此。 谎言是专制政权的特征，并非一时疏漏。中国共产党从一开始就对武汉爆发COVID-19冠状病毒疾病的消息采取钳制和操纵手段，粗暴地压制李文亮医生、陈秋实和方斌等其他勇于讲真话的人的声音。由于中国共产党采取严重不负责任的态度，在中国共产党加强对媒体实施严厉控制后，世界其他地区只能大量依靠张展等公民记者发布的未经审查的报道才能了解武汉的真实情况。结果原来可控的疫情变成一场严重的全球大流行。对她进行的仓促审判，外国观察人员不得入场旁听，这说明中国共产党如此惧怕敢于道出真相的中国公民。 中华人民共和国政府惧怕透明以及持续压制基本自由的行为不是力量的表现，而是虚弱的征兆，对我们所有的人都构成了威胁。美国将一如既往支持中国公民自由及和平表达自己意见的权利。

STATEMENT BY SECRETARY MICHAEL R. POMPEO December 29, 2020 On the Silencing and Prosecution of PRC Citizen Journalist Zhang Zhan The United States strongly condemns the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) sham prosecution and conviction of citizen journalist Zhang Zhan on December 28. We call on the PRC government to release her immediately and unconditionally. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has shown once again it will do whatever it takes to silence those who question the Party’s official line, even regarding crucial public health information. Lying is a feature, not a bug of authoritarian regimes. The CCP restricted and manipulated information about the COVID-19 outbreak in Wuhan from the start and brutally silenced other brave truth-tellers, such as Dr. Li Wenliang, Chen Qiushi, and Fang Bin. Because of the CCP’s gross malfeasance, the rest of the world relied heavily on uncensored reports from citizen journalists like Zhang to understand the true situation in Wuhan after the CCP-imposed strict media controls were enforced and a controllable outbreak turned into a deadly global pandemic. Her hasty trial, to which foreign observers were denied access, shows how fearful the CCP is of Chinese citizens who speak the truth. The PRC government’s fear of transparency and its ongoing repression of fundamental freedoms are a sign of weakness, not strength, and a threat to all of us. The United States will always support the right of Chinese citizens to express themselves freely and peacefully.

美国驻北京大使馆的环境、科技与卫生（ESTH）处自1979年根据《美中科学与技术协议》成立以来，一直致力于增进美中两国政府之间在从海底到外太空的一系列问题上的了解与合作。 使馆的环境、科技与卫生处与中国政府机构和非政府组织合作，共同推进环境管理，鼓励经济增长，并就共同面临的挑战进行合作。环境、科技与卫生处的重点关注领域包括气候变化、清洁能源发展、污染、有毒化学品管理、空间探索、生物多样性、环境法和新出现的传染病。要了解有关这些问题的更多信息，请访问环境科技主题页面。 《美中科学与技术合作协议》是由卡特总统和邓小平总理于1979年签署，它开启了两国之间强有力的政府对政府科技合作的时代。该协议是美国和中国签署的为期最长的协议之一，美国联邦机构通过参与合作交流对此协议提供了广泛的支持。 这些交流帮助促进了包括渔业、地球和大气科学、物理和化学基础研究、多种能源相关领域、农业、民用工业技术、地质学、健康和灾难研究等多样化领域的合作研究。 美中环境、科技与卫生合作情况介绍 所有链接均出于信息目的，并不一定反映美国政府的意见和看法。 中华环境保护基金会 由中国国家环境保护局原局长曲格平于1993年成立，是中国第一家致力于环境保护的非政府基金会。 保护国际 使命是保护地球的生物多样性。 美国环保协会中国项目 作为在中国致力于空气污染问题的主要美国非政府组织之一，美国环保协会以其在硫排放量上限和贸易项目方面开展的工作著称。他们还与美国国家环境保护署就在中国的环境执法培训进行合作。 福特基金会北京办事处 北京办事成立于1989年，在经济、法律、环境与发展以及生殖健康等各个领域提供赠款。 森林趋势 森林趋势是一家国际非营利组织，致力于将森林的价值扩展到社会；通过创造和捕捉生态系统服务的市场价值来促进可持续的森林管理和保护；为创新项目和正在开发这些新市场的公司提供支持；以及帮助居住在这些森林及其周围地区的当地社区改善生计。 自然之友 这是中国成立最早的本地非政府组织之一，由梁启超之孙梁从诫创办，主要侧重于生物多样性保护。 北京富平学校 2002年在北京注册的非政府组织，致力于在中国消除贫困、实现可持续发展。与洛克菲勒基金会资助的提高环境领导力的LEAD组织建立了联系。与世界资源研究所（World Resources Institute）有合作项目。 全球环境研究所（GEI） GEI于2004年注册成立，其宗旨是设计和实施利用市场机制解决环境问题的模式。 绿色江河 四川省注册的NGO，致力于保护长江和黄河上游地区的生态环境。 企业环境表现 该NGO重点研究中国的水污染问题。 国际爱护动物基金会 国际爱护动物基金会（IFAW）是一家致力于善待动物和动物保护的国际非政府组织。 国际中国环境基金会 国际中国环境基金会（IFCE）的宗旨是：通过帮助中国解决环境问题，推动对世界环境和生物多样性的保护。 国际乡村建设学院 推动通过以人为本、注重参与、依托社区的方式，实现云南省农村的发展。 IUCN亚洲区域代表处 国际自然保护联盟（IUCN）是享誉世界的保护生物多样性组织。该组织的会员分为三类：政府、科学家和NGO。美国是110个国家会员中的一个，几乎所有环保NGO也都是会员。科学家召开“特别小组”会议探讨不同物种的健康。IUCN的提议对于制定濒危物种名单至关重要。 大自然保护协会，北京代表处 TNC总部位于昆明，并在北京设有小型代表处。致力于在中国各地保护生物多样性和保护生态意义重大的地区。 太平洋环境组织 为中国数十家草根团体提供小额赠款、能力建设支持和社会交往机会。 阿拉善 关注企业社会责任的NGO。 青藏高原生态环境保护网，野牦牛组 关注青藏高原环境与野生生物保护的NGO。 青藏高原环长江源生态经济促进会 由藏民建立的、用于加强青藏高原环境保护的NGO。 世界自然基金会 首个获邀在中国开展工作的国际环保组织。自1980年以来，WWF一直在从事不同的项目 – 从恢复长江湿地到环境教育和大熊猫保护等。 美方： 中方： 所有链接均出于信息目的，并不一定反映美国政府的意见和看法。 美国驻华大使馆环境科技处 传真： (86.10) 8531-3939

Since it was established in 1979 under the U.S.-China Science and Technology Agreement, U.S. Embassy Beijing’s Environment, Science, Technology, and Health (ESTH) Section has been working to improve understanding and cooperation between the U.S. and Chinese governments on a wide range of issues spanning from the bottom of the sea floor to outer space. The Embassy’s ESTH Section works with Chinese government agencies and non-governmental organizations to advance environmental stewardship, encourage economic growth, and cooperate on shared challenges. The Section’s key areas of focus include climate change, clean energy development, pollution, toxic chemical management, space exploration, biodiversity, environmental law, and emerging infectious diseases. To learn more about these issues, please visit the ESTH Topics page. Signed in 1979 by President Carter and Premier Deng Xiaoping, the U.S.-China Agreement on Cooperation in Science and Technology (the S&T Agreement) began an era of robust government-to-government science and technology (S&T) collaboration between the two countries. The Agreement is among the longest-standing U.S.-China accords and has been broadly endorsed by U.S. Federal agencies through their participation in cooperative exchanges. These exchanges have helped advance cooperative research in an incredibly diverse range of fields, including fisheries, earth and atmospheric sciences, basic research in physics and chemistry, a variety of energy-related areas, agriculture, civil industrial technology, geology, health, and disaster research. Fact Sheet on U.S.-China Environment, Science & Technology and Health Cooperation 1979 S&T Agreement U.S. China Science and Technology Cooperation (S&T Agreement): Report to Congress April 2005 Minutes of the Executive Secretaries’ Meeting of the U.S.- PRC Joint Commission on Scientific and Technological Cooperation, November 2002 Minutes of the 10th Meeting of the U.S.-PRC Joint Commission on Scientific and Technological Cooperation, Beijing, April 2002 U.S. China Science and Technology Agreement Secretaries Meeting February 1999 All links are for informational purposes and do not necessarily reflect the views and opinions of the U.S. government. Beijing Brooks Education Center Beijing registered NGO that is engaged in Environmental Protection Education and Citizenship Awareness Education. China Association for NGO Cooperation CANGO’s mission is to create an empowered network of Chinese NGOs. They act as an intermediary and partner with foreign NGOs and bilateral and multilateral organizations to enhance fundraising, provision of technical support and capacity building. China Environmental Protection Foundation Founded by China’s former State Environmental Protection Administrator, Qu Geping, in 1993. China’s first non-governmental foundation for environmental protection. China Foundation for Desertification Control Helps combat desertification in China. Conservation International Mission is to conserve the earth’s biodiversity. Desert Control Volunteers Network A Chinese NGO aims to fighting against desertification. Environmental Defense China Program One of the major US NGOs working on air pollution in China, ED is known for its work on sulfur cap and trade programs.   They are also working with the US EPA on environmental enforcement training in China. Ford Foundation, Beijing The Beijing office opened in 1989 and gives grants in various fields including economics, law, environment and development and reproductive health. Forest Trends Forest Trends is an international non-profit organization that works to expand the value of forests to society; to promote sustainable forest management and conservation by creating and capturing market values for ecosystem services; to support innovative projects and companies that are developing these new markets; and to enhance the livelihoods of local communities living in and around those forests. Friends of Nature This is one of China’s earliest local NGOs, founded by Liang Qichao’s grandson, Liang Congjie.  It is mainly focused on biodiversity preservation. Fuping Development Institute Chinese NGO registered in 2002 aims to diminish poverty and maintain sustainable development in China.  Connected to an organization called LEAD, funded by the Rockefeller Foundation that furthers environmental leadership.  Cooperative Programs with World Resources Institute. Global Environmental Institute Established in 2004, GEI’s mission is to design and implement market-based models for solving environmental problems. Global Greengrants Fund China Headquartered in Colorado, U.S.A, this international non-profit organization provides small financial aids to small NGOs at their starting points. Green Earth Volunteers This group of volunteers started in 1996 with tree planting projects, but now also raises awareness and funds for the conservation of animals and environmental education. All projects are funded by the participants. Green Peace, China Major projects in China: Climate and Energy; Toxics; Forest Green River A NGO registered at Sichuan Province aims to protect the headwater areas of Yangtze River and Yellow River. Green Web An online community for exchanging information on environment protection and enhancing liaison between various local NGOs and NPOs that focus on environmental protection. Institute of Public & Environment Affairs This NGO focuses on water pollution issues in China. International Fund for Animal Welfare The International Fund for Animal Welfare (IFAW) is an international NGO focused on humane treatment of animals and animal protection. International Fund for China’s Environment The mission of the International Fund for China’s Environment (IFCE) is to help ensure the protection of the world’s environment and its biological diversity by providing assistance to China in resolving its environmental problems. International Institute of Rural Reconstruction Promotes people-centered, participatory, community-based approaches to rural development in Yunnan province. IUCN Asia Regional Office IUCN is the world’s preeminent biodiversity conservation organization.  It has three categories of membership – governments, scientists and NGOs.  The United States is one of 110 country members, and almost every environmental NGO is, as well.  Scientists meet in “species groups” to consider the health of various species, and IUCN’s recommendations are central to the determining of endangered species lists. The Nature Conservancy, Beijing Office TNC is headquartered in Kunming and has a small Beijing office.  The focus is on preserving biodiversity and areas of great ecological importance throughout China. Oxfam, Hong Kong Works on long-term programs to eradicate poverty and promote justice. Focus is on development, emergency response, policy research and advocacy. Pacific Environment Provides small grants, capacity-building support and networking opportunities for dozens of grassroots groups in China. Society Entrepreneur & Ecology A corporate social responsibility-focused NGO Tibetan Plateau Ecological Protection Society, Wild Yak Team An NGO focused on environmental and wildlife protection on the Tibetan Plateau. Upper Yangtze Organization NGO formulated by Tibetan people to promote environmental protection in Tibetan Plateau. Wildlife Conservation Society, Beijing An NGO focused on biodiversity conservation. World Wildlife Fund The first international conservation organization invited to work in China. Since 1980 WWF has been working on various projects –  from restoring the Yangtze wetlands to environmental education and panda conservation. US EMBASSY BEIJING ESTH OFFICE Fax: (86.10) 8531-3939

拜登总统就应对COVID-19新冠病毒疫情和疫苗接种计划发表讲话 白宫 2021年5月17日 讲话 东厅（East Room） 美国东部夏令时间下午1:22 总统：各位下午好。今天我想和大家简单地谈谈三件事情：我们国内在应对COVID-19新冠病毒疫情进展中的新的里程碑，我们在国际范围内为应对COVID-19新冠病毒疫情采取的步骤，以及为那些有18岁以下孩子的家庭所采取的一项重要减税措施。让我从最后一个议题开始。 今天是纳税截止日，是每一个人都应完税的日子。我知道没有人喜欢纳税。但是，正如我父亲曾经说过的那样，“这是在这个国家生活需要付出的一个很小的代价。” 但是我想告诉每一个有孩子的人们，他们今天交完税——交完税款，他们应该知道，他们即将获得一项针对工薪阶层和中产阶级的新的减税措施，而且很快。 众所周知，我坚信，我们坚信有必要使我们的税务制度有利于中产阶级。这就是为什么我认为我们应该要求大公司和那些收入最高的1％的人开始支付其应得份额，以及为什么我们应该处罚那些通过欺诈行为进行逃税的百万富翁和亿万富翁。 但我还认为，我们需要让那些普通家庭松一口气，获得税务减免，为他们抚养孩子的费用提供帮助。大多数人都不知道，但是针对那些有孩子的家庭，我们将减税措施纳入了不久前达成的《美国救援计划》（American Rescue Plan）。我在3月份已签署了这个法案。 90％的家庭，所有的中产阶级和工薪阶层家庭都将获得减税。 这是一个一年的减税措施。你可以一年为每一个未满18岁的孩子减免3,000美元税款。若有两个孩子，则可减免6,000美元的税款。如果孩子不满6岁的话，你实际上可为每个孩子减免3,600美元税款。 所以，你今天报税时，应该知道您的减税政策即将付诸实施。 但是，还有个好消息：你不必等到下一年报税时就可以享受这一减税政策的好处。我今天宣布，在7月15日和此后年底之前每个月的第15日，你将会收到减税额的一半，存入你的银行账户——每个孩子每月至少250美元——，直接存入你的银行账户。 因此，你如果是一个有两个孩子的工薪家庭，那么从7月份开始，将在每月的第15日在你的银行帐户中收到500美元的存款。我们正在——今年我们为你减税，就在目前你急需之时——不必等待。 如果你选择将减税退款自动存入银行帐户，则该减税额将会自动存入你的帐户。否则将会邮寄给你。 专家们告诉我们，除了可以帮助压力重重的美国家庭和工薪家庭之外，这一减税政策还将使美国的贫困儿童减少一半。 这项减税措施向美国有孩子的工薪家庭发出了一个明确而有力的信息：你会得到帮助。 现在让我来谈谈我们在与COVID新冠病毒疫情长期斗争中的另一个里程碑。今天，疫情病例在所有50个州均有所减少，这是自疫情开始以来的第一次。对，这是第一次。非常感谢如此众多的人辛勤工作，使得COVID新冠病毒的病例在美国所有50个州都有所下降。 但是，我不能保证这一趋势会继续下去。我们知道会有进展也会有挫折，而且我们知道可能会有许多反复。 但是，如果那些尚未接种疫苗的人们接种疫苗，他们将保护自己和周围其他未接种疫苗的人。否则的话，那些疫苗接种率较低的州的发病率可能会上升，形势可能会发生逆转。 那些没有接种疫苗的人们最终将会付出代价，最终付出代价。接种疫苗的人们将继续受到保护，免受严重疾病的侵害。但是，如果没有接种疫苗的话，其他人可能就不会得到保护。 但是，考虑到接种疫苗既方便又免费，因此，如果COVID新冠病毒的病例在那些尚未接种疫苗的人们中间上升的话，这将是一场悲剧，而且是一场不必要的悲剧。 我们与这一病毒的斗争尚未结束。我们还有数千万的人们尚未接种疫苗。但是我们已取得了重大进展。 实际上，当明天的疫苗接种数字公布时，这些数字将表明：60％的美国人至少已经注射了一剂疫苗。 初露的曙光日益明亮。这次疫苗接种工作是我们国家后勤工作的一项历史性成就。我要感谢科学家和研究人员、疫苗生产公司、国民警卫队（National Guard）、美国军方、联邦紧急事务管理局（FEMA）、各州州长、医生、护士以及药剂师。我要感谢那些积极履行爱国义务并接种疫苗的美国人民。 在不到四个月的时间里，美国人至少接种一剂疫苗的比例从低于6％上升到了60％。我们亲眼看到了这一结果，我们在人们的生命和生活中看到了这一结果。 死于COVID新冠病毒的人数下降了81％，这是自2020年4月以来的最低水平。 由于我们迅速采取了行动，推出疫苗并促进了经济发展，我们的经济从停滞不前逐步增长，目前增长速度已超过近40年来的记录。就一届新政府而言，我们经历了从疲软的就业机会转变为创纪录的就业机会。在同一时间范围内，此前还没有任何政府曾经创造过这么多的工作机会。 这些进展是不可否认的，但我们并未大功告成。一些最艰巨的工作还在前头。 我们仍然还在失去太多的美国人，而且美国仍然还有太多尚未接种疫苗的人们。疾病预防与控制中心（CDC）上周宣布，你如果已完全接种疫苗，则不再需要戴口罩。他们谈到，现在的科学证明，接种疫苗与戴口罩一样可以保护你，甚至效果比戴口罩更好。 所以，接种疫苗或在完全接种疫苗之前戴口罩都可以保护你免受严重COVID新冠病毒的侵害。无论通过哪一种方式，你都将受到保护。 就像我上周所说的那样，即使已经完全接种疫苗，有些人还是要继续戴口罩。这是他们自己的决定。一些企业也可能会继续要求人们戴口罩。 在我们走出这一流行疾病的阴影之际，让我们所有人都彼此友好相待并相互尊重，尊重那些即使已经接种疫苗也继续戴口罩的人们。 但最重要的是，让我们共同努力实现我设定的目标：在7月4日美国独立纪念日（July the 4th）之前，70％的成年人——所有的成年人——至少接种一剂疫苗。目前七个州已经做到了这一点。 开展接种疫苗工作绝非易事。我们在全国各地有8万个站点提供疫苗接种服务。百分之九十的人都居住在其中一个服务点五英里的范围之内。 如果需要寻找附近的疫苗站点，你可以通过短信将你的邮政编码发送至438829。438829。通过邮政编码和这个号码，你可以找到所有就近的服务站点。 许多站点都不需要预约。直接去就可以注射疫苗。服务是免费的，而且12岁以上的所有人都有资格接受这项服务。 如果你在前往疫苗接种站点，在往返疫苗接种站点时需要帮助，在5月24日到7月4日之间，Lyft和Uber会提供免费乘车服务，将你带到疫苗接种站点，然后再送你回家。任何想要接种疫苗的人都可以得到这项服务。 我还呼吁雇主也应尽其所能，为员工提供带薪请假的时间以接种疫苗。而且，我们已提出了一个全国性计划，为这些企业因员工请假而产生的费用提供补偿。 现在是你接种疫苗的时候了。我们有疫苗。我们已经获得足够的疫苗供应，可以为所有12岁以上的成人和儿童接种疫苗。我再说一遍：现在是你接种疫苗的时候了。 在过去的118天里，我们的疫苗接种计划已处于全球领先地位。今天，我们正在采取进一步的措施来帮助世界。我们深知，在全球范围内肆虐的这一疫情得到控制之前，美国永远不会完全安全。再浩瀚的海洋，再高大的墙壁都不足以维持我们的安全。 疾病和死亡在其他国家的肆虐可能会为这些国家带来动荡，这也会对我们构成威胁。海外可能出现的新的病毒变种会使我们面临更大的风险。我们需要帮助全世界来战胜这一疾病以确保我们国内的安全，而且帮助他人是我们应该做的事。这是正确之举。这是明智之举。这是强有力之举。 我们在3月份与加拿大和墨西哥分享了超过400万剂的阿斯利康（AstraZeneca）疫苗。4月底，我们宣布向海外再提供6,000万剂的阿斯利康疫苗。 请不要忘记，这是一种尚未在美国获准使用的疫苗。因此，一旦美国食品药品管理局（FDA）对其进行了审查并确定可以安全使用之后，我们将立即发送。所有这些都是美国生产的阿斯利康疫苗——所有这些疫苗都将被送往其他国家。 我现在宣布，一旦条件具备，我们还将与世界其他国家分享美国批准的辉瑞（Pfizer）、莫德纳（Moderna）和强生公司（Johnson & Johnson）的疫苗。这些都是已被批准给美国人注射的疫苗。 到6月底，当我们发放了足够保护所有美国人的这些疫苗时，美国将与其他国家分享至少2,000万剂——超出供应的——疫苗。 这意味着，在接下来的六周内，美国将向海外发送8,000万剂疫苗。这些疫苗将占截至6月底美国疫苗生产总量的13％。这将超过迄今为止任何国家所实际分享的疫苗数量——是任何其他国家的五倍，比俄罗斯和中国都要多，它们捐赠了1,500万剂。 各位知道，有关俄罗斯和中国利用疫苗来影响世界的谈论很多。我们希望以我们的价值观念来引领世界，这些捐赠所展现的是美国人民的创新、聪明才智和基本素养。 正如美国在第二次世界大战中是民主国家的军火库一样，在同新冠肺炎疫情的作战中，我们的国家将成为世界其他国家的疫苗军火库。我们是为在世界范围内结束疫情而分享这些疫苗。我们不会利用疫苗去从其他国家获得好处。 我们将与国际上的COVID-19疫苗全球获取机制（COVAX）以及其他合作伙伴合作，确保疫苗以公平的方式发放，并遵循科学和公共卫生数据行事。 随着我们在全球范围内加大对新冠肺炎疫情的应对力度，今天宣布分享的8,000万剂疫苗是我们的下一步骤。 在接下来的几周里，我们将与世界民主国家一道，为结束疫情协调多边努力。我计划出席6月份在英国举行的G7峰会（G7 Summit），并在峰会上宣布这方面的进展。 这是一个独特的历史时刻，这一时刻需要美国的领导作用。但我想明确指出：在全球范围内战胜这一疫情超出了甚至包括美国在内任何一个国家的能力。但是我们会继续努力，随着我们得到疫苗供应，美国将继续捐赠多余的疫苗。但这还远远不够。 我们需要，我们所需要做的是引领开展一项全新的努力，它涉及到与制药公司、其他公司以及合作伙伴国家合作，以便大幅度地增加供应，以创造，特别是——大多数在美国——能够在全球范围内战胜这一疫情的能力，从而在国内创造就业机会并在海外挽救生命。 与我们当前为捐赠现有的供应所做的努力相比，这项工作将花费更长的时间。我们会要求其他国家承担这项工作的一些经济成本，而其结果将是更加持久和更加显著的。 这样做将会帮助我们战胜这一疫情，并使我们拥有国内的制造能力来应对下一次危机，下一次危机所需要的疫苗。 杰夫·津茨（Jeff Zients）是我们新冠肺炎疫情团队的负责人，并主持在国内战胜新冠肺炎病毒的工作。我已委托杰夫·津茨来负责这项工作。杰夫将与我们的国家安全委员会（National Security Council）以及在政府各机构中出现的精干而又敬业的团队合作。该团队包括来自国务院负责外交事务的盖尔·史密斯（Gayle Smith），以及我们的国际发展署（Agency for International Development）和卫生与公众服务部（Department of Health and Human Services）的专家。我们将以同样的在国内大获成功的全政府应对方式来进行这一全球努力。 再说一遍，我们有足够的——我们已有——美国已经为所有符合条件的美国人，即所有12岁及12岁以上的美国人，获得了足够的疫苗供应。但我们仍然有许多工作要做，艰苦的工作。 但是，由于我们在国内的诸多努力，由于美国公司以及研究和制造方面的力量，我们可以继续作出更多努力帮助世界其他国家。这是一个瞬息万变的世界，小看民主国家将是个失误。 正如民主国家在第二次世界大战的黑暗中引领世界一样，民主国家也将带领全球摆脱这一疫情。在未来几个月里，美国将带领这些民主国家，努力为世界带来更好的健康和希望。 各位请回想一下：四个月以前，这在四个月以前曾是一个非常大胆的目标：即我们必须在我宣誓就职总统后的100天之内接种100万剂疫苗——我应该说1亿剂。而在这段时间内，我们接种了超过2.2亿剂。 那时侯，大多数成年人都还没有资格接种疫苗。而现在，所有12岁及12岁以上的人都有资格接种疫苗。明天，60％——到明天，60％的所有美国成年人都将至少接种了一剂疫苗。 看看我们取得的成就。美国，看看我们取得的成就。美国，看看你们取得的成就。当我们决意去做一件事并且齐心协力地来做这件事时，没有任何事是这个国家力所不能及的。如果我们齐心协力，我们可以做任何我们想做的事。而这正是我们要做的事：解决美国这里的问题，我们已经在这样做，并通过将世界其他民主国家组织起来，帮助世界解决问题。 谢谢大家。上帝保佑您。愿上帝保佑我们的部队。非常感谢。 问：总统先生，鉴于我们在周末看到的暴力升级，您不坚持要求停火吗？ 总统：我将在一小时内与总理通话。在那之后我能谈这点。谢谢。 美国东部夏令时间下午1:39 欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2021/05/17/remarks-by-president-biden-on-the-covid-19-response-and-the-vaccination-program-4/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

Remarks by President Biden on the COVID-19 Response and the Vaccination Program The White House May 17, 2021 Remarks East Room 1:22 P.M. EDT THE PRESIDENT:  Good afternoon.  There are three things I want to speak briefly today with you all about: the new — new milestone in our progress against COVID-19 here at home, steps we’re taking to fight COVID internationally, and an important tax cut for families with children under the age of 18.  And that’s where I’m going to start. Today is tax day, when — when everyone’s taxes are due.  No one likes to pay taxes, I know.  But as my dad used to say, “It’s a small price to live in this country.”  But I want to tell everyone with children why, as they are filling their taxes today — filing their taxes today, they should know that a new tax cut will be coming their way for working-class and middle-class folks, and very soon. As everyone knows, I firmly believe — we firmly believe the need to make our tax system work for the middle class. That’s why I think we should ask corporations and the top 1 percent to start paying their fair share, and why we should crack down on millionaires and billionaires who escape taxes by cheating. But I also think we need to give ordinary families a break — a tax break — to help them with the cost of raising their kids.  Most people don’t know it, but, for families with children, we put that tax cut into the American Rescue Plan, which was signed not long ago.  And I signed the tax cut into law in March. Ninety percent of families — all middle-class and working-class families — will get this tax cut. It’s a one-year tax cut that reduces your taxes by $3,000 a year for each child you have under the age of 18.  Two kids: It’s a $6,000 tax cut.  And if those kids are under the age of six, you’ll actually get $3,600 per child. So, as you file your taxes today, know that your tax cut coming. But this — but here’s the great news: You won’t have to wait until your next year’s tax return to get that break.  I’m announcing today that on July 15th and the 15th of every month thereafter throughout the year, you will get, deposited into your bank account, half of your tax cut — at least $250 per child each month — a direct deposit into your account. So if you’re a working family with two kids, you’re going to get $500 a month into your bank account on the 15th of every month, starting in July.  We’re getting — and we are getting you a tax cut this year — now, when you need it — and not have to wait. And if you get your tax cut refund deposited in your bank account automatically, this tax cut will be put into your account automatically.  If not, it will be mailed to you. In addition to helping Americans hard-pressed and working families, experts have told us that this will cut child poverty in America in half. This tax cut sends a clear and powerful message to American working — working families with children: Help is here. Now let me take — talk to another milestone in our long battle with COVID.  Today, for the first time since the pandemic began, cases — pandemic cases are down in all 50 states.  First time.  That’s right: Thanks a lot to the hard work of so many people, COVID cases are down in all 50 states. Now, I can’t promise that will continue this way.  We know there will be advances and setbacks, and we know that there are many flare-ups that could occur. But if the unvaccinated get vaccinated, they will protect themselves and other unvaccinated people around them.  If they do not, states with low vaccination rates may see those rates go up — may see this progress reversed. Ultimately, those who are not vaccinated will pay — end up paying the price.  The vaccinated will continue to be protected against severe illnesses, but others may not be if you’re not vaccinated. But given that the vaccination is convenient and free, it will be a tragedy if — and a needless one — to see COVID cases among those who do not get vaccinated go up. We are not done fighting this virus.  We still have tens of millions left to vaccinate.  But we are making significant progress. In fact, when tomorrow’s vaccination numbers come out, they’ll show that 60 percent — 60 percent of Americans have received at least one shot. Every day, the light at the end of that tunnel is growing brighter.  This vaccination effort has been an historic logistical achievement for our nation.  And I want to thank the scientists and researchers; the companies manufacturing the vaccines; the National Guard; the U.S. military; FEMA; the nation’s governors; doctors, nurses, pharmacists.  And I want to thank the American people who have stepped up and done their patriotic duty and gotten vaccinated. In less than four months, we’ve gone from less than 6 percent to 60 percent of adults in America with at least one shot.  We’re seeing the results in live — and we see the results in people’s lives and in their livelihoods. Deaths are down from COVID by 81 percent and also at their lowest levels since April of 2020. As a result of our prompt action to roll out the vaccine and boost the economy, we’ve gone from stagnation to an economy that is growing faster than it has in nearly 40 years.  We’ve gone from anemic job creation to a record of creation for more — for a new administration.  None has ever created this many jobs in this timeframe. The progress is undeniable, but we’re not done yet.  And some of the hardest work is ahead. We’re still losing too many Americans and we still have too many unvaccinated people in America.  Last week, the CDC announced that if you’re fully vaccinated, you no longer have to wear a mask.  They reported that science — the science now shows that your vaccination protects you as well as being masked or better than being masked. So you can protect yourself from serious illness from COVID by getting vaccinated or wearing a mask until you are fully vaccinated.  Either way, you’re protected. As I said last week, some people may want to continue to wear a mask even if they are fully vaccinated.  That’s a decision they can make.  Some businesses may want to continue to require wearing masks. Let’s all be kind and respectful to one another as we come out of this pandemic and respect those who want to continue to wear a mask even if they’ve been vaccinated. Above all, let’s work together, though, to meet the target I’ve set of 70 percent of adults — all adults — with at least one shot by July the 4th.  Seven states have already done this. Getting vaccinated has never been easier.  We are at 80,000 locations where you can get a shot.  Ninety percent of you live within five miles of one of those locations. You can find a vaccine site near you by texting your ZIP Code to 438829.  438829.  Your ZIP Code and that number.  You’ll get all the places near you. Many places don’t require an appointment.  Just walk in and get the shot.  It’s free, and everyone 12 years and above is eligible. If you need help getting your vaccine site — getting to or from your vaccina- — vaccination site, Lyft and Uber are offering free rides betw- — to take you to the vaccination site and bring you back home between May 24th and July the 4th — to anyone who wants to get vaccinated. And I have called on employers to do their part as well, offering their employees paid time off to get vaccinated.  And we’ve set up a program nationally to reimburse those businesses for the cost of giving employees the time off. Now it’s time to get your shot.  We have the vaccine.  We’ve secured enough supply to vaccinate all adults and children above the age of 12.  I repeat: Now is the time to get your vaccine shot. Now, over the past 118 days, our vaccinations program has led the world.  And today, we’re taking an additional step to help the world.  We know America will never be fully safe until the pandemic that is raging globally is under control.  No ocean is wide enough, no wall is high enough to keep us safe. Rampant disease and death in other countries can destabilize them — those countries — and pose a risk to us as well.  New variants could arise overseas that could put us at greater risk.  And we need to help fight the disease around the world to keep us safe here at home and to do the right thing of helping other people.  It’s the right thing to do.  It’s the smart thing to do.  It’s the strong thing to do. In March, we shared over 4 million doses of our AstraZeneca vaccine with Canada and Mexico.  At the end of April, we announced that we would provide another 60 million doses of our AstraZeneca vaccine overseas. Remember, this is the vaccine that is not authorized for use in the United States yet, so we’re going to be sending it to folks once the FDA has reviewed this and said it’s safe.  This is all the AstraZeneca vaccine produced in the United States — all of it will be sent to other countries. And today, I’m announcing that we’ll also share U.S.-authorized vaccines doses of Pfizer and Moderna and Johnson & Johnson, as they become available, with the rest of the world as well.  These are vaccinations and vaccines that are authorized to be put in arms of Americans. And by the end of June, when we’ll have taken delivery of enough of such vaccines to protect everyone in the United States, the United States will share at least 20 million doses of those doses — that extra supply — with other countries. This means, over the next six weeks, the United States of America will send 80 million doses overseas.  That represents 13 percent of the vaccines produced by the United States by the end of June.  This will be more vaccines than any country has actually shared to date — five times more than any other country — more than Russia and China, which have donated 15 million doses. You know, there’s a lot of talk about Russia and China influencing the world with vaccines.  We want to lead the world with our values — with this demonstration of our innovation, ingenuity, and the fundamental decency of the American people. Just as in World War Two America was the arsenal of democracy, in the battle against the COVID-19 pandemic, our nation is going to be the arsenal of vaccines for the rest of the world.  We’ll share these vaccines in the service of ending the pandemic everywhere.  And we will not use our vaccines to secure favors from other countries. We will work with COVAX — the international organization that’s set up — and other partners to ensure that the vaccines are delivered in a way that is equitable and that follows the science and the public health data. Today’s announcement to share 80 million doses is our next step as we ramp up the efforts to respond to COVID-19 around the world. In the weeks ahead, working the world — with the world’s democracies, we’ll coordinate a multilateral effort to end this pandemic.  I expect to announce progress in this area at the G7 Summit in the United Kingdom in June, which I plan on attending. This is a unique moment in history, and it requires American leadership.  But I want to be clear: Beating this pandemic globally is beyond the capacity of any one nation, even the United States.  But we’ll continue — the United States will continue to donate our excess supply as that supply is delivered to us, but that won’t be nearly enough. We need — what we need to do is lead an entirely new effort — an effort that involves working with the pharmaceutical companies and others and partner nations to vastly increase supply, to create, particular- — pract- — most of it here in the United States — the kind of capacity that can beat this pandemic worldwide in a way that creates jobs here at home and saves lives abroad. This will take longer than our immediate work to donate from the existing supplies.  And we’re going to be asking other nations to help shoulder the economic costs of this effort, but the consequences will be more lasting and more dramatic. Doing this will help us beat the pandemic and leave us with the manufacturing capacity here to prepare for the next crisis — the next vaccine needed. I’m putting Jeff Zients, who is leading our COVID team and the COVID efforts to beat the virus here in the United States, in charge of this effort.  Jeff will be working with our National Security Council and a talented, dedicated team that has been stood up all across our government.  It’ll include Gayle Smith at the State Department leading in diplomacy, and experts from our Agency for International Development and the Department of Health and Human Services as well.  We’re going to bring the same whole-of government response to the global effort that made us so successful here at home. Again, we have enough — we have secu- — we, the United States, has secured enough supply for all eligible Americans — all Americans, 12 years — 12 years old and older.  And we still have work to do though.  Hard work. But because we have done so much here, because of the power of American companies, research, and manufacturing, we can continue to do more to help the rest of the world.  This is a rapidly changing world, and it’s a mistake to bet against democracies. Just as democracies led the world in the darkness of World War Two, democracies will lead the world out of this pandemic.  And America will lead those democracies as they work to bring greater health and hope to the world in the months to come. And, folks, think back: Four months ago — four months ago, it was an audacious goal that we had to put a million shots in the arms in my first 100 days as President — 100 million, I should say.  We did over 220 million shots in that timeframe. Back then, most adults weren’t eligible to get the shot.  Now everyone 12 years and older is eligible.  And, tomorrow, 60 percent — by tomorrow, 60 percent of all American adults will have received at least one shot. Look at what we’ve done.  Look at what we’ve done, America.  Look at what you’ve done, America.  There is not a single thing beyond our capacity to do in this country when we decide to do it and we do it together.  We can do whatever we set our minds to do if we do it together.  And that’s exactly what we’re going to do: solve the problem here in the United States, which we’re well on our way of doing, and help solve the problem for the world by organizing the rest of the democracies of the world. I want to thank you all.  God bless you.  And may God protect our troops.  Thank you very much. Q Mr. President, will you not insist upon a ceasefire, given the escalation in violence we’ve seen over the weekend? THE PRESIDENT:  I’ll be speaking with the Prime Minister in an hour.  And I’ll be able to talk to you after that.  Thank you. 1:39 P.M. EDT

U.S. Department of State Seal 美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区(Washington, D.C.) 2019年11月3日 发布美国有关印度–太平洋战略的执行情况的报告 在2019年印度–太平洋地区工商论坛（Indo-Pacific Business Forum）以及东亚峰会（East Asia Summit）在泰国曼谷（Bangkok）召开之际，美国国务院欣然发布有关美国全政府对印度–太平洋地区的战略的执行情况的进展报告。《一个自由、开放的印度–太平洋地区：推进一个共同构想》（A Free and Open Indo-Pacific:  Advancing a Shared Vision）详细介绍了两年间的外交、经济、治理和安全倡议，显示出美国对印度–太平洋地区的持续承诺，以及我们如何增强了人民之间的纽带及双边关系。 2017年11月，特朗普总统（President Trump）阐明了对一个自由、开放的印度–太平洋地区的构想，其中所有国家都作为拥有主权的、独立的国家肩并肩地共同繁荣。这一构想建立在世世代代在印度–太平洋地区支撑着和平与繁荣的价值观的基础之上。自由、公平、对等的贸易，开放的投资环境，良好治理，以及海洋自由是所有希望在自由、开放的未来中繁荣发展的人们的共同目标。 报告记录了美国政府如何与盟友及合作伙伴共同努力，以落实我们对一个自由、开放的印度–太平洋地区的构想。报告凸显了在美国国会的支持下提供给该地区的美国资源，并记录了我们和盟友及合作伙伴一道为实现我们的共同构想而采取的共同步骤。这份报告以阐明国防部（Department of Defense）在这项战略中的作用的《印度–太平洋地区战略报告》（Indo-Pacific Strategy Report）为基础。 发布美国有关印度–太平洋战略的执行情况的报告 (PDF, 1.9 MB)

November 3, 2019 Release of the United States’ Report on the Implementation of the Indo-Pacific Strategy On the occasion of the 2019 Indo-Pacific Business Forum and the East Asia Summit in Bangkok, Thailand, the U.S. Department of State is pleased to release a progress report on the implementation of the U.S. whole-of-government strategy for the Indo-Pacific region.  “A Free and Open Indo-Pacific:  Advancing a Shared Vision” details two years of diplomatic, economic, governance, and security initiatives that show the United States’ continuing commitment to the Indo-Pacific and how we have strengthened people-to-people and bilateral ties. In November 2017, President Trump outlined a vision for a free and open Indo-Pacific in which all countries prosper side by side as sovereign, independent states. This vision is based on values that have underpinned peace and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific for generations. Free, fair, and reciprocal trade, open investment environments, good governance, and freedom of the seas are goals shared by all who wish to prosper in a free and open future. The report describes how the U.S. government works with allies and partners to implement our vision for a free and open Indo-Pacific region.  It highlights U.S. resources directed to the region with support from the United States Congress, and it notes specific steps we have taken alongside allies and partners to realize our shared vision.  This report builds on the Indo-Pacific Strategy Report, which articulated the Department of Defense’s role within the strategy.  A Free and Open Indo-Pacific: Advancing a Shared Vision (PDF,1.95 MB)  The report is available at https://www.state.gov/a-free-and-open-indo-pacific-advancing-a-shared-vision/ For additional information, contact EAP-Press@state.gov. # # #

2022年8月30日 米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫（Mikhail Gorbachev）是一位有着非凡远见的人。 在他上台执政时，冷战已持续了将近40年，而共产主义存在的时间甚至更久，带来毁灭性的后果。苏联高层领导人中几乎没有人有勇气承认需要进行改变。作为美国国会参议院外交关系委员会的成员，我看到戈尔巴乔夫这样做了，并且他做的不止于此。作为苏维埃社会主义共和国联盟的领导人，他与里根总统一起努力，削减我们两国的核武库，这让世界各地祈祷核军备竞赛能够结束的人们松了一口气。在持续几十年的残暴政治压迫之后，戈尔巴乔夫欣然接受了民主改革。他相信开放与重建，不是把它们仅仅当成口号，而是作为苏联人民在经历多年的封闭与匮乏之后的前进道路。 这些就是一位难得的领袖的作为——他有想象力去看到，一个不一样的未来是可能的，并且有勇气赌上自己整个职业生涯来实现这个未来。其结果就是让世界变得更安全，让数以百万计的人获得更多的自由。 即便是离任数年后，他仍在深度参与。2009年戈尔巴乔夫先生到访白宫时，他和我进行了一番长谈，谈我们两国为削减美国和俄罗斯核库存而正在进行的努力。不难看出为什么他会受到全世界这么多人的景仰。 我们向他的家人和朋友，以及世界各地因为他对一个更好的世界的信念而受益的人们致以我们最深切的哀悼。 ###

AUGUST 30, 2022•STATEMENTS AND RELEASES Mikhail Gorbachev was a man of remarkable vision. When he came to power, the Cold War had gone on for nearly 40 years and communism for even longer, with devastating consequences. Few high-level Soviet officials had the courage to admit that things needed to change. As a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, I saw him do that and more. As leader of the USSR, he worked with President Reagan to reduce our two countries’ nuclear arsenals, to the relief of people worldwide praying for an end to the nuclear arms race. After decades of brutal political repression, he embraced democratic reforms. He believed in glasnost and perestroika – openness and restructuring – not as mere slogans, but as the path forward for the people of the Soviet Union after so many years of isolation and deprivation. These were the acts of a rare leader – one with the imagination to see that a different future was possible and the courage to risk his entire career to achieve it. The result was a safer world and greater freedom for millions of people. Even years after leaving office, he was still deeply engaged. When Mr. Gorbachev visited the White House in 2009, he and I spoke for a long time about our countries’ ongoing work to reduce U.S. and Russian nuclear stockpiles. It was easy to see why so many worldwide held him in such high esteem. We send our deepest condolences to his family and friends, and to people everywhere who benefited from his belief in a better world. ###

美国11个机场将接受曾有乘客到过中国的航班 华盛顿——为了保护美国人民避免接触冠状病毒，代理部长查德·沃尔夫（Chad F. Wolf）发布指示，对2020年1月31日的决定加以补充，要求引导所有来自中国的航班和过去14天内曾到过中国的所有乘客前往美国8个机场之一，从 2020年2月2日星期天起生效，适用于东部时间下午5时后起飞的航班。从2020年2月3日星期一不同的时间开始，另外3个机场将被列入授权接受这类航班的名单。美国为上述11个机场建立了增强型筛检程序，在需要的情况下有对乘客进行检疫隔离的能力。 此外，返回前14天内曾到过湖北省的美国公民将受到最长14天的强制隔离，保证他们获得适当的医疗护理和健康筛检。返回前14天内曾到过中国大陆其他地区的美国公民将接受积极的入境健康筛检，并在医疗监护下进行最长14天的自我隔离，以确定他们未受到病毒感染，不会对公共健康造成危险。一般而言，外国公民（除美国公民、永久居民的直系亲属和航班机组人员外）如在抵达前14天内曾到过中国将被拒绝入境美国。国土安全部代理部长查德·沃尔夫表示，“目前美国公众面临的危险不高，集中接受最近曾有乘客到过中国的所有航班是我们此时能够采取的最重要和最慎重的措施，目的在于减少公共卫生官员筛检入境旅客的压力。上述措施还可为从中国返回的美国公民加快通关程序，保证有关的资源集中用于保障美国人民的健康和安全。我们知道，这对某些人来说，可能会感到额外的压力，旅行的时间过长，但是公共卫生和安全专家都认为这些措施对于控制病毒和保护美国人民很有必要。为了最大程度地减少干扰，海关与边境保护局（CBP）和航空公司正努力在预定航班起飞前对符合条件的乘客进行鉴别，一旦回到美国，就需要服从自我隔离的指示，协助保护美国公众。” 他还说，“美国公众可以放心，国土安全部及下属各机构正与疾病控制与预防中心（CDC）的医疗专业人员和参与全政府行动的跨机构合作伙伴密切合作，采取果断行动对危险进行分析，努力降低危险，延缓病毒的传播。” 国土安全部和交通安全管理局（Transportation Security Administration）已与各航空公司和疾病控制与预防中心广泛协调，指定了美国7个机场，由疾病控制与预防中心鉴别可能患病的人员。 从东部标准时间2月2日星期天下午5时起，从中国飞往美国的美国乘客将被引导进入以下机场，旅客不必承担费用： 约翰·肯尼迪国际机场（John F. Kennedy International Airport，JFK)），纽约（New York）； 芝加哥奥黑尔国际机场（Chicago O’Hare International Airport，ORD)），伊利诺伊州（Illinois）； 旧金山国际机场（San Francisco International Airport，SFO)，加利福尼亚州（California）； 西雅图-塔科马国际机场（Seattle-Tacoma International Airport，SEA)，华盛顿州（Washington）; 丹尼尔·井上国际机场（Daniel K. Inouye International Airport，HNL)，夏威夷（Hawaii）; 洛杉矶国际机场（Los Angeles International Airport，LAX)，加利福尼亚州；   哈兹菲尔德- 杰克逊国际机场（Hartsfield-Jackson Atlanta International Airport，ATL)，佐治亚州（ Georgia）。 从东部标准时间2月3日星期一上午6时30分起，增列以下机场： 纽瓦克自由国际机场（Newark Liberty International Airport，EWR)， 新泽西州（New Jersey） 从东部标准时间2月3日星期一上午7时30分起，增列以下机场： 达拉斯/沃思堡国际机场（Dallas/Fort Worth International Airport，DFW)，德克萨斯州（Texas0 底特律大都会机场（Detroit Metropolitan Airport ，DTW)，密歇根州（Michigan） 有关疫情的最新消息见疾病控制与预防中心的2019新型冠状病毒专题网站

DHS Issues Restrictions on Inbound Flights with Individuals Who Have Been in China 11 U.S. airports will receive flights carrying passengers from China WASHINGTON – To protect the American people from exposure to the coronavirus, on Sunday, February 2, 2020, the Acting Secretary Chad F. Wolf issued instructions supplementing a decision issued on January 31, 2020, and directed all flights from China and all passengers who have traveled to China within the last 14 days to be routed through one of eight U.S. airports, effective Sunday, February 2nd, 2020, for flights departing after 5:00 PM Eastern. Three additional airports will be added to the list of airports authorized to receive such flights beginning at various times on Monday, February 3, 2020. At these eleven airports, the United States Government has established enhanced screening procedures and the capacity to quarantine passengers, if needed. Additionally, U.S. citizens who have been in Hubei province within 14 days of their return will be subject to up to 14 days of mandatory quarantine to ensure they are provided proper medical care and health screening. U.S. citizens who have been in other areas of mainland China within 14 days of their return will undergo proactive entry health screening and up to 14 days of self-quarantine with health monitoring to ensure they have not contracted the virus and do not pose a public health risk. Generally, foreign nationals (other than immediate family of U.S. citizens, permanent residents, and flight crew) who have traveled in China within 14 days of their arrival, will be denied entry into the United States. “While the overall risk to the American public remains low, funneling all flights with passengers who have recently been in China is the most important and prudent step we can take at this time to decrease the strain on public health officials screening incoming travelers. These steps will also expedite the processing of U.S. citizens returning from China, and ensure resources are focused on the health and safety of the American people,” said DHS Acting Secretary Chad F. Wolf. “We realize this could provide added stress and prolong travel times for some individuals, however public health and security experts agree these measures are necessary to contain the virus and protect the American people. To minimize disruptions, CBP and air carriers are working to identify qualifying passengers before their scheduled flights. Once back in the U.S., it’s imperative that individuals honor self-quarantine directives to help protect the American public.” “The American public can be assured that DHS and its component agencies are taking decisive action to analyze the threat, minimize risk, and slow the spread of the virus by working closely with CDC health professionals and interagency partners involved in this whole-of-government effort,” he added. DHS and the Transportation Security Administration (TSA) have coordinated extensively with air carriers and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to designate the eleven U.S. airports at which CDC will seek to identify potentially ill persons. Effective Sunday, February 2nd at 5:00 PM EST, Americans flying to the United States from China will be re-routed to the following airports at no cost to the traveler: ·       John F. Kennedy International Airport (JFK), New York ·       Chicago O’Hare International Airport (ORD), Illinois ·       San Francisco International Airport (SFO), California ·       Seattle-Tacoma International Airport (SEA), Washington ·       Daniel K. Inouye International Airport (HNL), Hawaii ·       Los Angeles International Airport, (LAX), California ·       Hartsfield-Jackson Atlanta International Airport (ATL), Georgia ·       Washington-Dulles International Airport (IAD), Virginia Effective at 6:30 AM EST on Monday, February 3rd, this list of airports is expanded to include: ·       Newark Liberty International Airport (EWR), New Jersey Effective at 7:30 AM EST on Monday, February 3rd, this list of airports is expanded to include: ·       Dallas/Fort Worth International Airport (DFW), Texas Detroit Metropolitan Airport (DTW), Michigan Although the CDC expects more cases of the coronavirus in the U.S., the risk of infection for Americans remains low, and all agencies are working aggressively to monitor this continuously evolving situation and to keep the public educated and informed: ·        American air travelers should be aware that if they have been to China in the last 14 days, they will be routed through one of eleven airports to undergo enhanced health screenings. ·        Any individual traveling from China who has either been in Hubei Province or other areas of the mainland and is showing symptoms associated with the virus will be screened and subject to mandatory quarantine by medical professionals at a nearby facility. ·        If a traveler who spent time in China, but outside the Hubei province, is re-routed through one of the eleven airports and shows no symptoms following a health screening, they will be re-booked to their destination and asked to “self-quarantine” at their homes. ·        CBP and air carriers are working together to identify and rebook any passengers that meet these criteria, however other travelers without a nexus to China may also be routed through one of these eleven airports if it is discovered mid-flight that someone else on their flight has been in China in the last 14 days. ·       Travelers showing symptoms should be prepared for the possibility of prolonged delay to avoid spreading the infection. For the latest information on the outbreak, visit CDC’s Novel Coronavirus 2019 website.

根据《外国毒枭认定法》中华人民共和国国人和香港实体被列入名单 美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿特区 2020年8月25日 国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥（MICHAEL R. POMPEO）声明 今天，财政部外国资产管制办公室（Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control , OFAC）将中国人张涛涛列为世界最大毒品走私分子之一。张涛涛和设在香港的联升科技集团有限公司（Allyrise Technology Group Co., Limited）因其在国际毒品走私中的作用而被根据《外国毒枭认定法 》（Foreign Narcotics Kingpin Designation Act）列入名单。今天的行动是持续的全政府努力之一，旨在打击对芬太尼和其他来自中华人民共和国的合成类阿片的非法生产与走私，这些毒品夺走了数十万美国人的生命。 张涛涛通过多种个人和物流服务公司向美国输送合成类阿片，并且使用假标签，伪装包裹内容，躲避被当局缴获。包裹在美国收到后，由在美国的分销者将芬太尼压入仿制药片，用以进一步分销和在国内使用。联升科技集团有限公司因由张涛涛所有、掌控、指使或代其行动而被列入名单。 今天的行动是美国广泛努力的一部分，旨在阻扰和威慑毒品走私集团从中华人民共和国购买非法前体化学品，用它们生产芬太尼和将成品走私到美国。美国继续力求与中华人民共和国合作，解决这种供应链威胁，并呼吁中华人民共和国政府加速努力，对化学工业作出规章管理，减少前体化学品被转入国际黑市。 国务院将继续采用一切现有手段，在全球打击毒品走私，包括采用大毒枭定性法和国务院的打击毒品和跨国有组织犯罪奖励（Narcotics and Transnational Organized Crime Rewards）计划，致力于阻扰和威慑非法毒品交易和跨国有组织犯罪网。有关上述所列个人的更多情况，请见 https://www.treasury.gov/resource-center/sanctions/Pages/default.aspx。

Designation of People’s Republic of China (PRC) Foreign National and Hong Kong Entity under the Foreign Narcotics Kingpin Designation Act PRESS STATEMENT MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE AUGUST 25, 2020 Today, the Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) designated one of the most significant drug traffickers in the world – Chinese national Zhang Taotao. Zhang and Hong Kong-based entity Allyrise Technology Group Co., Limited, were designated pursuant to the Foreign Narcotics Kingpin Designation Act (Kingpin Act) for their role in international drug trafficking. Today’s action is part of a continued whole-of-government effort to combat the illegal production and trafficking of fentanyl and other synthetic opioids from the PRC, which have claimed the lives of hundreds of thousands of Americans. Zhang has shipped synthetic opioids to the United States via multiple individuals and freight-forwarding services and used false labelling to disguise parcel contents and avoid seizure by authorities. Once a package is received in the United States, U.S.-based distributors press fentanyl into counterfeit pharmaceutical pills for further distribution and domestic consumption. Allyrise Technology Group Co., Limited, was designated for being owned, controlled, directed by, or acting for or on behalf of Zhang. Today’s designations are part of a broad U.S. effort to disrupt and deter drug trafficking organizations from buying illicit precursor chemicals from the PRC, using those precursors to manufacture fentanyl, and trafficking the finished products into the United States. The United States continues to seek cooperation with the PRC to tackle this supply chain threat and calls on the PRC government to accelerate efforts to regulate its chemical industry and reduce the diversion of precursors into the international black market. The State Department will continue to use all available tools to combat drug trafficking globally, including through programs that seek to disrupt and deter the illicit drug trade and transnational organized crime networks such as Kingpin designations, and the Department’s Narcotics and Transnational Organized Crime Rewards programs. For more information on the individual listed above, please see https://www.treasury.gov/resource-center/sanctions/Pages/default.aspx.

今天，美国上市公司会计监督委员会（PCAOB）与中国证券监督管理委员会（中国证监会）和中华人民共和国财政部签署合作检查协议，来指导检查与调查设于中国和香港的审计事务所。 本协议乃为我们首次自中国得到如此详细、具体的承诺，允许PCAOB进行符合美国标准的检查和调查。中方与我方皆同意有必要建立一个框架。我们不愿派遣PCAOB检查人员到中国和香港，除非对此一框架先达成协议。鉴于进行这些检查和调查所需的时间，检查人员必须在九月中旬抵达，才能有机会在今年年底前成功地全面完成工作。 但是，别误以为了：是否如此，届时见分晓。虽说重要，但是此框架只不过是程序中的一个步骤。本协议唯有PCAOB确实能对在中国的审计事务所进行完整的检查和调查，才会有意义。如果无法做到，约200家中国发行人将面临被禁止在美国交易其证券，如果他们继续聘用那些审计事务所的话。 为什么这些检查和调查至关重要呢？外国发行人能进入我们的市场是一项殊荣，因为我们有世界上规模最大、深度最深、最具流动性的市场。美国市场的投资者应该受到保护，应该能信任企业的财务数字，无论发行人是境外或境内的。再者，如果外国发行人想要进入我们的公开资本市场，他们必须与美国企业公平竞争。 50多个司法辖区已经遵守规定，让PCABO检查和调查其在美上市公司的审计事务所，无论审计事务所设于何地。尚有两地未做到：中国和香港。 但是，中国发行人却得以持续进入美国市场，纵使未遵守《萨班斯-奥克斯利法案》（Sarbanes-Oxley Act）的基本要求，其为20年前的7月份在不分党派的基础上所通过的：如欲在美国发行公共证券，负责审计公司账簿的注册公共会计师事务所，必须接受PCAOB的检查和调查。当外国发行人寻求进入美国资本市场时，他们和我们的境内发行人一样，必须遵守同样的审计规则。这些规则包括PCAOB得以检查所有审计底稿的要求，这是审计工作的具体业务标准底稿，涉及发行人的财务报表和审计质量。 国会近来在针对《萨班斯-奥克斯利法案》修订的2020年《外国公司问责法》（HFCAA）中，再次确认完整检查和调查的要求。HFCAA规定，如果PCAOB“无法完整检查或调查” [1]外国司法辖区的注册公共会计师事务所，连续三年聘用这些事务所的发行人，他们的证券将面临被禁止在美国交易，依照这种情况，约有200家是位于中国。 今天所宣布的协议载明贯彻国会用意的具体与问责事项。其提供标准来衡量中方发行人的审计机构是否遵守美国法律的要求，包括PCAOB的审计准则。我感谢国会对这些重要事宜的重视。具体而言，中国当局对下述四项重要事项做出承诺： 在未来，我们的市场会包括中国发行人吗？这将取决于在中国的对口人员。要看他们是否遵守美国法律的规定，如同本框架所详细列出的。 无论如何，我期待确保在我们市场做到对投资者的重要保护，如果遵守本框架，那便与中国发行人一起来；如果未遵守，那就与中国发行人分道扬镳。 竭诚感谢SEC和PCAOB的同仁，敬业勤恳地处理这些事情。 虽然很多工作尚待完成才能确保合规，但是我也要感谢 中国证监会和财政部的对口官员迄今为止与我们所进行有成效的讨论。 [1] 见美国参议院第945号法案-外国公司问责法，查阅https://www.congress.gov/bill/116th-congress/senate-bill/945/text.

Statement on Agreement Governing Inspections and Investigations of Audit Firms Based in China and Hong Kong Chair Gary Gensler Aug. 26, 2022 Today, the Public Company Accounting Oversight Board (PCAOB) signed a Statement of Protocol with the China Securities Regulatory Commission (CSRC) and the Ministry of Finance of the People’s Republic of China governing inspections and investigations of audit firms based in China and Hong Kong. This agreement marks the first time we have received such detailed and specific commitments from China that they would allow PCAOB inspections and investigations meeting U.S. standards. The Chinese and we jointly agreed on the need for a framework. We were not willing to have PCAOB inspectors travel to China and Hong Kong unless there was an agreement on such a framework. In light of the time required to conduct these inspections and investigations, inspectors must be on the ground by mid-September if their work has any chance to be successfully completed by the end of this year. Make no mistake, though: The proof will be in the pudding. While important, this framework is merely a step in the process. This agreement will be meaningful only if the PCAOB actually can inspect and investigate completely audit firms in China. If it cannot, roughly 200 China-based issuers will face prohibitions on trading of their securities in the U.S. if they continue to use those audit firms. Why do these inspections and investigations matter? It’s a privilege for foreign issuers to access our markets — the largest, deepest, most liquid markets in the world. Investors in U.S. markets should be protected — and have trust in a company’s financial numbers — regardless of whether an issuer is foreign or domestic. Further, if foreign issuers want access to our public capital markets, they must be on a level playing field with U.S. firms. More than 50 jurisdictions have complied with the requirements that the PCAOB inspect and investigate audit firms of U.S.-listed companies, regardless of where the audit firm is based. Two have not: China and Hong Kong. China-based issuers, however, have continued to access U.S. markets while not complying with the basic bargain of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act, enacted on a bipartisan basis 20 years ago this past July: If you want to issue public securities in the U.S., the registered public accounting firms that audit your books have to be subject to inspections and investigations by the PCAOB. When foreign issuers seek access to U.S. capital markets, they must abide by the same rules regarding auditing as our domestic issuers. These rules include a requirement that the PCAOB have the ability to inspect all audit work papers — standard, engagement-specific documentation of the audit work related to an issuer’s financial statements and the quality of the audit. Congress recently reaffirmed the requirement for complete inspections and investigations under the Holding Foreign Companies Accountable Act of 2020 (HFCAA), which amended Sarbanes-Oxley. Under the HFCAA, if the PCAOB is “unable to inspect or investigate completely”[1] registered public accounting firms located in foreign jurisdictions, issuers that use those firms for three consecutive years face prohibitions on their securities trading in the U.S. — in this case, roughly 200 companies based in China. This agreement announced today brings specificity and accountability to effectuate Congress’s intent. It provides the standards against which to judge whether auditors of Chinese issuers have complied with the requirements of U.S. law, including PCAOB auditing standards. I thank Congress for their attention to these important matters. In particular, Chinese authorities have committed to four critical items: Going forward, will our markets include China-based issuers? That still is up to our counterparts in China. It depends on whether they comply with the requirements of U.S. law, as detailed in the framework. Either way, I look forward to ensuring key investor protections in our markets — with China-based issuers, if this framework is followed; or without China-based issuers, if it is not. Though much work remains to ensure compliance, I would like to thank our counterparts at the CSRC and the Ministry of Finance for the productive discussions to date. I would like to thank my colleagues at the SEC and the PCAOB for their diligent work on these matters, including: [1] See S.945 – Holding Foreign Companies Accountable Act, available at https://www.congress.gov/bill/116th-congress/senate-bill/945/text.

Air Ambulance 1 提供一周七天，每天二十四小时服务 电话和传真: +1 (832) 900-9000 美国800免费电话: (800) 424-9000 电子邮件：Dispatch@AirAmbulance1.com 网址: www.AirAmbulance1.com AMR Air Ambulance 电话： 800-424-7060/ 01(720)-875-9182 网站： http://www.amr-airambulance.com/ Angel MedFlight Worldwide Air Ambulance Services 地址: 17851 N. 85th Street, Suite 350, Scottsdale, Arizona 85255, U.S.A. 国际: (480) 634-8017 免费电话： 877-264-3570 网址: http://www.angelmedflight.com Heathrow Air Ambulance Heathrow 空中运送服务在美国和英格兰设立有办公室。旅客可以提前办理空中运送服务保险和安排其他紧急旅行协助。该服务也制定有针对无旅行保险的外籍人士的商业方案。 电话：800- 513-5192 网站：www.heathrowairambulance.com International SOS 北京市朝阳区新源里16号琨莎中心一座105室 电话：+86 (0) 10 6462 9100 网站：https://www.internationalsos.com/ MEDEX Assistance Corporation 北京保利大厦871,100027 紧急电话(仅限会员使用)： (800) 527-0218 or (410) 453-6330 美国24小时电话： (800) 537-2029 or (410) 453-6300 中国紧急电话： (8610) 6595-8510 网站：www.medexassist.com Premier Jets 提供一周七天，每天二十四小时的全球航空运送服务 电话：503-640-2927 网站：www.premierjets.com Travel Care International Air Ambulance 全球空中救护服务 电话：800-524-7633 (全球直拨) / 643-410-0112 (美国) Skype：TRAVELCAREAIR 网站：http://www.travelcareair.com/

Air Ambulance 1 24 / 7 Dispatch Telephone and Fax: +1 (832) 900-9000 USA Toll Free: (800) 424-9000 Email: Dispatch@AirAmbulance1.com Website: www.AirAmbulance1.com AMR Air Ambulance Tel: 800-424-7060/ (720)-875-9182 Website:  http://www.amr-airambulance.com/ Angel MedFlight Worldwide Air Ambulance Services Add: 17851 N. 85th Street, Suite 350, Scottsdale, Arizona 85255, U.S.A. International: (480) 634-8017 Toll-free 877-264-3570 Website: http://www.angelmedflight.com Air Medical Transportation Add: 25807 Westheimer Pkwy., Ste 411, Katy, TX 77494 – USA International: +1 (832) 872-2222 USA & Canada: 1 (800) USA-6667 Mobile & WhatsApp: +1 (832) 321-7777 Fax: +1 (832) 872-2300 Website: www.AirMedical.com Heathrow Air Ambulance Heathrow is an air evacuation service with offices in the United States and England. Travelers can pre-arrange air evacuation insurance and other emergency travel assistance. This service also has a business plan to assist foreigners who lack travel insurance. Heathrow Air Ambulance Service Tel: 800- 513-5192 Website: www.heathrowairambulance.com International SOS Add: Suite 105, Wing 1, Kunsha Building, No 16 Xinyuanli, Chaoyang District, Beijing Tel: (8610) 6462 9100 Website: https://www.internationalsos.com/ MEDEX Assistance Corporation Add: 871 Poly Plaza, Beijing 100027 Emergency (members only): (800) 527-0218 or (410) 453-6330 Tel in US: (800) 537-2029 or (410) 453-6300 Emergency in China: (8610) 6595-8510 (24 hours) Website: www.medexassist.com Premier Jets Premier Jets operates a 24 hour a day, 7 day a week air evacuation service throughout the world. Tel: 503-640-2927 Website: www.premierjets.com Travel Care International Air Ambulance Air Ambulance Services Worldwide Travel Care International Inc. Tel: 800-524-7633 (Int.) / 643-410-0112 (U.S.) Skype: TRAVELCAREAIR Website: http://www.travelcareair.com/

常见问题 每个案例都是独特的。本网站仅用于提供一般信息。 DHS-USCIS Guangzhou无法为您提供法律建议或协助您准备移民表格。如需法律建议或协助准备移民表格，请联系法律代表。 找不到答案？ DHS-USCIS网站包含许多合法移民到美国的工具和资源，包括： “我如何”指南集 “我选择”指南集 艾玛，智能助理 myUSCIS 问：如何了解在国外收养孩子的信息？ 答：有关收养国外儿童的信息，请访问www.uscis.gov/adoption 。 请注意，在中国领养的儿童由美国国务院发签证。有关在中国收养的详细信息，请访问美国国务院跨国收养信息或美国驻广州总领事馆收养部。 问：如何成为美国永久居民？ 答：请访问USCIS.gov 网站关于美国绿卡和永久居住权的页面，查看全面的选项列表。 问：我是绿卡持有者，可以到美国以外的地方旅行吗？ 答：永久居民可以到美国境外旅行，临时或短暂旅行通常不影响您的永久居民身份。但存在限制：LPR的责任 问：我是绿卡持有者，已经在美国境外待了很长时间。还能回美国吗？ 答：这取决于实际情况。请参阅DHS-USCIS关于返回居民的网页。有关如何申请回美签证的信息，请参阅美国驻广州总领事馆的国务院网页移民签证处。 如果您想在美国短暂逗留，请参阅美国国务院的非移民签证信息页面。 问：我的合法永久居民卡（绿卡）即将到期，可以在广州办公室申请I-90表格吗？ 答：不可以。但是，您可以在线提交I-90表格。广州办公室无法帮助您创建在线帐户。 问：如果我在外国并且没有持有我的永久居民卡（绿卡）怎么办？ 答：您或许可以提交I-131A表格来申请旅行证件。请参阅I-131A。 问：丢失了绿卡该怎么办？ 答：首先，我们建议您向当地警方或当局报告您的绿卡丢失情况。您或许可以提交I-131A表格来申请旅行证件。请参阅I-131A。 问：把绿卡忘在美国了该怎么办？ 答：让人寄给你。 问：申请了绿卡却没有收到，我该怎么办？ 答：如果您有收据编号，请在线查询DHS-USCIS案件状态或致电 国家联络服务中心（NCSC）。USCIS Contact Center. 问：遇到紧急情况需要离开美国有什么注意事项？ 答：请参阅DHS-USCIS紧急旅行网站 – 离开美国。 问：计划在美国境外停留超过12个月，该怎么办？ 答：您可能需要再入境许可证。请查看DHS-USCIS网页关于LPR国际旅行以及I-131表格指引。 问：我可以向广州办公室申请再入境许可吗？ 答：不可以。再入境许可证表格I-131需在美国提交。 问：广州办公室能替换预先假释文件吗？ 答：不可以，广州办公室不能为您替换预先假释文件。请参考DHS-USCIS网站I-131表格获取资讯。 问：在收到预先假释文件之前离开了美国，广州办公室能代发吗？ 答：不可以，广州办公室不能为您替换预先假释文件。请参考DHS-USCIS网站I-131表格获取资讯。某些个例或许能申请人道主义假释。 问：持移民签证进入美国，在收到绿卡之前，地址发生了变化。我该怎么办？ 答：联系DHS-USCIS，请参阅地址信息变更。 问：我为家人提交了I-130表格。在收到移民签证之前，我的家人可以作为游客进入美国吗？ 答：我们无法协助解决此事。美国国务院签发签证。有关签证的详细信息，请访问美国国务院关于签证信息的网站。 此外，海关和边境保护局官员可以在入境口岸酌情决定个人进入美国是短暂逗留还是有移民倾向。后者则可能被拒绝进境并被遣返中国。入境美国的更多资讯请访问www.cbp.gov 问：非英文文件是否需要翻译？ 答：是的。非英文文件需要英文翻译。翻译不需要公证，但必须包含翻译人员的声明，证明翻译的完整和准确以及翻译人员具备翻译能力。 问：可以要求您通过电子邮件预审我的申请文件吗？ 答：不可以。除非特别要求您通过电子邮件提供文件，否则不会过电子邮件审查证明是否充分或判断案件。如果接到通知，要求提交更多证明或案件或被拒通知，您应该通过邮件发送回复。 （可以通过EMS以便跟踪包裹。）所有信息都应该集中一次发送。 问：我如何获得I-407表格的另一份副本？ 答：请参阅USCIS.gov website网站，了解如何通过信息自由法（FOIA）流程从DHS-USCIS获取文件。 问：我在哪里可以找到DHS-USCIS表格或确认我使用的是最新版本的表格？ 答：这是DHS-USCIS Forms表格的链接。每种表单类型都列出了版本日期。 问：我如何支付我在美国境内提交的案件的费用？ 答：请阅读表格类型的说明，并查看支付USCIS费用的DHS-USCIS网页。我们无法接受美国国内申请费用。 问：如何查看美国办事处正在处理的案件状态？ 答：请参阅 USCIS.gov contact page 联系页面或在此处使用USCIS form here.表格。 问：我如何联系位于美国的DHS-USCIS办事处？ 答：DHS-USCIS（主要网站）：https://www.uscis.gov/ 电话号码：1-800-375-5283或1-800-767-1833（耳聋或听力障碍的TDD） 联系信息： https://www.uscis.gov/about-us/contact-us 问：DHS-USCIS是否拥有英语以外语言的资源？ 答：是的。请参阅我们的DHS-USCIS Multilingual Resources Page多语言资源页面.

Each case is unique.  This website is only intended to provide general information.  DHS-USCIS Guangzhou is unable to provide you with legal advice or assist you with the preparation of immigration forms.  For legal advice or for assistance in preparing immigration forms, please contact a legal representative. Can’t find the answer? The DHS-USCIS website includes many tools and resources for lawful immigration to the United States, including: How Do I Guides Explore My Options Emma, Virtual Assistant myUSCIS   Q: How can I find out about adopting a child overseas? A: For information about adopting a child from overseas, visit www.uscis.gov/adoption. Please be advised that visas for children adopted in China are issued by the U.S. Department of State. For in-depth information about adoptions in China, please visit Intercountry Adoption in the Department of State website or the Adoptions Unit of the U.S. Consulate General in Guangzhou.   Q: How can I become a permanent resident of the U.S.? A: Please visit the USCIS.gov webpage on Green Cards and Permanent Residence in the U.S. for a comprehensive listing of options.   Q: I have a Green Card. May I travel outside the United States?  A: Permanent residents are free to travel outside the United States, and temporary or brief travel usually does not affect your permanent resident status.  However, there are some limitations: Responsibilities of LPRs   Q: I have a Green Card.  I have been outside the United States for an extended period of time.  Can I return to the United States? A: It depends.  Please see the DHS-USCIS webpage on Returning Residents.  For information on how to apply for SB‑1 Returning Resident Visa, please see the Department of State’s webpage Immigrant Visa Section at the U.S. Consulate in Guangzhou. If you wish to return to the United States temporarily, see the Department of State’s Non-immigrant Visa information page.   Q: My Legal Permanent Resident (LPR) Card (Green Card) is about to expire. Can I file Form I-90 at DHS-USCIS Guangzhou? A: No.  However, you may be able to file the Form I-90 electronically.  The DHS-USCIS Guangzhou Office cannot assist you in creating your online account.   Q: What if I am overseas and not in possession of my Permanent Resident Card (Green Card)? A: You may be eligible to file a Form I-131A to request a travel document.  Please see I-131A.   Q: I lost my Green Card. What should I do? A:  First, we suggest that you report the loss of your Green Card to the local police or authorities. You may be eligible to file a Form I-131A to request a travel document.  Please see I-131A.   Q: I forgot my Green Card in the United States. What should I do? A: You should have someone send it to you.   Q: I applied for a Green Card but I have not received it. What should I do? A: If you have your receipt number, you should contact the DHS-USCIS case status service online or call the National Contact Service Center (NCSC). USCIS Contact Center.   Q:  I have an emergency and need to leave the United States.  Do you have any guidance? A:  Please see the DHS-USCIS website on Emergency Travel – Departing the US.   Q: I expect to be outside of the United States for more than 12 months. What should I do? A: You may need to obtain a re-entry permit.  Please review the DHS-USCIS webpage on International Travel as an LPR and the instructions to the Form I-131.   Q: Can I file for a re-entry permit with the DHS-USCIS Guangzhou? A: No.  An application for a re-entry permit Form I-131 is filed in the United States.   Q: Can you replace an Advance Parole document? A: No, the DHS-USCIS Guangzhou Office cannot issue you a replacement advance parole document.  You should review the national DHS-USCIS website Form I-131 for guidance.   Q:  I left the United States before I received an Advance Parole document.  Can you issue it? A:  No.  The DHS-USCIS Guangzhou Office cannot issue you an advance parole document.  You should review the national DHS-USCIS website Form I-131 for guidance.  In some instances, an individual may be eligible to apply for humanitarian parole.   Q: I entered the United States on an immigrant visa. My address changed before I received my Green Card. What should I do? A: Contact DHS-USCIS, please see Change of Address Information.   Q: I filed Form I-130 for my family member. Can my family member enter the U.S. as a tourist before receiving an immigrant visa? A: We are unable to assist with this matter.  The U.S. Department of State issues visas.  For in-depth information about visas, please visit the Department of State’s website on visa information Further, it is at the discretion of the Customs and Border Protection officer at the port of entry to determine whether an individual’s intention for entering the United States is only temporary or as an intending immigrant.  If the latter, the officer can refuse the individual entry into the United States and return the individual to the China.  For more information about admission into the US, please visit http://www.cbp.gov.   Q: Do I need translations of my non-English documents? A: Yes.  An English translation of any document written in another language is required.  Translations do not need to be notarized but must include a statement by the translator certifying that the translation is complete and accurate and that the translator is competent to translate.   Q: Can I ask you to review documents in support of my application by email? A: No.  Unless we specifically ask you to provide documentation by email, we will not review the sufficiency of evidence or adjudicate a case through email.  If you are responding to a request for evidence or a notice of intent to deny, you should send your response to us by mail.  (You may wish to send it by EMS so that you can track the package.)  All of the information should be sent at one time.   Q: How do I obtain another copy of my Form I-407? A: Please see the USCIS.gov website on how to obtain documents from DHS-USCIS through the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) process.   Q: Where can I find a DHS-USCIS form or verify that I am using the most current edition of a form? A: Here is a link to the DHS-USCIS Forms. Each form type lists the Edition Date.   Q: How can I pay fees for a case I am filing at an address in the U.S.? A: Please read the instructions to the form type and see the DHS-USCIS webpage on Paying USCIS Fees .We are unable to accept fees for U.S. domestic filings.   Q: How do I check status of my case that is being processed by an office in the U.S.? A: Please see the USCIS.gov contact page or use the USCIS form here.   Q:  How do I contact a DHS-USCIS office located in the United States? A: DHS-USCIS (Main Website): https://www.uscis.gov/ Phone Number: 1-800-375-5283 or 1-800-767-1833 (TDD for the deaf or hard of hearing) Contact Information: https://www.uscis.gov/about-us/contact-us   Q:  Does DHS-USCIS have resources in languages other than English? A: Yes.  Please see our DHS-USCIS Multilingual Resources Page.

自由在线联盟（Freedom Online Coalition）是一个由深切致力于提倡并保护《世界人权宣言》（Universal Declaration of Human Rights）所阐明的人权和基本自由的31个国家组成的团体。我们相信个人在网下所享有的人权和基本自由也必须在网上得到保护。我们致力于共同努力支持全世界的人们的因特网自由——其中包括表达、结社、和平集会的自由，以及网上隐私权。 自由在线联盟与各个地方的人们在面对COVID-19 冠状病毒全球疫情时有着共同的关切，其中包括与之相关的负面经济影响，并认识到政府为减轻病毒的扩散而颁行紧急措施的努力。与此同时，比以往任何时候都更多的活动正在网上进行，我们对有关政府为应对这场危机而采取的某些措施、做法及数字应用对人权的影响感到关切。这包括使用任意或非法的监控手段；部分或完全地关闭因特网；以及不符合人权法的对网上内容的监管和审查。我们对这些行动有可能给表达、结社及和平集会自由的权利以及隐私权所带来的短期和长期的影响，乃至在全球性疫情结束之后，进一步感到关切。 对侵犯及践踏网上人权的行径缺乏究责及有效的补救，构成了对公共当局的信任减少的风险，而这反过来又可能损害今后任何公共应对举措的效力。侵犯及践踏人权的行径还会增加歧视的风险，并可能不成比例地危害已被边缘化的弱势社群成员，其中包括妇女和女童以及其他可能面临多重的、交织的歧视形式的个人。在网上侵犯及践踏人权的行径直接挑战着自由在线联盟保护并提倡在网上行使人权以及一个开放、自由[1]、安全、可靠、可互操作的因特网的目标。 此外，自由在线联盟对网上不实信息的传播以及试图恶意利用COVID-19 冠状病毒全球疫情的活动感到关切。这包括操纵信息以及传播不实信息，以破坏有章可循的国际秩序，并侵蚀支撑它的民主和人权。获取真实及准确的信息，其中包括通过一个线上及线下的自由及独立的媒体，能帮助人们采取必要的预防措施，以制止传播COVID-19 冠状病毒、拯救生命并保护易于受害的人群。 我们重申，自由在线联盟的创建文件中所阐明的承诺和原则依然至关重要。我们进一步强调，各国必须确保为应对这场全球疫情而实施的措施符合国际人权法。有关措施还应当仅限于是正当保护公共健康所必需的，其中包括根据应对COVID-19 冠状病毒疫情危机的必要性在时间上限制这些措施。任何干预隐私和其他相关的权利和自由的行为还应当与《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》（International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights）以及《世界人权宣言》相符。不论有关限制适用于线上还是线下，都应如此。我们对联合国秘书长（UN Secretary General）、联合国人权事务高级专员（UN High Commissioner for Human Rights）以及联合国特别报告员（UN Special Rapporteurs）和有关专家注重于这个问题表示欢迎。 在应对COVID-19 冠状病毒全球疫情时，我们敦促全世界各国政府： ……同时承诺我们自己也这样做。 [1] “Free”在文中不是“免费”的意思。

May 27, 2020 The Freedom Online Coalition (FOC) is a group of 31 countries deeply committed to the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms proclaimed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). We believe that the human rights and fundamental freedoms that individuals have offline must also be protected online. We are committed to working together to support Internet freedom for individuals worldwide – including the freedoms of expression, association, peaceful assembly, as well as privacy rights online. The FOC shares the concerns of people everywhere in the face of the COVID-19 global pandemic, including the negative economic impact associated with it, and recognizes government efforts to mitigate the spread of the virus by enacting emergency measures. At the same time, more activities are taking place online than ever before, and we are concerned with the human rights implications of certain measures, practices, and digital applications introduced by governments in response to the crisis. This includes the use of arbitrary or unlawful surveillance practices; partial or complete Internet shutdowns; online content regulation and censorship that are inconsistent with human rights law. We are further concerned with the potential short-and-long-term impact of these actions on the rights of freedom of expression, association, and peaceful assembly, and privacy rights, even after the pandemic is over. Lack of accountability and lack of effective remedy for violations and abuses of human rights online pose a risk of reduced trust in public authorities, which, in turn, might undermine the effectiveness of any future public response. Violations and abuses of human rights also increase risk of discrimination and may disproportionately harm members of already marginalized and vulnerable communities, including women and girls and other individuals who may face multiple and intersecting forms of discrimination.  Human rights violations and abuses online are a direct challenge to the FOC’s goal of protecting and promoting both the exercise of human rights online and an open, free[1], secure, reliable, and interoperable Internet. Furthermore, the FOC is concerned by the spread of disinformation online and activity that seeks to leverage the COVID-19 pandemic with malign intent. This includes the manipulation of information and spread of disinformation to undermine the international rules-based order and erode support for the democracy and human rights that underpin it.  Access to factual and accurate information, including through a free and independent media online and offline, helps people take the necessary precautions to prevent spreading the COVID-19 virus, save lives, and protect vulnerable population groups. We reiterate that commitments and principles outlined in FOC founding documents remain of the utmost importance. We further emphasize that countries must ensure that measures implemented to address the pandemic are in compliance with international human rights law. Measures should also be limited to what is necessary for the legitimate protection of public health, including by limiting these measures in time only as necessary to address the COVID-19 crisis.  Any interference with privacy and other relevant rights and freedoms need also be consistent with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the UDHR. This is true whether the restrictions apply to activity online or offline. We welcome the focus on this issue by the UN Secretary General, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, and UN Special Rapporteurs and experts. In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, we call upon governments worldwide: …while committing ourselves to do the same. [1] ‘Free’ in this context does not mean ‘free of cost’.

安东尼·布林肯国务卿声明 《香港自治法》最新报告 美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿特区 2021年3月16日 昨天在日本东京（Tokyo），我谈到站出来维护我们共同的民主价值观并一起努力向威胁这些价值观的人追究责任的必要性。今天，我们又一次正在这样做。今天发布的《香港自治法》（Hong Kong Autonomy Act）最新报告突出显示了我们对全国人民代表大会3月11日决定单方面破坏香港选举制度的深切关注。这项决定进一步损害了对香港人民承诺的高度自治，剥夺了香港人在管理自身事务中的声音，英国已经宣布这一举动违反《中英联合声明》（Sino-British Joint Declaration）。 根据《香港自治法》，国务卿必须按照此法中的界定，定期将对中华人民共和国不履行其《中英联合声明》或香港《基本法》（Basic Law）义务正在发挥实质性作用，发挥过实质性作用，或者试图发挥实质性作用的外籍人通报国会。今天的最新报告将24名中华人民共和国和香港官员列入名单，他们的行动削弱了香港的高度自治，他们当中包括全国人民代表大会常务委员会的14名副委员长以及香港警务处国家安全处（Hong Kong Police Force’s National Security Division）、港澳事务办公室（Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office）和维护国家安全公署（Office for Safeguarding National Security）的官员。凡在知情情况下与被列入今天报告中的人从事实质性交易的外国金融机构现将受到制裁。 一个尊重人权、自由和政治多元的稳定繁荣的香港符合香港、中国大陆和更广大的国际社会的利益。美国与我们盟友和伙伴团结一致，为香港人民的权利和自由大声疾呼，并且在中华人民共和国未履行其责任时作出反应。

PRESS STATEMENT ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE MARCH 17, 2021 Yesterday in Tokyo, Japan, I spoke of the need to stand up for our shared democratic values and to work together to hold to account those who would threaten them. Today, we are again doing that.  The release of today’s update to the Hong Kong Autonomy Act report underscores our deep concern with the National People’s Congress March 11 decision to unilaterally undermine Hong Kong’s electoral system.  This action further undermines the high degree of autonomy promised to people in Hong Kong and denies Hong Kongers a voice in their own governance, a move that the United Kingdom has declared to be a breach of the Sino-British Joint Declaration. Under the Hong Kong Autonomy Act, the Secretary of State is required to regularly update Congress on foreign persons who are materially contributing to, have materially contributed to, or attempt to materially contribute to the failure of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) to meet its obligations under the Sino-British Joint Declaration or Hong Kong’s Basic Law, as defined by the Act.  Today’s update identifies 24 PRC and Hong Kong officials whose actions have reduced Hong Kong’s high degree of autonomy, including 14 vice chairs of the National People’s Congress Standing Committee and officials in the Hong Kong Police Force’s National Security Division, the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office, and the Office for Safeguarding National Security.  Foreign financial institutions that knowingly conduct significant transactions with the individuals listed in today’s report are now subject to sanctions. A stable, prosperous Hong Kong that respects human rights, freedoms, and political pluralism serves the interests of Hong Kong, mainland China, and the broader international community. The United States stands united with our allies and partners in speaking out for the rights and freedoms of people in Hong Kong, and we will respond when the PRC fails to meet its obligations.

美国驻联合国使团 新闻与公共外交办公室 纽约州纽约市 2022年3月18日 以下是美国常驻联合国代表琳达·托马斯–格林菲尔德大使代表阿尔巴尼亚、法国、爱尔兰、挪威、英国和美国发表的联合声明。  今天上午，俄罗斯再次企图利用本理事会洗白其虚假信息、散布其宣传言论，并为其对乌克兰发动的无端、凶残的攻击辩解。我们知道这些，因为这是他们一贯玩弄的伎俩。就在一周前，他们以完全相同的借口召集安理会会议，让我们听到了一连串信口开河、荒诞不经的谎言。  那次会议和那些谎言的目的只有一个：逃避应为俄罗斯发动的不必打的战争及其造成的人道主义灾难承担的责任。正如你们大家都知道的——而且我们必须提醒公众——正是莫斯科长期违背国际法并维持着一个生物武器项目——而不是乌克兰。正是莫斯科使用化学武器的历史有据可查——而不是乌克兰。而且正是莫斯科，发动了这场毫无理性的战争。  因此，我们今天在这里要求俄罗斯承担责任。说出真相。并要确保他们的谎言和虚假信息受到事实的驳斥。还必须说明的是，俄罗斯正在滥用其作为安理会常任理事国的责任和权利。我们的使命是作为一个通过外交实现和平的场所。  俄罗斯颠覆我们的使命及其针对乌克兰人民的令人发指的暴力行径极其无耻。我们将继续确保他们的伎俩得到已准备好同乌克兰团结一致并捍卫《联合国宪章》的整个国际社会的强有力的同声驳斥。   欲查看原稿内容: https://usun.usmission.gov/joint-statement-before-a-un-security-council-meeting-highlighting-russias-disinformation-about-ukraine/  本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

Joint Statement Before a UN Security Council Meeting Highlighting Russia’s Disinformation About Ukraine United States Mission to the United Nations Office of Press and Public Diplomacy For Immediate Release March 18, 2022 The following is a joint statement as delivered by Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield, U.S. Representative to the United Nations, on behalf of Albania, France, Ireland, Norway, the United Kingdom, and the United States.  This morning, Russia is once again attempting to use this Council to launder its disinformation, spread its propaganda, and justify its unprovoked and brutal attack on Ukraine. We know this because it’s a well-worn playbook. Just one week ago, they convened the Council under precisely the same pretenses, and we heard a litany of bombastic and preposterous lies. This meeting, and these lies, are designed for one purpose: to deflect responsibility for Russia’s war of choice and the humanitarian catastrophe it has caused. As you all know – and as we must remind the public – it is Moscow that has long maintained a biological weapons program in violation of international law – not Ukraine. It is Moscow that has a well-documented history of using chemical weapons – not Ukraine. And it is Moscow that started this senseless war. So, we are here today to call Russia to account. To speak the truth. And to ensure their lies and disinformation are met with fact. It must also be said that Russia is abusing its responsibilities and privileges as a permanent member of the Security Council. Our mandate is to serve as a venue for achieving peace through diplomacy. Russia’s subversion of our mission, and its horrific campaign of violence against the Ukrainian people, are deeply shameful. We will continue to ensure their tactics are met with a forceful chorus of voices from across the international community prepared to stand with Ukraine and stand up for the UN Charter. ###

2022年3月17日 约瑟夫·R·拜登总统本周五将与中华人民共和国(PRC)习近平主席通话。这是我们持续努力维持美国和PRC之间沟通渠道开放的一部分。两位领导人将讨论管控我们两国之间的竞争，以及俄罗斯对乌克兰的战争和其他共同关切的问题。

Statement by Press Secretary Jen Psaki on President Biden’s Call with President Xi Jinping of the People’s Republic of China MARCH 17, 2022•STATEMENTS AND RELEASES President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. will speak with President Xi Jinping of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) this Friday. This is part of our ongoing efforts to maintain open lines of communication between the United States and the PRC. The two Leaders will discuss managing the competition between our two countries as well as Russia’s war against Ukraine and other issues of mutual concern. ###

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿特区 2023年4月11日   美国谴责中华人民共和国对人权捍卫者许志永和丁家喜的不公正拘押和判刑。许志永和丁家喜因支持行使集会自由和表达自由等国际公认的基本自由，于4月10日被中华人民共和国法院分别判处14年及12年监禁。上述判决显示出中华人民共和国正在对公民社会的各个方面大肆进行恐吓和噤声。    我们敦促中华人民共和国立即无条件释放这两名遭到不公正拘押的人权捍卫者，并停止对其家人进行任何骚扰。我们同样呼吁中华人民共和国释放其他被不公正地拘押或监禁的人士，恢复被不公正地吊销律师执照的律师的资格，并允许所有个人行使他们的基本自由。    美国将永远与在中华人民共和国及世界各地捍卫人权的勇士们站在一起。    欲查看原稿内容:  https://www.state.gov/on-the-sentencing-of-human-rights-defenders-xu-and-ding/  本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

PRESS STATEMENT VEDANT PATEL, PRINCIPAL DEPUTY SPOKESPERSON APRIL 11, 2023   The United States condemns the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) unjust detention and sentencing of human rights defenders Xu Zhiyong and Ding Jiaxi.  On April 10, PRC courts sentenced Xu Zhiyong to 14 years and Ding Jiaxi to 12 years in prison for supporting the exercise of internationally recognized fundamental freedoms, such as the freedoms of assembly and expression.  These sentences demonstrate the PRC’s expansive effort to intimidate and silence all aspects of civil society.   We urge the PRC to immediately and unconditionally release these two unjustly detained human rights defenders and to cease any harassment of their family members.  We similarly call upon the PRC to release others who were unjustly detained or imprisoned, to reinstate the lawyers who were unjustly disbarred, and to allow all individuals to exercise their fundamental freedoms.   The United States will always stand with the brave individuals in the PRC and around the world who defend human rights.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年 7月 1日 国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥（MICHAEL R. POMPEO）在记者会发表讲话 新闻简报室 [摘译] 国务卿蓬佩奥： * * * * 昨天，中国共产党对香港实施严酷的国家安全法，背弃了在联合国登记的条约中对香港人民和英国做出的承诺，与香港居民的人权和基本自由背道而驰。 自由的香港是全世界最稳定、繁荣和生气勃勃的城市之一。现在，香港将成为另一个共产主义统治下的城市，香港居民将受到党员干部的摆布。令人无不感到痛心。 毫无疑问，这种情况正在发生。安全部队已经围捕了敢于直言和思想自由的香港居民。法治已经荡然无存。中国共产党一贯最害怕本国人民，莫此为甚。 美国高度关注该法律宽泛笼统的各项条款和在该地生活的每一个人的安全，其中也包括美国人。 新法第38条还载明，法律适用于香港非居民在香港以外的违法人员，很可能也包括美国人。这是对所有国家骇人听闻的羞辱。 星期五，我们对从事香港镇压行动的人员实施签证限制。星期一，我们宣布将停止向该地出口原产美国的防御设备和两用技术。 我们将继续实施特朗普总统（President Trump）关于中止香港特殊地位的指示。 其他联邦机构也参与了这方面的事务。我赞赏联邦通讯委员会（FCC）主席阿吉特·派(Ajit Pai)认定华为和中兴公司对国家安全构成了危险。 我们还在特朗普总统签署维吾尔人权政策法（Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act）的基础上继续采取行动。 今天，美国国务院协同财政部（Treasury）、商业部（Commerce）、国土安全部（Department of Homeland Security）对与新疆和中国各地参与强迫劳动等侵犯人权行为的实体有供应链联系的公司发布工商咨询公告。 各公司首席执行长应认真阅读这份公告，认识到支持这类侵犯人类尊严的行为会带来名誉、经济和法律方面的风险。 我希望人们注意最近新发布的关于中国共产党对维吾尔人和中国西部其他少数族裔强制实行节育和堕胎的可靠报道。这些消息令人感到严重不安。 这些触目惊心的消息与中国共产党数十年罔顾人类神圣生命的行为一脉相承，令人感到震惊。我呼吁所有的国家、维护妇女权益的人士、宗教团体和人权组织为中国人民的基本人类尊严仗义执言。 中国共产党的残酷行为对世界其他地区也产生了影响。 我们欢迎印度禁止某些作为中国共产党监控型国家帮凶的移动应用程序。正如印度政府本身所指出的，印度采取“清洁应用程序”（Clean App）的方式，有助于巩固印度的主权，增进印度的尊严和国家安全。 中国共产党最近决定以捏造的间谍罪名指控迈克尔·斯帕沃尔（Michael Spavor）和康明凯（Michael Kovrig），使今天加拿大的国庆日庆祝活动蒙上了阴影。 中国共产党的宣传机器意有所指，似将这两名加拿大公民作为人质，以此报复加拿大合法逮捕华为行政管理人员的行动。她被司法部（Department of Justice）指控从事银行欺诈、电信欺诈和共谋银行和电信欺诈。 我赞赏加拿大政府坚定地支持本国独立的司法体系。中国为了政治利益劫持人质，已在世界上沦为伊朗和委内瑞拉这样的国家。这两位迈克尔必须能够立即回到家乡。 * * * * 问：国务卿先生，我是《海峡时报》（Straits Times）的尼玛尔·高希（Nirmal Ghosh from Straits Times）。大约一个星期前你在布鲁塞尔论坛(Brussels Forum)的谈话中，提到审视美国的海外资源，军事态势等，予以重新调整。你能向我们再多说一些吗，特别是其中是否涉及印度-太平洋和亚洲？ 国务卿蓬佩奥：我将把有关军事态势的具体内容留给埃斯珀（Esper）部长，但是会对外交政策有重要影响，我们如何考虑资源分配，我们如何确保美国的自由。所以坦率说，这自从——大约本届政府刚上任的时候，制定出国家安全战略（National Security Strategy）的时候，就一直在进行。所以我们一直在连贯地审视不仅如何部署我们的军队，国防部的军队，而且我们的所有资源。关于网络能力作何思考？关于我们的大使馆应在哪里作何思考？ 所以我们具有——国务院经过了一个平行的思考过程：我们如何从事外交？我们需要在哪里？我们也需要将资源投到哪里？所以这是一项广泛的国家安全战略审议，思考我们将如何注重于今天威胁我们的挑战，而不是那些10年，20年或30年前的挑战。 然后，就像你在问题中提到的，对有关中国共产党对美利坚合众国（United States of America）带来的威胁，我们当然提高了我们的策略，你们将看到特朗普总统制定的目标所带来的资源和战略。 * * * * 问：……。你刚提到阿德里安·曾茨（Adrian Zenz）医生写的有关中国强迫维吾尔族人节育和堕胎，同化维吾尔人的报告。在报告中，曾茨医生实际上——他提供了令人信服的证据，显示中国政府严重践踏维吾尔族人的人权达到了《联合国灭绝种族罪公约》（UN Convention on Genocide）确立的标准。另外，前香港总督彭定康（Chris Patten）也称中国对维吾尔族人的政策是种族灭绝。还有，欧洲议会主席莱因哈德•布迪克费尔（Reinhard Butikofer）和第一副主席埃弗利娜·格布哈德（Evelyne Gebhardt）在昨天的联合声明中也说，他们的报告进一步证实了这一评估，即我们可能正在目睹实施种族灭绝。我知道你也就这一报告发布了声明。那么你相信中国是在对维吾尔族人进行种族灭绝吗？ 国务卿蓬佩奥：美国采取了全世界国家中最强有力的行动，保护所有中国人的人权，包括维吾尔族人的人权。我们将继续这样做。我希望我们的欧洲盟友，那一地区的盟友将给予认真对待。我们希望其他穆斯林国家也将给予认真对待，并且以有可能给保护那些人的人权带来机会的方式作出反应。 我们将评估我们对中国的行动的思考方式以及我们应该对其用什么名称。我们为通过立法与国会进行了密切合作——如果我记得不错的话，立法在国会得到一致通过。总统签署了那项立法。美国认真看待我们保护人权的责任，中国人民的人权。我们将继续这样做，并且在不断根据世界上的法律规范标准鉴定那些行动。 * * * * 问：……有关香港，很显然，中国通过了国家安全法，而且到目前为止采取的惩罚性措施看起来并没有制止他们采取这些行动。那么美国愿意做到什么程度，你愿意采取《香港自治法》（Hong Kong Autonomy Act）所阐明的强制性行动——或者说强制性制裁吗？ 国务卿蓬佩奥：如果它们是强制性的，我们将会实行。我们在国务院这里一向遵守法律，不是吗？这正是我们所做的。因此，我们绝对将会执行这些法律，既符合明文规定，又符合这些法规所要求的精神。所以我们肯定将这样做。而且肯定还有更多的工作要做，但最终，最终，要由习总书记来决定他是否想让他的国家走向以最根本的方式与世界脱节的地步。 他们谈到——当我在檀香山（Honolulu）时，他们谈到希望成为好的管理者，遵守多边义务的国际成员。但当你们侵犯公民最根本的自由时，我们应当看你们的行动，而不是你们的言词。因此，这是我们将继续去做的。我们将继续去做我们能做的所有事情。而且重要的是，我们将继续建设一个理解中国共产党的威胁对全世界各地热爱自由的人们构成的挑战的全球联盟。这不是一种美国-中国之间的挑战。这是一种自由与极权主义之间的挑战。只要我们将此放在心中的首位，我坚信全世界热爱自由的人们将会获胜。 * * * * 问：关于香港，你在开场讲话中说，在安全法被加之于香港之后，现在它只不过是又一个任凭中国共产党摆布的城市。香港丧失希望了吗？本届政府愿意在多大程度上争取制止这种情况，或争取让局势回到过去的状况？ 国务卿蓬佩奥：它是否丧失希望完全取决于习总书记所做的决定。当你说“丧失”时，你指的是它是否丧失了它的自由，不再是一个自治的地方了。我在两个星期前签署了一项认证，说明它已不是。我想这些事情都是可以逆转的。最近48个小时内的行动说明中国政府——至少在目前，中国共产党没有扭转这种趋势的意愿。至于我们将做到何种程度，我只想重申总统所言。他希望确保，除去少数例外，香港将得到像中国大陆一样的待遇，因为这也是习总书记选择对待该地区的方式。 * * * *

Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State Washington, D.C. Press Briefing Room SECRETARY POMPEO:  Morning, everyone.  How are you all today?  Pretty good? QUESTION:  How are you? SECRETARY POMPEO:  I am good.  And seeing as we’re now on the Fourth of July, or quickly approaching, I thought I’d lead off with some thoughts on America’s founding principles for us this morning.  The United States was the first nation established on the premise that government exists to protect our God-given, unalienable rights.  I’ll have more to say about that in just a couple weeks. It was a revolutionary idea; we shouldn’t forget that as we talk about these complex foreign policy issues.  The idea of government for the people, by the people was and remains important, and was unique.  We’re always striving for a more perfect union.  We don’t get it right every day, but we try to improve and we use our unmatched power to protect rights at home and abroad.  Happy early Fourth of July to you all, and to your families. Now, turning to the substance of my remarks today, and I want to talk about one of the world’s most unfree countries. Yesterday the Chinese Communist Party implemented its draconian national security law on Hong Kong, in violation of commitments that it made to the Hong Kong people and to the United Kingdom, in a UN-registered treaty – and in contravention of Hong Kongers’ human rights and fundamental freedoms. Free Hong Kong was one of the world’s most stable, prosperous, and dynamic cities.  Now it will be just another communist-run city, where its people will be subject to the party elite’s whims.  It’s sad. Indeed, this is already happening.  Security forces are already rounding up Hong Kongers for daring to speak and think freely.  The rule of law has been eviscerated.  And as always, the Chinese Communist Party fears its own people more than anything else. The United States is deeply concerned about the law’s sweeping provisions and the safety of everyone living in the territory, including Americans. Article 38 of the new law also purports to apply to offenses committed outside of Hong Kong by non-residents of Hong Kong, and this likely includes Americans.  This is outrageous and an affront to all nations. On Friday, we implemented visa restrictions on those responsible for the Hong Kong crackdown.  On Monday, we announced that we would end defense equipment and dual-use technology exports of U.S. origin going to the territory. We will continue to implement President Trump’s directive to end Hong Kong’s special status. Other federal agencies are involved as well.  I applaud FCC Chairman Ajit Pai for designating Huawei and ZTE as national security risks. We’re also continuing to take action to build on President Trump’s signing of the Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act. Today, the United States Department of State, along with Treasury, Commerce, and DHS, are issuing a business advisory to companies with supply chain links to entities complicit in forced labor and other human rights abuses in Xinjiang and throughout China. CEOs should read this notice closely and be aware of the reputational, economic, and legal risks of supporting such assaults on human dignity. I want to call attention to recent, credible, and deeply disturbing new reports that the Chinese Communist Party is imposing forced sterilization and abortions on Uyghurs and other minorities in western China. This shocking news is sadly consistent with the CCP’s decades-long callous disregard for the sanctity of human life.  I call on all nations, women’s advocates, religious groups, and human rights organizations to stand up for the Chinese people’s basic human dignity. The Chinese Communist Party’s brutality affects the rest of the world, too. We welcome India’s ban on certain mobile apps that can serve as appendages of the CCP’s surveillance state.  India’s Clean App approach will boost India’s sovereignty.  It will also boost India’s integrity and national security, as the Indian Government itself has stated. Today, Canada’s national day celebrations are dimmed by the CCP’s recent decision to bring trumped-up espionage charges against Michael Kovrig and Michael Spavor. The CCP’s propagandists have implied that these two Canadian citizens are hostages, held in retaliation for Canada’s lawful arrest of Huawei’s executive.  She is charged by the Department of Justice with bank fraud, wire fraud, and conspiracy to commit bank and wire fraud. I commend the Canadian Government for standing firm and backing their independent legal system.  Hostage-taking for political gains puts China in league with the Irans and Venezuelas of the world.  The two Mikes need to come home now. In the Middle East: At the fourth Brussels conference on Syria yesterday, the United States announced almost $700 million in humanitarian assistance to support Syrians inside the country and displaced abroad, bringing our total funding to just over $11.3 billion since the conflict began more than nine years ago. In Iraq, I want to commend the government there for bringing all armed groups under its control, including those firing rockets at Iraqi government facilities.  The presence of these lawless actors remains the single biggest obstacle to additional assistance or economic investment for the country.  For the world to help Iraq, Iraq must first help itself.  Baghdad’s actions are a step in the right direction and we applaud them. I want to note three brutal honor killings that have taken place in Iran: 14-year-old Romina Ashrafi, 19-year-old Fatemeh Barhi, and 22-year-old Rayhaneh Ameri.  Two were beheaded and one was beaten to death with an iron bar at the hands of relatives. For 40 years, corrupt Iranian leaders have condoned murder, dehumanized women, and ignored cries for justice.  When will they stop this unspeakable wicked assault on human dignity? Staying on Iran:  As many of you saw yesterday, I spoke to the UN Security Council, urging them to retain the 13-year-old arms embargo on Iran.  These restrictions, as a result of the failed JCPOA, are set to expire in October. If Iran is allowed to buy weapons from the likes of China and Russia, more civilians in the Middle East will die at the hands of the regime and its proxies.  It’s that straightforward.  Tehran will become an arms dealer for the Maduros and Assads of the world.  Sworn enemies of Israel like Hamas and Hizballah will be better armed.  European nations will be put at risk. Our team has put together a short video that explains why this is so important.  I’d like to show it to you now. (A video was played.) So when you all hear about legal niceties and complexities and intra – international fighting about what the right course of action is, remind yourself about what happens to the world if this arms embargo is lifted.  In the end, that’s what matters.  In the end, that’s what the UN Security Council has the capacity to ensure does not take place.  I remind you to go back and look at remarks from the previous administration about the fact that the United States has the unambiguous right, without the consent of any other nation, to ensure that this arms embargo stays in place.  This administration is going to do everything we can to make sure that that happens to keep not only American people safe but to reduce instability in the Middle East. A little north of Iran: We applaud this week’s constitutional reform in the Republic of Georgia. We call on Georgia’s parliament to honor the will of the Georgian people and pledges of Georgian officials through the passage and implementation of internationally recommended election reforms.  Good on them. And yesterday, for the third time in less than a year, I met with my counterparts from Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan in the C5+1 format.  We share many common goals, including peace in Afghanistan; strengthening regional trade, energy, and security ties; and building resilient economies for each of those countries. As a sign of America’s focus on building genuine partnerships, our Development Finance Corporation CEO, Adam Boehler, is today accompanying Ambassador Khalilzad on a trip to the region to scout out investment opportunities where American businesses can be successful and help these countries be sovereign and independent as well. Congratulations are in order for the Democratic Republic of Congo. In an unprecedented ruling, President Tshisekedi’s chief of staff was convicted for corruption.  No one, however high in office, should be above the law. And last week, the people of Malawi elected Lazarus Chakwera as their next president. This is only the second time – the second time that a court – second time that in America – in Africa, rather – that a court has overturned a presidential election tainted by irregularities, and the only time that a re-election process has resulted in the election of an opposite party candidate.  Truly a historic opportunity for the people of that country. This past week, the United States and Russia held the first round of nuclear arms control talks.  Our two sides met in Vienna.  They had positive, detailed discussions on a wide range of topics, including China’s secretive build-up.  Beijing regrettably boycotted the talks, continuing its record of secrecy and rejection of multilateralism. And on Monday, the Bureau of Energy Resources led an interagency working group as part of the U.S.-Greece Strategic Dialogue, where we’re working together to diversify energy sources in Southeast Europe, develop resources together, and promote regional energy security. And finally, to our hemisphere: All 21 OAS member states voted last week to condemn the Maduro regime’s attempts to suppress independent political parties in Venezuela.  Our region has categorically rejected the attempts to create a phony, Maduro-friendly opposition. The United States also congratulates the people of Suriname on their elections and a peaceful transition of power to a new National Assembly.  We look forward to working with that new government. In contrast, it’s now been four months since Guyana’s election – long past due for a peaceful transition of power.  CARICOM and the OAS have certified the recount results.  They should get on with it. I’ve instructed my department to ensure those who undermine Guyana’s democracy are held accountable. Also, today the USMCA comes into effect.  It will open up new opportunities for U.S, Mexico, and Canadian business and consumers.  Good news. Finally, I’ll bookend my remarks by marking another anniversary.  July 1st marks the 70th anniversary of the Fulbright Thailand.  American educational programs and cultural programs–the world like this underscore America’s respect for freedom, democracy, decency, and respect for human rights.  And with that, I’m happy to take questions from you all this morning. MS ORTAGUS:  Okay.  Adam. QUESTION:  I have two for you on Iran if I may.  One, on the arms embargo.  I was curious if the U.S. is willing to accept a temporary extension to potentially get Russia and China to go along with it.  I was hoping you could get into the specifics of what terms are acceptable.  And on the larger nuclear violations that the U.S. and now the IAEA have identified, are we looking at a menu of options for repercussions for this, and specifically, might snapback be one of those options on the menu?  I was hoping you could touch on that specifically, because it seems some are making the argument that snapback accounts for the arms embargo and of course all other restrictions.  So I was hoping you could talk about that a bit. SECRETARY POMPEO:  So, first of all, our objective is not to extend the arms embargo for another short period of time.  That’s how we got into this mess, right.  The arms embargo should be lifted when the Islamic Republic of Iran begins to behave in a way that is consistent with the ability to move arms around the world, to purchase – to act in a way that’s consistent with the way normal nations act. So it’s not a time-limited matter, it’s a conditions-based matter, and our objective is to make sure that the lifting of that arms embargo is conditions-based.  And when the time is right, happy to let it happen tomorrow, but extending it for six months or a year or two years fundamentally falls into the same trap that the previous administration fell into.  I know this is a bit of a strawman argument:  What if you got 20 years, what if you got 50 years, what if you got 100 years?  I don’t want to talk about anything specific.  But our objective is very clearly to say that the lifting of that arms embargo is not appropriate until such time as the world can be assured that these folks won’t use those weapon systems or the money that flows from the sale of those weapon systems are for malign purposes. As for the other provisions, what’s happening at the IAEA, make sure everybody’s up to speed.  The IAEA filed a report that made very clear that the Iranians have failed to allow access to two sites that are suspected of potentially having engaged in nuclear activity related to their previous programs, programs that predate the JCPOA.  The Iranians continue to deny access to the IAEA.  This is not about the JCPOA, this is about the NPT framework, the safeguards provisions that every nuclear power signs up for and that the Iranians have agreed to.  This is outside and separate from the JCPOA.  It’s never been the case before that a regime has denied access to the IAEA.  And so, yes, in terms of how we’re thinking about responding, we hope the world will see that this is a serious risk to the entire nonproliferation regime, and the United States is prepared to lead to come up with responses to this which would be appropriate and consistent with protecting and preserving that regime against Iranian intransigence that is entirely inappropriate. I hope the Iranians will change their mind to allow full IAEA unfettered, repeated, consistent access.  To date, they’ve chosen not to do so. MS ORTAGUS:  Nirmal. QUESTION:  Mr. Secretary, Nirmal Ghosh from Straits Times.  In remarks about a week ago at the Brussels Forum, you mentioned a review of American resources abroad, force postures and so forth, reordering.  Could you tell us a little bit more about that, and specifically does the Indo-Pacific and Asia in particular figure in that? SECRETARY POMPEO:  So I’ll leave specifics about force posture to Secretary Esper, but there’s important foreign policy ramifications, how we think about resource allocation, how we secure American freedom.  And so this is something that’s been going on frankly since the National Security Strategy was laid down at the – roughly the beginning outset of the administration.  And so we have consistently been looking for not only how we deploy our forces, Department of Defense forces, but all of the assets that we have.  How do we think about our cyber capability?  How do we think about where our embassies ought to be? So we have the – the State Department’s undergone a parallel process of thinking about:  How do we engage diplomatically?  Where do we need to be?  Where do we need to devote our resources as well?  So this has been a broad, national security strategic review that’s thinking about how do we focus on the threats that challenge us today and not those that challenge us 10 or 20 or 30 years ago. And then as your question suggested, we have certainly raised our game with respect to thinking about the threat that the Chinese Communist Party poses to the United States of America, and you will see that resources and strategy will be the result of the objective that President Trump laid out. MS ORTAGUS:  Okay, (inaudible). QUESTION:  Mr. Secretary, yesterday following your speech at the Security Council, the German representative said the U.S. has no standing in this meeting to invoke UN sanctions, and by doing so you would be violating the international law.  How do you comment on that?  And to what extent would the snapback be efficient if it is not supported by your allies, by your European allies? SECRETARY POMPEO:  So two things.  I don’t want to get into the legal analysis that you’re suggesting.  We have the full authority to go exercise that right.  As a participant in UN Security Council Resolution 2231, we are highly confident that we have the right to exercise that.  It is not our first objective.  We hope that the UN Security Council, the Chinese, the Russians, every partner there, will see that it is in their best interest to deny Iran this benefit that comes when they have not changed their behavior one lick.  And so we’re hopeful that we’ll be able to do this without having to go through a complex, difficult process at the UN.  So that’s our – certainly our objective.  And we think – we think we’ll prevail. We think as we get closer, the world will see – if you are a citizen living in Brussels or you’re someone in Athens, do you really want the Iranian regime to have Chinese fighter planes?  I don’t think so.  I think – I think the Government of Greece will conclude the same thing.  If you’re – if you’re sitting in Finland and you’re trying to sort your way through about whether it’s a good idea for the Russians to be able to have another partner who they sell weapons to, I think these – I think each nation will conclude this is a bad idea, they will regret that the JCPOA allowed this to expire, and they’ll join us in this. It is certainly a full-fledged diplomatic effort that we’re engaged in to convince the world that this is the right outcome not just for the United States, but go talk to our partners in Saudi Arabia or the Emirates and Kuwait.  They know, too, that if Iran is allowed to become an arms merchant again, instability in the Middle East will flow. MS ORTAGUS:  John, go ahead. QUESTION:  Thanks.  Mr. Secretary — SECRETARY POMPEO:  Yes, sir. QUESTION:  — on this bounty issue, you had some conversations with senior Russian officials after your aides were told about evidence of the Russian bounties.  Did you use those opportunities to tell Moscow not to endanger U.S. troops in that manner? SECRETARY POMPEO:  So let’s back up.  Let’s back up.  A lot of what you said suggests knowledge that I don’t think you actually have.  I don’t want to comment on the intelligence.  The CIA’s put out a statement; the DNI has put out a statement.  But I can tell you the Intelligence Community handled this incredibly well.  We see threats in intelligence reporting to our soldiers stationed all over the world every single day – every single day.  And so I can assure you that whatever reporting it is that you’re referring to, that we responded in precisely the correct way with respect to making sure that our forces were postured appropriately, that they were aware of the level of the threat, the credibility of the threat, and that we were there. Second, the fact that the Russians are engaged in Afghanistan in a way that’s adverse to the United States is nothing new, by the way.  Some members of Congress who are out there today suggesting that they are shocked and appalled by this, they saw the same intelligence that we saw.  So it would be interesting to ask them what they did when they saw whatever intelligence it is that they are referring to.  They would have had access to this information as well – not just the intelligence committees, by the way – even more broadly than that. We took this seriously; we handle it appropriately.  The Russians have been selling small arms that have put Americans at risk there for 10 years.  We have objected to it.  To your point, when I meet with my Russian counterparts, I talk with them about this each time:  “Stop this.”  We think we have a not perfect but somewhat overlapping objective in Afghanistan.  It’s on their doorstep.  We know they were routed in Afghanistan, right.  So they have an objective there, too, to reduce the risk of terrorism there.  So yes, maybe not every time, but with great frequency, when I speak to my Russian counterparts we talk about Afghanistan.  We talk about the fact that we don’t want them engaged in this. But it’s – just so everybody can be level set, money flowing to Afghanistan to support the Taliban has been going on since we went to Afghanistan now almost two decades ago.  It’s not just the Russians.  Indeed, probably not majority are the Russians.  Money has flowed from lots of places – from Iran.  Even today the Iranians continue to undermine what we’re trying to accomplish in terms of peace and reconciliation in Afghanistan.  And it’s incredibly important that you take in context how it is this reporting has developed and how it is the United States has responded to this.  We do everything we can, and this President has been vicious in securing American freedom and protecting American soldiers. Last point:  There’s some who have suggested somehow that there wasn’t an appropriate response taken because this was Russia.  If you have 20 minutes, I will read to you what this administration has done with respect to Russia, but instead I’ll just provide it to you for the record.  But it starts with a $700 billion allocation of resources to the Department of Defense.  It continues with the withdrawal from the INF, something the Russians remain unhappy about, what we’ve done in Syria to push back against them, including against the Wagner Group. This administration has taken seriously the threat from Russia.  I only wish we had not had so much to clean up from the previous administration’s work to allow Russia to get on the ground in Syria, make enormous gains, interfere in elections in the United States of America under the previous administration’s watch.  We’ve had a lot to clean up, and President Trump has been serious about responding to this in a way that protects America, keeps Americans safe, and every day working diligently to make sure that we keep our soldiers safe wherever any threat, whether that’s from Russia or otherwise, presents itself. QUESTION:  Mr. Secretary, the U.S. has viewed Russia as a bad actor — MS ORTAGUS:  (Inaudible) go ahead. QUESTION:  — but wouldn’t the bounties be an escalation? MS ORTAGUS:  Can we let (inaudible) go next and then we’ll get to – try to get to more people, okay? QUESTION:  Wouldn’t the bounties be an escalation? SECRETARY POMPEO:  (Inaudible) go ahead. MS ORTAGUS:  (Inaudible) please go ahead.  Thank you. QUESTION:  Yes.  Thank you, Morgan.  Thank you, Mr. Secretary.  My question is:  You just mentioned about the report written by Dr. Adrian Zenz regarding the forced sterilization and abortion of the Uyghur population there by China, assimilating the Uyghur people.  In the report, actually, Dr. Zenz – he presented compelling evidence that the Chinese Government’s severe human rights violation of the Uyghur people meet the criteria of genocide as defined by the UN Convention on Genocide.  And also, former Hong Kong governor Chris Patten called China’s policy toward the Uyghurs as also genocide.  In addition to that, the European Parliament Chair Reinhard Butikofer and his first Vice-Chair Evelyne Gebhardt, in their joint statement yesterday, also said their report further corroborate the assessment that we may be witnessing the implementation of genocide.  I know you also issued a statement regarding this report.  So do you believe China is committing genocide towards the Uyghur people? SECRETARY POMPEO:  The United States has taken the strongest action of any nation in the world to protect the human rights of all Chinese people, including the Uyghur people.  We’ll continue to do that.  I hope our European allies, allies in the region will take this seriously.  We hope other Muslim nations will take this seriously as well and respond in a way that has the opportunity to protect those people’s human rights. We’ll evaluate how we think about the Chinese actions and what it is we ought to call them.  We’ve worked closely with Congress to pass legislation – legislation that, if I recall correctly, passed nearly unanimously on Capitol Hill.  President signed that legislation.  The United States takes seriously our obligation to preserve human rights, the human rights of the people in China.  We’ll continue to do that and we’re constantly evaluating those actions against the legal norms and standards for the world. MS ORTAGUS:  Abbie, go ahead. QUESTION:  Thanks, Mr. Secretary. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Oh, yes, ma’am.  Hi. QUESTION:  Given all that you just laid out about the threat from Russia, is now the time to be bringing Russia back into the G7? And if I may on Hong Kong, obviously, China has passed the national security law, and the punitive measures that have been taken so far don’t appear to have prevented them from taking these actions.  So how far is the U.S. willing to go, and are you willing to take the mandatory actions laid out – or mandatory sanctions laid out in the Hong Kong Autonomy Act? SECRETARY POMPEO:  Well, if they’re mandatory, we’ll do it.  We always comply with the law here at the State Department, right?  It’s what we do.  And so we will absolutely implement those laws both consistent with the letter and the spirit of what those statutes require.  So we will certainly do that.  And there is more work to do for sure, but in the end, in the end, General Secretary Xi gets to make the decision about whether he wants to move his nation closer to something that is disconnected from the world in the most fundamental ways. They talk about – when I was in Honolulu, they talk about wanting to be good stewards, international players that comply with multilateral obligations.  But when you’re violating citizens’ most fundamental freedoms, we should look to your actions, not to your words.  And so that’s what we will continue to do.  We’ll continue to do all the things that we can.  And importantly, we will continue to build out a global coalition that understands the challenge that the Chinese Communist Party threat places on freedom-loving peoples all across the world.  This isn’t a U.S-China challenge.  This is a challenge that is between freedom and authoritarianism.  And so long as we keep that foremost in our minds, I’m confident that the freedom-loving peoples of the world will prevail. With respect to Russia and the G7, when they were in this, they were causing problems.  They’re out of it and they still continue to present risk to us.  We need to talk to the Russians.  And so the President gets to decide if he wants them to come to summits or not.  That’s his decision.  I’ll certainly leave that to him.  But I do believe it is absolutely important that we have more frequent engagement with the Russians.  You saw we had two days in Vienna last week to talk about really critical strategic dialogue about nuclear weapon systems proliferating around the world.  I think it is wholly important and appropriate for the United States to continue to have dialogue with the Russians to convince them to change some of the activities that are inconsistent with what it is the United States needs to do to preserve security and freedom for its own people. MS ORTAGUS:  Kylie. QUESTION:  Hi, Mr. Secretary. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Kylie, good morning. QUESTION:  I understand you don’t want to get into the specifics of this intelligence, but now that it has been — SECRETARY POMPEO:  No, no, it’s not that I don’t want to.  I won’t because I’m not going to further jeopardize intelligence capabilities.  I’m not going to put at risk the young men and women of Afghanistan in the same way that some news organizations have done.  I just simply won’t engage in that, Kylie.  It’s inappropriate, it is dangerous, and you ought not be part of that. QUESTION:  As a former CIA director and soldier, however, do you feel that the President should have been told about the Russian bounty being offered to the Taliban to kill U.S. troops even if that was not fully verified intelligence? SECRETARY POMPEO:  You have six things in your question there that are just – I’m not going to go there.  You’ve got assumptions about things that just don’t reflect what it is that we’ve actually seen and done.  With respect to this idea, this administration has been good – and when I was CIA director, I was directly involved in this and making sure that the President had the relevant information he needed to make important strategic decisions. You should know that threats – I’ll give you an example of threats to our embassy.  Every morning, I get a briefing – it’s one of the first or second thing I do every day – about challenges that we have, threats to our embassy.  I don’t share that with the President every day.  These are Americans.  These are State Department diplomats whose – are at risk.  What we do is we do the hard work.  We put our team on the ground.  We make sure we have the security posture right.  If necessary, I call my counterpart at the Department of Defense and make sure that his forces are properly positioned if the threat is verifiable enough and of a sufficient threat.  We do this every day.  We make those judgments.  That’s my responsibility to do that, to do it well.  When the threat is sufficiently serious, the scale of the threat is of such importance that there’s an action that I think that the President needs to be aware of and the information that I’ve seen is sufficiently credible, then we make sure that the President is aware of that. The President has been consistently aware of the challenges that Russia presents to us and he is aware of the risk in Afghanistan.  It’s why we have spent so much time over this past year at the President’s direction to reduce risk to our forces in Afghanistan in a way no previous administration has done.  We’ve set about a peace and reconciliation plan inside of – and by the way, as part of that, we’ve talked to the Russians about how we can reduce the risk of violence from the Taliban to Americans on the ground in Afghanistan.  No, we’ve taken the threat and the President’s taken the threat to our forces in Afghanistan incredibly serious throughout the entire duration of this administration. QUESTION:  So it’s your opinion that the President didn’t — SECRETARY POMPEO:  Somebody else have a question? QUESTION:  — didn’t need to know about this intelligence? MS ORTAGUS:  (Inaudible) get to everybody.  Yeah, go ahead. QUESTION:  Thank you, Mr. Secretary. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Yes, sir. QUESTION:  My question is on Lebanon.  The Lebanese judge who issued the ruling banning local and foreign journalists from interviewing the U.S. ambassador to Beirut submitted his resignation yesterday after he was referred to judicial inspection over the ruling.  Is the U.S. satisfied with that?  And are you concerned of any military escalation between Israel and Hizballah in the near future? SECRETARY POMPEO:  Well, we’re always concerned about the space between Hizballah and Israel, but related to this incident with our ambassador and her ability to speak freely there, I’m – that doesn’t raise my concerns greatly.  I don’t think that greatly increases the risk of conflict between the two.  As for this judge no longer being the judge, one fewer Hizballah judge is always a good thing. MS ORTAGUS:  Tracy, go ahead. QUESTION:  Mr. Secretary, you just mentioned – you talked about having talked to the Russians about reducing threats to American service people in – from the Taliban, and yet these — SECRETARY POMPEO:  Not just from the Taliban, not just from the Taliban. QUESTION:  Okay, from — SECRETARY POMPEO:  Yeah. QUESTION:  — various – but if indeed they were offering – the Russians were offering bounties, still — SECRETARY POMPEO:  If indeed, yes, okay. QUESTION:  Okay.  We — SECRETARY POMPEO:  I’m just – I’m just – you all are going places that I’m not going to go because we have work that is important to keep our soldiers safe and I’m not going to allow you to lay down questions with facts that are asserted and say oh, he didn’t refute what I said in my question, therefore it must be true.  I’m not going to go down that path with you. QUESTION:  Okay, but this would seem a major escalation, and you’ve talked about Iran.  Any time Iran would attack American troops through their proxies, there would be consequences to pay.  And so I’m just wondering if that same kind of warning should not be given to the Russians. SECRETARY POMPEO:  I can assure you – I can absolutely assure you that when we see serious, credible threats from the Russians, whether these are Russians engaged in threatening activity in Ukraine, Russians engaged in threatening activity in Syria, Russian threatening activity there now in Libya, their actions in Venezuela – the list is long.  When we see credible information that suggests that the Russians are putting American lives at risk, we’re responding in a way that is serious.  And you said do we warn them, do we talk to them, I think was your – the answer is of course we do. MS ORTAGUS:  Okay.  Rich. QUESTION:  Hey, Mr. Secretary. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Hi. QUESTION:  On Hong Kong, in your opening remarks you called it now, after the security law was imposed, just another city subjected to the CCP’s whims.  Is Hong Kong lost?  And how far is this administration willing to go to try to prevent that or to try to bring the situation back to where it once was? SECRETARY POMPEO:  Well, whether it’s lost or not is entirely dependent upon the decisions that General Secretary Xi makes.  And when you say “lost,” you mean has it lost its freedoms, is it no longer an autonomous place.  I signed a certification a couple weeks back now that suggested that it was not.  I suppose these things are always reversible.  The actions of the last 48 hours suggest that the Chinese Government – at least at this point, the Chinese Communist Party has no intention of reversing that trend.  And as for how far we’ll go, I’ll just repeat what the President said.  He wants to ensure, with a handful of exceptions, that Hong Kong is treated just like mainland China because that’s the way that General Secretary Xi has chosen to treat that place as well. With that, thank you all.  I’ve got to head on today.  Thank you all.  Have a great day.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年 6月 24日 国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥（MICHAEL R. POMPEO）发表声明 采用可信赖的5G承包方已成大势所趋 随着世界各地的公民认识到中国共产党监控型国家构成的危险，反对华为已成大势所趋。华为与世界各地电讯运营商的交易正在烟消云散，因为各国只允许可信赖的承包方参与本国的5G网络，例如捷克共和国、波兰、瑞典、爱沙尼亚、罗马尼亚、丹麦和拉脱维亚等。最近，希腊决定不采用华为，而同意由爱立信（Ericsson）开发本国的5G基础设施。 全球一些规模最大的电讯公司也正逐步成为“Clean Telcos”（清洁的电讯公司）。我们看到其中有法国的Orange公司、印度的Jio公司、澳大利亚的Telstra公司，韩国的SK和KT公司、日本的NTT公司和英国的O2公司等。几个星期前，加拿大3大电讯巨头决定与爱立信、诺基亚（Nokia）和三星（Samsung）合作，因为公众舆论以压倒性多数反对采用华为建造加拿大的5G网络。 西班牙电讯（Telefónica）发表电子宣言（Digital Manifesto）表示，“安全头等重要”。该公司首席执行长何塞·玛丽亚·阿尔瓦雷斯·帕莱特·洛佩兹（José María Álvarez-Pallete López）最近宣布，“西班牙电讯很自豪地成为“5G清洁通道”（5G Clean Path）的公司。西班牙电讯和O2公司（英国）已成为完全清洁的网络。在不久的将来，西班牙电讯德国公司（德国）和Vivo公司（巴西）将不再有任何不可信赖的承包方提供的设备。” 支持安全5G的趋势正逐步高涨。如果更多的国家、公司和公民问道，他们应该信任谁来处理自己最敏感的数据，回答就会更显而易见：决不是中国共产党的监控型国家。

For Immediate Release  STATEMENT BY SECRETARY MICHAEL R. POMPEO June 24, 2020 The tide is turning against Huawei as citizens around the world are waking up to the danger of the Chinese Communist Party’s surveillance state. Huawei’s deals with telecommunications operators around the world are evaporating, because countries are only allowing trusted vendors in their 5G networks. Examples include the Czech Republic, Poland, Sweden, Estonia, Romania, Denmark, and Latvia. Recently, Greece agreed to use Ericsson rather than Huawei to develop its 5G infrastructure. Some of the largest telecom companies around the globe are also becoming “Clean Telcos.” We’ve seen this with Orange in France, Jio in India, Telstra in Australia, SK and KT in South Korea, NTT in Japan, and O2 in the United Kingdom. A few weeks ago, the big three telecommunications companies in Canada decided to partner with Ericsson, Nokia, and Samsung, because public opinion was overwhelmingly against allowing Huawei to build Canada’s 5G networks. Telefónica states in its Digital Manifesto that “security is paramount,” and its CEO and Chairman José María Álvarez-Pallete López recently declared, “Telefónica is proud to be a 5G Clean Path company. Telefónica Spain and O2 (UK) are fully clean networks, and Telefónica Deutschland (Germany) and Vivo (Brazil) will be in the near future without equipment from any untrusted vendors.” The momentum in favor of secure 5G is building. The more countries, companies, and citizens ask whom they should trust with their most sensitive data, the more obvious the answer becomes: Not the Chinese Communist Party’s surveillance state.

国家安全委员会发言人艾米莉·霍恩关于高层行政官员前往罗马的声明 2022年3月13日 国家安全顾问杰克·沙利文（Jake Sullivan）以及来自国家安全委员会和国务院的官员周一将在罗马。沙利文将与中共中央政治局委员、中央外事工作委员会办公室主任杨洁篪会晤，作为我们持续为美国和中华人民共和国（PRC）之间保持沟通渠道开放所做的努力的一部分。双方将讨论为管控我们两国之间竞争所做的持续努力，并讨论俄罗斯对乌克兰发动的战争对地区和全球安全造成的影响。沙利文还将与意大利总理的外交顾问路易吉·马蒂奥洛（Luigi Mattiolo）会晤，以继续协调对普京总统发动本不必打的战争强有力、团结一致的国际回应。

Statement by NSC Spokesperson Emily Horne on Senior Administration Travel to Rome MARCH 13, 2022•STATEMENTS AND RELEASES On Monday, National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan and officials from the National Security Council and State Department will be in Rome. Sullivan will meet with Chinese Communist Party Politburo Member and Director of the Office of the Foreign Affairs Commission Yang Jiechi as part of our ongoing efforts to maintain open lines of communication between the United States and the People’s Republic of China (PRC). The two sides will discuss ongoing efforts to manage the competition between our two countries and discuss the impact of Russia’s war against Ukraine on regional and global security. Sullivan will also meet with Luigi Mattiolo, Diplomatic Advisor to the Italian Prime Minister to continue coordinating a strong, united international response to President Putin’s war of choice. ###

U.S. Department of State Seal 为纪念11月25日“消除暴力侵害妇女行为国际日”以及同时启动的“消除性别暴力16日行动”，美国自豪地再次确认其承诺，捍卫世界各地的妇女和女孩不受暴力侵害的权利。美国认可每一名妇女和女孩生来便具有的尊严，并致力于捍卫世界各地妇女和女孩的安全以及培养她们发展成为我们世界的未来领导者。 性别暴力是一项全球问题，每年有数百万妇女和女孩还有她们的社区和家庭因此受到伤害。它渗透进生活的方方面面——它存在于教育环境中、工作里还有家庭内。它妨害全球和平与安全，削弱将家庭和社区维系在一起的社会结构，从而造成国家无法实现社会稳定和经济发展。制止性别暴力需要政府、私营领域和公民社会的协调努力和坚定投入，以便产生持久的影响。 今年，“16日行动”的主题是“橙色点亮世界：平等一代，反对强奸”，这项协同努力旨在动员人们反对强奸这一令人发指的罪行。美国认识到在战争与和平年代都有猖獗的性暴力和强奸问题。现在是时候终止性别暴力了，与幸存者站在一起，并对受害者进行赋能。美国致力于制止性别暴力并呼吁世界各国在这项努力上团结地站在一起——为了国家安全、全球繁荣以及全世界妇女和女孩的权利与尊严。

In observance of the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women on November 25, and the accompanying 16 Days of Activism Against Gender-Based Violence, the United States is proud to reaffirm its commitment to defending the rights of women and girls around the world to live free from violence.  The United States recognizes the inherent dignity that every woman and girl possesses and is committed to defending the safety and security of women and girls around the world and to cultivating their development as future leaders of our world. Gender-based violence is a global issue that harms millions of women and girls annually, as well as their communities and families.  It pervades all aspects of life – it exists in educational environments, the workforce, and in the home. It undermines global peace and security and weakens the social fabric that binds families and communities together, preventing countries from achieving social stability and economic development.  Ending gender-based violence requires a coordinated effort and the steadfast dedication of governments, the private sector, and civil society to create an enduring impact. This year, the theme for the 16 days of Activism is “Orange the World: Generation Equality Stands Against Rape,” a concerted effort to mobilize against the heinous crime of rape.  The United States recognizes that issues of sexual violence and rape are rampant in times of both war and peace. Now is the time to put an end to gender-based violence, to stand with survivors, and to empower victims.  The United States is committed to ending gender-based violence and urges countries around the world to stand united in this effort – for the sake of national security, global prosperity, and the rights and dignity of women and girls worldwide.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 2023年7月12日 布林肯国务卿将于7月13日至14日前往印度尼西亚雅加达（Jakarta）参加美国-东南亚国家联盟外长会议（United States-Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Foreign Ministers’ Meeting）、第13届东亚峰会外长会议（13th East Asia Summit Foreign Ministers’ Meeting）以及第30届东盟地区论坛（30th ASEAN Regional Forum）。在每个会议上，国务卿都将强调美国对东盟的中心地位的承诺，以及对《东盟印太展望》（ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific）的支持。他还将讨论经济合作、应对气候变化、包括南中国海在内的海事问题、缅甸持续不断的危机以及俄罗斯对乌克兰的无理和无端战争。国务卿的讨论将在拜登总统于2022年5月在华盛顿特区主持的历史性的美国-东盟特别峰会（U.S.-ASEAN Special Summit）以及2022年11月美国-东盟关系提升为全面战略伙伴关系（Comprehensive Strategic Partnership）的基础上展开。 美国和东盟是持久的伙伴 ● 今年，美国庆祝美国-东盟伙伴关系建立46周年。美国继续支持实施“东盟印太展望”（ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific），同时加大美国-东盟多项旨在加强该地区繁荣与安全的举措。这一全面战略伙伴关系将推动合作，包括在气候、能源、交通、妇女赋能和健康等领域扩大部长级参与。 ● 2002年至2021年，美国向包括东盟10个成员国在内的东南亚盟友和合作伙伴国家提供了超过121亿美元的经济、健康和安全援助。同一时期，美国还提供了超过15亿美元的人道主义援助，包括拯救生命的紧急救灾援助、紧急食品援助以及对该地区各地难民的协助。 ● 美国和东盟均受益于广泛的商业和贸易联系。东盟是世界第四大市场，美国是东盟最大的外国直接投资来源。 根据美国经济分析局的数据，除柬埔寨、老挝和缅甸外，2022年美国与东盟的货物和服务贸易总额估计达到5058亿美元。 ● 美国-东盟关系是为促进繁荣而建立的伙伴关系，这一关系为太平洋两岸创造了就业机会。6200多家美国企业在东盟成员国内开展业务，雇佣近1百万人，美国所有50个州都向东盟出口，为美国提供了62.5万个就业岗位。此外，每年有5万多名东南亚学生在美国学习。 ● 东盟和美国正在携手共同应对紧迫的地区和全球性挑战。美国支持东南亚基于规则的秩序，并与我们的盟友和伙伴密切合作，促进一个自由开放的印太地区，使所有国家都能根据国际法享有和尊重航行和飞越自由，以及与这些自由相关的其他国际合法使用海洋的权利。 ● 关于缅甸危机，美国呼吁缅甸军人政权停止暴力行动，允许人道主义援助不受阻碍地进入，释放所有被不公正拘留的人士，重新回到缅甸通向包容性民主的道路。 ● 美国谴责俄罗斯对乌克兰的无端、无理和有预谋的战争，与东盟一起重申我们尊重主权、政治独立和领土完整，并并呼吁遵守包括《联合国宪章》在内的国际法，以及尊重《东南亚友好合作条约》的宗旨和原则。 ● 东盟和美国继续合作推动尊重残障人权利。2022年5月的发表的《美国-东盟特别峰会联合愿景声明》重申我们共同致力于促进残障人全面平等参与和经济赋能。美国期待与东盟成员国一起参加预定于 2023 年夏季在印尼举行的高级别对话，并进一步探讨技术援助和交流机会，以支持《东盟赋能总体规划》的实施。 扩大网络、数字和电信合作 ● 东盟和美国正在共同努力加强在网络安全问题上的合作。今年1月，美国国务院网络空间和数字政策局（简称CDP）副助理国务卿利塞尔·弗兰兹（Liesyl Franz）共同主持了美国-东盟网络政策对话，与东盟成员国就各自的国内政策以及如何在能力建设和促进国际网络稳定方面开展富有成效的合作交换了意见。对话肯定了在加强区域网络安全合作和能力建设方面所做的工作，以及继续实施网络建立信任措施以减少网络空间误判和升级风险的重要性。这包括通过“东盟打击跨国犯罪部长级会议”、“东盟数字部长会议”、“东盟地区论坛信息和通信技术安全和使用闭会期会议”所推进的工作。对话还承诺加强能力建设和区域网络安全合作。 ● 我们还看到了与东盟-新加坡网络安全卓越中心（ASCCE）等区域中心合作的巨大机遇。在该中心的支持下，我们于2023年2月举办了“美国-新加坡第三国网络安全培训”，为来自东盟地区的30多名学员提供了国家级网络安全方法和网络空间负责任国家行为框架的培训。 ● 通过“东盟数字部长会议和高级数字官员会议“，CDP确定了一系列合作领域，以纳入《东盟-美国2023-2025年数字工作计划》，在5G和开放式无线接入网（Open RAN）、海底光缆、数字包容性、数据流动、在线诈骗和人工智能等方面开展工作。CDP正在筹备将于2023年秋季在该地区举行的两次研讨会，重点讨论5G和开放式无线接入网。美国还在继续通过国务院资助的CABLES计划与东盟成员国就海底光缆进行接触。 海上安全、经济、可持续发展 ● 东盟和美国继续携手合作，推动海上安全并打击跨国犯罪。在2022年5月的美国-东盟特别峰会上，美国宣布了为区域海上安全新举措提供6千万美元资金。在2023年6月的东盟打击跨国犯罪问题高级官员会议（SOMTC）上，我们讨论了正在进行和不断扩大的美国-东盟合作，以应对人口贩运、毒品贩运、恐怖主义和暴力极端主义等问题，以及野生动物走私、非法砍伐及相关贸易以及网络犯罪带来的威胁。 ● 美国与东盟合作，通过美国劳工部（DOL）出资250万美元支持的ALFA项目解决渔业劳工剥削问题。该项目支持在东盟于2023年5月10日举行的第42届东盟峰会上通过《东盟关于安置和保护流动渔工的宣言》和《东盟关于在危机情况下保护流动工人和家庭成员的宣言》。美国劳工部的ALFA项目与“东盟高级劳工官员会议” 密切合作，支持东盟设在泰国的劳工检查委员会即将开展的区域劳工检查员培训，以打击渔业人口贩运背景下的强迫劳动。ALFA项目还包括一项“渔业劳工规范区域研究”，以及一项”东盟私营部门参与解决劳工剥削问题的良好规范区域调查”。 ● “美国国际开发署亚洲可持续渔业技术支持项目”在印太地区促进可持续渔业和海洋生物多样性保护，并解决区域海鲜产品供应链中的性别不平等和强迫劳动问题。该项目与东盟渔业部门工作组合作，为打击非法、未报告和无管制（IUU）的捕捞活动提供技术支持服务和工具。 提高技能、教育、创业 ● 美国国际开发署通过技能培训直接支持东盟的业主和劳动人口，以使经济更迅速地从新冠疫情中复苏，同时抑制生活费用上涨。自2016年以来，美国政府与美国私营部门合作，为业主和工人提供免费在线培训。美国国际开发署与美国-东盟商业理事会（U.S.-ASEAN Business Council）共同帮助建立的东盟中小企业学院（ASEAN SME Academy）是一个基于网络的培训平台，提供超过95门课程和375个在线资源。最近推出的加强小企业复苏的资源有四种语言文本（英语、泰语、印尼语和越南语）。 ● 美国-东盟科技创新合作项目（U.S.-ASEAN Science, Technology, and Innovation Cooperation Program）计划启动其人才流动虚拟门户网站，为来自东盟国家的多达5万名参与者提供提高技能的机会。该门户网站将提供由美国大学开发的在线课程、培训和证书项目以及其他内容，包括美国业界、智库、学术界、非政府组织和政府机构人士的演讲。 ● 美国国际开发署与东盟合作建立了东盟公共卫生应急协调系统（ASEAN Public Health Emergency Coordination System, APHECS）。该系统将通过增进协调和沟通，帮助东盟国家加强区域卫生安全，从而对未来的公共卫生突发事件能够作出迅速和集体反应。东盟公共卫生应急协调系统框架（APHECS Framework）已于2023年5月获得卫生发展高级官员的批准，并将成为东盟卫生安全架构的组成部分。 对气候、能源、可持续性和交通领域的变革性举措进行投资 ● 美国国际开发署的湄公河未来（USAID Mekong for the Future）项目与东盟政府间人权委员会（ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights，AICHR）协力制定东盟环境权利框架（ASEAN Environmental Rights Framework）。作为工作组成员之一的湄公河未来项目参与了东盟政府间人权委员会2022年7月的启动研讨会和2022年9月的协调会，并计划支持在2023年第三季度的该框架起草工作。该框架将促进以权利为基础的可持续发展方式，加快区域在气候变化、人权、可持续发展目标和生物多样性保护相关目标和承诺方面的进展。 ● SERVIR东南亚（SERVIR Southeast Asia）是美国国际开发署和美国国家航空航天局（NASA）于2023年1月启动的合作项目，旨在在整个东盟地区减缓和适应气候变化的努力中扩大卫星数据和地理空间技术的应用。SERVIR东南亚是在SERVIR湄公河项目（SERVIR-Mekong，2014年-2022年）的成功基础上，致力于改进针对区域气候挑战的决策，包括灾害防备和应对、粮食安全、水资源和土地管理以及空气质量。 ● 美国能源部副部长戴夫·特克（Dave Turk）于2022年9月在线参加了第二届美国-东盟能源部长级会议（U.S.-ASEAN Energy Ministerial）。美国通过美国-东盟能源合作计划（U.S.-ASEAN Energy Cooperation Work Plan）支持东盟的能源目标，特别是在能源安全和复原力、可再生能源和新兴能源技术以及能源市场一体化等关键领域。 ● 美国正在与东盟合作，建立一个气候解决方案中心(Climate Solutions Hub)，帮助东盟国家加快落实其国家自主贡献（Nationally Determined Contributions ，NDC）和清洁能源转型。东盟可以成为清洁和可持续发展的带头人，跃入下一代清洁能源解决方案，美国期待参加2023年8月举行的第三届美国-东盟能源部长级会议和首届美国-东盟环境与气候变化部长级会议（U.S.-ASEAN Ministerial on Environment and Climate Change）。 ● 美国-东盟智能城市合伙伴关系（U.S.-ASEAN Smart Cities Partnership, USASCP）是对东盟智能城市网络的全政府的参与，围绕水、交通和城市服务部门的问题展开合作。其他USASCP项目包括能源建模、通过美国-东盟大学伙伴关系开展研究和创新、城市系统与农业技术的融合等。 ● 美国国际开发署东南亚智能电力项目（USAID Southeast Asia Smart Power Program, SPP）是一项为清洁能源基础设施筹集20亿美元混合融资的倡议。在2022年9月的会议上，东盟国家能源部长对智能电力项目与东盟能源中心（ASEAN Centre for Energy, ACE）支持东盟清洁能源重点工作的合作框架表示欢迎。智能电力项目的支持将促进东盟电网 (ASEAN Power Grid, APG) 的发展，从而扩大电力贸易并提高区域系统的可靠性，同时就东盟可再生能源、能效项目领域（APAEC Program Areas for Renewable Energy, Energy Efficiency）和先进能源系统作出努力。作为合作伙伴关系的一项行动，美国国际开发署2023年6月向东盟能源中心提供了300万美元赠款，旨在将区域可再生能源在电力结构中的比例提高到23%，并在2025年前将可再生能源装机容量提高到35%。2022年5月美国-东盟特别峰会（U.S.-ASEAN Special Summit）期间宣布的美国-东盟森林未来倡议（U.S.-ASEAN Forest Future Initiative），将于2023年主办东盟自然金融创新圆桌会议（ASEAN Nature Finance Innovation Roundtable），以调动更多资金支持东南亚关键生态系统的长期保护、恢复和可持续管理。 ● 美国运输部负责航空和国际事务的助理部长安妮·佩森克（Annie Petsonk）率领美国代表团参加了对2023年6月在老挝万象举行的高级运输官员对话（Senior Transport Officials Dialogue）。自2022年6月正式建立东盟-美国运输对话伙伴关系（ASEAN-U.S. Transportation Dialogue Partnership）以来，美国和东盟已举办了8次研讨会，与会者超过800人，并且参加了6次东盟工作组会议（ASEAN Working Group Meetings）。 ● 为支持拜登总统在2022年美国-东盟峰会上发起的美国-东盟电动车倡议（U.S.-ASEAN Electric Vehicle Initiative），美国运输部和美国贸易发展署（U.S. Trade and Development Agency）举办了两次电动车研讨会，并启动了东盟电动车基础设施市场分析研究（ASEAN EV Infrastructure Market Analysis Study）。美国将继续通过技术援助和未来的高级官员会议促进安全、可持续和具有复原力的基础设施。 加强人文交流、拓展性别平等合作 ● 美国国务院致力于通过高中和大学交流项目、研究资助和专业发展机会与东盟下一代领导人进行交流。1951年以来，47,000多名东盟成员国的交流人员从国务院教育与文化事务局（简称ECA）资助的美国政府项目中受益。这些项目包括国际访问者领导项目（International Visitor Leadership Program，简称IVLP）、东南亚青年领袖项目（Southeast Asia Youth Leadership Program）、富布莱特计划，以及东南亚青年领袖计划（简称YSEALI）和科技女孩（TechGirls）等旗舰项目。 ● ECA资助的项目为东盟未来领导人才提供了专业和学术交流机会。过去十年中，ECA项目杰出的结业学员包括东盟地区17名现任或前任议会成员和12名获得国际妇女勇气奖的人士。 ● 从本周开始，富布莱特大学越南分校的YSEALI学院将为来自东盟国家和东帝汶的年轻专业人士举办一场关于创业对区域影响的研讨会。在本次会议上，与会者将探讨如何在追求财务回报的同时，在创业中优先考虑对社会和环境的影响。 ● 展望未来，国际访问者办公室将于2024年3月为东盟市长提供一个国际访问者领导计划项目，让这些市长们了解美国城市、市政机构和社区如何在保护环境的同时促进经济增长，以便将这种做法在亚洲社区中普遍采用和复制。讨论将包括固体废物管理的最佳规范、预防和限制污染的执法机制，以及在美国行之有效的能力建设和提高问题意识的活动。 ● 美国国务院和约翰·霍普金斯大学高级国际研究院 (简称SAIS) 将启动美国-东盟新秀领袖学院，每年将有30名职业生涯中期的公共服务专业人士参加SAIS为期数周的领导力发展项目。第一批学员将于 2023 年 8 月进校。 ● 2023年秋季，美国驻东盟使团将为来自东盟10个成员国和东帝汶的记者组织一次巡回访问。参与者将前往华盛顿特区和其他相关城市，与美国国务院、国防部以及国家安全委员会等部门的美国政府官员举行非正式简报会议，并会见议员、非政府组织、记者、智库学者和外国官员。这些活动的目标包括为记者提供关键问题的区域视角，通过与持有各种观点的专家进行互动了解美国政府在媒体领域的做法。 ● 根据《美国-东盟区域发展合作协议》，USAID与东盟部门机构密切合作，推进贸易便利化、数字经济、科学技术、应对非传统安全挑战、良好治理与人权、妇女赋能及其主流化等领域的发展合作。2022年12月，USAID支持东盟妇女委员会（ACW）和东盟妇女儿童权益促进与保护委员会（ACWC）发布了东盟首个《妇女、和平与安全区域行动计划》。 ● 2022年9月，USAID署长萨曼莎·鲍尔（Samantha Power）共同主持召开了首届美国-东盟妇女平等与赋能部长级会议，有九位东盟妇女事务部长参加了会议。2023年，USAID将继续落实部长级对话联合声明，支持东盟妇女主流化指导委员会（ASEAN Gender Mainstreaming Steering Committee）的工作，并支持印度尼西亚主办于7月5日至7日举行的东盟妇女、和平与安全高级对话峰会（ASEAN Women, Peace, and Security Summit: High Level Dialogue），以推动《妇女、和平与安全区域行动计划》（Regional Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security）的实施，支持东盟努力加强整个地区具有包容性的促进性别平等的政策和计划。 欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/the-united-states-asean-relationship-2/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

FACT SHEET OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON JULY 12, 2023   Secretary Blinken will travel to Jakarta, Indonesia, July 13-14, to participate in the United States-Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Foreign Ministers’ Meeting, the 13th East Asia Summit Foreign Ministers’ Meeting, and the 30th ASEAN Regional Forum.  At each meeting, the Secretary will emphasize the United States’ commitment to ASEAN centrality and support for the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific.  He will also address economic cooperation; the fight against climate change; maritime issues, including in the South China Sea; the ongoing crisis in Myanmar; and Russia’s unjustified and unprovoked war in Ukraine.  The Secretary’s conversations will build upon the historic U.S.-ASEAN Special Summit hosted by President Biden in Washington, D.C. in May 2022 and the November 2022 elevation of the U.S.-ASEAN relationship to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership. The United States and ASEAN are Enduring Partners Expanding Cyber, Digital, and Telecommunication Cooperation Maritime Security, Economy, Sustainability Upskilling, Education, Entrepreneurship  Investing in Transformational Climate, Energy, Sustainability and Transportation Initiatives Strengthening People-to-People Ties and Expanding Engagement on Gender

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿特区 2020年8月19日 发言人摩根·奥特加斯（Morgan Ortagus）的声明 暂停或终止与香港的三项双边协议 中国共产党采取极端步骤，削弱北京自身在经联合国备注的《中英联合声明》（Sino-British Joint Declaration）中向英国和香港人民承诺的50年高度自治。特朗普总统明确表示，美国将因此将香港作为“一国一制”对待，并针对压制香港人民自由的个人采取行动。 总统的香港正常化行政命令（Executive Order on Hong Kong Normalization [E.O. 13936]）规定了针对北京的做法所采取的数项回应措施，包括暂停和取消对香港的优惠待遇。 作为一部分正在落实的举措，我们在8月19日通知香港当局，我们将暂停或终止三项双边协议。这些协议涵盖逃犯移交、刑犯转送以及国际船运收入税务互免。 这些措施突出表明我们对北京决定实行压制香港人民自由的国家安全法的深切关注。

08/19/2020 12:28 PM EDT Morgan Ortagus, Department Spokesperson The Chinese Communist Party has taken drastic steps to erode the high degree of autonomy that Beijing itself promised to the United Kingdom and the people of Hong Kong for 50 years under the UN-registered Sino-British Joint Declaration. President Trump has made clear that the United States will, therefore, treat Hong Kong as “one country, one system” and take action against individuals who have crushed the freedoms of the people of Hong Kong. The President’s Executive Order on Hong Kong Normalization (E.O. 13936) set forth a number of responses to Beijing’s actions, including suspending and eliminating preferential treatment for Hong Kong. As part of the ongoing implementation measures, we notified the Hong Kong authorities on August 19 of our suspension or termination of three bilateral agreements. These agreements covered the surrender of fugitive offenders, the transfer of sentenced persons, and reciprocal tax exemptions on income derived from the international operation of ships. These steps underscore our deep concern regarding Beijing’s decision to impose the National Security Law, which has crushed the freedoms of the people of Hong Kong.

巴黎气候问题协议 白宫 新闻秘书办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2021年1月20日 代表美利坚合众国的接受书 本人，约瑟夫·拜登（Joseph R. Biden Jr.），美利坚合众国总统，已对2015年12月12日在巴黎达成的巴黎协议（Paris Agreement）进行审阅和考虑，谨此代表美利坚合众国接受该协议及其包含的所有文献和条款。 2021年1月20日完成于华盛顿 约瑟夫·拜登

Paris Climate Agreement ACCEPTANCE ON BEHALF OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA I, Joseph R. Biden Jr., President of the United States of America, having seen and considered the Paris Agreement, done at Paris on December 12, 2015, do hereby accept the said Agreement and every article and clause thereof on behalf of the United States of America. Done at Washington this 20th day of January, 2021. JOSEPH R. BIDEN JR.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿特区 2023年5月3日   我们将继续与我们的乌克兰伙伴站在一起，他们正在俄罗斯发动的侵略战争中保卫自己。   我根据拜登总统的委托，授权第37次为乌克兰提供美国武器和装备，价值3亿美元。   这批安全援助包括：供高机动火箭炮系统（High Mobility Artillery Rocket Systems）使用的更多弹药、榴弹炮、火炮和坦克弹药、反坦克武器、火箭、小型武器和弹药、运输重型设备的卡车和拖车，以及对于增强乌克兰保卫者在战场上的实力至关重要的备件和其他战地装备。   这批最新援助将帮助乌克兰面对俄罗斯发动的残酷、无端、无理的战争，继续勇敢地保卫自己。俄罗斯今天就可以结束其战争。在俄罗斯这样做之前，美国和我们的盟友及伙伴将与乌克兰团结在一起，无论需要多长时间。   欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/additional-u-s-security-assistance-for-ukraine-3/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

PRESS STATEMENT ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE MAY 3, 2023 We will continue to stand with our Ukrainian partners as they defend themselves from Russia’s war of aggression. Pursuant to a delegation of authority from President Biden, I am authorizing our 37th drawdown of U.S. arms and equipment for Ukraine valued at $300 million. This security assistance package includes: additional ammunition for High Mobility Artillery Rocket Systems, howitzers, artillery and tank ammunition, anti-tank weapons, rockets, small arms and ammunition, trucks and trailers to transport heavy equipment, and spare parts and other field equipment essential to strengthening Ukraine’s defenders on the battlefield. This latest package will help Ukraine continue to bravely defend itself in the face of Russia’s brutal, unprovoked, and unjustified war. Russia could end its war today. Until Russia does, the United States and our allies and partners will stand united with Ukraine, for as long as it takes.

特朗普总统在第74届联合国大会上的讲话 特朗普总统在第74届联合国大会上的讲话 联合国总部 纽约市，纽约州 2019年9月24日 美国东部夏令时间上午10:12 REMARKS BY PRESIDENT TRUMP TO THE 74TH SESSION OF THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY   白宫 新闻秘书办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区 2019年9月25日 特朗普总统在第74届联合国大会上的讲话 联合国总部 纽约市，纽约州 2019年9月24日 美国东部夏令时间上午10:12 多谢诸位。主席先生、秘书长先生、各位尊敬的代表、大使以及各国领导人： 这个大厅见证了七十年丰实厚重和风云变幻的历史。 就在我站立的这个讲台上，世界各国在冷战（Cold War）高峰时期都曾在此聆听一些总统和总理的演讲。我们曾看到国家的建立。我们曾看到革命的领袖。我们曾看到那些以希望激励我们的圣者、以热情激发我们的叛逆者，以及以勇气鼓舞我们的英雄们。他们都曾在这个世界最大的舞台上分享计划、提议、远见和想法。 正如我们以往所经历的一样，我们的时代是一场伟大的竞赛，具有重大的利害关系和明确的选择。遍及全球和贯穿整个历史的本质性分水岭再次凸显在世人面前。这条分水岭的一边是自以为注定要统治别人而渴望控制他人的人，另一边是只希望自治的人民和国家。 今天，作为一个高度重视自由、独立和自治的国家之民选领导人，在此向诸位发表演讲是我莫大的荣幸。自我当选以来，美国在花费超过2.5万亿美元完全重建我们的强大军事力量之后，成为迄今为止世界上最强大的国家。希望我们永远不必动用这一军事力量。 美国深知，在一个其他人寻求征服和控制的世界上，我们国家必须保持强盛的财富、实力和精神。这就是为什么美国大力捍卫那些塑造了我们特质的传统和习俗。 正像我热爱的国家一样，在这个大厅中所代表的每一个国家都拥有值得捍卫和庆祝的珍贵历史、文化和遗产，给予我们以无与伦比的潜力和力量。 自由世界必须拥护其国家基础，不得试图抹杀或更换这些基础。 环顾天下以及这个巨大、宏伟的星球，真理是显而易见的。如果你希望自由，请以你的国家为荣。如果你希望民主，请维护自己的主权。如果你希望和平，请热爱你的国家。英明的领导人历来都将自己的人民和国家置于首位。 未来不属于全球化主义者。未来属于爱国者。未来属于拥有主权和独立的国家，这些国家保护本国公民，尊重邻国，并尊重使每个国家与众不同和具有独特性的差异。 这就是为什么我们在美国开始实行一项令人振奋的国家振兴计划。我们每做一件事，都以公民实现梦想和抱负的自主权为重点。 得益于我们促进增长的经济政策，我们的国内失业率达到了半个多世纪以来的最低水平。在大规模减税和精简法规的政策推动下，工作岗位以前所未有的速度增长。在不到三年的时间里，美国已有600万人加入了就业行列。 上个月，美国非洲裔、西班牙裔和亚裔的失业率达到了有史以来的最低水平。我们正在调集我国丰富充沛的能源。与世界上任何地方相比，美国目前都是第一大石油和天然气生产国。工资在上涨，收入在飙升，美国有250万人在不到三年的时间里就摆脱了贫困。 我们在重建美国无与伦比的军力的同时，还在振兴我们的联盟，明确表明我们所有的合作伙伴都应在美国过去所承担的巨大防务开支中担负各自的公平份额。 我们振兴国家的目标以宏伟的国际贸易改革运动为中心。几十年以来，国际贸易体系一直很轻易地被一些背信弃义的国家所利用。随着工作外包，极少数人以中产阶级为代价而变得富有起来。 在美国，其结果是，在过去的四分之一世纪里，美国有420万个制造业工作岗位流失，出现15万亿美元的贸易逆差。美国目前正在采取果断行动，以结束这一经济严重不公正的现象。我们的目标很简单：我们想要的是公平对等的平衡贸易。 我们已经与我们在墨西哥和加拿大的合作伙伴紧密合作，以崭新的并希望获得两党支持的《美国-墨西哥-加拿大协议》（U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement）来取代《北美自由贸易协定》（NAFTA）。 明天，我将与日本首相安倍晋三（Prime Minister Abe）一起，继续敲定一项很好的新贸易协定。 在英国准备退出欧盟（European Union）之际，我已明确表示，我们随时准备与英国达成一项不同凡响的新贸易协定，为我们两国带来巨大利益。我们正在与鲍里斯·约翰逊首相（Prime Minister Boris Johnson）就一项宏大的新贸易协议紧密合作。 美国新的贸易取向最重要的区别涉及我们与中国的关系。中国于2001年加入世界贸易组织（World Trade Organization）。我们当时的领导人强调，这一决定将迫使中国实行经济自由化并加强保护，不再提供对我们，对私有财产和法治不可接受的东西。二十年以后，这一理论已经过验证并被证明是完全错误的。 中国不仅拒绝进行所承诺的改革，反而采用了一个依赖于庞大的市场壁垒、高额国家补贴、货币操纵、产品倾销、强制性技术转让以及大规模盗窃知识产权以及商业秘密的经济模式。 仅以一事为例。我最近在白宫会见了一家了不起的美国公司美光科技公司（Micron Technology）的首席执行长。美光公司生产用于无数电子产品的存储芯片。为了推进中国政府的五年经济计划，一家中国国营公司涉嫌偷窃了美光的设计，其价值高达87亿美元。不久，这家中国公司获得了几乎完全相同产品的专利，而美光科技则被禁止在中国销售自己的产品。但是，我们正要求讨回公道。 中国加入世贸组织后，美国损失了6万家工厂。全球其他国家也都发生了这种情况。 世界贸易组织需要彻底改变。不应允许世界第二大经济体宣布自己为“发展中国家”，从而以他国为代价玩弄这个系统。 多年以来，这些弊端得到容忍、忽视甚至受到鼓励。全球化主义对过去的领导人施加了一种宗教吸引力，使他们忽视了本身的国家利益。 但对美国来说，这种日子已经一去不复返了。为了应对这些不公平的做法，我对价值5,000多亿美元的中国产品加征了大额关税。由于征收了这些关税，供应链已经返回美国和其他国家，我们的国库已获得数十亿美元的收入。 美国人民完全致力于恢复我们与中国关系的平衡。希望我们能达成一个对两国都有利的协议。但是，正如我已经非常清楚地表明的那样，我不会为美国人民接受任何不利的协议。 在努力稳定双方关系的同时，我们也在认真观察香港的局势。全世界都期望中国政府能够恪守与英国签订并在联合国注册的具有约束力的条约，其中中国承诺保护香港的自由、法律制度和民主生活方式。中国选择如何处理这一局势将在很大程度上说明其在未来世界上的作用。我们对习主席作为一个伟大的领导人都皆有所期。 美国不想与任何其他国家发生冲突。我们希望与所有的国家实现和平、合作与互利。但是，我将永远不会忘记捍卫美国的利益。 当今爱好和平的国家所面临的一个最大的安全威胁是伊朗的高压政权。该政权制造死亡和毁灭的行为已记录在案，众所周知。伊朗不仅是世界上排名第一的恐怖主义赞助国，而且伊朗领导人正在为叙利亚和也门的悲惨战争火上浇油。 同时，该政权为狂热寻求核武器及其运载工具浪掷国家的财富和未来。我们绝不能允许这种情况发生。 为了阻止伊朗走上获取核武器和导弹的道路，我已让美国退出那个糟糕的伊朗核协议。该协议的剩余时间已不多，不允许检查重要场所，也没有涵盖弹道导弹。 我们在退出该协议后，对该国实施了严厉的经济制裁。该政权为了摆脱制裁，升级了暴力和无端的侵略行为。为了回应伊朗最近对沙特阿拉伯石油设施的袭击，我们对伊朗中央银行和主权财富基金实施了最高级别的制裁。 所有的国家都有义务采取行动。任何负责任的政府都不应资助伊朗的血腥欲望。只要伊朗继续其威胁性行为，制裁就不会取消。制裁将被收紧。伊朗领导人使原来自豪的国家成为另一个具有警示性的典型：当统治阶级抛弃人民，踏上狂敛个人权力和财富的道路时，就会发生这种情况。 四十年来，伊朗统治者无不为自己一手制造的各种问题抨击其他国家，全世界对此都已耳闻目睹。他们高呼“Death to America” （打到美国）的口号，贩卖狂热的反犹太主义。该国最高领导人去年曾表示，“以色列是一个恶性癌瘤……必须予以根除：这是可能的而且必将发生。”美国绝不容忍这种反犹太的仇视行为。 长期以来，狂热分子利用对以色列的仇恨分散人们对其失败的注意力。值得庆幸的是，中东（Middle East）的广大地区日益认识到，该地区各国在打击极端主义和释放经济机会方面有着共同利益。这就是为什么在以色列与其邻国之间建立全面、正常化的关系是如此重要。只有建立在共同利益、相互尊重和宗教宽容基础上的关系才能缔造更美好的未来。 伊朗公民理应得到一个关注减少贫穷，结束腐败和增加工作机会的政府，而非盗取资金用于国内外进行屠杀的政府。 在经历了四十多年的失败之后，现在是伊朗领导人采取行动停止威胁其他国家并集中精力建设自己国家的时候了。现在是伊朗领导人最终把伊朗人民置于首位的时候了。 美国愿意与真正寻求和平与尊重的所有国家建立友好关系。 今天许多美国最亲密的朋友都一度是我们最大的仇敌。美国从不相信有永久的敌人。我们所需要的是合作伙伴而非对手。美国深知，任何人都可以发动战争，但只有最勇敢的人才能选择和平。 基于同样的原因，我们在朝鲜半岛（Korean Peninsula）采取有胆略的外交。我已告诉金正恩（Kim Jong Un），我真正相信的是，与伊朗一样，他的国家也具有巨大和尚未开发的潜力，但是要实现这一希望，北韩必须实现无核化。 我们在世界各地的信息都是明确的：美国的目标是持久的，美国的目标是和谐，美国的目标不是进行这些连绵不断的战争——永无休止的战争。 本着这个目标，本届政府也在阿富汗寻求未来更光明的希望。不幸的是，塔利班（Taliban）选择继续进行野蛮袭击。我们将继续与我们的阿富汗伙伴联盟合作以消除恐怖主义。我们永远不会停止将和平转变为现实的努力。 在西半球（Western Hemisphere），我们与合作伙伴一道确保整个地区的稳定和机会，而这一使命中对我们来说最关键的挑战之一就是非法移民。非法移民破坏繁荣，分裂社会并助长凶残的犯罪集团的气焰。 大规模非法移民对涉及的每一个人都是不公平、不安全和不可持续的：输出国和贫瘠的国家。这些国家很快被消耗殆尽，但国内的青年人却得不到照顾，人力资本被浪费。 接收国因移民增加不堪重负，超出了他们能够负责任地接受的范围，并且移民本身也在恶毒的蛇头手中惨遭剥削、殴打和虐待。一路向北抵达我国边境的妇女中有近三分之一在途中受到性侵犯。然而，在美国和世界各地，一些助长人口贩运的激进分子和非政府组织的家庭手工业正在发展。 这些团体鼓励非法移民，要求取消国界。 今天，我要向那些以社会正义言论为掩护从而鼓励开放边境的激进分子们传递一个信息：你们的做法不属于正义。你们的意图是残酷而邪恶的。你们在助长犯罪团伙的气焰，这些犯罪团伙捕杀无辜的男女老少。你们将自己的虚假美德置于生命、福祉和无数无辜的人民之上。你们在破坏边境安全时，也在破坏人权和人类尊严。 今天在场的许多国家正在面对移民失控的挑战。你们每一个国家都有保护你们边界的绝对权利。当然，我们的国家也是如此。今天，我们必须下定决心共同努力制止人口走私，制止人口贩运，使这些犯罪网络永远消失。 对我们国家，我可以真诚地告诉你们，我们正在与我们所在地区的朋友通力合作，其中包括墨西哥、加拿大、危地马拉、洪都拉斯、萨尔瓦多和巴拿马，要求维护边界完整，保障我们人民的安全与繁荣。我感谢墨西哥总统洛佩兹·奥夫拉多尔（Lopez Obrador）给予我们的高度合作，感谢他在我们的南部边界部署了27,000名士兵。墨西哥向我们展示了极大的敬意，我也同样地尊重他们。 在美国，我们采取了空前的行动来制止非法移民潮。对于任何想非法越境的人，请听我说：不要付钱给走私者。不要付钱给蛇头。不要让自己陷入险境。不要让你的孩子置于危险之中，因为你即使到达这里，也不会被允许进入美国。你将被立即遣返。你将不会被释放进入我们的国家。只要我是美国总统，我们就将执行我们的法律并保护我们的边界。 对于西半球的所有国家，我们的目标是帮助人民投身建设自己国家的美好未来。我们的地区充满着巨大的希望：有待实现的梦想及所有人共同的民族命运。这一切也都有待通过努力实现。 在整个半球，千百万计的勤奋、爱国的年轻人渴望建设、创新和实现成就。但是，如果整整一代年轻人放弃自己的家园而去别处求生，这些国家将无法实现他们的潜力。我们希望我们地区的每一个国家都繁荣昌盛，希望各国人民在自由与和平的环境下兴旺发达。 在这项使命中，我们也承诺支持西半球那些生活在残酷压迫下的人民，例如古巴、尼加拉瓜和委内瑞拉的人民。 根据联合国人权理事会（UN Human Council）的最新报告，委内瑞拉的妇女每天排队10个小时等待食物。有15,000多人作为政治犯身陷囹圄。现代行刑队正在进行成千上万例的法外处决。 独裁者马杜罗（Maduro）是古巴的玩偶，受到古巴保镖的保护，甚至害怕自己本国人民；与此同时，古巴掠夺委内瑞拉的石油财富来维持自己腐败的共产主义统治。 自从我上次在这个大厅讲话以来，美国和我们的合作伙伴已经建立了一个由55个国家组成的历史性联盟，承认委内瑞拉的合法政府。 对陷入这场噩梦的委内瑞拉人民，请注意，整个美国都团结一致地站在你们身后。美国已经准备了数量巨大的人道主义援助，正在等待运输。我们正在密切关注委内瑞拉的局势。我们等待着民主得以恢复，委内瑞拉将获得自由的那一天，到那时自由将在整个西半球取得胜利。 我们各国面临的最严峻挑战之一是社会主义的幽灵。这是国家的破坏者，也是社会的毁灭者。 委内瑞拉发生的事件提醒我们大家，社会主义和共产主义并不是为了正义，并不是为了平等，并不是为了解除贫困，当然也不是为了国家利益。社会主义和共产主义只有一个目的：统治阶级的权力。 今天，我再次向世界传递我已经在美国国内传递过的一条信息：美国永远不能成为社会主义国家。 上个世纪，社会主义和共产主义杀死了1亿人。可悲的是，正如我们在委内瑞拉看到的那样，这个国家的死亡人数仍在增加。这些极权主义意识形态与现代技术相结合，有能力采取令人不安的新手段进行压迫和控制。 因此，为了保护我们的数据和安全，美国正在采取措施更好地筛查外国技术和投资。我们敦促今天在场的每个国家都这样做。 无论在国外还是在国内，都必须持续地捍卫和保障自由与民主。我们必须始终对那些要求服从和控制的人表示质疑。即便在自由国家中，我们也看到令人担忧的迹象和对自由的新挑战。 少数社交媒体平台正在获得巨大的能量控制我们能看到的内容和我们被允许表达的内容。一个永久的政治阶级公开蔑视、轻视和挑衅人民的意志。一个道貌岸然的官僚系统暗箱操作，削弱了民主制度。媒体和学术机构对我们的历史、传统和价值观进行公然的攻击。 在美国，我的政府已向社交媒体公司明确表示，我们将维护言论自由的权利。一个自由的社会不能允许社交媒体巨头压制人民的声音。自由的人民绝对不能同流合污，对自己的邻居采取打压、胁迫、诋毁或列入黑名单的手段。 在捍卫美国价值观时，我们坚持所有人都有权有尊严地生活。因此，我的政府正在与其他国家合作，制止将同性恋定为犯罪。我们并坚决支持那些生活在因性取向受到惩罚、监禁或处决的国家的男女同性恋者、双性恋者、变性者和酷儿（LGBTQ）。 我们还倡导妇女在社会中的作用。赋予妇女自主权的国家更加富裕、安全且政治更加稳定。促进妇女的经济发展不仅对一个国家的繁荣至关重要，并且对其国家安全也至关重要。 在这些原则的指导下，我的政府启动了妇女全球发展和繁荣计划（Women’s Global Development and Prosperity Initiatives），作为迄今为止全政府范围内第一个提高妇女经济自主权的措施，要求保障全球妇女有合法的权利拥有和继承财产，与男性在同一行业工作，自由旅行并获得信贷和机构服务。 昨天，我很高兴能主持一个与世界领导人的会议，讨论美国对保护宗教领袖和保护宗教自由的坚定承诺。这项基本权利正在世界范围内受到日益严重的威胁。令人难以置信的是全世界80％的人口生活在宗教自由受到严重威胁甚至被完全取缔的国家。美国永远不会停止或松懈捍卫和推进祈祷和宗教自由的努力。我们希望并支持所有人的宗教自由。 美国也永远不会停止保护无辜的生命。我们知道，许多联合国项目试图强调一项全球权利，满足由纳税人资助最迟至分娩时提出的人工流产的要求。 对于希望保护无辜生命的国家，全球官僚绝对无权攻击其主权。就像今天在这里的许多国家一样，在美国我们相信每一个出生和尚未出生的孩子都是上帝的神圣礼物。 在任何情况下，美国都不允许国际行为体践踏我国公民的权利，包括自卫权。因此，我今年宣布，我们将永远不会批准《联合国武器贸易条约》（UN Arms Trade Treaty）。这项条约将对守法美国公民的自由构成威胁。美国将永远坚持我们拥有和携带武器的宪法权利。我们将始终坚持我们的宪法第二修正案（Second Amendment）。 今天美国捍卫的核心权利和价值观都见诸于美国的建国文件，我们国家的建国者认识到，总是有人认为自己有权行使权力控制他人。暴政有许多名称和理论，但最终都可以归结为对控制的渴望。它保护的不是多数人的利益，而是少数人的特权。 我们的建国者为我们提供了一个抑制这种危险冲动的体制。他们选择了将美国的力量交给那些与我们国家的命运最息息相关的人：自豪和高度独立的人民。 为了真正实现国家的利益，只能依靠热爱自己国家的人：扎根于自身的历史，受到其文化滋养，信守其价值观、与其人民休戚与共的公民，他们知道未来的兴亡成败都掌握在自己手中。爱国者如此看待一个国家及其命运，没有其他人可以望其项背。 只有爱国者的意志和奉献才能保卫自由，捍卫主权，维护民主，实现伟业。他们的精神中充满抗拒压迫的力量、打造传统的激情、寻求友谊的诚意以及为和平奋斗的勇气。爱我们的国家能使世界所有的国家都变得更美好。 所以，今天在场的所有领导人，和我们一起来行使对个人来说最崇高的使命吧。任何人都可以做出的最深远的贡献：振兴你们的国家。珍惜你们的文化。尊重你们的历史。珍惜你们的公民。使你们的国家强大、繁荣和正义。尊重你们人民的尊严，这样就没有什么梦想不能实现。 当我们的国家变得更强大时，我们的未来将更加光明，我们的人民将会更幸福，我们的联盟将会更牢固。 在上帝（God）的帮助下，通过共同努力，我们将摆脱与自由为敌的人、战胜损害尊严的压迫者。我们将创造新的生活水平，达到人类成就的新高度。我们将重新发现古老的真理，揭开历史的谜团，取得激动人心的新突破。我们将实现国家之间比以往任何时候都更美丽的友谊和更多的和谐。 各位领导人，通往和平与进步、自由与正义和全人类更美好世界的道路都从国内起步。 谢谢诸位。上帝保佑你们。上帝保佑世界各国。上帝保佑美国。多谢诸位。 （掌声） 讲话结束  美国东部夏令时间上午10:49

United Nations Headquarters New York, New York September 24, 2019 10:12 A.M. EDT PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Thank you very much.  Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, distinguished delegates, ambassadors, and world leaders: Seven decades of history have passed through this hall, in all of their richness and drama.  Where I stand, the world has heard from presidents and premiers at the height of the Cold War.  We have seen the foundation of nations.  We have seen the ringleaders of revolution.  We have beheld saints who inspired us with hope, rebels who stirred us with passion, and heroes who emboldened us with courage — all here to share plans, proposals, visions, and ideas on the world’s biggest stage. Like those who met us before, our time is one of great contests, high stakes, and clear choices.  The essential divide that runs all around the world and throughout history is once again thrown into stark relief.  It is the divide between those whose thirst for control deludes them into thinking they are destined to rule over others and those people and nations who want only to rule themselves. I have the immense privilege of addressing you today as the elected leader of a nation that prizes liberty, independence, and self-government above all.  The United States, after having spent over two and a half trillion dollars since my election to completely rebuild our great military, is also, by far, the world’s most powerful nation.  Hopefully, it will never have to use this power. Americans know that in a world where others seek conquest and domination, our nation must be strong in wealth, in might, and in spirit.  That is why the United States vigorously defends the traditions and customs that have made us who we are. Like my beloved country, each nation represented in this hall has a cherished history, culture, and heritage that is worth defending and celebrating, and which gives us our singular potential and strength. The free world must embrace its national foundations.  It must not attempt to erase them or replace them. Looking around and all over this large, magnificent planet, the truth is plain to see: If you want freedom, take pride in your country.  If you want democracy, hold on to your sovereignty.  And if you want peace, love your nation.  Wise leaders always put the good of their own people and their own country first. The future does not belong to globalists.  The future belongs to patriots.  The future belongs to sovereign and independent nations who protect their citizens, respect their neighbors, and honor the differences that make each country special and unique. It is why we in the United States have embarked on an exciting program of national renewal.  In everything we do, we are focused on empowering the dreams and aspirations of our citizens. Thanks to our pro-growth economic policies, our domestic unemployment rate reached its lowest level in over half a century.  Fueled by massive tax cuts and regulations cuts, jobs are being produced at a historic rate.  Six million Americans have been added to the employment rolls in under three years. Last month, African American, Hispanic American, and Asian American unemployment reached their lowest rates ever recorded. We are marshaling our nation’s vast energy abundance, and the United States is now the number one producer of oil and natural gas anywhere in the world.  Wages are rising, incomes are soaring, and 2.5 million Americans have been lifted out of poverty in less than three years. As we rebuild the unrivaled might of the American military, we are also revitalizing our alliances by making it very clear that all of our partners are expected to pay their fair share of the tremendous defense burden, which the United States has borne in the past. At the center of our vision for national renewal is an ambitious campaign to reform international trade.  For decades, the international trading system has been easily exploited by nations acting in very bad faith.  As jobs were outsourced, a small handful grew wealthy at the expense of the middle class. In America, the result was 4.2 million lost manufacturing jobs and $15 trillion in trade deficits over the last quarter century.  The United States is now taking that decisive action to end this grave economic injustice.  Our goal is simple: We want balanced trade that is both fair and reciprocal. We have worked closely with our partners in Mexico and Canada to replace NAFTA with the brand new and hopefully bipartisan U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement. Tomorrow, I will join Prime Minister Abe of Japan to continue our progress in finalizing a terrific new trade deal. As the United Kingdom makes preparations to exit the European Union, I have made clear that we stand ready to complete an exceptional new trade agreement with the UK that will bring tremendous benefits to both of our countries.  We are working closely with Prime Minister Boris Johnson on a magnificent new trade deal. The most important difference in America’s new approach on trade concerns our relationship with China.  In 2001, China was admitted to the World Trade Organization.  Our leaders then argued that this decision would compel China to liberalize its economy and strengthen protections to provide things that were unacceptable to us, and for private property and for the rule of law.  Two decades later, this theory has been tested and proven completely wrong. Not only has China declined to adopt promised reforms, it has embraced an economic model dependent on massive market barriers, heavy state subsidies, currency manipulation, product dumping, forced technology transfers, and the theft of intellectual property and also trade secrets on a grand scale. As just one example, I recently met the CEO of a terrific American company, Micron Technology, at the White House.  Micron produces memory chips used in countless electronics.  To advance the Chinese government’s five-year economic plan, a company owned by the Chinese state allegedly stole Micron’s designs, valued at up to $8.7 billion.  Soon, the Chinese company obtains patents for nearly an identical product, and Micron was banned from selling its own goods in China.  But we are seeking justice. The United States lost 60,000 factories after China entered the WTO.  This is happening to other countries all over the globe. The World Trade Organization needs drastic change.  The second-largest economy in the world should not be permitted to declare itself a “developing country” in order to game the system at others’ expense. For years, these abuses were tolerated, ignored, or even encouraged.  Globalism exerted a religious pull over past leaders, causing them to ignore their own national interests. But as far as America is concerned, those days are over.  To confront these unfair practices, I placed massive tariffs on more than $500 billion worth of Chinese-made goods.  Already, as a result of these tariffs, supply chains are relocating back to America and to other nations, and billions of dollars are being paid to our Treasury. The American people are absolutely committed to restoring balance to our relationship with China.  Hopefully, we can reach an agreement that would be beneficial for both countries.  But as I have made very clear, I will not accept a bad deal for the American people. As we endeavor to stabilize our relationship, we’re also carefully monitoring the situation in Hong Kong.  The world fully expects that the Chinese government will honor its binding treaty, made with the British and registered with the United Nations, in which China commits to protect Hong Kong’s freedom, legal system, and democratic ways of life.  How China chooses to handle the situation will say a great deal about its role in the world in the future.  We are all counting on President Xi as a great leader. The United States does not seek conflict with any other nation.  We desire peace, cooperation, and mutual gain with all.  But I will never fail to defend America’s interests. One of the greatest security threats facing peace-loving nations today is the repressive regime in Iran.  The regime’s record of death and destruction is well known to us all.  Not only is Iran the world’s number one state sponsor of terrorism, but Iran’s leaders are fueling the tragic wars in both Syria and Yemen. At the same time, the regime is squandering the nation’s wealth and future in a fanatical quest for nuclear weapons and the means to deliver them.  We must never allow this to happen. To stop Iran’s path to nuclear weapons and missiles, I withdrew the United States from the terrible Iran nuclear deal, which has very little time remaining, did not allow inspection of important sites, and did not cover ballistic missiles. Following our withdrawal, we have implemented severe economic sanctions on the country.  Hoping to free itself from sanctions, the regime has escalated its violent and unprovoked aggression.  In response to Iran’s recent attack on Saudi Arabian oil facilities, we just imposed the highest level of sanctions on Iran’s central bank and sovereign wealth fund. All nations have a duty to act.  No responsible government should subsidize Iran’s bloodlust.  As long as Iran’s menacing behavior continues, sanctions will not be lifted; they will be tightened.  Iran’s leaders will have turned a proud nation into just another cautionary tale of what happens when a ruling class abandons its people and embarks on a crusade for personal power and riches. For 40 years, the world has listened to Iran’s rulers as they lash out at everyone else for the problems they alone have created.  They conduct ritual chants of “Death to America” and traffic in monstrous anti-Semitism.  Last year the country’s Supreme Leader stated, “Israel is a malignant cancerous tumor…that has to be removed and eradicated: it is possible and it will happen.”  America will never tolerate such anti-Semitic hate. Fanatics have long used hatred of Israel to distract from their own failures.  Thankfully, there is a growing recognition in the wider Middle East that the countries of the region share common interests in battling extremism and unleashing economic opportunity.  That is why it is so important to have full, normalized relations between Israel and its neighbors.  Only a relationship built on common interests, mutual respect, and religious tolerance can forge a better future. Iran’s citizens deserve a government that cares about reducing poverty, ending corruption, and increasing jobs — not stealing their money to fund a massacre abroad and at home. After four decades of failure, it is time for Iran’s leaders to step forward and to stop threatening other countries, and focus on building up their own country.  It is time for Iran’s leaders to finally put the Iranian people first. America is ready to embrace friendship with all who genuinely seek peace and respect. Many of America’s closest friends today were once our gravest foes.  The United States has never believed in permanent enemies.  We want partners, not adversaries.  America knows that while anyone can make war, only the most courageous can choose peace. For this same reason, we have pursued bold diplomacy on the Korean Peninsula. I have told Kim Jong Un what I truly believe: that, like Iran, his country is full of tremendous untapped potential, but that to realize that promise, North Korea must denuclearize. Around the world, our message is clear: America’s goal is lasting, America’s goal is harmony, and America’s goal is not to go with these endless wars — wars that never end. With that goal in mind, my administration is also pursuing the hope of a brighter future in Afghanistan.  Unfortunately, the Taliban has chosen to continue their savage attacks.  And we will continue to work with our coalition of Afghan partners to stamp out terrorism, and we will never stop working to make peace a reality. Here in the Western Hemisphere, we are joining with our partners to ensure stability and opportunity all across the region.  In that mission, one of our most critical challenges is illegal immigration, which undermines prosperity, rips apart societies, and empowers ruthless criminal cartels. Mass illegal migration is unfair, unsafe, and unsustainable for everyone involved: the sending countries and the depleted countries.  And they become depleted very fast, but their youth is not taken care of and human capital goes to waste. The receiving countries are overburdened with more migrants than they can responsibly accept.  And the migrants themselves are exploited, assaulted, and abused by vicious coyotes.  Nearly one third of women who make the journey north to our border are sexually assaulted along the way.  Yet, here in the United States and around the world, there is a growing cottage industry of radical activists and non-governmental organizations that promote human smuggling.  These groups encourage illegal migration and demand erasure of national borders. Today, I have a message for those open border activists who cloak themselves in the rhetoric of social justice: Your policies are not just.  Your policies are cruel and evil.  You are empowering criminal organizations that prey on innocent men, women, and children.  You put your own false sense of virtue before the lives, wellbeing, and [of] countless innocent people.  When you undermine border security, you are undermining human rights and human dignity. Many of the countries here today are coping with the challenges of uncontrolled migration.  Each of you has the absolute right to protect your borders, and so, of course, does our country.  Today, we must resolve to work together to end human smuggling, end human trafficking, and put these criminal networks out of business for good. To our country, I can tell you sincerely: We are working closely with our friends in the region — including Mexico, Canada, Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, and Panama — to uphold the integrity of borders and ensure safety and prosperity for our people.  I would like to thank President López Obrador of Mexico for the great cooperation we are receiving and for right now putting 27,000 troops on our southern border.  Mexico is showing us great respect, and I respect them in return. The U.S., we have taken very unprecedented action to stop the flow of illegal immigration.  To anyone considering crossings of our border illegally, please hear these words: Do not pay the smugglers.  Do not pay the coyotes.  Do not put yourself in danger.  Do not put your children in danger.  Because if you make it here, you will not be allowed in; you will be promptly returned home.  You will not be released into our country.  As long as I am President of the United States, we will enforce our laws and protect our borders. For all of the countries of the Western Hemisphere, our goal is to help people invest in the bright futures of their own nation.  Our region is full of such incredible promise: dreams waiting to be built and national destinies for all.  And they are waiting also to be pursued. Throughout the hemisphere, there are millions of hardworking, patriotic young people eager to build, innovate, and achieve.  But these nations cannot reach their potential if a generation of youth abandon their homes in search of a life elsewhere.  We want every nation in our region to flourish and its people to thrive in freedom and peace. In that mission, we are also committed to supporting those people in the Western Hemisphere who live under brutal oppression, such as those in Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela. According to a recent report from the U.N. Human Rights Council, women in Venezuela stand in line for 10 hours a day waiting for food.  Over 15,000 people have been detained as political prisoners.  Modern-day death squads are carrying out thousands of extrajudicial killings. The dictator Maduro is a Cuban puppet, protected by Cuban bodyguards, hiding from his own people while Cuba plunders Venezuela’s oil wealth to sustain its own corrupt communist rule. Since I last spoke in this hall, the United States and our partners have built a historic coalition of 55 countries that recognize the legitimate government of Venezuela. To the Venezuelans trapped in this nightmare: Please know that all of America is united behind you.  The United States has vast quantities of humanitarian aid ready and waiting to be delivered.  We are watching the Venezuela situation very closely.  We await the day when democracy will be restored, when Venezuela will be free, and when liberty will prevail throughout this hemisphere. One of the most serious challenges our countries face is the specter of socialism.  It’s the wrecker of nations and destroyer of societies. Events in Venezuela remind us all that socialism and communism are not about justice, they are not about equality, they are not about lifting up the poor, and they are certainly not about the good of the nation.  Socialism and communism are about one thing only: power for the ruling class. Today, I repeat a message for the world that I have delivered at home: America will never be a socialist country. In the last century, socialism and communism killed 100 million people.  Sadly, as we see in Venezuela, the death toll continues in this country.  These totalitarian ideologies, combined with modern technology, have the power to excise [exercise] new and disturbing forms of suppression and domination. For this reason, the United States is taking steps to better screen foreign technology and investments and to protect our data and our security.  We urge every nation present to do the same. Freedom and democracy must be constantly guarded and protected, both abroad and from within.  We must always be skeptical of those who want conformity and control.  Even in free nations, we see alarming signs and new challenges to liberty. A small number of social media platforms are acquiring immense power over what we can see and over what we are allowed to say.  A permanent political class is openly disdainful, dismissive, and defiant of the will of the people.  A faceless bureaucracy operates in secret and weakens democratic rule.  Media and academic institutions push flat-out assaults on our histories, traditions, and values. In the United States, my administration has made clear to social media companies that we will uphold the right of free speech.  A free society cannot allow social media giants to silence the voices of the people, and a free people must never, ever be enlisted in the cause of silencing, coercing, canceling, or blacklisting their own neighbors. As we defend American values, we affirm the right of all people to live in dignity.  For this reason, my administration is working with other nations to stop criminalizing of homosexuality, and we stand in solidarity with LGBTQ people who live in countries that punish, jail, or execute individuals based upon sexual orientation. We are also championing the role of women in our societies.  Nations that empower women are much wealthier, safer, and much more politically stable.  It is therefore vital not only to a nation’s prosperity, but also is vital to its national security, to pursue women’s economic development. Guided by these principles, my administration launched the Women’s Global Development and Prosperity Initiatives.  The W-GDP is first-ever government-wide approach to women’s economic empowerment, working to ensure that women all over the planet have the legal right to own and inherit property, work in the same industries as men, travel freely, and access credit and institutions. Yesterday, I was also pleased to host leaders for a discussion about an ironclad American commitment: protecting religious leaders and also protecting religious freedom.  This fundamental right is under growing threat around the world.  Hard to believe, but 80 percent of the world’s population lives in countries where religious liberty is in significant danger or even completely outlawed.  Americans will never fire or tire in our effort to defend and promote freedom of worship and religion.  We want and support religious liberty for all. Americans will also never tire of defending innocent life.  We are aware that many United Nations projects have attempted to assert a global right to taxpayer-funded abortion on demand, right up until the moment of delivery.  Global bureaucrats have absolutely no business attacking the sovereignty of nations that wish to protect innocent life.  Like many nations here today, we in America believe that every child — born and unborn — is a sacred gift from God. There is no circumstance under which the United States will allow international entries [entities] to trample on the rights of our citizens, including the right to self-defense.  That is why, this year, I announced that we will never ratify the U.N. Arms Trade Treaty, which would threaten the liberties of law-abiding American citizens.  The United States will always uphold our constitutional right to keep and bear arms.  We will always uphold our Second Amendment. The core rights and values America defends today were inscribed in America’s founding documents.  Our nation’s Founders understood that there will always be those who believe they are entitled to wield power and control over others. Tyranny advances under many names and many theories, but it always comes down to the desire for domination.  It protects not the interests of many, but the privilege of few. Our Founders gave us a system designed to restrain this dangerous impulse.  They chose to entrust American power to those most invested in the fate of our nation: a proud and fiercely independent people. The true good of a nation can only be pursued by those who love it: by citizens who are rooted in its history, who are nourished by its culture, committed to its values, attached to its people, and who know that its future is theirs to build or theirs to lose.  Patriots see a nation and its destiny in ways no one else can. Liberty is only preserved, sovereignty is only secured, democracy is only sustained, greatness is only realized, by the will and devotion of patriots.  In their spirit is found the strength to resist oppression, the inspiration to forge legacy, the goodwill to seek friendship, and the bravery to reach for peace.  Love of our nations makes the world better for all nations. So to all the leaders here today, join us in the most fulfilling mission a person could have, the most profound contribution anyone can make: Lift up your nations.  Cherish your culture.  Honor your histories.  Treasure your citizens. Make your countries strong, and prosperous, and righteous.  Honor the dignity of your people, and nothing will be outside of your reach. When our nations are greater, the future will be brighter, our people will be happier, and our partnerships will be stronger. With God’s help, together we will cast off the enemies of liberty and overcome the oppressors of dignity.  We will set new standards of living and reach new heights of human achievement. We will rediscover old truths, unravel old mysteries, and make thrilling new breakthroughs.  And we will find more beautiful friendship and more harmony among nations than ever before. My fellow leaders, the path to peace and progress, and freedom and justice, and a better world for all humanity, begins at home. Thank you.  God bless you.  God bless the nations of the world.  And God bless America.  Thank you very much.  (Applause.) END 10:49 A.M. EDT

2021年3月27日09:02 PM东部夏令时间 安东尼·J·布林肯，国务卿 美国谴责中华人民共和国（PRC）针对美国国际宗教自由委员会（USCIRF）无根据的制裁，该制裁明显是对美国制裁与新疆严重侵犯人权相关的PRC官员的报复。这是在PRC于1月制裁28名美方官员，2020年7月制裁美方提倡世界各地民主和人权的官员和组织后采取的行动。 北京企图威吓和噤声为了人权和基本自由发声的人，只会引发国际上更加密切审视新疆持续发生的种族灭绝和反人类罪。我们与加拿大、英国、欧盟和世界各地的其他伙伴和盟友团结一道，呼吁PRC停止在新疆针对以穆斯林为主的维吾尔人及其他少数民族和宗教少数群体成员的违反和侵犯人权行为，并释放被任意拘禁的人。

PRC Sanctions on U.S. Officials Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State The United States condemns the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) baseless sanctions on two U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) commissioners apparently in retaliation for U.S. sanctions on PRC officials connected with serious human rights abuse in Xinjiang.  This comes after the PRC’s January sanctions on 28 U.S. officials and July 2020 sanctions on U.S. officials and organizations promoting democracy and human rights around the world. Beijing’s attempts to intimidate and silence those speaking out for human rights and fundamental freedoms only contribute to the growing international scrutiny of the ongoing genocide and crimes against humanity in Xinjiang.  We stand in solidarity with Canada, the UK, the EU, and other partners and allies around the world in calling on the PRC to end the human rights violations and abuses against predominantly Muslim Uyghurs and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups in Xinjiang and to release those arbitrarily detained.

吉娜·雷蒙多（Gina M. Raimondo） 演讲稿 2022年11月30日，星期三   前言 今年恰逢中美建交50周年。此前大部分时间，美国都坚持认为与中国经济的往来符合双方共同利益：起先这是我们制衡苏联的一种途径，后来这成为两国深化政治经济合作关系的通道。这种交往也为美国企业进入中国市场提供了更多机会，同时促进了中国经济体系的进一步开放。有观点认为，随着时间的推移，中国将与美国及其他发达经济体并驾齐驱，成为战后自由主义国际秩序的支柱。 但是显然，中国走上了一条不同的道路——这对中美双边关系以及中国在世界舞台上的行动有着深远影响。 过去十年，中国领导人明确表示不打算深化政治和经济改革，他们寻求在未来实现替代性愿景目标；他们努力强化政府在社会和经济中的作用，限制资本的自由流动和信息的自由传播，同时推动多个领域与经济脱钩——这也包括许多未来技术领域；他们将中国的数据经济与世界其他国家或地区隔离开来；他们加快行动步伐，推动经济和技术政策与军事野心相融合。 随着中国经济规模的持续扩大、影响力的不断增强，该国开始采取更多非市场贸易和投资措施，迫使美国加强了对美国及其盟友和合作伙伴的企业和工作者的保护。中国把关注焦点从经济增长转向国家安全，再加上其在军事方面的强硬作风，意味着我们必须重新考虑如何保护美国的国家安全利益，同时促进我们在贸易和投资方面的利益。 随着战略环境的急剧变化，美国在经济领域的优先任务变得清晰明了：确保美国拥有所需人才、技术和制造能力，以在21世纪引领全球经济的发展——在这个前所未有的技术变革和竞争时代，走在全球创新最前沿；为美国劳动力提供参与未来竞争所需的教育和培训；捍卫美国国家安全和民主价值观；美国的增长方式应体现美国的价值观，即可持续、包容、开放、透明和法治。 为达成此类重要目标，美国未来发展战略的四大支柱是： 但是，美国国家政策只是解决方案的一部分，我们还需要与包括企业、劳工组织和高校在内的私营部门合作，确保美国的国家安全和长期繁荣。我们需要同时从各个方面推进这项工作，需要通力合作。  我们需要与中国展开全球性竞争，在国内开始实施经济转型。美国经济竞争力和国家安全取决于如何在战略和关键领域制定大胆的国内投资议程。 在拜登政府执政的前20个月，国会先后批准了《两党基础设施建设法案》、《芯片与科学法案》以及《通胀削减法案》。统筹考虑，这代表了在美国国内超过1万亿美元的投资。美国政府在创新、技术、制造业、劳动力培训和基础设施（包括宽带在内）方面作出重大承诺，为国家安全和未来竞争力保驾护航。这就是拜登总统所说的“现代工业战略”——这种做法在美国历史中根深蒂固，比如美国第一任财长亚历山大·汉密尔顿所著的《关于制造业的报告》和林肯总统批准建设的太平洋铁路，同时也针对21世纪将出现的挑战和机遇进行了调整。 通过这些重大投资，美国也在重塑国家创新生态系统，除了硅谷和硅巷，美国还要在全国范围内打造新技术创新制造中心。这些中心将充分利用美国的多元化布局，促进企业、高校、劳工组织和地方社区加强合作，将美国建设为21世纪全球经济的领头羊。 在研发方面，美国政府在与顶尖学府和行业专家展开合作，确定我们希望领先全球的核心关键和新兴技术领域并加大投资力度，比如先进计算、生物技术、生物制造以及清洁能源技术等。 美国政府还努力振兴国内制造业，特别是先进制造业。过去几十年间，随着美国向中国和亚洲其他地区输出就业机会和制造能力，并减少了对人力资源和基础设施（这些对于维持美国的长期竞争力至关重要）的投资，全国各地都出现了制造业停摆、企业倒闭、地方创新引擎停止运转的局面。 我对这些转变有着切身感受。我父亲大半辈子都在普罗维登斯的宝路华手表公司工作，但干了28年后，公司为追逐廉价劳动力而迁至中国，他与其他工友只能提前退休。发生在我父亲身上的这种事并不鲜见，过去40年来数百万美国人都有过类似遭遇。  中国正在成为全球制造业领军者，并从制造业驱动创新中获得了巨大利益，而美国经济竞争力日渐衰弱，在越来越多的关键技术和商品方面过度依赖中国。值得注意的是，中国之所以获得成功，源自于国家对产业发展的大规模扶持。新冠疫情凸显了美国私营部门和民众对中国过度依赖的长期风险，以及重振国内制造业和创新的必要性。 半导体是这场技术竞争的起点，美国新投资战略的核心，几乎所有新兴技术创新的驱动力，也是国家重要安全应用的支撑力。美国是半导体工业的开拓者，在最先进芯片制造领域曾处于世界领先地位。而如今，全球最先进半导体并非出自美国企业，美国芯片产能仅占全球10%。另一方面，自2020年以来全球某些成熟芯片的新增产能中近75%来自中国。 《芯片与科学法案》标志着美国创新掀开新篇章，我们将扭转这一衰落趋势，确保美国的技术和工业在21世纪处于领先地位。未来几年，美国商务部将在半导体制造业投资520亿美元，用于加强人力资源培训和技术研发等，以打造充满活力的产业体系。 但这种公共投资只是一个起点，其目的在于鼓励工商界吸引私人资本，与政府合作进行投资，在为企业创造长期回报的同时提升美国竞争力。我们的目标是为美国企业的发展奠定基础，促使其发挥在创新、规模化运营和竞争等方面的固有优势。  借助激励性研发生产方案，我们努力构建新的公私合作伙伴关系，推动实现最先进芯片在美国国内的生产，同时进一步提升成熟芯片产能，以捍卫经济安全、国家安全。劳工组织和教育机构应提供必要的人力资源培训和学徒计划，满足建设和运营新生产设施的需要。 我们在《通胀削减法案》中对公共投资采取了类似举措。目前，美国政府拨款3690亿美元用于向清洁能源转型和应对气候危机，这是有史以来美国联邦政府对清洁能源拨出的最大一笔款项。据估计，这笔资金将能在未来十年带动1.7万亿美元的公共和私人投资。 最近，美国政府还启动了“国家生物技术和生物制造计划”，确保不会在生物技术领域重蹈半导体和电信行业的覆辙，同时借助我们在生物技术研发方面的领先地位，打造生物技术制造高地、增加就业机会。 我可以自豪地说这些战略已初见成效。美光科技和英特尔等公司已宣布对锡拉丘兹和哥伦布的半导体制造业进行大幅投资，它们还携手当地高校和社区学院共同开发课程和培训项目，为数以万计的高薪制造业工作岗位培养人才。目前，美国制造业工作岗位已增加70万个，达到近30年最高水平。 展望未来，我们不仅要在本土发明未来技术，还要将其用于生产。 我们还在面向美国庞大人才储备投资。美国高等教育非常发达，为我们培养了世界一流的科学家、创新者和企业家。就麻省理工学院来说，150多年来历届毕业生和教授为科学技术进步做出了突出贡献。 此外，我们希望这个令人振奋的创新生态系统能吸引来更多美国人，这也是美国的需要。除了主要研究中心，美国政府增加了向高校提供的研发资金，尽可能多地培养人才。对于有色人种、女生和低收入青年等代表性不足的学生，我们也加大了对STEM教育的投资力度。我们正在建设通往高技能、高薪酬制造业工作岗位的新渠道，这些岗位很多不需要高等学历就能胜任。 我们还必须继续吸引全世界最优秀人才，美国的复兴和繁荣历来依靠的是移民。我要明确指出，种族主义或仇外心理在提升美国竞争力的道路上没有立足之地。美籍华人一直是——并将继续是——美国重振国威的重要力量。目前，中国在美留学生约为30万，我们对中国学生和移民仍持欢迎态度，并会坚决地与反华裔种族主义作斗争。 吸引和留住全世界最优秀的STEM人才，是美国不愿失去的一个优势。我们不会让这种情发生。今年年初，我们宣布了一系列措施来简化移民申请程序，并为国际STEM学生和研究人员开辟了新通道。但我们仍然任重而道远。我们准备在两党合作的基础上携手产业界和国会，充分挖掘美国作为超级大国的真正潜力。 美国的另一大竞争优势是多样性。多样性是创新之源，但为了做到人尽其才，我们必须为所有美国人提供参与21世纪经济建设的机会。在《两党基础设施建设法案》的支持下，商务部帮助数千万美国人登录廉价、高速互联网。我们的经济将会是允许任何地方的美国人都能参与，且可以在任何地方都能参与竞争。 我们的变革性国内投资议程是美国经济的长期竞争力和核心竞争力。但是，要在竞争中超过中国、塑造和引领21世纪全球经济发展，还需要我们快速灵活地采取行动，并加强我们的防御，以应对一系列正在出现的、不利于美国工人和企业，甚至在某些情况下威胁我们国家安全的做法。 今天，中国对美国的国家安全构成了一系列威胁，而且日益严峻。它的军队部署方式影响到了我们盟友和伙伴的安全，破坏了全球贸易的自由流动。它主导着许多关键材料商品的制造，并利用其他经济体对其市场的依赖施以政治胁迫。它还寻求在某些先进技术领域占据主导，利用这些技术来推进军事现代化、在国内外践踏基本人权。 我们认为，未来十年三类技术特别重要：第一类是计算相关技术，包括微电子、量子信息系统和人工智能；第二类是生物技术和生物制造；第三类是清洁能源技术。我们将进一步采取措施来捍卫美国的优势，并在这些基础技术方面保持尽可能大的领先优势。 为实现这一目标，我们积极升级现有能力、建设新能力。美国政府将与私营部门一道完善出口管制机制、加强投资审查制度、提高供应链弹性、制定创新解决方案，来对抗中国的经济胁迫和侵犯人权行为。 首先，我们正在加倍努力，从战略上不断完善出口管制机制和投资审查框架，保护美国核心技术。 十月，美国政府公布了一系列针对特定技术的系统性出口管制措施，来限制中国购买和制造某些非常先进计算芯片的能力。此类芯片可被用于制造大规模人工智能模型，助力先进军事和监视系统，以及用在这些尖端芯片的制造设备上。 此外，美国政府还限制了美国公民为这些先进技术项目提供支持。 长期以来，美国的出口管制战略总显得被动——只注重在中国获取美国知识产权后阻止其技术能力进一步扩大；而这些新规则具有战略性和针对性，旨在保护国家安全。  根据《芯片与科学法案》的规定，我们携手参议员科宁、凯西以及众议员麦考尔、卢卡斯和德劳罗，以两党合作的方式设置了具有历史意义的防护栏，确保我们在研究和创新方面的投资永远不会被中国用于发展军事力量。 我们还在以新的眼光审视外资。几个月前，拜登政府发布了一份总统行政令，要求美国外国投资委员会在评估潜在外来投资时，要把重点放在某些关键的新风险因素上，比如技术领先地位、供应链依赖以及外国公司对于美国个人数据的访问等——这也是该委员会自几十年前成立以来接到的第一份正式指示。 对于关键技术领域的对外资本投资，我们与国会和私营部门一道识别和减轻其对国家安全构成的风险。比如，我们要求接受《芯片与科学法案》资助的公司，十年内不得到中国进行尖端或先进技术设施投资。  我们的战略还包括加强对关键供应链的保护。 新冠疫情期间，我们见证了个人防护装备制造业在中国的过度集聚，给美国人造成了怎样的风险。 这段记忆让我刻骨铭心。新冠疫情来袭时我担任罗德岛州州长，与其他许多州一样，我们迫切需要呼吸机和个人防护装备。我不分昼夜地全球打电话、寻找防护物资，而这些生产厂商几乎都集中在亚洲。 现在，作为商务部长，我下定决心永远不能依赖另一个国家来提供商品、保障美国民众的安全。 我们已动员政府力量，研判可能对美国安全造成巨大损害却无法在国内采购、加工或制造的商品和技术。 对于这些领域我们与私营部门加紧合作，把供应链的核心部分迁回本土或转至“友好国家”。我们为关键行业开发一个近乎实时更新的全球供应链“通用运营态势图”，以便尽快填补漏洞。 此外，我们还在探索新途径来保护美国和其他国家，以免受到中国的经济胁迫。减轻美国企业在关键供应链核心部分对中国的依赖只是一种办法，而非全部解决方案。 比如，在中国与立陶宛断绝贸易关系时，我们向立陶宛农产品开放了市场，并提供6亿美元出口信贷来重点扶持制造业、商业服务和可再生能源。 对这种经济胁迫形成有效威慑，是拜登政府以及美国合作伙伴和盟友的首要任务。 我还想强调的是，我们要重点确保美国企业不参与中国严重侵犯人权的活动。美国的对华贸易和投资应能体现美国核心民主价值观，这就是拜登总统签署《维吾尔强迫劳动预防法案》的原因所在——企业应证明在生产过程中没有采购强迫劳动产品。 最后，我经常听美国商界领袖抱怨，这种政策环境的快速变化对他们做出明智决策、进行长期投资构成了挑战。对于这种挑战我当然理解，但国家政策不可能一成不变。他们需要不断适应技术变革和国家安全之间的动态交互。不过，在如此复杂的环境下，政府有责任为工商界提供一致而明确的指导，尽可能保持透明和加强协商，尽量减少破坏性变革，以及采取多边化措施。我们的目的是与私营部门建立强有力和充满活力的伙伴关系。 与此同时，私营部门必须要认识到今天的战略环境与十年前截然不同，企业应该与政府积极合作，以实现国家经济与安全目标。高校和企业今天决定在何处以及如何开展研究、从事贸易活动、做出投资决策，都会对美国未来几十年的经济发展和国家安全产生深刻影响。我要指出的是，麻省理工学院最近有关科研诚信和与中国伙伴合作的中国战略报告就是一个例子，说明我们需要主动行动来完善政策，规划一条明智的发展道路。  无论是出口管制、新的投资准则还是供应链，我提到的所有措施不仅需要美国政府与私营部门携手合作，也需要与我们的盟友和合作伙伴并肩作战。 在与中国竞争打造21世纪全球经济的过程中，美国不能单打独斗。正如国务卿布林肯今年早些时候所指出，拜登政府的对华政策不仅体现在国内投资上，还体现在与美国盟友及伙伴的结盟关系上。当与其他国家官员会面时，他们对中国所作所为表达了类似担忧，并希望围绕规则、标准和价值观与美国加强合作和政策协调，增强我们共同的国家安全和经济福祉。他们也注意到中国的发展路线已发生变化，并相应调整了自身战略。 比如，美国与日本、澳大利亚和印度在四方安全对话机制下建立了关键和新兴技术工作组，并与欧盟合作成立了贸易和技术委员会，该委员会将于下周在华盛顿举行会议，进一步协调和确保供应链安全，推进出口管制、数据治理和投资审查。 目前，我们在针对俄罗斯入侵乌克兰实施制裁方面取得了步调一致，见证了这种伙伴关系的力量。 美国也在重塑在全球最具经济活力地区的领导地位和伙伴关系。去年五月，拜登总统与13个伙伴国在东京正式启动“印太经济框架”，这些国家与美国的GDP之和占全球40%以上。 这一创新性经济框架代表着一种积极的经济战略，目的在于发展具有连通性和弹性、清洁而公平的区域经济，同时为美国出口和投资开辟充满竞争力和吸引力的新市场。 它还将成为一种“供应链多元化加速器”，为美国企业提供更具竞争力的生产源和供应商。 美国工人也将从中受益。比如去年夏天，新冠疫情导致亚洲芯片生产放缓，最终引发底特律汽车公司裁员，而“印太经济框架”的供应链危机应对机制将有助于避免未来出现类似情况。 美国的长期竞争力还取决于能否持续加入国际机构，制定数据和技术标准。 近年来，中国在多个重要的国际标准制定机构中担任了领导职务。我们从美国及国外企业获知，中国经常在这些组织中安插政府和企业代表，极力推行自己的专制标准和价值观。 这些“投机取巧”的行为破坏了良好治理，不仅让美国企业在全球技术竞争中处于劣势，也给我们的许多基本价值观带来了风险，比如信息流动自由和数据隐私等。美国正在采取措施，提升在这些机构中的领导地位和影响力，加强与合作伙伴的协调。  不过，仅依靠我们的传统盟友和伙伴合作还不足以为21世纪全球经济制定标准。我们还要与南半球充满活力的新兴经济体进一步接触，满足他们对可持续性、广泛性、包容性和透明化增长的需求。 作为最先迈出的重要一步，拜登总统与七国集团共同启动“全球基础设施和投资伙伴关系”计划，将筹集6000亿美元来建设具有气候适应能力的基础设施、提供更好的医疗保健和可持续能源。比如，商务部与美国进出口银行、美国企业和安哥拉政府合作，开发一个价值20亿美元的太阳能项目。这项投资不仅将帮助安哥拉利用清洁能源推动经济发展，还能拉动高达13亿美元的美国出口。 总而言之，这些新的多边合作机制反映了美国及其合作伙伴和盟友的共同价值观，它们在壮大美国实力的同时，也为未来全球可持续和包容性增长奠定了基础。 现在，我们的大部分对华经济战略集中在如何采取措施以及如何与盟友合作、保护美国自身竞争力，但在保护和积极促进美国经济利益的同时，与中国建立适当的双边经济关系。 中国政府采用一系列经济手段，导致希望参与中国市场竞争的外国公司处在不利地位。中国政府将美国及其盟友和合作伙伴的工人和企业挤出全球市场，从而为本国产业攫取了更多优势。对于中国可造成不公平竞争环境的非市场经济行为——比如在金融、监管等领域对国有及私营企业提供大力支持、强制性技术转让以及卑劣的知识产权侵权行为，我们将继续敦促其加以纠正。我们正在与七国集团合作，共同解决这些问题。 与此同时，我们并不寻求美国经济与中国脱钩。我们希望在不威胁美国核心经济利益、国家安全或人权价值观的领域，进一步加强贸易和投资。当前，中美两国年贸易额已从1972年的470万美元增长至7500亿美元以上，这种贸易往来为美国企业提供了利润，为美国工人创造了工作岗位，同时也加强了两国民众的联系。 中国现在是美国第三大出口市场，直接创造就业机会75万个。从这些出口中获益的不仅有大型跨国企业，而且包括2.5万多家中小企业——2020年其对华出口额达330亿美元。为扶持这些中小企业，商务部最近就个人护理产品发起了一项出口促进计划，目的是帮助中小企业开拓市场和促进出口，同时进一步加强知识产权保护。中国也是美国最大的农产品市场，美国农民今年向中国出口的农产品价值有望达到360亿美元。 美国企业和品牌在中国消费文化中享有很高知名度，美国软实力也由此受益。星巴克在中国开设的门店超过5000家；苹果iPhone13上市时中国消费者蜂拥而至，在商场大排长龙。美国产品不仅代表着高品质，还充分展示了我们开放、创新和创造力的价值观。 我们希望在不损害美国利益或价值观的领域继续促进贸易投资，同时也会使用一切手段来保护美国企业、打击不公平经济行为。比如，我们在中国拥有一支知识产权专家团队，他们在为美国企业提供帮助的同时，也在寻求持续推动中国知识产权法做出重大变革。 如果所有国家都遵循同样的比赛规则，则没有人能超过美国。 拜登总统本月早些时候与中国国家主席习近平会晤时已明确表示，美国希望与中国在具有全球经济重要性的议题上开展合作，比如气候变化、粮食安全、卫生安全和债务减免等。出于这个原因，我与中国生态环境部部长进行了会晤，为美国企业发声，并建议中美共同努力，减少海洋污染和海洋塑料垃圾。 当然，我们希望美国工人能从出口中受益，希望美国企业能在包括中国在内的全球市场蓬勃发展，但也必须对中国当前的发展方针保持清醒认识。 近四十年来，美国一直倡导与中国建立稳健的贸易投资关系并从中受益，却经常为了短期利益而忽视长期成本。最重要的是，我们必须记住要长期维持这种利益关系，就必须首先捍卫美国的国家安全和价值观。 结束语 近年来，中国领导人一直秉承这样的观点，即东方在崛起、西方在衰落。 见仁见智，我希望发表一些不同看法。 我认为美国是全球最大经济体，人口在全球最具多样性，而这种多样性正是我们非凡创造力和影响力的源泉。美国企业在世界上最具创新力和盈利能力，美国高等教育水平令所有国家羡慕，美国拥有强大的盟友和合作伙伴网络，而且这个网络还在不断壮大。 然而，尽管拥有这么多优势，在与中国有效竞争时，我们仍需付出更多努力。 目前，我们采取必要措施来应对中国带来的种种挑战，加倍努力扩大国内投资，与盟友围绕自由、隐私、法治和公平竞争的价值观确保政策一致，通过加强公私合作伙伴关系和重新思考经济治国工具来提升竞争力。 所有这一切让我相信，美国能够在明确目标指引下，落实各项举措，履行我们的长期承诺——这对于确保美国在全球创新领域长期处于领先地位、捍卫经济和国家安全至关重要。

Introduction This year marks the 50th anniversary of the opening of relations between China and the United States. For most of this period, the United States was committed to the idea that economic engagement with China would serve our mutual interests: first, as a counterweight to the Soviet Union, and later as a gateway to a deeper political and economic partnership. Engagement also provided U.S. companies with greater access to China’s market and helped open China’s economic system. And some even thought that over time China would take its place alongside the U.S. and other advanced economies to become a pillar of the post-war liberal international order. But now it is clear that China took a different path—and with that has come profound impacts on our bilateral relationship and on China’s behavior on the global stage. Over the past decade, China’s leaders have made clear that they do not plan to pursue political and economic reform and are instead pursuing an alternative vision of their country’s future. They are committed to increasing the role of the state in society and the economy, constraining the free flow of capital and information, and decoupling economically in a number of areas, including many technology sectors of the future. They have firewalled their data economy from the rest of the world. And they are accelerating their efforts to fuse their economic and technology policies with their military ambitions. As China’s economy has grown in size and influence, so too has its commitment to using non-market trade and investment practices in ways that are forcing us to defend our businesses and workers – and those of our allies and partners. China’s reprioritization away from economic growth toward national security and its assertive military behavior means that we have to rethink how we protect our national security interests while also promoting our interests in trade and investment. In the face of this dramatically transformed strategic environment, our economic priorities are clear: ensuring that the U.S. builds the talent, technologies, and manufacturing capabilities necessary to lead the global economy in the 21st century—to be at the forefront of global innovation in an era of unprecedented technological change and competition; to provide our workforce with the education and training necessary to compete for the jobs of the future; to safeguard our national security and democratic values; and grow in ways that reflect our values of sustainable and inclusive growth, as well as openness, transparency, and the rule of law. Our strategy to realize these priorities has four components— But U.S. government policies are only part of the answer. We need the private sector, including business, labor, and universities, to work with us to ensure America’s long-term prosperity and security. We are pushing on all fronts, all at once. And we need to do it all together. Our competition with China is global, but our economic strategy begins at home. Our economic competitiveness and national security depend on a bold domestic investment agenda in strategic and critical sectors. In just the first twenty months of the administration, we worked with Congress to enact the Bipartisan Infrastructure Act, the CHIPS and Science Act, and the Inflation Reduction Act. Taken together, it represents over $1 trillion of investment in America. A once-in-a-generation commitment to innovation, technology, manufacturing, workforce training, and the infrastructure, including broadband, we need to ensure our future competitiveness and national security. It is what President Biden has termed a “modern industrial strategy” – an approach rooted deeply in America’s history—from Alexander Hamilton’s Report on Manufacturers to President Lincoln’s intercontinental railroad—but calibrated to the new, forward-looking challenges and opportunities of the 21st century. With these transformational investments, we are also reimagining our national innovation ecosystem well beyond Silicon Valley and Silicon Alley to create new technology innovation and manufacturing hubs throughout the country. These hubs will take advantage of our nation’s diversity, foster new collaborations among businesses, universities, labor, and local communities, and position the United States to lead in the 21st-century global economy. In R&D, we are working across the government and with leading university and industry experts to identify and invest in core critical and emerging fields of technology where we want to attain global leadership, such as advanced computing, biotechnologies and biomanufacturing, and clean energy technologies. We are also revitalizing U.S. domestic manufacturing, particularly advanced manufacturing. Over the past decades, communities across the country have seen manufacturing shut down, businesses shutter, and the local engines of innovation grind to a halt, as we exported jobs and manufacturing capacity to China and the rest of Asia and reduced investment in the workforce development and infrastructure necessary to maintain our long-term competitiveness. I felt the effects of this shift firsthand. My father worked his whole career in the Bulova Watch Factory in Providence. But after 28 years, his job moved to China as the company chased cheap labor. And just like all his friends, my father was forced into early retirement. What happened to my father is hardly unique. It happened to millions of Americans over the last 40 years. While we watched China become a world leader in manufacturing and reap the massive benefits of manufacturing-driven innovation, the U.S. economy became LESS competitive and overly dependent on China for an increasing number of critical technologies and goods. It is worth noting, by the way, that China achieved its success through massive state support of its industries. COVID opened our eyes to the long-term risk for both the private sector and the American people of this over-dependence on China and the need to rebuild domestic manufacturing and innovation. Semiconductors are ground-zero in this technological competition and central to our new investment strategy. They drive innovation in nearly every emerging technology and support critical national security applications. The U.S. invented the semiconductor industry and once led the world in producing the most advanced chips.  Today, we no longer manufacture the world’s most advanced semiconductors and produce only 10 percent of global chip capacity. Meanwhile, since 2020, nearly 75 percent of the new global capacity for certain mature chips has been added in China. The CHIPS and Science Act marks the beginning of a new chapter in U.S. innovation where we reverse that decline and ensure that the United States retains its leadership in the technologies and industries of the 21st century. In the coming years, the Commerce Department will invest $52 billion in domestic semiconductor manufacturing, including workforce training and R&D, to create a vibrant domestic industry. But this public investment is only a starting point. It is designed to spur the business community to crowd in private capital and be our partner in making the kinds of investments that generate long-term returns for business and advance American competitiveness. Our goal is to lay a foundation for American business to do what American business does best – innovate, scale, and compete. Through R&D and manufacturing incentives, we are facilitating new public-private partnerships to enable domestic production of the most advanced chips and expand the production of mature chips essential to national and economic security. And we are looking to labor and educational institutions to provide the workforce training and apprenticeship programs necessary to build and operate new manufacturing facilities. We have adopted a similar approach to public investment in the Inflation Reduction Act—the IRA. We are investing $369 billion, which is the largest federal investment ever made to transition the United States to a clean energy future and combat the climate crisis. By one estimate, that $369 billion will catalyze another $1.7 trillion in public and private investment over the next ten years. The administration also recently launched a National Biotechnology and Biomanufacturing Initiative to ensure that what happened to the United States in semiconductors and telecommunications does not happen in biotech—ensuring we translate our leadership in biotech R&D into leadership in biotech manufacturing and jobs. I am proud to say that we are already seeing our strategy pay off. Companies such as Micron Technology and Intel have announced significant new investments in semiconductor manufacturing in Syracuse and Columbus. And they are partnering with local universities and community colleges to develop the courses and training programs necessary to support tens of thousands of new, well-paying manufacturing jobs. Already we have added more than 700,000 manufacturing jobs to the U.S. economy—the most in almost three decades. Going forward, we are not only going to invent the technologies of the future in America but we are going to manufacture them here too. We are also investing in America’s massive talent pipeline. The United States is blessed with universities that consistently produce world-class scientists, innovators, and entrepreneurs. Here at MIT, your graduates and professors have contributed to pathbreaking scientific and technological advancements for more than 150 years. But we want—and need—more Americans to be part of this exciting innovation ecosystem. We are increasing the amount of R&D funding we make available to universities OUTSIDE our major research centers to ensure that we access the broadest possible range of talent. We are also making significant investments in STEM education for underrepresented students, such as people of color, girls, and low-income youth. And we are building new onramps to high-skilled, well-paying manufacturing jobs – many of which don’t require a college degree. We must also continue to attract the most talented people from around the world. Our history of renewal and reinvention has been powered by immigrants. And let me be clear: there is no room in our path to competitiveness for racism or xenophobia. Chinese Americans have been – and will continue to be – an essential part of this American story of renewal. Right now, there are roughly 300, 000 students from China studying in the United States. We will continue to welcome Chinese students and immigrants, and we won’t hesitate to stand up to racism against people of Chinese heritage. Attracting and retaining the world’s best STEM talent is an advantage that is America’s to lose. And we are not going to let that happen. Early this year, we announced a series of measures to streamline the immigration process and open new pathways for international STEM students and researchers. But there is so much more to do. We are ready to work with industry and Congress on a bipartisan basis to capitalize on what is truly America’s superpower. Our other great competitive advantage is our diversity. Diversity fuels innovation. But to unleash all of our talents, we must give all Americans the opportunity to participate in the economy of the 21st century. With support from the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law, the Department of Commerce is connecting tens of millions of Americans to affordable, high-speed internet. We will have an economy where Americans can participate from anywhere and compete everywhere. Our transformative domestic investment agenda is at the heart of our long-term economic competitiveness. But outcompeting China to shape and lead the global economy of the 21st century also demands that we move nimbly and quickly to harden our defenses against an array of emerging and ongoing practices that tilt the playing field against American workers and businesses and in some cases, threaten our national security. China today poses a set of growing challenges to our national security. It is deploying its military in ways that undermine the security of our allies and partners and the free flow of global trade. It dominates the manufacturing of many critical materials and goods and has exploited other economies’ dependence on its market for political coercion. It also seeks to dominate certain advanced technology sectors, while using many of those technologies to advance its military modernization and undermine fundamental human rights at home and abroad. We believe there are three families of technologies that will be of particular importance over the coming decade: first, computing-related technologies, including microelectronics, quantum information systems, and artificial intelligence; second, biotechnologies and biomanufacturing; and third, clean energy technologies. We will continue to take action to protect our advantage and maintain as large a lead as possible in these foundational technologies. We are moving aggressively to reform our current capabilities and create new ones to accomplish this goal. Together with the private sector, we are going to bolster our system of export controls, enhance our investment screening regimes, strengthen our supply chain resiliency, and develop innovative solutions to counter China’s economic coercion and human rights abuses. To begin with, we are redoubling our efforts to safeguard our core technologies by strategically and continuously updating our export control policies and investment screening frameworks. In October, we released a set of rules that impose systematic and technology-specific export controls to limit China’s ability to purchase and manufacture certain very advanced computing chips that are used to train large-scale artificial intelligence models, and which power the country’s advanced military and surveillance systems, as well as the manufacturing equipment used to make these cutting-edge chips. In addition, we restricted American citizens from supporting these advanced technology programs. For too long, America’s export control strategy was reactive—focused on preventing China from expanding its technological capabilities after it accessed American intellectual property. But these new rules are strategic, targeted, and designed to protect our national security. And as part of the CHIPS and Science Act, we worked in a bipartisan way with Senators Cornyn and Casey and Representatives McCaul, Lucas, and DeLauro to implement historically strict guardrails to ensure the investments we make in research and innovation are never used to benefit China’s military efforts. We are also modernizing our review of inbound investment. A few months ago, we issued Presidential guidance—the first of its kind since the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States was established decades ago—to direct a focus on certain critical new risk factors when evaluating potential inbound investment, such as technological leadership, supply chain dependency, and foreign company access to our personal data. And together with Congress and the private sector, we are working to identify and mitigate the risks to our national security from outbound capital investments in critical technology sectors.  As one example, we have prohibited companies receiving CHIPS funding from investing in leading-edge or advanced technology facilities in China for ten years. Our strategy also includes the protection of our critical supply chains. During the COVID pandemic, we witnessed how the concentration of personal protective equipment manufacturing in China put Americans at risk. I remember this time vividly. I was Governor when the pandemic hit. Like so many other states, Rhode Island desperately needed ventilators and PPE. I spent night after night calling countries around the world, nearly always in Asia, asking them to help us get the supplies we needed. Now, as Commerce Secretary, I am determined that we will never let ourselves become dependent on one country for the goods we need to keep our people safe. We have mounted a whole-of-government effort to identify the commodities and technologies where our inability to source, process, or manufacture domestically could cause great damage to our security. In these areas, we are working with the private sector to re-shore or friend-shore core parts of our supply chains. And we are developing a near real-time “common operating picture” of global supply chains for critical industries so that we can address vulnerabilities as quickly as possible. Related to this, we are exploring new avenues to defend ourselves and others from China’s economic coercion. Reducing our companies’ dependence on China for core parts of our critical supply chains is one part of the answer, but not the entire answer. For example, when China cut off trade with Lithuania, we opened our markets to Lithuanian agricultural products and provided a $600 million export credit agreement focused on manufacturing, business services, and renewable energy. Developing an effective deterrent against this kind of economic coercion is a priority for the Biden Administration, as well as for our partners and allies. I also want to underscore the priority that we are placing on ensuring that our companies are not complicit in China’s gross human rights abuses. Our trade and investment with China should reflect our core democratic values. That is why, President Biden signed the bipartisan Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act into law – requiring companies to certify that they are not sourcing goods that relied upon forced labor in their production. Finally, I hear often from U.S. business leaders about the challenges this rapidly changing policy environment poses to their ability to make smart, long-term investment decisions. And while I certainly understand this challenge, our policies cannot be static.  They need to adapt continuously to the dynamic interaction between technological change and national security. But in such a complex environment, it’s on us in the government to provide clear and consistent guidance that the business community needs to succeed; to be as consultative and transparent as possible, to minimize disruptive change, and to adopt measures multilaterally. We are committed to a strong and vibrant partnership with our private sector. At the same time, it’s on the private sector to recognize that we’re operating in a fundamentally different strategic environment from a decade ago and to work with us to realize our economic and national security objectives. The decisions our universities and companies make today on where and how they undertake research, engage in trade, and make investment decisions will profoundly shape our economic and national security for decades to come. And I would note that MIT’s recently released China strategy report on research integrity and collaboration with PRC partners is an example of the type of initiative we need to help inform our policy and chart a sensible path forward. Now, all of the measures I have outlined—from export controls to new investment parameters to supply chains—require not an only partnership between the U.S. government and private sector but also between the U.S. and our allies and partners. In our competition with China to shape the 21st-century global economy, we cannot go at it alone. As Secretary Blinken articulated earlier this year, the Biden administration’s approach to China is centered not only on investment at home but also on alignment with our allies and partners abroad. When I meet with my counterparts from other countries, they voice similar concerns about China’s behavior and a shared desire to cooperate and coordinate our policies around the rules, standards, and values that advance our collective national security and economic well-being. They, too, see how China’s direction has changed and are adjusting their strategies accordingly. For example, we have established the Quad Critical and Emerging Technologies working group with Japan, Australia, and India, as well as the U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council, or TTC, which will be meeting next week in DC, to align our approaches secure supply chains, export controls, data governance, and investment screening. We are witnessing the strength of this partnership right now in the extraordinary degree of coordination we have achieved around the implementation of sanctions against Russia in response to its invasion of Ukraine. We are also reasserting U.S. economic leadership and partnership in the most economically dynamic region of the world. Last May, in Tokyo, President Biden launched the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework or IPEF, with thirteen partner countries that together with the U.S. represent over 40 percent of global GDP. This innovative economic framework represents a proactive economic strategy, designed to support a regional economy that is connected, resilient, clean, and fair and will provide a competitive and attractive new market for U.S. exports and investment. It will also be a kind-of-a “supply chain diversity accelerator” by facilitating U.S. companies with more competitive sources of production and suppliers. And American workers will benefit too. For example, last summer we saw how COVID-related chip manufacturing slowdowns in Asia contributed to layoffs for auto workers in Detroit. IPEF’s supply chain crisis response mechanism will help us avoid a similar situation in the future. Long-term U.S. competitiveness also depends on our continued and active participation in international institutions that set data and technology standards. In recent years, China has assumed leadership positions in several important international standard setting bodies. We have heard from our companies, as well as those from other countries, that China often packs these organizations with government and business representatives who work together to push the country’s authoritarian standards and values. These efforts “to game the system” undermine good governance, place our companies at a disadvantage in the global technology competition, and put at risk many of our fundamental values, such as the free flow of information and data privacy. We are taking steps to elevate U.S. leadership and presence in these bodies and to coordinate our efforts with our partners. It is not enough, however, to work with our traditional allies and partners to set the standards for the global economy of the 21st century. We are also engaging more deeply with the vibrant emerging economies of the global south to meet their desire for growth that is sustainable, broad-based, inclusive, and transparent. As an important first step, President Biden, together with our G7 partners, launched the $600 billion Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment, or PGII, to support climate-resilient infrastructure, better healthcare, and sustainable energy. At the Department of Commerce, for example, we are partnering with U.S. Exim-Bank, U.S. businesses, and the government of Angola to develop a $2 billion solar project. This investment will not only help Angola power its economy with clean energy but also support up to $1.3 billion in U.S. exports. Taken together, these new multilateral arrangements reflect the shared values of the U.S. and its partners and allies. They amplify the power of U.S. and they provide the basis for future global growth that is sustainable and inclusive. Now, while much of our China economic strategy is necessarily focused on what we can do at home and with our allies to ensure our own competitiveness, we also need to get the bilateral economic relationship with China right by protecting and also actively promoting our economic interests. China’s government employs a range of economic practices that disadvantage foreign companies trying to compete in the PRC market. China’s government also gives unfair advantages to its own industries in ways that displace American workers and businesses – and those of our allies and partners – from the global market. We will continue to press China to address its non-market economic practices that result in an uneven playing field, such as such as its massive support – financial, regulatory, or otherwise – to its state-owned and private firms, forced technology transfer, and egregious intellectual property theft.  And we are working with our G7 allies on a shared approach to these issues. At the same time, we are not seeking the decoupling of our economy from that of China’s. We want to promote trade and investment in areas that do not threaten our core economic and national security interests or human rights values. Annual trade between our two countries has grown exponentially from $4.7 million in 1972 to more than $750 billion today. This trade provides revenues for American companies, jobs for American workers, and connectivity with the Chinese people. China is now our third largest export market, and those exports directly support 750,000 American jobs. The benefits from these exports go not only to our large multinationals but also to more than 25,000 small and medium-sized enterprises that exported $33 billion to China in 2020. To support these smaller businesses, the Commerce Department recently launched an export promotion initiative around personal care products. We aim to boost exports by helping SMEs navigate the market, while ensuring that their IP is protected. China is also the U.S.’s largest agricultural market, and our farmers are on track to export $36 billion in agricultural goods this year to China. U.S. soft power also benefits from the popularity of our companies and brands in China’s consumer culture. Starbucks has built more than 5,000 stores in China. When Apple launched its iPhone 13, shoppers in China stampeded through a mall to be first in line. Our products signify not only high-quality but also our values of openness, innovation, and creativity. We want to continue to promote trade and investment in those areas that do not undermine our interests or values, while using all the tools at our disposal to protect our companies and counter unfair economic practices. For example, we maintain a team of intellectual property experts in China that helps address our companies’ needs while seeking to drive important changes to China’s IP laws over the longer term. No-one can outcompete the U.S. if we are playing by the same rules. And as President Biden made clear during his recent meeting with China’s President Xi Jinping earlier this month, we want to work with China on issues of global economic importance, such as climate change, food security, health security, and debt relief. For that reason, I met with China’s Minister of Ecology and Environment to advocate for our companies and to propose that we work together to reduce ocean pollution and marine plastic debris. Of course, we want American workers to benefit from exporting and American companies to thrive in global markets, including China. But we also have to be sober about China’s current direction of travel. For almost forty years, we championed the benefits of a robust trade and investment relationship with China, often overlooking the long-term costs for the near-term benefits. And above all, we must remember that sustaining these benefits over the long term requires that we defend our security and values in the near term. Conclusion In recent years, China’s leaders have promoted a narrative that the East is rising, and the West is declining. I hope you see something different. I see something different. I see that the U.S. is the world’s largest economy, that it is blessed with one of the most diverse populations in the world—and that this diversity is a source of unparalleled creativity and strength—that our companies are among the world’s most innovative and profitable, that our universities are the envy of all countries, and that we have a strong and growing network of powerful allies and partners. Yet, despite all of our strengths, competing effectively with China will take hard work. We are taking the steps necessary to address the full range of challenges that China now presents. We are redoubling our commitment to invest at home. We are aligning our policies with our allies around our values of freedom, privacy, the rule of law, and fair competition. And we are competing by investing in robust public-private partnership and rethinking our tools of economic statecraft. All of this leaves me confident that we can deliver on the clarity of purpose, consistency in execution, and long-term commitment that will be necessary to ensure our continued leadership in global innovation and protect our economic and national security.

蓬佩奥国务卿在记者会讲话中关于香港的评论 2019年11月18日，华盛顿DC 美国严重关切香港正在加深的政治动荡和暴力，包括抗议者和警察在香港理工大学以及其他校园中的对峙。 我们已经反复要求香港所有各方进行克制。任何一方的暴力都是不可接受的。 香港政府担负为香港带来平静的首要责任。动荡和暴力无法仅由执法工作解决。 政府必须采取清晰的步骤来着手解决公众的关切。我们特别呼吁行政长官林郑月娥促进问责，通过对抗议相关事故进行独立调查来补充独立监察警方处理投诉委员会的评估。 正如美国政府所反复表示的，中国共产党必须履行其对香港人民的承诺，香港人民只是想要联合国登记条约《中英联合声明》中承诺他们的自由和自由权利。

Secretary Pompeo comments on Hong Kong in Press Remarks, November 18, 2019, Washington, DC  The United States is gravely concerned by the deepening political unrest and violence in Hong Kong, including the standoff between protesters and police at Hong Kong Polytechnic University and other campuses. We have repeatedly called for restraint from all parties in Hong Kong.  Violence by any side is unacceptable. The Hong Kong Government bears primary responsibility for bringing calm to Hong Kong.  Unrest and violence cannot be resolved by law enforcement efforts alone. The government must take clear steps to address public concerns.  In particular, we call on Chief Executive Carrie Lam to promote accountability by supplementing the Independent Police Complains Council review with an independent investigation into the protest-related incidents. As the United States Government has said repeatedly, the Chinese Communist Party must honor its promises to the Hong Kong people, who only want the freedoms and liberties that they have been promised in the Sino-British Joint Declaration, a UN-filed treaty.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年5月19日 国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥（MICHAEL R. POMPEO）发表声明 美国认定为伊朗马汉航空公司在华业务提供服务的公司 目前接受马汉航空公司（Mahan Air）的国家数量迅速减少，中华人民共和国仍然是其中之一。马汉航空公司在世界各地为伊朗伊斯兰共和国运送武器和恐怖主义人员。从事这类业务将带来后果。 今天，美国认定设在中华人民共和国的“Shanghai Saint Logistics Limited”为属于 “特别认定的全球恐怖主义”（Specially Designated Global Terrorist）的该伊朗航空公司提供销售总代理服务。美国于2011年根据反恐怖主义的一项授权认定马汉航空公司为伊朗的伊斯兰革命卫队圣城旅（Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps – Qods Force）提供物质支持，并于2019年根据有关大规模毁灭性武器的一项授权再次认定该公司向伊朗运送被联合国（United Nations）禁止的导弹及核物品。 最近，伊朗政权通过马汉航空公司加强向委内瑞拉运送物资的行动，支持非法的前马杜罗（Maduro）政权及其为提高能源产量孤注一掷的图谋。由于自身严重的管理混乱，该国的能源业已一蹶不振。同样令人不安的是，马汉航空公司似乎还携带委内瑞拉金库的黄金返回伊朗，剥夺了委内瑞拉人民重建本国经济所需要的资源。集权主义政权一贯更关心自己的生存，而置本国人民的需要于不顾。 过去2年来，欧洲、中东和亚洲各地的政府和公司都明智地断绝了与马汉航空公司的联系，美国为此感到高兴。这项认定再一次提醒人们，现在仍然为马汉航空公司提供服务的公司，不论在中华人民共和国还是其他任何地方，都可能面临美国的制裁。

STATEMENT BY SECRETARY MICHAEL R. POMPEO May 19, 2020 The United States Designates Company Providing Services for Iranian Airline Mahan Air’s Operations in China The People’s Republic of China is one of the rapidly dwindling number of countries that welcomes Mahan Air, which ferries weapons and terrorists around the world for the Islamic Republic of Iran. Such cooperation has consequences. Today, the United States designated Shanghai Saint Logistics Limited, a PRC-based company that provides general sales agent services for the Specially Designated Global Terrorist Iranian airline. The United States designated Mahan Air in 2011 under a counterterrorism authority for providing material support to Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps – Qods Force (IRGC-QF) and again in 2019, under a weapons of mass destruction authority for shipping United Nations-restricted missile and nuclear items to Iran. More recently, the Iranian regime turned to Mahan Air to facilitate shipments to Venezuela to support the illegitimate former Maduro regime and its desperate attempts to boost energy production, which had fallen due to its own gross mismanagement. It is equally troubling that Mahan Air appears to be carrying gold from Venezuela’s vaults back to Iran, depriving the Venezuelan people of resources needed to rebuild their economy. As always, authoritarian regimes are more interested in their own survival than the needs of their people. The United States is pleased that over the last two years, governments and companies across Europe, the Middle East, and Asia have wisely severed ties with Mahan Air. This designation serves as another reminder that companies still providing services for Mahan Air – in the PRC or anywhere else – risk potential U.S. sanctions.

2021年10月26日 财政部长珍妮特·L·耶伦今天与中华人民共和国副总理刘鹤举行了在线会议。他们在谈话中讨论了美中两国的宏观经济和金融发展，认识到我们两个经济体的发展对全球经济具有重要影响。耶伦部长也坦率地提出了关切的问题。耶伦部长表示期待未来与刘副总理的讨论。

October 26, 2021 Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen today held a virtual meeting with Vice Premier of the People’s Republic of China, Liu He.  During the conversation, they discussed macroeconomic and financial developments in the United States and China, recognizing that developments in our two economies have important implications for the global economy.  Secretary Yellen also frankly raised issues of concern.  Secretary Yellen noted that she looks forward to future discussions with Vice Premier Liu.

白宫 华盛顿特区 2022年6月17日 南院礼堂（South Court Auditorium） 艾森豪威尔行政办公大楼（Eisenhower Executive Office Building） 美东夏令时间上午8时34分   总统：约翰，谢谢你。大家好。感谢你们抽出时间来到这里，不论你们身在哪个时区。我对此非常感谢。 你们知道，我们今天集会之时正值——存在影响着我们所有国家的紧迫的全球性问题的时刻，要求我们立即——它们都需要我们立即采取行动以及我们的密切合作。 俄罗斯对其邻国乌克兰发动的残酷、无端的攻击引发了一场全球能源危机，并使实现长期、可靠的能源安全和稳定的需求变得更加迫切。 而且随着俄罗斯的战争加剧了世界范围的通货膨胀，让脆弱的国家受到粮食短缺的威胁，我们必须共同努力以减轻这场危机迫在眉睫的后果。 在美国，我正在利用我所拥有的一切手段，为美国人民降低物价。而且我们各国正在共同努力稳定全球能源市场，包括协调历史上最大规模的全球石油储备的释放。 而最重要的一点是，这些行动是我们向一个清洁、安全的长期能源未来转型的一部分。而且好消息是，气候安全与能源安全携手并进。 例如，在三月份，欧洲委员会（European Commission）——在冯德莱恩（von der Leyen）主席的领导下努力——而且我宣布了美国-欧盟能源安全工作组（U.S.-EU Task Force on Energy Security）来帮助欧盟迅速减少它对俄罗斯天然气的依赖性，并通过加速发展清洁能源技术来减少欧盟对天然气的整体需求。 我们将增强我们的能源安全，改善世界各地的能源的可负担性和可靠性，并削减我们的温室气体排放。 由于我们不能——我们承担不起无法实现将全球升温控制在1.5摄氏度这个关键目标的后果。 而且科学表明，采取行动的时间迅速地——迅速地紧迫起来。 格拉斯哥仅仅是雄心、行动及创新的10年的开端。我们期待着COP27。我们必须——我们必须在期待它的同时完全致力于实现现有的目标并进行更多的努力以推动我们的进展。 因此，我敦促这些国家——那些尚未制定2030年减排目标的国家与巴黎气温目标保持一致，为COP27增强他们的目标。 与此同时，我们需要新的行动计划来加速我们向我们的目标迈进并增强我们的复原力。 美国正在提出的在能源、运输和农业部门最大限度地提高效率并削减排放的方案如下。我希望你们很多人都将——将和我们共同进行这些努力。 首先，我们应当推进全球甲烷承诺（Global Methane Pledge）的成果——现已超过115个国家之多。为此，我们将宣布全球甲烷承诺能源通道（Global Methane Pledge Energy Pathway），以大力加快我们削减油气部门的甲烷泄漏的速度，并帮助满足我们的能源需求。 我们现有的能源系统每年泄漏的甲烷足以满足整个欧洲电力部门的需求。我们燃除的天然气足以抵消欧洲从俄罗斯进口的几乎全部天然气。因此，通过终止这种超强温室气体的泄漏和燃除，并捕获这一资源供需要它的国家使用，我们正在同时解决两个问题。 第二，我们正在对创新和加速扩大使用新技术进行投资，如碳捕集和先进的核与清洁氢气能源。国际能源机构（International Energy Agency）指出，我们需要为这个十年做出价值900亿美元的示范项目。由于在美国这里通过的《两党基础设施法》（Bipartisan Infrastructure Law），我们将为实现这个目标贡献215亿美元。 例如，我们启动了一个数十亿美元的努力，在全国建立氢能中心。并且利用我们体制中的《国防生产法》，增加制造用于生产清洁氢能的电解装置。我们已经——我们正在双管齐下。 我们的能源部也刚刚宣布为建造世界上最大规模的清洁氢能储存设施之一提供贷款担保。 我向我们发出共同挑战，到9月份美国在匹兹堡举办全球清洁能源行动论坛（Global Clean Energy Action Forum）时，完全达到900亿美元目标。 第三，俄罗斯的战争正在导致石油价格上涨——所有人都知道这一点——是我们所有国家的人受伤害。这是一个迫在眉睫的问题，我想你们所有人和我知道我每天都在努力。 长期而言，我们可以通过做到让更多零排放车上路而消除波动的汽油价格带来的痛苦和减少交通运输的排放。 在美国，我们正在建造一个包含50万个电动车充电站的全国充电网。我们正在加强电池所需关键材料的供应链。我们制定了目标，确保到2030年在美国销售的二分之一的小轿车是零排放车。我敦促你们各位和我们一道制定相同的目标。 第四，如果海洋航运业是一个国家，它会是世界第八大排放国。我们必须以更大努力在这个行业推动零排放燃料和绿色航运走廊。在我看来我们应能做到这点。正因为如此，美国和挪威正在发起绿色航运挑战（Green Shipping Challenge），致力于到2050年实现航运完全去碳化。 最后，俄罗斯在乌克兰的战争正在使缺少粮食保障的情况更加恶化，一部分原因是肥料价格飞涨。肥料生产依靠天然气，但是，每年全球50%以上的氮肥因浪费而被损失。 因此，今天美国发起全球肥料挑战（Global Fertilizer Challenge）。让我们致力于在COP27召开时至少集资1亿美元，用以提高肥料效率和开发替代方法。 为了继续推进我们对增强适应力的努力，今年美国将与埃及合作，开展非洲适应（Adaptation in Africa）活动，旨在制定出改善人民生活和增强对气候变化的适应力的具体倡议行动。 我认为，这些都是可以实现的目标。如果我们都承诺作出各自的努力，我们将能够完成。如果我们这样做，我们将为世界各地所有人打开巨大的机会：更大的发展，更多的创新，可以养家的更多优薪工作，为全球各地社区带来更大的粮食保障，并且我们将最终摆脱对波动的能源市场和高价石油的依赖。 所以，再次感谢你们各位抽出时间——今天早上，今天，今天晚上——无论是在那个时间区——来加入我们。让我们保持这一挑战——让我们继续进行——我们一直进行的努力。挑战我们自己去做更大的努力，因为我们有能力这样做。 非常感谢各位聆听。我亟待听到你们大家的发言。谢谢。谢谢你，约翰。 美东夏令时间上午8时42分   欲查看原稿内容:  https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2022/06/17/remarks-by-president-biden-at-the-major-economies-forum-on-energy-and-climate/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

JUNE 17, 2022•SPEECHES AND REMARKS 8:34 A.M. EDT THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you, John.  Hello, everyone.  And thank you for, whatever time zone you’re in, making the time to be here.  I appreciate it very much. You know, we’re meeting today at a moment when — where there’s urgent global issues impacting all of our nations, demand our immed- — and they all demand our immediate action and our close cooperation. Russia’s brutal and unprovoked assault on its neighbor, Ukraine, has fueled a global energy crisis and has sharpened the need to achieve long-term, reliable energy security and stability. And with Russia’s war driving up inflation worldwide, threatening vulnerable countries with severe food shortages, we have to work together to mitigate the immediate fallout of this crisis. In the United States, I’m using every lever available to me to bring down prices for the American people.  And our nations are working together to stabilize global energy markets, including coordinating the largest release from the global reserve — from global oil reserves in history. But the critical point is that these actions are part of our transition to a clean and secure long-term energy future. And the good news is climate security and energy security go hand in hand. For example, back in March, the European Commission — with President von der Leyen leading the effort — and I announced the U.S.-EU Task Force on Energy Security to help the EU rapidly reduce its dependence on Russian gas and reduce the EU’s overall demand for gas by ramping up clean energy technologies. We’ll bolster our energy security and improve the affordability and reliability of energy around the world and reduce our greenhouse gas emissions. Because we cannot — we cannot afford to let the critical goal of limiting global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius slip out of our reach. And the science tells us that the window for action is rapidly narrowing — rapidly. Glasgow was just the kickoff for a decade of ambition, action, and innovation.  And we look toward COP27.  We have to — we have to dedicate ourselves, as we look forward to it, to delivering on existing goals and undertaking additional efforts to boost our progress. So I urge these countries that — those countries that have not yet gone to set a 2030 emissions target to align with the Paris temperature goal, to strengthen their targets for COP27. At the same time, we need new initiatives to accelerate our progress toward our goals and bolster our resilience. Here’s what the United States is proposing to maximize efficiency and reduce emissions across the energy, transportation, and agricultural sectors.  I hope that many of you will — will join us in these efforts. First, we should build upon the success of the Global Methane Pledge — now more than 115 countries strong.  To do that, we’re announcing the Global Methane Pledge Emer- — excuse me — Energy Pathway to ramp up the speed at which we reduce methane leaks from the oil and gas sector, and also helping bridge our energy needs. Each year, our existing energy system leaks enough methane to meet the needs for the entire European power sector.  We flare enough gas to offset nearly all of the EU’s gas imports from Russia.  And so, by stopping the leaking and flaring of this super-potent greenhouse gas, and capturing this resource for countries that need it, we’re addressing two problems at once. Second, we’re investing in innovation and hastening the scale-up of new technologies like carbon capture and advanced nuclear and clean hydrogen.  The International Energy Agency says we need 90 billion dollars’ worth of demonstration projects for this decade.  And thanks to the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law that was passed here in the United States, we’re stepping up with a $21.5 billion contribution toward this goal. For example, we’ve launched a multibillion-dollar effort to create hydrogen hubs all around the country.  And using the Defense Production Act, in our system, to boost the manufacturing of electrolyzers, which are used to produce clean hydrogen.  We’ve done — we’re doing both these things. Our Department of Energy also just issued a loan guarantee to construct one of the world’s largest clean hydrogen storage facilities. And I challenge us, together, to hit the full $90 billion target by the Global Clean Energy Action Forum that the U.S. is hosting in September in Pittsburgh. Third, Russia’s war is driving up prices of gas — everybody knows that — hurting people in all our countries.  It’s an immediate problem that I suspect all of you and I know I’m working every day. Over the long run, we can remove the pain of volatile gas prices and reduce transportation emissions by putting more zero-emission cars on the road. In the United States, we’re building a nationwide network of 500,000 electric vehicle charging stations.  We’re strengthening our supply chains for the critical materials that go into those batteries.  And we’ve set a goal of ensuring that half of all passenger cars sold in the United States in 2020 will be zero — 2030, I should say — will be zero emission.  I urge all of you to join us in a similar goal. Fourth, if ocean-based shipping were a country, it would be the eighth-largest emitter in the world.  It’s critical we do more to promote zero-emission fuels and green shipping corridors in this sector.  And it seems to me we ought to be able to do that.  That’s why the United States and Norway are launching the Green Shipping Challenge to fully decarbonize shipping by 2050. And finally, Russia’s war in Ukraine is worsening food insecurity, in part due to the skyrocketing price of fertilizer. Fertilizer production relies on natural gas, but more than 50 percent of nitrogen fertilizers are lost globally every year due to waste. So today, the United States is launching a new Global Fertilizer Challenge.  Let’s aim to raise at least $100 million toward increasing fertilizer efficiency and developing alternatives by COP27. And to keep strengthening our adaptation efforts, this year, the United States is going to partner with Egypt on the Adaptation in Africa event to deliver concrete initiatives that are going to improve people’s lives and build resilience in — to a changing climate. These are all achievable goals, in my view.  And if we all commit to doing our part, we’ll get it done.  And if we do, we’ll unlock an incredible opportunities for all our people around the world: more growth, more innovation, more good-paying jobs that support working families, greater food security for communities around the world, and we’ll finally break our dependence on the volatile energy markets and high gas prices. So thank you all again for taking the time to — this morning, today, tonight — whatever the timeframe it is — for what — and joining us.  So let’s keep this challenge — let’s keep doing what we — what we’ve been doing.  Challenge ourselves to do more, because we can. Thank you all so very much for listening.  I’m anxious to hear what you all have to say.  Thank you.  Thank you, John. 8:42 A.M. EDT

美国国务院 发言人办公室 2022年1月20日 安东尼·布林肯国务卿发表讲话 德国柏林 柏林-勃兰登堡科学院（Berlin-Brandenburg Academy of Sciences）   “俄罗斯进犯乌克兰及其他地区利害攸关” 布林肯国务卿：下午好。首先，请允许我表达不胜荣幸之情，在座的有如此众多来自德国各个不同社区的朋友、同仁和领袖，以及将我们两国联系在一起的伙伴关系的领导人。我感谢你们所有人的出席，感谢能有这次机会，并感谢能来到科学与人文学院（Academy of Sciences and Humanities）。我听西格马（Sigmar）介绍了一点有关历史，在门厅间大概走了走，而且我非常感谢这一盛情。 这是一座拥有卓越的学术传统的学院，其发明创新可以追溯到300多年前。据我了解，在众多名人中，阿尔伯特·爱因斯坦（Albert Einstein）曾是这里的成员，因此，我可能应当让你们知道我今天的讲话不会涉及天体物理学，这对大家都有好处。 我要感谢所有参与接待我们的机构，其中包括“大西洋之桥”（Atlantik-Brücke）。顺便提一下，我本人与“大西洋之桥”的联系可以追溯到20多年前。我非常清楚地记得在克林顿政府期间同从德国来访的同仁共度时光。很高兴和你们见面，德国马歇尔基金会（German Marshall Fund）、阿斯彭研究所（Aspen Institute）以及美国对德协会（American Council on Germany）。而且我不能不感谢一位很好的朋友，我在大学时代、在克林顿政府任内、在奥巴马政府任内的一位同事，丹·本杰明（Dan Benjamin）。见到你也非常高兴。 多年来，这些组织机构帮助建立、增强并深化了我们两国间的联系。一个强大的民主的标志之一是一个蓬勃、独立的公民社会，我感谢联合主办方对大西洋两岸的民主所做的贡献，并再次感谢他们今天让我们共聚一堂。 正如西格马所言，也正如你们所知，我在一个对于欧洲、美国乃至我认为对于全世界都极其紧迫的时刻来到了柏林。俄罗斯一直在继续加剧它对乌克兰的威胁；我们就在过去几天已经再次看到越来越好战的言论以及在乌克兰边境集结其军队，包括现在在白罗斯（白俄罗斯）。 它屡次背离了几十年来保障着整个欧洲的和平的各项协议。而且它继续针对北约组织——一个保护着整个欧洲和北美洲近10亿人民的防御性的自愿联盟，并且针对国际和平与安全的指导原则，而捍卫它们与我们所有人休戚相关。 这些原则——确立于两次世界大战及冷战之后——不允许一个国家有权以武力改变另一个国家的边界；不允许就另一个国家所推行的政策或做出的决定发号施令，其中包括与谁联合；也不允许施加势力范围以迫使主权邻国屈从于它的意志。 听任俄罗斯肆无忌惮地违反这些原则将把我们大家都拖回到一个更加危险、更不稳定的时代，当时这个大洲——这座城市——被一分为二，被无人区分隔，有士兵巡逻，战争全面爆发的风险深重地笼罩着每个人的生活。这还将向全世界其他人发出一个这些原则可有可无的信息，而这也将产生灾难性后果。 这正是美国以及我们在欧洲的伙伴如此关注乌克兰局势的原因。这不仅仅是两个国家之间的一场争端，也不仅仅事关俄罗斯和北约组织。这是一场造成全球性后果的危机，而且它需要全球性的关切和行动。 今天在这里，在局势迅速演变之时，我将争取直接切入事实真相。 首先，俄罗斯声称这场危机关系到它的国家防御、军事演习、武器系统以及安全协议。但是，如果真是这样，我们可以和平地以外交方式解决问题。我们可以采取有关步骤——美国、俄罗斯和欧洲各国——来提高透明度、减少风险、推进军备控制并建立信任。我们过去成功地这样做了，而且还能再次这样做。 事实上，这正是我们上周在美国与俄罗斯的战略稳定对话（Strategic Stability Dialogue）、在北约-俄罗斯理事会（NATO-Russia Council）以及在欧洲安全与合作组织（OSCE）发起的讨论上着手去做的。在这些会谈以及其他很多会谈中，美国和我们的欧洲盟友及伙伴本着对等的精神多次主动向俄罗斯提出了外交建议。 到目前为止，我们准备进行的善意接触都遭到回绝——因为，事实上，这场危机并不是主要关系到武器或军事基地。它关系到乌克兰及所有国家的主权和自决。而且其核心在于俄罗斯拒绝接受一个冷战之后的完整、自由、和平的欧洲。 鉴于我们对于俄罗斯的进犯、挑衅及政治干预——包括针对美国的有关行为——的所有深刻关切，拜登政府已明确表示我们愿意寻求一种更稳定、更可预测的关系；以谈判达成像新削减战略武器条约（New START）这样的军备控制协议，并启动我们的战略稳定对话；采取共同行动来解决气候危机，并为共同的事业而努力以恢复伊朗核协议。而且我们感谢俄罗斯在这些努力中与我们的接触往来。 尽管莫斯科针对乌克兰的肆意威胁及其危险的军事行动——尽管其混淆视听并散布虚假信息——美国协同我们的盟友和伙伴提出了一条走出这场人为危机的外交途径。正因为如此，我回到了欧洲——昨天在乌克兰，今天在德国这里，明天在瑞士并将在那里同俄罗斯外长拉夫罗夫见面，再次寻求外交解决方式。 美国非常希望事实的确如此，而且当然倾向于外交而不是其他方式。我们知道我们在欧洲的伙伴也有同感。欧洲各地的人民和家庭也是如此，因为他们知道如果俄罗斯拒绝外交方式，他们将背负最沉重的负担。而且我们希望欧洲以外的国家，希望整个国际社会能够阐明，俄罗斯如果挑起争端将会付出的代价，并挺身而出地捍卫保护我们所有人的各项原则。 让我们来客观地看一看现在的利害关系，谁将切实受到影响，以及谁要承担责任。1991年，千百万乌克兰人前往投票站，表明乌克兰将不再遭受独裁者的统治，并将实行自治。2014年，乌克兰人民奋起捍卫他们拥有一个民主的、属于欧洲的未来的选择。自那时以来，他们一直生活在俄罗斯占领克里米亚（Crimea）及其进犯顿巴斯（Donbas）的阴影之下。 俄罗斯协同由它指挥、训练、装备并资助的代理人所策划的在乌克兰东部的战争已造成超过14000名乌克兰人死亡。还有数以千计的人受伤。一座座城镇被整个摧毁。将近150万乌克兰人为逃离暴力而流离失所。克里米亚和顿巴斯的乌克兰人遭到了残酷镇压。俄罗斯阻止乌克兰人跨过接触线，切断了他们同该国其他地区的联系。数以百计的乌克兰人作为政治犯遭到俄罗斯及其代理人的关押。数以百计的家庭不知道他们的亲人是死是活。 人道主义需求也日益增加。将近300万乌克兰人，其中包括100万老年人和50万儿童，迫切需要食品、避难所及其他拯救生命的援助。而且当然就连远离战事的乌克兰人也受到了影响。这是他们的国家；那些人都是他们的一国同胞。乌克兰任何地方的人民都无法摆脱俄罗斯的恶意行径。莫斯科企图破坏乌克兰的民主机制，干预乌克兰的政治和选举，阻断能源和商贸以恐吓乌克兰领导人并对其公民施压，利用宣传和虚假信息散布不信任，并对该国的关键性基础设施发起网络攻击。破坏乌克兰稳定的行径无休无止。 而且现在俄罗斯还准备得寸进尺。俄罗斯再次进犯将造成的人员伤亡会比我们迄今为止所目睹的还要高出许多倍。俄罗斯声称乌克兰对其安全构成了某种威胁，并以此为其行径开脱。这颠倒了事实真相。是谁的军队包围了谁？是哪个国家以武力索取了另一个国家的领土？哪国军队的规模比另一方要大许多倍？哪个国家拥有核武器？乌克兰并非挑衅者。乌克兰只不过是在求生存。如果俄罗斯煽动一起挑衅或事件——然后企图以此为借口来进行军事干预，并指望当全世界识破这个诡计时已为时晚矣，任何人都不应当对此感到意外。 对于普京总统的真实意图有许多猜想，但我们实际上不需要猜测。他已经多次对我们说过。他正在为一场侵略做铺垫，因为他不相信乌克兰是一个主权国家。他在2008年直截了当地对布什总统说过，“乌克兰不是一个真正的国家”。他在2020年说过，“乌克兰人和俄罗斯人是同一个民族”。就在几天前，俄罗斯外交部还发布推文庆祝1654年乌克兰和俄罗斯统一的纪念日。本周这条讯息是各时候以来相当明确无误的一条讯息。 因此，与乌克兰攸关的重大利害更全面地呈现出来。这不仅仅是一场可能发生的侵略和战争。这关系到乌克兰是否有权作为一个主权国家而存在。这关系到乌克兰是否有权成为一个民主国家。 而这并不止于乌克兰。所有前苏联社会主义共和国都在1990年和1991年成为主权国家。格鲁吉亚是其中之一。俄罗斯在2008年入侵格鲁吉亚。13年后，仍然有将近30万格鲁吉亚人流离失所。另一个国家是摩尔多瓦。俄罗斯违背摩尔多瓦人民的意愿，在那里保留军队和军火。 如果俄罗斯入侵和占领乌克兰，下一步会怎样？无疑，俄罗斯会加紧将邻国变成傀儡国家，控制它们的活动，并压制任何民主之声的火花。主权和自决的原则一旦被抛弃，世界就会倒转，我们历经几十年共同确立的规则将被破坏，最后消失。 这将使一些政府可以更猖狂地为获得自己所需而为所欲为，哪怕这意味着封闭另一个国家的互联网，在深冬切断供暖油路，或者派坦克进驻——这一切都是俄罗斯近年对其他国家采用的手段。正因为如此，各地政府和公民都应关心正在乌克兰发生的情况。这看起来似乎是一个远方的地区性争执，或者是俄罗斯霸凌的又一事例。但是，与之利害攸关的再次是几十年来让世界变得更安全和更稳定的原则。 而俄罗斯的说法是，问题在北约。这显然是荒唐的。北约没有入侵格鲁吉亚；北约没有入侵乌克兰。北约是一个防御联盟，对俄罗斯毫无野心。相反，北约多年来在努力与俄罗斯接触交往，但遗憾的是这些努力遭到拒绝。例如，在旨在建立信任和增进磋商与合作的《北约-俄罗斯基本协定》（NATO Russia Founding Act）中，北约承诺大幅度减少在东欧的军事实力。它确实这样做了。 俄罗斯承诺对其在欧洲的常规军力部署予以同样限制。然而，它却又一次入侵两个国家。俄罗斯说北约正在包围俄罗斯。其实，只有6%的俄罗斯边界与北约国家接壤。相比之下，乌克兰如今真正是在俄罗斯军队的包围中。在波罗的海国家和波兰，有大约5000名来自其他国家的北约部队，而且他们的驻扎是轮流而不是永久性的。俄罗斯在乌克兰边境驻扎的军队数量至少20倍于此。 普京总统说，北约是“将导弹放在我们家的门廊上”。但是，是俄罗斯发展了能够达到德国和几乎所有北约欧洲领土的陆基中程导弹，尽管它是禁止这些导弹的《中导条约》（INF Treaty）的签约国。实际上，俄罗斯的违约导致了这项条约终止，减少了我们所有人的安全。 还值得指出的一点是，虽然俄罗斯不是北约成员，但它像其他许多非北约国家一样，其实得到了由于北约的帮助而成为可能的和平、稳定与繁荣所带来的好处。我们许多人都清晰地记得冷战时代的紧张和恐惧。苏联和西方在那些年里为建立理解和共同达成国家间如何行事的规则而彼此采取的举措受到各地人民的欢迎，因为这使局势降温，减少了发生军事冲突的可能。那些突破性举措是各方通过大量艰苦努力取得的成果。如今，我们正眼见艰苦的努力付诸东流。 例如，1975年，欧洲安全与合作组织的所有成员国，包括俄罗斯，签署了《赫尔辛基最后文件》（Helsinki Final Act），从中确立了十项国际行为指导原则，包括尊重国家主权，避免威胁或动用武力，边界不可侵犯，国家领土完整，和平解决分歧，以及不干涉内政。俄罗斯在乌克兰违背了上述每一项原则，并且一再表明它蔑视这些原则。 1990年，欧安组织成员国，包括俄罗斯，达成《维也纳文件》（Vienna Document），建立了一套信心与安全建设措施，旨在提高包括军演在内的军事活动的透明度和可预见性。现在，俄罗斯只是有选择地遵循那些条款。例如，它举行了大规模军事演习，声称因为这些军演是在未预先通知参演部队的情况下进行，所以不属于《维也纳文件》有关照会和观察的规范之列。去年秋天，俄罗斯在白罗斯进行了有10万多部队参加的军事演习，这些演习不可能没有预先通知。莫斯科没有提供有关它的部队在格鲁吉亚的信息，没有将去年春季在乌克兰周围的大规模军事集结通知欧安组织，没有回答乌克兰对其行动的提问，而这一切都是1990年协议的规定。 1994年，在被称为《布达佩斯备忘录》（Budapest Memorandum）的公约中，俄罗斯、美国和英国承诺“尊重乌克兰的独立与主权和现有边界线”，并对其“避免进行威胁或动用武力”。这些承诺帮助说服乌克兰放弃了苏联解体后所继承的当时规模位居世界第三的核武器。我们只需问问住在克里米亚和顿巴斯的人便知道那些承诺的结果如何。 我还可以举出更多例子。他们都证明同一个结论：一个国家一再违背自己的诺言，无视它自己同意的规则，尽管其他国家非常努力地让它加入每一步。这个国家就是俄罗斯。当然，俄罗斯有权利保护自己。美国和欧洲国家有准备讨论俄罗斯的安全担忧以及我们能够如何以对等的方式解决它们。俄罗斯担心它的安全，并且说美国和欧洲和北约采取的行动会威胁它的安全。我们对俄罗斯正在采取的行动给我们的安全带来威胁有着深切担忧。我们可以谈所有那些。但是，我们不会将《联合国宪章》中确定的，经联合国安理会批准的主权或领土完整原则视为谈判内容。 如果我能够同俄罗斯人民讲话，我会对他们说：你们应该享有安全和有尊严的生活，就像所有地方的人民一样，而且没有任何国家想危及这点——乌克兰不想，美国不想，北约或北约的成员国不想。但是，真正给你们的安全带来风险的，是与你们的乌克兰邻邦进行无谓的战争和随之而来的一切代价，其中最大的代价是，为之冒风险和甚至失去生命的年轻人。 在新冠疫情全球肆虐、我们面对气候危机、我们需要重建全球经济——一切都需要我们付出极大精力和资源——的时刻，一场很可能旷日持久的暴力冲突真是你们需要的吗？它真的会让你们的生活更安全、更繁荣、更充满机会吗？想想看，像俄罗斯这样的伟大国家如果把它的资源，尤其是了不起的人才资源，它的人民，投入到我们时代最重大挑战中将会取得何等成就。我们在美国，我们在欧洲的伙伴，都会欢迎那样。 明天，我将会晤拉夫罗夫外长，我将敦促俄罗斯找到途径，重返它在几十年中承诺的协议，并与美国和我们的盟国及伙伴一道努力，书写一个能够确保我们共同安全的未来，但同时也将表明，俄罗斯对乌克兰的进犯将断送这种可能，而且将恰恰形成俄罗斯所抱怨的局面：大大增强北约的防御联盟。 这些是我们面临的艰难问题。它们不会迅速解决。我当然不指望我们明天在日内瓦把它们解决。但是，我们可以增进相互理解，而这，连同俄罗斯把在乌克兰边界的军事集结降级，可以让我们在未来几周避免危机。与此同时，美国将继续与我们在北约、欧洲联盟、欧安组织、七国集团、联合国以及整个国际社会中的盟国和伙伴共同努力，明确指出俄罗斯面前的两条道路：走外交之路能够带来和平与安全；走侵犯之路将只能导致冲突、严重后果、国际谴责。美国和我们的盟国将继续站在乌克兰一边，随时准备在任何一条道路上与俄罗斯相会。 我在柏林这里谈这些想法并非偶然。世界上大概没有任何地方比这座城市更多地经历了冷战的分裂。在这里，肯尼迪总统宣告，所有自由的人民都是柏林公民。在这里，里根总统敦促戈尔巴乔夫先生拆掉那堵墙。此刻，似乎普京总统想要回到那个时代。我们希望不是。但是如果他选择这样做，他所面对的将是像数代领导人和公民展现出的致力在欧洲和世界各地促进和平、促进自由、促进人的尊严的同样决心与团结。 非常感谢聆听。（掌声）   欲查看原稿内容:  https://www.state.gov/the-stakes-of-russian-aggression-for-ukraine-and-beyond/

The Stakes of Russian Aggression for Ukraine and Beyond SPEECH ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE BERLIN-BRANDENBURG ACADEMY OF SCIENCES BERLIN, GERMANY JANUARY 20, 2022 SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Good afternoon.  First, let me say how honored I am by the presence of so many friends, colleagues, leaders across different communities here in Germany, and also leaders in the partnership that links our two countries.  I’m grateful to all of you for being here, grateful for this opportunity as well to be at the Academy of Sciences and Humanities.  I heard a little bit from Sigmar about the history, briefly walked the hallways, and I very much appreciate this hospitality. But it’s an institution with an extraordinary tradition of scholarship, discovery stretching back more than 300 years.  And I understand that, among other luminaries, Albert Einstein was a member here, so I should probably let you know that my remarks today will include very little about astrophysics, which will be to everyone’s benefit. I want to thank all the institutions that are cohosting us, including Atlantik-Brücke.  By the way, my own history with the Brücke, the bridge, goes back well more than 20 years.  I remember very well spending time with visiting colleagues from Germany during the Clinton administration.  But it’s pleasure to be with you, the German Marshall Fund, the Aspen Institute, the American Council on Germany.  And I can’t not acknowledge a great friend, colleague going back to my university days, the Clinton administration, the Obama administration, Dan Benjamin.  It’s wonderful to see you as well. Over the years, these organizations have helped build, strengthen, and deepen the ties between our countries.  One of the markers of a strong democracy is a robust, independent civil society, and I’m grateful to our cohosts for their contributions to democracy on both sides of the Atlantic and, again, for bringing us together today. So as Sigmar said, and as all of you know, I have come to Berlin at a moment of great urgency for Europe, for the United States, and, I would argue, for the world.  Russia is continuing to escalate its threat toward Ukraine.  We’ve seen that again in just the last few days with increasingly bellicose rhetoric, building up its forces on Ukraine’s borders, including now in Belarus. Russia has repeatedly turned away from agreements that have kept the peace across the continent for decades.  And it continues to take aim at NATO, a defensive, voluntary alliance that protects nearly a billion people across Europe and North America, and at the governing principles of international peace and security that we all have a stake in defending. Those principles, established in the wake of two world wars and a cold war, reject the right of one country to change the borders of another by force; to dictate to another the policies it pursues or the choices it makes, including with whom to associate; or to exert a sphere of influence that would subjugate sovereign neighbors to its will. To allow Russia to violate those principles with impunity would drag us all back to a much more dangerous and unstable time, when this continent and this city were divided in two, separated by no man’s lands, patrolled by soldiers, with the threat of all-out war hanging over everyone’s heads.  It would also send a message to others around the world that these principles are expendable, and that, too, would have catastrophic results. That’s why the United States and our allies and partners in Europe have been so focused on what’s happening in Ukraine.  It’s bigger than a conflict between two countries.  It’s bigger than Russia and NATO.  It’s a crisis with global consequences, and it requires global attention and action. Here today, among this rapidly unfolding situation, I’d like to try to cut through to the facts of the matter. To begin, Russia claims that this crisis is about its national defense, about military exercises, weapons systems, and security agreements.  Now, if that’s true, we can resolve things peacefully and diplomatically.  There are steps we can take – the United States, Russia, the countries of Europe – to increase transparency, reduce risks, advance arms control, build trust.  We’ve done this successfully in the past and we can do it again. And, indeed, it’s what we set out to do last week in the discussions that we put forward at the Strategic Stability Dialogue between the United States and Russia, at the NATO-Russia Council, and at the OSCE.  At those meetings and many others, the United States and our European allies and partners have repeatedly reached out to Russia with offers of diplomacy in a spirit of reciprocity. So far, our readiness to engage in good faith has been rebuffed, because in truth this crisis is not primarily about weapons or military bases.  It’s about the sovereignty and self-determination of Ukraine and all states.  And at its core, it’s about Russia’s rejection of a post-Cold War Europe that is whole, free, and at peace. For all our profound concerns with Russia’s aggression, provocations, political interference – including against the United States – the Biden administration has made clear our willingness to pursue a more stable, predictable relationship; to negotiate arms control agreements, like the renewal of New START, and launch our Strategic Stability Dialogue; to pursue common action to address the climate crisis and work in common cause to revive the Iran nuclear deal.  And we appreciate how Russia has engaged with us in these efforts. And despite Moscow’s reckless threats against Ukraine and dangerous military mobilization – despite its obfuscation and disinformation – the United States, together with our allies and partners, have offered a diplomatic path out of this contrived crisis.  That’s why I’ve returned to Europe – Ukraine yesterday, Germany here today, Switzerland tomorrow, where I’ll meet with Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov and once again seek diplomatic solutions. The United States would greatly prefer those to be the case, and certainly prefer diplomacy to the alternatives.  We know our partners in Europe feel the same way.  So do people and families across the continent, because they know that they will bear the greatest burden if Russia rejects diplomacy.  And we look to countries beyond Europe, to the international community as a whole to make clear the costs to Russia if it seeks conflict, and to stand up for all the principles that protect all of us. So let’s look plainly at what’s at stake right now, who will actually be affected, and who is responsible.  In 1991, millions of Ukrainians went to the polls to say that Ukraine would no longer be ruled by autocrats but would govern itself.  In 2014, the Ukrainian people stood up to defend their choice for a democratic and European future.  They’ve been living under the shadow of Russian occupation in Crimea and aggression in Donbas ever since. The war in eastern Ukraine, orchestrated by Russia with proxies that it leads, trains, supplies, and finances – well, that’s killed more than 14,000 Ukrainians.  Thousands more have been wounded.  Entire towns have been destroyed.  Nearly one and a half million Ukrainians have fled their homes to escape the violence.  For Ukrainians in Crimea and the Donbas, the repression is acute.  Russia blocks Ukrainians from crossing the line of contact, cutting them off from the rest of the country.  Hundreds of Ukrainians are being held as political prisoners by Russia and its proxies.  Hundreds of families don’t know if their loved ones are alive or dead. And the humanitarian needs are growing.  Nearly 3 million Ukrainians, including a million elderly people and half a million children, urgently need food, shelter, and other life-saving assistance.  But of course, even Ukrainians who live far away from the fighting are affected by it. This is their country; these are their fellow citizens.  And nowhere in Ukraine are people free from Russia’s malign activities.  Moscow has sought to undermine Ukraine’s democratic institutions, interfered in Ukraine’s politics and elections, blocked energy and commerce to intimidate Ukraine’s leaders and pressure its citizens, used propaganda and disinformation to sow mistrust, launched cyber attacks on the country’s critical infrastructure.  The campaign to destabilize Ukraine has been relentless. And now Russia is poised to go even further.  The human toll of renewed aggression by Russia would be by many magnitudes higher than what we’ve seen to date.  Russia justifies its actions by claiming that Ukraine somehow poses a threat to its security.  This turns reality on its head.  Whose troops are surrounding whom?  Which country has claimed another’s territory through force?  Which military is many times the size of the other?  Which country has nuclear weapons? Ukraine isn’t the aggressor here; Ukraine is just trying to survive.  No one should be surprised if Russia instigates a provocation or incident and then tries to use it to justify military intervention, hoping that by the time the world realizes the ruse it’ll be too late. There’s been a lot of speculation about President Putin’s true intentions, but we don’t actually have to guess.  He’s told us repeatedly.  He’s laying the groundwork for an invasion because he doesn’t believe that Ukraine is a sovereign nation.  He said it flat out to President Bush in 2008, and I quote, “Ukraine isn’t a real country.”  He said in 2020, and I quote, “Ukrainians and Russians are one and the same people.”  Just a few days ago, the Russian ministry of foreign affairs tweeted in celebration of the anniversary of Ukraine and Russia’s unification in the year 1654.  That’s a pretty unmistakable message this week of all weeks. And so the stakes for Ukraine come more fully into view.  This is not only about a possible invasion and war.  It’s about whether Ukraine has a right to exist as a sovereign nation.  It’s about whether Ukraine has a right to be a democracy. This hasn’t stopped with Ukraine.  All the former Soviet socialist republics became sovereign nations in 1990 and 1991.  One of them is Georgia.  Russia invaded it in 2008.  Thirteen years later, nearly 300,000 Georgians are still displaced from their homes.  Another is Moldova.  Russia maintains troops and munitions there against the will of its people.  If Russia invades and occupies Ukraine, what’s next?  Certainly, Russia’s efforts to turn its neighbors into puppet states, to control their activities, to crack down on any spark of democratic expression will intensify.  Once the principles of sovereignty and self-determination are thrown out, you revert to a world in which the rules we shaped together over decades erode and then vanish. And that emboldened some governments to do whatever it takes to get whatever they want, even if that means shutting down another country’s internet, cutting off heating oil in the dead of winter, or sending in tanks – all tactics Russia has used against other countries in recent years. That’s why governments and citizens everywhere should care about what’s happening in Ukraine.  It may seem like a distant regional dispute or yet another example of Russian bullying, but at stake, again, are principles that have made the world safer and more stable for decades. Now alternatively, Russia says the problem is NATO.  On its face, that’s absurd.  NATO didn’t invade Georgia; NATO didn’t invade Ukraine.  Russia did.  NATO is a defensive Alliance with no aggressive intent toward Russia.  To the contrary, efforts by NATO to engage Russia have gone on for years, and unfortunately, been rejected.  For example, in the NATO Russia Founding Act, which was intended to build trust and increase consultations and cooperation, NATO pledged to significantly reduce its military strength in Eastern Europe.  And it’s done just that. Russia pledged to exercise similar restraint in its conventional force deployments in Europe. Again, instead, it invaded two countries.  Russia says that NATO is encircling Russia.  In fact, only 6 percent of Russia’s borders touch NATO countries.  Compare that to Ukraine, which is now genuinely being encircled by Russian troops.  In the Baltic countries and Poland, there are around 5,000 NATO troops who aren’t from those countries, and their presence is rotational, not permanent.  Russia has put at least 20 times as many on Ukraine’s borders. President Putin says that NATO is, and I quote, “parking missiles on the porch of our house.”  But it’s Russia that has developed ground-launched, intermediate-range missiles that can reach Germany and nearly all NATO European territory despite Russia being a party to the INF Treaty that prohibited these missiles.  In fact, Russia’s violation led to the termination of that treaty, which has left us all less safe. It’s also worth noting that though Russia is not a member of NATO, it, like many non-NATO countries, has actually benefited from the peace, stability, and prosperity that NATO has helped make possible.  Many of us remember vividly the tensions and fears of the Cold War era.  The steps that the Soviet Union and the West took toward each other over those years to build understanding and establish agreed-upon rules for how our countries would act were welcomed by people everywhere because they turned down the heat and made military conflict less likely.  Those breakthroughs are the result of a great deal of hard work by people on all sides.  Now we’re seeing that hard work come undone. For example, in 1975, all OSCE countries, including Russia, signed the Helsinki Final Act, which established 10 guiding principles for international behavior, including respect for national sovereignty, refraining from the threat or use of force, the inviolability of frontiers, the territorial integrity of states, the peaceful settlement of disputes, and non-intervention in internal affairs.  Russia has since violated every single one of those principles in Ukraine and has repeatedly made clear its disdain for them. In 1990, the OSCE countries, including Russia, agreed to the Vienna Document, a set of confidence- and security-building measures to increase transparency and predictability about military activities, including military exercises.  Now, Russia selectively follows those provisions.  For example, it holds large-scale military exercises that it claims are exempt from the notification and observation requirements of the Vienna Document because they’re conducted without prior notice to the troops involved.  Last fall, Russia conducted military exercises in Belarus with more than 100,000 troops.  It’s impossible that those exercises were no notice.  And Moscow has failed to provide information on its military forces in Georgia, to notify the OSCE of its massive troop buildup around Ukraine last spring, to answer Ukraine’s questions about what it was doing, all of which are required under that 1990 agreement. In 1994, in a pact known as the Budapest Memorandum, Russia, the United States and Britain committed to, and I quote, “respect the independence and sovereignty and the existing borders of Ukraine and to refrain from the threat or use of force against” the country.  Those promises helped persuade Ukraine to give up their nuclear arsenal inherited after the dissolution of the USSR and which was then the third largest nuclear arsenal in the world.  Well, we need only ask the people living in Crimea and Donbas what happened to those pledges. There are many more examples I could cite.  They all support the same conclusion:  One country has repeatedly gone back on its commitments and ignored the very rules it agreed to despite others working hard to bring it along at every step.  That country is Russia.  Of course, Russia is entitled to protect itself, and the United States and Europe are prepared to discuss Russia’s security concerns and how we can address them in a reciprocal way.  Russia has concerns about its security and actions that it says the United States and Europe and NATO are taking that somehow threaten that security.  We have profound concerns about the actions that Russia is taking that threaten our security.  We can talk about all of that.  But we will not treat the principles of sovereignty or territorial integrity enshrined in the UN Charter, affirmed by the UN Security Council, as negotiable. And if I could speak to the Russian people, I would say to them you deserve to live with security and dignity like all people everywhere, and no one – not Ukraine, not the United States, not NATO or its members – is seeking to jeopardize that.  But what really risks your security is a pointless war with your neighbors in Ukraine with all the costs that come with it, most of all for the young people who will risk or even give their lives to it. At a time when COVID is running throughout the planet, we have a climate crisis, we need to rebuild the global economy, all of which demand so much of our attention and resources, is this really what you need – a violent conflict that will likely drag on?  Would that actually make your lives more secure, more prosperous, more full of opportunity?  And just think of what a great nation like Russia could achieve if it dedicated its resources, especially the remarkable talent of its human resources, its people, toward the most significant challenges of our time.  We in the United States, our partners in Europe, we would welcome that. Tomorrow I’ll meet with Foreign Minister Lavrov and I’ll urge that Russia find its way back to the agreements it swore to over the decades and to working with the United States and our allies and partners in Europe to write a future that can ensure our mutual security but also make clear that that possibility will be extinguished by Russian aggression against Ukraine, which would also do the very thing Moscow complains about: bolster the NATO defensive alliance. These are difficult issues we’re facing.  Resolving them won’t happen quickly.  I certainly don’t expect we’ll solve them in Geneva tomorrow.  But we can advance our mutual understanding.  And that, combined with de-escalation of Russia’s military buildup on Ukraine’s borders – that can turn us away from this crisis in the weeks ahead.  At the same time, the United States will continue to work with our allies and partners in NATO, the European Union, the OSCE, the G7, the United Nations, throughout the international community to make clear that there are two paths before Russia:  the path to diplomacy that can lead to peace and security; and the path of aggression that will lead only to conflict, severe consequences, international condemnation.  The United States and our allies will continue to stand with Ukraine and to stand ready to meet Russia on either path. It’s no accident that I’m offering these thoughts here in Berlin.  Perhaps no place in the world experienced the divisions of the Cold War more than this city.  Here, President Kennedy declared all free people citizens of Berlin.  Here, President Reagan urged Mr. Gorbachev to tear down that wall.  It seems a time that President Putin wants to return to that era.  We hope not.  But if he chooses to do so, he’ll be met with the same determination, the same unity that past generations of leaders and citizens brought to bear to advance peace, to advance freedom, to advance human dignity across Europe and around the world. Thanks so much for listening.  (Applause.)

2020年1月29日 “马奇空军预备役基地和国防部随时准备为卫生与公众服务部（HHS）提供住房支持。HHS正在处理从中国武汉撤离的200余名美国国务院雇员、家属和美国公民的抵达事宜。国防部已经进行了评估，认为这种支持不会对战备或关键行动产生负面影响，我们已经准备好迎接他们的到来。HHS负责对撤离人员的所有照顾，国防部人员将不会与撤离人员直接接触，而撤离人员除了指定的住处外，将不会有机会进入基地的任何其他地点。 若在撤返人员的常规监测中发现患病个体，HHS有相应流程将其送至当地民用医院。

January 29, 2020 March Air Reserve Base and the Department of Defense (DoD) stand ready to provide housing support to Health and Human Services (HHS) as they work to handle the arrival of more than 200 Department of State employees, dependents and US citizens evacuated from Wuhan, China. DoD has assessed this support will not negatively impact readiness or critical operations, and we stand ready for their arrival. HHS is responsible for all care of the evacuees, and DoD personnel will not be directly in contact with the evacuees and evacuees will not have access to any other base location other than their assigned housing. Should routine monitoring of the evacuees identify ill individuals, HHS has procedures in place to transport them to a local civilian hospital. DoD will work closely with our interagency partners and monitor the situation closely. The Department’s primary responsibility at this time is the safety of our force, our families, and our base communities.

2020年8月4日美国东部夏令时间上午10:27 国务卿迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥 中国共产党无法容忍其自己人民的自由思想，还正越来越多地试图将其触角伸向中国境外。在最新的例子中，中国当局据报道针对六名居住在中国之外的民主倡议者，其中包括一名美国公民，发出了通缉令。美国和其他自由国家将继续保护我们的人民不受北京威权主义的长臂管辖。

PRESS STATEMENT MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE AUGUST 4, 2020 The Chinese Communist Party cannot tolerate the free thinking of its own people, and increasingly is trying to extend its reach outside China’s borders. In the latest example, Chinese authorities have reportedly issued arrest warrants for six pro-democracy advocates resident outside of China, including a U.S. citizen. The United States and other free nations will continue to protect our peoples from the long arm of Beijing’s authoritarianism.

2019年1月23日美国东部时间下午12:45 媒体声明 国务卿迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥 华盛顿DC 2019年1月23日   美国承认胡安·瓜伊多为委内瑞拉新任临时总统，并坚定支持他根据委内瑞拉宪法第233条并在全国代表大会的支持下勇敢决定担任此角色，以恢复委内瑞拉的民主。如特朗普总统所说，“委内瑞拉的人民勇敢地表示了对马杜罗及其政权的反对，并要求自由和法治。” 委内瑞拉人民在尼古拉斯·马杜罗的糟糕独裁下已经忍受足够久了。我们呼吁马杜罗让位以支持一位反映了委内瑞拉人民意愿的合法领导人。在委内瑞拉准备自由和公平的选举时，美国支持瓜伊多总统建立过渡政府，领导委内瑞拉。我们敦促所有委内瑞拉人和平支持这一民主进程，正如1999年宪法所赋予他们的权力。 我们会与合法选举出的全国代表大会密切合作，促进委内瑞拉过渡回到民主和法治，这与《泛美民主宪章》一致。美国也准备好在条件允许时为委内瑞拉人民提供人道主义援助。 委内瑞拉人民正在强烈要求一个自由和民主的委内瑞拉。如我们之前所说，美国与包括美洲国家组织、利马集团和欧洲联盟在内的国际社会一道，支持委内瑞拉人民寻求恢复他们的民主。我们再次呼吁委内瑞拉军队和安全部队支持民主并保护所有委内瑞拉公民。 委内瑞拉新政府代表委内瑞拉承载着民主的火焰。美国承诺继续支持瓜伊多总统、全国代表大会和委内瑞拉人民。

01/23/2019 12:45 PM EST Press Statement Michael R. Pompeo Secretary of State Washington, DC January 23, 2019   The United States recognizes Juan Guaido as the new interim President of Venezuela, and strongly supports his courageous decision to assume that role pursuant to Article 233 of Venezuela’s constitution and supported by the National Assembly, in restoring democracy to Venezuela. As President Trump said, “The people of Venezuela have courageously spoken out against Maduro and his regime and demanded freedom and the rule of law.” The Venezuelan people have suffered long enough under Nicolas Maduro’s disastrous dictatorship. We call on Maduro to step aside in favor of a legitimate leader reflecting the will of the Venezuelan people. The United States supports President Guaido as he establishes a transitional government, and leads Venezuela, as the country prepares for free and fair elections. We urge all Venezuelans to support peacefully this democratic process, as granted in the 1999 Constitution. We will work closely with the legitimately elected National Assembly to facilitate the transition of Venezuela back to democracy and the rule of law, consistent with the Inter-American Democratic Charter. The United States also stands ready to provide humanitarian assistance to the people of Venezuela as conditions allow. The Venezuelan people are clamoring for a free and democratic Venezuela. As we have said before, the United States, with the international community, including the Organization of American States, the Lima Group, and the European Union, support the Venezuelan people as they seek to restore their democracy. We repeat our call to the Venezuelan military and security forces to support democracy and protect all Venezuelan citizens. The new Venezuelan government carries the flame of democracy on behalf of Venezuela. The United States pledges our continued support to President Guaido, the National Assembly, and the Venezuelan people.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年7 月15日 国务卿蓬佩奥：…… 昨天，特朗普总统（President Trump）签署了《香港自治法》 （Hong Kong Autonomy Act）并通过总统行政命令宣布采取一系列行动。 他曾在5月指出，如果中国以一国一制对待香港，我们也必须如此。 习总书记选择违背中国共产党——通过在联合国（UN）登记的条约对香港做出的承诺。他没有必要这样做，但他做出了这样的决定。 我们必须实事求是地对待中国，不能单凭我们的愿望。 其他国家正在得出相同的结论。澳大利亚和加拿大已停止执行与香港的引渡条约。 我预定星期一动身前往英国和丹麦。我可以确定，中国共产党及其对全世界自由人民的威胁将成为首要议题。 英国做出了值得赞赏的决定，禁止华为设备进入本国5G网络，并从现有网络中逐步移除相关设备。我们必然会花时间讨论这个问题。英国已加入美国和目前众多其他民主国家的行列，成为“清洁国家”，成为拒绝不可信赖的5G承包方的国家。与此同时，很多主要的电讯公司，例如Telefonica公司、Telco Italia公司和 NTT公司等都已成为“清洁运营商”。 我在结束伦敦（London）之行后，对于会见丹麦王国的有关官员同样感到振奋。这将是一次愉快的旅行。 今天，美国还宣布了我方对华为的决定。 国务院将对某些中国雇员实施签证限制，即华为等在全球为采取侵犯和践踏人权行为的政权提供重要支援的中国技术公司的雇员。 关于中国的最后一点：星期一，我们第一次高度明确地宣布了我们对南中国海（South China Sea）的政策。那里不是中国的海上帝国。如果北京违反国际法，自由国家却毫无反应，历史就会表明中国共产党将径直夺取更多的领土。这种情况在上一届政府期间曾经发生过。 我们的声明给予东盟（ASEAN）领导人以重要的支持。他们已经宣布，南中国海的争端必须通过国际法解决，不接受“强权即公理”的法则。 中国共产党对中国人民的所作所为已经恶贯满盈，但是自由世界决不容忍北京倒行逆施…… 问：国务卿先生，如果可以的话，有两个关于中国的问题。 国务卿蓬佩奥：可以，请讲。 问：昨天，特朗普总统发表长篇讲话表示，自从他上一次与中国国家主席习近平通话以来，时间已经过去很久了。这说明，我们两国在最高层实际上没有任何接触。现在看来每一天，或一星期有几次，你们两人中总有一位或者两人都为惩罚中国政权逐步宣布某些新的措施。但我不认为，你现在站在这里会告诉我们，过去几个月以来，事态的进展没有伴随这种形式的接触，且可以发现中国的行为有任何改变。所以，你是否基本上通过各种逐步的措施表明一些姿态而已？然后我还有下一个问题。 国务卿蓬佩奥：詹姆斯，你为什么不提出第二个问题，我可以一并作答？ 问：如果你不介意的话，我可以提问，但不是一回事。 国务卿蓬佩奥：我不介意。如果你提出第二个问题，我会一并作答。 问：国务卿先生，一年多前我们对你做了一次采访。当时我问你，你是否认为伊朗是邪恶的政权，你回答得很干脆，“是”。我想知道，你作为特朗普政府的成员，作为经验丰富的国际关系学者和实际工作人员，或者简单地说，作为虔诚的基督教徒（Christian），你是否认为中国也是邪恶政权。 国务卿蓬佩奥：我先回答第一个问题。你刚开始时提到，总统昨天说他很久没有与习近平通话了。如果我记得没错的话，3月份曾进行过一次通话。但对于他们究竟什么时候进行上一次通话，我需要听白宫（White House）怎么说。但是曾经举行过高层对话。我曾前往夏威夷（Hawaii），就在不久前，我在那里会见杨洁篪后回来才几个星期。我们在国务院内继续保持各个层级的对话和交谈。美国政府的其他机构也是如此。所以两国之间进行了大量的交谈。 詹姆斯，更重要的是，这方面的交谈已经发生变化，坦白地说，这类交谈不同于我们以往的情况，不同于美国和中国共产党数十年来的情况。不是——我认为——我认为中国领导层认识到，情况不再如此，即美国允许我们两国间重要的商业关系导致美国人民面临危险的情况不再被接受。这就是已经发生的情况。 这一点不涉及政治。这关系到两大政党的好几届政府。长期以来，我们的政策说明，可以允许中国采取完全不对等的行为，采取对美国人民极为不公平的行为，坦白地说已到了使美国的国家安全面临危险的地步。所以我们开始逆转这种情况。还有很实际的工作需要做，但是你可以发现，过去两年半以来本届政府采取的每一项政策都反应了局势的逆转。 至于中国的行为，他们的反应如何？你已经看见他们使用的语言。你可以看见，我们已经产生了实际影响。我们将继续做我们需要做的事，保障美国人民的安全和安定，实现我们对公平和对等关系的一系列要求。这是最终的目的。我们希望中国人民生活美好。我们遇到的中国共产党却采取扩张主义、帝国主义、专制主义行径，将自由和民主置于危险的境地。我们正积极努力希望看到这种行为得到改变。 我们仍然还有工作需要做。这个政权不通报他们有关病毒的消息，导致超过100,000美国人丧生，全世界数十万人丧生，使全球经济遭受数万亿美元的损失，现在虽允许世界卫生组织开展调查，但我可以确信，这种调查彻头彻尾是粉饰性的。我——其中的原因——我希望我是错的。我希望能够是一次彻底的调查，查个底朝天。根据我对中国共产党行为的观察，在源于武汉的病毒问题上，他们矢口否认。他们销毁了样本；他们将准备谈论此事的新闻记者和医生带走，不允许他们做应该做的事，如同希望在全球范围和全球舞台上真正发挥作用的国家所做的那样：透明、开放、交流、合作。 而且中国还使用一个词——中国共产党谈到双赢与合作。合作不取决于使用什么美好的言辞或召开什么峰会，不取决于两国外长举行什么会议。合作要看行动。这就是我们对中国共产党所抱的期待。我们需要看到公平、对等的反应。我们希望他们遵守第一阶段贸易协议，充分履行他们承担的规定义务。我们希望，我们能够看到他们各方面的所有行为发生改变。在这些方面，他们很长时期以来都以不公平的方式对待美国。 你的第二个问题涉及中国和我们如何使用措辞。我就谈到这里——我关于中国的评论就到此为止，到刚才所说的为止，此前的—— 问：这是一个简单的问题。他们是—— 国务卿蓬佩奥：什么。 问：——一个邪恶政权吗？ 国务卿蓬佩奥：感谢你的提问。我今天发表的评论就到此为止。我要告诉你们，正在人权规模上发生的事情，我曾称之为世纪之殇。我坚持这些说法…… 问：两个问题，如果可以的话。第一个问题是关于中国和伊朗的。第二个问题是关于中国和台湾的。我想——你对伊朗和中国之间的贸易及军事伙伴关系的前景作何评估，你对有关美国的制裁进一步增强了这两个国家之间的同盟的批评作何反应？ 另外一个，如果可以的话，关于台湾和中国。什么——你对中国因美国向台湾售武而威胁要对美国公司洛克希德·马丁（Lockheed Martin）实行制裁有何评论？国务院批准向台湾售武时的考量是什么？当美国政府执行《台湾关系法》（Taiwan Relations Act）时，美国公司应当受到惩罚吗？谢谢你。 国务卿蓬佩奥：好的。你的第二个问题很好回答——不应当，肯定不应当。我们的一家美国公司所从事的商务符合美国的对外政策，我们对台湾做出的出售武器的政策。我对中国共产党选择针对洛克希德·马丁发出这种威胁感到遗憾。这不是他们第一次针对一个从事美国和台湾之间的项目的美国承包商这么做，因而我对此感到遗憾。我希望他们将对此重新考虑，而且不会按他们昨天或是前天所讲的话去做。 你的第一个问题是关于伊朗和中国的。我的意思是，我们大家，都需要回顾一点历史，不是吗？想想很久以前——波斯（Persia）。还有那种关系，这并不是全新的。但我认为你们从有关报道中所看到的，而且是我们一直在关注的，是两个简单事项的证据。首先，延长武器禁运的必要性，对不对？现在我们有报告显示，不仅是美国国务卿相信当武器禁运失效时中国将向伊朗出售武器系统，而且伊朗人也相信中国将向伊朗出售武器系统。他们的确一直在为此努力，等待这一天，等待10月18日午夜这一武器禁运失效。我认为欧洲方面应当密切关注，并认识到这一风险是真切的，而且如果我们不能成功地延长联合国武器禁运，伊朗和中国共产党之间的活动就很可能在10月19日迅速地、强力地开始。 至于更广义而言，我们有一系列有关对参与同伊朗的活动的任何公司或国家的制裁。制裁是明确的。我们对于针对来自盟国以及全世界各国的有关公司实施这些制裁一直毫不含糊。我们对于伊朗和中国之间的活动肯定也会这么做…… 问：……我知道你赞扬了英国有关华为的决定。这项决定在很大程度上基于美国的制裁，而且如果美国的制裁改变，这项政策就可能改变。有任何审议这些制裁的想法吗？…… 国务卿蓬佩奥：……你的第一个问题是关于英国昨天有关华为的决定的。我们对此感到高兴。更快地将这种设备清除出他们的系统总是更好的。这是一种安全风险。这并非关系到商业利益，而是关系到保护信息——在这个情况下，是[保护]英国人民的[信息]。你说他们这样做是由于美国的制裁。我实际上认为不是这样。我实际上认为他们这样做是因为他们的安全团队得出了与我们同样的结论，即你无法保护这种信息。这种在这些源自中国的不可信赖的网络中传输的信息基本上肯定都将落入中国共产党手中。因此，我认为他们这样做是出于正确理由。我认为他们这样做是为了保护及捍卫英国人民的各项自由，而且我坚信他们将继续这一政策。 我认为约翰逊（Johnson）首相在这个问题上完全占了上风。我高兴地看到这种情况，而且我高兴地看到这种情况正在全世界发生。潮流正在扭转。我记得你们大家一年半以前提问时说，天啊，仅仅是美国而已。我认为——我认为在世界各地已经完成的工作以及我们促使完成的工作现在正向每个人表明，这是一种真正的安全风险。现在每个国家都在问这个问题：你们怎么去做？有什么商业影响？你们能够多快地向那个方向推进？以及我们如何确保我们拥有有成本效益的解决方案，不让我们的人民面临因这种基础设施存在于各国国内而带来的风险？我认为事实上这个潮流已经扭转，而且你们将看到这将在全世界各国继续下去。 你们还看到全世界最大的电讯提供商也有同样的关切。我今天列举了几个；我上次在这里也列举了几个，也可能是之前那次。你们正在看到私营的电讯提供商也认识到他们的公司因将这些不可信赖的供应商置于他们的网络之中而承担的风险…… 问：……我们对你关于南中国海的声明应该作何推测？我的意思是，中国已经在南中国海造成既成事实，这些仍在那里；它们是既成事实。渔船队，海上民兵，他们继续在被视为有争议的水域作业。你有什么样的期待？在美国现在加强立场后，我们应该如何推测你的期待？ 国务卿蓬佩奥：是的。经过详细法律审议后，国务院首次明确表示我们相信法律所示。这是美国在世界各地的运作方式。所以我们清楚确立了标志，显示这些是——这些是法律要求。所以我们将运用我们拥有的工具，我们也将支持世界各地认识到中国侵犯了他们合法的领土索求——或海事索求的国家，我们将向他们提供我们可以提供的协助，无论是在多边机构中，无论是在东盟，无论是通过法律回应。我们采用一切可能的工具。 你用了“既成事实”这个词。我认为那个地区的情况发生了极大转变。我认为你正在看见亚洲各地国家，而且确实在东南亚和在太平洋地区，这些国家认识到美国有准备采取必要举措，协助保护他们有效合法的索求。 所以我认为这确实重要。我们星期一的声明，我认为，是非常、非常重要的，不仅界定了美国的立场，而且清楚表明，我们将支持该地区其他国家采取类似做法，保护他们维护自己人民所应有的海上边界的能力。 问：你早些时候谈到美国同中国的关系在过去几十年里发生了多么大的变化。我想知道你是否将印度视为一个日益重要的贸易和军事伙伴，以及是否正在更高层进行那些对话……。 国务卿蓬佩奥：：……你的第一个问题是关于印度，并且你一上来断言我们与中国的关系有了改变。我认为值得指出，这个改变的原因是中国共产党的行为。这很重要。我听到一些从中国传出来的说法，一些假消息，我们——人们使用“以牙还牙”这类说法。这是——这些不是以牙还牙的交换。这是美国在为自己的人民挺身而出，世界现在开始懂得中国共产党的威胁——所以就关系有所改变而言，这是中国共产党行为的直接结果。那么当它停止时，我们将那样做。 印度一直是一个极好的伙伴。我想我将在几小时后对美国-印度工商理事会（U.S.-India Business Council）讲话，或者也许现在定为今天下午。他们是我们重要的伙伴。我们——我与我的外交部长同僚有着极好的关系。我们经常就广泛的议题进行交谈。我们谈到他们与中国的边境冲突。我们谈到那里的中国电讯基础设施带来的中国风险。你们看到了他们决定禁止几十个中国软件公司在印度境内或在印度境内人的手机上运作。我认为全世界正在围绕我们面对的挑战而联合起来，民主国家，世界上的自由国家，将共同抵挡这些挑战。我对此很有信心……。

SECRETARY POMPEO:  Good morning, everyone.  I want to start by marking – yeah, good morning.  Good to see some new – James, great to see you back. QUESTION:  Likewise. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Welcome.  I want to start by marking two anniversaries.  First, on July 11th, the United States and Vietnam celebrated the 25th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between our two countries.  Quite an achievement. And second, this week marks the anniversaries of two terrorist attacks by Iran-backed Hizballah: the 1994 bombing of the AMIA Jewish community center in Buenos Aires, Argentina, and the 2012 suicide bomb targeting Israeli tourists in Bulgaria. We continue to exert maximum pressure on Tehran and call on all responsible nations to join us in that. Now, to the events of the day. Yesterday President Trump signed the Hong Kong Autonomy Act and announced a series of actions through a presidential executive order. As he said in May, if China treats Hong Kong as one country and a single system, so must we. General Secretary Xi Jinping made a choice to violate the Chinese Communist Party’s promises to Hong Kong in – that were made in a UN-registered treaty.  He didn’t have to do that; he made that choice. We have to deal with China as it is, not as we wish it to be. Other nations are arriving at the same conclusion.  Australia and Canada have suspended their extradition treaties with the territory. I leave on Monday for a quick trip to the United Kingdom and to Denmark, and I’m sure that the Chinese Communist Party and its threat to free peoples around the world will be high on top of that agenda. We’ll certainly take time to discuss the UK’s commendable decision to ban Huawei gear from its 5G networks and phase out the equipment from its existing networks.  The UK joins the United States and now many other democracies in becoming “Clean Countries” – nations free of untrusted 5G vendors.  In the same way, many major telecom companies like Telefonica, Telco Italia, and NTT have become “Clean Carriers.” After my London stop, I’m equally excited to meet with my counterparts from the Kingdom of Denmark.  It’ll be a wonderful trip. And the United States has a Huawei announcement of our own today. The State Department will impose visa restrictions on certain employees of the Chinese – of Chinese technology companies like Huawei that provide material support to regimes engaging in human rights violations and abuses globally. Last note on China: On Monday, for the first time, we made our policy on the South China Sea crystal clear.  It’s not China’s maritime empire.  If Beijing violates the international law and free nations do nothing, then history shows that the CCP will simply take more territory.  That happened in the last administration. Our statement gives significant support to ASEAN leaders who have declared that the South China Sea disputes must be resolved through international law, not “might makes right.” What the CCP does to the Chinese people is bad enough, but the free world shouldn’t tolerate Beijing’s abuses as well. Moving on.  Today the Department of State is updating the public guidance for CAATSA authorities to include Nord Stream 2 and the second line of TurkStream 2. This action puts investments or other activities that are related to these Russian energy export pipelines at risk of U.S. sanctions.  It’s a clear warning to companies aiding and abetting Russia’s malign influence projects will not be tolerated.  Get out now, or risk the consequences. Let me be clear:  These aren’t commercial projects. They are Kremlin’s key tools to exploit and expand European dependence on Russian energy supplies, tools that undermine Ukraine by cutting off gas transiting that critical democracy, a tool that ultimately undermines transatlantic security. The United States is always ready to help our European friends meet their energy needs.  Today I have with me Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of Energy Resources Frank Fannon, who will take questions here when I’m complete with respect to this action. A second Russia-related matter:  I want to express the United States’ deep sadness at the reported killing yesterday of a Ukrainian military medic. We join the people of Ukraine in condemning the ongoing, brutal aggression of Russia-led forces in the Donbas and pay tribute to Ukrainians killed and wounded fighting for their democracy. To Africa: The United States and Kenya launched the first round of negotiations for a bilateral free trade agreement on July 8th.  Our vision is to conclude a comprehensive, very high-standard agreement with Kenya that can serve as a model for the entire continent. In the Caucasus region, the United States is deeply concerned about the recent deadly violence along the Armenia-Azerbaijan international border.  We offer our condolences to all of the victims.  We urge the sides to de-escalate immediately and re-establish a meaningful dialogue and a ceasefire to resume substantive negotiations with the Minsk Group as co-chairs. A little closer to home. Today, I’m announcing visa restrictions on individuals responsible for or complicit in undermining democracy in Guyana.  Immediate family members of such persons may also be subject to restrictions.  The Granger government must respect the results of democratic elections and step aside. A few weeks back, I think right here, I called out the Pan-American Health Organization for failing to disclose details of the Mais Medicos program that used Cuba’s slave trade in doctors to rake in more than $1 billion.  Today I welcome that organization – PAHO’s decision to initiate an independent review. Regarding Venezuela, the UN has found yet more harrowing evidence of gross human rights violations by the illegitimate Maduro regime, citing more than 1,300 extrajudicial executions for political reasons in 2020 alone.  International pressure on Maduro must continue until the Venezuelan people can reclaim their democracy. A final item on the Western Hemisphere this morning:  The United States officially assumed the chair of the Summit of Americas process on Friday of this week past.  We’re looking forward to hosting the ninth Summit of Americas in 2021. Since I last spoke to you, the department has notified Congress of almost $25 billion more in potential foreign military sales, including a proposed sale to Japan of 105 F-35 Lightning fighter jets valued at up to $23 billion.  It’s the second-largest sale – single sale notification in U.S. history.  This sale and others accompanying it continue to demonstrate the robust global demand for American defense partnerships. We’re helping the world in other ways too.  Today we’re providing an additional $208 million to the most vulnerable nations to overcome the COVID-19 pandemic, bringing our total now to more than $1.5 billion since the outbreak began.  Pretty remarkable charity from the United States people. But no American export, no amount of money is as important as our principles.  Tomorrow I’ll be at the National Constitution Center in Philadelphia.  I’ll present the public report of the State Department’s Commission on Unalienable Rights. As I explained at the Claremont Institute last year and again at Kansas State University during the Landon Lecture, this administration grounds our practice of foreign policy in America’s founding principles.  There is nothing more fundamental to who we are than our reverence for unalienable rights, the basic God-given rights that every human being possesses. Whether defending the American people from threats, supporting international religious freedom, or encouraging countries to secure property rights by upholding the rule of law, America defends rights and does good in the world.  And tomorrow you get to hear some of my thoughts on the commission’s fine recommendations that are encompassed in the report that they’ve been working on now so diligently and for so long. Happy to take a handful of questions. MS ORTAGUS:  Okay, we’re going to attempt to give Matt Lee the first question from AP.  Matt, go ahead.  Are you on the line? QUESTION:  Hello.  Can you hear me? MS ORTAGUS:  We can hear you.  Voice of (inaudible). QUESTION:  Aha, well, good morning and greetings from my basement.  Mr. Secretary, it’s been a long time.  I’m sure you’ve missed me as much as I’ve missed you. Can I ask (inaudible) things really quickly?  One, on the Nord Stream and TurkStream sanctions, you’re saying, if I get this correctly, that any company that is involved in this, even those who had been previously grandfathered in with sanctions exemptions, are now subject to those sanctions.  Is that correct, number one? And then secondly, on Iran, you guys had talked about the idea of bringing the arms embargo extension resolution to the Security Council as early as this week, and that doesn’t look like it’s happening now.  And I’m just wondering, are you hoping to staunch some of the opposition that you’re seeing to the resolution from the Europeans and others with a little bit more time for diplomacy?  Thank you. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Thank you, Matt.  It’s good to hear your voice.  On the first one, so what State Department’s action today is is we’re going to revise the guidance, and you’ll see that.  I’ll let Frank Fannon talk to you about the details of its implementation and its execution.  But make – I think we should be very clear:  Our expectation is that those who participate in the continued project will be subject to review for potential consequences related to that activity. As for Iran and timing, you suggested that we’ve delayed because of opposition.  In fact, virtually everyone agrees that the arms embargo should be extended.  Our European counterparts too are very concerned about what will happen if the arms embargo itself expires on October 18th of this year.  And so there’s enormous consensus around the objective.  How to achieve that objective, there’s different views on.  We’ve made clear to – both publicly and in private to all the members of the Security Council – we intend to ensure that this arms embargo continues.  We hope that this can be done by a UN Security Council resolution that all of the permanent members sign up for, and indeed every member of the larger UN Security Council. But in the event that that’s not the case, we are still going to do everything in our power to achieve that, and we think we’ll be successful ultimately in doing that.  The precise timing of that, we’re going to keep to ourselves until such time as we’re ready to move to the UN Security Council and introduce the resolution.  We’re not that far away from doing that, Matt. MS ORTAGUS:  James, go ahead. QUESTION:  Mr. Secretary, two questions, if I may, on China. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Yes, sir. QUESTION:  Yesterday in his lengthy remarks, President Trump indicated that it’s been quite some time since he last spoke to Chinese President Xi Jinping.  This suggests that there is effectively no engagement between our two countries at top levels.  It seems that just about every day, or several times a week, one or the both of you announce some incremental new measure aimed at punishing the Chinese regime, but I don’t think as you stand there right now that you can tell us that over the several months this has been going on without this form of engagement that there’s been any discernable change in China’s conduct.  So are you essentially tilting at windmills with these various incremental steps?  And then I have a follow up. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Why don’t you ask your second one and I’ll take them both, James? QUESTION:  If you don’t mind, I’d prefer to ask it – they’re very separate. SECRETARY POMPEO:  I do mind.  If you’ll ask the second one, I’ll get to it. QUESTION:  In our interview a little over a year ago, Mr. Secretary, I asked you if you considered Iran to be an evil regime, and you said quite simply, “Yes.”  I’m wondering if, as a member of the Trump administration, as a seasoned student of and practitioner of international relations, or simply as a devout Christian, you regard China as an evil regime. SECRETARY POMPEO:  So let me take the first one.  You began by saying that, as the President said yesterday, he hasn’t talked to Xi Jinping in quite some time.  I think the call was in March, if I remember correctly, but I’ll defer to the White House on the last time they’ve spoken.  But there has been high-level conversation.  I traveled to Hawaii – now, it seems like a little while ago, but it was just a few weeks back where I met with Yang Jiechi.  We continue to have a dialogue and conversations at every level within the State Department.  It’s happening in other agencies across the U.S. Government too, so there’s a significant amount of conversation between the two countries. What’s important, James, is that conversation has changed.  That conversation is different than we’ve had, frankly, for decades between the United States and the Chinese Communist Party.  It is no – and I think the – I think Chinese leadership understand it is no longer the case that it’s going to be acceptable that the United States is simply going to allow the important commercial relationships that we have between our two countries to put the American people at risk, and that’s what had happened. This isn’t political.  This is multiple administrations across both of the major political parties, where for an awful long time our policy simply reflected allowing China to engage in behavior that was radically un-reciprocal, enormously unfair to the American people, and frankly, put America’s national security at risk.  And so we have begun to turn that around.  There is still real work that needs to be done, but you can see in each of the policies that the administration’s undertaken in the last two and a half years a marked reversal. In terms of Chinese behavior, how have they responded?  You’ve seen the language that they use.  You can see that we’re having a real impact and we will continue to do the things we need to do to make sure that the American people are safe and secure and that we have a set of fair and reciprocal relationships.  That’s the end state desire.  We want good things for the people of China.  We have a Chinese Communist Party that is putting freedom and democracy at risk by their expansionist, imperialist, authoritarian behavior.  That’s the behavior that we’re trying to see changed. We’ve still got work to do.  This is a regime that failed to disclose information they had about a virus that’s now killed over 100,000 Americans, hundreds of thousands across the world, cost the global economy trillions and trillions of dollars, and now is allowing the World Health Organization to go in to conduct what I am confident will be a completely, completely whitewashed investigation.  I – the reason – I hope I’m wrong.  I hope it’s a thorough investigation that gets fully to the bottom of it.  I’ve watched the Chinese Communist Party’s behavior with respect to the virus that emanated from Wuhan, and they have simply refused.  They have destroyed samples; they’ve taken journalists and doctors who were prepared to talk about this and not permitted them to do what nations that want to play on a truly global scale and global stage ought to do: be transparent and open and communicate and cooperate. And the Chinese use that word – the Chinese Communist Party talks about win-win and cooperation.  Cooperation isn’t about nice language or summits, or meetings between foreign ministers.  It’s about actions.  And that’s the expectation that we are setting for the Chinese Communist Party.  We need to see fair, reciprocal responses.  We’re hopeful that they’ll complete their requirements under the Phase One trade deal and we’re hopeful that we’ll see changes in their behavior across the entire spectrum where they have unfairly treated America for far too long. Your second question was about China and how we use language.  I’ll leave – I’ll leave my comments about China precisely where I just left them, and previous — QUESTION:  It’s a simple question.  Are they — SECRETARY POMPEO:  Yeah. QUESTION:  — an evil regime? SECRETARY POMPEO:  I appreciate your question.  I’m going to leave my comments for today precisely where it is.  I will tell you, the things that are happening on a human rights scale, I’ve described it as the stain of the century.  I stand by those remarks. MS ORTAGUS:  Nike, go ahead. QUESTION:  Thank you, Morgan.  Good morning, Mr. Secretary.  How are you? SECRETARY POMPEO:  I’m good, Nike.  How are you today? QUESTION:  Good. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Good. QUESTION:  Two questions, if I may.  The first one is on China and Iran.  The second one is on China and Taiwan.  I would like to – what is your assessment of the prospective trade and military partnership between Iran and China, and how would you respond to criticism that the U.S. sanctions have further strengthened the alliance between the two countries? And separately, if I may, on Taiwan and China.  What is – what is your comment on China’s threats to impose sanctions on American company Lockheed Martin over U.S. arms sale to Taiwan?  What is the calculation of the State Department when it approved the arms sale to Taiwan?  And should U.S. companies be punished when the U.S. Government is implementing the Taiwan Relations Act?  Thank you. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Yeah.  So your second question is easy – no, of course not.  We had an American company conducting business that was consistent with American foreign policy, the policy of the arms sales that we made to Taiwan.  I regret that the Chinese Communist Party chose to make that threat against Lockheed Martin.  It’s not the first time they’ve chosen to do that to an American contractor who was working on a program that was between the United States and Taiwan, so I regret that.  I hope they’ll reconsider that and not follow through on the remarks that were made yesterday or the day before when they made them. Your first question was about Iran and China.  I mean, we all, a little history is in order, right?  Think about a long time ago – Persia.  And the relationship, this is not brand-new.  But I think what you saw in the reporting there, and something we’ve been following, is evidence of a couple simple things.  First, the need to extend the arms embargo, right?  Now we have a reporting that suggests that not only when the arms embargo will expire does the Secretary of State of the United States believe that China will sell weapons systems to Iran, but the Iranians believe that China will sell systems to Iran.  And indeed, they have been working on it, waiting for this day, waiting for midnight on October 18th for this arms embargo to expire.  I think Europeans should stare at that and realize that the risk of this is real and that the work between Iran and the Chinese Communist Party may well commence rapidly and robustly on October 19th if we’re not successful at extending the UN arms embargo. As for the larger picture, we have a set of sanctions related to any company or country that engages in activity with Iran.  The sanctions are clear.  We have been unambiguous about enforcing them against our companies from allies, countries from all across the world.  We would certainly do that with respect to activity between Iran and China as well. MS ORTAGUS:  Sarah, go ahead. QUESTION:  Good morning, Mr. Secretary.  Two questions, if I may.  First, on — SECRETARY POMPEO:  Yes, that seems to be the rule today, so yes. QUESTION:  Yeah.  (Laughter.) From Channel 4 News in the UK.  You know you’ve – I know you’ve commended the U.K.’s decision on Huawei.  The decision is very much based on U.S. sanctions and the policy may change if the U.S. sanctions change.  Is there any idea for a review on those sanctions? And secondly, with the coronavirus, of course there’s been restrictions on visas for UK citizens entering the U.S.  Both governments pride themselves on a very special relationship.  Is there any notice that those restrictions being relieved at all? SECRETARY POMPEO:  I hope so.  We are working closely not only with the United Kingdom but with countries all across the Schengen zone and across Europe more broadly, and indeed, countries in Asia as well, to do our best to get the science and health right, to get international travel back open.  It’s a complicated process.  Each country has got a set of different conditions, as you can see in many countries.  Even regionally they have different conditions on the ground.  We’re trying to get that right and we certainly hope that we can get this going with the United Kingdom just as quickly as possible.  I had an update – I think it was two days ago now.  We’re getting closer to a common set of understandings about how we’ll do that, not only that we’ll do it but the procedures that we would use so that we could execute that safely. Your first question about the British decision with respect to Huawei yesterday.  We were happy about it.  Faster is always better to get this equipment out of their system.  It’s a security risk.  This isn’t about commercial interests, this is about protecting the information – in this case, of the United Kingdom’s people.  You suggested they did this because of U.S. sanctions.  I don’t actually think that’s true.  I actually think they did this because their security teams came to the same conclusion that ours have, is that you can’t protect this information.  This information that transits across these untrusted networks that are of Chinese origin will almost certainly end up in the hands of the Chinese Communist Party.  And so I think they did this for the right reasons.  I think they did this to protect and preserve and secure the freedoms of the people of the United Kingdom, and I’m confident they’ll continue in that policy. I think Prime Minister Johnson got the complete right end of the stick on this one.  I’m pleased to see that and I’m pleased to see this is happening all across the world.  The tide is turning.  I remember questions from you all a year and a half ago that said, oh my goodness, it’s just the United States.  I think – I think the work that’s been done and the work that we’ve enabled to be done all across the world is now making clear to everyone, and that it is a real security risk.  Now every nation is simply asking the question: how do you do it?  What are the commercial impacts?  How quickly can you move in that direction?  And how do we ensure that we have available cost-effective solutions that don’t subject our people to the risk that comes from having this infrastructure inside of the countries?  I think in fact the tide has turned there and you’ll see this continue in countries all across the world. And you see the world’s biggest telecom providers sharing this same concern.  I listed a few today; I listed a few the last time I was up here, or maybe it was the time before.  You’re seeing private telco providers understand the risk that their companies bear from putting these untrusted vendors in their networks as well. MS ORTAGUS:  Michel, go ahead. QUESTION:  Thank you, Mr. Secretary.  I have two questions too.  You were disappointed by Turkey’s – Turkish decision to turn Hagia Sophia back into a mosque.  Are you considering any sanctions on Turkey? And on Lebanon, news reports say that Hizballah and the government are waiting for the U.S. presidential election’s outcome to decide what to do.  Do you have any advice for them? SECRETARY POMPEO:  (Laughter.)  So with respect to the Hagia Sophia, we were disappointed.  We regret the decision that the Turkish Government made.  I don’t have anything else to add to that. As for Lebanon – I just don’t have anything else to add this morning.  As for Lebanon, the Lebanese people have a simple set of demands.  It’s really very straightforward.  They don’t want corruption.  They want a government that’s responsive to the people.  They want a government that is not subject to influence from the designated terrorist group Hizballah.  They want what people all across the world want.  That’s what they’re in the streets marching and asking for.  They want basic economic activity restored.  They want taxes to be collected in a fair way.  These are the things that the people of Lebanon are demanding.  They should continue to demand them. And when a government shows up that will do that well and do that right, I am very confident that countries from all across the world and the IMF will show up to provide them with the financing they need to execute a reform plan that is worthy of the people of Lebanon.  And I think that’ll happen whether in this administration or the next one.  I think the United States position here has been pretty clear and is bipartisan. QUESTION:  Thank you. MS ORTAGUS:  Nirmal, go ahead.  Yes. QUESTION:  Thanks, Morgan.  Mr. Secretary — SECRETARY POMPEO:  Yes, sir. QUESTION:  — just one question.  (Laughter.) SECRETARY POMPEO:  With two parts, right? QUESTION:  No, and what should we infer from your statement on the South China Sea?  I mean, the fait accompli that China has created in the South China Sea, they remain in place; they remain a fait accompli.  The fishing fleet, the maritime militia, they continue to operate in waters considered disputed.  What are your expectations?  What should we infer are your expectations of China following this strengthened U.S. position? SECRETARY POMPEO:  Yeah.  So after extensive legal review, the State Department for the first time made clear what we believe the law reflects.  This is how the United States operates all across the world.  And so we set down very clearly the markers that says these are the – these are the legal requirements.  So we will then go use the tools that we have available, and we will support countries all across the world who recognize that China has violated their legal territorial claims as well – or maritime claims as well, and we’ll go provide them the assistance we can, whether that’s in multilateral bodies, whether that’s in ASEAN, whether that’s through legal responses.  We use all the tools we can. You used the term “fait accompli.”  I think things have shifted dramatically in the region.  I think you’re seeing countries all throughout Asia, and indeed in Southeast Asia and in the Pacific, recognizing that the United States is prepared to do the things necessary to assist them in protecting their valid legal claims. So I think it was really important.  The statement we made on Monday, I think, was very, very important in not only demarcating the United States position, but making clear that we’ll support other nations of the region that do a similar thing with respect to protecting their capacity to preserve the maritime boundaries that their people are entitled to. And I’ve got time for one more. MS ORTAGUS:  Ebony, go ahead. QUESTION:  Thank you.  Mr. Secretary, I have two questions if you’ll indulge me. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Yes, ma’am. QUESTION:  You spoke earlier about how much the U.S. relationship with China has changed over the last few decades.  I’m wondering if you consider India an increasingly important trade and military partner, and if those conversations are happening at a higher level. And secondly, I would like to know if there’s been any development in the negotiations with European officials on the travel ban, and as our cases continue to spike, if it’s possible that the region will remain off limits to U.S. travelers for the rest of the year. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Yeah.  I’ll leave to the White House task force the details, but yeah, we’ve been working with the Europeans.  Everyone’s trying to get it right.  We’re just trying to do the analysis.  We know this:  We know there is a way to safely travel to make sure people come here.  They – we don’t create risk for them when Americans travel to their country and they don’t create increased risk when they travel here.  We know there’s a way to achieve that and we’re going to do it, and we’re going to do it as quickly as possible. Your first question was about India, and you started with the predicate of our relationship with China has changed.  I think it’s worth noting the reason for that change is the Chinese Communist Party’s behavior.  That’s important.  I listen to some of the narrative that flows out of China, some of the disinformation, and we – people use language like “tit for tat.”  This is – these aren’t tit-for-tat exchanges.  This is America standing up for its own people, and the world now coming to understand the threat that the Chinese Communist Party – so to the extent there’s been a change in relationship, it is a direct result of the behavior of the Chinese Communist Party.  And so when that stops, we’ll do that. India has been a great partner.  I’m going to speak to the U.S.-India Business Council here in a couple of hours, I think, or maybe it’s this afternoon now.  They are an important partner of ours.  We – I have a great relationship with my foreign minister counterpart.  We talk frequently about a broad range of issues.  We talked about the conflict they had along their border with China.  We’ve talked about the risk that emanates to China from Chinese telecommunications infrastructure there.  You saw the decision they made to ban some several dozen Chinese software firms from operating inside of their country or on the phones of people operating inside of India.  I think the whole world is coalescing around the challenge that we face and the democracies, the free nations of the world, will push back on these challenges together.  I’m very confident of that. Thanks, everybody.  Thanks for joining me today. MS ORTAGUS:  Frank, go ahead. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Frank’s going to answer some questions for you on the revised language to our CAATSA guidance.  Thanks, everybody. ASSISTANT SECRETARY FANNON:  Good morning.  Thank you to Secretary Pompeo for his leadership on this important issue.  I’m also joined by Deputy Assistant Secretary for Russia Chris Robinson, who is available to answer any questions about Russia in the context of the Secretary’s announcement. As the Secretary indicated, the Department of State is taking new action against Russia, against the Kremlin, to demonstrate our continuing opposition to its Nord Stream 2 pipeline and others like it. The United States has been clear in its support for the rights of our European allies and partners to have reliable choices for energy, choices that are not conditioned on political and military pressure from the Kremlin.  We’ve been hard at work assisting and promoting more energy options for Europe.  These options include successes in Belarus, Croatia, and Lithuania, among many others. In contrast, the Kremlin has continued to push Nord Stream 2 in its effort to exploit and expand European dependence on Russian energy.  Ukraine’s energy infrastructure serves as a deterrent to Russian aggression, yet the Kremlin now seeks to undermine Ukraine by making that infrastructure obsolete.  The action Secretary Pompeo announced today is intended to counter Russian malign influence.  Our action sends a clear signal about this administration’s determination to use the tools we have.  We aim to support transatlantic energy security goals. The administration’s deep and longstanding concerns are shared by a strong bipartisan majority in Congress.  That includes concerns about Nord Stream 2 and the second line of TurkStream, another Kremlin-backed pipeline project in Southern Europe. The Department of State is issuing updated public guidance for section 232 of CAATSA, the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act, in order to expand implementation of the act.  This includes investments or other activities related to a broader scope of Russian energy export pipelines for Nord Stream 2 as well as the second line of TurkStream. We know Russia’s Gazprom is attempting to protect its decades-long near-monopoly for supplying gas to Europe.  Today’s update to CAATSA goes a long way to buttress our overall diplomatic approach.  We’re working with our European allies and partners on projects to diversify rather than limit their options.  Our ultimate goal is to enhance transatlantic energy security by way of expanded energy suppliers, routes, and types of fuel, including investments in renewables and nuclear energy. Thank you, and with that, I’m happy to take a few questions. MS ORTAGUS:  Let’s try the phone line again.  Want to test it out.  Do we have Will Mauldin from The Wall Street Journal?  Will?  No?  Okay.  What about Lara Jakes, New York Times?  Our phone line died?  Yeah, I called them both.  Not working. MS ORTAGUS:  Okay.  Nick, go ahead. QUESTION:  Okay.  It’s good to see you.  On the Nord Stream sanctions, you just mentioned that you want to give European allies more choice for energy security, but it sounds a little like if they make the wrong choice – in other words, continue with Nord Stream 2 – that you’re going to threaten sanctions against them.  That doesn’t seem like much of a choice. ASSISTANT SECRETARY FANNON:  Well, in terms of the choices, we’ve been hard at work at helping the diversification efforts in Europe.  Just – the Secretary spoke to a few of these, referenced some of these.  I mean, Belarus, for example, has expanded its suppliers of crude oil beyond Russia; Lithuania has an LNG import vessel that brings gas from Norway, among other sources; Poland is expanding LNG terminals and considering floating LNG and sourcing through Norway as well.  Many other European countries – Ukraine, Greece, Bulgaria, Serbia, Croatia, Italy, and Romania – are further diversifying their way away from European energy.  So our work is longstanding on terms of the diversification objectives.  We’re very pleased by the trend line and continue to see that through. QUESTION:  Just to be clear, if Germany does proceed or German companies do proceed with partnership with Russia on Nord Stream, they will face U.S. sanctions under CAATSA.  Is that right? ASSISTANT SECRETARY FANNON:  We’ve been clear for two years now that any parties involved in the Russian natural gas export pipeline business faces sanctions risk.  We’ve been clear about that continuing on.  What has changed is the continued escalation on the part of the Kremlin on this, and this is a direct response to that in terms of that guidance change. MR BROWN:  Okay.  For our next question, let’s try the phone lines once again.  And could we try the line of Conor Finnegan? QUESTION:  You probably just answered all the questions.  (Laughter.) MR BROWN:  Okay, so we’ll keep it in the room here.  Let’s go to Kylie, in the back. QUESTION:  Thank you.  I do have a question for Chris, if that’s okay. MR ROBINSON:  Yeah. QUESTION:  So I’m just wondering, broadly speaking, how you would characterize U.S.-Russia relations at this moment in time.  And yesterday on a phone call between Secretary Pompeo and Foreign Minister Lavrov, they discussed a possible P5 meeting in the near future.  I’m wondering if you can provide any more details and why it would be a good idea for President Trump and President Putin to meet at this moment in time. MR ROBINSON:  Sure.  So I don’t have anything specific on the P5, but I do think it speaks to the broader effort, and that is – and the President’s been clear – it would be in our interest to have better relations with Russia.  We have a range of dialogues with the Russian Government across a range of different issues.  But for that dialogue to improve and for the relationship to improve, Russia needs to end its aggression.  Whether it’s in Ukraine or whether it’s interference in our internal affairs or the affairs and the elections of our friends and allies, Russia needs to cease its aggression for that bilateral relationship to improve. So we continue to talk to them, but like with the action we’re taking today, we’re also taking steps so that we can effectively and consistently counter Russian aggression and work with our allies and partners to do so. QUESTION:  And has there been any progress in U.S.-Russia relations, would you say, over the past year? MR ROBINSON:  In some ways there has been.  We’ve begun discussions on arms control and strategic stability, as you’ve been briefed on in the past.  We have resumed a U.S. counterterrorism – U.S.-Russia Counterterrorism Dialogue in order to protect our national interests.  We’ve had very frank conversations about where we disagree, whether it’s interference in our affairs, Russia’s own treatment of its own citizens.  We have a very frank conversation about that, because we have the dialogue channels. But we’ve also been effective at countering Russian aggression.  And again, the action today helps us reinforce that message so that hopefully over time we can get the relationship on a better footing. QUESTION:  Thank you. MR BROWN:  Torsten. QUESTION:  Yeah.  Back to Nord Stream and Germany.  And the question is, when you say you’re adjusting the guidelines, does it mean that you are not getting the concern from the Europeans like that you were expecting for your cause and in addressing Russia?  And if so, why not? ASSISTANT SECRETARY FANNON:  Not quite sure I understand the question. QUESTION:  So when you talk to your European partners, and you’re saying now you have to adjust the issue of Nord Stream (inaudible) sanctions (inaudible), is it that when you talk to your European partners – Germany, France, et cetera – is it that you don’t get the same level of concern about Russia that you have, or – and if so, why? ASSISTANT SECRETARY FANNON:  We see a growing concern in Europe for the – Russia’s ability to use energy for malign purposes.  But in terms of the specific countries, why don’t I ask Chris to comment? MR ROBINSON:  Sure.  I think you see a growing majority of countries that are concerned about Nord Stream 2 and the impact it would have on European energy security or, as Frank laid out, enabling Russian aggression.  And so we are adding our voice to those European voices today that are concerned about Russian aggression and how do we effectively counter that.  The tools that we have made available today help reinforce that message. QUESTION:  Sorry, my question is also for Chris, but I do appreciate you being here.  It is nice to see you and we do still love you.  In the Lavrov call yesterday, I’m wondering if the topic of Russian bounties in Afghanistan came up and if that was addressed. MR ROBINSON:  I can’t get into all of our discussions.  I think the Secretary’s been very clear that we have a frank conversation with Russia with regard to Afghanistan.  We have taken steps to address all threats, and we will continue to do so.  Whether it’s from Russia or Iran or any other actor, we will take the steps necessary. But I think sort of pivoting back to what we’re talking about today, we are consistent about pushing back against Russian aggression.  That’s what we’re doing today with our steps with regard to expanding CAATSA authorities to protect European energy security, and we will be and have been consistent in pushing back on Russian aggression wherever we find it. QUESTION:  You can’t say if that specific issue was addressed? MR ROBINSON:  Again, I don’t have anything to address on that conversation, but this – Secretary’s been very clear about Russia and Afghanistan. QUESTION:  Thank you. MR BROWN:  All right.  Let’s take one last swipe at going to the phone lines.  (Laughter.)  And let’s try Will Mauldin, from The Wall Street Journal. Okay.  Can’t say we didn’t try.  We’ll take one or – maybe one or two more.  James? QUESTION:  My question is for the assistant secretary.  You’re familiar with the maxim that war is a continuation of politics by other means.  And I wonder how you might assess the view from Russia or from other observers that with these kinds of moves announced today, the United States is simply pursuing energy competition via other means. ASSISTANT SECRETARY FANNON:  That’s a false narrative, and I suspect you referenced the narratives coming from Russia.  And their – it’s in their interest to convey that idea.  We’ve been consistent in supporting diversification regardless of where that energy comes from or the type of energy.  We’ve continued to and are very pleased to see the Southern Gas Corridor moving – bringing their gas in over to Western Europe.  That’s moving forward finally.  We’re very pleased to see that happen.  The Secretary has been a leader in promoting energy development in the Eastern Mediterranean, and so that’s another area of, again, non-U.S. gas coming in, but it’s for the purposes of improving the diversity and the security of Europe. We’re certainly proud of the U.S. energy as an important component to support the security of friends and allies around the world, but that’s not the primary objective here.  The primary objective is to improve the resilience and the security of European nations to diversify away from a variety of sources.  Some of those are including developing sources like those I mentioned in the Eastern Med. MR BROWN:  Okay.  One last question in the back.  Tracy. QUESTION:  Thank you.  Final point on Russia, sorry, for Chris, or actually, for either of you. ASSISTANT SECRETARY FANNON:  Would you answer? QUESTION:  Given what you’ve said about Russia’s malign behavior, is it still the plan to invite them to join a G7 meeting, and would you recommend that they be invited? MR ROBINSON:  So the Secretary has answered this before that this is a discussion for the G7 members and the – but it is important to have dialogue with Russia.  But we’ve also been clear and consistent about calling out Russia and holding Russia to account for its malign activities.  And so those two elements of our bilateral relationship will continue, and we will continue to do that in partnership with our G7 partners and with all of our NATO and European allies and partners. QUESTION:  Thank you. ASSISTANT SECRETARY FANNON:  Thanks.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区 2020年2月8日 发言人摩根·奥特葛斯（Morgan Ortagus） ​​​​的声明 昨天，两架从武汉出发的载有美国公民及其直系亲属，以及美国合法永久居民（Lawful Permanent Residents）的航班已经安全地在美国着陆。与最近的其他撤离航班一样，所有乘客都将接受美国疾病控制与预防中心（U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention）和卫生与公众服务部（Department of Health and Human Services）的认真的筛检和监测。 这些航班显示出国务院（Department of State）、疾病控制与预防中心、卫生与公众服务部、国防部 （Department of Defense）以及州和地方有关机构携手努力将需要帮助的美国人送回家。 我们总计从武汉撤离了800 多名乘客。 我们继续致力于我们的关键使命，确保在海外的美国公民的福祉并提供重要信息以帮助他们保障安全。我们在华盛顿这里的团队以及我们在中国的使领馆正在同中国有关机构密切合作，向中国各地的美国公民提供一切可能的支持。我们鼓励美国公民继续在Travel.State.gov网页查阅我们的《前往中国的旅行公告》（China Travel Advisory） ，并密切关注及遵循疾病控制与预防中心和地方卫生部门的指导。

Press Statement Morgan Ortagus, Department Spokesperson February 8, 2020 Yesterday, two flights from Wuhan carrying U.S. citizens, their immediate family members, and U.S. Lawful Permanent Residents safely landed in the United States. As with the other recent evacuation flights, all passengers will be carefully screened and monitored by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS). These flights represent a joint effort by the Department of State, the CDC, HHS, the Department of Defense, and state and local authorities to bring home Americans in need. In total, we evacuated over 800 passengers from Wuhan. We remain committed to our vital mission of ensuring the welfare of U.S. citizens overseas and providing important information to help them stay safe. Our team here in Washington and at our Embassy and consulates in China are working closely with PRC authorities to offer all possible support to U.S. citizens throughout China. We encourage U.S. citizens to continue to review our China Travel Advisory at Travel.State.gov, and to closely monitor and follow the guidance of the CDC and local health authorities.

如果您提交了旅行证件申请（美国移民局 I-131 表格），并且您已要求将您的再入境许可旅行证件发送至美国领事馆或美国移民局广州办事处，那么您可以使用我们的状态 PDF 来检查 如果您的回美证旅行证件已到达广州办事处。 （请注意，从历史上看，从邮寄您的再入境许可到该办公室通常需要至少四到八周的时间才能收到）。 USCIS 再入境许可样本 此列表最后更新日期：2023年9月1日 星期五 点击查看USCIS收到的回美证最新名单 如果您的再入境许可证在列，请将预约申请连同您当地的联系电话发送至我们的办公室，邮箱为 CIS.Guangzhou@uscis.dhs.gov，以获取相关服务。

If you filed an Application for Travel Document (USCIS Form I-131), and you have requested that your re-entry permit travel document be sent to the U.S. Consulate or the USCIS Guangzhou Field Office, then you can use our status PDF to check if your re-entry permit travel document has arrived at the Guangzhou office. (Please note that historically, it normally takes at least four to eight weeks from the time your reentry permit is mailed for this office to receive it).  Sample of USCIS Re-entry Permit This list was last updated on: Friday, September 1st, 2023 • Click for the latest list of Re-Entry Permits Received by DHS-USCIS If your re-entry permit is listed, please send the appointment request with your local contact number to our office at CIS.Guangzhou@uscis.dhs.gov for the relevant services.

白宫 华盛顿特区 2023年3月13日   简报：澳大利亚–英国–美国三方核动力潜艇伙伴关系   2023年3月13日，澳大利亚总理安东尼·阿尔巴尼斯（Anthony Albanese）、英国首相里希·苏纳克（Rishi Sunak）和美国总统约瑟夫·R·拜登（Joseph R. Biden, Jr.）共同宣布一项安排，根据这项安排，澳大利亚将通过澳大利亚–英国–美国之间的强化安全伙伴关系（AUKUS）获得装备常规武器的核动力潜艇（SSN）能力。   2021年9月15日，我们三个国家开始了为期18个月的磋商，以确定澳大利亚获得这种能力的最佳途径，同时设定最高的核不扩散标准。今天宣布的计划将兑现这一承诺。此外，该计划将提升所有三个国家的潜艇工业基础和水下能力，增强威慑力并促进印太地区（Indo-Pacific）的稳定。   澳大利亚未来的SSN——我们称之为“SSN-AUKUS”——将是一个最先进的平台，旨在利用我们三国最好的潜艇技术。SSN-AUKUS将基于英国的下一代SSN设计，同时结合美国尖端潜艇技术，由澳大利亚和英国共同建造和部署。   AUKUS展示了我们对自由开放的印太地区和尊重法治、主权、人权以及不受胁迫和平解决争端的国际体系的共同承诺。由AUKUS合作伙伴运营的能力强大的、装备常规武器的核动力潜艇将提供可靠的水下能力，为印太地区和世界各地的稳定、和平与繁荣做出贡献。   建立管理和保持澳大利亚水下能力的分阶段方法   我们三国简述了一种雄心勃勃的方法，该方法将尽早为澳大利亚提供装备常规武器的核动力潜艇的能力，同时确保澳大利亚有能力安全操作、维护和监管该技术，并为核不扩散制定最高标准。我们的分阶段方法包括以下要素，我们三国共同承诺支持所有这些要素：           这一方法的实施将符合三方合作伙伴各自的国际义务和国内法律，并将基于未来有关共享敏感信息、设备和技术的法律和授权安排。   对海军核推进技术的负责任管理   我们三国都意识到这项努力的艰巨性，并致力于维护英国和美国海军核推进计划无与伦比的安全记录的原则。60多年来，英国和美国运营了500多个海军核反应堆，由这些反应堆提供动力的总航行里程了超过了1.5亿英里——相当于往返月球300多次——没有发生事故或对人类健康或环境质量造成不利影响。澳大利亚亦将致力于维护这些标准，安全地管理海军核推进技术。   作为核管理承诺的一部分，澳大利亚承诺在本国管理其核动力潜艇计划产生的所有放射性废物，包括乏核燃料。英国和美国将协助澳大利亚发展这种能力，并利用澳大利亚数十年来在国内安全可靠地管理放射性废物的经验。澳大利亚将根据其核不扩散及其他国际义务和承诺管理这些材料。   加强核不扩散制度   当AUKUS领导人于2021年9月宣布这一项目时，他们承诺履行各自国家的核不扩散义务，制定最高的不扩散标准，在保护机密和受控信息的同时加强不扩散机制。   我们各国已为实现这些目标做出了明确的承诺，其中包括：               过去一年中，我们各国定期与IAEA进行磋商，以支持IAEA维护全球核保障机制完整性的使命。IAEA总干事已向IAEA成员国做出报告，认为AUKUS合作伙伴“致力于确保达到最高的不扩散和保障标准”，并指出“对这三个国家迄今为止所表现出的参与和透明度感到满意”。国际社会可以相信，我们各国将继续与国际原子能机构进行透明的合作，以加强核不扩散机制并确立最强有力的不扩散先例。   提升基础设施和工业能力   AUKUS潜艇合作将为三个国家的基础设施和工业能力带来显著惠益。         日趋一体化的潜艇部队   将成熟、先进的美国技术融入SSN-AUKUS中将优化三个国家SSN平台的能力、共性和互操作性。三国共享复杂的潜艇技术象征着我们在潜艇领域更广泛的整合。例如：           结束语   今天宣布的最佳路径将增强AUKUS伙伴国家为维护印太地区安全和稳定所作贡献的能力，它将产生以下成果：           在实施这一计划的过程中，我们致力于与本地区内外的合作伙伴进行公开和透明的沟通接触。今天宣布的举措将加强威慑力，并在未来几十年内维护印太地区及其他地区的稳定。

MARCH 13, 2023 On March 13, 2023, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese of Australia, Prime Minister Rishi Sunak of the United Kingdom, and President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. of the United States announced an arrangement for Australia to acquire a conventionally-armed, nuclear-powered submarine (SSN) capability through the Australia-United Kingdom-United States (AUKUS) enhanced security partnership. On September 15, 2021, our three nations embarked on an 18-month consultation period to identify the optimal pathway for Australia to acquire this capability, while setting the highest nuclear non-proliferation standard. The plan announced today will deliver on that commitment. Further, this plan will lift all three nations’ submarine industrial bases and undersea capabilities, enhancing deterrence and promoting stability in the Indo-Pacific. Australia’s future SSN – which we are calling “SSN-AUKUS” – will be a state-of-the-art platform designed to leverage the best of submarine technology from all three nations. SSN-AUKUS will be based upon the United Kingdom’s next-generation SSN design while incorporating cutting edge U.S. submarine technologies, and will be built and deployed by both Australia and the United Kingdom. AUKUS demonstrates our shared commitment to a free and open Indo-Pacific and an international system that respects the rule of law, sovereignty, human rights, and the peaceful resolution of disputes free from coercion. AUKUS partners operating highly capable conventionally-armed, nuclear-powered submarines will provide an assured undersea capability that contributes to stability, peace, and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific and around the world. A Phased Approach to Build Stewardship and Sustain Australia’s Undersea Capability Our nations have outlined an ambitious approach that will provide Australia with a conventionally-armed, nuclear powered submarine capability at the earliest possible date while ensuring Australia’s capacity to safely operate, maintain and regulate this technology, and setting the highest standards for nuclear non-proliferation. Our phased approach includes the following elements, each underwritten by the mutual commitments of each nation: The implementation of this approach will be consistent with the trilateral partners’ respective international obligations and domestic law and underpinned by future legal and enabling arrangements for sharing sensitive information, equipment and technology. Responsible Stewardship of Naval Nuclear Propulsion Technology All three nations appreciate the enormity of this endeavor and are committed to the principles that have upheld the United Kingdom and United States naval nuclear propulsion programs’ unmatched safety records. For over 60 years, the United Kingdom and United States have operated more than 500 naval nuclear reactors that have collectively travelled more than 150 million miles – the equivalent of over 300 trips to the moon and back – without incident or adverse effect on human health or the quality of the environment. Australia is committed to upholding these same standards to safely steward naval nuclear propulsion technology. As part of this commitment to nuclear stewardship, Australia has committed to managing all radioactive waste generated through its nuclear-powered submarine program, including spent nuclear fuel, in Australia. The United Kingdom and the United States will assist Australia in developing this capability, leveraging Australia’s decades of safely and securely managing radioactive waste domestically. Australia will manage these materials in accordance with its nuclear non-proliferation and other international obligations and commitments. Strengthening the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Regime When the AUKUS leaders announced this initiative in September 2021, they committed to meeting our countries’ respective nuclear non-proliferation obligations, setting the highest non-proliferation standard, and strengthening the non-proliferation regime while protecting classified and controlled information. Our nations have made clear commitments to meet these objectives, including that: Our nations have consulted regularly with the IAEA over the past year, in support of the IAEA’s mandate to uphold the integrity of the global nuclear safeguards regime. The Director General of the IAEA has reported to IAEA Member States that he believes the AUKUS partners “are committed to ensuring the highest non-proliferation and safeguards standards are met,” and noted his “satisfaction with the engagement and transparency shown by the three countries thus far.” The international community can be confident that our nations will continue to work transparently with the IAEA towards an approach that will strengthen the nuclear non-proliferation regime and set the strongest non-proliferation precedent. Upgrading Infrastructure and Industrial Capacity AUKUS submarine cooperation will result in significant benefits to infrastructure and industrial capacity in all three nations. Increasingly Integrated Submarine Forces Incorporating proven, advanced U.S. technologies into SSN-AUKUS will optimize the capability, commonality and interoperability of all three nations’ SSN platforms. Trilaterally sharing sophisticated submarine technology is emblematic of the broader integration of our submarine enterprises. For example: Conclusion The optimal pathway announced today will enhance the capabilities of AUKUS partners to contribute to security and stability in the Indo-Pacific. It will: We are committed to open and transparent engagement with partners within and beyond the region as we implement this plan. The initiatives announced today will strengthen deterrence and bolster stability in the Indo-Pacific and beyond for decades to come. ###

DOS Seal Featured Image 蓬佩奥国务卿与随行媒体的讲话 迈克尔·R ·蓬佩奥 国务卿 前往菲律宾马尼拉途中 2019年2月28日 蓬佩奥国务卿：金委员长在他的行程中重申了他全面准备好要去核化。他再一次承诺了他们不会进行导弹试验，他不会进行核试验。这些是好事。这些仍然是支柱，是基石。你听到了总统说他仍然承诺不举行重大演习。所以仍然有基础相信我们能够向前，来解决目前已经持续了相当久的问题。 当下的大问题，对，是实现去核化。这是对话的目的，以便进而在韩朝半岛提供和平与稳定，并为北朝鲜人民提供更光明的未来。在这些事情上，仍然有许多工作。 我们之所以在进行这些对话，是因为我们关切这个对世界的威胁。这是联合国安全理事会实施目前的制裁的原因，是的。整个世界投票支持那里的这些制裁，因为这个风险，这个关切：北朝鲜人将以一种对世界构成真正风险的方式行动。这是我们追究的原因，是我们继续这个计划的原因。 你关切中国的影响吗？ 蓬佩奥国务卿：肯定的，我们有非常清楚明了的印太战略，以及为其奠定基础的国家安全战略。是的，我们担心中国人发挥他们的力量的方式将否认该地区的航行自由。这对亚洲的每一个国家都很重要，包括菲律宾。所以我确信我们也将有机会谈到这点。

Chairman Kim reiterated on his trip he is fully prepared to denuclearize.  He recommitted that they will not conduct missile tests, that he will not conduct nuclear tests.  Those are good things.  Those remain as a pillar, as a foundation.   You heard the President say that he is committed still not to conduct the major exercises.  So there’s still a basis for believing that we can move forward to solve what’s been now a problem going on for an awfully long time. The big issue here, right, is achieving the denuclearization.  That’s the objective of the conversations and in turn to provide peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula and a brighter future for the North Korean people.  On those things there’s still a lot of work. The reason we’re having these conversations is because we’re concerned about the threat to the world.  It’s the reason the UN Security Council placed the sanctions that are in place, right.  The whole world voted for these sanctions there because of the risk, the concern that the North Koreans will act in a way that presents real risk to the world.  That’s the reason we’re after this.  It’s the reason we continue on this project. Are you concerned about Chinese influence? SECRETARY POMPEO:  Absolutely.  We have an Indo-Pacific strategy that’s very plain and a National Security Strategy that sits underneath that.  Yeah, we’re worried that the Chinese are using their power in ways that will deny freedom of navigation in the region.  And that’s important to every country in Asia, Philippines included.  So I’m sure we’ll have a chance to talk about that as well.

副国务卿沙利文参加G7外长会议 即时发布 简报 2019年4月6日 副国务卿沙利文参加G7外长会议 以下来自于发言人摩根·奥特葛斯： 副国务卿约翰·J·沙利文与负责政治事务的国务次卿戴维·黑尔（David Hale）一起在法国迪纳尔结束了两天的会议，带领美国代表团参加了G7外长会议。G7外长会议为外交部长们提供了就共同关心的政治和安全问题寻求共同点的机会。 在工作会议期间，沙利文副国务卿与G7同事一道，谴责伊朗在中东破坏稳定的活动，对中国不公平的贸易行为表示关切，呼吁在委内瑞拉实现和平、民主的过渡，并谴责在那里部署俄罗斯军队。 沙利文副国务卿鼓励G7伙伴在评估电信和基础设施项目时考虑国家安全，而G7代表集体承诺增进合作，来加强网络安全防御并阻止恶意网络活动。 为应对在利比亚加剧的军事行动，G7代表发表了一份联合声明，敦促立即停止的黎波里附近的军事活动，并再次确认支持联合国秘书长安东尼奥·古特雷斯（Antonio Guterres）以及秘书长特别代表加桑·萨拉姆（Ghassan Salame)为帮助利比亚人走向通往和平之路而进行的努力。 在G7外长会议结束时，美国与G7伙伴一起发表了G7外长会议公报。

For Immediate Release  READOUT April 6, 2019 Deputy Secretary Sullivan’s Participation in the G7 Foreign Ministers’ Meeting The following is attributable to Spokesperson Morgan Ortagus: Deputy Secretary of State John J. Sullivan, joined by Under Secretary for Political Affairs David Hale, concluded two days in Dinard, France, leading the U.S. delegation to the G7 Foreign Ministers’ Meeting.  The G7 Foreign Ministers’ Meeting offers an opportunity for foreign ministers to seek common ground on political and security issues of mutual concern. During the working sessions, Deputy Secretary Sullivan joined his G7 colleagues in rebuking Iran’s destabilizing activities in the Middle East, expressing concern about China’s unfair trade practices, calling for a peaceful, democratic transition in Venezuela, and condemning the deployment of Russian military forces there. Deputy Secretary Sullivan encouraged G7 partners to consider national security when evaluating telecommunications and infrastructure projects, and G7 representatives collectively committed to increased cooperation to strengthen cybersecurity defenses and deter malicious cyber activity. In reaction to the increased military action in Libya, G7 representatives issued a joint statement urging the immediate cessation of military activity near Tripoli and reaffirming support for the efforts of UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres and Special Representative of the Secretary-General Ghassan Salame in assisting Libyans on a path to peace. At the conclusion of the G7 Foreign Ministers’ Meeting, the United States joined G7 partners in a G7 Foreign Ministers’ Communique.

2023/03/29   数字革命的第一波浪潮曾承诺将新科技用于支持民主和人权。第二波却发现专制主义走向革命的反面。现在，美国和其他民主国家正在共同努力，确保数字革命的第三波带来一个以坚韧、诚信、开放、信任和安全为特点的技术生态系统，以加强民主原则和人权。  我们将一起组织和动员起来，确保技术为民主原则、制度和社会服务，而非反其道而行之。在此过程中，我们将继续与私营部门合作，包括对在技术平台不采取措施消除它们造成的伤害时追究其责任，以及鼓励它们践行民主原则和共同价值观。  在首届民主峰会上，拜登总统发起了“总统民主复兴倡议”（Presidential Initiative for Democratic Renewal），这是美国政府通过外交和对外援助，与志同道合的合作伙伴一起，有针对性地扩展捍卫和增强民主韧性的创新性努力。美国关于推动技术以促进民主的议程构成了总统倡议的五大支柱之一。  这项议程认识到，为了借助于现有和新兴的技术来支持民主价值观和制度，民主国家必须提出一个它们所支持的愿景——以积极平等、有说服力、安全及保护隐私、以价值观为导向并尊重权利的观点来看待科技能够如何帮助实现个人尊严和经济繁荣，以及它们所反对的——科技的误用和滥用，用于施加压制、控制、分裂和歧视以及剥夺人权。此外，民主国家必须继续向前看，以便使人工智能（AI）等新兴技术与尊重民主原则、人权和基本自由保持一致。  拜登-哈里斯政府推动技术发展以促进民主的方式，以及美国主办的第二届民主峰会的相关活动，都以三个关键主题为指导：在数字时代增进民主及互联网自由、反对滥用技术及数字专制主义的抬头、打造新兴技术以确保尊重人权和民主原则。  在数字时代增进民主及互联网自由  我们关于世界的技术和数字未来的积极平等的愿景是自由、开放、安全的，并与尊重民主原则和人权保持一致。现已得到超过65个国家确认的《互联网前景宣言》（Declaration for the Future of the Internet）和《人工智能权利法案蓝图》（Blueprint for an AI Bill of Rights）都是在第一届民主峰会之后发布的，有助于为这一愿景奠定基础。此外，拜登-哈里斯政府的首个《国家网络安全战略》（National Cybersecurity Strategy）概述了一系列行动，以推进我们在网络空间的积极愿景。  自从第一届民主峰会以来，我们在更多的关键领域中推进了我们积极平等的议程，其中包括动员其他民主国家增进互联网自由、加强与人权相一致的国家技术框架的发展，并支持在技术设计和使用的每个阶段融入民主价值观的技术发展。拜登-哈里斯政府正在进行历史性投资，以消除美国的数字鸿沟，同时为帮助塑造符合民主原则和人权的生物技术奠定基础。  第二届民主峰会宣布或强调的关键行动包括以下几项：  扩大“快速及持久支持反审查技术多边基金”（Multilateral Surge and Sustain Fund for Anti-Censorship Technology）。这个基金是在第一届民主峰会后创建的，由美国国务院管理，旨在为那些在压制环境中最需要获取自由及开放的互联网关键工具的人士扩大获得反审查技术的途径。美国国务院和美国全球媒体机构（U.S. Agency for Global Media）已经向这个基金的独立的501(c)(3)非营利组织——开放技术基金会（Open Technology Fund​​）——提供了超过1700万美元。美国对爱沙尼亚政府最近对该基金的捐助承诺表示欢迎。  抵制滥用技术和数字专制主义的抬头 从基于人工智能的大规模监视到大规模审查，专制政府越来越多地利用科技打压公民并控制国内外的批评人士。与此同时，专制国家和民主国家都可能出现误用和滥用技术的情况，滥用商业间谍软件以及网络骚扰和欺凌的肆虐等令人警觉的实例就是明证。 为了应对这一挑战，拜登-哈里斯政府在第二届民主峰会上公布了一套全面的行动方案，旨在从多个角度打击数字压制，包括在使用商业间谍软件的问题上以身作则，并深化在这个问题上的国际合作；倡导指导政府使用监控技术的新原则；宣布将人权视角纳入出口管制的新努力来防止双重用途的科技和产品落入那些可能滥用它们的人手中。美国政府还呼吁私营部门支持并推进抗审查技术和技术标准，以打击专制当局利用网络层级过滤技术来进行压制性审查的行为。 第二届民主峰会宣布或强调的主要行动包括： 作为对美国政府努力的补充，一些私营部门行为者也为抗击科技滥用和数字专制主义的抬头采取了具体行动。例如，150多家公司发布了一整套原则，旨在最大限度地减少与商业间谍软件有关的风险。企业所做的其他承诺还包括：Cloudflare承诺在与互联网标准机构和其他互联网服务提供商合作开发下一代隐私强化技术和协议时与公民社会进行切实磋商；Meta承诺帮助人们自由及安全地进行通信交流，包括通过新功能允许用户在互联网连接中断或被阻止时通过代理连接到WhatsApp；微软与其他云服务提供商一起制定并发布了《可信赖云原则》（Trusted Cloud Principles）；谷歌推出了200万美元的基金，以支持人权捍卫者，并向新闻工作者和人权捍卫者等面临较高网络攻击风险的个人免费提供10万个安全密钥。 此外，作为“打击基于性别的网络在线骚扰和欺凌全球行动伙伴关系”（Global Partnership for Action on Gender-Based Online Harassment and Abuse）的一部分，拜登-哈里斯政府宣布采取一系列行动，防止和应对技术所助长的基于性别的暴力行为，消除其对女性领导人造成的寒蝉效应。这包括在美国国际发展署和国务院范围内承诺投入1300多万美元的定向资金。这一全球行动伙伴关系已发展成为一项由12个国家共同启动的倡议，汇集了政府、国际组织、公民社会和私营部门，优先考虑、了解、预防和解决日益严重的技术所助长的基于性别的暴力祸患，这种暴力对妇女、女童以及LGBTQI+政治和公众人物、领导人、新闻工作者和活动人士的伤害更大。这些行动和投入还包括发布全球伙伴关系的2023年路线图和其他几项倡议。 最后，在2022年9月，美国政府发布了加强科技平台问责制的改革原则，包括为美国人民的隐私提供强有力的联邦保护，取消广泛地庇护社交媒体公司免受法律责任的特殊法律保护，以及增加科技平台算法和内容管理决策的透明度。  打造新兴技术以确保尊重人权和民主原则  包括人工智能和生物技术在内的新兴技术拥有从根本上打造产业、经济和整个社会的力量。自动化系统正在带动极其巨大的惠益，从帮助农民更高效地种植粮食作物的技术以及预测风暴路径的技术，到能够识别患者疾患的算法。这些工具目前正推动着跨部门的重要决策，而数据正在帮助变革全球各个产业。它们有可能重新界定我们社会的每个部分，让每个人的生活都更加美好，但它们也带来了重大的新挑战和新风险，包括在享有人权和基本自由方面。我们——私营部门、政府和公民社会——必须确保创新和进步绝不以民主价值观或对人权的尊重为代价。这就是为什么拜登-哈里斯政府正在借助于第二届民主峰会来彰显其为减轻风险而采取的措施，并确保创新为所有人带来新的机会。  本届政府发布了根本性文件，为实现这些目标提供了路线图，其中包括商务部国家标准与技术研究院(NIST)于2023年1月发布的人工智能风险管理框架（AI Risk Management Framework），以及白宫科技政策办公室于2022年10月发布的人工智能权利法案蓝图。2023年2月，总统签署了关于通过联邦政府进一步促进种族平等并对服务欠缺社区的支持的第14091号行政命令（Executive Order 14091 on Further Advancing Racial Equity and Support for Underserved Communities Through the Federal Government），这项命令指示联邦机构彻底消除在设计和使用人工智能和其他自动化系统等新技术中存在的偏见，并保护公众免受算法歧视。本届政府还在推进总统于2022年9月发布的关于推动生物技术和生物制造创新以实现可持续、安全和有保障的美国生物经济的行政命令（Executive Order on Advancing Biotechnology and Biomanufacturing Innovation for a Sustainable, Safe, and Secure American Bioeconomy ）的实施，作为国内外利益相关者就打造未来生物技术道德标准的重要意义进行参与的基础。  在第二届民主峰会上宣布或强调的关键的可交付成果包括：    欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2023/03/29/fact-sheet-advancing-technology-for-democracy-at-home-and-abroad/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

MARCH 29, 2023 The first wave of the digital revolution promised that new technologies would support democracy and human rights. The second saw an authoritarian counterrevolution. Now, the United States and other democracies are working together to ensure that the third wave of the digital revolution leads to a technological ecosystem characterized by resilience, integrity, openness, trust and security, and that reinforces democratic principles and human rights. Together, we are organizing and mobilizing to ensure that technologies work for, not against, democratic principles, institutions, and societies.  In so doing, we will continue to engage the private sector, including by holding technology platforms accountable when they do not take action to counter the harms they cause, and by encouraging them to live up to democratic principles and shared values. At the first Summit for Democracy, President Biden launched the Presidential Initiative for Democratic Renewal, an innovative, targeted expansion of U.S. Government efforts to defend and grow democratic resilience with likeminded partners through diplomacy and foreign assistance. The United States’ agenda on advancing technology for democracy constitutes one of the Presidential Initiative’s five pillars. This agenda recognizes that to harness current and emerging technology in a manner that supports democratic values and institutions, democracies must put forward a vision of what they stand for – an affirmative, persuasive, secure and privacy-preserving, values-driven, and rights-respecting view of how technology can enable individual dignity and economic prosperity, and also what they will stand against – the misuse and abuse of technology to repress, control, divide, discriminate, and disenfranchise.  Additionally, democracies must continue looking ahead, so as to align emerging technologies, such as artificial intelligence (AI), with respect for democratic principles, human rights and fundamental freedoms. The Biden-Harris Administration’s approach to advancing technology for democracy, and the U.S.-hosted event undertaken as part of the second Summit for Democracy, are each guided by these three key themes: advancing democracy and internet freedom in the digital age, countering the misuse of technology and rise of digital authoritarianism, and shaping emerging technologies to ensure respect for human rights and democratic principles. Advancing Democracy and Internet Freedom in the Digital Age Our affirmative vision for the world’s technological and digital future is one that is free, open, secure, and aligned with respect for democratic principles and human rights. The Declaration for the Future of the Internet, now affirmed by more than 65 countries, and the Blueprint for an AI Bill of Rights, both released following the first Summit for Democracy, help to lay the groundwork for this vision. Additionally, the Biden-Harris Administration’s inaugural National Cybersecurity Strategy outlines a series of actions to advance our positive vision for cyberspace. Since the first Summit for Democracy, we have advanced our affirmative agenda in additional key areas, including by mobilizing fellow democracies to advance Internet freedom, bolstering the development of national technology frameworks that align with human rights, and supporting the development of technologies that embed democratic values at every stage of their design and use. And the Biden-Harris Administration is making historic investments to close the digital divide in the United States, while laying the foundation to help shape biotechnologies in line with democratic principles and human rights. Key actions announced or highlighted at the second Summit for Democracy include: Countering the Misuse of Technology and Rise of Digital Authoritarianism From AI-powered mass surveillance to censorship at scale, autocratic governments are increasingly employing technology to repress their citizens and control critics at home and abroad. At the same time, misuse and abuse of technologies can occur in both autocracies and democracies alike, as evidenced by alarming instances of misuse of commercial spyware and the spread of online harassment and abuse. To address this challenge, the Biden-Harris Administration is unveiling at the second Summit for Democracy a comprehensive package of actions meant to combat digital repression from multiple angles – from leading by example with respect to use of commercial spyware and deepening international cooperation on this issue; to championing new principles to guide governments’ use of surveillance technology; to announcing a new efforts to integrate a human rights lens into export controls so as to prevent dual-use technologies and goods from falling into the hands of those that may misuse them. The U.S. government is also calling on the private sector to combat authoritarian use of network-level filtering technology for repressive censorship by supporting and furthering censorship-resistant technologies and technical standards. Key actions announced or highlighted at the second Summit for Democracy include: Complementing U.S. government efforts, a number of private sector actors have also taken specific action to counter the misuse of technology and rise of digital authoritarianism. For example, over 150 companies, spearheaded by Microsoft, Meta, Cisco, Trend Micro and endorsed by Apple and Google, released a set of principles focused on minimizing the risk associated with commercial spyware. Among other corporate commitments, Cloudflare has committed to meaningful consultation with civil society as it works with Internet standards bodies and other Internet providers on the next generation of privacy-enhancing technologies and protocols. Meta has committed to helping people communicate freely and securely, including through a new feature that allows users to connect to WhatsApp by proxy when their Internet connection is disrupted or blocked. Microsoft, together with other cloud service providers, has developed and released the Trusted Cloud Principles. Google is launching a $2 million fund to support human rights defenders, and providing 100,000 security keys at no cost to individuals at higher risk of cyber attacks, such as journalists and human rights defenders. Additionally, the Biden-Harris Administration announced, as part of the Global Partnership for Action on Gender-Based Online Harassment and Abuse, a series of actions to prevent and respond to technology-facilitated gender-based violence and counter its chilling effects on women leaders. This includes committing more than $13 million in targeted funding across USAID and the Department of State. The Global Partnership has grown to be a 12-country initiative bringing together governments, international organizations, civil society, and the private sector to prioritize, understand, prevent, and address the growing scourge of technology-facilitated gender-based violence, which disproportionately impacts women, girls, and LGBTQI+ political and public figures, leaders, journalists and activists. These actions and investments also include the release of the Global Partnership’s 2023 Roadmap and several other initiatives. Finally, in September 2022, the Administration released principles for reforms to enhance tech platform accountability, including providing robust federal protections for Americans’ privacy; removing the special legal protections that broadly shield social media companies from liability; and increasing transparency about platform’s algorithms and content moderation decisions.  Shaping Emerging Technologies to Ensure Respect for Human Rights and Democratic Principles Emerging technologies, including AI and biotechnology, hold the power to fundamentally shape industries, economies, and entire societies. Automated systems are driving extraordinary benefits, from technology that helps farmers grow food more efficiently and computers that predict storm paths, to algorithms that can identify diseases in patients. These tools now drive important decisions across sectors, while data is helping to revolutionize global industries. They hold the potential to redefine every part of our societies and make life better for everyone, but they also present significant new challenges and risks including to the enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms. We – the private sector, government, and civil society – must ensure that innovation and progress does not come at the price of democratic values or respect for human rights. That is why the Biden-Harris Administration is leveraging the second Summit for Democracy to shine a spotlight on steps it is taking to mitigate risks, and ensure that innovation drives new opportunities for all. The Administration has released foundational documents providing a road map for achieving these objectives, including an AI Risk Management Framework that the Department of Commerce’s National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST) released in January 2023, as well as the Blueprint for an AI Bill of Rights that the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy (OSTP) released in October 2022. In February 2023, the President signed Executive Order 14091 on Further Advancing Racial Equity and Support for Underserved Communities Through the Federal Government, which directs federal agencies to root out bias in the design and use of new technologies, such as AI and other automated systems, and to protect the public from algorithmic discrimination. The Administration is also advancing the implementation of the President’s September 2022 Executive Order on Advancing Biotechnology and Biomanufacturing Innovation for a Sustainable, Safe, and Secure American Bioeconomy as the foundation to engage stakeholders at home and abroad on the importance of shaping ethical standards for the biotechnology of the future. Key deliverables announced or highlighted at the second Summit for Democracy include: ###

2020年8月6日 美国东部夏令时间上午11:32  国务卿迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥 代表美利坚合众国政府，我很高兴地向东南亚国家联盟（东盟，ASEAN）的十个成员国和东盟秘书处表示祝贺，祝贺东盟于8月8日庆祝成立53周年。数十年来，东盟促进了一个更加稳定、繁荣、和平的地区。东盟和由东盟主导的机制在美国以及我们的盟友和伙伴对印度-太平洋地区的愿景中处于核心地位。美国与东盟之间的战略伙伴关系有助于我们对自由、开放的印度-太平洋地区的共同愿景。 美国和东盟国家已经以多种多样的方式结伴抗击COVID-19。尽管此次大流行带来巨大挑战，但我们通过充分利用我们的政府、私营部门和慈善伙伴关系来支持我们共同的健康与繁荣，从而正在证明我们的关系的力量。美国已承诺提供近8500万美元的紧急卫生和人道主义援助以帮助东盟国家抗击COVID-19，而且在大流行后的恢复期，我们将继续促进我们国家之间的透明经济增长。美国期待与东盟更加长久的伙伴关系。

08/06/2020 11:32 AM EDT Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State On behalf of the Government of the United States of America, I am pleased to congratulate the ten member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the ASEAN Secretariat on the 53rd anniversary of the founding of ASEAN on August 8.  For decades, ASEAN has fostered a more stable, prosperous, and peaceful region.  ASEAN and ASEAN-led mechanisms are at the heart of the U.S. vision for the Indo-Pacific and that of our allies and partners.  The strategic partnership between the United States and ASEAN contributes to our shared vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific. The United States and the countries of ASEAN have partnered in myriad ways to battle COVID-19.  Despite the enormous challenge presented by the pandemic, we are proving the strength of our relationship by leveraging our government, private sector, and charitable partnerships to support our shared health and prosperity.  The United States has pledged nearly $85 million in emergency health and humanitarian assistance to help ASEAN countries battle COVID-19 and we will continue to promote transparent economic growth between our countries during the post-pandemic recovery.  The United States looks forward to many more years of partnership with ASEAN.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 2022年10月17日   简报：联合国人权理事会第五十一届会议成果    总结我们重返人权理事会（Human Rights Council）的第一年，美国利用其领导地位——与盟国、合作伙伴和公民社会合作——让理事会反映并加强自联合国系统超过75年前成立以来一直支撑着该系统的普世价值观、抱负和规范。在人权理事会第五十一届会议上，美国捍卫、保护并促进了对人权和基本自由的尊重。本届会议也标志着人权理事会有史以来首次审议关于联合国安理会（UN Security Council）的一个常任理事国的国内人权状况的决议或决定，更不用说两个安理会常任理事国了。我们的声明和立场强调了拜登–哈里斯政府（Biden-Harris Administration）对促进人权的普世性的承诺，包括解决一切形式的歧视、不公平和不平等。   在本届会议上，美国推进了人权重点要务，其中包括：   设立对俄罗斯日益恶化的人权状况的独立审查：美国共同提出了一项由26个欧盟成员国牵头，并由40多个国家共同提出的决议，就俄罗斯国内人权状况设立特别报告员（Special Rapporteur）。俄罗斯政府在国内的镇压给俄罗斯的每个人都造成了可怕的人权境况，并助长了虚假信息，帮助俄罗斯发动对乌克兰的侵略战争。这项决议对俄罗斯不断恶化的人权状况表示严重关切——包括对言论自由及和平集会自由的严厉限制——并设立了一名特别报告员以确保独立审查。   呼吁人权理事会就新疆问题进行辩论：美国和超过35个共同提案国提交了一项决定，于2023年3月在人权理事会第五十二届会议上讨论人权事务高级专员办事处（Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights）对新疆人权状况的评估。这是自理事会成立以来，第一次有成员采取正式行动以应对中国的人权状况。该决定以微弱多数被否决，但凸显了对于人权事务高级专员办事处最近的独立评估所提出的严重人权问题的关切。这项决定受挫是数百万新疆的受害者们的损失，他们的经历应当得到本理事会的讨论。尽管如此，我们将继续努力解决新疆的人权状况以及中华人民共和国的其他人权问题。 增强阿富汗问题特别报告员授权: 美国是这项决议的共同提案国，并与欧盟成员国和其他志同道合的伙伴国家合作，更新及加强阿富汗局势特别报告员的能力，包括记录、保存和报告侵权行为，特别是危害妇女、女孩和少数群体的行为。   支持埃塞俄比亚问题国际人权专家委员会：美国是这项决议的共同提案国，旨在确保理事会继续关注埃塞俄比亚的人权状况，延长去年设立的埃塞俄比亚问题国际人权专家委员会的任务授权。我们继续敦促埃塞俄比亚政府与该委员会合作，允许委员会成员不受阻碍地开展工作。冲突的任何持久解决方案都必须包括为受害者提供全面和包容性的过渡时期司法，以及对践踏和侵犯人权行为负有责任的人进行问责。   促进和解以及解决斯里兰卡的腐败和有罪不罚问题：作为核心小组的成员，美国共同提出了这项决议，要求理事会在这一经济危机时期继续与斯里兰卡政府接触，包括支持对过去的侵权行为和最近政治动荡期间的侵权行为进行问责的需求，以及监测并报告该国的局势。所有斯里兰卡人民的人权都必须得到维护。加强保护和尊重人权与政治和经济改革齐头并进。   继续曝光叙利亚境内正在发生的侵权和践踏行为：作为核心小组的成员，美国与理事会一起再次呼吁国际社会关注叙利亚境内正在发生的践踏人权和侵权的行为，特别是阿萨德政权所犯下的罪行。理事会敦促阿萨德政权释放所有被任意拘押的人；结束酷刑和其他残忍、不人道或有辱人格的待遇；回答失踪者去向问题。我们欢迎联合国秘书长古特雷斯8月30日发布的关于叙利亚失踪人员的报告，并致力于与合作伙伴共同寻求正义及解决失踪人员问题。   延长联合国委内瑞拉问题事实调查团的任务授权：美国是延长委内瑞拉问题事实调查团任务授权决议的共同提案国，该调查团在国际社会努力追究马杜罗政权在委内瑞拉侵犯人权的责任方面发挥着重要作用。   原住民问题：美国是两项关于原住民权利的决议的共同提案国。第一项决议延长了原住民权利问题特别报告员的任务授权，第二项决议概述了对人权和原住民问题的实质性审议。   当代形式的奴役：美国共同提出决议，延长针对当代形式奴隶制包括其因果问题的特别报告员的任务授权。   促进种族公平与公正和打击反犹主义：美国发表国家声明，支持非洲人后裔问题常设论坛（Permanent Forum on People of African Descent）的工作并支持推进执法中的种族正义和平等的国际独立专家机制（International Independent Expert Mechanism to Advance Racial Justice and Equality in Law Enforcement），并且发布一项声明，重申我们对反击种族歧视与不公的坚定承诺，无论它们发生在哪里。我们还签署了由奥地利、斯洛伐克和捷克共和国牵头的打击反犹主义和反击线上仇恨言论的联合声明。   共同提出决议：美国共同提出了23项决议，所涉议题包括任意拘留、网上霸凌、世界人权教育项目（World Programme for Human Rights Education）、身心健康、老年人、普遍定期审议（Universal Periodic Review）、青少年与人权、国家人权机构、地方政府与人权、神经技术、提倡支持国家机制的国际合作、良政对促进和保护人权的作用，过渡时期的司法、预防对促进和保护人权的作用，以及阿富汗、布隆迪、埃塞俄比亚、索马里、斯里兰卡、叙利亚、俄罗斯和委内瑞拉的人权状况。   联合声明：美国签署了针对一些具体人权状况的数项联合声明，包括一项有关克里米亚的声明，谴责俄罗斯的继续占领和对乌克兰进行的无理的全面战争；一项对海地暴力升级表达深切关注的声明；一项谴责伊朗暴力镇压示威的声明，呼吁停止歧视妇女；一项要求关注尼加拉瓜日益恶化的人权状况的声明；以及一项呼吁对也门的状况给予独立公正的监督和报告的声明。美国还加入了有关保护责任的声明；有关特别程序的声明，其中包括促进所有特别程序的长期邀请；有关根除性骚扰、反犹主义的声明；有关俄罗斯的过滤行动和强制将乌克兰平民驱逐出境的声明；以及有关技术与和平的声明。   会外活动：     美国以决议、国家及联合声明、会外活动和互动对话等形式推进各种努力，促进公平与包容，包括对所有背景的妇女和女童，国内流离失所的人，男女同性恋、双性恋、跨性别者、酷儿和间性者等（LGBTQI+）人士，残疾人士，原住民，少数民族和宗教少数派群体成员，以及其他边缘化和弱势群体的成员。     欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/outcomes-of-the-51st-session-of-the-un-human-rights-council/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

FACT SHEET OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON OCTOBER 17, 2022 Concluding our first year back on the Human Rights Council, the United States leveraged its leadership position – working with allies, partners, and civil society – to have the Council reflect and reinforce the universal values, aspirations, and norms that have underpinned the UN system since its founding over 75 years ago. At the 51st session of the HRC, the United States defended, protected, and advanced respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. This session also marked the first time the Human Rights Council has ever considered a resolution or decision on the domestic human rights situation in a country that is a permanent member of the UN Security Council, let alone two permanent Security Council members. Our statements and positions underscored the Biden-Harris Administration’s commitment to promoting the universality of human rights, including by addressing discrimination, inequity, and inequality in all its forms. This session, the United States advanced human rights priorities, including: Establishing Independent Review of the Deteriorating Human Rights Situation in Russia: The United States cosponsored a resolution, led by 26 EU member states and cosponsored by over 40 countries, to create a Special Rapporteur on Russia’s domestic human rights situation. The Russian government’s domestic repression creates a dire human rights situation for everyone in Russia and facilitates disinformation that enables Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine. The resolution expresses grave concern regarding the deteriorating human rights situation in Russia – including severe restrictions on freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly – and establishes a Special Rapporteur to ensure independent review. Calling for HRC Debate on Xinjiang: The United States and over 35 cosponsors tabled a decision to discuss the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights’ (OHCHR) assessment of the human rights situation in Xinjiang at HRC 52 in March 2023. This is the first time since the Council’s founding that a member pursued formal action to address the human rights situation in the PRC. The decision was defeated by a narrow margin but underscored concerns about the serious human rights concerns raised in the OHCHR’s recent independent assessment. This decision’s defeat is a loss for the millions of victims from Xinjiang whose experiences deserve a discussion by the Council. Despite this, we will continue our efforts to address the human rights situation in Xinjiang as well as other human rights issues in the PRC. Strengthening the Mandate of the Special Rapporteur on Afghanistan: The United States cosponsored this resolution and collaborated with EU member states and other likeminded partners to renew and strengthen the capacity of the Special Rapporteur on the situation in Afghanistan, to include documentation, preservation, and reporting of abuses, particularly affecting women, girls, and minorities. Supporting the International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia: The United States cosponsored the resolution to ensure continued Council attention on the human rights situation in Ethiopia and to renew the mandate of the international commission of human rights experts on Ethiopia created last year. We continue to press the Government of Ethiopia to cooperate with this commission and allow its members unhindered access to conduct their work. Any lasting solution to the conflict must involve comprehensive and inclusive transitional justice for victims and accountability for those responsible for human rights abuses and violations. Promoting Reconciliation and Addressing Corruption and Impunity in Sri Lanka: As a member of the core group, the United States cosponsored the resolution for continued Council engagement with the Government of Sri Lanka during this time of economic crisis, including supporting the need for accountability for past abuses and those committed during the recent political turmoil as well as monitoring and reporting on the situation in the country. The human rights of all Sri Lankans must be upheld. Strengthening protection and respect of human rights goes hand-in-hand with political and economic reform. Continuing to Shine Light on Ongoing Violations and Abuses in Syria: As a member of the core group, the United States joined the Council in once again calling international attention to the ongoing abuses and violations in Syria, primarily those committed by the Assad regime. The Council called on the regime to release all of those arbitrarily detained; end torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment; and provide answers for the missing. We welcome UN Secretary General Guterres’s August 30 report on missing persons in Syria and are committed to working with partners to seek justice and address the issue of the missing. Renewing the Mandate of the UN Fact-Finding Mission on Venezuela: The United States cosponsored the resolution to renew the mandate of the Fact-Finding Mission on Venezuela, which plays a vital role in the international community’s efforts to hold the Maduro regime accountable for human rights abuses in Venezuela. Indigenous Issues: The United States co-sponsored two resolutions on the rights of indigenous peoples. The first resolution renewed the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on the rights of Indigenous Peoples and a second resolution outlined substantive considerations on human rights and Indigenous Peoples. Contemporary Forms of Slavery: The United States cosponsored the resolution to renew the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of slavery, including its causes and consequences. Advancing Racial Equity and Justice and Combating Antisemitism: The United States delivered national statements supporting the work of the Permanent Forum on People of African Descent and the International Independent Expert Mechanism to Advance Racial Justice and Equality in Law Enforcement, as well as a statement reiterating our steadfast commitment to countering racial discrimination and injustice, wherever it occurs. We also signed onto a joint statement led by Austria, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic on combating antisemitism and countering online hate speech. Cosponsored Resolutions: The United States cosponsored 23 resolutions, including the resolutions on Arbitrary Detention, Cyberbullying, World Programme for Human Rights Education, Physical and Mental Health, Older Persons, Universal Periodic Review, Youth and Human Rights, National Human Rights Institutions, Local Government and Human Rights, Neurotechnology, Promoting International Cooperations to Support National Mechanisms, the Role of Good Governance in the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights, Transitional Justice, and the Role of Prevention in the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights, as well as the human rights situations in Afghanistan, Burundi, Ethiopia, Somalia, Sri Lanka, Syria, Russia, and Venezuela. Joint Statements: The United States signed onto joint statements regarding several human rights situations, including a statement on Crimea which condemned Russia’s continued occupation and the unjustified full-scale war against Ukraine, a statement expressing deep concern about the rising levels of violence in Haiti, a statement condemning the violent protests in Iran and calling for an end to the discrimination against women, a statement calling attention to the deteriorating human rights situation in Nicaragua; and a statement calling for independent and impartial monitoring and reporting on the situation in Yemen. The United States also joined statements on the Responsibility to Protect; Special Procedures, including promotion of Standing Invitations to all Special Procedures, the Elimination of Sexual Harassment, Antisemitism; Russia’s Filtration Operations and Forced Deportations of Ukrainian Civilians; and Technology and Peace. Side Events: Across resolutions, national and joint statements, side events, and interactive dialogues, the United States advanced efforts to increase equity and inclusion, including regarding women and girls in all their diversity, internally displaced persons, LGBTQI+ persons, persons with disabilities, indigenous persons, members of ethnic and religious minority groups, and members of other marginalized and vulnerable groups.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿特区 2022年4月21日 美国对乌克兰增加8亿美元安全援助 安东尼·布林肯国务卿声明 自从俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京对乌克兰发动有预谋、无端、无理和残酷的战争以来，俄罗斯军队对乌克兰城市和关键基础设施的无休止炮轰已经造成几十年来最急剧扩大的人道危机之一。这场悲惨和灾难性的战争完全由俄罗斯一手制造，美国和美国的盟国及伙伴将在乌克兰人民保卫国家和民主的正义事业中与他们休戚与共。我们将共同继续支持乌克兰捍卫自己的主权和领土完整，并加强乌克兰在战场上和谈判桌前的实力。 今天，随着俄罗斯开始重新对乌克兰东部发起进攻，我根据总统一项授权，批准从美国国防部库存提取价值达8亿美元的武器和装备，立即进一步向乌克兰提供军事援助。连同上周的一批8亿美元援助，这是自2021年8月以来第八次从国防部库存提取支援乌克兰的武器、装备和物资。 我们将继续向乌克兰提供其军队正在战地高效使用的武器，用于自卫。这些努力，连同美国对乌克兰的直接人道和经济支援、帮助记录俄罗斯对乌克兰平民犯下的战争罪行，以及持续对普京摇摇欲坠的经济施加更大压力，将有助于削弱俄罗斯政府的实力，使其进一步在世界上陷于孤立，直至俄罗斯停止它对乌克兰的无端和无理战争。 在将近八个星期里，俄罗斯对乌克兰、乌克兰的主权、乌克兰的独立、乌克兰的自由和乌克兰人民进行了野蛮攻击。从布查（Bucha）到克拉马托尔斯克（Kramatorsk），从哈尔科夫（Kharkiv）到马里乌波尔（Mariupol），我们目睹了俄罗斯的残暴，它的恶行全球众目昭彰。然而，乌克兰的冬天已在转化为乌克兰之春。乌克兰人民将获得胜利。 # # #   欲查看原稿内容:  https://www.state.gov/800-million-in-additional-u-s-security-assistance-for-ukraine-2/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

PRESS STATEMENT ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE APRIL 21, 2022 Since Russian President Vladimir Putin launched his premeditated, unprovoked, unjustified, and brutal war on Ukraine, the ceaseless bombardment of Ukraine’s cities and critical infrastructure by Russia’s forces has created one of the fastest-growing humanitarian crises in decades.  This is a tragic and catastrophic war of choice entirely of Russia’s making, and the United States, its Allies, and partners will stand in solidarity with the people of Ukraine in their just cause  ̶  the defense of their country and their democracy. Together, we continue to support Ukraine’s defense of its sovereignty and territorial integrity and to strengthen Ukraine’s position on the battlefield and at the negotiating table. Today, as Russia begins its renewed offensive in Ukraine’s east, I have authorized, pursuant to a delegation from the President, a drawdown to provide further immediate military assistance to Ukraine, valued at up to $800 million worth of arms and equipment from U.S. Department of Defense inventories.  This authorization, building on last week’s $800 million package, is the eighth drawdown of arms, equipment, and supplies from Department of Defense inventories for Ukraine since August 2021. We will continue to provide Ukraine the arms its forces are effectively using on the ground to defend themselves.  These efforts, combined with direct U.S. humanitarian and financial support to Ukraine, support documenting evidence of Russia’s war crimes against Ukraine’s civilians, and continued efforts to ratchet up pressure on Putin’s crumbling economy together will help weaken the Russian Government’s position and further isolate them from the world until Russia ends its unprovoked and unjustified war on Ukraine. For almost eight weeks, Russia has waged its savage assault against Ukraine, its sovereignty, its independence, its freedom, and its people.  From Bucha to Kramatorsk, from Kharkiv to Mariupol, we have seen Russia’s brutalities and its atrocities laid bare for the world to see.  And yet Ukrainian Winter has turned to Ukrainian Spring.  The people of Ukraine will prevail.

白宫 华盛顿特区 2022年5月23日   我们印度–太平洋（Indo-Pacific）地区各国，美国、澳大利亚、文莱达鲁萨兰国、印度、印度尼西亚、日本、大韩民国、马来西亚、新西兰、菲律宾、新加坡、泰国和越南，认识到我们生机勃勃的地区经济的丰富性和多样性。我们共同致力于一个自由、开放、公平、包容、互联互通、健强、安全及繁荣的印太地区，该地区拥有实现可持续的、包容性的经济增长的潜力。我们认识到我们在该地区的经济政策利益相互交织，而且深化合作伙伴之间的经济接触对于持续增长、和平及繁荣至关重要。 我们认识到新冠疫情凸显了共同密切努力以确保经济复苏和进步植根于复原力、可持续性以及包容性的必要性。这场疫情还着重显示出增强经济竞争力与合作以及保障关键性供应链的重要意义，同时刺激就业增长并改善经济机会，包括惠及我们的劳动者、妇女、中小型企业以及我们的社会中最弱势的群体。 从长远来看，经济竞争力将在很大程度上由我们利用技术、提倡创新、参与数字经济、公正地促使能源系统转型并实现能源安全，以及以一种产生公平的包容性增长并改善社会–经济福祉的方式应对气候危机的能力来界定。 为了让我们的经济为未来做好准备，我们正在启动建立印太经济繁荣框架（Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity）的进程。 这一框架旨在增进我们各国经济的健强性、可持续性、包容性、经济增长、公平性和竞争力。通过这项行动计划，我们力争为本地区内的合作、稳定、繁荣、发展及和平做出贡献。 我们邀请更多的拥有和我们共同的对该地区的目标、利益和雄心的印太伙伴参与进来。我们致力于以一种认识到技术帮助和能力建设的重要性，让我们能够保持一种有弹性的方针，并为我们的人民提供切实惠益的方式与我们的框架伙伴方进行协作。 今天，我们为今后有关以下几项支柱的谈判启动集体讨论。框架伙伴方将就增强经济合作以实现这些目标的多种方式参与这样的讨论，而且我们还邀请其他感兴趣的印太伙伴加入到我们之中。 贸易：我们寻求建立高标准的、包容的、自由及公平的贸易承诺，并制定贸易和技术政策中的新型且有创意的方针，推动能够驱动经济活动和投资、提倡具有可持续性和包容性的经济增长并惠及劳动者和消费者的范围广泛的一系列目标。我们的努力包括但不限于在数字经济中的合作。 供应链：我们致力于改善我们的供应链的透明度、多样性、安全性和可持续性，以使它们更具复原力并更好地一体化。我们寻求协调危机反应措施；扩大合作以便更好地应对并减轻种种干扰的影响，从而更好地确保经营的连续性；改善物流效率和支持；并确保对关键的原材料和加工材料、半导体、至关重要的矿物和清洁能源技术的获取。 清洁能源、去碳化和基础设施：根据我们的《巴黎协定》为支持我们的人民和劳动者的生计的各项目标和努力，我们计划加速清洁能源技术的开发和部署，以使我们的经济脱碳，并建设对各种气候影响的抗御力。这涉及深化就各项技术、包括优惠融资在内的调动融资以及寻求各种方式以便通过支持发展可持续的、持久的基础设施并提供技术帮助来提高竞争力并增强连通性进行合作。 税收和反腐败：我们致力于通过依据现有的多边义务、标准和协议，颁行并执行有效的、强有力的税收、反洗钱及反贿赂制度，在印太地区遏制逃税及腐败行径，以便增进公平竞争。这涉及分享专长并寻求各种途径，以支持推动负责任的、透明的制度所必须的能力建设。 我们将根据合作伙伴之间的磋商继续识别更多的合作领域，以增进我们的共同利益，旨在推动地区经济的连通性和一体化。我们期待着共同创造有利环境，以增强我们的经济体之间的商务、贸易和投资的流动，并为我们全体市场中的劳动者、公司企业和人民增强各项标准及获得机会的途径。   欲查看原稿内容:https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/05/23/statement-on-indo-pacific-economic-framework-for-prosperity/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

MAY 23, 2022•STATEMENTS AND RELEASES We, the United States, Australia, Brunei Darussalam, India, Indonesia, Japan, Republic of Korea, Malaysia, New Zealand, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam of the Indo-Pacific region, acknowledge the richness and the diversity of our vibrant regional economy. We share a commitment to a free, open, fair, inclusive, interconnected, resilient, secure, and prosperous Indo-Pacific region that has the potential to achieve sustainable and inclusive economic growth. We acknowledge our economic policy interests in the region are intertwined, and deepening economic engagement among partners is crucial for continued growth, peace, and prosperity. We recognize the COVID-19 pandemic has underscored the imperative of working closely together to ensure that economic recovery and advancement are grounded in resilience, sustainability, and inclusivity.  The pandemic has also emphasized the importance of strengthening economic competitiveness and cooperation and securing critical supply chains, while stimulating job growth and improving economic opportunities, including for our workers, women, medium- and small-enterprises, and our societies’ most vulnerable groups. In the long term, economic competitiveness will be largely defined by our ability to harness technology, promote innovation, participate in the digital economy, justly transition energy systems and achieve energy security, and tackle the climate crisis in a manner that produces equitable, inclusive growth and improves socio-economic welfare. In order to prepare our economies for the future, we are launching the process to establish the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity. This framework is intended to advance resilience, sustainability, inclusiveness, economic growth, fairness, and competitiveness for our economies.  Through this initiative, we aim to contribute to cooperation, stability, prosperity, development, and peace within the region. We invite participation from additional Indo-Pacific partners that share our goals, interests, and ambitions for the region.  We are committed to collaborating with our framework partners in a manner that acknowledges the importance of technical assistance and capacity building, allows us to maintain a flexible approach, and delivers tangible benefits for our peoples. Today, we launch collective discussions toward future negotiations on the following pillars.  Framework partners will be engaging in such discussions on various ways to strengthen economic cooperation to achieve these goals, and we invite other interested Indo-Pacific partners to join us. Trade: We seek to build high-standard, inclusive, free, and fair trade commitments and develop new and creative approaches in trade and technology policy that advance a broad set of objectives that fuels economic activity and investment, promotes sustainable and inclusive economic growth, and benefits workers and consumers.  Our efforts include, but are not limited to, cooperation in the digital economy. Supply Chains: We are committed to improving transparency, diversity, security, and sustainability in our supply chains to make them more resilient and well-integrated.  We seek to coordinate crisis response measures; expand cooperation to better prepare for and mitigate the effects of disruptions to better ensure business continuity; improve logistical efficiency and support; and ensure access to key raw and processed materials, semiconductors, critical minerals, and clean energy technology. Clean Energy, Decarbonization, and Infrastructure: In line with our Paris Agreement goals and efforts to support the livelihood of our peoples and workers, we plan to accelerate the development and deployment of clean energy technologies to decarbonize our economies and build resilience to climate impacts.  This involves deepening cooperation on technologies, on mobilizing finance, including concessional finance, and on seeking ways to improve competitiveness and enhance connectivity by supporting the development of sustainable and durable infrastructure and by providing technical assistance. Tax and Anti-Corruption: We are committed to promoting fair competition by enacting and enforcing effective and robust tax, anti-money laundering, and anti-bribery regimes in line with existing multilateral obligations, standards, and agreements to curb tax evasion and corruption in the Indo-Pacific region. This involves sharing expertise and seeking ways to support capacity building necessary to advance accountable and transparent systems. We are continuing to identify additional areas of cooperation based on consultations among partners to further our shared interests, with a view to advancing regional economic connectivity and integration.  We look forward to jointly creating conducive environments to boost flows of commerce, trade, and investments amongst our economies, and to enhancing standards and access to opportunities for our workers, companies, and peoples in our combined markets. ###

美国国务院 发言人办公室 新闻发布厅 华盛顿特区 2022年3月17日   布林肯国务卿：大家下午好。 三周前，俄罗斯对乌克兰发动了无端战争。 随着时间一天天过去，包括儿童在内的平民死伤人数继续攀升。 俄罗斯继续袭击民用场所，包括——仅本周——乌克兰卢甘斯克地区的一家医院、三所学校及一所视障儿童的寄宿学校。 昨天，俄罗斯军队轰炸了马里乌波尔(Mariupol)的一个剧院，那里有数百人正在避难。 在该建筑外的人行道上，用硕大的白色字母写着俄语的“儿童”这个词，这样从空中就可以知道建筑物里有儿童。 俄罗斯军队还对正排队拿面包的10名平民开火。 这些只是一长串在乌克兰各地袭击平民事件中的一部分——不是军人，包括公寓楼、公共广场，以及上周在马里乌波尔的一家妇幼医院。 我想我们所有人看过那些画面都将永远无法忘记。 我们以前在格罗兹尼(Grozny)和阿勒颇(Aleppo)看到过俄罗斯使用类似的手段。他们加紧轰炸，目的就是击垮那里人民的意志。 昨天拜登总统说，他认为，在乌克兰出现了战争罪行。 我个人同意这一点。 故意将平民当作袭击目标是战争罪。 在最近三个星期的这一切破坏后，我认为很难得出结论说俄罗斯不是在这样做。  全世界都正感受着莫斯科发动的这场战争的后果——粮食成本上涨，对燃料供应的担忧，更广泛的担忧还有这场战争将如何影响全球经济以及抗击COVID-19的斗争。 这些都是国际社会迫切需要解决的严重问题。这场战争正使之变得更加困难。 就此而言，俄罗斯的举动正对地球上的每个人产生影响，无论他们生活在哪里。 我们在这间房间里也感受到了这种影响。 今天这里应该为福克斯新闻的本杰明·霍尔(Benjamin Hall)留一个座位，他乘坐汽车经过基辅(Kyiv)附近时遇袭，受了重伤。 我们中的许多人，包括我自己，跟本熟识，他是随行记者团中的一员。 他是一位非常有才华的记者，总是提出很难回答的问题。他也是一个可爱的人。 我们的心——我的心——与他和他的家人同在，包括他的三个年纪尚幼的孩子。 本在福克斯新闻的两名同事，皮埃尔·佐克切夫斯基(Pierre Zokchefski)和萨沙·库夫舍诺娃(Sasha Koofshenova)，在袭击中身亡。《时代》杂志的特派记者布伦特·雷诺(Brent Renaud)在一天前的另一次袭击中遇难。 我知道这个房间里的所有人对失去他们尤其倍感沉痛。 做一名战地记者是一项举足轻重的工作；他们要让世界知晓当军队开入、炸弹开始落下时，真正发生了什么。 这也需要非凡的勇气；在其他人不难理解地尽快离开战区时，他们却进入战区。 因此，不仅对于家人、朋友，而且对于他们的同事、他们的职业，以及因他们而了解世界时事的读者和观众来说，这无疑都是巨大的损失。 我们的专家正在记录和评估正在乌克兰犯下的潜在战争罪行。 贝丝·范·沙克 (Beth Van Schaack) 本周获参议院最终确认担任我们的全球刑事司法事务无任所大使，将在国务院领导此项工作。 我们将确保我们的调查结果有助于调查战争罪行和向责任方追责的国际努力。 我还要指出，参议院还有其他几项提名，直接关系到我们支持乌克兰的能力，其中包括：负责人口、难民和移民事务的助理国务卿，负责国际安全和不扩散事务的助理国务卿，以及我们的制裁政策协调员。 因此，我敦促参议院尽快确认这些被提名人，以便他们能够尽快开始工作。 几周前，就在俄罗斯开始入侵的前几天，我去联合国安理会阐述了我们认为即将发生的事情。 今天我们再次强烈感觉到俄罗斯下一步可能会采取的举动。 我们认为，莫斯科可能是在为使用化学武器创造条件，然后栽赃于乌克兰，以此为由升级对乌克兰人民的攻击。 制造事端和编造种族灭绝的虚假说法，以此为由更多地使用军事力量，这是俄罗斯以前使用过的技俩，包括在格鲁吉亚。 我们认为，俄罗斯将要让私人军事团体和外国的雇佣兵进入乌克兰。 普京总统周末授权从中东和其他地方招募更多部队时便承认了这一点——这再次表明他的战争努力并没有如他所愿地进行。 他们还可能有系统地绑架地方官员，并用傀儡取而代之。 再一次， 这一切已经开始。 梅利托波尔市(Melitopol)市长几天前在街上被抓，昨天在交换在押人员时获释。 乌克兰南部另一个城市的市长也被绑架，目前尚未获释。 这是一种恐怖手段——抓走地方官员，废黜地方政府，让代理人取而代之。 在摧毁乌克兰的城市之后，莫斯科可能会引入俄罗斯官员来担任地方政府官员，并迅速大量增加他们所谓的“经济支持”，试图让人民的生存依赖于莫斯科。 同样，这也是俄罗斯在格鲁吉亚所作的事情。 普京总统对乌克兰的入侵未能按计划进行。 乌克兰人民没有欢迎俄罗斯军队。他们没有就范。 恰恰相反，他们正以非凡的勇气为保护自己的家园、家人和国家而战。 俄罗斯受到了前所未有的制裁打击，并被切断了与全球经济的联系。 它的本国经济正处于自由落体状态。 数百家公司已关闭了业务。 在短短几周内，普京总统就毁掉了30年来的对外开放成果和俄罗斯人民的经济机会。 克里姆林宫腐败权力基础的数十名成员已受到制裁，一些人失去了他们的大型游艇和别墅。 普京总统嘲笑了这些制裁，在最近发表的公开抨击中嘲笑生活在国外的俄罗斯人，用他的话说，他们太依赖”鹅肝酱和牡蛎“。 与此同时，他坐在自己的豪宅里，积累了从俄罗斯人民那里夺走的数十亿财富，而俄罗斯人民排着长队取现金，看着商店关门、卢布价值暴跌。 难怪勇敢的俄罗斯人继续抗议这场战争，并因此遭到殴打和逮捕。 而俄罗斯记者正辞去他们在国家媒体机构的工作，因为他们无法再忍受鹦鹉学舌般重复克里姆林宫的谎言。 然而普京总统并没有放松，事实上可能正在变得更加孤注一掷。 因此昨天，拜登总统授权——宣布，抱歉，不是授权——向乌克兰再提供8亿美元的军事援助。 这使我们在本届政府期间对乌克兰前线防御者的支持超过了20亿美元——仅在上周就有10亿美元。 我们很感激坚定、慷慨的国会伙伴，他们本周向乌克兰提供了130多亿美元的紧急支持。 我们将继续与立法者合作，支持乌克兰，并追究克里姆林宫的责任。 正如拜登总统描述的那样，这个新的安全援助一揽子计划包括800套防空系统，以阻止进攻的飞机和直升机，不让它们继续摧毁乌克兰；9000套反装甲系统，以摧毁坦克和装甲车；7000件小型武器，包括机关枪和榴弹发射器；以及2000万发弹药。 应泽连斯基总统的要求，我们还在帮助乌克兰获得更远程距离的防空系统和弹药。 我几乎每天都与库列巴外长保持联络，协调对乌克兰最紧急的需求作出迅速的反应。 我们的盟友和伙伴继续加紧运送他们自己的大量安全援助。 我已经授权十几个国家提供美国原产的设备，世界各地还有几十个国家已经提供了他们自己的安全援助。 我还要指出，除了国防部的援助外，我们还正从其他机构提供支持，包括我们自己的外交安全局提供的价值1000万美元的装甲车。 昨天我又宣布了1.86亿美元人道主义援助，以帮助在过去三周内逃离乌克兰的300多万难民——这是自二战以来在欧洲增长最快的难民危机——以及仍在乌克兰境内流离失所的人。 这使我们自上月以来的人道主义援助总额达到2.93亿美元。 在国会正向乌克兰提供的130多亿美元中，超过40亿美元将用于人道主义援助。 乌克兰的欧洲邻居正慷慨地迎接难民并为他们提供支持。美国将尽自己的一份力帮助这些政府和当地的人道主义组织满足这一巨大需求。 我们以及我们的盟友和伙伴正在采取的所有步骤都是为了一个目标：结束这场战争。 我们正在向乌克兰提供的支持，以及我们对莫斯科采取的金融和经济措施，将加强乌克兰在外交谈判桌上的影响力。 我们赞扬乌克兰在克里姆林宫的残暴侵略仍在继续的情况下，留在谈判桌前并继续寻求外交途径。 我们将竭尽所能支持乌克兰的外交努力。 我们继续呼吁所有国家，尤其是那些对俄罗斯有直接影响的国家，使用它们所拥有的一切手段来迫使莫斯科结束这场本不必打的战争。 我们认为，中国尤其有责任使用其对普京总统的影响力，维护它宣称所支持的国际规则和原则。 但是中国看起来与此背道而驰，拒绝谴责这次侵略行为，同时试图把自己描绘成中立的调停者——我们感到担忧的是他们在考虑直接向俄罗斯提供军事设备用于乌克兰。 拜登总统明天将与习近平主席通话，并将表明中国要为任何支持俄罗斯侵略的行动担责，我们会毫不犹豫地让其承担后果。 我最后想说的是，泽连斯基总统昨天向国会和美国人民传达的信息极为强有力。 他要求获得更多帮助，而我们正在提供这些帮助并将继续提供。 他还说，乌克兰人民自己想要得到的与我们自己想要得到的是一样的——民主、独立、自由。 看到了过去三周发生的事，没人会怀疑乌克兰对这些理想的承诺之深。 我们将继续与为自己的未来而战的乌克兰站在一起。 我们将继续加大俄罗斯的代价，直到它结束这场本不必打的战争。 我们将继续为乌克兰人民提供挽救生命的援助，他们忍受着俄罗斯侵略的残酷后果。 接下来，很高兴回答一些提问。 普莱斯先生：保罗。 问：先生，您如何看待乌克兰和俄罗斯之间的会谈？他们有进展吗？泽连斯基总统似乎暗示他们正在讨论一些事情。 布林肯国务卿：正如我所说的，我们与乌克兰领导人保持着密切联系，在我这里包括外交部长库列巴。我们与那些以这样或那样的方式展开外交的国家保持着密切联系。 迄今为止，我必须说，一方面，我们赞扬乌克兰在尽管每时每刻都受到轰炸的情况下仍然参与谈判。与此同时，我还没有看到俄罗斯做出任何有意义的努力，以通过外交手段来结束它正在打的这场战争。 我们支持乌克兰通过外交努力缓和局势，达成停火，当然还有俄罗斯军队撤离。我们赞赏其他国家的努力，包括法国、德国、以色列、土耳其等。但再次要说的是，从我的角度看，外交需要有双方为缓和局势而真诚参与，我目前没有看到普京准备停战的任何迹象。 相反，只是举个例子，如果你听到他昨天发表的最新言论，它显示的是他正在走向相反的方向。但不管言辞，我们真正注重的是行动。我们看到俄罗斯每天、几乎是每一天的每一分钟所采取的行动，都与任何旨在结束战争的认真外交努力大相径庭。 因此，我们希望看到俄罗斯采取有意义的行动来缓和局势，停止它对乌克兰的暴力，并进行真诚的谈判。我们将支持乌克兰为此做出的任何努力。我们当然会竭尽全力支持他们，但也要确保，若有任何真正的谈判并且如果外交确实取得进展，他们具有可以有的最强实力，这即是为什么我们向乌克兰提供支持，并且继续对俄罗斯施加压力和甚至加大压力。 普莱斯先生：凯莉。 问：谢谢您，国务卿。有——国务院确认有一名美国人今天在乌克兰死亡，所以我想知道您是否可以与我们分享更多有关当时的情况，有关这个人是谁，以及俄罗斯是否会因一个美国人死亡而承担任何具体后果。 其次，本周早些时候，您在美国有线电视新闻网上说，乌克兰无论如何都会生存下去，而到时候普京则不会。但我们每天都看到乌克兰人被打死；他们的城市正在被摧毁。那么，您怎么能够如此有信心这样说呢？您是在暗示普京应被免除俄罗斯领导人职务吗？谢谢。 布林肯国务卿：凯莉，首先，关于这位美国公民，我可以确认一名美国公民被打死。我没有更详细的信息，但我可以确认这点。 其次，我认为，不仅我清楚，而且全世界都清楚，一个独立的乌克兰会在弗拉基米尔·普京之后长存。同样明显的是，这场战争有可能还要可怕地持续一定时间。但是到最终，一个独立的乌克兰会存在，而弗拉基米尔·普京到某个时候不再存在。真正的问题是，在这期间还将有多少死亡和破坏。我们正在尽一切努力尽快结束这场俄罗斯发动的战争。这就是为什么我们支持乌克兰；这就是为什么我们对俄罗斯施加压力；这就是为什么我们与世界各国正在努力并进行协调。 但我认为世界已经看到了这一点。全世界已经看到了乌克兰人民捍卫自己的国家、捍卫自己的未来、捍卫自己的自由的无比决心。弗拉基米尔·普京无法让乌克兰人民屈服于他的意志。但正如我前面讲过的，这可能会持续一段时间，我们将继续努力尽快结束它。 问：普京应该继续担任俄罗斯领导人吗？ 普莱斯先生：凯莉，我们要尽量让其他人提问。康纳。 问：国务卿先生，您描述了俄罗斯实行的恐怖战术。国务院是否在考虑将俄罗斯定为国家支持者——对不起——国家恐怖主义支持者？ 其次，您所描述的一切，总统最近几天所使用的词语——战犯、杀人的独裁者、彻头彻尾的暴徒——您认为，只要弗拉基米尔·普京在位，美国和俄罗斯之间还会有正常关系吗？ 布林肯国务卿：我们最首要的关注是尽我们的一切所能，帮助迅速结束这场战争，停止因俄罗斯侵略乌克兰而给乌克兰人民带来的苦难。这是我们的重点。在我们这样做的同时，正如我之前所说，我们也在非常认真地研究正在发生的事情，正在做的事情，特别是审视是否正在犯下战争罪行。  而且，除其他方面之外，蓄意攻击平民将构成战争罪。你们已听到拜登总统昨天谈到这个问题。你们听到了我几分钟前所说的话。所以我们正在记录。我们欢迎对此表示关注的各种团体、机构和组织的努力，将所有证据汇集在一起​​，继续记录情况，而后以便通过某种方式追究责任。 至于根据俄罗斯正在采取的行动对其定性的问题，我们正在并且将会对一切予以审视。 普莱斯先生：尤利娅·亚尔莫连科。 问：关于第二个问题？对不起。 布林肯国务卿：对不起，提醒我一下。 问：只要普京在位，俄美关系还能正常吗？ 布林肯国务卿：我再说一遍，我们的重点是结束这场战争。我不想推测未来，但将必须以某种方式对这场侵略战争追究责任。 普莱斯先生：美国之音乌克兰语部的尤利娅·亚尔莫连科。 问：谢谢。那么，就乌克兰和俄罗斯之间可能进行的谈判而言，如果俄罗斯同意停止攻击并从乌克兰撤军，是否有任何安全形式可以保证俄罗斯不会再次对乌克兰发动侵略？如果乌克兰不会成为北约成员，那么将会怎样？ 还有一个问题。拜登总统表示，美国将张开双臂接受乌克兰难民，到目前为止，没有针对逃离战争或想来美国或与家人团聚的乌克兰人的官方签证或其他计划。国务院是否正在为乌克兰难民制定一些特别的加急计划？若是的话，什么时候可以推出？ 布林肯国务卿：谢谢。首先，在外交方面，我不打算推测任何谈判的实质内容，会向什么方向发展。正如我所说的，我们全力和强力支持乌克兰政府——乌克兰的民选政府——所做的一切。我们对我们所听到的希望努力尽快通过外交结束的表述非常欢迎。 我认为乌克兰首先需要的是缓和局势，需要俄罗斯军队撤出乌克兰。乌克兰需要恢复它的基本自由和独立，但我会让乌克兰伙伴来推进外交——如果他们认为这样可以产生效果的话。我们将尽我们的所能予以支持。 如果谈判中出现的一些问题最终需要我们以某种方式参与的话，我们当然会考虑这一点，看看我们可以在哪些方面提供帮助。我们首先希望能够做我们正在做的事情，即支持乌克兰政府、乌克兰人民，同时向俄罗斯施加压力。如果外交努力最终当道，并且我们可以为外交努力提供支持并能够为恢复乌克兰独立提供支持的话，我们当然会考虑这一点，我肯定会这样做。 关于难民问题，有几个方面。首先，正如我所说的，这是自第二次世界大战以来欧洲最大的难民危机。数字惊人。而且，当然，有时被这些数字淹没的是背后那些危在旦夕的真实的生命，他们正被改变，也许不是永远，但正在遭受重大改变。 就在几周以前，当我和你们中的一些人在波兰和乌克兰边境时，我亲眼见到其中一些人，我与跨过边界的人进行了交谈，面对俄罗斯的杀戮他们在寻找安全。在许多情况下——在大多数情况下是妇女和儿童——男人们留下作战。 我们当然在乌克兰看到了这些影响。我们看到对邻国的影响——波兰、摩尔多瓦、罗马尼亚和其他国家——他们正在接收大量难民。我认为这种慷慨卓越非凡。但数字正在增长，挑战越来越大。今天早上，我与我们的七国集团合作伙伴视频电话会议，这是我们讨论的事情之一——用协调一致的方法处理问题和帮助到来的难民。 美国已经是并将继续是对乌克兰人道援助的最大提供者。增加的一揽子计划中的一个部分就包括约 40 亿美元的人道援助，援助将既直接提供给乌克兰，也将向邻国和其他国家——以及乌克兰以外的乌克兰人——提供支持。 其次，我们正在与联合国难民署密切合作，了解我们能够如何支持这方面的努力。 最后，我们正在研究我们可以自己做和直接做的事情——例如，研究我们可能对家庭团聚采取的步骤以及其他我们可以提供支持和真正参与的事情。 我要说的最后一件事情是：什么——当然还有难民推荐程序，但这需要时间。但是，如果人们申请难民身份并寻求来美国的话，我们当然会接受转介。但我们正在考虑一些近期可以采取的措施。 最后一点是：我认为我们至少在最初看到的是，这么多离开乌克兰的人都希望留在他们的家园附近，这是可以理解的。他们希望——我们希望——他们能够尽快返回家园。他们也想留在离家较近的地方，因为正如前面我所说的，在很多情况下，妇女和孩子离开了配偶、丈夫、父亲、兄弟，他们希望尽快团聚，所以他们想待在尽可能近的地方。但随着这种情况以及如果这种情况继续下去的话，随着数量的增加，随着欧洲合作伙伴负担的增加，我们肯定会尽我们的一切所能提供帮助。所以我想我们会在接下来的日子里，对此有更多的信息。这是我们现在非常关注的一件事。 普莱斯先生：最后一个简短问题，安德莉娅。 问：国务卿先生，您已经概述过，讲述了对平民的一连串可怕袭击。正如联合国大使上周所说，您说过您同意总统关于这些是战争罪行的评论。我知道肯定会进行调查，但究竟如何追责？如果弗拉基米尔·普京被定有罪，对他会怎样，因为他就是国家？这应该怎么办（听不清）？告诉世界。 布林肯国务卿：安德莉娅，有几点。首先，我们都看到了——你们在电视上有力地展示了这些来自乌克兰的毁灭性画面，我们看到了俄罗斯的炸弹、炮火对这个国家这么多的地方的摧毁。我们看到民用场所被夷为平地；我们看到人们被打死——成百上千的平民。是的，正如我——再次，正如总统昨天所说，在他看来，正在发生战争罪行。我同意这一点。在我们看到所有的破坏之后，真的很难得出其他结论。 但是我们正在做的是——我会回答你的问题——我们只是刚刚开始为正在进行的非常重要的工作提供支持，一个将证据汇集在一起​​的举证程序，记录发生的事情，支持并与人权活动家、民间组织、独立媒体以及调查此事的相关组织和机构合作。所以我们需要经过这个汇集证据、收集证据、理解证据的过程。我们将分享这些——我相信我们的盟友和合作伙伴通过正在进行的所有调查也是在做同样的事情——从而让我们用一切可以使用的工具来支持追究责任。  首先，我不会事先预测结果将是什么或后果将是什么，但我可以确信地说，任何被确定发生的战争罪行都将受到追究。 问：您在阿勒颇和格罗兹尼之后怎么还能这样说？他一再这样做。他是一个战争罪惯犯。 布林肯国务卿：安德莉娅，当我们在俄罗斯发动侵略之前说这种侵略将承受重大后果时，包括对俄罗斯实行前所未有的制裁，我知道有些人对此表示怀疑。我认为我们已经证明了我们信守诺言。当我们说乌克兰的自卫努力将获得持续、有力的支持时，我们表明我们能够信守诺言。因此，当我告诉你任何战争罪行都会受到追究和承担后果时，我希望你能相信我的话。但是，行动永远胜于言辞。 普莱斯先生：非常感谢大家。 布林肯国务卿：谢谢你们。谢谢。    欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/secretary-antony-j-blinken-at-a-press-availability-16/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。  ###

REMARKS TO THE PRESS ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE PRESS BRIEFING ROOM WASHINGTON, D.C. MARCH 17, 2022 SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Good afternoon, everyone. Three weeks ago, Russia launched its unprovoked war on Ukraine. With every day that passes, the numbers of civilians, including children, killed and wounded continues to climb. Russia continues to attack civilian sites, including – this week alone – a hospital, three schools, a boarding school for visually impaired kids in the Luhansk region of Ukraine. Yesterday Russian forces bombed a theater in Mariupol, where hundreds of people had been taking shelter. The word “children” had been written in Russian in giant white letters on the pavement outside the building, so that you could know from the air that there were children inside. Russian forces also opened fire on 10 civilians in who were waiting in line for bread. These incidents join a long list of attacks on civilian – not military – locations across Ukraine, including apartment buildings, public squares, and, last week, a maternity hospital in Mariupol. I doubt that any of us who saw those images will ever forget them. We’ve seen Russia use similar tactics before in Grozny and Aleppo.  They stepped up their bombardment with the goal of breaking the will of the people. Yesterday President Biden said that, in his opinion, war crimes have been committed in Ukraine. Personally, I agree. Intentionally targeting civilians is a war crime. After all the destruction of the past three weeks, I find it difficult to conclude that the Russians are doing otherwise. The consequences of Moscow’s war are being felt around the world – in rising food costs, concerns about fuel supplies, more broadly in worries about how this war will affect the global economy and the fight against COVID-19. These are serious issues that the global community urgently needs to address.  This war is making that much more difficult. In this way, Russia’s actions are having an impact on every person on the planet, wherever they live. We also feel the impact right here in this room. There should be a seat reserved here today for Benjamin Hall from Fox News, who was injured badly when his vehicle came under attack near Kyiv. Many of us, myself included, have gotten to know Ben very well as part of the traveling press corps. He’s an incredibly talented reporter, always asking tough questions.  He’s a lovely person, as well. Our thoughts – my thoughts – are with him and his family, including his three little kids. Two of Ben’s Fox News colleagues, Pierre Zokchefski and Sasha Koofshenova, were killed in the attack.  And Brent Renaud, a reporter on assignment with Time Magazine, was killed in a separate attack a day earlier. I know that everyone in this room, in particular, feels these losses deeply. Being a war correspondent is vital work; they make sure that the world knows what’s really happening when armies move in and bombs start falling. It also takes incredible courage; they go into war zones when others, understandably, are heading out as fast as possible. So these are huge losses, of course, for families, for friends, but also for their colleagues, their profession, their readers and viewers who understand world events because of them. Our experts are in the process of documenting and evaluating potential war crimes being committed in Ukraine. Beth Van Schaack, whom the Senate finally confirmed this week as our Ambassador at Large for Global Criminal Justice, will be leading that effort within the State Department. We’ll make sure that our findings help international efforts to investigate war crimes and hold those responsible accountable. I’d also mention that there are several other nominations before the Senate with a direct bearing on our ability to support Ukraine, including for Assistant Secretary of State for Population, Refugees, and Migration; Assistant Secretary of State for International Security and Non-Proliferation; and our Coordinator for Sanctions Policy. So I urge the Senate to confirm these nominees quickly, so that they can get to work as soon as possible. A few weeks ago, just days before Russia’s invasion began, I went to the United Nations Security Council to lay out what we believed was about to happen. Again today, we have a strong sense of what Russia could do next. We believe that Moscow may be setting the stage to use a chemical weapon, and then falsely blame Ukraine to justify escalating its attacks on the Ukrainian people. Manufacturing events and creating false narratives of genocide to justify greater use of military force is a tactic that Russia has used before, including in Georgia. We believe Russia will bring its mercenaries from private military groups and foreign countries to Ukraine. President Putin acknowledged as much over the weekend when he authorized the recruitment of additional forces from the Middle East and elsewhere – another indication that his war effort is not going as he hoped it would. They are also likely to systematically kidnap local officials and replace them with puppets. Again, this has already begun. The mayor of Melitopol was grabbed off the street several days ago, released yesterday in a prisoner exchange. The mayor of another city in southern Ukraine was also kidnapped; he hasn’t yet been let go. This is a terror tactic – grab local officials, depose local governments, put proxies in their place. After devastating Ukrainian cities, Moscow may bring in officials from Russia to serve as local government officials, and surge what they describe as “economic support” in an attempt to make the people dependent on Moscow for survival. Again, something that Russia did in Georgia. President Putin’s invasion of Ukraine is not going to plan. The Ukrainian people haven’t welcomed the Russian military.  They haven’t submitted. On the contrary.  They’re fighting with extraordinary courage to protect their homes, their families, their country. Russia has been hit by unprecedented sanctions and cut off from the global economy. Its own economy is in free fall. Hundreds of corporations have closed operations. In a matter of weeks, President Putin has destroyed 30 years of opening to the world and economic opportunity for the Russian people. Dozens of members of the Kremlin’s corrupt power base have been sanctioned; several have lost their mega yachts and villas. President Putin has derided those sanctions, using recent public diatribes to mock Russians living abroad as too dependent, as he said, on “foie gras and oysters.” Meanwhile, he sits in his mansions, having accumulated billions taking wealth from the Russian people, while they stand in long lines to access cash and watch as stores close and the ruble plummets in value. It’s no wonder that brave Russians continue to protest the war and be beaten and arrested for it. And Russian journalists are resigning from their jobs at state media outlets, because they can’t stomach parroting the Kremlin’s lies any longer. Still, President Putin is not relenting and in fact may be growing more desperate. And so yesterday, President Biden authorized – announced, excuse me, not authorized – another $800 million in military aid to Ukraine. That brings our support for Ukraine’s frontline defenders to more than $2 billion during this administration – one billion in the last week alone. We’re grateful to have a determined and generous partner in Congress, which this week provided more than $13 billion in urgent support to Ukraine. And we’ll continue to work with lawmakers to support Ukraine and hold the Kremlin to account. As President Biden described, this new security assistance package includes 800 anti-aircraft systems, to stop attacking planes and helicopters before they destroy more of Ukraine; 9,000 anti-armor systems to destroy tanks and armored vehicles; 7,000 small arms, including machine guns and grenade launchers; and 20 million rounds of ammunition. We’re also helping Ukraine acquire longer-range anti-aircraft systems and munitions, at President Zelenskyy’s request. And I have been in almost daily contact with Foreign Minister Kuleba, coordinating to respond swiftly to Ukraine’s most urgent needs. Our allies and partners continue to step up with their own significant shipments of security assistance. I’ve authorized more than a dozen countries to provide U.S.-origin equipment, and dozens more around the world have provided security assistance of their own. I’d also note that, in addition to assistance from the Department of Defense, we’re sending support from other agencies, including $10 million worth of armored vehicles from our own Diplomatic Security Service. And yesterday I announced another $186 million in humanitarian assistance to help the more than 3 million refugees who have fled Ukraine in the past three weeks – the fastest-growing refugee crisis in Europe since World War II – as well as internally displaced people still in Ukraine. This brings our total humanitarian aid since last month to $293 million. And of the more than $13 billion for Ukraine that Congress is putting forward, more than 4 billion of that will go to humanitarian assistance. Ukraine’s neighbors in Europe are generously welcoming, supporting refugees.  The United States will do our part to help those governments and the humanitarian organizations on the ground meet this tremendous need. All the steps that we and our allies and partners are taking are aimed at one goal: to end the war. The support we’re providing Ukraine, as well as our financial and economic measures against Moscow, will strengthen Ukraine’s hand at the diplomatic table. And we commend Ukraine for staying at that table and continuing to pursue diplomacy while the Kremlin’s brutal aggression continues. We’ll support Ukraine’s diplomatic efforts however we can. We continue to call on all nations, especially those with direct influence with Russia, to use whatever leverage they have to compel Moscow to end this war of choice. We believe China in particular has a responsibility to use its influence with President Putin and to defend the international rules and principles that it professes to support. Instead, it appears that China is moving in the opposite direction by refusing to condemn this aggression while seeking to portray itself as a neutral arbiter – and we’re concerned that they are considering directly assisting Russia with military equipment to use in Ukraine. President Biden will be speaking to President Xi tomorrow and will make clear that China will bear responsibility for any actions it takes to support Russia’s aggression, and we will not hesitate to impose costs. Let me close by saying that President Zelenskyy’s message to Congress and to the American people yesterday was incredibly powerful. He’s asked for more help, which we are providing and will continue to provide. And he said that the people of Ukraine want the same things for themselves that we want for ourselves – democracy, independence, freedom. No one who’s watched the events of the past three weeks could ever doubt the depth of Ukraine’s commitment to these ideals. We’ll continue to stand with Ukraine as it fights for its future. We’ll continue to increase the costs on Russia until it ends this war of choice. And we’ll continue to provide life-saving aid to the Ukrainian people as they endure the brutal consequences of Russia’s aggression. With that, happy to take some questions. MR PRICE:  Paul. QUESTION:  Sir, what do you think about the talks between Ukraine and Russia?  Are they making any progress?  President Zelenskyy seems to suggest there are things they are talking about. SECRETARY BLINKEN:  So we’re in close contact, as I said, with Ukraine’s leaders, including in my case Foreign Minister Kuleba.  We’re in close contact with other countries that have, in one way or another, been engaging on diplomacy. And to date I have to say, on the one hand, we commend Ukraine for being at the table, despite being under bombardment every minute of that day.  At the same time, I have not seen any meaningful efforts by Russia to bring this war that it’s perpetrating to a conclusion through diplomacy. We support Ukraine’s efforts to try to de-escalate through diplomacy, to reach a ceasefire, and of course the withdrawal of Russian forces.  We appreciate the efforts of other countries, including France, Germany, Israel, Turkey, and others.  But again, from where I sit, diplomacy requires both sides engaging in good faith to de-escalate, and I don’t see signs right now that Putin is prepared to stop. On the contrary, if you listen to, just for example, his most recent remarks yesterday, that suggests that he is moving in the opposite direction.  But never mind the words.   What we’re really focused on is actions, and the actions that we’re seeing Russia take every single day, virtually every minute of every day, are in total contrast to any serious diplomatic effort to end the war. So we’re looking to see Russia take meaningful actions to de-escalate, to stop the violence that it’s perpetrating on Ukraine, and to engage in good-faith talks.  We will support any effort that Ukraine makes to do that.  We’re certainly doing everything we can to back them, but also to make sure that they have the strongest possible hand, if there are any real negotiations and if diplomacy does advance – hence the support that we’re giving to Ukraine as well as the pressure that we continue to put and even increase on Russia. MR PRICE:  Kylie. QUESTION:  Thank you, Secretary.  There is – this department is confirming that an American has died in Ukraine today, so I’m wondering if you can share any more with us about the circumstances, about who that person is, and if there’ll be specific consequences for Russia because an American died. And then second, earlier this week you said on CNN that one way or another Ukraine will be there and at some point Putin won’t.  But we’re watching every day Ukrainians are getting killed; their cities are being demolished.  So how can you be so confident to say something like that?  And are you suggesting that Putin should be removed as the leader of Russia?  Thank you. SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Kylie, first, with regard to the American citizen, I can confirm that an American citizen was killed.  I don’t have any more details for you than that, but I can confirm that. Second, it is I think not only clear to me but clear to the world that an independent Ukraine will be there long after Vladimir Putin.  And it’s also clear that this could horrifically go on for some time.  But when all is said and done, an independent Ukraine will be there, and at some point Vladimir Putin will not.  The real question is how much death and destruction is going to occur in the meantime.  And we’re doing everything we can to bring this war, perpetrated by Russia, to the quickest possible end.  That’s where the support for Ukraine comes in; that’s where the pressure on Russia comes in; that’s where the work, the coordination that we’re doing with countries around the world comes in. But I think the world has seen this.  The world has seen the absolute determination of the Ukrainian people to hold onto their country, to hold onto their future, to hold onto their freedom.  And there is nothing that Vladimir Putin can do to subjugate that to his will.  But as I said, this could go on for some time, and we’re going to continue to work to bring it to an end as quickly as we can. QUESTION:  And should Putin remain the leader of Russia? MR PRICE:  Kylie, we’re going to try and move around. Conor. QUESTION:  Mr. Secretary, you described what you called Russia’s terror tactics.  Is the State Department considering designating Russia a state sponsor – excuse me – of terrorism? And then second, everything that you described, the words that the President has used in recent days – war criminal, murderous dictator, pure thug – do you think that there can ever be normal relations between the United States and Russia so long as Vladimir Putin is in power? SECRETARY BLINKEN:  So our focus first and foremost is on doing everything we can to help bring this war to a quick end, to stop the suffering of the Ukrainian people that’s the result of Russia’s aggression on Ukraine.  That’s our focus.  As we’re doing that, and as I said earlier, we’re also looking very carefully at what is happening, what is being done, and in particular looking at the question of whether war crimes are being committed. And, among other things, the intentional targeting of civilians would constitute a war crime.  You heard President Biden speak to this yesterday.  You heard what I said a few minutes ago.  So we are documenting.  We welcome the efforts of various groups, institutions, organizations that focus on this to bring all of the evidence together, to continue to document things, and then for there to be accountability one way or the other. In terms of other designations based on actions that Russia’s taking, we are and we will look at everything. MR PRICE:  Yulia Yarmolenko. QUESTION:  On the second question?  I’m sorry. SECRETARY BLINKEN:  I’m sorry, remind me. QUESTION:  As long as Putin is in power, can there be normal relations between Russia and the United States? SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Again, our focus is on ending this war.  I don’t want to speculate about the future, but there’s going to have to be, one way or another, accountability for this war of aggression. MR PRICE:  Yulia Yarmolenko, VOA Ukraine. QUESTION:  Thank you.  So on possible negotiations between Ukraine and Russia, if Russia agrees to stop attacks and withdraw its forces from Ukraine, are there any security formats that will guarantee that Russia would not renew its aggression against Ukraine?  If it’s not membership in NATO for Ukraine, then what? And another question.  President Biden said that U.S. will accept Ukrainian refugees with open arms, and so far there is no official visa or other program for Ukrainians who are fleeing war or who want to come to the United States or reunite with their families.  Is Department of State working on some special expedited program for Ukrainian refugees?  And if yes, when it might be launched? SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you.  First, on the diplomacy, look, I’m not going to speculate on the substance of any negotiations, where that might go.  As I said, we fully and strongly support whatever the Government of Ukraine – the democratically elected Government of Ukraine – does.  We very much welcome sentiments that we’ve heard expressed for trying to bring this to a diplomatic end as quickly as possible. I think in the first instance what Ukraine needs is de-escalation.  It needs Russian forces out of Ukraine.  It needs to have its basic freedom and independence returned, but I leave it to Ukrainian partners to work on advancing the diplomacy if that’s – if they believe that can be productive.  We will look at whatever we can do to support that. And if there are issues that wind up being negotiated that require in some fashion our participation, of course we will look at that and see where we can be helpful.  We want to be able in the first instance to do what we’re doing, which is to support the Government of Ukraine, the Ukrainian people, along with putting pressure on Russia.  If diplomacy finally carries the day and there are things that we can do to support that diplomacy and to support any outcomes that restore Ukraine’s independence, we will, of course, look at that and I’m sure do that. With regard to refugees, a couple of things.  First, as I said, this is the largest refugee crisis in Europe since World War II.  The numbers are staggering.  And, of course, what gets lost sometimes behind these numbers are the real lives that are at stake and that are being changed, maybe not forever, but are being changed in profound ways. I saw some of that firsthand when I was on the border between Poland and Ukraine with a number of you just a couple of weeks ago, talking to people who had made the journey across the border, looking for safety in the face of this Russian onslaught.  And in many cases – most cases, women and children – the men staying behind to fight. And we see the impact, of course, in Ukraine.  We see the impact on neighboring countries – Poland, Moldova, Romania, others – that are taking in very large numbers of refugees.  The generosity I think is extraordinary.  But the numbers are growing.  The challenge is growing.  I was on a call, a video conference, this morning with our G7 partners, and this is one of the things that we talked about – having a coordinated approach to dealing with and helping refugees coming over. The United States is already and will remain the largest provider of humanitarian assistance to Ukraine.  Part of the package that is in the supplemental includes about $4 billion in humanitarian assistance, and that will go both directly to Ukraine.  It will also go to neighboring countries and others – and Ukrainians outside of Ukraine – to support them. Second, we are working closely with UNHCR to see how we can support this effort. Finally, we’re looking at things that we can do ourselves and do directly – for example, looking at steps we may be able to take on family reunification and other things that we can do to be supportive and to really take part in this effort. Last thing I’ll say is this:  What – and of course, there is the refugee referral process, but that takes time.  But if people apply for refugee status and seek to come to the United States, of course we will take referrals.  But we’re looking at steps that we can take in the near term. Last thing is this:  I think what we’re seeing, at least initially, is that so many people coming out of Ukraine understandably want to stay close to home.  They hope – we hope – that they’ll be able to return home as soon as possible.  They also want to stay close to home because, as I said, in many cases it’s women and children who have left behind spouses, husbands, fathers, brothers, and they want to be reunited as quickly as possible, so they want to stay as close as possible.  But as this and if this goes on, as the numbers increase, as the burden increases for European partners, we will certainly do everything we can to help.  So I suspect we’ll have more to say on this in the coming – in the coming days.  It’s something we’re very focused on right now. MR PRICE:  Time for one final, quick question from Andrea. QUESTION:  Mr. Secretary, you’ve outlined, recounted a litany of horrific attacks on civilians.  You’ve said you agree with the President’s comment that they’re war crimes, as the UN ambassador said last week.  I know there has to be an investigation, but where will the accountability be?  What should happen to Vladimir Putin if he is found guilty, since he is the state?  What should happen to this (inaudible)?  Tell the world. SECRETARY BLINKEN:  So, Andrea, a few things.  First, we’re all seeing what – and you’re showing, powerfully, on television – these devastating images coming out of Ukraine, and we are seeing the destruction of so much of the country by Russian bombs, artillery.  We’re seeing civilian sites being devastated; we’re seeing people being killed – hundreds, thousands of people, civilians.  And yes, as I – again, as the President said yesterday, in his opinion, war crimes are being committed.  I agree with that.  After all the destruction that we’ve seen, it’s really hard to conclude otherwise. But what we’re doing is this – and I’ll come to your question – we are in the first instance supporting the very important work that’s being done, the evidentiary process to bring the evidence together, to document what’s happened, to support and to work with human rights activists, with civil society, with independent media as well as with the appropriate organizations and institutions that look into this.  So we need to go through this process of compiling the evidence, collecting the evidence, understanding the evidence.  We’ll share that – and our allies and partners I’m sure will do the same with all of the investigations that are ongoing – to support accountability using every tool that we have available. I’m not going to get ahead of, first of all, what the outcome will be or what the consequences will be, but I can say with conviction that there will be accountability for any war crimes that are determined to have occurred. QUESTION:  How can you say that after Aleppo and Grozny?  He does it repeatedly.  He’s a repeat offender as a war criminal. SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Andrea, when we said before Russia’s aggression that there would be massive consequences for that aggression, including unprecedented sanctions on Russia, I know some people had their doubts.  I think we’ve demonstrated that we’ve been good to our word.  When we said that there would be sustained, powerful support for Ukraine in its efforts to defend itself, we’ve demonstrated that we’re good to our word.  So when I tell you that there will be accountability and consequences for any war crimes that have been committed, I hope you’ll take me at my word, but actions always speak louder than words. MR PRICE:  Thank you very much, everyone. SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you.  Thanks.

[摘译]向国会提交的报告：海产供应链的人口贩运 2020财政年度国防授权法3563款(P.L. 116-92) 美国国务院 国家海洋和大气管理局（The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration） 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年12 月23 日 中华人民共和国 中华人民共和国在该国捕捞业采取侵权行为，是使用强迫劳动的一个主要国家，已知有大量相关报告涉及世界各地悬挂中国旗帜和中国拥有的船只。中国拥有全世界最大的捕捞船队，其中大量各类船只在世界各地的公海和外国专属经济区作业。船上大多数船员都是来自印度尼西亚和菲律宾的外来劳工，但也发现有些来自非洲和其他亚洲国家。据媒体、政府和非政府机构的报告，有消息说中国捕捞船只上发生了无数使用强迫劳动的事件。工人提供了诸如超长工作时间、恶劣的生活条件、在海上漂泊数月至数年的孤独处境、遭受辱骂和人身虐待、拒付工资、扣押证件、债务劳役等情况。这些船上的虐待行为已导致人员死亡。有时工人受某些机构以虚假的工资与合同等欺骗手段被招募。他们往往必须支付应聘费并签署债务合同。中国的捕捞船队是全球非法、未报告和不受管的制捕捞活动的一个主要方面；在这些船上被迫从事非法、未报告和不受管的制捕捞活动的船员还面临遭受不当惩罚的高风险。据捕捞业观察人员的报告，中华人民共和国捕捞业缺乏监督，使渔民面临更高的强迫劳动危险。 向国会提交的联合报告全文见：https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/wp-content/uploads/sites/252/DOSNOAAReport_HumanTrafficking.pdf (PDF 784 KB)

Report to Congress: Human Trafficking in the Seafood Supply Chain  Section 3563 of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2020 (P.L. 116-92) The People’s Republic of China The PRC is a significant offender in the use of forced labor in their fishing sector, with numerous reports known on Chinese-flagged and -owned vessels throughout the world. China has the largest fishing fleet in the world and contains a wide variety of vessels that operate on the high seas and in foreign countries’ EEZs throughout the world. The majority of the crews on board are migrant workers from Indonesia and the Philippines but have also been noted from Africa and other Asian countries. According to the media, governmental and non-governmental reports, there have been numerous incidents of forced labor reported on Chinese fishing vessels. Workers report excessive working hours, poor living conditions, isolation at sea for months to years, verbal and physical abuse, nonpayment of wages, document retention, and debt bondage. Deaths have occurred as the result of abuse on these vessels. Workers are sometimes recruited by agencies that use deceptive tactics regarding their wages and contracts, and they are often required to pay recruitment fees and sign debt contracts. The Chinese fishing fleet is a major player in global IUU fishing; crewmembers forced to engage in IUU activities on board these vessels are also at high risk of undue penalization. Fishing observers report insufficient oversight of the PRC’s fishing industry, which leaves fishers at increased risk of forced labor. View the full Joint Report to Congress here: https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/wp-content/uploads/sites/252/DOSNOAAReport_HumanTrafficking.pdf (PDF 784 KB)

2020年10月16日 美国东部夏令时间下午06:39 发言人办公室 负责东亚和太平洋事务的助理国务卿史达伟（David Stilwell）在10月15日举行的首届有关加强跨境河流治理的印度-太平洋地区会议上致开幕词。美国驻泰国大使迈克尔·德松布尔（Michael DeSombre）致闭幕词。在与东西方中心合作举办的本次会议上，来自整个印度-太平洋地区的决策者、学者、公民社会成员和其他跨境河流利益相关方汇聚一堂，分享与跨境河流可持续发展及合作管理有关的最佳做法。 美国助理国务卿史达伟（David Stilwell）强调了新的湄公河-美国伙伴关系及其在扩大美国与湄公河次区域五个国家交往中的作用。他强调了美国对湄公河区域的承诺，2009年以来美国向该地区提供的35亿美元以及我们对湄公河委员会（MRC）和透明的区域河流治理的长期支持都证明了这一点。史达伟助理国务卿也对中国单方面操纵湄公河水流量以及有必要通过湄公河委员会进行全面的全年水数据共享提出了美方的关切。

10/16/2020 06:39 PM EDT  Office of the Spokesperson  Assistant Secretary for East Asian and Pacific Affairs David Stilwell provided opening remarks at the inaugural Indo-Pacific Conference on Strengthening Governance of Transboundary Rivers on October 15.  U.S. Ambassador to Thailand Michael DeSombre offered closing remarks.  The conference, organized in partnership with the East-West Center, convened policy-makers, academics, members of civil society, and other transboundary river stakeholders from across the Indo-Pacific region to share best practices related to the sustainable development and cooperative management of transboundary rivers.  Assistant Secretary Stilwell highlighted the new Mekong-U.S. Partnership and its role in expanding U.S. engagement with the five countries of the Mekong sub-region.  He underscored United States commitment to the Mekong region, as evidenced by the $3.5 billion the United States provided in the region since 2009, as well as our enduring support to the Mekong River Commission (MRC) and transparent regional river governance.  Assistant Secretary Stilwell also raised U.S. concerns over China’s unilateral manipulation of Mekong River flows and the need for comprehensive, year-round water data sharing through the MRC.

2017年11月，唐纳德·特朗普（Donald Trump）总统制定了美国关于印度-太平洋（Indo-Pacific）自由和开放的前景规划，要求保障所有国家的主权、强盛和繁荣。从美国西海岸到印度西海岸，以生机勃勃的东南亚国家联盟（Association of Southeast Asian Nations）为中心，印度-太平洋地区蕴藏着前所未有的潜力，有助于加强美国经济，同时也能够改善亚洲和世界各地的生活。在我们一致努力为战胜全球疫情救亡图存之际，美国与印度-太平洋地区各国发展伙伴关系的重要性只会日益增强。 美国政府认识到印度-太平洋地区是全球经济的主要动力，且本身作为一个太平洋国家，正采取全政府动员的方式推进民营部门主导的经济复苏和增长，其中包括促进活力旺盛的美国公司的参与。我们以加速出口和贸易为重点，推动对能源、基础设施和数字经济的投资。我们透明的、由民营部门主导的模式已证明表现优异，可以实现可持续增长、降低贫困并支持技术发明，为疫情结束后的经济复苏和持续及公平的增长提供最佳方案。 为了推动可持续和高质量的增长，实现该地区和全世界的永久利益，美国的政策倡导： 我们推出印度-太平洋战略三年后，我们的全政府动员的努力已经产生了深远和革新式的影响。 自2018年7月举行第一届印度-太平洋论坛（Indo-Pacific Business Forum）以来，美国商务部（U.S. Department of Commerce）协同美国政府其他机构，已为美国从该地区引进376亿美元的外来直接投资，支持了美国约50,000个工作岗位，并且为印度-太平洋4,122个考虑在美国进行投资的客户提供协助。同期，美国商务部协助12,000多个美国公司在该地区蓬勃开展业务，支持了约100万个美国工作岗位。 2019年，美国工商业与该地区实现了1.89万亿美元的双向贸易。美国向该地区出口的产品和服务占美国总出口的28.2%，从该地区的进口占美国总进口的37.9%。 美国是印度-太平洋外来直接投资最大的来源。2019年，美国在东盟成员国的投资达3,380亿美元，超过了美国向中国和日本提供外来直接投资的总额。 通过下载本事实清单了解更多（2020年10月：英文PDF https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/wp-content/uploads/sites/252/Indo-Pacific-2020-English.pdf / 中文PDF https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/wp-content/uploads/sites/252/Indo-Pacific-2020-Chinese.pdf）

In November 2017, President Donald Trump laid out the U.S. vision for a free and open Indo-Pacific, in which all nations are sovereign, strong and prosperous. Spanning from the U.S. west coast to India’s west coast, with the dynamic Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) at its center, the Indo-Pacific region offers unprecedented potential to strengthen the U.S. economy while also improving lives in Asia and around the world. As we all strive to recover from the global pandemic, the partnerships between the United States and the nations of the Indo-Pacific region are only growing in importance. In recognition that the Indo-Pacific region is a primary engine of the global economy, and as a Pacific nation itself, the U.S. Government is employing a whole-of-government approach to unlock private sector-led economic recovery and growth, including through increased engagement by dynamic American companies. We focus on catalyzing exports and trade, and facilitating investments in energy, infrastructure, and the digital economy. Our transparent, private sector-driven model has a proven track record for delivering sustainable growth, reducing poverty, and fostering technological innovation, and delivers the best formula for post-pandemic economic recovery and sustained and equitable growth. To power growth that is sustainable and high-quality, with lasting benefits for the region and the world, U.S. policy promotes: Three years after launching our Indo-Pacific strategy, the impact of our whole-of-government efforts has been far-reaching and transformational. Since the first Indo-Pacific Business Forum in July 2018, the U.S. Department of Commerce, in partnership with other U.S. government agencies, has facilitated $37.6 billion in FDI from the region into the United States supporting an estimated 50,000 American jobs and assisting 4,122 Indo-Pacific clients considering investments in the United States. During the same period, the U.S. Department of Commerce assisted over 12,000 U.S. companies active in the region, and supported an estimated 1 million American jobs.  In 2019, U.S. businesses conducted over $1.89 trillion in two-way trade with the region. U.S. export of goods and services to the region accounted for 28.2% of total U.S. exports, and imports from the region accounted for 37.9% of total U.S. imports.  The United States is the largest  source of foreign direct investment (FDI) in the Indo-Pacific. In 2019, the total U.S. investment in ASEAN member countries is $338 billion, which is larger than the outbound U.S. FDI in China and Japan combined.  Read more by downloading this Factsheet (October 2020: English PDF https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/wp-content/uploads/sites/252/Indo-Pacific-2020-English.pdf / Chinese PDF https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/wp-content/uploads/sites/252/Indo-Pacific-2020-Chinese.pdf)

2020年美国大选将于11月3日举行。 今年，联邦一级的选举包括美国总统、35名美国参议院（U.S. Senate）议员以及全部435名美国众议院（U.S. House of Representatives）行使投票权的议员。 在州一级，今年有11位州长选举，还有5000多个州议会席位改选。 了解更多： https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/zh/2020-elections-zh/

The 2020 U.S. general elections will be held on November 3. At the federal level, voters will choose a U.S. president, 35 members of the U.S. Senate and all 435 voting members of the U.S. House of Representatives. At the state level, 11 governorships are up for grabs this year, as are more than 5,000 state legislature seats. Read more： https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/2020-elections/

中文翻译详见中国生态环境部：https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/dfATwc9LZHf2cS6Bj0Om4g

MEDIA NOTE OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON NOVEMBER 10, 2021 U.S.-China Joint Glasgow Declaration on Enhancing Climate Action in the 2020s 1.  The United States and China recall their Joint Statement Addressing the Climate Crisis of April 17th, 2021. They are committed to its effective implementation and appreciate the intensive work that has taken place to date and the value of continued discussion. 2. The United States and China, alarmed by reports including the Working Group I Contribution to the IPCC Sixth Assessment Report released on August 9th, 2021, further recognize the seriousness and urgency of the climate crisis. They are committed to tackling it through their respective accelerated actions in the critical decade of the 2020s, as well as through cooperation in multilateral processes, including the UNFCCC process, to avoid catastrophic impacts. 3. The United States and China recall their firm commitment to work together and with other Parties to strengthen implementation of the Paris Agreement. The two sides also recall the Agreement’s aim in accordance with Article 2 to hold the global average temperature increase to well below 2 degrees C and to pursue efforts to limit it to 1.5 degrees C. In that regard, they are committed to pursuing such efforts, including by taking enhanced climate actions that raise ambition in the 2020s in the context of the Paris Agreement, with the aim of keeping the above temperature limit within reach and cooperating to identify and address related challenges and opportunities. 4. Moving forward, the United States and China welcome the significant efforts being made around the world to address the climate crisis. They nevertheless recognize that there remains a significant gap between such efforts, including their aggregate effect, and those that need to be taken to achieve the goals of the Paris Agreement. The two sides stress the vital importance of closing that gap as soon as possible, particularly through stepped-up efforts.  They declare their intention to work individually, jointly, and with other countries during this decisive decade, in accordance with different national circumstances, to strengthen and accelerate climate action and cooperation aimed at closing the gap, including accelerating the green and low-carbon transition and climate technology innovation. 5. The two sides are intent on seizing this critical moment to engage in expanded individual and combined efforts to accelerate the transition to a global net zero economy. 6. The two sides recall their intention to continue discussing, both on the road to COP 26 and beyond, concrete actions in the 2020s to reduce emissions aimed at keeping the Paris Agreement-aligned temperature limit within reach. With that clear purpose, and anticipating that particular forms of cooperation will have the effect of significantly accelerating emission reductions and limitations, including in the form of specific goals, targets, policies, and measures, the two sides intend to engage in the actions and cooperative activities set forth below. 7. The two sides intend to cooperate on: A. regulatory frameworks and environmental standards related to reducing emissions of greenhouse gases in the 2020s; B. maximizing the societal benefits of the clean energy transition; C. policies to encourage decarbonization and electrification of end-use sectors; D. key areas related to the circular economy, such as green design and renewable resource utilization; and E. deployment and application of technology such as CCUS and direct air capture. 8. Recognizing specifically the significant role that emissions of methane play in increasing temperatures, both countries consider increased action to control and reduce such emissions to be a matter of necessity in the 2020s. To this end: A. The two countries intend to cooperate to enhance the measurement of methane emissions; to exchange information on their respective policies and programs for strengthening management and control of methane; and to foster joint research into methane emission reduction challenges and solutions. B. The United States has announced the U.S. Methane Emissions Reduction Action Plan. C. Taking into account the above cooperation, as appropriate, the two sides intend to do the following before COP 27: I. They intend to develop additional measures to enhance methane emission control, at both the national and sub-national levels. II. In addition to its recently communicated NDC, China intends to develop a comprehensive and ambitious National Action Plan on methane, aiming to achieve a significant effect on methane emissions control and reductions in the 2020s. D. The United States and China intend to convene a meeting in the first half of 2022 to focus on the specifics of enhancing measurement and mitigation of methane, including through standards to reduce methane from the fossil and waste sectors, as well as incentives and programs to reduce methane from the agricultural sector. 9. In order to reduce CO2 emissions: A. The two countries intend to cooperate on: Ⅰ. Policies that support the effective integration of high shares of low-cost intermittent renewable energy; Ⅱ. Transmission policies that encourage efficient balancing of electricity supply and demand across broad geographies; Ⅲ. Distributed generation policies that encourage integration of solar, storage, and other clean power solutions closer to electricity users; and Ⅳ. Energy efficiency policies and standards to reduce electricity waste. B.    The United States has set a goal to reach 100% carbon pollution-free electricity by 2035. C.    China will phase down coal consumption during the 15th Five Year Plan and make best efforts to accelerate this work. 10. Recognizing that eliminating global illegal deforestation would contribute meaningfully to the effort to reach the Paris goals, the two countries welcome the Glasgow Leaders’ Declaration on Forests and Land Use.  The two sides intend to engage collaboratively in support of eliminating global illegal deforestation through effectively enforcing their respective laws on banning illegal imports. 11. The two sides recall their respective commitments regarding the elimination of support for unabated international thermal coal power generation. 12. With respect to COP 26, both countries support an ambitious, balanced, and inclusive outcome on mitigation, adaptation, and support. It must send a clear signal that the Parties to the Paris Agreement: A. Are committed to tackling the climate crisis by strengthening implementation of the Paris Agreement, reflecting common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities, in the light of different national circumstances; B. Recall the Paris Agreement’s aim to hold the global average temperature increase to well below 2 degrees C and pursue efforts to limit it to 1.5 degrees C and are committed to pursuing such efforts, including by taking ambitious action during this critical decade to keep the above temperature limit within reach, including as necessary communicating or updating 2030 NDCs and long-term strategies; C. Recognize the significance of adaptation in addressing the climate crisis, including further discussion on the global goal on adaptation and promoting its effective implementation, as well as the scaling up of financial and capacity-building support for adaptation in developing countries; and D. Resolve to ensure that their collective and individual efforts are informed by, inter alia, the best available science. 13. Both countries recognize the importance of the commitment made by developed countries to the goal of mobilizing jointly $100b per year by 2020 and annually through 2025 to address the needs of developing countries, in the context of meaningful mitigation actions and transparency on implementation, and stress the importance of meeting that goal as soon as possible. 14. Both countries will work cooperatively to complete at COP 26 the implementing arrangements (“rulebook”) for Articles 6 and 13 of the Paris Agreement, as well as common time frames for NDCs. 15. Both countries intend to communicate 2035 NDCs in 2025. 16. The two sides intend to establish a “Working Group on Enhancing Climate Action in the 2020s,” which will meet regularly to address the climate crisis and advance the multilateral process, focusing on enhancing concrete actions in this decade. This may include, inter alia, continued policy and technical exchanges, identification of programs and projects in areas of mutual interest, meetings of governmental and non-governmental experts, facilitating participation by local governments, enterprises, think tanks, academics, and other experts, exchanging updates on their respective national efforts, considering the need for additional efforts, and reviewing the implementation of the Joint Statement and this Joint Declaration.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿特区 2023年3月30日 华盛顿会议中心（Washington Convention Center）   布林肯国务卿：谢谢各位。晚上好。非常荣幸作会议闭幕讲话。我要首先感谢各位——所有来自100多个国家的国家首脑和代表、地方政府领导人、公民社会和私人业界的合作伙伴——来和我们一起参加第二届民主峰会。 我非常高兴在进来的时候看见参议院外交关系委员会主席梅嫩德斯（Senator Menendez）正在向外走。我们也对其他国会议员的参与深表感激。 特别感谢我们的峰会共同主办方——哥斯达黎加、荷兰、赞比亚共和国和我们的下一届峰会主办国大韩民国。我特别要感谢多边和全球事务副部长朴永民（Yongmin Park）今天从首尔加入我们以及在美国准备将峰会接力棒传给韩国时的伙伴合作。 拜登总统在上任第一年发起“民主峰会”，因为他认识到民主是释放人类潜能和为我们的人民提供服务的最强大工具。我们知道，民主国家更包容、更公平、更和平、更繁荣；更能为其人口解决生活和谋生中最要紧的问题，无论是保护公共健康，促进儿童教育，还是扩大经济机会。 而且我们知道，有更强大、更自由、更民主的未来是无论大小国家、南北国家、发达和发展中国家的人民和政府的共同追求。 正如拜登总统所说，民主不是偶然发生的。它需要每一代人不断的努力、不断的呵护——需要我们每个人这样做。的确，就民主的未来而言，我们正处在一个转折点，当前的一个决定性问题是，我们是否愿意付出所需要的努力来确保民主继续为人民带来成果，继续繁荣发展。 在整个这个行动之年（Year of Action）里，这个团体响亮地对这个问题作出肯定回答。自上次民主峰会以来，我们已经作出并正在兑现700多项承诺，旨在帮助我们捍卫和加强民主价值观和体制。 这些承诺包括旨在打击腐败的新法律和行动计划，如厄瓜多尔的新国家反腐败战略（National Anti-Corruption Strategy），多米尼加共和国的非定罪财产没收（Non-Conviction Based Asset Forfeiture），以及澳大利亚的国家反腐败委员会法案（National Anti-Corruption Commission Act）。 采取措施支持自由和独立的新闻媒体——包括法国、斯洛伐克、新西兰和美国对相关行动计划提供援助，这些行动计划致力于帮助独立新闻机构在经济上更加稳定和可持续，保护记者，以及例如在赞比亚，废除可能被用来压制政府批评人士的法律。 政府采取了强化民主机制的措施，包括阿尔巴尼亚和安哥拉的司法改革；鼓励政府代表具有包容性，特别是有来自女性、LGBTQI+社群和其他历史上被边缘化的群体的成员。 许多政府采取了保护公民和人权的行动。刚果民主共和国通过了具有里程碑意义的立法，承认原住民的土地权和文化权。台湾取消了阻止承认跨国同性婚姻的障碍。尼泊尔通过了惩罚强酸攻击和强奸犯罪分子的立法。这只是几个例子。 这些政府承诺具有重要意义。它们正在实实在在地改变全球数百万人的生活。在结束这次第二届民主峰会并为未来峰会做准备时，我们将继续帮助彼此维持、适应和发展我们的集体努力。 因为拜登总统深信——我也深信——维护我们的民主制度是一项集体的努力，它取决于我们的政府和人民的共同努力。因为所有的人、所有的国家和所有的行业都能作贡献。无疑，设想不是我们任何人独有，更不用说好的设想。 这恰恰就是我们努力汇聚了如此广泛的人士参加峰会的原因，以便推动在共同的优先事项上的进展——从促进年轻人的政治参与，支持独立媒体，确保自由公正的选举，到像我们今天所讨论的，形成有关互联网和新兴技术的规范。这也是为什么在我们这次峰会之前和接下来的几个月中的一个主要工作焦点是多边努力，包括民主集团（Democracy Cohorts）：将政府与主要的公民社会和私营业界团体汇聚到一起的新型平台。 这场共同的反腐斗争只是一个强有力的例子，说明我们为什么需要有跨国界的努力并且联合社会各界的合作伙伴。反腐败已经成为我们民主峰会进程中的实际关注——我对我们做到这点感到高兴。 我们知道，腐败是跨国祸患。它阻碍投资，扼杀竞争，加深不平等，而且最糟糕的是，它侵蚀公众对政府和机制的信任。 每个国家不幸都有同腐败作斗争的经历，我们需要相互分享经验。为此，在过去的15个月中，美国与布鲁金斯学会（Brookings Institution）和开放政府伙伴关系（Open Government Partnership）——它包含76个国家，106个地方政府，代表着20多亿人，以及数千个公民社会组织——领导了一个新的金融透明与诚信民主集团（Financial Transparency and Integrity Democracy Cohort），从而使各方聚到一起，将我们的经验、知识和努力汇集起来，共同打击腐败。 通过将这些不同的观点汇聚在一起，民主集团致力于研究跨地区的问题。它正在制定基于成员国的经验和最佳实践的实际解决方案。它制定的指南将有助于防止不良行为者通过皮包公司掩盖非法活动，阻止腐败的政府官员及其亲信谋私利，确保金融系统的守门人——如律师、会计师和投资经理——不会成全洗钱活动。 这项工作——这个峰会——是要使我们的民主国家向内检视：认清我们面临的挑战，努力为我们的人民做得更好。 我认为，这正是有深刻意义的民主国家的区别所在：我们愿意公开透明地面对这些挑战；承认我们的不足，而不是掩盖它们，假装它们不存在。这是我们最强大的优势之一。这是我们在美国所说的致力于为形成一个更完美的联盟而持续努力的含义。 我们不认为我们拥有所有的解决方案——远非如此。但是我们确实知道，当我们与其他民主国家联合起来时，我们会使彼此更加强大、更有韧力、更能响应我们公民的要求，并且更有能力履行我们在这里的使命，即为他们——而且我希望为整个世界——带来成果。 对你们在这里坚持到全天结束的每一位人——谢谢你们。感谢你们的参加。感谢你们参与从事这项工作——不仅在今天，而且在每一天。它事关重要。它正在产生影响。我想不出在历史近期有任何比现在更重要的时刻。所以，感谢大家。祝你们有一个美好的夜晚。（掌声）谢谢各位。    欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/secretary-antony-j-blinken-summit-for-democracy-closing-remarks/  本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

REMARKS ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE WASHINGTON CONVENTION CENTER WASHINGTON, D.C. MARCH 30, 2023   SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you, everyone.  Good evening.  It is my honor now to actually close out the summit, and I want to start by thanking everyone – all the heads of state and representatives from more than a hundred countries, leaders of subnational governments, partners from civil society and the private sector – for joining us, for taking part in the second Summit for Democracy. And I was really pleased to see as I was coming in Senator Menendez, the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, was heading out.  Other members of Congress who participated, we’re grateful for that participation. And a special thank you to our summit co-hosts – Costa Rica, the Netherlands, the Republic of Zambia, and our next summit host, the Republic of Korea.  I’d especially like to thank the Deputy Minister for Multilateral and Global Affairs Yongmin Park for joining us from Seoul here today, and for the partnership as the United States prepares to pass the summit baton to Korea. In his first year in office, President Biden launched the Summit for Democracy out of recognition that democracy is our single most powerful tool for unleashing human potential and delivering for our people.  We know that democracies are more inclusive, more equitable, more peaceful, more prosperous; more able to address the issues that matter most in the lives and livelihoods of their populations, whether it’s protecting public health, advancing children’s education, expanding economic opportunity. And we know that the pursuit of a stronger, freer, more democratic future is shared by people and governments from big and small countries, North and South, developed and developing. As President Biden has said, democracy doesn’t happen by accident.  It requires constant effort, constant tending by each new generation – and by each of us.  And indeed, we are at an inflection point when it comes to the future of democracy, where a defining question of this time is whether we are willing to do what it takes to make sure that democracies continue to deliver for their people, continue to thrive. Throughout this Year of Action, this group has answered that question with a resounding yes.  Since the last Summit for Democracy, we have made – and we are delivering on – over 700 commitments that help us defend and strengthen democratic values and institutions. These commitments include new laws and initiatives to combat corruption – like Ecuador’s new National Anti-Corruption Strategy, the Dominican Republic’s Non-Conviction Based Asset Forfeiture, and Australia’s National Anti-Corruption Commission Act. Steps to support a free and independent press – including the contributions of France, Slovakia, New Zealand, and the United States to initiatives that help independent news outlets become more financially stable and sustainable, and protect journalists, as well as the abolition of laws, as in Zambia, that could be used to silence government critics. Governments have taken measures to bolster democratic institutions, including judicial reform in Albania and Angola; to encourage inclusive representation in government, particularly by women, members of the LGBTQI+ community, and other historically marginalized groups. And many have taken action to protect civic and human rights.  The Democratic Republic of Congo passed landmark legislation to recognize indigenous peoples’ land and cultural rights.  Taiwan lifted barriers to prevent the recognition of transnational same-sex marriage.  Nepal passed legislation to punish perpetrators of acid attacks and rape, to name just a few. These national commitments are significant.  They’re making a difference, an actual difference, in the lives of millions of people around the world.  And as we close this second Summit for Democracy, as we prepare for summits to come, we’ll continue to help one another sustain, adapt, and build on our collective efforts. Because President Biden believes deeply – as do I – that safeguarding our democracies is a collective effort, one that depends on our governments and on our people working together.  Because all people, all nations, all sectors have contributions to make.  And for sure, none of us has a monopoly on ideas, never mind good ideas. And that’s exactly why we tried to bring such a wide-ranging group of summit participants together to drive progress on shared priorities – from promoting youth engagement in politics, supporting an independent press, securing free and fair elections – and, as we discussed today, shaping the norms around the internet and emerging technologies.  And it’s why such a major focus of our work leading up to this summit, and in the months that will follow it, is on multilateral efforts – including Democracy Cohorts: innovative platforms that bring governments together with leading civil society and private sector groups. This shared fight against corruption is just one powerful example of why we need to work together across borders and with partners across our societies.  And there has been – and I’m pleased that we’ve done it – real focus on combating corruption through our Summit for Democracy process. We know that corruption is a transnational scourge.  It discourages investment.  It stifles competition.  It deepens inequities.  And maybe worst of all, it erodes public trust in government and institutions. Every country, unfortunately, has experience in fighting corruption – experience that we need to be sharing with one another.  Over the last 15 months, the United States, together with the Brookings Institution and the Open Government Partnership – which includes 76 countries, 106 local governments, representing more than 2 billion people, and thousands of civil society organizations – we’ve been leading a new Financial Transparency and Integrity Democracy Cohort to do just that, to come together, to bring our experiences, our knowledge, and our efforts together in combating corruption. Bringing these diverse perspectives together, the Cohort has worked to study the problem across regions.  And it’s crafting actual solutions based on lessons learned, based on best practices from member countries.  Guidelines put together by the Cohort will help prevent bad actors from shielding illicit activity behind shell companies, stopping corrupt government officials and their cronies from enriching themselves, making sure that gatekeepers of the financial system – lawyers, accountants, investment managers – don’t enable money laundering. This work – this summit – is about looking inward at our democracies: recognizing our challenges, striving to do better by our people. And in a very profound way, I believe that’s what distinguishes democracies: our willingness to confront these challenges – out in the open, transparently; to acknowledge our shortcomings – not to sweep them under the rug, not to pretend they don’t exist.  That is one of our greatest strengths.  It’s what we mean in the United States when we commit to the enduring task of forming a more perfect union. We don’t believe that we hold all the solutions – far from it.  But we do know that when we join together with our fellow democracies, we make one another stronger, more resilient, more responsive to our citizens, and better able to do what we’re here to do, which is to deliver for them – and, I hope, for the world. So to each of you who are still here hanging in there at the end of the day, thank you.  Thank you for your participation.  Thank you for your engagement – but not just today, every single day – in doing this work.  It matters.  It’s making a difference, and I can think of no recent time in history when it’s been more vital.  So thanks to everyone.  Have a great evening.  (Applause.)  Thank you.

常务副国务卿比根参加第一届美国-湄公河伙伴关系部长级会议，启动湄公河-美国伙伴关系 2020年9月14日 东部夏令时间 下午03:01 发言人办公室 以下来自发言人摩根·奥特葛斯: 9月11日星期五，美国、柬埔寨、老挝人民民主共和国、缅甸、泰国、越南和东盟秘书处启动了湄公河-美国伙伴关系。该伙伴关系将通过加强湄公河伙伴国的自治、经济独立和可持续发展和推动以透明、基于规则的方式应对跨境挑战，来扩大2009年在“湄公河下游倡议”下开始的合作。 常务副国务卿斯蒂芬·比根代表美国出席了第一届美国-湄公河伙伴关系部长级会议，宣布美国计划追加1.5亿多美元的资源，用于支持从COVID-19中恢复（5200万美元），打击跨国犯罪（5500万美元），在亚洲“通过能源增进发展和增长”（EDGE）下发展能源市场（3300万美元）及打击人口贩运（200万美元）。美国致力于支持湄公河地区各国的复原力和自治，并将与所有认同我们有原则的、透明的做法的伙伴一起努力。 查看更多信息，请访问：http://www.mekonguspartnership.org

READOUT OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON SEPTEMBER 14, 2020 Deputy Secretary Biegun’s Participation in the First U.S.-Mekong Partnership Ministerial Meeting to Launch the Mekong-U.S. Partnership The below is attributable to Spokesperson Morgan Ortagus: On Friday, September 11, the United States, Cambodia, Lao PDR, Myanmar, Thailand, Vietnam, and the ASEAN Secretariat launched the Mekong-U.S. Partnership.  The Partnership will expand on cooperation begun in 2009 under the Lower Mekong Initiative by strengthening the autonomy, economic independence, and sustainable development of the Mekong partner countries and promoting a transparent, rules-based approach to transboundary challenges. The United States, represented at the first U.S.-Mekong Partnership Ministerial Meeting by Deputy Secretary of State Stephen Biegun, announced more than $150 million in planned additional resources to support COVID-19 recovery ($52 million), to counter transnational crime ($55 million), to develop energy markets under Asia EDGE ($33 million), and to counter trafficking in persons ($2 million).  The United States is committed to supporting the resilience and autonomy of countries in the Mekong region and will work with all partners who share our principled, transparent approach. For more information please see: http://www.mekonguspartnership.org.

我们举国哀悼在冠状病毒疫情中逝去的每一个生命，我们与在疫情中饱受痛苦和疾病煎熬的所有人感同身受。通过表达哀思，美国人民坚定地团结在一起，共同抗击这一看不见的敌人。愿上帝与此次疫情的受害者同在，并为他们的家人和朋友带来帮助和慰藉。为表达对冠状病毒疫情受害者的庄严敬意，谨以美利坚合众国宪法和法律赋予我作为美国总统的权力，我特此命令，白宫、DC联邦政府、美国全国及其海外领土和属地的所有公共建筑和地面、军事基地、海军基地及海军舰船均降半旗，直至2020年5月24日日落。我同时指示美国所有驻外使馆、使团、领事机构和其他海外设施，包括所有军事设施、海军舰船和基地，在同一时间同时降半旗。  为此，我谨于公元贰千零二十年之五月二十一日，美利坚合众国独立贰百四十四年，在此签名为证。

Our Nation mourns for every life lost to the coronavirus pandemic, and we share in the suffering of all those who endured pain and illness from the outbreak.  Through our grief, America stands steadfast and united against the invisible enemy.  May God be with the victims of this pandemic and bring aid and comfort to their families and friends.  As a mark of solemn respect for the victims of the coronavirus pandemic, by the authority vested in me as President of the United States by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, I hereby order that the flag of the United States shall be flown at half-staff at the White House and upon all public buildings and grounds, at all military posts and naval stations, and on all naval vessels of the Federal Government in the District of Columbia and throughout the United States and its Territories and possessions until sunset, May 24, 2020.  I also direct that the flag shall be flown at half-staff for the same length of time at all United States embassies, legations, consular offices, and other facilities abroad, including all military facilities and naval vessels and stations. IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this twenty-first day of May, in the year of our Lord two thousand twenty, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred forty-fourth.

供即时发布 2023年8月10日，星期四 公共事务办公室 publicaffairs@doc.gov   继宣布解除赴他国团体旅行的限制之后，中国又宣布将取消赴美团体旅行的限制。对此，美国商务部部长吉娜·雷蒙多(Gina Raimondo)今天发表了以下声明。这一宣布是美国商务部官员与中国政府代表持续接触的结果。  “今天恢复美国作为中国团体旅行批准目的地的行动，是美国旅行和旅游业的一大胜利，也是促进对我们双边关系至关重要的人民间交流的重要一步。这是美国商务部和中华人民共和国文化和旅游部之间数月辛勤工作的结晶。在COVID之前，每年有多达300万中国游客访问美国，为美国经济贡献了300多亿美元。我们期待着再次欢迎中国团体赴美旅行。”

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Thursday, August 10, 2023 Office of Public Affairs publicaffairs@doc.gov Today, U.S. Department of Commerce Secretary Gina Raimondo issued the following statement on the announcement that China will lift restrictions on group travel to the United States, in addition to other nations. The announcement is the result of continued engagement between U.S. Commerce officials and Chinese government representatives. “Today’s action to restore the United States as an approved destination for Chinese group travel is a significant win for the U.S. travel and tourism industry and an important step forward to promote the type of people-to-people exchange that is crucial for our bilateral relationship. This has been the culmination of months of hard work between the U.S. Department of Commerce and the People’s Republic of China Ministry of Culture and Tourism. Before COVID, as many as 3 million Chinese travelers visited the United States annually, contributing more than $30 billion to the U.S. economy. We look forward to once again welcoming Chinese group travel to the United States.”

媒体声明 美国国务院发言人内德·普赖斯 2021年10月3日 美国对中华人民共和国在台湾周边的挑衅性军事活动深为关切。这些活动破坏稳定，造成误判风险，并且有损地区和平稳定。我们敦促北京停止对台湾的军事、外交和经济施压及胁迫。 我们在台湾海峡的和平稳定方面有持久的利益。我们将继续协助台湾保持足够的自我防卫能力，同时我们将维持我们在三个联合公报、《台湾关系法》和“六项保证”中做出的承诺。美国对台湾的承诺坚如磐石，并有助于维护台湾海峡及地区内的和平稳定。我们将继续与朋友和盟友站在一起，推进我们共同的繁荣、安全和价值观，并深化我们与民主台湾的关系。

PRESS STATEMENT NED PRICE, DEPARTMENT SPOKESPERSON OCTOBER 3, 2021 The United States is very concerned by the People’s Republic of China’s provocative military activity near Taiwan, which is destabilizing, risks miscalculations, and undermines regional peace and stability. We urge Beijing to cease its military, diplomatic, and economic pressure and coercion against Taiwan. We have an abiding interest in peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait. We will continue to assist Taiwan in maintaining a sufficient self-defense capability, and we will maintain our commitments as outlined in the Three Communiqués, the Taiwan Relations Act, and the Six Assurances. The U.S. commitment to Taiwan is rock solid and contributes to the maintenance of peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait and within the region. We will continue to stand with friends and allies to advance our shared prosperity, security, and values and deepen our ties with democratic Taiwan.

同时，我们也正在对卫生保健设施中可能发生的疫情进行调查。 据美国疾病控制与预防中心（CDC）和华盛顿州公共卫生官员报告，有三名住院患者在导致COVID-19的病毒检测中呈假定阳性，其中一名患者已经死亡。 虽然正在进行调查，但这些感染的源头目前尚不清楚。目前情况显示是在该社区（包括这家长期护理机构）中的人际传播。  CDC发言人南希·梅索尼耶博士表示：“我们的心与死亡病人的家人同在，也与这次疫情爆发的受害者的家人同在。这家专业护理机构的住院者、工作人员及社群的健康是重中之重。我们将与西雅图和金县的公共卫生部门共同努力，为病人的护理、医护人员的安全以及周边社区人民的福祉提供支持。”  这是在美国首例报告的因COVID-19死亡的病例，也是报告的首例医护人员病例以及首次可能在一家长期护理机构中爆发的疫情。在这些来自华盛顿州的报告之前，本周早些时候在俄勒冈州以及在加利福尼亚州的两个地方有其他关于社区传播的报告。尽管对于在加利福尼亚州、俄勒冈州和华盛顿州的形势发展仍有许多有待了解，但初步信息提升了对于COVID-19对美国某些社区构成的直接威胁的关注度。在美国的大多数人将几乎没有暴露于这种病毒的直接风险，但有些人将则根据暴露程度而面临更大的风险。与COVID-19患者有过密切接触的人风险最大。疑似或确认暴露者应与其所在州或当地公共卫生部门取得联系。  CDC正派出一支专家团队来支持在华盛顿的调查。梅索尼耶博士表示：“我们认识到这是一个艰难的时期；我们面临着一个历史性的公共卫生挑战。我们将继续以积极的方式应对COVID-19，以遏制和减弱这一病毒的威胁。尽管我们仍然抱有最好的希望，但我们继续为这一病毒在美国的扩散做好准备。”  这三宗病例使通过美国公共卫生系统检测到的COVID-19病例总数达到22例。联邦政府将继续对这一迅速发展的局势做出积极反应。  在华盛顿州已使用CDC rRT-PCR对导致COVID-19的病毒进行了测试。结果将在CDC得到确认，但使用CDC测试得出的假定阳性结果被视为出于公共卫生应对目的的阳性结果，而且协调一致的公共卫生应对措施已经开启。  有关COVID-19的更多信息，请访问www.cdc.gov/covid19。

There also are ongoing investigations into possible outbreaks in health care settings  The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and public health officials in the state of Washington have reported three hospitalized patients who have tested presumptive-positive for the virus that causes COVID-19, including one patient who died.  While there is an ongoing investigation, the source of these infections is currently unknown. Circumstances suggest person-to-person spread in the community, including in the LTCF.  CDC spokesperson Dr. Nancy Messonnier said, “Our hearts go out to the family of the patient who died as well as the families of the people who are caught up in this outbreak. The health of the residents, staff and community of this skilled nursing facility are a top priority. We will work with Public Health – Seattle and King County to support the care of the patients, the safety of the health care workers, and the well-being of the people in the surrounding community.”  This is the first reported death in the United States from COVID-19, as well as the first reported case in a health care worker and the first possible outbreak in a LTCF. These reports from Washington follow others of community spread in Oregon and two places in California earlier this week. While there is still much to learn about the unfolding situations in California, Oregon and Washington, preliminary information raises the level of concern about the immediate threat for COVID-19 for certain communities in the United States. Most people in the United States will have little immediate risk of exposure to this virus, but some people will be at increased risk depending on their exposures. The greatest risk is to those who have been in close contact with people with COVID-19. People with suspected or confirmed exposure should reach out to their state or local public health department.  CDC is sending a team of experts to support the investigation in Washington. Dr. Messonnier said, “We recognize that this is a difficult time; we are facing a historic public health challenge. We will continue to respond to COVID-19 in an aggressive way to contain and blunt the threat of this virus. While we still hope for the best, we continue to prepare for this virus to become widespread in the United States.”  These three cases bring the total number of COVID-19 cases detected through the U.S. public health system to 22. The federal government will continue to respond aggressively to this rapidly evolving situation.  Testing for the virus that causes COVID-19 was conducted in Washington state using the CDC rRT-PCR. Results will be confirmed at CDC, but a presumptive positive result using the CDC test is treated as a positive for public health response purposes and a coordinated public health response has begun.  For more information about COVID-19 visit www.cdc.gov/covid19. ###

2022年11月13日   美国强烈谴责今日在土耳其伊斯坦布尔发生的暴力行为。我们心系伤者，并向失去挚爱亲朋的人们致以我们最深切的哀悼。我们与我们的北约盟友土耳其肩并肩站在一起，抗击恐怖主义。

NOVEMBER 13, 2022   The United States strongly condemns the act of violence that took place today in Istanbul, Turkiye. Our thoughts are with those who were injured and our deepest condolences go to those who lost loved ones. We stand shoulder-to-shoulder with our NATO Ally Turkiye in countering terrorism.   ###

安东尼·布林肯国务卿的声明 美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿特区 2022年3月15日 美国将再提供1.86多亿美元人道援助，帮助因俄罗斯有预谋、无端和无理的战争而在乌克兰流离失所的人以及沦为难民的300多万人。这项援助将为正在应对这场危机的人道主义组织提供进一步支持，并辅助邻国对难民的慷慨接待和帮助。 我们要求立即结束俄罗斯正在对乌克兰进行的战争，并要求俄罗斯让乌克兰境内的人道援助通道不受阻碍，并且让希望离开被困城市的人有安全通道。必须允许人道援助不受干扰地继续运送，人道救援人员必须获得向有需要的人提供救助的安全通道。 美国是向乌克兰提供人道援助的最大单一捐助国，这包括从2月底以来向乌克兰境内和该地区提供的近2.93亿美元人道援助。从俄罗斯8年前首次入侵乌克兰至今，我们对该地区易受影响的地区的资助达到将近6.44亿美元。我们的人道援助是通过以不偏不倚、人道、中立和独立的方式基于需要提供帮助的独立的人道主义组织进行。 为在乌克兰邻国中的难民增加的人道援助，将通过我们的国际和非政府组织伙伴，用于帮助提供食品、安全饮水、保护、临时住所，以及医疗急诊。这笔资金还将帮助这场冲突的受害者与分离的家人保持联系，并促进可能的家庭团圆。 美国对邻国接纳逃离乌克兰的人的友善精神表示赞赏。如同对任何难民情形一样，我们呼吁国际社会本着不驱回原则和国际法规定的国家各自义务，响应寻求保护的人的需要。 我们欢迎其他捐助方为应对这一危机作贡献，并敦促更多人为乌克兰境内和该地区的人道急需提供慷慨帮助。 欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/additional-humanitarian-assistance-for-the-people-of-ukraine/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

Additional Humanitarian Assistance for the People of Ukraine PRESS STATEMENT ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE MARCH 15, 2022 The United States is providing over $186 million in additional humanitarian assistance to support internally displaced persons and the more than three million refugees affected by Russia’s premeditated, unprovoked, and unjustified war in Ukraine.  This will provide further support for humanitarian organizations responding to the crisis and complement the generosity of the neighboring countries that are welcoming and supporting refugees. We call for an immediate end to Russia’s continuing war against Ukraine and for Russia to facilitate unhindered humanitarian access in Ukraine and safe passage for those who seek to leave the cities where they are trapped.  Humanitarian aid deliveries must be allowed to continue without interference, and humanitarian workers must have safe passage to deliver aid and assistance to those in need. The United States is the largest single-country donor of humanitarian assistance to Ukraine, including providing nearly $293 million in humanitarian assistance both inside Ukraine and in the region since late February.  Our funding to-date amounts to nearly $644 million to vulnerable communities in the region since Russia first invaded Ukraine eight years ago.  Our humanitarian assistance flows through independent humanitarian organizations that deliver needs-based assistance with impartiality, humanity, neutrality, and independence. The additional humanitarian assistance for refugees in Ukraine’s neighboring countries supports the provision of food, safe drinking water, protection, accessible shelter, and emergency health care through the support of our international and non-governmental partners. This funding will also help victims of this conflict maintain contact with family members who have been separated and promote family reunification when possible. The United States commends the hospitality of the neighboring countries that are hosting those fleeing Ukraine.  As with any refugee situation, we call on the international community to respond to the needs of those seeking protection in a way that is consistent with the principle of non-refoulement and states’ respective obligations under international law. We welcome the contributions of other donors toward this crisis response and urge still others to generously support the immediate humanitarian needs in Ukraine and the region.

支持保护自然、适应气候和公平能源转型的美国–非洲合作关系 简报 白宫 华盛顿特区 2022年12月13日 在12月13日至15日在华盛顿举行的美国-非洲领导人峰会（U.S.-African Leaders Summit）期间，美国重申并扩大了与非洲国家政府、民营行业、公民社会以及慈善机构的持久伙伴关系，表明了非洲政府、机构和人民将在应对我们全球面临的时代最大挑战之一——气候变化——中发挥的关键作用。许多最易受气候变化影响的国家位于非洲，峰会突出展示的这些合作关系将对增强其复原力至关重要。 在2022年11月举行的联合国气候大会（COP27）上，拜登总统宣布美国计划提供1.5亿多美元的新资金，加快实施总统针对适应与复原力的紧急计划（President’s Emergency Plan for Adaptation and Resilience ，简称PREPARE）（请见Fact Sheet: President Biden Announces New Initiatives at COP27 to Strengthen U.S. Leadership in Tackling Climate Change）。他强调，美国致力于帮助非洲脆弱的国家和社区适应和驾驭气候变化造成的影响，这是PREPARE在非洲各地的努力之一。 自2021年1月以来，拜登–哈里斯政府投资和计划提供至少11亿美元支持非洲主导的努力，用于帮助保护自然、适应气候和公平的能源转型。这些投资包括基于全球基础设施和投资合作关系（Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment）的对基础设施项目的投资。 新的行动计划包括： o 美国–非洲技术能源网（U.S.-Africa Clean Tech Energy Network ，简称CTEN）：电力非洲与繁荣非洲（Prosper Africa）共同建立了CTEN，连接美国和非洲的清洁技术能源公司，在能够利用项目即用技术增加可靠供电的地方推广市场机会。CTEN的目标是在最初五年中协助成交多达3.5亿美元。 o 卫生行业电力和电信联盟（Health Electrification and Telecommunications Alliance [HETA]）：电力非洲准备实施一项1.5亿美元的政府-私营企业合作关系，在撒哈拉以南非洲地区为一万个卫生设施供电，从而加强行业资源，增进疫情抵御能力和数字连接度，并在卫生领域减少碳足迹（请见Fact Sheet:  U.S.- Africa Partnership in Health Cooperation）。 o增加妇女绿色就业：电力非洲将在尼日利亚启动一项新行动计划，增进妇女在能源业向清洁能源技术转型中的参与。 o向马拉维的戈洛莫蒂太阳能公司（Golomoti JCM Solar Corporation Limited）提供2500万美元贷款，用于撒哈拉以南非洲地区第一座具备连接电网的电池能源储存系统的太阳能电厂，帮助保障可靠的电力供应，减少频繁停电。这个电力非洲项目得益于先前美国贸易和发展署（USTDA）资助的可行性研究以及世纪挑战集团（MCC）给予的间接支持。 o在2022财政年度，提供1.8亿多美元资金用于再生能源解决方案，其中包括Mirova Gigaton基金（Mirova Gigaton Fund）、SDG 投资基金（SDG Investment Fund）、非洲再生能源基金2（Africa Renewable Energy Fund II）、以及SunFunder 太阳能转换基金（SunFunder Solar Energy Transformation Fund）。 o 在科特迪瓦的生物质电厂：100万美元专款用于帮助在科特迪瓦建设25兆瓦生物质电厂。这座电厂将通过将农业废物转化为清洁能源向科特迪瓦国家电网输电，从而减少该国兴旺的棉花行业的碳足迹。 o 在塞拉利昂的清洁水力发电：85.7万美元用于支持工程和环境辅助研究，以便落实在塞拉利昂的27兆瓦低截流水力发电厂计划。 o 在赞比亚的电池能源储存技术项目：投资 100万美元，开发和试点一个应用规模的能源储存站，从而有可能每年减少相当于大约26000吨二氧化碳排放，同时增强赞比亚电网的可持续力、复原力和可靠性。 o 与肯尼亚落实地热能空气直接捕获从而每年消除1000-10000吨二氧化碳。 o 与摩洛哥启动太阳能十项全能非洲设计挑战（Solar Decathlon Africa Design Challenge），这个双年竞赛旨在挑战非洲各地大学生团队设计、建造和应用太阳能房屋。这些团队将构思和分享新的适用于非洲的清洁能源建筑设计概念。 o 与莫桑比克扩大国内能源使用渠道，支持负责任的天然气和再生能源开发，为关键矿物质的生产和加工增添经济价值。 o 与碳管理技术和创新非洲卓越中心（The African Center of Excellence for Carbon Management Technology and Innovation）建立有助于在尼日利亚进行碳管理商业开发的环境，并向撒哈拉以南非洲其他国家扩展。 o宣布与加纳开始谈判123协议（123 Agreement），旨在为民用核合作建立法律框架，并包含核反应堆和核材料以及民用核研究和培训项目的可能条款。 o 与肯尼亚签署“核合作谅解备忘录”（Nuclear Cooperation Memorandum of Understanding），表明双方均致力于推进我们的民用核合作，并且宣布在民用核研究方面的新的联合努力。 o 与加纳和肯尼亚启动新的民用核研究，以及在加纳的技术培训项目。   ### 欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/12/13/fact-sheet-u-s-africa-partnership-in-supporting-conservation-climate-adaptation-and-a-just-energy-transition/   本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

U.S-Africa Partnership in Supporting Conservation, Climate Adaptation and a Just Energy Transition Fact sheet The White House Washington, D.C. December 13, 2022 During the U.S.-African Leaders Summit, held December 13-15 in Washington DC, the United States affirmed and expanded its enduring partnerships with African governments, the private sector, civil society, and philanthropic actors in recognition of the pivotal role African governments, institutions, and peoples will play in addressing one of the greatest global challenges of our time – climate change.  Many of the most vulnerable countries to climate change are in Africa, and the partnerships highlighted at the Summit will be essential to bolstering their resilience. At the United Nations Climate Meeting (COP27) in November 2022, President Biden announced U.S. plans to provide over $150 million in new funding to accelerate the President’s Emergency Plan for Adaptation and Resilience (PREPARE) (see Fact Sheet: President Biden Announces New Initiatives at COP27 to Strengthen U.S. Leadership in Tackling Climate Change).  He emphasized the U.S. commitment to help vulnerable countries and communities in Africa adapt to and manage the impacts of climate change as part of PREPARE’s work across the African continent.   Since January 2021, the Biden-Harris Administration has invested and plans to provide at least $1.1 billion to support African-led efforts to support conservation, climate adaptation, and a just energy transition. These investments include infrastructure projects under the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment (PGII). New initiatives include: o U.S.-Africa Clean Tech Energy Network (CTEN): Power Africa, in partnership with Prosper Africa, launched CTEN, which connects U.S. and African cleantech energy companies to market opportunities where project-ready technology can increase access to reliable electricity.  CTEN aims to facilitate up to $350 million in deals within the first five years. o Health Electrification and Telecommunications Alliance (HETA): Power Africa intends to operationalize a $150 million public- private partnership to electrify 10,000 health facilities in sub-Saharan Africa, bolstering sector resources to advance pandemic resilience and digital connectivity and decarbonize health-sector footprint (see Fact Sheet:  U.S.- Africa Partnership in Health Cooperation). o Growing Green Jobs for Women: Power Africa will launch a new initiative focused in Nigeria to advance women’s participation in the energy sector’s transition to clean energy technologies. o $25 million loan to Golomoti JCM Solar Corporation Limited in Malawi for the first solar power plant in sub-Saharan Africa with a grid-connected battery energy storage system that will help ensure dependable supply and reduce frequent blackouts.  This Power Africa project builds on a previous USTDA-funded feasibility study and indirect MCC support. o In FY 2022, more than $180 million in funds providing renewable energy solutions, including the Mirova Gigaton Fund, SDG Investment Fund, the Africa Renewable Energy Fund II, and the SunFunder Solar Energy Transformation Fund. o Biomass power plant in Cote d’Ivoire: A $1 million grant to help develop a 25-megawatt biomass powerplant in Cote d’Ivoire.  The plant will supply power to the Ivoirian national grid by transforming agricultural waste to clean energy, easing the carbon footprint of the country’s flourishing cotton sector. o Clean hydroelectric power in Sierra Leone: $857,000 to support supplementary engineering and environmental studies for the implementation of a 27-megawatt run-of-river hydroelectric plant in Sierra Leone. o Battery energy storage technology project in Zambia: $1 million investment to develop and pilot a utility-scale energy storage site, which could reduce carbon emissions by an estimated 26,000 metric tons CO2 equivalent per year while providing more sustainability, resilience, and reliability to Zambia’s power grid. o Kenya to implement direct air capture with geothermal energy to remove 1,000-10,000 tons of carbon dioxide per year. o Morocco to launch the Solar Decathlon Africa Design Challenge, a biennial competition that challenges teams of university students across the continent to design, build, and operate solar-powered houses.  Teams will formulate and share new concepts on clean building design appropriate for African contexts. o Mozambique to expand domestic energy access, support responsible natural gas and renewable energy development, and add economic value to critical minerals production and processing. o The African Center of Excellence for Carbon Management Technology and Innovation to foster an enabling environment for commercial deployment of carbon management in Nigeria, to be expanded to other Sub-Saharan African countries. o  Announcing the commencement of negotiations with Ghana for a 123 Agreement to set up a legal framework for civil nuclear cooperation, to include the potential provision of nuclear reactors and material as well as civil nuclear studies and training programs. o Signing Nuclear Cooperation Memorandum of Understanding with Kenya to signal that both parties seek to further our civil nuclear cooperation, and announcing new joint work on civil nuclear studies. o Launching new civil nuclear studies with Ghana and Kenya and technical training programs in Ghana. ###

解除美台关系中自我施加的限制 2021年1月9日 美国东部标准时间 下午03:29  迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥国务卿 台湾是一个充满活力的民主政体，也是美国可靠的伙伴，但是几十年来，美国国务院设置了复杂的内部限制，来管理我们的外交人员、军人以及其他官员与他们的台湾对口方的互动。美国政府单方面采取了这些行动，试图安抚北京的共产主义政权。不会再如此了。 今天，我宣布解除所有这些自我施加的限制。美国行政分支的部门应认定美国国务院此前根据国务卿得到的授权发布的与对台关系相关的所有“接触指南”是无效和作废的。 此外，外交事务指南或外交事务手册中授权或以其他方式声称管理美国行政分支经由美国在台协会（AIT）以外的任何实体与台湾进行接触的任何和所有章节也就此作废。根据《台湾关系法》的规定，美国行政分支的对台关系将由非营利的美国在台协会处理。 美国政府与世界各地的非官方伙伴保持交往关系，台湾也不例外。我们两个民主政体拥有个体自由、法治和尊重人类尊严的共同价值观。今天的声明认可了美台关系不需要也不应该受到我们永久官僚体制自我施加的限制的束缚。

Lifting Self-Imposed Restrictions on the U.S.-Taiwan Relationship 01/09/2021 03:29 PM EST Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State Taiwan is a vibrant democracy and reliable partner of the United States, and yet for several decades the State Department has created complex internal restrictions to regulate our diplomats, servicemembers, and other officials’ interactions with their Taiwanese counterparts. The United States government took these actions unilaterally, in an attempt to appease the Communist regime in Beijing. No more. Today I am announcing that I am lifting all of these self-imposed restrictions.  Executive branch agencies should consider all “contact guidelines” regarding relations with Taiwan previously issued by the Department of State under authorities delegated to the Secretary of State to be null and void. Additionally, any and all sections of the Foreign Affairs Manual or Foreign Affairs Handbook that convey authorities or otherwise purport to regulate executive branch engagement with Taiwan via any entity other than the American Institute in Taiwan (AIT) are also hereby voided. The executive branch‘s relations with Taiwan are to be handled by the non-profit AIT, as stipulated in the Taiwan Relations Act. The United States government maintains relationships with unofficial partners around the world, and Taiwan is no exception. Our two democracies share common values of individual freedom, the rule of law, and a respect for human dignity. Today’s statement recognizes that the U.S.-Taiwan relationship need not, and should not, be shackled by self-imposed restrictions of our permanent bureaucracy.

2020年5月17日 03:56 PM 东部夏令时间  国务卿迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥  我最近注意到中国政府威胁要干涉在香港的美国记者的工作。这些记者是自由新闻界的成员，而非宣传干部，他们富有价值的报导将信息传达给中国公民和全世界。任何侵犯中英联合声明和基本法下保证的香港自治和自由的决定，将无可避免地影响我们对一国两制和该地区地位的评估。

05/17/2020 03:56 PM EDT Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State It has recently come to my attention that the Chinese government has threatened to interfere with the work of American journalists in Hong Kong. These journalists are members of a free press, not propaganda cadres, and their valuable reporting informs Chinese citizens and the world. Any decision impinging on Hong Kong’s autonomy and freedoms as guaranteed under the Sino-British Joint Declaration and the Basic Law would inevitably impact our assessment of One Country, Two Systems and the status of the territory.

美国国务卿安东尼·布林肯的声明 2023年6月3日   明天，我们要纪念天安门广场大屠杀的第 34 周年。1989 年 6 月 4 日那天，中华人民共和国政府派遣坦克车到天安门广场残忍镇压正在广场上进行和平抗议的中国民主运动人士，甚至波及旁观者。我们不会忘记那天遇难的人们展现出来的勇气。他们的气魄依然继续启发世界各地为同样的原则不断倡议的人们。美国也会继续为在中国以及世界各地倡导人权以及基本自由而努力不懈。

PRESS STATEMENT THE SECRETARY OF STATE JUNE 3, 2023   Tomorrow, we observe the 34th anniversary of the Tiananmen Square Massacre.  On June 4th, 1989, the Government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) sent tanks into Tiananmen Square to brutally repress peaceful Chinese pro-democracy protesters and bystanders alike. The victims’ bravery will not be forgotten and continues to inspire advocates for these principles around the world. The United States will continue advocating for people’s human rights and fundamental freedoms in China and around the world.

有关在日本的“钻石公主”号游轮的最新情况 我们赞赏日本政府在“钻石公主”号（Diamond Princess）上实施隔离措施的巨大努力。尽管隔离措施潜在地带来了减缓传播的显著公共健康惠益，但疾病控制与预防中心的评估认为它可能不足以防止船上人员之间的传播。疾病控制与预防中心认为船上的新发感染率，特别是在那些没有症状的人中间，显示出一种持续存在的风险。因此，为了保护美国公众的健康，已对船上的所有乘客和船员实行旅行限制，不让他们在离开“钻石公主”号之后至少14天的时间里返回美国。 目前，有100多名美国公民仍在“钻石公主”号游轮上，或是在日本的医院中。这些公民与船上的其他乘客和船员一样，已受到有关限制。  在从“钻石公主”号下船之后，这些乘客和船员将必须等待14天，在没有症状或冠状病毒检测结果不呈阳性的情况下，才会被允许登上去美国的班机。  如果这艘游轮上有人在14天期满前达到美国，他们仍须接受强制隔离，直到14天期满，没有症状或冠状病毒检测结果不呈阳性。  由于“钻石公主”号上的剩余乘客暴露于高风险之中，他们中间可能还会出现2019冠状病毒病（COVID-19）的确诊病例。  疾病控制与预防中心致力于保护所有美国人的健康和安全。我们继续相信，暴露于2019冠状病毒病的风险，对于在美国的普通公众而言目前为低风险。美国政府正在采取这些措施来保护“钻石公主”号上的乘客和船员、他们的亲属、广大旅客以及美国境内的社区。

Update on the Diamond Princess Cruise Ship in Japan We commend the extraordinary efforts by the Government of Japan to institute quarantine measures onboard the Diamond Princess. While the quarantine potentially conferred a significant public health benefit in slowing transmission, CDC’s assessment is that it may not have been sufficient to prevent transmission among individuals on the ship.  CDC believes the rate of new infections on board, especially among those without symptoms, represents an ongoing risk. Therefore, to protect the health of the American public, all passengers and crew of the ship have been placed under travel restrictions, preventing them from returning to the United States for at least 14 days after they had left the Diamond Princess. Currently, there are more than 100 U.S. citizens still onboard the Diamond Princess cruise ship or in hospitals in Japan. These citizens have been placed under the restrictions, as have the ship’s other passengers and crew. After disembarkation from the Diamond Princess, these passengers and crew will be required to wait 14 days without having symptoms or a positive coronavirus test result before they are permitted to board flights to the United States. If an individual from this cruise arrives in the United States before the 14-day period ends, they will still be subject to a mandatory quarantine until they have completed the 14-day period with no symptoms or positive coronavirus test results. Because of their high-risk exposure, there may be additional confirmed cases of COVID-19 among the remaining passengers on board the Diamond Princess. CDC is committed to protecting the health and safety of all Americans. We continue to believe that the risk of exposure to COVID-19 to the general public in the United States is currently low.  The U.S. Government is taking these measures to protect the Diamond Princess passengers and crew, their loved ones, the traveling public, and communities within the United States.

迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥国务卿 2020年2月21日 美国与塔利班已进行了广泛的会谈，以促进政治和解来终结在阿富汗的战争，减少美国和同盟部队的存在，并确保没有恐怖组织再去利用阿富汗领土威胁美国和我们的盟友。 最近几周，经过与民族团结政府的协商，美国谈判人员在多哈与塔利班针对在全国范围内大幅减少阿富汗各地的暴力达成了一项谅解，该谅解一经成功执行，美国-塔利班协议的签署即有望向前推进。我们正在为这一签署于2月29日举行做准备。阿富汗内部谈判将在此后不久开始，并将以这一基本步骤为基础来达成阿富汗全面、永久的停火以及未来的政治路线图。在阿富汗实现可持续的和平的唯一途径是让阿富汗人走到一起并就前进的道路达成一致。 挑战犹存，但是在多哈已取得的进展提供了希望并代表了真正的机会。美国呼吁所有阿富汗人把握住这一时机。 美国感谢卡塔尔国以及所有其他盟友和伙伴对阿富汗和平的支持。

Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State 02/21/2020 The United States and the Taliban have been engaged in extensive talks to facilitate a political settlement to end the war in Afghanistan, reduce United States and Allied Forces presence, and ensure that no terrorist group ever uses Afghan soil to threaten the United States or our allies. In recent weeks, in consultation with the Government of National Unity, U.S. negotiators in Doha have come to an understanding with the Taliban on a significant and nationwide reduction in violence across Afghanistan. Upon a successful implementation of this understanding, signing of the U.S.-Taliban agreement is expected to move forward. We are preparing for the signing to take place on February 29. Intra-Afghan negotiations will start soon thereafter, and will build on this fundamental step to deliver a comprehensive and permanent ceasefire and the future political roadmap for Afghanistan. The only way to achieve a sustainable peace in Afghanistan is for Afghans to come together and agree on the way forward. Challenges remain, but the progress made in Doha provides hope and represents a real opportunity. The United States calls on all Afghans to seize this moment. The United States thanks the State of Qatar and all other allies and partners for their support of peace in Afghanistan.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年 6月 22日 发言人摩根·奥特葛斯（MORGAN ORTAGUS） 过去10年来，特别是在总书记习近平任期内，中国共产党以新闻机构的名义为掩护重新组织中国国家宣传机构，并对这些机构实行了更为直接的控制。他曾表示，“党的新闻舆论媒体……都要体现党的意志……维护党中央权威……行动上同党中央保持高度一致。”简言之，西方媒体忠实于事实，中华人民共和国的媒体则忠实于中国共产党。 根据《外国使团法》（Foreign Missions Act）的授权，美国国务院今天公布新的决定，认定中国中央电视台、中国新闻社、人民日报和环球时报驻美国的机构为外国使团。这项决定是继2月18日认定新华社、中国环球电视网、中国国际广播电台、中国日报发行公司和美国海天发展公司（Hai Tian Development USA）后采取的行动。 根据《外国使团法》，上述9个实体都符合外国使团的定义，即这些机构由某外国政府“充分拥有或受到有效控制”。本案所涉的各实体都受到中华人民共和国政府的有效控制。 认定这些实体的决定并非以所涉实体发布的任何内容为依据，也不对被认定的实体可在美国发表的内容施加任何限制。该决定仅在于正其名责其实。 被认定为外国使团的实体必须遵守同样适用于外国驻美国使领馆的某些行政规定。 上述行动认定中华人民共和国宣传机构为外国使团，提高了涉及中国共产党和中华人民共和国政府在美国从事媒体活动的透明度。

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE Office of the Spokesperson For Immediate Release  STATEMENT BY MORGAN ORTAGUS, SPOKESPERSON June 22, 2020 Over the past decade and particularly under General Secretary Xi Jinping’s tenure, the CCP has reorganized China’s state propaganda outlets disguised as news agencies and asserted even more direct control over them. He has stated “Party-owned media must. . . embody the party’s will, safeguard the party’s authority … their actions must be highly consistent with the party.” In short, while Western media are beholden to the truth, PRC media are beholden to the Chinese Communist Party. Pursuant to authorities under the Foreign Missions Act, the State Department is issuing today a new determination that designates the U.S. operations of China Central Television, China News Service, the People’s Daily, and the Global Times as foreign missions.  This follows on the February 18 designation of Xinhua News Agency, China Global Television Network, China Radio International, China Daily Distribution Corporation, and Hai Tian Development USA. These nine entities all meet the definition of a foreign mission under the Foreign Missions Act, which is to say that they are “substantially owned or effectively controlled” by a foreign government.  In this case, they are effectively controlled by the government of the People’s Republic of China. The decision to designate these entities is not based on any content produced by these entities, nor does it place any restrictions on what the designated entities may publish in the United States.  It simply recognizes them for what they are. Entities designated as foreign missions must adhere to certain administrative requirements that also apply to foreign embassies and consulates in the United States. This designation recognizes PRC propaganda outlets as foreign missions and increases transparency relating to the CCP and PRC government’s media activities in the United States. # # #