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The international community condemns Iran’s assault on the freedom of navigation and the targeting of innocent civilians. 美国政府的评估是伊朗伊斯兰共和国要对今天在阿曼湾发生的袭击负责。该评估的依据是：情报、使用的武器、执行这一行动所需的专业水平、伊朗最近针对航运的类似袭击以及在该区域活动的代理组织没有进行这种高度复杂的行动的资源和熟练程度这一事实。 这是伊朗伊斯兰共和国及其代理人针对美国的利益和盟友的利益发起的一系列袭击中的最新一起，而且应在40年来对热爱自由的国家进行无端挑衅的背景下对此进行了解。 …… 国际社会谴责伊朗对航行自由的攻击以及将无辜的平民作为攻击对象。 今天，我已经指示了我们的联合国大使乔纳森·科恩在今天下午晚些时候的联合国安理会会议上提出伊朗的攻击问题。我们的政策仍然是通过经济和外交努力，在适当的时候将伊朗带回谈判桌，鼓励达成一项全面的协议以着手解决对和平与安全构成的广泛威胁—今天显而易见到全世界都能看到的威胁。 伊朗应该用外交—而不是恐怖、流血和勒索—来回应外交。美国将捍卫其力量、利益，并与我们的伙伴和盟友站在一起以维护全球商业和地区稳定。我们呼吁所有受伊朗挑衅行为威胁的国家加入我们，共同努力。

It is the assessment of the United States Government that the Islamic Republic of Iran is responsible for the attacks that occurred in the Gulf of Oman today. This assessment is based on intelligence, the weapons used, the level of expertise needed to execute the operation, recent similar Iranian attacks on shipping, and the fact that no proxy group operating in the area has the resources and proficiency to act with such a high degree of sophistication. This is only the latest in a series of attacks instigated by the Islamic Republic of Iran and its surrogates against American and allied interests, and they should be understood in the context of 40 years of unprovoked aggression against freedom-loving nations. .… The international community condemns Iran’s assault on the freedom of navigation and the targeting of innocent civilians. Today, I have instructed our UN Ambassador Jonathan Cohen to raise Iran’s attacks in the UN Security Council meeting later this afternoon. Our policy remains an economic and diplomatic effort to bring Iran back to the negotiating table at the right time, to encourage a comprehensive deal that addresses the broad range of threats – threats today apparent for all the world to see – to peace and security. Iran should meet diplomacy with diplomacy, not with terror, bloodshed, and extortion. The United States will defend its forces, interests, and stand with our partners and allies to safeguard global commerce and regional stability. And we call upon all nations threatened by Iran’s provocative acts to join us in that endeavor.

关于气象状况的最新信息，请关注当地的天气预报、媒体、官方讯息以及官方网站，如香港天文台和中国气象局。如果您还没有通过国务部的旅行登记系统进行登记，请考虑尽快实施，以便可以收到就近使领馆发送的当地安全与紧急信息。国内旅行者在此期间有可能受恶劣天气影响，导致您的行程延期或取消。请直接联系火车站和航空公司获取行程可能取消的相关信息。请遵循由地方当局建议的预防措施，避免到遭受风暴 （例如水灾的地区、 电线等） 的危险地区。酒店可能可以有储备，但您可能需要准备蜡烛/手电筒，并且储备额外的食物和饮用水。关于风暴的准备请参阅红十字会网站 (PDF 78 KB) 的详细信息。在所有领域内的医疗紧急情况，请拨打 120；所有其他紧急情况请拨打110。

For the most up-to-date information regarding weather conditions, monitor local weather reports, local media and messages from local authorities, and weather websites such as the Hong Kong Observatory and the China Meteorological Administration. Please consider enrolling in the Smart Traveler Enrollment Program, if you haven’t already, to receive security and emergency messages from the nearest Consulate or Embassy. Domestic travel during this period will likely be affected by adverse weather conditions, causing delays and cancellations. Please contact rail stations and airline companies directly about their cancellations.  Please follow precautions advised by local authorities, and avoid dangerous areas affected by the storm (e.g. flooded areas, downed power lines). Hotels may have supplies on hand, but you might consider candles/flashlights and storing up extra food and drinking water. Please see the Red Cross (PDF 78 KB) website for more information on storm preparedness. For medical emergencies in all areas, please dial 120; for all other emergencies please dial 110.

摘译： 国务卿蓬佩奥与加拿大外长方慧兰在记者会上的讲话 美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2019年8月22日 国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥与加拿大外长克里斯蒂娅·弗里兰（方慧兰）在记者会上的讲话摘译 国家艺术中心（National Art Center） 加拿大渥太华（Ottawa） *       *       *       * 国务卿蓬佩奥：克里斯蒂娅（Chrystia），谢谢你。很高兴来到这里。很高兴来到加拿大。这是我作为国务卿的第一次正式访问。今天，我与克里斯蒂娅及总理特鲁多（Trudeau）都进行了重要和良好的会谈。我深深地感谢他们在一系列广泛的问题上与美国同心协力。克里斯蒂娅谈到其中很多问题，但特别是北韩和委内瑞拉。加拿大始终是杰出的伙伴。我们讨论了两国可以采取哪些方式为实现我们共同的未来进行极为广泛的努力。 更重要的是，我们讨论了通过我们的立法机构推进美国-墨西哥-加拿大协议（States-Mexico-Canada Agreement）的紧迫性。政治不应该——的确不应该——阻碍我们两国取得的这个具有里程碑意义的成就。每天有400,000人，还有你所说的20多亿美元资金，往来于我们的共同边界。加拿大是美国30多个州的基本市场。美墨加协议将保障相关的贸易进一步发展和巩固，在我们边界两边以及墨西哥创造各种机会。我们既然已经走到了这一步，就可以共同跨越这道坎。我们如果成功就能大获其益；一旦失败则失之甚多。 恰如我们的经济伙伴关系，我们的安全伙伴关系牢不可破。去年我们庆祝北美空防司令部（NORAD）成立60周年。加拿大还毫不动摇地支持我们对北韩施加压力的行动及后续外交活动。在委内瑞拉问题上，我刚才已经简短地谈到这个问题，我们两国都为之努力，争取其他53个国家支持委内瑞拉人民夺回自己的国家。 除了与外长会谈外，我还与特鲁多总理进行了讨论。对于中国任意拘留加拿大公民这种不可接受的行为，美国支持加拿大。我们还感谢加拿大尊重法治，扣留了华为的一名主管。 *       *       *       * 我还强调加拿大为保卫北极（Arctic）进行努力的重要性。你们在北极的广袤领土是整个大陆的门户。北极在战略上的重要性，包括其丰富的资源和航道，日益引起整个世界的关注，特别是中国和俄罗斯。特朗普（Trump）政府热切希望与加拿大一起努力增进我们在该地区的共同防御。 最后，谈到美国与加拿大的经济和安全伙伴关系，唯一比我们的成就更重要的是我们的潜力。我们可以抓住时代赋予的机会，发挥我们的潜力，今天的会谈就是实现这个目标的一个积极步骤。 谢谢你，克里斯蒂娅。 *       *       *       * 问：国务卿蓬佩奥，对于两名加拿大人在中国被拘留一事，我知道你们支持我国政府。我希望了解你们有哪些具体的承诺。 *       *       *       * 国务卿蓬佩奥：我可以设法回答第一个问题。我无法一一介绍我们所做的工作，但可以十分明确地直接指出，这两名加拿大公民被非法拘留一事的性质不当。我们曾谈到这个问题，我们进行了十分详细的讨论。特朗普总统在与习近平主席会晤时直接谈到过这个问题。当时我也在场。他毫不含糊地表示美国关注这种不当的行为。后来我们还做了其他一些工作——我们进行了其他外交活动，设法争取这两人获得释放。我们将继续努力，直到他们能够回国与家人团聚。 *       *       *       * 弗里兰外长：就迈克尔·斯帕弗（Michael Spavor）和康明凯（Michael Kovrig）的案子而言，如我所说，我们感谢美国的支持。我想值得指出的是，也许尤其是对我们的美国来宾，加拿大在世界各地的许多盟友都对这几起任意拘留表示抗议，我们也对所有这些盟友表示感谢。就在上周，德国外长海科·马斯（Heiko Maas）到加拿大进行了双边访问，他重申了德国的支持，并且非常明确地公开表示，德国的确在与中国会晤时提出这个问题。 关于美国要求引渡孟女士一事，加拿大和美国之间有引渡条约，这个条约已经存在了很长时间——没有我的年岁长，但相当接近。我们的边界是世界上最长的非军事化边界。正像迈克和我都强调的，有——我们的确有大量交往。有大量跨境做的事，我们需要有一个引渡条约以便我们两国良好运作，使这种边界可行。 就加拿大对美国运用引渡条约而言，这不是一个政治性决定。实施引渡条约是由加拿大公务人员基于授权执行，也本应是这样。引渡是刑事司法事务，不是政治事务。 孟女士的案子现在加拿大法院受理，也应该如此。至于美国对孟女士的指控，我认为那是美国和美国刑事司法当局的事务。 国务卿蓬佩奥：我想补充一下，你的提问用的是中国的说法。你的提问把这两件事连在一起。它们非常不同。在中国任意将两名加拿大公民拘留是一个根本不同的人权问题，法治问题。这与加拿大决定运用他们的正当程序和法治，采取极其符合正直国家运作方式的行动是根本不同的。所以，当你问这个问题的时候，你是把两者连在一起。那是中国想要说的。他们是想把这两件事相提并论，好像它们是等同的，好像它们在道义上是相似的，而它们根本不是。 问：你好，弗里兰女士。 （通过翻译）弗里兰女士，面对中国政府把矛头对准你，在国家电视上点你的名，要你停止干预香港和中国其他地方的内部事务，你如何回答中国政府？你难道不担心也许你的这种谴责有可能使被关押在北京的这两个人的命运更加复杂化？ 蓬佩奥先生，我不能肯定我是否很明白你有关孟晚舟的观点。我想知道你是否把她视为美-中冲突，贸易冲突中的讨价还价筹码。 国务卿蓬佩奥：不是。请讲。 主持人：弗里兰女士—— 弗里兰外长：（通过翻译）关于加拿大和中国的关系，总理在他昨天精彩的讲话中，清楚说明了我国政府的立场。我将高兴重申和强调这一立场。 加拿大和中国的关系历时已久。实际上，明年我们将庆祝加中两国建交50周年。这一关系涵盖许多领域：教育、经济、环境——在这方面我们有密切合作，以及世界贸易组织（World Trade Organization）。我认为我已经解释了我们对迈克尔·斯帕弗和康明凯问题的立场，以及对孟女士问题的立场。 关于香港，加拿大对香港有极大关注。毕竟，有30万加拿大人生活在香港。因此，加拿大自然也非常有必要对香港局势保持密切注视。加拿大也认为，一国两制的概念对香港和对中国很重要。而使香港人民享有和平集会的保障也很重要。这是加拿大表达的观点，这是我们的总理昨天表达的观点。 我还要强调和重申加拿大星期六在与欧洲联盟（European Union）的联合声明和与费代丽卡·莫盖里尼（Federica Mogherini）的谈话中所表明的。所有这一切都说明，加拿大正在非常密切地与我们的合作伙伴和盟国合作。在世界上捍卫我们的价值观和我们的国家利益对加拿大至关重要，我们将继续这样做。 问：（听不清），国务卿蓬佩奥？ 国务卿蓬佩奥：不。我的意思是，你刚才问是不是讨价还价——你刚才问是不是讨价还价筹码。它是美国司法部的法律程序，旨在将我们认为我们掌握了足够信息的人根据美国和加拿大之间的协议，带回美国——非常直截了当。 *       *       *       *

FOREIGN MINISTER FREELAND:  (Via interpreter) I’d like to thank everyone for being with us today.  First, I’d like to acknowledge that we are on the traditional territory of the Algonquin people.  To my colleague, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, thank you for being here in Ottawa today.  Thank you for being with us today.  Secretary Pompeo, thank you for coming to Ottawa and for the fruitful discussions we’ve had today. (In English) Before our meetings here at the beautiful National Arts Center, Secretary Pompeo and I visited the National War Memorial, the cenotaph symbolizing the sacrifice of all Canadian armed forces personnel who have served Canada in time of war.  It was a reminder for me that so often when Canadian men and women serve, they do so alongside our American friends and allies.  Whether in the First and Second World Wars, in Korea, in the first Gulf War, in the Balkans, or in Afghanistan, Canadians have been proud to stand with you. Today, Canada and the United States are indispensable allies in the defense of North American soil and, through NORAD, of North American airspace.  And, of course, we’re allies in the world.  In NATO, we’re working together to deter Russian aggression in Eastern Europe, with Canada leading a robust multinational battle group in Latvia and the U.S. doing the same in Poland.  NATO is the cornerstone of the North Atlantic security – of North Atlantic security and defense, particularly now as we wrestle with old and new threats to North American and global security, including violent extremism, cyber attacks, and efforts by malign actors to undermine our democracies. Today, alongside our American allies, Canadian armed forces ships and maritime patrol aircraft are deployed under Operation Neon to ensure sanctions are imposed against North Korea, and the deputy commander of the United Nations force in Korea is a Canadian. (Via interpreter) As friends and allies, Canada and the United States work together in many ways to keep our border, our people, and our countries safe.  We work together to support peace and security, sustainable development, and economic growth. (In English) Geography and history have given us a special and enduring trading relationship that has been a significant contributor to jobs and prosperity in both of our countries – $2.6 billion worth of goods and services move back and forth between our countries every single day – and as we both move forward in ratifying the new NAFTA, Canadians and Americans will continue to benefit from our unique and profitable economic relationship.  The lifting of 232 tariffs in both directions earlier this year has had a further positive effect on trade between Canada and the United States. (Via interpreter) Since the end of the Second World War, Canada and the United States have built a system that championed freedom and democracy and prevented regional conflicts from turning into total war.  Today, Secretary Pompeo and I had the opportunity to discuss a number of critically important issues.  Those include this weekend’s meeting of G7 leaders in France, the crisis in Venezuela, Hong Kong, support for Ukraine in the face of ongoing Russian aggression, the situation in Kashmir, the Arctic, Japan and South Korea, the way towards ratifying the new NAFTA. (In English) I want to take this opportunity to thank you personally, Mike, for the hard work you did which contributed to a good outcome on NAFTA and 232.  It made a big difference.  And I also want to thank you for your continued support for Michael Kovrig and Michael Spavor.  And I want to take this moment of giving thanks to our American friends to recognize Ambassador Kelly Craft.  She’s been with us today, and today is her last day in Canada, so thank you for giving us such a great ambassador and thank you very much, Kelly, for your hard work here.  We’ve really appreciated it. The bottom line is that Canada and the United States have enjoyed a strong partnership for all of our shared history, and we are committed to strengthening this partnership in the future.  We are neighbors, we are friends, and we’re an example to the world of what a strong bilateral relationship should be. Now, Mike and I also have one special connection.  At ASEAN in Bangkok last month, he publicly celebrated the victory of my hometown basketball team.  It turns out that as a former Wichita congressman, he is a fan of Fred VanVleet.  And like all Torontonians, I am a fan of every single Raptor.  So thank you very much, Mike, for visiting us today.  Merci. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Chrystia, thank you.  It’s great to be here.  It’s great to be in Canada – my first official visit as Secretary of State.  I had important and good meetings both with Chrystia today as well as with Prime Minister Trudeau.  I thank them profusely for their solidarity with the United States on a wide range of issues.  Chrystia mentioned many of them, but North Korea and Venezuela in particular, Canada has been a fantastic partner.  And we discussed ways that the two nations could invest in our shared future together very broadly. More particularly, we discussed the urgency of advancing the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement through our legislatures.  Politics cannot – indeed, must not – get in the way of this monumental achievement for either of our nations.  Every day 400,000 people, in addition to the $2 billion-plus you described, transit our shared border, and Canada is the primary market for more than 30 American states.  The USMCA will ensure that this trade continues and strengthens even further, creating opportunities on both sides of our border and in Mexico as well.  And if we’ve gotten the ball this far, we can get over the line together too.  We have much to gain when we succeed and a great deal to lose should we fail. Our security partnership is just as strong as our economic partnership.  Last year we celebrated the 60th anniversary of NORAD.  Canada has also been an unwavering supporter of our pressure campaign and our subsequent diplomacy with North Korea.  And with respect to Venezuela, which I mentioned briefly earlier, both of our nations have helped galvanize the support of over 53 other countries for the Venezuelan people to take back their country. As I discussed with Prime Minister Trudeau as well as with Foreign Minister Freeland, the United States stands with Canada in the face of China’s arbitrary and unacceptable detention of Canadian citizens.  We’re grateful too that Canada followed the rule of law and obtained – and detained a Huawei executive. Even as we stand should to shoulder on these many areas of common ground, we can do more, and I know that we will.  In Eastern Europe we must continue to stand with our NATO allies in the face of ongoing Russian aggression.  It’s why we also discussed today the importance of Canada meetings its commitment, its Wales Pledge of 2 percent of GDP on national defense.  It can set a powerful example for all of our European partners in our collective defense. I also stressed the importance of Canadian efforts in defense of the Arctic.  Your expansive Arctic territory is the backdoor to the continent, and the Arctic’s strategic importance, including its vast resources and shipping lanes, are of increasing interest to the entire world, especially to China and to Russia.  The Trump administration is eager to work with Canada to increase our shared defense in the region. In closing, when it comes to the economic and security relationship between the United States and Canada, the only thing outweighing our accomplishments is our potential.  We can seize this potential in our very time, and today’s meetings were a positive step towards doing so. Thank you, Chrystia. QUESTION:  To Secretary Pompeo, I understand you’re supporting our government in the case of the two detained Canadians in China.  I’m wondering what specifically you’ve committed to. And to Minister Freeland, the steelworkers are denouncing the decision to lift tariffs on the illegally dumped steel from China in British Columbia and the LNG projects.  I’m wondering if you can talk about why that decision was made in light of the two Canadians detained in China. SECRETARY POMPEO:  So I’ll try to take the first one.  While I can’t talk about everything that we’ve done, we started with immediately being very clear about the inappropriate nature of this unlawful detention of these two Canadian citizens.  We spoke about it early and we speak about it a great deal.  President Trump mentioned it directly in his meeting with President Xi Jinping.  I was there when he did it.  He made unambiguous America’s concern about this inappropriate behavior.  And then we’ve done other – we’ve engaged in other diplomatic activity, trying to help make the case for the release of these two, and we’ll continue to do that until such time as they’re home and returned to their families. FOREIGN MINISTER FREELAND:  And let me just say thank you for that, Mike, and as we said, we did discuss the detentions of Michael Kovrig and Michael Spavor today, and we have discussed them many, many times. When it comes to steel, let me just start by saying our government is tremendously supportive of our steel and aluminum sectors and our steel and aluminum workers.  As I mentioned in my opening remarks, one of the successes that Canada and the United States have enjoyed in our relationship earlier this year is coming to a point where we were able to lift the 232 tariffs in both directions, and that has added to the prosperity of both of our countries, both of whose economies are growing strongly, and that has been really good news for Canadian steelworkers and that is a really good thing. When it comes to the LNG project, this is one of the biggest investments in Canadian history.  It is going to create a great number of new jobs in Canada, and it’s an investment that Canadians can be proud of because it will contribute to the fight against climate change by making available Canadian LNG to replace coal in a lot of countries.  So it’s a very important project.  It’s something we are glad to be supporting and facilitating.  Thank you. QUESTION:  Can you repeat in French? FOREIGN MINISTER FREELAND:  Je m’excuse. (Via interpreter)  I’d like to thank you, to first thank Secretary Pompeo, for the support provided to Canada and for the work that he’s personally doing, the work that the United States is doing for Michael Kovrig and Michael Spavor.  I would like to stress at the same time that these are two very brave men.  I am extremely proud of them, and I am very proud of their families. As far as steel is concerned, our government continues to strongly support the Canadian steel industry and the workers of that industry.  As I mentioned early, one of the achievements of the ties between the U.S. and Canada this year is the fact that we have managed to lift the tariffs between the two countries, the tariffs against Canadian steel.  This is an excellent accomplishment for the Canadian economy but also for the U.S. economy and for the workers of the sector. As far as LNG is concerned, it’s an excellent project for Canada.  It’s a good project for Canadian workers, and it’s a good project for the global environment as a whole.  Thank you. MS ORTAGUS:  Thanks.  From the American side, we’re going to have Lara Jakes from The New York Times. QUESTION:  Thanks very much.  Mr. Pompeo, I’d like to ask you about Venezuela to start off with, please.  Do the recent talks between the Trump administration and members of Mr. Maduro’s regime signal any kind of shift in U.S. policy towards Venezuela?  And especially given the lack of movement in the government there in the last eight months, would the United States recognize as legitimate an election with Mr. Maduro on the ballot? And Ms. Freeland, if you’d like to respond to any of that about Venezuela, I’d be happy, especially if you can comment on whether your government is thinking still about freezing all Venezuelan assets in Canada, as the United States has done. And Ms. Freeland, you talked a little bit about the Canadian citizens who are detained in China.  I’m wondering if you’ve asked the United States to drop its extradition demand of Ms. Meng to help secure their release.  Thank you. SECRETARY POMPEO:  So the first question you asked, the predicate is wrong, but the answer to the substantive question is no, there’s been no change in U.S. policy.  We have consistently said that there cannot be free and fair elections so long as Maduro is on the scene, and we continue to work towards achieving that end on behalf of the Venezuelan people. FOREIGN MINISTER FREELAND:  And just on Venezuela, if I could add, as Mike and I both said, it’s an issue that we discussed today, that we have discussed in the past.  Canada recognizes Juan Guaido as the interim president of Venezuela, and it is clear to us that Maduro and his regime are illegitimate. I would urge people to take a look at Michelle Bachelet’s excellent report on the abuses being committed by the Maduro regime against the people of Venezuela, and it’s really important to support their absolutely legitimate desire for democracy and human rights in their own country. Canada is very much engaged in our work as a member of the Lima Group in supporting Juan Guaido and the people of Venezuela.  We have very strong sanctions in place against the Maduro regime, and we also believe that it is important to explore all possible paths to a resolution of the situation. With that in mind, I’ll be traveling next week to Cuba for a bilateral meeting with the Cuban foreign minister.  Canada has a longstanding and good relationship with Cuba.  We work with Cuba on many levels, and one of the issues that we have been discussing with Cuba is Venezuela. QUESTION:  And the freezing of assets? FOREIGN MINISTER FREELAND:  As I said, we have a strong set of sanctions in place.  We always – we are constantly considering ways that our sanction regime should be updated, and actually, that’s an area where we’ve worked very closely with the United States in using Magnitsky sanctions all over the world, very much including Venezuela. QUESTION:  And could you answer the question about that extradition request? FOREIGN MINISTER FREELAND:  Oh, I’m sorry. QUESTION:  Sure. FOREIGN MINISTER FREELAND:  So when it comes to the cases of Michael Spavor and Michael Kovrig, as I said, we thank the U.S. for its support.  And I think it’s worth pointing out, maybe especially to our American visitors, that a great number of Canada’s allies around the world have spoken out against these arbitrary detentions, and we thank all of those allies as well.  Just last week, Heiko Maas, the German foreign minister, was in Canada on a bilateral visit, and he reiterated Germany’s support and also was very clear publicly that Germany does raise this issue in its meetings with China. When it comes to the extradition request from the United States of Ms. Meng, Canada and the United States have an extradition treaty, which has been in place for a long time – not quite longer than I have been alive, but pretty close.  Our border is the longest un-militarized border in the world.  And as Mike and I have both emphasized, there is – we just do a lot of business.  A lot of stuff happens across that border, and we need to have an extradition treaty in place for both of our countries to function well and for that border to work. When it comes to Canada applying our extradition treaty with the United States, it’s not a political decision.  The application of the extradition treaty is done under delegated authority by Canadian public servants, and that is as it ought to be.  Extradition is a criminal justice matter; it is not a political matter. And the case of Ms. Meng is currently before the Canadian courts, as it ought to be.  As for the U.S. case against Ms. Meng, I think that’s a matter for the U.S. and the U.S. criminal justice authorities. SECRETARY POMPEO:  I’d just add there, your question took the Chinese line.  Your question connected these two things.  These are deeply different.  The arbitrary detention of two Canadian citizens in China is fundamentally different as a human rights matter, as a rule of law matter.  These are fundamentally different matters than the Canadian decision to use their due process and the rule of law to behave in a way that’s deeply consistent with the way decent nations work.  And so when you ask this question, you connect them up.  That’s what China wants to talk about.  They want to talk about these two as if they are equivalent, as if they’re morally similar, which they fundamentally are not. QUESTION: Bonjour, Madam Freeland. (Via interpreter)  Ms. Freeland, what do you tell the Chinese Government when they target you, when they name you on state television, telling you to stop meddling with internal affairs in Hong Kong and elsewhere in China?  And don’t you fear that perhaps this denunciation of yours could complicate even further the life of these two detainees in Beijing? Mr. Pompeo, I’m not sure if I got your point of Meng Wanezhou quite well.  I just wanted to know if you see her as a bargaining chip in the U.S.-China conflict, trade conflict. SECRETARY POMPEO:  No.  Go ahead. MODERATOR:  Madam Freeland — FOREIGN MINISTER FREELAND:  (Via interpreter)  Regarding relations between Canada and China, the prime minister, in his excellent speech yesterday, clearly explained our government’s position.  I’ll be happy to reiterate and underscore this position. Canada and China have longstanding relations.  Next year, in fact, we’ll be celebrating 50 years of diplomatic ties between Canada and China.  It’s a relationship that covers many fields – education, the economy, the environment, on which we work very closely, and the World Trade Organization.  I believe I’ve already explained our position considering Michael Kovrig and Michael Spavor, as well as Ms. Meng’s position. Regarding Hong Kong, Canada takes a keen interest in Hong Kong.  After all, 300,000 Canadians reside in Hong Kong.  Therefore, it is only natural and important for Canada to keep a close eye on the developments in Hong Kong.  Canada also believes that the idea of one country, one system is important for Hong Kong and for China.  But so is the guarantee of peaceful assembly for the people of Hong Kong.  This is what Canada has said and this is what our prime minister said yesterday. I’d also like to underscore and reiterate that what Canada said on Saturday was a joint statement with the European Union and with Federica Mogherini.  All this to explain that Canada is working very closely with our partners and allies.  It is crucial for Canada in the world to always defend our values and our national interests, and we will continue to do so. QUESTION:  (Inaudible), Secretary Pompeo? SECRETARY POMPEO:  No.  I mean, you asked if it’s a bargaining – you asked if it was a bargaining chip.  It is a legal process by the United States Department of Justice designed to bring someone who we believe we have sufficient information to bring back to the United States under the agreements between the United States and Canada – very straightforward. MODERATOR:  Thanks.  Washington Post, John Hudson. QUESTION:  Hi.  Thanks.  Mr, Secretary, there are reports that the U.S. has decided not to cut billions of dollars of foreign aid in a process known as rescission.  Is that the right decision when it comes to balancing our budgets versus our interests, in your view? You also mentioned that you made some progress with your Canadian counterparts on the North Korea issue.  I wanted to ask about South Korea’s decision to stop an agreement to share military intelligence with Japan.  Is the U.S. making efforts to bring the two allies together? And Minister Freeland, President Trump has expressed support for Russia to rejoin the G7 – should be the G8.  Do you support that idea? SECRETARY POMPEO:  So John, thanks for the question.  With respect to the rescission, the President’s still contemplating, although we were working on it even this morning.  I’ve been engaged in meetings.  There may be an outcome, a decision process.  What I have consistently said with respect to every penny the State Department spends, including our foreign assistance budget, is we’ve got to get it right.  We got to make sure we are using it in ways that are effective, that American interests are represented in the way we spend that money.  That certainly includes our foreign assistance program, but every employee – every single dollar we take away from the taxpayers I want to make sure we’re deploying properly.  And this discussion that we’re having on rescission certainly is part of that bigger discussion. On your second question, I actually spoke with my South Korean counterpart this morning.  We’re disappointed to see the decision that the South Koreans made about that information-sharing agreement.  We’re urging each of the two countries to continue to engage, to continue to have dialogue.  She was with the Japanese foreign minister yesterday, I believe, our time.  They were working to put this back together. There is no doubt that the shared interests of Japan and South Korea are important, and they’re important to the United States of America, and we hope each of those two countries can begin to put that relationship back in exactly the right place.  I have experienced it from my time here as the Secretary of State.  It’s absolutely valuable not only to the work you mentioned in the context of North Korea, but important in the work we do all around the world.  They are both great partners and friends of the United States, and we are hopeful they can make progress together. FOREIGN MINISTER FREELAND:  So – and we are hopeful too. On Russia and the G7, that is an issue that Canada has a very clear position on and that I personally have a very clear position on.  Early in my career as a journalist, I lived and worked in Moscow – in Moscow at a time when Russia was building a democracy and a market economy.  And it was entirely appropriate as part of that process to admit Russia to the G7.  That was the G7 community of nations extending a hand to a democratizing, reforming Russia and saying the doors are open to you to join this important, I would say essential, group of likeminded nations. And then Russia grossly violated international law by invading and annexing Crimea and added to that with the continued war in the Donbas.  This was an incredibly serious step.  It is the first annexation of territory of a European country by another European country since the Second World War.  And when you think about the carnage of the Second World War – and we referred today to the work our countries did after the Second World War to build a rules-based international order to make sure that couldn’t happen again.  Russia’s violation of international law in annex – in invading Crimea and annexing it, in continuing to support war in the Donbas, is something we cannot allow to stand, and that is why Russia was expelled from the G7, because of that action.  So I think all of us would be delighted to welcome a Russia which sought again to be a member in good standing of our like-minded group of countries, a group of countries committed to the rule of law, a group of countries committed to democracy.  And the way for Russia to show that it wants to do that is to leave Crimea and to end the war in the Donbas.  It’s very simple. QUESTION:  En Francais? FOREIGN MINISTER FREELAND:  (Via interpreter) Canada has taken a very clear position concerning Russia and the G7.  It’s also my personal position.  When I was much younger, I was – I worked as a journalist in Russia.  I personally saw very serious efforts in Russia to build a democracy and to build a market economy.  Thanks to these efforts, our group of G7 countries opened the door to Russia and decided to invite this reformed Russia to be part of our group of nations.  I think it was the right thing to do at the time.  However, since then, Russia has taken actions that are contrary to all the rules and values of the G7 by illegally invading and annexing Crimea and by supporting war in Donbas.  It’s a serious crime against – in the international rules-based order.  I believe everyone will be more than happy to invite Russia to become once again a full member of the G7 after G7 leaves Crimea and after it leaves the Donbas.  It’s that simple. (In English) Okay.  I think that’s it.  Thank you very much, everyone. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Thank you all. FOREIGN MINISTER FREELAND:  And thank you very much, American friends, for visiting.

白宫 2022 年 6 月 26 日   “全球基础设施和投资伙伴关系”通过改变游戏规则的项目缩小发展中国家的基础设施差距，加强全球经济和供应链，并促进美国的国家安全。 拜登总统将宣布新的旗舰项目，并阐述本届政府针对落实全球基础设施和投资伙伴关系的全方位努力。   在 2021 年举行的七国集团 (G7) 峰会上，拜登总统与七国集团领导人宣布，准备建立价值驱动、高影响力和透明的基础设施伙伴关系，以满足中低收入国家巨大的基础设施需求，并支持美国和盟国的经济和国家安全利益。在过去一年里，美国政府成员前往有关各国直接听取有关我们应如何满足那里基础设施需求的意见，深化了我们在美国政府机构之间以及与七国集团之间的协调，完善了我们的基础设施投资工具，并达成了一些改变游戏规则的交易。 在埃尔茂城堡 (Schloss Elmau) 举行的七国集团领导人峰会上，各国领导人将正式启动“全球基础设施伙伴关系” (Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment)，旨在筹集数千亿美元资金，提供优质、可持续的基础设施，从而改变世界各地人们的生活，加强和多元化我们的供应链，为美国工人和企业创造新的机会，并促进我们的国家安全。 今天，拜登总统将宣布，美国的目标是在未来五年内通过赠款、联邦融资和调动私人行业投资为全球基础设施伙伴关系筹资 2000 亿美元。我们的目标是，与七国集团合作伙伴一道，到 2027 年筹集 6000 亿美元用于全球基础设施投资。而这仅仅是开始。美国及其七国集团合作伙伴将争取从其他志同道合的合作伙伴、多边开发银行、发展金融机构、主权财富基金等方面调动更多资金。 拜登总统将发布一份总统备忘录，在对21 世纪下半叶有决定意义的四个优先支柱产业领域内实施全球基础设施伙伴关系计划。 其中包括： 拜登总统将宣布全球基础设施伙伴关系旗舰项目，以及过去一年来所开展的其他项目。全球基础设施伙伴关系将展示如何以数百万美元调动起数千万或数亿美元的进一步投资，以及如何以数千万或数亿美元调动起数十亿美元。   欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/06/26/fact-sheet-president-biden-and-g7-leaders-formally-launch-the-partnership-for-global-infrastructure-and-investment/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

FACT SHEET: President Biden and G7 Leaders Formally Launch the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment JUNE 26, 2022•STATEMENTS AND RELEASES The Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment will deliver game-changing projects to close the infrastructure gap in developing countries, strengthen the global economy and supply chains, and advance U.S. national security  President Biden will announce new flagship projects and lay out the Administration’s comprehensive effort to execute the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment. At the 2021 G7 Summit, President Biden and G7 leaders announced their intent to develop a values-driven, high-impact, and transparent infrastructure partnership to meet the enormous infrastructure needs of low- and middle-income countries and support the United States’ and its allies’ economic and national security interests. Over the past year, members of the Administration have traveled to hear directly from countries on how we can meet their infrastructure needs, deepened our coordination across the U.S Government and with the G7, honed our infrastructure investment tools, and closed game-changing deals. At the G7 Leaders’ Summit in Schloss Elmau, Leaders will formally launch the Partnership for Global Infrastructure (PGII) to mobilize hundreds of billions of dollars and deliver quality, sustainable infrastructure that makes a difference in people’s lives around the world, strengthens and diversifies our supply chains, creates new opportunities for American workers and businesses, and advances our national security. Today, President Biden will announce that the U.S. aims to mobilize $200 billion for PGII over the next 5 years through grants, Federal financing, and leveraging private sector investments. Together with G7 partners, we aim to mobilize $600 billion by 2027 in global infrastructure investments. And this will only be the beginning. The United States and its G7 partners will seek to mobilize additional capital from other like-minded partners, multilateral development banks, development finance institutions, sovereign wealth funds, and more. President Biden will release a Presidential Memorandum to execute the PGII across four priority pillars that will define the second half of the 21st century. This includes: President Biden will announce flagship projects of PGII, along with additional projects that have been undertaken over the past year. PGII will demonstrate how millions of dollars can mobilize tens or hundreds of millions in further investments and tens or hundreds of millionscan mobilize billions.  ###

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区 2021年7月14日 在6月21日至7月14日联合国人权理事会（UN Human Rights Council）第47届会议期间，美国作为观察员国推进一些重要问题，同时积极竞选2022-2024任期的理事会席位。我们继续以身作则，维护我们希望为理事会领导层带来的尊严，因为我们以最可靠和有效的方式从事国际交往，一贯以坦诚的态度对待我们本身的人权斗争。在联合国人权理事会第47届会议期间，美国为推动一些决议、联合声明和对某些恶劣的人权状况采取干预行动发挥了作用。 抗击系统性种族主义：美国以在联合国人权理事会第46届会议期间就种族正义问题率先发起的联合声明为基础，期待与解决系统性种族主义问题的新机制合作，促进执法环境下的种族正义和平等。我们欢迎高级专员报告强调的重点，解决系统性种族主义问题需要采取系统性对策，并要求推进有关问责制和受害者救助事宜的议题。 制止对妇女和女孩的暴力：美国联署加拿大发起的题为 “加速制止对妇女和女孩一切形式的暴力：防止和应对针对残疾妇女和女孩的暴力” （Accelerating efforts to eliminate all forms of violence against women and girls: preventing and responding to violence against women and girls with disabilities）的决议。该决议要求各利益相关方解决残疾妇女和女孩面临的多种形式且相互重叠的歧视。我们还支持妇女遭受暴力问题特别报告员（Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women）杜布拉芙卡·西蒙诺维奇(Dubravka Simonovic)目前继续从事的工作。 因特网人权：美国重返核心小组，并作为主要联署方与瑞典、巴西、尼日利亚和突尼斯共同提出倡导、保护和享有因特网人权的决议。这份决议重申，人们在网下享有的同样权利必须在网上受到保护，重点专题包括弥合数字分裂及COVID-19新冠疫情期间因特网的重要性等。 埃塞俄比亚提格雷地区（Tigray Region）：美国联署欧盟（EU）就埃塞俄比亚提格雷地区人权问题发起的决议。该决议要求立即停止敌对状态，迅速以可核查的方式撤出厄立特里亚军队，并追究践踏和侵犯人权人员的责任。决议以联合国人权高级专员办事处-埃塞俄比亚人权委员会（OHCHR-Ethiopian Human Rights Commission）目前进行的联合调查为基础，要求高级专员随时向理事会通报联合调查的进展，同时继续将埃塞俄比亚提格雷地区的局势列为今后人权理事会会议的议题。 美国还联署了关于厄立特里亚、白俄罗斯和叙利亚人权局势的决议，以及接受教育的权利（Right to Education）；女孩接受教育的权利（Right to Education for Girls）；公民社会空间（Civil Society Space）；可预防的孕妇死亡和发病（Preventable Maternal Mortality and Morbidity）；移民的人权（Human Rights of Migrants）；新型和新兴数字技术与人权（New and Emerging Digital Technologies and Human Rights）；及乌克兰技术援助和能力建设（Technical Assistance and Capacity Building for Ukraine）等决议。 联合声明：美国共签署16个专题性或涉及特定国家的联合声明。美国与43个国家共同签署了加拿大发起的一项联合声明，对新疆、西藏和香港践踏人权的行为表示关注。美国还签署了关于白俄罗斯、伊拉克、尼加拉瓜和委内瑞拉等特定国家的联合声明。我们为联合国工商业与人权指导原则（UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights）10周年发起一份得到50个国家签署的声明。我们支持以挪威为首发布的联合声明，重申联合国为促进和捍卫民主发挥的作用，已获64个国家签字。我们还加入以下各项事务的声明：网上自由联盟（Freedom Online Coalition）；宣布成立性取向和性别认同友好社（Group of Friends on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity）；假消息与自由表达（disinformation and freedom of expression）；对跨性别妇女的暴力；女性生殖割礼；性和生殖健康与权利；体育促进人权；及妇女的经济权。 会外活动：6月22日，美国与乔治敦妇女、和平与安全研究所（Georgetown’s Institute for Women, Peace, and Security）执行主任梅拉妮·弗维尔（Melanne Verveer）为全球#MeToo运动联合主办会外活动。6月23日，美国第一次就跨性别妇女的人权发起20国联署的会外活动，强调指出跨性别有色妇女面临的暴力和结构、法律方面和相互重叠的障碍。7月1日，美国就香港国家安全法（Hong Kong’s National Security Law）一年来的影响发起会外活动，与20个政府和9个非政府组织联合主办。 ________________________________________ 欲查看原稿内容:  https://www.state.gov/key-outcomes-at-the-47th-session-of-the-un-human-rights-council/

FACT SHEET: Key Outcomes at the 47th Session of the UN Human Rights Council  July 14, 2021 At the 47th session of the UN Human Rights Council (HRC), June 21 – July 14, the United States pushed forward on priority issues as an observer state while actively pursuing election to the Council for the 2022-2024 term.  We continued to model the integrity we intend to bring to Council leadership, recognizing that we are most credible and effective in our international engagement when we remain forthright about our own human rights struggles.  During HRC 47, the United States helped advance resolutions, joint statements, and interventions responding to dire human rights situations. Countering Systemic Racism:  Building off the U.S.-led joint statement on racial justice at HRC 46, the United States looks forward to cooperating with a new mechanism on systemic racism to advance racial justice and equality in the context of law enforcement.  We welcome the High Commissioner’s report underscoring that systemic racism demands a systemic response and calling for an agenda that promotes accountability and redress for victims. Elimination of Violence Against Women and Girls:  The United States co-sponsored a resolution on “Accelerating efforts to eliminate all forms of violence against women and girls: preventing and responding to violence against women and girls with disabilities,” led by Canada.  The resolution urges stakeholders to address the multiple and intersecting forms of discrimination that women and girls with disabilities face.  We also support the ongoing work of the Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, Dubravka Simonovic. Human Rights on the Internet:  The United States re-joined the core group and served as a main co-sponsor for a resolution on the promotion, protection, and enjoyment of human rights on the Internet, along with Sweden, Brazil, Nigeria, and Tunisia.  The resolution affirms that the same rights people have offline must be protected online and includes thematic focuses on bridging the digital divide and the importance of the internet during the COVID-19 pandemic. Ethiopia’s Tigray Region:  The United States co-sponsored the EU-led resolution on human rights in the Tigray region of Ethiopia, which calls for an immediate cessation of hostilities, the swift, verifiable withdrawal of Eritrean troops, and the holding accountable those responsible for human rights abuses and violations.  The resolution builds upon the ongoing OHCHR-Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) joint investigation, requests the High Commissioner keep the Council updated on progress of the joint investigation, and keeps the situation in Ethiopia’s Tigray region on the HRC’s agenda for upcoming sessions. The United States also co-sponsored resolutions on the human rights situations in Eritrea, Belarus, and Syria, along with resolutions on the Right to Education; Right to Education for Girls; Civil Society Space; Preventable Maternal Mortality and Morbidity; Human Rights of Migrants; New and Emerging Digital Technologies and Human Rights; and Technical Assistance and Capacity Building for Ukraine. Joint Statements:  Overall, the United States signed onto 16 thematic or country-specific joint statements.  The United States joined 43 countries in co-signing a Canada-led joint statement expressing concern over human rights abuses in Xinjiang, Tibet, and Hong Kong.  The United States also signed onto country-specific joint statements on Belarus, Iraq, Nicaragua, and Venezuela.  We led a statement on the 10th anniversary of the UN Guiding Principles (UNGPs) on Business and Human Rights (BHR), signed by 50 countries.  We supported a Norway-led joint statement reaffirming the UN’s role in promoting and defending democracy, which garnered signatures from 64 countries.  We also joined statements on the Freedom Online Coalition; announcing the creation of the Group of Friends on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity; disinformation and freedom of expression; violence against transgender women; female genital mutilation; sexual and reproductive health and rights; promoting human rights through sport; and the economic rights of women.  Side Events:  On June 22, the United States co-hosted a side event on the global #MeToo movement with the Executive Director of Georgetown’s Institute for Women, Peace, and Security, Melanne Verveer.  On June 23, the United States led, and 20 countries co-sponsored, its first-ever side event on the human rights of transgender women, highlighting the violence and structural, legal, and intersectional barriers faced by transgender women of color.  On July 1, the United States led a side event on the impact of Hong Kong’s National Security Law on its one-year anniversary, garnering 20 government and nine NGO co-sponsors.

COVID-19：食品企业COVID-19传播预防指导更新版指南(doc, 107KB)

Guidance for preventing transmission of COVID-19 within food businesses (PDF, 502K)

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年9 月2 日 [摘译] 国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥对新闻记者发表讲话 国务卿蓬佩奥：诸位上午好。很高兴见到大家。 * * * * 关于多边领域其他方面的情况，我期待下星期出席一系列网上会议，会见东盟（ASEAN）和印度-太平洋（Indo-Pacific）地区的对等官员。 我们将对范围广泛的问题进行讨论， 涉及COVID冠状病毒疫情、北韩、南中国海（South China Sea）、香港和缅甸若开邦（Rakhine State）等。 我还将提出特朗普政府（Trump administration）如何恢复美中关系对等的问题。今天，我们继续进行这方面的必要工作。 多年来，中国共产党对在中华人民共和国境内工作的美国外交人员制造了巨大的障碍。 具体而言，中国共产党采取一套不透明的批准程序，目的在于阻挠美国外交人员执行例行公事，出席各类活动，安排会议，以及与中国人民联系，特别是在大学校园内和通过报刊和社交媒体进行的工作。 今天，我宣布国务院已建立一项制度，要求在美国的中国高级外交人员访问大学校园和会见当地政府官员需经过批准。中国各使领馆在使团驻地以外主办超过50人的文化活动也需得到我方批准。 此外，我们正采取进一步措施确保中华人民共和国所有使领馆的正式社交媒体账户正确地被识别为政府账户，即中国政府账户。 今天，我部负责东亚-太平洋事务的助理国务卿（Assistant Secretary of East Asia-Pacific Affairs）史达伟（David Stilwell）也在场。他将回答一些提问。 我们仅要求对等。我国外交人员在中国的活动权限应该与中国外交人员在美国的活动权限相对应。今天的措施将使我们朝这个方向迈出一大步。 关于中国的其他问题。 最近，副国务卿克拉奇（Krach）向美国各大学的管理委员会发函，提醒他们注意中国共产党对学术自由、人权和大学捐赠活动构成的威胁。 这些威胁可以采取各种形式，例如对研究工作的违规资助、盗窃知识产权、恐吓外国学生及不透明的人才招聘活动。 大学管理委员会可以通过采取几个关键步骤，帮助确保他们机构拥有干净的投资和干净的捐赠基金： 将中华人民共和国所有公司在捐赠基金中的投资公开，特别是那些在新兴市场指数基金中的投资。 断绝被列入商务部（Commerce Department）实体名单（Commerce Department Entity List）的中国公司的投资，这些公司助长践踏人权，军事胁迫和其他违规行为。 理解总统金融市场工作组（President’s Working Group on Financial Markets）发布的建议，该工作组审视了在美国股票市场上市的中国公司对投资者的风险。 继续专注中国，但转向边界以外： 我们希望印度-中国边境局势得到和平解决。从台湾海峡（Taiwan Strait），到喜马拉雅山（the Himalayas）以及更远的地方，中国共产党在采取一个明显和不断加剧的霸凌邻国的模式。 霸凌行为也明显表现在南中国海。上周，美国针对对中国共产党在那里的帝国主义行径负有责任的中国个人和实体实行了制裁和签证限制，那些行径包括进行非法的能源监视，在我们的盟国菲律宾和其他国家的经济区内从事活动。 我们也继续关注——我们以前谈到过这点——在加拉帕戈斯（the Galapagos）附近的300多艘挂中国旗的船只的活动，他们几乎肯定是在从事非法捕捞。 鉴于这种海上胡作非为，毫不奇怪，在国际海洋法法庭（International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea）上周的选举中，北京候选人得到的弃权票比其他任何候选人都多。 中国是最明目张胆践踏《联合国海洋法公约》（Law of the Sea Convention）的国家，全世界的国家都对此表示不满。 我们也对中国在西藏的行动感到不安，总书记最近提出要“汉化”藏传佛教和同那里的“分裂主义”作斗争。我们继续呼吁北京与达赖喇嘛或他的代表进行不预设条件的对话，以便达成一个解决分歧的方案。 * * * * 问：谢谢你。美国政府关于中国的年度报告——关于中国军事的报告——昨天发布了。 国务卿蓬佩奥：是的，昨天。 问：它说中国意图在今后10年内将其核弹头增加一倍，并增加其全球及海军部署。你认为美国及其盟国应当作何反应，还有你认为中国军队最令人警觉的趋势是什么？ 国务卿蓬佩奥：昨天那份报告中的内容对于任何一个过去几年来一直在关注这个问题的人都并非新闻。本届政府是第一个真正指明中国共产党的军事挑衅的，及其采取的这种集结，然后当然是予以应对。 我们做了几项工作。首先，总统向国会（Congress）提交了美国有史以来规模最大的国防预算，而且国会已经通过，7,000多亿美元连续两年，因此，我们正在确保美国拥有应对任何威胁的手段，包括应对中国共产党构成的威胁。 其次，这方面的具体内容——我给你们举例说明。核武器。我们已恳请中方参与我们的战略对话。我们已说明这符合他们的最佳战略利益；这符合我们的最佳战略——降低来自这些最危险的武器系统的风险符合全世界的战略利益。我们正在同俄罗斯方面展开有成效的对话，就这个非常——如果中国共产党严肃看待在全球舞台上进行参与并成为这个共同体中的一个有规模和分量的国家，那么它就有一种义务。当你使用这种导弹试验来建立一个核武库时——去年在中国的导弹试验我认为比所有西方国家的总和还多——如果你将严肃对待，你就必须以一种同各国如何根据核扩散问题条约履行它们的义务相符的方式来加以使用，所有那些义务——成文的，不成文的，已签署的，以及没有签署的——然后它们应当加入这些战略对话，同时我们希望确保使用那些特定的武器系统的风险得到降低。我们随时准备让他们加入同俄罗斯方面的这一对话。我希望他们将会这样做。 * * * *   问：……如果印度-中国边境，即实际控制线的局势升级，美国对那里的事态持什么立场？还有人说——中国外长已发表声明说，美国扮演的角色及西藏问题的由来，是西藏问题的原因。你对此作何反应？ 助理国务卿史达伟：对于喜马拉雅（Himalayas）地区发生的冲突，和所有的问题一样，特别是关系到中华人民共和国与其邻国持有的不同看法，我们主张他们恢复对话，和平解决这些问题，不进行胁迫，不诉诸武力。这一点适用于中国周边目前正在发生的很多冲突。你谈到西藏。新疆——仍然十分关注他们在那里的所作所为。香港的活动、南中国海（South China Sea）——我可以再继续举出很多事例。根据自武汉爆发冠状病毒疫情以来我们的所见所闻，中华人民共和国似乎正力图利用这种局势。印度，我认为是其中的一个事例。所以，对于我们在北京的朋友，我要求他们履行自己的诺言，通过和平的方式和对话解决这些问题。 * * * * 问：……你能否谈谈你为什么认为国务卿宣布的这项行动是必要的？如你所知，作为一名前军人，军人的退休基金也有中国公司参与其中。你是否能够谈谈这方面的情况。另外，刚才你谈到台湾，对于自由贸易协定和有关的谈判，国务院是否得到支持？最近台湾放松了对进口牛肉和猪肉的限制。我们能不能说，对这些谈判存在某些内部的反对意见，可能来自这个大楼之外？ 助理国务卿史达伟：很好的问题。关于台湾的问题，特别是涉及贸易的方面，我很荣幸地尊重美国贸易代表（USTR）对这个问题的看法。但是，我们的确宣布，副国务卿克拉奇（Krach）将开始与台湾进行经济对话，对这些领域进行考察。众所周知，我们支持台积电（TSMC）芯片制造公司进驻亚利桑那州（Arizona），或者说我们正朝这个方向努力，这对美国和台湾都是大好消息。所以，对于这个新情况，我们正处于早期阶段，但是蔡总统撤销这些最后的限制之一是十分受欢迎的决策。 关于“节俭储蓄计划”（TSP），你听到国务卿谈到这一点，基斯·克拉奇（Keith Krach）给各大学的信件也再次谈到，需要更好地了解你的钱去向如何，你的捐赠基金如何供款，认识到这些问题都必须做到透明。你们都知道，中国公司在美国的投资并不受其他任何公司必须遵守的同样的审计限制。然后，当我们告诉中方他们自己也必须遵守这些要求的时候，他们抱怨他们受到某些不公平的待遇。所以让我们，正如他们所说，尊重事实——实事求是。让我们澄清所有这一切，言论必须符合事实。 最后，关于国务卿刚才宣布的对等的问题，这并不是一个新问题。你们记得，自去年10月以来，我们始终要求这样做。我们要求中国外交人员报备他们前往所有这些地方的情况，诸如会见州长、市长、学校董事会等，还有其他有关的所有情况，让我们知道他们在做些什么。我们这样做的目的不是为了损害关系，相互间的交往，而是让他们认识到，我们将坚持要求双方的关系恢复平衡，因为目前的情况完全不平衡。对我来说，平衡等同于稳定，双方关系不稳定使我们大家都感到担忧。我们正采取措施使之得到改正。 谢谢。 * * * * 问：……所以，如你所知，每逢美国实施制裁或采取某些新的限制，中国往往针锋相对采取行动。这一次你估计会发生什么情况，你能否为我们提供一点看法，这会导致什么情况？你们是否已经开始准备在9月20日以后采取特别严厉的制裁行动，因为他们已经明确表示他们不会同意对伊朗实施联合国的制裁？ 助理国务卿史达伟：我先谈谈估计中华人民共和国会做出的反应。我依靠你们大家——我的意思是，我指的是真心实意地——帮助人们认识到，我们仅希望平衡双方的关系，他们的所作所为则完全不相称。所以，我们已经看到——我们已经看到两方面的情况。我们有时看到，他们认识到这早该如此，并没有做出反应。他们最近采取一些十分令人遗憾的行动，特别是涉及媒体的问题，而且他们继续在中华人民共和国对媒体这样做，特别是对这些了解到发生什么情况的记者，对这些有语言能力的人，以及对问题进行调查的人员，而他们并不愿意——宁可让全世界都蒙在鼓里。纽约时报（New York Times）和布隆伯格（Bloomberg）因刊登有关精英财富的报道遇到很大的麻烦，当年，2011年、2012年的时候我正在那里外驻。前不久华尔街日报（Wall Street Journal）刊登以“Sick Man of Asia”（东亚病夫）为题的署名文章，为此他们驱逐了两名美国人和一名澳大利亚人。 所以，如果对等的问题引起关注——对他们来说，“reciprocal”（对等）或者“retaliation”（报复），这是一个更好的词——让我们确定我们对实际情况进行十分清晰的描述——他们正在做些什么，真正的平衡是什么样的。在这里，中国有150名或更多的外交人员——为宣传部工作的中国国营媒体人员在美国开展业务不受任何限制，但目前只有很一小部分美国记者留在中国。我们需要公布这些情况，使大家都能认识到我们谈到的问题。 * * * * 问：谢谢。你能否谈谈中国限制出口人工智能可能产生的影响，及其对可能的TikTok美国业务的出售的不良影响？ 还有，你对关于在整个香港将会增加冠状病毒（COVID）检测的宣布感到关切吗？在活动人士中间显然有认为这将被用于收集DNA的关切。 助理国务卿史达伟：关于你的第二个问题，我无法说明在香港的意图是什么。我已注意到在香港的人们——他们表示关切，正如你们可以想见的。你的两个问题相互关联，因为它们都关系到信息以及中国的信息收集。不过，为做一个类比，我想让你们回顾在所谓的职业培训中心出现以前——维吾尔人拘押营——曾有过大规模基因检测，它是大规模的——它被说成是对维吾尔人的健康检查。因此，他们当时假借进行健康检查之名来收集维吾尔人的DNA。所以这个——鉴于这个实例，我认为香港人民理当关切。 至于TikTok和人工智能，我不是技术专家，但我确知信息就是新货币。它就像石油。它是每个人都能使用并需要的，凡此种种，但在一个确是在法治之下运转的国家，我认为人民可以信赖他们的信息将被用于好事，而不是邪恶后果。中华人民共和国没有这种声誉。我们知道他们是如何使用信息的。他们用它来针对个人。我认为这是任何人所见过的最巨大的国家安全机器。任何去过那里的人，每个街角，不只有一个摄像头，每个街角大概有8个。而且我们知道使用了脸部识别，所有那些东西都能影响你的社会信用评分，影响你就业或让你的子女入学的能力。因此，我认为香港人民理所当然地会感到关切。 * * * * 问：我能就此继续提问吗？只想试着具体问及TikTok，我知道你只能说这么多，但正如Kim提到的，中方在周末改变了出口规则，而且这似乎可能阻止向一家美国公司的出售。你是否相信中方试图或你是否相信这将阻止向一家美国公司的出售，因为新的规则实际上要求字节跳动（ByteDance）这家母公司必须首先寻求获得批准？ 助理国务卿史达伟：我认为这里有两种势力在产生作用。显然，中国意欲阻止美国保护自己，通过确保这种软件的操作——我的意思是，我们不是最早的——记住，印度率先这么做——我认为目前有超过60个——应用程序出于正当的原因在印度不能使用。我还要指出具有讽刺意味的是，外交部发言人在推特（Twitter）上说，在我们自己的推特上说，美国禁用应用程序，在美国禁用中国应用程序是完全出格的。 但所有这些都是为说明——我重申我无法谈及具体细节，但这里有一个我们都必须应对的经济对安全的平衡，允许这次出售将让利润等等继续下去，而阻止这次出售——显然存在金融损失，但——对中国方面而言，希望那应会给他们的决定泼凉水。 * * * * 问：回到台湾提议的前景问题上，如果本届政府将就此向前推进，你预期中国政权会对此做出何种强烈反应？ 助理国务卿史达伟：好的，有关中国的反应的第二个问题——这都在于北京的决策矩阵，但我们的职责显然是全面考虑那会是什么并预见到这些。如果你们看看三项公报和《台湾关系法》（Taiwan Relations Act）的内容，我们本周早些时候所宣布的事项，经济关系、文化交流，所有这些事项都是完全得到允许的。没有任何一条禁止这些事项。因此他们应当——不应当有任何报复。为增进两国繁荣所做的努力不应该有任何影响。 * * * * 阅读原文： https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/secretary-pompeo-at-a-press-availability-09022020/

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE Office of the Spokesperson For Immediate Release  REMARKS TO THE PRESS September 2, 2020   Secretary Michael R. Pompeo At a Press Availability September 2, 2020 Press Briefing Room Washington, D.C. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Good morning, everyone.  Good to see you all. I want to start today talking about multilateralism.  The Trump administration wants multilateral institutions to function, to actually work.  But multilateralism just for the sake of it, just to get together in a room and chat, doesn’t add value. That brings me to the International Criminal Court, a thoroughly broken and corrupted institution.  The United States has never ratified the Rome Statute that created the court, and we will not tolerate its illegitimate attempts to subject Americans to its jurisdiction. In June, the Trump administration authorized the imposition of economic sanctions against foreign persons directly engaged in ICC efforts to investigate U.S. or allied personnel, and those who materially assisted in those – in that effort. Today we take the next step, because the ICC continues to target Americans, sadly. Pursuant to Executive Order 13928, the United States will designate ICC Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda, and the ICC’s Head of Jurisdiction, Complementary, and Cooperation Division Phakiso Mochochoko for having materially assisted Prosecutor Bensouda. Individuals and entities that continue to materially support those individuals risk exposure to sanctions as well. Additionally, the State Department has restricted the issuance of visas for certain individuals involved in the ICC’s efforts to investigate U.S. personnel. On the multilateral front further, I look forward to seeing my ASEAN and Indo-Pacific counterparts next week at a host of virtual meetings. We’ll have discussions that will be wide-ranging, including on COVID, North Korea, South China Sea, Hong Kong, and Burma’s Rakhine State. I’ll also raise how the Trump administration is restoring reciprocity to the U.S.-China relationship.  And today we continue that necessary work. For years, the Chinese Communist Party has imposed significant barriers on American diplomats working inside the PRC. Specifically, the Chinese Communist Party has implemented a system of opaque approval processes, designed to prevent American diplomats from conducting regular business, attending events, securing meetings, and connecting with the Chinese people, especially on university campuses and via the press and social media. Today I’m announcing the State Department has established a mechanism requiring approval for senior Chinese diplomats in the United States to visit university campuses and to meet with local government officials.  Cultural events with groups larger than 50 people hosted by the Chinese embassy and consular posts outside our mission properties will also require our approval. Additionally, we’re taking further steps to ensure that all official PRC embassy and consular social media accounts are properly identified as government accounts, Chinese Government accounts. I have David Stilwell, our Assistant Secretary of East Asia-Pacific Affairs, with me today.  He’ll take questions.  We’re simply demanding reciprocity.  Access for our diplomats in China should be reflective of the access that Chinese diplomats in the United States have, and today’s steps will move us substantially in that direction. Further on China: Under Secretary Krach sent a letter recently to the governing boards of American universities, altering them to the threats the Chinese Communist Party poses to academic freedom, to human rights, and to university endowments. These threats can come in the form of illicit funding for research, intellectual property theft, intimidation of foreign students, and opaque talent recruitment efforts. University governing boards can help ensure their institutions have clean investments and clean endowment funds by taking a few key steps: Disclose all PRC companies invested in endowment funds, especially those in emerging-market index funds. Divest from Chinese companies on the Commerce Department Entity List that are contributing to human rights violations, military coercion, and other abuses. And simply understand the recommendations issued by the President’s Working Group on Financial Markets, which examined the risk to investors of Chinese companies that are listed on U.S. stock exchanges. Staying on China, but moving beyond our borders: We’re hoping for a peaceful resolution to the situation on the India-China border.  From the Taiwan Strait, to the Himalayas, and beyond, the Chinese Communist Party is engaged in a clear and intensifying pattern of bullying its neighbors.  That bullying is also evident in the South China Sea.  Last week, the United States imposed sanctions and visa restrictions on Chinese individuals and entities responsible for the CCP’s imperialism there, doing things such as unlawful energy surveillance, activities in the economic zones of our ally the Philippines and other countries.  We also remain concerned – we’ve talked about this before – the activities of more than 300 Chinese-flagged vessels near the Galapagos, which are almost certainly engaged in illegal fishing.  In light of this maritime lawlessness, it’s no surprise that Beijing’s candidate in the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea election last week received more abstentions than any other candidate. China is the most flagrant violator of the Law of the Sea Convention, and nations all across the world are registering their disapproval. We’re also concerned about Chinese actions in Tibet, in light of the general secretary’s recent calls to “Sinicize” Tibetan Buddhism and fight “splittism” there.  We continue to call upon Beijing to enter into dialogue with the Dalai Lama or his representatives without preconditions, to reach a settlement that resolves their differences. We’re also tracking the situation in Belarus closely.  Deputy Secretary Biegun traveled there last week at my direction.  Belarusians deserve the right to choose their own leaders through a truly free and fair election under independent observation. We demand an immediate end to the violence against them and the release of all who are unjustly detained, and that includes U.S. citizen Vitali Shkliarov.  We’re closely coordinating, too, with our transatlantic partners, and are together reviewing significant, targeted sanctions on anyone involved in human rights abuses and repression. Turning to the Middle East, where I just got back from a productive trip and where we have senior officials there today: The region is changing rapidly thanks to President Trump’s leadership building up ties between Israel and its neighbors.  The Abraham Accords are clear proof of just that.  So is the first-ever direct flight from Tel Aviv to Abu Dhabi, which took place this week, and the first direct flight between Israel and Sudan, which I was honored to make during my trip. Additionally, at every stop, I urged my counterparts to stand united against the Islamic Republic of Iran’s threats the region. Which leads to my next point: Forty years ago – forty years ago this month, the Iranian regime arrested nine members of the Baha’i National Spiritual Assembly of Iran.  No one has heard from them since. Sadly, we must conclude that these nine individuals met the same fate as the more than 200 other Iranian Baha’is who have been executed for peacefully practicing their faith. We ask the international community:  When will Iran’s regime be held accountable for those crimes? In Africa, we welcome the news that Sudan’s civilian-led transitional government initiated a historic peace agreement with several opposition groups.  That’s good news.  They suggested to me when I was visiting them that would likely occur.  Good on them. And here close at home in the Western Hemisphere, the United States candidate Mauricio Claver-Carone is the right person for the presidency of the International[1] Development Bank. The vote, currently scheduled for September 12th, should not be delayed.  It should happen that day. And on Venezuela, 34 countries have no\ joined the growing list – the growing international consensus in favor of a transitional government.  More and more nations know that the fraudulent National Assembly elections scheduled for – scheduled by Maduro for December 6th of this year will neither be fair nor free. We also call on free and fair elections in Haiti as soon as technically feasible. And with that, I’m happy to take a handful of questions today. MS ORTAGUS:  Okay.  Let’s start with Vivian. QUESTION:  Yeah, great. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Hi. QUESTION:  Hi.  I wanted to ask you about your decision to address the RNC from Jerusalem.  There was guidelines sent to State Department staff advising against participation in any partisan politics.  And so what message does that send to the men and women of the State Department?  Also, obviously the House Foreign Affairs Committee has raised this issue as part of its complaint against you.  And so if you can address all those issues, please. SECRETARY POMPEO:  All I can say in my role of Secretary of State – I did this in my personal capacity.  All I can say in my role as Secretary of State is the State Department reviewed this, it was lawful, and I personally felt it was important that the world hear the message of what this administration has accomplished. MS ORTAGUS:  Okay.  Christine. QUESTION:  Thank you.  The yearly U.S. Government China report – military China report came out yesterday. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Yes, yesterday. QUESTION:  It says that China intends to double its nuclear warheads in the next 10 years and grow its global and naval presence.  How do you think the U.S. and its allies should respond, and what do you think is the most alarming trend of China’s military? SECRETARY POMPEO:  So what was in that report yesterday doesn’t come as news to anyone who has been following this issue for the past years.  This administration is the first one that has truly called out the Chinese Communist Party for this military aggression, this build-up that has undertaken, and then of course responded to it. We’ve done a number of things.  First, the President has put the largest defense budgets in American history in front of Congress and they’ve passed it, 700-and-plus billion dollars two years running, so we’re making sure that America has the tools it needs to respond to any threat, including threats that emanate from the Chinese Communist Party.  Second, on particular pieces of this – I’ll give you an example.   The nuclear weapons.  We have implored the Chinese to be part of our strategic dialogue.  We’ve suggested it’s in their best strategic interest; it’s in our best strategic – it’s in the world’s strategic interest to reduce the risk from these most dangerous weapons systems.  And we’re in productive conversations with the Russians on this very – if the Chinese Communist Party is serious about participating on the global stage and being a nation of size and scale that is part of this community, then it has an obligation.  When you build out a nuclear arsenal with the kind of missile testing – more missile tests in China last year than I think all Western nations combined – if you’re going to be serious, you have to use those in a way that is consistent with how nations undertake their obligations under the nuclear proliferation treaties, all those obligations – written, unwritten, signed, and unsigned – and then they should enter in these strategic conversations, while we want to make sure that the risk of using those weapons systems in particular is diminished.  And we stand ready to have them join this conversation with the Russians.  I hope that they will. MS ORTAGUS:  Nadia. QUESTION:  Good morning, Mr. Secretary.  A deputy to President Erdogan just said that Washington partial lifting of arms sale to Cyprus will agitate the conflict in the eastern of the Mediterranean.  How do you respond to that?  And how do you assess Turkey’s influence in the Middle East?  And on Lebanon, sir, if I can, the French president just wrapped a visit to Beirut.  He met with all political leaders, yet we have Assistant Secretary David Schenker in Beirut and he did not meet with any political leaders.  Is this a message?  And are you coordinating with the French on any initiative? SECRETARY POMPEO:  So as for Lebanon, we are certainly in close conversations with the French.  We share the same objective.  Ambassador Hale was in Beirut several weeks back now.  He met with a number of political leaders.  The objective is the same.  Business as usual in Lebanon just is unacceptable.  I think President Macron said the same thing.  This has to be a government that conducts significant reforms, real change.  It’s what the people of Lebanon are demanding.  And the United States is going to use its diplomatic presence and its diplomatic capabilities to make sure that we get that outcome.  I think the French share that.  I think the whole world, frankly, sees the risk. Look, the risk stares you in the face: missile systems, precision-guided missiles that Hizballah holds in the south – we all remember the history of Lebanon.  Everybody disarms but Hizballah.  This is the challenge that is presented.  And so those people who are either part of that or are playing footsie with Hizballah should know that that’s not productive.  It’s not what the people of Lebanon want and it’s not what the regional security situation demands.  So I’m confident that the United States, the French, and all of us who are working there on the ground, both to meet the immediate needs in the result that flowed from the explosion that took place now several weeks back as well as the longer-term challenges that are presenting in Lebanon.  We’ll all work on it together. QUESTION:  And on Turkey? SECRETARY POMPEO:  You asked – you asked about the decision we made yesterday or announced yesterday with respect to Cyprus.  It’s been a long time coming.  We’ve been working on this for an awfully long time.  We know that this decision was announced in light of heightened tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean, but we thought it was the right thing, and so I made the decision we would move forward with it on the timeline that our decision was reached.  President Trump’s been in conversations with President Erdogan.  He’s spoken to the prime minister in Greece.  We are urging everyone to stand down, to reduce tensions, and begin to have diplomatic discussions about the conflicts that exist there in the Eastern Mediterranean – the security conflicts, the energy resource conflicts, the maritime conflicts.  They need to sit down and have conversations about this and resolve this diplomatically.  It is not useful to increase military tension in the region.  Only negative things can flow from that. QUESTION:  Thank you, sir. MS ORTAGUS:  Sir, should we try to take more? SECRETARY POMPEO:  I’ll take a couple more. MS ORTAGUS:  Okay, go ahead. QUESTION:  Thanks, Mr. Secretary. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Hi. QUESTION:  How do you justify the U.S. not joining the WHO-led COVAX effort to provide a vaccine globally when more than 170 other countries have joined? SECRETARY POMPEO:  There is no nation that has been or will be as deeply committed to delivering vaccines all around the world as the United States of America, not just in terms of dollars.  We will dwarf every nation in terms of the financial resources, the goodness of the American people, to give our money to make sure that these vaccines are delivered all around.  No nation will match us; it won’t even be close. But it also imperative that when we do that, we need to do so in a way that’s effective, that’s not political, that is science-based.  And what we have seen demonstrated from the World Health Organization is that it is not that. MS ORTAGUS:  Jose. QUESTION:  Yes.  It’s a question on Mexico.  U.S. energy groups have written letters to you and other senior administration expressing concerns about developments in the energy sector in Mexico.  They complain about the lack of legal certainty, investors’ rights for U.S. companies in Mexico taken – by actions taken by the Mexican Government.  What is the Trump administration willing to do to defend U.S. interests in Mexico in the energy sector, and has this been risen to the presidential level? SECRETARY POMPEO:  Yeah, most importantly – I’m familiar with this issue – we want American companies to have the opportunity to invest down in Mexico.  It’s what the USMCA was designed to achieve.  We think there’s been real progress there.  But make no mistake:  We’ve been clear this isn’t about – you talked about what we’d do to defend American interests down there – this is in Mexico’s best interest.  It’s in Mexico’s best interest to have American investment, the technology that is brought to develop Mexican energy resources to benefit the people of Mexico.  And so we’re in constant conversations with the Mexican Government about this, certainly at every level of the United States Government.  It’s important.  We think this cooperative set of agreements that was reached between the United States, Canada, and Mexico can deliver on those outcomes in a way that NAFTA never could, and so we’ll continue to work on that challenge.  QUESTION:  Thank you. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Thank you all.  Have a wonderful day.  MS ORTAGUS:  We’ll keep Stilwell here for anyone who’d like to stay. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Thank you, David. QUESTION:  I appreciate it. MS ORTAGUS:  Okay.  Let’s try to get to everybody that hasn’t gone yet.  Reena, I don’t think you have. QUESTION:  Yeah.  Okay.  To talk about the – if there’s an escalation at the Indian-Chinese border, the LAC, where does the United States stand there?  And it also says – the Chinese foreign ministry has come up with a statement saying that the U.S. role and cause for Tibet is the cause for Tibet.  How do you respond to that? ASSISTANT SECRETARY STILWELL:  For the conflict in the Himalayas, like all things, especially related to the PRC’s differences of opinion with its neighbors, is we advise them to return to dialogue, resolve these things peacefully without coercion, use of force.  That applies to the many conflicts that are going on in China’s periphery right now.  You mentioned Tibet.  Xinjiang – very concerned still about what they’re doing there.  Hong Kong activities, South China Sea – I could go on and on.  What we’ve seen since the corona outbreak from Wuhan is it seems the PRC is trying to take advantage of the situation, and India, I think, is one of those examples of that.  So to our friends in Beijing, I would ask them to follow their commitment to resolve these things through peaceful means and dialogue.  QUESTION:  Just a follow up.  In case there’s an escalation, will the U.S. share intelligence with India?  Will they assist India? ASSISTANT SECRETARY STILWELL:  We’ll defer that question to others who are more closely related to the Indian part. MS ORTAGUS:  Nick, go ahead. QUESTION:  Hey, thanks for doing this.  Since we have you, can you just explain why you think this move that the Secretary announced is necessary?  And as you know, as a former military man, there are servicemembers’ pensions that also have Chinese companies in them, and if you could address that.  And then just while we have you, on Taiwan, is there support from the Department of State on a free trade agreement and those talks?  And did Taiwan’s recent easing of beef and pork imports ease, shall we say, some internal opposition, maybe outside this building, to those talks? ASSISTANT SECRETARY STILWELL:  Great questions.  On the Taiwan question, especially on the trade aspect, I will gladly defer to USTR on that one.  However, we did announce, though, that Under Secretary Krach would begin a economic dialogue with the – with Taiwan to look for those areas.  As you saw, we moved the TSMC chip manufacturing into Arizona, or we’re moving in that direction, which is great news both for the U.S. and for Taiwan.  So we’re early on in this new position, but it’s a very welcome decision out of President Tsai to remove one of those last obstacles. As far as TSP, you heard the Secretary mention, again, in a letter from Keith Krach to universities, to better understand what your money is going into, where your endowments are being funded, and understand about the need for transparency on those things.  As you know, Chinese companies investing in the U.S. are not subject to the same audit restrictions that any other company, and then when we tell the Chinese that they do need to submit themselves, subject themselves to those requirements, they complain they’re being treated unfairly somehow.  And so let’s, as they say, make truth – seek truth through facts.  Let’s clarify all this and make the words and the reality match. Finally, on the announcement the Secretary just made about reciprocity, this is not new.  We’ve been doing this since last October, as you remember.  We asked the Chinese diplomats to notify us about their travels to all of these locations to see governors, mayors, school boards, all these other things that we know they’re doing.  And we did that in an effort not to reduce the relationship, the interaction, but to get them to understand that we are going to insist on getting this relationship back in balance, because it is clearly way out of balance.  And balance, to me, equates to stability, and that the instability in this relationship causes all of us concern.  We’re taking steps to fix that.  Thanks.  MS ORTAGUS:  Carol. QUESTION:  Sir, thank you for being here to answer our questions.  So, as you know, the Chinese pretty much always respond in kind whenever the U.S. places sanctions or some sort of new restrictions.  So what are you anticipating this time and can you give us a sense where this is all leading?  And are you already starting to prepare some particularly stiff sanctions to be enforced after September 20th, since they’ve made it clear they will not go along with UN sanctions on Iran?  ASSISTANT SECRETARY STILWELL:  Let me talk to the anticipated PRC response.  I depend on you all – I mean, I mean that sincerely – to help people understand that what they’re doing is grossly out of proportion to our simple desire to balance this relationship.  And so we have seen – we’ve seen both.  We’ve seen sometimes where they have understood that this was long overdue and there’s been no response.  And especially in terms of media, they have taken some very unfortunate steps of late, and they continue to do things to media in the PRC, especially those reporters who understand what’s going on, those with language skills, and those who investigate issues they would rather not – the world not know.  Finances of elites got New York Times and Bloomberg in big trouble when I was out there in 2011, 2012.  Most recently, The Wall Street Journal published a very balanced op-ed that was titled “Sick Man of Asia,” and that – they bounced two Americans and an Australian for that. And so if there’s concerns about reciprocal – what they call “reciprocal,” or “retaliation” is a better word – let’s make sure we paint a very clear picture of what is – what they’re doing, what that real balance looks like.  There’s 150 or more Chinese diplomats here – Chinese state media folks who work for the ministry of propaganda here in the U.S. operating without restriction, and there’s only a handful of American journalists left in China right now.  Let’s paint that picture so everybody understands what we’re talking about. MS ORTAGUS:  Kim, go ahead. QUESTION:  Thanks.  Can you comment on the possible impact of China blocking the export of artificial intelligence and its fallout with the possible sale of the American branch of TikTok? And also are you concerned about the announcement that there are going to be increased COVID tests throughout Hong Kong?  Apparently there is concern among activists that this will be used for DNA collection. ASSISTANT SECRETARY STILWELL:  To your second question, I can’t speak to what the intentions are in Hong Kong.  I have noted folks in Hong Kong are – they have concerns, as you would imagine.  Both of your questions are related because they deal with information and China’s collection of that.  For an analog, though, I would point you back to before we had the so-called vocational training centers – the Uyghur internment camps – we had mass genetic testing, and it was massed – it was portrayed as health checks for Uyghurs.  And so they were collecting DNA on Uyghurs under the guise of doing health checks.  So the – given that example, I think the Hong Kong people are rightly concerned. And then as far as the TikTok and AI, I’m not an expert on tech, but I do know that information is the new currency.  It’s like oil.  It’s something everybody can use and needs and all that, but in a country that does run under the auspice of rule of law, I think people can trust that their information will be used for good things and not for nefarious outcomes.  The PRC doesn’t have that reputation.  We know what they do with information.  They target individuals with it.  I think it’s the greatest state security apparatus anybody’s ever seen.  Anybody who’s been there, every street corner, not just one camera, it’s got like eight on every corner.  And so we know that we use facial recognition, all those things to affect your social credit score, to affect your ability to get a job or put your kids into school.  So I think the Hong Kong people are rightfully concerned. MS ORTAGUS:  Anybody else?  Nick? QUESTION:  Can I just follow up on that?  So just to try and get to TikTok specifically, I know that there’s only so much you can say, but as Kim mentioned, the Chinese changed the export rules over the weekend and it seems that may stop a sale to a U.S. company.  Do you believe that the Chinese are trying or do you believe it will stop a sale to a U.S. company in the sense that the new rules essentially require ByteDance, the parent company, to seek approval first? ASSISTANT SECRETARY STILWELL:  I think there’s two forces at play here.  Obviously, the Chinese desire to prevent the U.S. from protecting itself by making sure that this software operates – I mean, we’re not the first ones – remember, India led off with this with – and I think there are over 60 right now – apps that are not available for use in India for the right reasons.  I will point to the irony, though, of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesperson using Twitter to say it’s completely out of bounds for the U.S. to block apps, Chinese apps in the U.S. on our own Twitter accounts.  But all that is to note that – again, I can’t speak to the exact details, but there’s an economic versus security balance here that we all have to deal with, and allowing this sale would allow the profits and all that to continue, whereas blocking this sale – obviously there’s a financial loss, but a – for the Chinese, that should hopefully dampen their decision. MS ORTAGUS:  I’m going to attempt to try the dial-in, see if it’s working this week.  We have Charlotte Cuthbertson from Epoch Times.  Is our dial-in working?  Charlotte? QUESTION:  Thank you very much for doing this call. MS ORTAGUS:  Great. QUESTION:  Just to go back to the potential of the Taiwan deal, if the administration were to move forward with that, what kind of backlash would you anticipate from the Chinese regime on that? ASSISTANT SECRETARY STILWELL:  Yeah, second question about Chinese response – that’s all about Beijing’s decision matrix, but our job is to obviously think through what those are and anticipate them.  And if you look at the language from the three communiques and the Taiwan Relations Act, the announcement we made earlier this week, the economic relationship, cultural exchanges, all those things are fully allowed.  There’s nothing that prohibits those things.  And so they should – there should be no lash back.  The efforts to increase prosperity between the two countries should have no effect. QUESTION:  (Inaudible) Kim.  I’m from the JTBC South Korea TV news channel.  Let me ask you about North Korean issue.  So you – State Department issued an industry advisory on North Korea ballistic missile procurement yesterday.  I’d like to know the background of it.  Have you find any specific signals, such as North Korea trying to export their techniques, or is it just a warning before – it’s a warning? ASSISTANT SECRETARY STILWELL:  I can comment broadly on North Korea.  I kind of xleave that to the special representative, Steve Biegun, and Alex Wong.  You can definitely pose the questions if you want specifics on that, but I would note that this administration has done more – like, my first tour as a military guy in Korea was in 1981.  I’ve been involved in this for quite a long time.  And this administration has gone far further than any other in taking strong actions to let North Korea know that they’re going to have to negotiate.  They can’t just sit back and threaten and launch and all the things they’ve been doing.  And so this is another step in that direction, is to demonstrate to North Korea that there is a brighter future for your people, but you’re going to have to step up and negotiate and talk about these things rather than remain isolated.  Thank you. MS ORTAGUS:  We’re going to try the phone line one more time.  We should have Sangmin Lee from Radio Free Asia.  Sangmin, you on the phone? QUESTION:  Yeah, I have a question about the cyber security threat from North Korea.  Several days ago, the U.S. Government issued several advisory against the North Korean cyber threat.  So how do you assess the North Korean cyber threat in the way? ASSISTANT SECRETARY STILWELL:  I think we all remember the Sony Pictures hack from 2014.  That was Operation Deny Christmas for me and my family.  (Laughter.)  We spent every day thinking through that one.  It is a clear threat.  As you know, a lot of those cyber actors are operating in other places in a dispersed manner.  Getting at this is going to be difficult.  We’re – again, I’ll defer to the folks in Homeland Security and who deal with cyber threats specifically, but again, there’s strong evidence that they do operate in that regard.  And the goal, I find, is to get currency, is to get funding to continue with missile procurement and the rest.  So the quicker we can slow or stop that, the better off we’ll all be, safer we’ll be. MS ORTAGUS:  Anybody else in the room, finally?  Speak now – oh, we exhausted you.  Great accomplishment.  Thanks, everybody. QUESTION:  I have a question — MS ORTAGUS:  Okay.  QUESTION:  (Inaudible.)  I’m sorry, I have — MS ORTAGUS:  Well, you could ask – you could ask — QUESTION:  No, I mean, I want to ask about annexation, so you’re probably best — MS ORTAGUS:  Oh, okay, no — QUESTION:  — you’re best qualified to answer it. MS ORTAGUS:  What’s your question, Said? QUESTION:  My question is that we are a little bit confused on the U.S. position on annexation of the West Bank because Mr. Kushner says one thing, Mr. Netanyahu says one thing, and the Secretary has not really clarified it.  So can you explain to us your position on annexation?  Is it – as a result of rapprochement or normalization between UAE and Israel, has it been put off indefinitely? MS ORTAGUS:  I have to look exactly at what we said, but I believe that the Government of Israel and the Secretary and Kushner, when we talked about the Abraham Accords, said that it had – I think the word that we had used is “postponed” having given a timeline, but would just say that we still fundamentally believe the vision for peace that we put out in February, I think it was, is the right vision for peace for the Middle East, and we’ve seen by the first agreement between Arabs and Israelis in 25 years that this is the positive way forward that we hope for everybody in the Middle East – Israelis, Palestinians – and we hope the Palestinian leadership will come to the table.  And so we will see.  We’re making progress.  And it was – as the Secretary said earlier, it was quite an honor and experience to be on the first flight last week – the first nonstop flight from Israel to Sudan, so that was a great moment. Okay.  Thanks, Said.  Thanks, everybody.  Have a great day.

Poland’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Jacek Czaputowicz, right and US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo shake hands, during a joint press conference, at the end of an international conference on promoting security in the Middle East that Poland co-hosted with the United States. in Warsaw, Poland, Thursday, Feb. 14, 2019. (AP Photo/Czarek Sokolowski) 作者：雅采克·查普托维奇和迈克尔·蓬佩奥 [以下文章最初于2019年2月12日刊登在cnn.com] 雅采克·查普托维奇（Jacek Czaputowicz） 是波兰外交部长。迈克尔·蓬佩奥（ Michael R. Pompeo ）是美国国务卿。文中表达的观点仅代表作者本人。 团结一词再次在波兰流行——尽管它或许与你想象的不同。词中含义曾经代表了1980年代反共产主义运动，如今它意味着波兰与美国的牢固合作关系。在我们本周共同主持促进中东未来和平与安全部长级会议（Ministerial to Promote a Future of Peace and Security in the Middle East）之极，团结也将是我们希望汇聚华沙（Warsaw）的所有国家所实现的目标。我们的目的是建立更强大的伙伴关系，在这个冲突泛滥的地区推进共同的安全目标。 这次会议有来自欧洲联盟（European Union）和北约（NATO）60多个国家出席，它说明我们的目标认真一致，具有历史意义。我们不仅将为以色列和巴勒斯坦达成和平协议而努力，而且也将讨论叙利亚和也门的暴力不稳定局面。我们还将针对导弹扩撒、能源安全、新生网络威胁、反恐和人道援助等问题举行专题讨论。我们的大目标是，针对如何在这些问题上取得进展以及在其他更多方面，听取各国当场直率发表意见。如我们各位外长同仁所知，多边会议往往是宣发表预备文稿的走形式场合。但本次会议不同。我们希望让真正的交谈带来真正的行动。 我们期待各国所表达的观点反映其自身的利益。在某一方面有分歧不应妨碍在其他方面达成一致。例如，过去，我们两国对伊朗核协议持截然不同的立场。尽管有这种巨大分歧，但是美-波关系始终牢固不破。我们希望这种合作将成为所有与会国家致力于采用的模式。在许多——也许在大多数——问题上达成共识是完全可能的。 在中东安全问题上已经有广泛合作的先例。上星期，打击伊斯兰国组织全球联盟（Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS）的79个伙伴成员在华盛顿（Washington）会晤。我们的卓越努力——它使伊斯兰国组织哈里发统治地区面临彻底崩溃——是各国的合作意愿所能取得的成就的证明。法国和英国实施空中打击；约旦和土耳其接纳叙利亚难民；海湾国家为实现稳定作出慷慨贡献。每一个国家都发挥了作用，我们的集体努力已经基本摧毁了哈里发政权，使流离失所的人能够返回家园。 这些努力，以及我们两国间激励人心的合作史，将指导我们的行动。波兰和美国的正式外交关系始于整整100年前，当时美国外交官休·吉布森（Hugh Gibson）将大使馆临时设在华沙的布里斯托尔饭店（Bristol Hotel）内。远在此之前，被托马斯·杰斐逊（Thomas Jefferson）称为“我所认识的最纯洁的自由之子”的塔德乌什·科希秋什科（Tadeusz Kościuszko），在美国独立战争（American Revolution）中帮助设计了军事堡垒，例如位于西点（West Point）军校的防御工事。他的波兰同胞卡齐米尔·普瓦斯基（Casimir Pulaski）——美国骑兵队先驱——在布兰迪万战役（Battle of Brandywine）中挽救了乔治·华盛顿（George Washington）的生命。 美国和波兰致力于不辜负历史的榜样。这是我们时代的要求。特朗普（Trump）总统两年前在华沙强调，建立世界和平“不仅要拿出资金，而且要拿出意愿”。这些字句意味着，在中东地区实现和平与安全的最佳途径，是要每个国家付出努力。我们以此为目标将各国聚到一起，召唤世界走向新的团结。

(CNN)Solidarity is once again popular in Poland — though not in the way you might think. The concept that gave a name to the anti-communist movement in the 1980s now characterizes the strong partnership between Poland and the United States. And solidarity is what we seek from all countries this week in Warsaw, as we co-host the Ministerial to Promote a Future of Peace and Security in the Middle East. Our goal is to forge stronger partnerships and advance our common security goals in a region riddled by conflict. This meeting — bringing together more than 60 nations and representatives from the European Union and NATO — is historic for showing our seriousness and unity of purpose. We will discuss violent instability in Syria and Yemen, as well as efforts to achieve a peace agreement between Israel and the Palestinians. Further sessions will feature discussions on missile proliferation, energy security, emerging cyber-based threats, counterterrorism, and humanitarian aid. Our broad goal is to hear every nation’s unscripted, candid ideas for how to make progress on these issues, and more. As our fellow foreign ministers know, multilateral meetings are often pro-forma exercises in giving prepared statements. Not this one. Our hope is that real conversations will drive real action. We expect each nation to express opinions that reflect its own interests. Disagreements in one area should not prohibit unity in others. In the past, for example, our two nations have taken distinct positions on the Iran nuclear deal. Despite these strong differences of opinion, the US-Poland relationship remains strong. This cooperation is a model for what we hope all countries attending the Ministerial will commit to. Establishing a consensus on many — and perhaps most — issues is more than possible. There is already precedent for broad cooperation on Middle East security. Last week, 79 partners of the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS met in Washington. Our incredible efforts — which have brought the ISIS territorial caliphate to the brink of total defeat — are a testament to how much nations of goodwill can achieve together. France and Britain have conducted air strikes; Jordan and Turkey have hosted Syrian refugees; Gulf countries have contributed generously toward stabilization efforts. Every nation has played a part, and our collective efforts have virtually destroyed the caliphate and allowed displaced people to return to their homes. Those efforts, along with the inspiring history of cooperation between our two nations, act as our guide. It was exactly one hundred years ago that Poland and the United States formally established diplomatic relations when American diplomat Hugh Gibson set up a makeshift embassy inside Warsaw’s Bristol Hotel. Well before that, Tadeusz Kościuszko — whom Thomas Jefferson called “as pure a son of liberty as I have ever known” — lent a hand in designing military fortifications, like the ones at West Point, during the American Revolution. And one of his Polish compatriots, Casimir Pulaski — the father of the American cavalry — saved the life of George Washington during the Battle of Brandywine. The United States and Poland seek to live up to these examples which history has bequeathed. Our times demand it. President Trump stressed in Warsaw two years ago that establishing security in our world “is not just a commitment of money, it is a commitment of will.” As those words suggest, the best way to achieve peace and security in the Middle East is for every nation to exert itself. In bringing nations together for that purpose, we are rallying the world to a new solidarity.

美国国务院 经济和工商事务局 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区 2020年7月7日 关于中国的跨大西洋对话：管理日益升级的利害关系 经济和工商事务局（Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs）助理国务卿马尼沙·辛格（Manisha Singh）的讲话 [摘译] *       *       *       * 近几十年来，我们一直努力同中华人民共和国展开持续对话，这些对话关系到其在全球经济共同体各成员中的作用，以及有关它向以市场为基础的经济转型也许会促进更大自由的理念。但中国共产党已明确显示其进行经济间谍活动的意图，不仅威胁着商业，而且威胁着各国的安全。 特朗普政府（Trump Administration）的《国家安全战略》（National Security Strategy）阐明，经济安全就是国家安全。从美国和欧洲公司盗取知识产权、敏感技术和人工智能不仅是违反商务规定的行为，而且是我们必须共同应对的战略威胁。 我们已将谈话从没有得到认真对待的对话转向将会得到认真对待的行动。我们希望为获得进入我们的市场而做出的承诺将会得到遵守。 这一直是我们同中华人民共和国有待完成的协议的基础，我们在其中强调要让我们的公司企业能够享有公平竞争的环境，包括知识产权保护、透明做法和市场准入。 我们已将国际努力作为重点工作，曝光像华为和中兴这样不可信赖的供应商利用第五代（5G）技术来损害我们的情报机构而构成的重大威胁，这是美国和欧盟（EU）拥有共同利益的又一个领域。 我们的团队积极主张使用可信赖的商家，而不使用有可能因中国公司根据中华人民共和国的法律而必须对信息传输予以透露或干扰的系统。可信赖的商家网是我们抵制一带一路计划和中华人民共和国监控制度的部分举措。它体现跨大西洋价值观，并且为寻求按照商业条件营商而不出让主权的国家提供一个必要选择。  尤其是现在，随着我们从全球大流行疫情中恢复和通过技术支持我们的健康、生计和安全，我们需要对我们使用的平台不会给我们个人和国家造成损害具有信心。 为保护人权，特朗普政府已采取具体行动，针对对中华人民共和国国内残暴行径负有责任的中国官员实施制裁。我们还发布了商务警告，提醒公司企业当心供应链可能与新疆强劳的关联。欧洲联盟有着针对中国践踏人权实施制裁的历史，这可以追溯到天安门广场事件。 本政府还针对中国共产党在香港的行动给予制裁和谴责。香港一直是自由社会欣欣向荣的榜样。我们知道这个地区不再有自治，严厉的《国家安全法》（National Security Law）进一步摧毁了香港人民原有的任何自由权利。我们并不是提出谴责的唯一国家。英国和其他国家也已经这样做。我们的共同理想应使我们能够对应这些残暴举动。 我在与欧洲同事的交谈中发现，即使我们的方式各异，但我们的目标始终一致。我们希望我们的公民生活在一个法治和基本人权受到保护的世界，一个发明创造带来更好的生活而不是政府控制的世界，一个以经济自由作为自由社会基础的世界。这是我们过去几十年来希望在中华人民共和国看到的。但实际上我们看到的与此相反。 利益攸关不仅在升级，而且已经达到生存关头，它需要美国和欧洲联盟国家再次发扬马歇尔计划（Marshall Plan）的精神。 正如我们的现任国务卿迈克·蓬佩奥（Mike Pompeo）在2018年12月对欧洲听众所说，“本着我们伟大民主国家的最优秀传统，我们召唤世界崇高国家建立起防止战争和实现所有人的更大繁荣的新自由秩序”。 谢谢各位。

07/07/2020 01:02 PM EDT Manisha Singh, Assistant Secretary Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs I want to thank the Carnegie Endowment and Institut Montaigne for the opportunity to provide my thoughts on how the United States and Europe can address the global economic challenges posed by China. The U.S. and the EU comprise one of largest trading relationships in the world. Our joint approach to China impacts not only our citizens, but also the populations of other nations whose economic fates are tied to ours. In order to determine how we move forward, I find it’s helpful to review how we arrived at our present circumstances. The narrative of economic turbulence with China began decades ago. Our reflection can start around the post-World War II establishment of the global economic architecture in 1948. That year, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, the first major effort at global trade liberalization was enacted. Its original 23 members included some European nations, and both the U.S. and China. The same year, the U.S. government passed the Marshall Plan for European recovery from the devastation of war. Its pledge of $15 billion in financial assistance was from the Americans, but the commitment to rebuild the transatlantic order came from both the U.S. and its Western European beneficiaries. Secretary of State George Marshall outlined the vision in a speech he gave at Harvard University in 1947 before the enactment of the recovery plan. He said, “It is logical that the United States should do whatever it is able to do to assist in the return of normal economic health in the world, without which there can be no political stability and no assured peace.” During the same time period, China was facing ongoing political turmoil of its own with a civil war resulting ultimately in the 1949 creation of the communist controlled People’s Republic of China, largely as we know it today. As Europe was rebuilding, and the post war American economy began to flourish, economic contacts with the PRC were limited. By the 1970s, when economy of the PRC grew, both the U.S. and European nations began to evaluate the need for commercial ties. However, each was also aware of the prevalent human rights abuses. Turning back to the Marshall Plan, its purpose, as he said in the Harvard speech was “the revival of a working economy in the world so as to permit the emergence of political and social conditions in which free institutions can exist.” Free institutions have existed and have sought to create a world of global commerce where members liberalize trade and importantly, adhere to the rules. We saw the PRC initiate conversations to join the GATT. Perhaps its disputes with both EU member states and the U.S. were its motivations to join. By 1986, it had gained observer status and began a 15-year process to accede to GATT and eventually its successor the World Trade Organization. According to the WTO, the PRC was “to better integrate in the world economy and offer a more predictable environment for trade and foreign investment in accordance with WTO rules.” In other words, the PRC spent the almost two decades leading to its 2001 entry into the WTO assuring other members that it would adapt its domestic economic practices to adhere to global rules of trade. However, both the U.S. and the EU have observed the PRC claim the benefits, yet, violate the rules of the international trading community. We have seen profound infringement onto the sovereignty of other nations in the form of sovereign debt traps among other practices. The people of the PRC have no political freedoms, no human rights and are subject to unconscionable abuses at the hands of government. I return to Secretary Marshall’s 1947 Harvard address, in which he concludes, “Furthermore, governments, political parties or groups which seek to perpetuate human misery in order to profit therefrom politically or otherwise, will encounter the opposition of the United States.” This sentiment reflects our present thinking as well as the shared values of the transatlantic community. Over the last few decades, we have sought to engage in continued dialogues with the PRC about its role among the members of the global economic community and the idea that its transition to a market-based economy might also lead to more freedoms. But the Chinese Communist Party has made clear its intent to engage in economic espionage threatening not just commerce, but also the security of nations. The Trump Administration’s National Security Strategy states that Economic Security is National Security. The theft of intellectual property, sensitive technologies and artificial intelligence from American and European companies are not just commercial breaches, they are strategic threats which we must address together. We have shifted the conversation from one of a dialogue that was not taken seriously to one of actions that will be taken seriously. We expect that commitments made to gain access to our market will be commitments kept. This has been the basis of our pending agreement with the PRC in which we emphasize a level playing field for our companies including intellectual property protections, transparent practices and market access. We have prioritized international efforts to expose the significant risks posed by untrusted vendors such as Huawei and ZTE utilizing Fifth Generation (5G) technology to undermine our intelligence apparatus, yet another area where the interests of the U.S. and the EU are mutual. Our team is advocating for the use of trusted vendors as alternatives to a system in which Chinese companies can be required, under PRC law, to either disclose or disrupt information transmitted over their systems. The trusted vendor network is part of our counter to the One Belt One Road Initiative and the PRC surveillance state. It reflects transatlantic values and provides a necessary alternative for countries which are seeking to do business on commercial terms, not to surrender their sovereignty. Especially now, as we recover from a global pandemic and technology supports our health, our livelihoods and our security, we need confidence that the platforms we use will not undermine us as individuals and as nations. To protect human rights, the Trump Administration has taken concrete action by sanctioning Chinese officials for the atrocities in the PRC. We have also issued a business advisory to caution companies about supply chain links to forced labor in Xinjiang. The EU has a history of sanctioning PRC human rights violations dating back to Tiananmen Square. The Administration has also imposed sanctions and condemned the actions of the Chinese communist part in Hong Kong, which has been example of how free societies flourish. We know the region is no longer autonomous and the draconian National Security Law further destroys any liberty the people of Hong Kong have had. We are not alone in this condemnation. The UK and other nations have done so as well. Our common ideals should enable us to address these atrocities. In personal conversations with my European counterparts, I have found that even when our methods vary, our objectives remain the same. We want our citizens to live in a world where the rule of law and fundamental human rights are respected, where innovation leads to better lives and not government control, where economic freedom is the foundation of free societies. This is what we wanted to see from the PRC over the last several decades. We have, in fact, seen the reverse. The stakes are not just escalating, they have reached an existential plateau where it is incumbent upon America and European Union member states to again channel the spirt of the Marshall Plan. As our current Secretary Mike Pompeo said in December 2018 to a European audience, “In the finest traditions of our great democracy, we are rallying the noble nations of the world to build a new liberal order that prevents war and achieves greater prosperity for us all.” Thank you.

关于在网络空间促进负责任的国家行为的联合声明 美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿特区 2019年9月23日 关于在网络空间促进负责任的国家行为的联合声明 以下联合声明得到下列国家确认：澳大利亚、比利时、加拿大、哥伦比亚、捷克共和国、丹麦、爱沙尼亚、芬兰、法国、德国、匈牙利、冰岛、意大利、日本、立陶宛、拉脱维亚、荷兰、新西兰、挪威、波兰、大韩民国、罗马尼亚、斯洛文尼亚、西班牙、瑞典、英国、美国。 全文开始： 关于在网络空间促进负责任的国家行为的联合声明 信息技术正在改变现代生活，驱动创新和生产力，促进思想、文化交流，推广言论自由。它的好处使国际社会比有史以来任何时候都更加紧密相连。在我们认识到网络空间为我们的公民带来的各种惠益并努力确保人类能够继续从中受益的同时，这一愿景也开始面临挑战。国家和非国家行为者正在越来越多地利用网络空间作为不负责任行为的平台，借此攻击重要的基础设施和我们的公民，侵蚀民主机制和国际机构组织，并且窃取其自身无法创造的设想，从而削弱全球经济中的公平竞争。 过去十年来，国际社会表明，应由基于规则的国际秩序指导在网络空间的国家行为。联合国成员国日益趋向于一个不断形成的有关网络空间负责任的国家行为的框架，这个框架支持基于规则的国际秩序，确认国际法适用于国家对国家行为，坚持和平时期负责任国家行为的自愿规范，制定和落实切实的信心建设举措，以帮助减少网络事件引发冲突的风险。联合国大会（United Nations General Assembly）全体成员已反复肯定了这一框架，在2010年、2013年和2015年连续三年的联合国政府专家组（UN Groups of Governmental Experts）报告中予以明确表述。 我们强调我们承诺维护基于规则的国际秩序，鼓励对其坚守、贯彻和进一步发展，包括在不限成员名额工作组（Open Ended Working Group）和政府专家工作组正在进行的联合国磋商中。我们支持有目标的网络安全能力建设，以确保所有负责任的国家能够落实这一框架，更好保护其网络不遭受重大干扰、破坏或其他破坏稳定的网际活动影响。我们重申人权于此适用，必须在网上和非网上均受到政府的尊重和保护，包括在维护网络安全时。 作为维护基于规则的国际秩序的负责任国家，我们认识到，我们对保护自由、开放和安全的网络空间以使我们的后代享其惠益所具有的作用。必要时，我们将在自愿基础上共同努力，要求那些与这一框架背道而驰的国家承担责任，包括采取透明和符合国际法的措施。必须要网络空间的恶劣行为承担后果。 我们呼吁所有国家支持正在形成的框架，并且加入我们的行列，以便网络空间有更好的责究和稳定。

Information technology is transforming modern life, driving innovation and productivity, facilitating the sharing of ideas, of cultures, and promoting free expression. Its benefits have brought the global community closer together than ever before in history.  Even as we recognize the myriad benefits that cyberspace has brought to our citizens and strive to ensure that humanity can continue to reap its benefits, a challenge to this vision has emerged.  State and non-state actors are using cyberspace increasingly as a platform for irresponsible behavior from which to target critical infrastructure and our citizens, undermine democracies and international institutions and organizations, and undercut fair competition in our global economy by stealing ideas when they cannot create them. Over the past decade, the international community has made clear that the international rules-based order should guide state behavior in cyberspace.  UN member states have increasingly coalesced around an evolving framework of responsible state behavior in cyberspace (framework), which supports the international rules-based order, affirms the applicability of international law to state-on-state behavior, adherence to voluntary norms of responsible state behavior in peacetime, and the development and implementation of practical confidence building measures to help reduce the risk of conflict stemming from cyber incidents.  All members of the United Nations General Assembly have repeatedly affirmed this framework, articulated in three successive UN Groups of Governmental Experts reports in 2010, 2013, and 2015. We underscore our commitment to uphold the international rules-based order and encourage its adherence, implementation, and further development, including at the ongoing UN negotiations of the Open Ended Working Group and Group of Governmental Experts.  We support targeted cybersecurity capacity building to ensure that all responsible states can implement this framework and better protect their networks from significant disruptive, destructive, or otherwise destabilizing cyber activity.  We reiterate that human rights apply and must be respected and protected by states online, as well as offline, including when addressing cybersecurity. As responsible states that uphold the international rules-based order, we recognize our role in safeguarding the benefits of a free, open, and secure cyberspace for future generations.  When necessary, we will work together on a voluntary basis to hold states accountable when they act contrary to this framework, including by taking measures that are transparent and consistent with international law.  There must be consequences for bad behavior in cyberspace. We call on all states to support the evolving framework and to join with us to ensure greater accountability and stability in cyberspace.

PRESIDENT TRUMP DEMANDING ACCOUNTABILITY FROM THE WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION 白宫 新闻秘书办公室 华盛顿特区 2020年4月15日   唐纳德·特朗普总统要求世界卫生组织履行职责 “我绝对不会犹豫为保护美国人民的生命、健康和安全而采取任何所需步骤。我将永远把美国的福祉放在第一位。”—— 唐纳德·特朗普总统 对美国纳税人负责：唐纳德·特朗普（Donald J. Trump）总统通过美国暂停向世界卫生组织（World Health Organization）提供资金，要求世卫组织履行职责。 o 而中国提供的资金仅相当于美国资金的大约十分之一。 调查世卫组织应对失误：世卫组织对冠状病毒疫情的反应充满一再失误和隐瞒。 o 台湾在看到有关冠状病毒人际传播的报告后于12月31日同世卫组织进行了联系，但世卫组织未将情况公开。 o 在整个1月份期间，世卫组织对中国政府的反应给予赞扬并称不存在人与人之间的传播，尽管武汉的医生正在警告有人际传播。 o 世卫组织在1月22日作出决定，冠状病毒不构成国际关注的突发公共卫生事件（Public Health Emergency of International Concern），同时对中国的反应给予赞扬。 o 世卫组织作出灾难性的决定，反对限制源于中国和其他国家的旅行——尽管对中国境内的旅行限制予以称赞——从而导致病毒向全球进一步扩散。 结构弊病和所需改革：世卫组织长期存在结构弊病，必须对这些问题加以解决才可使世卫组织重新获得信任。

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE April 15, 2020 PRESIDENT DONALD J. TRUMP IS DEMANDING ACCOUNTABILITY FROM THE WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION “I will never hesitate to take any necessary steps to protect the lives, health, and safety of the American people.  I will always put the well-being of America first.” – President Donald J. Trump ACCOUNTABILITY FOR AMERICAN TAXPAYERS: President Donald J. Trump is holding the World Health Organization (WHO) accountable by putting a hold on United States funding. INVESTIGATING THE WHO’S FAILED RESPONSE: The WHO’s response to the coronavirus outbreak has been filled with one misstep and cover-up after another. STRUCTURAL ISSUES AND NECESSARY REFORMS: The WHO has longstanding structural issues that must be addressed before the organization can be trusted again. ###

安东尼·J·布林肯国务卿 在乔治·华盛顿大学的讲话 本届政府对中华人民共和国的方针 乔治·华盛顿大学 华盛顿特区 2022年5月26日 布林肯国务卿：谢谢。早上好。 很高兴来到乔治·华盛顿大学。这所高等院校荟萃了来自世界各地的极为出色的学生和学者，师生们在这里研究和辩论我们作为一个国家和星球所面临的最紧迫的挑战。因此，谢谢你们邀请我们来到这里。 我特别要感谢今天到场的亚洲协会（Asia Society）的朋友们，他们全心全意地致力于与亚洲国家和人民建立更密切的联系，努力促进和平、繁荣、自由、平等和可持续发展。感谢你们主办今天的活动，还要感谢你们每天发挥的领导作用——Kevin Rudd、Wendy Cutler、Danny Russel——所有的同事、思想领袖和实干家，和你们在一起总是令人愉快。 我必须感谢罗姆尼参议员出席今天的活动——无论作为一个人还是一位领导者，您都让我十分钦佩。您是一个光明磊落、坚持原则的人，在我们今天要讨论的主题上一直发挥着领导作用。参议员，谢谢您的光临。 我也非常高兴地看到有这么多外交使团成员在座，因为外交是塑造我们共同未来不可或缺的工具。 在过去两年里，我们齐心协力抗击 新冠疫情并为未来的全球卫生紧急情况做好准备，在经历了经济冲击、供应链中断、债务危机及其他困难之后，我们开始重建，同时应对气候变化，重新构想更清洁、更有保障、更经济实惠的能源未来。 这些努力的共同点是一个简单的事实，即任何国家都无法独自应对这些挑战。我们不得不共同面对它们。 因此，我们把外交重新作为美国对外政策的中心，以帮助我们实现美国人民和世界各地人民所寻求的未来——在这个未来世界中，技术被用来增进人民的福祉，而不是压制他们；贸易和商务被用于为劳动者谋福利、增加收入、创造机会；普世人权得到尊重，国家免受胁迫和侵略，人民、思想、商品和资本自由流动；各国都可以开辟自己的道路，同时又能够在共同的事业中有效地合作。 为了建设这样的未来，我们必须捍卫和改革基于规则的国际秩序——这是国际社会在经历了两次世界大战之后共同建立的法律、协议、原则和机构机制体系，以管理国家之间的关系，防止冲突和维护所有人的权利。 其创始文件包括《联合国宪章》和《世界人权宣言》，其中确立了自决、主权及和平解决争端等概念。这些概念不是由西方国家构建的，它们反映了世界各国的共同愿望。 此后的几十年里，尽管面临艰巨的挑战，尽管在我们的理想和我们取得的某些成果之间存在差距，世界各国还是避免了另一场世界大战和核大国之间的武装冲突。我们建立了一个全球化经济，数十亿人因此脱贫。我们在增进人权方面取得了前所未有的成就。 现在，当我们展望未来时，我们不仅要维持使这一进步成为可能的国际秩序，而且要使之现代化，以确保它代表各个地区所有国家——不分大小——的利益、价值观和希望。更重要的是，要使它能够应对我们现在和未来面临的挑战，其中许多挑战是世界在七十年前无法想象的。 但这种结果的实现并无保证——因为这一国际秩序的基础正面临严峻而持续的挑战。 俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京造成了明确无误的、迫在眉睫的威胁。三个月前，他对乌克兰发动了攻击，也重创了载入《联合国宪章》、保护所有国家不被占领或胁迫的主权和领土完整原则。因此，众多国家联合起来，反对这场侵略战争——因为它们认识到这是对各国和平与安全基础的直接侵犯。 在美国和世界各地众多国家史无前例的援助下，乌克兰正在英勇地捍卫其人民和独立。虽然战争还没有结束，但普京总统却未能实现他的任何一个战略目标。他不仅没有能够剥夺乌克兰的独立，反而加强了它。他不仅没有能够分裂北约，反而促成了它的团结。他不仅没有能够展示俄罗斯的实力，反而削弱了它。他不仅没有能够削弱国际秩序，反而让国家团结起来捍卫它。 尽管普京总统发动的战争还在继续，我们仍将聚焦于对国际秩序的最严峻的长期挑战——这就是中华人民共和国带来的挑战。 中国是唯一不仅具有重塑国际秩序的意图——其日益增强的经济、外交、军事和技术力量又使之具备这样做的能力的国家。北京的愿景将使我们远离过去 75 年来保障世界持续进步的普世价值观。 同时，中国是全球经济不可或缺的一部分，也是我们应对从气候到新冠疫情等各种挑战的能力的一部分。简言之，在可以预见的未来，美国和中国都不得不与对方打交道。 因此，这是我们当今世界上最复杂和最重要的关系之一。 过去一年里，拜登政府制定并实施了一项综合战略，以利用我们的国家实力以及我们无与伦比的盟友和合作伙伴网络来实现我们所寻求的未来。 我们不是在寻求冲突或新的冷战。相反，我们决心避免这两者。 我们不寻求阻止中国作为大国发挥作用，也不寻求阻止中国——或任何其他国家——发展经济或促进本国人民的利益。 但我们将捍卫和加强用以维护和平与安全、保护个人和主权国家的权利并使包括美国和中国在内的所有国家能够共存与合作的国际法、协议、原则和机构机制。 然而，今天的中国与 50 年前的中国截然不同，当时尼克松总统打破了数十年的紧张关系，成为第一位访问该国的美国总统。 当时的中国陷于孤立，在大范围的贫困和饥饿中挣扎。 现在，中国是一个具有巨大影响力、雄心勃勃的全球大国。它是第二大经济体，拥有世界一流的城市和公共交通网络。它拥有一批世界最大的科技公司，并寻求主导未来的技术和产业。它迅速实现了军队现代化，并打算使之成为一支具有全球投放能力的顶级战斗力量。它还宣示了在印太地区建立势力范围并成为世界领先大国的雄心。 中国的巨大变革源于中国人民的才华、智慧和辛勤劳动，也受益于国际秩序提供的稳定和机遇。可以说，地球上没有哪个国家比中国从中受益更多。 但与其利用其权力来加强和振兴促成其成功的法律、协议、原则和机构机制，以便其他国家也能从中受益，北京正在破坏它们。在习主席的领导下，执政的中国共产党在国内变得更加具有压制性，在国外变得更加咄咄逼人。 我们看到北京如何完善中国境内的大规模监控体系并将该技术出口到 80 多个国家，如何在南中国海推进非法海洋主张，破坏和平与安全、航行自由和商业；如何规避或违反贸易规则，伤害美国以及世界各地的工人和企业；以及如何声称支持主权和领土完整，同时与公然违反这些原则的政府站在一起。 在俄罗斯显然在为入侵乌克兰进行部署之时，习主席和普京总统宣布，他们两国之间的友谊——原话是——“上不封顶”。就在本周，在拜登总统访问日本之际，中国和俄罗斯在该地区共同进行了战略轰炸机巡逻。 北京为普京总统旨在剥夺乌克兰主权和在欧洲建立势力范围的战争所做的辩护应该对我们所有印太国家敲响警钟。 由于这些原因以及其他原因，世界面临一个充满变数的时刻。在这样的时候，外交是至关重要的。通过外交，我们明确表达深切的关切，更好地理解彼此的观点，并且避免对彼此的意图产生误解。我们随时准备就各种问题加强与北京的直接沟通。我们希望双方能够做到这一点。 但我们不能指望北京改弦更张。因此，我们将塑造北京所处的战略环境，以推进我们建设一个开放和包容的国际体系的愿景。 拜登总统认为，未来十年将是决定性的十年。我们在国内和与世界上其他国家共同采取的行动将决定我们对未来的共同愿景能否实现。 为了在这个决定性的十年取得成功，拜登政府的战略可以用三个词概括：“投资、协同、竞争”。 我们将投资于我们在国内的实力基础——我们的竞争力、创新和民主。 我们将与我们的盟友和合作伙伴网络协同，追求共同的目标，促进共同的事业。 基于这两项关键举措，我们将与中国竞争，以捍卫我们的利益，推进我们对未来的愿景。 我们充满信心地迎接这一挑战。我们的国家拥有许多优势。我们有和平的邻国、多元且不断增长的人口、丰富的资源、世界储备货币、地球上最强大的军队、以及生机勃勃的创新和创业文化，例如我们生产了多种有效的疫苗，目前被用于保护世界各地的人民，使之免受新冠疫情的伤害。 我们还拥有处于最佳状态的开放社会，能够吸引人才和投资，并具有经过时间考验的重塑能力，它植根于我们的民主体制，使我们能够应对我们面临的任何挑战。 首先谈一下投资于我们的实力。 第二次世界大战后，当我们和我们的合作伙伴建立基于规则的秩序时，我们的联邦政府也在对科学研究、教育、基础设施和劳动力进行战略投资，创造了千百万的中产阶层就业机会以及数十年的繁荣和技术领先。但我们认为这些基础的存在是必然的，因此，现在是重新审视的时候了。 拜登政府正在对我们的国家实力的核心来源进行意义深远的投资——从一项产业现代化战略开始，以维持和扩大我们的经济和技术影响力，使我们的经济和供应链更具复原力，并加强我们的竞争优势。 去年，拜登总统签署了美国历史上最大的基础设施投资法案，以推进我们的高速公路、港口、机场、铁路和桥梁现代化，更快地将货物送往市场，提高我们的生产力，并将高速互联网扩展到全国每一个角落，为美国更多地区吸引更多企业，创造更多就业机会。 我们正在教育和劳动者培训领域进行战略投资，以使美国的劳动者——全世界最优秀的劳动者——能够设计、构建及操作未来的技术。 由于我们的产业战略以技术为核心，我们希望投资于研究、开发以及先进的生产制造。60年前，我们的政府用于研究的开支在我们的经济中的占比是现在的两倍多——这些投资转而催化了私营部门的创新。我们就是这样赢得了太空竞赛、发明了半导体并构建了因特网。我们的研发投入在国内生产总值中的占比曾高居世界首位，而现在排名第九。与此同时，中国已从第八位上升到第二位。 在国会两党的支持下，我们将扭转这些趋势并对研究和创新进行历史性投资，其中包括人工智能、生物技术和量子计算等领域。这些都是北京决心要引领的领域——但鉴于美国的种种优势，我们才是竞争中的引领者，不仅是在新技术开发方面，在影响其在世界各地的使用方式上也是如此，从而使它们植根于民主价值观，而不是专制价值观。 领导层——罗姆尼参议员及其他人——众议院和参议院已通过法案支持这项议程，其中包括数十亿美元用于在国内制造半导体并增强其他关键的供应链。现在，我们需要国会将这项法案送交总统签署。 我们能够完成这项工作，而且时不我待——供应链现在正在迁移，如果我们不将它们吸引到美国，它们将落户于其他地方。正如拜登总统所言，中国共产党正在游说反对这项立法，因为要增强我们的全球地位和影响力，实现我们的国内振兴是最佳方式。这些投资不仅将使美国更加强大，还将使我们成为一个更强大的伙伴和盟友。 美国最强大的一个特点——甚至是魔幻般的特点——是我们长期以来一直是全球各地才华横溢、奋发努力的人才的目的地。其中包括来自中国的数百万名学生，他们丰富了我们的社区，同美国人建立起毕生的纽带。去年，尽管存在疫情，我们仍在短短四个月里就为中国学生签发了超过10万份签证——签发率创历史新高。我们为他们选择来美国留学感到非常高兴——他们的到来令我们感到幸运。 还让我们感到幸运的是，全球最杰出的人才不仅在这里学习而且留在这里——就像在美国研读科技博士学位的80%以上的中国学生近年来一直做出的选择。他们帮助驱动了在我们国家的创新，让我们所有人都从中获益。我们可以在不关闭国门的情况下对国家安全保持警惕。 我们的历史还让我们懂得，当我们在管理同另外一个政府的具有挑战性的关系时，来自该国或有该国血统的人可能会因此感到他们不属于这里——或者他们是我们的对手。事实绝非如此。华裔美国人为我们的国家做出了宝贵的贡献，而且世世代代一直都在这样做。不公正地对待华裔违背了我们作为一个国家所代表的一切——不论是在这里探访或居住的中国国民，还是华裔美国人，亦或是在这个国家享有与其他任何人等同权利的任何其他亚裔美国人。在一个由一代代移民为实现人人都享有机会的承诺而建设的国家里，种族主义和仇恨绝无立足之地。 我们同中国共产党和中国政府有重大分歧。但这些分歧存在于政府和制度之间——不存在于人民之间。美国人民对中国人民怀有极大的尊重。我们尊重他们的成就、他们的历史和他们的文化。我们深切珍视连接我们的家庭和友谊的纽带。而且我们真诚地希望我们的政府能就事关他们的生活、事关美国人的生活乃至事关全世界人民生活的各项事务共同努力。 我们在这个决定性的十年还将依赖于国家实力的另外一个核心源泉：我们的民主。 一百年前，如果被问到一个国家的财富由什么组成，我们可能会列举我们广袤的土地、我们众多的人口、我们的军事实力，或是我们富饶的自然资源。幸运的是，我们在所有这些特征方面依然富有。但比以往都更重要的是，在21世纪，一个国家的真正财富在于我们的人民——我们的人力资源——以及我们释放他们的全部潜能的能力。 我们通过我们的民主制度来做到这一点。我们展开辩论、争论、提出异议并相互质疑，包括与我们的民选领导人。我们公开地应对我们的不足；我们不会假装它们并不存在，或是将它们扫到地毯下面。尽管有时进展可能缓慢得令人感到痛苦，而且可能是艰难的、险恶的，但总体而言，我们持续地向一个来自各种背景的人们都能够在团结、激励并提升我们的国家价值观的指引下繁荣发展的社会迈进。 我们并不完美。但我们尽最大努力，始终力争成为——引用我国宪法的语句——一个更完美的联邦。而且我们的民主的宗旨就是将此付诸实现。 这就是美国模式和美国人民所能提供的，它是我们在这场竞赛中最具实力的资产。 然而，北京认为它的模式更好——认为一个由政党领导的集权体制更有效力、较少混乱，而且最终比民主更优越。我们不寻求改变中国的政治体制。我们的任务是再次证明民主能够应对紧迫的挑战，创造机会，并增进人类尊严；以及未来属于那些相信自由的人们，所有国家都将不受胁迫地自由地规划它们自己的道路。 我们的战略的第二部分是同我们的盟友和合作伙伴协同一致，以推动我们对未来的共同愿景。 拜登政府从就职第一天起，就努力地为美国无以伦比的联盟及伙伴关系网络注入活力，并重新参与国际机构。我们正在鼓励伙伴方相互合作，并通过区域性和全球性组织合作。而且我们正在建立起新的同盟，服务于我们的人民，并迎接未来世纪的考验。 在印太地区尤为如此，我们在该地区的各项关系，其中包括我们的条约联盟，都属于我们在全世界最牢固的关系。 美国与整个地区的国家和人民拥有共同的愿景——一个自由与开放的印太地区，其各项规则以透明的方式制定并以公平的方式实行；各国都能自由地做出自己的主权决定；商品、创意和人员在整个陆地、天空、网络空间和开放海域上自由地流通；而且在国家治理上顺应民意。 拜登总统在就职以后于本周首次访问该地区期间强调了这些优先要务，他重申了我们同韩国及日本的至关重要的安全联盟，并深化了我们同这两个国家的经济和技术合作。 他启动了印太经济繁荣框架（Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity），这是该地区的第一个这样的行动计划。他发表讲话指出，这将“有助于我们所有国家的经济更快速和更公平地发展”。我们所说的印太经济框架通过应对数字经济、供应链、清洁能源、基础设施和腐败等最新和紧迫问题重振美国的经济领导力，但也为适应21世纪做出调整。包括印度在内的12个国家已经加入其中。印太经济框架成员国总计占全球经济的三分之一以上。 总统还出席了四方（Quad）国家领导人峰会——澳大利亚、日本、印度和美国。在拜登总统就职以前，四方伙伴关系从未举行过领导人峰会。自从他于去年召集首次领导人会议以来，四方峰会已举行了四次，并已成为一个首要的区域性团队。它于本周启动了一个新的印太海域意识伙伴关系（Indo-Pacific Partnership for Maritime Domain Awareness），以使我们在整个地区的合作伙伴都能更好地监测他们沿岸的水域，以解决非法捕鱼问题，并保护他们的海事权利和他们的主权。 我们正在重振我们同东盟的伙伴关系，并于本月早些时候主持了美国-东盟峰会，以着手共同解决公共卫生和气候危机等迫在眉睫的问题。本周，七个东盟国家已成为印太经济框架的创始成员。而且我们正在我们的印太及欧洲伙伴之间构筑桥梁，其中包括邀请亚洲盟国下个月出席在马德里举行的北约峰会。 我们正在印太地区增进和平与稳定——例如，通过被称为“AUKUS”的澳大利亚、英国和美国之间的新的安全伙伴关系。 而且我们正在帮助本地区及全世界各国战胜新冠疫情。迄今为止，美国已为全球疫情应对行动提供了近200亿美元。这其中包括不附加任何政治条件地捐助超过5.4亿剂安全有效的疫苗——并非出售——逐步实现我们为全世界捐助12亿剂疫苗的目标。我们还在同一个由19国组成的团体就一项全球行动计划展开协作，以确保民众接种疫苗。 所有这些外交努力的成果是，我们与整个印太地区的合作伙伴更加保持一致，而且我们正在以一种更加协调的方式向我们的共同目标迈进。 我们还深化了我们同整个大西洋地区的同盟。我们去年启动了美国-欧盟贸易和技术委员会（U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council），引领合计占全球国内生产总值近50%的实力。上周，我同雷蒙多部长、戴大使以及我们欧洲委员会的对等官员出席了第二次会议，共同努力制定新的技术标准、协作进行投资审查和出口管制、增强供应链、发展绿色技术并在发展中国家改善粮食安全和数字基础设施。 与此同时，我们和我们的欧洲伙伴搁置了长达17年的有关飞机的诉讼；现在，我们不再互相争执，而是努力确保为我们在该部门的公司企业和员工提供一个平等的竞争环境。 同样，我们和欧盟及其他方面共同努力解决一项有关钢材和铝材进口的纠纷，而且现在正汇集在一个共同愿景下，以制定更高的环境标准，并保护我们的员工和产业，使之不因北京为谋求一己之利蓄意扭曲市场而受到损害。 我们正在同欧盟进行伙伴合作，以保护我们公民的隐私，同时增强一个依赖于巨大的数据流的共同的数字经济。 我们同二十国集团（G20）达成了一项具有里程碑意义的有关全球最低税率的协议，以制止逐底竞争，确保大型企业缴纳它们应付的份额，并让各国更有理由投资于它们的人民。迄今为止已有130多个国家签署了这项协议。 我们和我们的七国集团（G7）伙伴正在寻求一种相互协调的、高标准的、透明的方式，以满足发展中国家巨大的基础设施需求。 我们主持召开了战胜新冠疫情及重振全世界民主的全球峰会，并重新加入了联合国人权理事会和世界卫生组织。 而且在一个面临巨大考验的时刻，我们和我们的盟友为北约组织注入活力，该组织现在比以往任何时候都更加强大。 所有这些行动都致力于捍卫并在必要时改革应当让所有国家受益的基于规则的秩序。我们希望引领一场在技术、气候、基础设施、全球卫生和包容性经济增长方面力争上游的竞赛。而且我们希望增强一种体制，让其中尽可能多的国家都能共同努力，有效合作、和平地解决分歧，并作为主权平等的国家谱写各自的未来。 我们的外交以伙伴关系以及尊重相互的利益为基础。我们不期待每个国家都对中国做出和我们完全相同的评估。我们知道很多国家——包括美国在内——都同中国有着它们希望保持的至关重要的经济纽带或民间联系。这并不是强迫各国做出选择，而是帮助它们获得选择能力——例如，使它们不再被迫做出唯一选择，即选择一种不透明的投资，致使其国家背负债务、助长腐败、破坏环境、不能在当地创造就业或实现发展乃至无法行使国家主权。我们已经直接了解到这类交易可能留下的令买家懊悔的情况。 我们每走一步都同我们的合作伙伴磋商，听取他们的意见，将他们的关切谨记在心，并制定应对他们特有的挑战和优先要务的解决方案。 一个日渐趋同的共识是，需要以更现实的态度对待与北京的关系。我们许多合作伙伴已经从痛苦的经历中知道，当北京不喜欢他们的选择时会如何大力施压。例如去年春季，北京禁止中国学生和游客前往澳大利亚，并且对澳大利亚大麦出口课收80%的关税，就是因为澳大利亚政府呼吁对新冠起源进行独立调查。再如去年11月，中国海警局的舰艇在南中国海用水炮阻止一艘菲律宾海军舰船补给。这类行动提醒世界，北京会如何对它所认为的对立行为进行报复。 我们还与盟国和伙伴在另一个领域协同一致：人权。 美国与世界各地的国家和人民站在一起，反对在新疆地区发生的种族灭绝和反人类罪行。那里有一百多万人因为他们的民族和宗教身份而被关入拘留营。 我们对西藏持共同立场，当局继续在那里开展残酷压制藏族人和他们的文化、语言和宗教传统的运动。在香港，中国共产党以国家安全为借口，实施严厉的反民主措施。 出于某种原因，北京坚持认为这些做法属于内政，他国无权提及。这不对。它在新疆和西藏对待少数民族和宗教少数群体的做法以及其他许多行动，违背了北京经常引述的《联合国宪章》的核心原则和所有国家都应遵守的《世界人权宣言》。 北京对香港自由的压制违反它的移交承诺，这些承诺写入了保存在联合国的条约。 我们将继续提出这些问题并呼吁作出改变——不是要反对中国，而是要维护和平、安全和人的尊严。 由此联系到我们战略中的第三点。由于国内投资增加和与盟国和伙伴更加协同一致，我们在重要的竞争领域中处于能够超越中国的有利位置。 例如，北京想使中国成为全球创新和制造中心，以增加其他国家对其的技术依赖性，而后利用这种依赖性强加它的外交政策取向。北京正在竭尽全力赢得这场竞赛——例如，利用我们经济的开放性去刺探，去进行网上侵入，去窃取技术和知识，从而促进它的军事创新和加强国家监控力。 因此，在我们确保美国和我们的盟国及伙伴推出下一波发明创新时，我们也将保护自己的创造不被盗用，我们的安全不受威胁。 我们在把我们的工具变得更锐利，以保护我们的技术竞争力，包括采用新的更有力的出口管制，确保我们的关键性创新不会落入行为不端者之手；加强保护学术研究，创造开放、安全和支持科学的环境；增强网络防御；加强敏感数据的安全；并且锐化投资筛选措施，保护公司和国家，防范北京获得进入敏感技术、数据或关键基础设施的渠道，伤害我们的供应链，或主宰重要的战略产业。 我们相信——我们相信商界也理解——进入中国市场绝不能以牺牲我们的核心价值观或长期的竞争和技术优势为代价。我们要靠商企追求负责任的发展，冷静地评估风险，并且与我们共同努力，不仅保护而且加强我们的国家安全。 太长时间以来，中国对我们的市场享有比我们的公司在中国大得多的市场准入。例如，美国人如果想读中国的China Daily或者使用WeChat微信交流，他们可以自由地这样做，但是，《纽约时报》（New York Times）和推特（Twitter）对中国人民是被禁止的——除非是那些为政府工作的人，他们利用这些平台散布宣传和虚假信息。在中国运作的美国公司被系统化强迫要求提供技术转让，而在美国的中国公司受到我们的法治保护。中国电影制片人可以自由地向美国影院业主推销他们的影片，美国政府不予任何审查，但是，北京对可以进入中国市场的外国影片有严格的数量限制——那些被允许进入的受到高压政治审查。在美国的中国商企可毫无顾忌地利用我们公正的司法系统保护他们的权利——实际上，他们经常到法庭上向美国政府伸张索赔。外国公司在中国不是这样。 这种不互惠是不可接受的，它也是不可持续的。 也可以看看在钢材市场发生的情况。北京指示中国公司大规模超量投资，结果使廉价钢材充斥全球市场。与美国公司和其他市场导向的公司不同，中国公司不需要盈利——当资金不足时，他们只需让国有银行再注入一笔信贷。此外，他们为控制污染或保护工人权利做得很少，从而也得以保持低成本。其结果是，中国现在占全球钢产量一半以上，美国公司——以及印度、墨西哥、印度尼西亚、欧洲以及其他地方的工厂被挤出市场。 在太阳能板和电动车电池行业我们也见到同样的模式——这些是21世纪经济的关键行业，我们不能变得完全依靠中国。 这类经济操纵使美国工人损失了数百万份工作，也对全球各地国家的工人和企业造成伤害。我们将反制扭曲市场的政策和做法，例如补贴和市场准入障碍，这些是中国政府多年来惯用的方法，以此获得竞争优势。我们将把生产迁回或从其他国家获取敏感产业原料，如制药原料和关键矿物，从而增强供应链的安全性和复原力，使我们在这些方面不仅仅依赖任何一个供应商。我们将与其他国家共同反对经济胁迫和恫吓。我们将努力确保美国公司不从事助长践踏人权——包括强迫劳动——或从中获利的商业活动。 总之，我们将运用我们手中的一切工具为美国工人和产业而战——我们知道我们的合作伙伴也会为他们的工人而战。 美国不想切断中国经济同我们或同全球经济的联系——尽管北京，无论言辞如何，是在力图进行非对称脱钩，一方面谋求减少中国对世界的依赖，另一方面却让世界更加依赖中国。对我们来说，我们希望进行贸易和投资——只要做到公平并且不危害我们的国家安全。中国拥有强大的经济资源，包括高素质的劳动力。我们有信心，我们的劳动力，我们的公司能够成功地在公平的环境中竞争——而且我们欢迎这种竞争。 因此，在我们以负责任的方式抵制不公平的技术和经济行为的同时，在与我们的利益和价值观一致的前提下，我们将努力保持美国和中国之间的经济纽带和民间交往。北京也许不愿意改变它的行为。但是，如果它采取具体行动消除我们和许多其他国家提出的担忧，我们将予以积极回应。 竞争不必导致冲突。我们不谋求冲突。我们将努力避免冲突。但是面对任何威胁，我们将捍卫我们的利益。 为此，拜登总统指示国防部将中国列为步调挑战（pacing challenge），并确保我军保持领先。我们将寻求通过我们称之为“一体化威慑”的新方针——包括盟国和合作伙伴——来维护和平；在常规、核、空间和信息各个领域努力；并且从我们相互加强的经济、技术和外交领域汲取更大力量。 本届政府正在将我们的军事投资从针对20世纪冲突的平台转向针对更远程、更难发现和更易移动的非对称系统。我们正在确立指导我国军事行动的新概念。我们正在将军事态势和全球足迹多样化，并且巩固我们的网络、关键的民用基础设施，以及太空基能力。我们将帮助盟国和地区伙伴增进它们自身的非对称能力。 我们将继续反对北京在南中国海和东中国海咄咄逼人的、非法的活动。将近六年前，国际法庭裁决北京在南中国海的主权要求不具国际法基础。我们将支持该地区沿海国家维护他们的海权。我们将与盟国和合作伙伴共同努力维护给这个地区带来数十年繁荣的航行和飞越自由。我们将继续在国际法允许的一切地方飞行和航行。 关于台湾：我们的方针在过去几十年和历届政府中都是一致的。正如总统所说，我们的政策没有改变。美国仍然坚定地奉行“一个中国”的政策，该政策以《台湾关系法》、三个联合公报和六项保证为指导。我们反对任何一方单方面改变现状；我们不支持台湾独立；我们期待两岸的分歧以和平方式得到解决。 台海地区的和平与稳定依然符合我们的持久利益。我们将继续履行我们在《台湾关系法》下的承诺，协助台湾保持足够的自卫能力——正如《台湾关系法》所述，并保持我们抵制任何诉诸武力或可能危及台湾安全或社会或经济体制的其他形式的胁迫的能力。台湾是一个充满活力的民主体和在该地区领先的经济体，我们与之保持着牢固的非官方关系。我们将继续扩大与台湾在许多共同利益和价值观上的合作，支持台湾以实质性方式参与国际社会，并深化我们的经济联系，这种做法符合我们的一个中国政策。 我们的政策没有改变，变化来自北京日益增加的胁迫——例如试图切断台湾与世界各国的关系，阻止其参与国际组织。北京的言辞和活动日益具有挑衅性，例如几乎每天都出动中国人民解放军的飞机在台湾附近飞行。这些言行严重破坏稳定，造成误判风险，威胁到台湾海峡的和平与稳定。正如我们从总统与印太地区盟友和伙伴的讨论中看到的那样，维护海峡两岸的和平与稳定不仅符合美国的利益，也是一个受到国际关注的问题，对区域和全球安全与繁荣至关重要。 拜登总统总是说，唯一比故意冲突更糟糕的冲突是无意的冲突。我们将负责任地管理这种关系，以防止这种情况发生。我们已将与北京的危机沟通和降低风险措施列为优先事项。在这个问题上——以及其他所有问题上——我们仍然致力于在激烈竞争的同时开展密集的外交。 即使在我们投资、协同和竞争的同时，我们也会在利益一致的领域与北京合作。为了造福于我们的人民和世界，我们不能让我们的分歧阻止我们在需要共同努力的优先事项上向前推进。 这要从气候开始。中国和美国多年来在气候危机上陷入僵局，使世界也陷入僵局——但也曾在一些时期取得进展，并激励世界行动起来。2013年中美启动的气候外交渠道释放了产生《巴黎协定》的全球动力。去年，在第26届联合国气候变化大会（COP26）上，美国和中国发表了格拉斯哥联合声明——誓言共同努力解决从甲烷到煤炭的排放问题——鼓舞了世界的希望。 气候与意识形态无关，但与数学相关。没有中国发挥领导作用，就根本无法解决气候变化问题，因为这个国家的排放量占全球排放量的 28%。国际能源署已经明确表示，如果中国坚持目前的计划，直到 2030 年才达到排放峰值，那么世界其他地区必须至迟在 2035 年达到零排放，而这是根本不可能的。 今天，大约 20 个国家构成 80% 的排放——中国第一，美国第二。除非我们都做得更多、更快，否则经济和人力代价将是灾难性的。此外，在清洁能源和气候政策方面的竞争可以产生有益于各方的结果。 美国和中国共同取得的进展——包括通过《格拉斯哥宣言》设立的工作组所取得的进展——对于我们成功避免这场危机的最坏后果至关重要。我敦促中国与我们一起加快这些共同努力的步伐。 同样，在新冠疫情中，我们的命运息息相关。在中国遭受最新一波疫情时，我们因中国人民的灾难而悲伤。我们自己也经历了新冠疫情造成的深重苦难，因此，我们坚信所有国家必须共同努力，为全世界提供疫苗——不是为了换取好处或政治上的让步，而是出于一个简单的原因，即没有全人类的安全就不会有任何国家的安全。所有国家都必须透明地共享数据和样本——并为专家提供获取便利——以应对新变种以及新出现和重新出现的病原体，在我们与当前疫情作斗争的同时防止下一场大规模流行病。 关于不扩散和军备控制：遵守减少大规模杀伤性武器扩散的规则、规范和条约符合我们所有各方的利益。中国和美国必须继续合作，并与其他国家一起应对伊朗和朝鲜的核计划。我们仍然准备与北京直接讨论我们各自作为核大国的责任。 为了打击非法麻醉品，特别是去年造成超过 10 万美国人死亡的芬太尼等合成阿片类药物，我们希望与中国合作，阻止国际贩毒组织获得前体化学品，其中许多此类化学品的源头在中国。 由于全球粮食危机威胁着世界各地的人民，我们期待中国——一个在农业领域取得巨大成就的国家——参与全球应对行动。上周，美国在联合国召集了外长会议，以加强全球粮食安全。我们向中国发出了邀请，我们将继续这样做。 随着世界经济从疫情造成的破坏中复苏，美国和中国之间在全球宏观经济上的协调是关键所在——包括通过20国集团、国际货币基金组织和其他渠道，当然，还有双边行动。这是世界上最大的两个经济体应负的责任。 总之，当我们能够与中国进行建设性接触时，我们将这样做——不是作为对我们或其他任何人的恩惠，也绝不会以背离我们的原则为代价，而是因为共同努力战胜重大挑战是世界对大国的期望，还因为这样做直接符合我们的利益。任何国家都不应因为相互之间的分歧而在危及人类生存的跨国问题上阻止进展。 中华人民共和国带来的挑战的规模和范围将对美国外交构成前所未有的考验。作为我提出的现代化议程的一部分，我决心为国务院和我们的外交官提供必需的工具来正面应对这一挑战。这包括成立一个“中国组”（China House）——一个由国务院各部门共同组建的综合团队——跨越不同问题和地区来协调和实施我们的政策，在必要时与国会合作。在这里，我必须提到我们在北京大使馆和中国各地领事馆的优秀团队。在尼克·伯恩斯大使领导下，他们每天都在出色地工作——最近几周，许多人一直在严格的新冠疫情封隔措施下完成他们的工作。尽管存在这些极端困难的条件，他们仍然在坚守。我们为拥有这个非凡的团队而心存感激。 我从未如此确信美国外交的力量和目的，或者如此确信我们有能力应对这个决定性十年的挑战。对于美国人民，让我们重新承诺投资于我们的核心优势：我们的人民、我们的民主和我们的创新精神。正如拜登总统多次指出，做空美国从来都不是一项好赌注。但是，让我们对自己下注，赢得未来的竞争。 对于致力于建设一个开放、安全和繁荣未来的世界各国，让我们为了共同的事业而努力，维护使我们得以共同进步的原则，捍卫每一个国家缔造自己的未来的权利。对于中国人民，我们将充满信心地去竞争；我们将尽可能地合作；我们将进行必要的竞赛。我们不寻求冲突。 我们两个伟大的国家没有理由不能和平共处，共同分享和促进人类进步。这就是我今天讲话的要点所在：推动人类进步，为我们的子孙后代留下一个更和平、更繁荣、更自由的世界。 多谢各位听我演讲。（掌声）   欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/the-administrations-approach-to-the-peoples-republic-of-china/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE THE GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY WASHINGTON, D.C. MAY 26, 2022   SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you.  Good morning. It’s a real pleasure to be here at The George Washington University.  This is an institution that draws outstanding students and scholars from around the world and where the most urgent challenges that we face as a country and a planet are studied and debated.  So thank you for having us here today. And I especially want to thank our friends at the Asia Society, dedicated to forging closer ties with the countries and people of Asia to try to enhance peace, prosperity, freedom, equality, sustainability.  Thank you for hosting us today, but thank you for your leadership every day. Kevin Rudd, Wendy Cutler, Danny Russel – all colleagues, all thought leaders, but also doers, and it’s always wonderful to be with you. And I have to say I am really grateful, Senator Romney, for your presence here today – a man, a leader, that I greatly admire, a person of tremendous principle, who has been leading on the subject that we’re going to talk about today.  Senator, thank you for your presence. And I’m also delighted to see so many members of the diplomatic corps because diplomacy is the indispensable tool for shaping our shared future. In the past two years we’ve come together to fight the COVID-19 pandemic and prepare for future global health emergencies, rebuild from economic shocks, from supply-chain disruptions to debt crises, and take on climate change, and reimagine an energy future that’s cleaner, more secure, and more affordable. The common denominator across these efforts is the simple fact that none of us can meet these challenges alone.  We have to face them together. That’s why we’ve put diplomacy back at the center of American foreign policy, to help us realize the future that Americans and people around the world seek – one where technology is used to lift people up, not suppress them; where trade and commerce support workers, raise incomes, create opportunity; where universal human rights are respected; countries are secure from coercion and aggression, and people, ideas, goods, and capital move freely; and where nations can both forge their own paths and work together effectively in common cause. To build that future, we must defend and reform the rules-based international order – the system of laws, agreements, principles, and institutions that the world came together to build after two world wars to manage relations between states, to prevent conflict, to uphold the rights of all people. Its founding documents include the UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which enshrined concepts like self-determination, sovereignty, the peaceful settlement of disputes.  These are not Western constructs.  They are reflections of the world’s shared aspirations. In the decades since, despite daunting challenges and despite the gap between our ideals and some of the results we’ve achieved, the countries of the world have avoided another world war and armed conflict between nuclear powers.  We’ve built a global economy that lifted billions of people out of poverty.  We’ve advanced human rights as never before. Now, as we look to the future, we want not just to sustain the international order that made so much of that progress possible, but to modernize it, to make sure that it represents the interests, the values, the hopes of all nations, big and small, from every region; and furthermore, that it can meet the challenges that we face now and will face in the future, many of which are beyond what the world could have imagined seven decades ago. But that outcome is not guaranteed because the foundations of the international order are under serious and sustained challenge. Russian President Vladimir Putin poses a clear and present threat.  In attacking Ukraine three months ago, he also attacked the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity, enshrined in the UN Charter, to protect all countries from being conquered or coerced.  That’s why so many countries have united to oppose this aggression because they see it as a direct assault on the foundation of their own peace and security. Ukraine is fighting valiantly to defend its people and its independence with unprecedented assistance from the United States and countries around the world.  And while the war is not over, President Putin has failed to achieve a single one of his strategic aims.  Instead of erasing Ukraine’s independence, he strengthened it.  Instead of dividing NATO, he’s united it.  Instead of asserting Russia’s strength, he’s undermined it.  And instead of weakening the international order, he has brought countries together to defend it. Even as President Putin’s war continues, we will remain focused on the most serious long-term challenge to the international order – and that’s posed by the People’s Republic of China. China is the only country with both the intent to reshape the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic, military, and technological power to do it.  Beijing’s vision would move us away from the universal values that have sustained so much of the world’s progress over the past 75 years. China is also integral to the global economy and to our ability to solve challenges from climate to COVID.  Put simply, the United States and China have to deal with each other for the foreseeable future. That’s why this is one of the most complex and consequential relationships of any that we have in the world today. Over the last year, the Biden administration has developed and implemented a comprehensive strategy to harness our national strengths and our unmatched network of allies and partners to realize the future that we seek. We are not looking for conflict or a new Cold War.  To the contrary, we’re determined to avoid both. We don’t seek to block China from its role as a major power, nor to stop China – or any other country, for that matter – from growing their economy or advancing the interests of their people. But we will defend and strengthen the international law, agreements, principles, and institutions that maintain peace and security, protect the rights of individuals and sovereign nations, and make it possible for all countries – including the United States and China – to coexist and cooperate. Now, the China of today is very different from the China of 50 years ago, when President Nixon broke decades of strained relations to become the first U.S. president to visit the country. Then, China was isolated and struggling with widespread poverty and hunger. Now, China is a global power with extraordinary reach, influence, and ambition.  It’s the second largest economy, with world-class cities and public transportation networks.  It’s home to some of the world’s largest tech companies and it seeks to dominate the technologies and industries of the future.  It’s rapidly modernized its military and intends to become a top tier fighting force with global reach.  And it has announced its ambition to create a sphere of influence in the Indo-Pacific and to become the world’s leading power. China’s transformation is due to the talent, the ingenuity, the hard work of the Chinese people.  It was also made possible by the stability and opportunity that the international order provides.  Arguably, no country on Earth has benefited more from that than China. But rather than using its power to reinforce and revitalize the laws, the agreements, the principles, the institutions that enabled its success so that other countries can benefit from them, too, Beijing is undermining them.  Under President Xi, the ruling Chinese Communist Party has become more repressive at home and more aggressive abroad. We see that in how Beijing has perfected mass surveillance within China and exported that technology to more than 80 countries; how its advancing unlawful maritime claims in the South China Sea, undermining peace and security, freedom of navigation, and commerce; how it’s circumventing or breaking trade rules, harming workers and companies in the United States but also around the world; and how it purports to champion sovereignty and territorial integrity while standing with governments that brazenly violate them. Even while Russia was clearly mobilizing to invade Ukraine, President Xi and President Putin declared that the friendship between their countries was – and I quote – “without limits.”  Just this week, as President Biden was visiting Japan, China and Russia conducted a strategic bomber patrol together in the region. Beijing’s defense of President Putin’s war to erase Ukraine’s sovereignty and secure a sphere of influence in Europe should raise alarm bells for all of us who call the Indo-Pacific region home. For these reasons and more, this is a charged moment for the world.  And at times like these, diplomacy is vital.  It’s how we make clear our profound concerns, better understand each other’s perspective, and have no doubt about each other’s intentions.  We stand ready to increase our direct communication with Beijing across a full range of issues.  And we hope that that can happen. But we cannot rely on Beijing to change its trajectory.  So we will shape the strategic environment around Beijing to advance our vision for an open, inclusive international system. President Biden believes this decade will be decisive.  The actions that we take at home and with countries worldwide will determine whether our shared vision of the future will be realized. To succeed in this decisive decade, the Biden administration’s strategy can be summed up in three words – “invest, align, compete.” We will invest in the foundations of our strength here at home – our competitiveness, our innovation, our democracy. We will align our efforts with our network of allies and partners, acting with common purpose and in common cause. And harnessing these two key assets, we’ll compete with China to defend our interests and build our vision for the future. We take on this challenge with confidence.  Our country is endowed with many strengths.  We have peaceful neighbors, a diverse and growing population, abundant resources, the world’s reserve currency, the most powerful military on Earth, and a thriving culture of innovation and entrepreneurship that, for example, produced multiple effective vaccines now protecting people worldwide from COVID-19. And our open society, at its best, attracts flows of talent and investment and has a time-tested capacity for reinvention, rooted in our democracy, empowering us to meet whatever challenges we face. First, on investing in our strength. After the Second World War, as we and our partners were building the rules-based order, our federal government was also making strategic investments in scientific research, education, infrastructure, our workforce, creating millions of middle-class jobs and decades of prosperity and technology leadership.  But we took those foundations for granted.  And so it’s time to get back to basics. The Biden administration is making far-reaching investments in our core sources of national strength – starting with a modern industrial strategy to sustain and expand our economic and technological influence, make our economy and supply chains more resilient, sharpen our competitive edge. Last year, President Biden signed into law the largest infrastructure investment in our history: to modernize our highways, our ports, airports, rail, and bridges; to move goods to market faster, to boost our productivity; to expand high-speed internet to every corner of the country; to draw more businesses and more jobs to more parts of America. We’re making strategic investments in education and worker training, so that American workers – the best in the world – can design, build, and operate the technologies of the future. Because our industrial strategy centers on technology, we want to invest in research, development, advanced manufacturing.  Sixty years ago, our government spent more than twice as much on research as a percentage of our economy as we do now – investments that, in turn, catalyzed private-sector innovation.  It’s how we won the space race, invented the semiconductor, built the internet.  We used to rank first in the world in R&D as a proportion of our GDP – now we’re ninth.  Meanwhile, China has risen from eighth place to second. With bipartisan congressional support, we’ll reverse these trends and make historic investments in research and innovation, including in fields like artificial intelligence, biotechnology, quantum computing.  These are areas that Beijing is determined to lead – but given America’s advantages, the competition is ours to lose, not only in terms of developing new technologies but also in shaping how they’re used around the world, so that they’re rooted in democratic values, not authoritarian ones. The leadership – Senator Romney and others – the House and Senate have passed bills to support this agenda, including billions to produce semiconductors here and to strengthen other critical supply chains.  Now we need Congress to send the legislation to the President for his signature. We can get this done, and it can’t wait – supply chains are moving now, and if we don’t draw them here, they’ll be established somewhere else.  As President Biden has said, the Chinese Communist Party is lobbying against this legislation – because there’s no better way to enhance our global standing and influence than to deliver on our domestic renewal.  These investments will not only make America stronger; they’ll make us a stronger partner and ally as well. One of the most powerful, even magical things about the United States is that we have long been a destination for talented, driven people from every part of the planet.  That includes millions of students from China, who have enriched our communities and forged lifelong bonds with Americans.  Last year, despite the pandemic, we issued more than 100,000 visas to Chinese students in just four months – our highest rate ever.  We’re thrilled that they’ve chosen to study in the United States – we’re lucky to have them. And we’re lucky when the best global talent not only studies here but stays here – as more than 80 percent of Chinese students who pursue science and technology PhDs in the United States have done in recent years.  They help drive innovation here at home, and that benefits all of us.  We can stay vigilant about our national security without closing our doors. We also know from our history that when we’re managing a challenging relationship with another government, people from that country or with that heritage can be made to feel that they don’t belong here – or that they’re our adversaries.  Nothing could be further from the truth.  Chinese Americans made invaluable contributions to our country; they’ve done so for generations.  Mistreating someone of Chinese descent goes against everything we stand for as a country – whether a Chinese national visiting or living here, or a Chinese American, or any other Asian American whose claim to this country is equal to anyone else’s.  Racism and hate have no place in a nation built by generations of immigrants to fulfill the promise of opportunity for all. We have profound differences with the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese Government.  But those differences are between governments and systems – not between our people.  The American people have great respect for the Chinese people.  We respect their achievements, their history, their culture.  We deeply value the ties of family and friendship that connect us.  And we sincerely wish for our governments to work together on issues that matter to their lives and to the lives of Americans, and for that matter the lives of people around the world. There’s another core source of national strength that we’ll be relying on in this decisive decade: our democracy. A hundred years ago, if asked what constitutes the wealth of a nation, we might list the expanse of our land, the size of our population, the strength of our military, the abundance of our natural resources.  And thankfully, we’re still wealthy in all of those attributes.  But more than ever, in this 21st century, the true wealth of a nation is found in our people – our human resources – and our ability to unleash their full potential. We do that with our democratic system.  We debate, we argue, we disagree, we challenge each other, including our elected leaders.  We deal with our deficiencies openly; we don’t pretend they don’t exist or sweep them under the rug.  And though progress can feel painfully slow, can be difficult and ugly, by and large we consistently work toward a society where people from all backgrounds can flourish, guided by national values that unite, motivate, and uplift us. We are not perfect.  But at our best, we always strive to be – in the words of our Constitution – a more perfect union.  Our democracy is designed to make that happen. That’s what the American people and the American model offer, and it’s one of the most powerful assets in this contest. Now, Beijing believes that its model is the better one; that a party-led centralized system is more efficient, less messy, ultimately superior to democracy.  We do not seek to transform China’s political system.  Our task is to prove once again that democracy can meet urgent challenges, create opportunity, advance human dignity; that the future belongs to those who believe in freedom and that all countries will be free to chart their own paths without coercion. The second piece of our strategy is aligning with our allies and partners to advance a shared vision for the future. From day one, the Biden administration has worked to re-energize America’s unmatched network of alliances and partnerships and to re-engage in international institutions.  We’re encouraging partners to work with each other, and through regional and global organizations.  And we’re standing up new coalitions to deliver for our people and meet the tests of the century ahead. Nowhere is this more true than in the Indo-Pacific region, where our relationships, including our treaty alliances, are among our strongest in the world. The United States shares the vision that countries and people across the region hold:  one of a free and open Indo-Pacific where rules are developed transparently and applied fairly; where countries are free to make their own sovereign decisions; where goods, ideas, and people flow freely across land, sky, cyberspace, the open seas, and governance is responsive to the people. President Biden reinforced these priorities this week with his trip to the region, where he reaffirmed our vital security alliances with South Korea and Japan, and deepened our economic and technology cooperation with both countries. He launched the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity, a first-of-its-kind initiative for the region.  It will, in the President’s words, “help all our countries’ economies grow faster and fairer.”  IPEF, as we call it, renews American economic leadership but adapts it for the 21st century by addressing cutting-edge issues like the digital economy, supply chains, clean energy, infrastructure, and corruption.  A dozen countries, including India, have already joined.  Together, IPEF members make up more than a third of the global economy. The President also took part in the leaders’ summit of the Quad countries – Australia, Japan, India, the United States.  The Quad never met at the leader level before President Biden took office.  Since he convened the first leaders’ meeting last year, the Quad has held four summits.  It’s become a leading regional team.  This week, it launched a new Indo-Pacific Partnership for Maritime Domain Awareness, so our partners across the region can better monitor the waters near their shores to address illegal fishing and protect their maritime rights and their sovereignty. We’re reinvigorating our partnership with ASEAN.  Earlier this month, we hosted the U.S.-ASEAN Summit to take on urgent issues like public health and the climate crisis together.  This week, seven ASEAN countries became founding members of the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework.  And we’re building bridges among our Indo-Pacific and European partners, including by inviting Asian allies to the NATO summit in Madrid next month. We’re enhancing peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific; for example, with the new security partnership between Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States, known as AUKUS. And we’re helping countries in the region and around the world defeat COVID-19.  To date, the United States has provided nearly $20 billion to the global pandemic response.  That includes more than 540 million doses of safe and effective vaccines donated – not sold – with no political strings attached, on our way to 1.2 billion doses worldwide.  And we’re coordinating with a group of 19 countries in a global action plan to get shots into arms. As a result of all of this diplomacy, we are more aligned with partners across the Indo-Pacific, and we’re working in a more coordinated way toward our shared goals. We’ve also deepened our alignment across the Atlantic.  We launched the U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council last year, marshaling the combined weight of nearly 50 percent of the world’s GDP.  Last week, I joined Secretary Raimondo, Ambassador Tai, and our European Commission counterparts for our second meeting to work together on new technology standards, coordinate on investment screening and export controls, strengthen supply chains, boost green tech, and improve food security and digital infrastructure in developing countries. Meanwhile, we and our European partners set aside 17 years of litigation about aircraft; now, instead of arguing with each other, we’re working to secure a level playing field for our companies and workers in that sector. Similarly, we worked with the European Union and others to resolve a dispute on steel and aluminum imports, and now we’re coming together around a shared vision on higher climate standards and protecting our workers and industries from Beijing’s deliberate efforts to distort the market to its advantage. We’re partnering with the European Union to protect our citizens’ privacy while strengthening a shared digital economy that depends on vast flows of data. With the G20, we reached a landmark deal on a global minimum tax to halt the race to the bottom, make sure that big corporations pay their fair share, and give countries even more resources to invest in their people.  More than 130 countries have signed on so far. We and our G7 partners are pursuing a coordinated, high-standard, and transparent approach to meet the enormous infrastructure needs in developing countries. We’ve convened global summits on defeating COVID-19 and renewing global democracy, and rejoined the UN Human Rights Council and the WHO, the World Health Organization. And at a moment of great testing, we and our allies have re-energized NATO, which is now as strong as ever. These actions are all aimed at defending and, as necessary, reforming the rules-based order that should benefit all nations. We want to lead a race to the top on tech, on climate, infrastructure, global health, and inclusive economic growth.  And we want to strengthen a system in which as many countries as possible can come together to cooperate effectively, resolve differences peacefully, write their own futures as sovereign equals. Our diplomacy is based on partnership and respect for each other’s interests.  We don’t expect every country to have the exact same assessment of China as we do.  We know that many countries – including the United States – have vital economic or people-to-people ties with China that they want to preserve.  This is not about forcing countries to choose.  It’s about giving them a choice, so that, for example, the only option isn’t an opaque investment that leaves countries in debt, stokes corruption, harms the environment, fails to create local jobs or growth, and compromises countries’ exercise of their sovereignty.  We’ve heard firsthand about buyer’s remorse that these deals can leave behind. At every step, we’re consulting with our partners, listening to them, taking their concerns to heart, building solutions that address their unique challenges and priorities. There is growing convergence about the need to approach relations with Beijing with more realism.  Many of our partners already know from painful experience how Beijing can come down hard when they make choices that it dislikes.  Like last spring, when Beijing cut off Chinese students and tourists from traveling to Australia and imposed an 80 percent tariff on Australian barley exports, because Australia’s Government called for an independent inquiry into COVID’s origin.  Or last November, when Chinese Coast Guard vessels used water cannons to stop a resupply of a Philippine navy ship in the South China Sea.  Actions like these remind the world of how Beijing can retaliate against perceived opposition. There’s another area of alignment we share with our allies and partners: human rights. The United States stands with countries and people around the world against the genocide and crimes against humanity happening in the Xinjiang region, where more than a million people have been placed in detention camps because of their ethnic and religious identity. We stand together on Tibet, where the authorities continue to wage a brutal campaign against Tibetans and their culture, language, and religious traditions, and in Hong Kong, where the Chinese Communist Party has imposed harsh anti-democratic measures under the guise of national security. Now, Beijing insists that these are somehow internal matters that others have no right to raise.  That is wrong.  Its treatment of ethnic and religious minorities in Xinjiang and Tibet, along with many other actions, go against the core tenets of the UN Charter that Beijing constantly cites and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that all countries are meant to adhere to. Beijing’s quashing of freedom in Hong Kong violates its handover commitments, enshrined in a treaty deposited at the United Nations. We’ll continue to raise these issues and call for change – not to stand against China, but to stand up for peace, security, and human dignity. That brings us to the third element of our strategy.  Thanks to increased investments at home and greater alignment with allies and partners, we are well-positioned to outcompete China in key areas. For example, Beijing wants to put itself at the center of global innovation and manufacturing, increase other countries’ technological dependence, and then use that dependence to impose its foreign policy preferences.  And Beijing is going to great lengths to win this contest – for example, taking advantage of the openness of our economies to spy, to hack, to steal technology and know-how to advance its military innovation and entrench its surveillance state. So as we make sure the next wave of innovation is unleashed by the United States and our allies and partners, we’ll also protect ourselves against efforts to siphon off our ingenuity or imperil our security. We’re sharpening our tools to safeguard our technological competitiveness.  That includes new and stronger export controls to make sure our critical innovations don’t end up in the wrong hands; greater protections for academic research, to create an open, secure, and supportive environment for science; better cyber defenses; stronger security for sensitive data; and sharper investment screening measures to defend companies and countries against Beijing’s efforts to gain access to sensitive technologies, data, or critical infrastructure; compromise our supply chains; or dominate key strategic sectors. We believe – and we expect the business community to understand – that the price of admission to China’s market must not be the sacrifice of our core values or long-term competitive and technological advantages.  We’re counting on businesses to pursue growth responsibly, assess risk soberly, and work with us not only to protect but to strengthen our national security. For too long, Chinese companies have enjoyed far greater access to our markets than our companies have in China.  For example, Americans who want to read the China Daily or communicate via WeChat are free to do so, but The New York Times and Twitter are prohibited for the Chinese people, except those working for the government who use these platforms to spread propaganda and disinformation.  American companies operating in China have been subject to systematic forced technology transfer, while Chinese companies in America have been protected by our rule of law.  Chinese filmmakers can freely market their movies to American theater owners without any censorship by the U.S. Government, but Beijing strictly limits the number of foreign movies allowed in the Chinese market, and those that are allowed are subjected to heavy-handed political censorship.  China’s businesses in the United States don’t fear using our impartial legal system to defend their rights – in fact, they’re frequently in court asserting claims against the United States Government.  The same isn’t true for foreign firms in China. This lack of reciprocity is unacceptable and it’s unsustainable. Or consider what happened in the steel market.  Beijing directed massive over-investment by Chinese companies, which then flooded the global market with cheap steel.  Unlike U.S. companies and other market-oriented firms, Chinese companies don’t need to make a profit – they just get another injection of state-owned bank credit when funds are running low.  Plus, they do little to control pollution or protect the rights of their workers, which also keeps costs down.  As a consequence, China now accounts for more than half of global steel production, driving U.S. companies – as well as factories in India, Mexico, Indonesia, Europe, and elsewhere – out of the market. We’ve seen this same model when it comes to solar panels, electric car batteries – key sectors of the 21st century economy that we cannot allow to become completely dependent on China. Economic manipulations like these have cost American workers millions of jobs.  And they’ve harmed the workers and firms of countries around the world.  We will push back on market-distorting policies and practices, like subsidies and market access barriers, which China’s government has used for years to gain competitive advantage.  We’ll boost supply chain security and resilience by reshoring production or sourcing materials from other countries in sensitive sectors like pharmaceuticals and critical minerals, so that we’re not dependent on any one supplier.  We’ll stand together with others against economic coercion and intimidation.  And we will work to ensure that U.S. companies don’t engage in commerce that facilitates or benefits from human rights abuses, including forced labor. In short, we’ll fight for American workers and industry with every tool we have – just as we know that our partners will fight for their workers. The United States does not want to sever China’s economy from ours or from the global economy – though Beijing, despite its rhetoric, is pursuing asymmetric decoupling, seeking to make China less dependent on the world and the world more dependent on China.  For our part, we want trade and investment as long as they’re fair and don’t jeopardize our national security.  China has formidable economic resources, including a highly capable workforce.  We’re confident that our workers, our companies will compete successfully – and we welcome that competition – on a level playing field. So as we push back responsibly on unfair technology and economic practices, we’ll work to maintain economic and people-to-people ties connecting the United States and China, consistent with our interests and our values.  Beijing may not be willing to change its behavior.  But if it takes concrete action to address the concerns that we and many other countries have voiced, we will respond positively. Competition need not lead to conflict.  We do not seek it.  We will work to avoid it.  But we will defend our interests against any threat. To that end, President Biden has instructed the Department of Defense to hold China as its pacing challenge, to ensure that our military stays ahead.  We’ll seek to preserve peace through a new approach that we call “integrated deterrence” – bringing in allies and partners; working across the conventional, the nuclear, space, and informational domains; drawing on our reinforcing strengths in economics, in technology, and in diplomacy. The administration is shifting our military investments away from platforms that were designed for the conflicts of the 20th century toward asymmetric systems that are longer-range, harder to find, easier to move.  We’re developing new concepts to guide how we conduct military operations.  And we’re diversifying our force posture and global footprint, fortifying our networks, critical civilian infrastructure, and space-based capabilities.  We’ll help our allies and partners in the region with their own asymmetric capabilities, too. We’ll continue to oppose Beijing’s aggressive and unlawful activities in the South and East China Seas.  Nearly six years ago, an international tribunal found that Beijing’s claims in the South China Sea have no basis in international law.  We’ll support the region’s coastal states in upholding their maritime rights.  We’ll work with allies and partners to uphold freedom of navigation and overflight, which has enabled the region’s prosperity for decades.  And we’ll continue to fly and sail wherever international law allows. On Taiwan, our approach has been consistent across decades and administrations.  As the President has said, our policy has not changed. The United States remains committed to our “one China” policy, which is guided by the Taiwan Relations Act, the three Joint Communiques, the Six Assurances.  We oppose any unilateral changes to the status quo from either side; we do not support Taiwan independence; and we expect cross-strait differences to be resolved by peaceful means. We continue to have an abiding interest in peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait.  We’ll continue to uphold our commitments under the Taiwan Relations Act to assist Taiwan in maintaining a sufficient self-defense capability – and, as indicated in the TRA, to “maintain our capacity to resist any resort to force or other forms of coercion that would jeopardize the security or the social or economic system, of Taiwan.”  We enjoy a strong unofficial relationship with Taiwan, a vibrant democracy and leading economy in the region.  We’ll continue to expand our cooperation with Taiwan on our many shared interests and values, support Taiwan’s meaningful participation in the international community, deepen our economic ties, consistent with our “one China” policy. While our policy has not changed, what has changed is Beijing’s growing coercion – like trying to cut off Taiwan’s relations with countries around the world and blocking it from participating in international organizations.  And Beijing has engaged in increasingly provocative rhetoric and activity, like flying PLA aircraft near Taiwan on an almost daily basis.  These words and actions are deeply destabilizing; they risk miscalculation and threaten the peace and stability of the Taiwan Strait.  As we saw from the President’s discussions with allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific, maintaining peace and stability across the strait is not just a U.S. interest; it is a matter of international concern, critical to regional and global security and prosperity. As President Biden likes to say, the only conflict worse than an intended one is an unintended one.  We’ll manage this relationship responsibly to prevent that from happening.  We’ve prioritized crisis communications and risk reduction measures with Beijing.  And on this issue – and every other – we remain committed to intense diplomacy alongside intense competition. Even as we invest, align, and compete, we’ll work together with Beijing where our interests come together.  We can’t let the disagreements that divide us stop us from moving forward on the priorities that demand that we work together, for the good of our people and for the good of the world. That starts with climate.  China and the United States had years of stalemate on climate, which gridlocked the world – but also periods of progress, which galvanized the world.  The climate diplomacy channel launched in 2013 between China and the United States unleashed global momentum that produced the Paris Agreement.  Last year at COP26, the world’s hopes were buoyed when the United States and China issued our Glasgow Joint Declaration to work together to address emissions from methane to coal. Climate is not about ideology.  It’s about math.  There’s simply no way to solve climate change without China’s leadership, the country that produces 28 percent of global emissions.  The International Energy Agency has made clear that if China sticks with its current plan and does not peak its emissions until 2030, then the rest of the world must go to zero by 2035.  And that’s simply not possible. Today about 20 nations are responsible for 80 percent of emissions.  China is number one.  The United States is number two.  Unless we all do much more, much faster, the financial and human cost will be catastrophic.  Plus, competing on clean energy and climate policy can produce results that benefit everyone. The progress that the United States and China make together – including through the working group established by the Glasgow Declaration – is vital to our success in avoiding the worst consequences of this crisis.  I urge China to join us in accelerating the pace of these shared efforts. Likewise, on the COVID-19 pandemic, our fates are linked.  And our hearts go out to the Chinese people as they deal with this latest wave.  We’ve been through our own deeply painful ordeal with COVID.  That’s why we’re so convinced that all countries need to work together to vaccinate the world – not in exchange for favors or political concessions, but for the simple reason that no country will be safe until all are safe.  And all nations must transparently share data and samples – and provide access to experts – for new variants and emerging and re-emerging pathogens, to prevent the next pandemic even as we fight the current one. On nonproliferation and arms control, it’s in all of our interests to uphold the rules, the norms, the treaties that have reduced the spread of weapons of mass destruction.  China and the United States must keep working together, and with other countries, to address Iran and North Korea’s nuclear programs.  And we remain ready to discuss directly with Beijing our respective responsibilities as nuclear powers. To counter illegal and illicit narcotics, especially synthetic opioids like fentanyl that killed more than 100,000 Americans last year, we want to work with China to stop international drug trafficking organizations from getting precursor chemicals, many of which originate in China. As a global food crisis threatens people worldwide, we look to China – a country that’s achieved great things in agriculture – to help with a global response.  Last week at the United Nations, the United States convened a meeting of foreign ministers to strengthen global food security.  We extended an invitation to China to join.  We’ll continue to do so. And as the world’s economy recovers from the devastation of the pandemic, global macroeconomic coordination between the United States and China is key – through the G20, the IMF, other venues, and of course, bilaterally.  That comes with the territory of being the world’s two largest economies. In short, we’ll engage constructively with China wherever we can, not as a favor to us or anyone else, and never in exchange for walking away from our principles, but because working together to solve great challenges is what the world expects from great powers, and because it’s directly in our interest.  No country should withhold progress on existential transnational issues because of bilateral differences. The scale and the scope of the challenge posed by the People’s Republic of China will test American diplomacy like nothing we’ve seen before.  I’m determined to give the State Department and our diplomats the tools that they need to meet this challenge head on as part of my modernization agenda.  This includes building a China House – a department-wide integrated team that will coordinate and implement our policy across issues and regions, working with Congress as needed.  And here, I must mention an outstanding team at our embassy in Beijing and our consulates across China, led by Ambassador Nick Burns.  They do exceptional work every day, and many have been doing their jobs in recent weeks through these intense COVID lockdowns.  Despite extreme conditions, they’ve persisted.  We’re grateful for this terrific team. I’ve never been more convinced about the power and the purpose of American diplomacy or sure about our capacity to meet the challenges of this decisive decade.  To the American people: let’s recommit to investing in our core strengths, in our people, in our democracy, in our innovative spirit.  As President Biden often says, it’s never a good bet to bet against America.  But let’s bet on ourselves and win the competition for the future. To countries around the world committed to building an open, secure, and prosperous future, let’s work in common cause to uphold the principles that make our shared progress possible and stand up for the right of every nation to write its own future.  And to the people of China:  we’ll compete with confidence; we’ll cooperate wherever we can; we’ll contest where we must.  We do not see conflict. There’s no reason why our great nations cannot coexist peacefully, and share in and contribute to human progress together.  That’s what everything I’ve said today boils down to: advancing human progress, leaving to our children a world that’s more peaceful, more prosperous, and more free. Thank you very much for listening.  (Applause.)

“我如何”指南集 —  这些指南回答有关移民福利的问题 英语：https://www.uscis.gov/tools/how-do-i-guides 中文：https://www.uscis.gov/tools/how-do-i-customer-guides/how-do-i-guides-customer-guides-chinese/how-do-i-guides-chinese 合法永久居民 有关美国永久居留权的一般信息，请访问DHS-USCIS网站http://www.uscis.gov/greencard 合法永久居民（LPR）可以使用他/她的永久居民卡申请入境美国，如果他/她在美国境外不到一年并且在美国保留住所。 一旦个人以移民签证进入美国，他/她将被授予永久居民身份。永久居民卡（也称为“绿卡”或“I-551”）将邮寄至个人的美国地址。该卡作为有效的身份证明文件，证明该个人有资格在美国生活和工作。使用护照在美国境外旅行的永久居民应在重新进入美国出示永久居民卡。 LPR可以居住在美国，前提是他们不因触犯移民法而被移除（驱逐）。 LPR可以在美国工作。 LPR受美国法律，居住州和当地司法管辖区的保护。 永久居民卡 永久居民卡（通常称为“绿卡”）只能在美国签发或更换。广州办公室无法为您更换绿卡。作为永久居民重新进入美国需要绿卡。如果您将绿卡留在美国，则应安排某人将其发送给您。如果您的绿卡丢失，被盗或被毁，并且在美国以外的地方居住不足364天，需要重新进入美国的许可，您或许可以提交I-131A表格来申请承运人文件。 维持永久居民身份 离开并停留在美国境外连续超过365日的永久居民可能会失去永久居民身份，并可能需要重新进行移民程序，如果他们希望以永久居民身份重新进入美国。在离开美国之前获得再入境许可证的永久居民可以在国外逗留最多2年。 有关获得并保持居住权的信息，请参阅我们的保持绿卡页面。 如果您是美国武装部队成员的配偶或子女或驻扎国外的美国政府文官，您或许可以获得豁免。再入境许可证的更多信息请参阅国务院相关网页。 已过期/将过期绿卡 I-90表格，更换永久居民卡的申请，由合法的永久居民用于申请更换或续签现有的永久居民卡（绿卡）。申请可以电子方式提交。请查看此链接以获取更多信息：“我如何”指南集。 我们的办公室 没有ADIT章。如果您的卡已过期而且您打算前往美国，请查看此链接I-131A。 有条件永久居民 有条件永久居民可获得有效期为两年的绿卡。有条件的永久居民必须提交请愿书，以在卡到期前的90天内移除该条件。 有关其他信息，请查看此链接：有条件永久居民。 再入境许可证 如果您计划在美国境外停留超过一年但不超过两年，则需要再入境许可证才能回美国。提交申请时，您必须在美国境内亲自提交（表I-131）。 DHS-USCIS将把再入境许可证发送到表格上注明的美国地址。您可以选择将再入境许可证寄给总领事馆以便取件。我们将在收到许可证后通知您，您需要亲自前往总领事馆领取文件。 I-131接送指令。 再入境许可证自签发之日起两年之内有效，不得延期或重新生效。 有关如何取得或更换再入境许可证的说明，请参阅表格I-131，旅行证件申请表。 注意：通常，旅行证件的申请人还必须在离开美国之前在申请支持中心（ASC）完成生物识别捕获。如果不这样做，可能会导致申请人失去重新进入该国的许可，并导致拒绝任何其他未决申请。 预先假释 如果您提交I-131表格申请旅行证件，而在获取有效预先假释文件之前就离开美国，您的I-131表格将被视为放弃。 有时个人可能在持有已被批准的预先假释文件的同时有第二个等待获批的预先假释文件。个人可以持有效预先假释文件出国。在这种情况下，待审的I-131表格不会被视为放弃。 如果在您离开美国之前您丢失或未拥有发给您的有效预先假释文件，请联系为你处理申请的美国DHS-USCIS办公室。 DHS-USCIS广州无法为您置换预先假释文件。 紧急人道主义原因请参阅人道主义假释。 人道主义计划 有关人道主义计划的信息，请访问www.uscis.gov/humanitarian 。 庇护 美国在国外的使领馆无权提供庇护。美国仅向在美国居住的个人提供庇护。 难民申请 广州办公室不接受难民安置申请。如果您有难民安置申请资格的疑问，请通过难民专员办事处网站与联合国难民事务高级专员办事处（难民专员办事处）联系。 人道主义假释 有关人道主义假释和申请的信息请访问www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/humanitarian-parole 人道主义假释申请可以提交给在美国的DHS-USCIS。广州办公室不接受此类申请。 归化 美国的许多合法永久居民（LPRs）的最终目标是成为美国公民。一旦LPR完成必要的居住和实际居住要求（某些个例有所不同），他/她可以提交入籍申请。更多详细信息，请参阅DHS-USCIS网站。

How Do I Guides – These guides answer questions regarding immigration benefits. English:  https://www.uscis.gov/tools/how-do-i-guides Chinese:  https://www.uscis.gov/tools/how-do-i-customer-guides/how-do-i-guides-customer-guides-chinese/how-do-i-guides-chinese Lawful Permanent Residents For general information about U.S. Permanent Residence, please visit the DHS-USCIS website at http://www.uscis.gov/greencard A lawful permanent resident (LPR) may apply for admission to the U.S. using his/her Permanent Resident Card, provided he/she has remained outside the United States less than one year and has maintained an un-relinquished domicile in the United States. Once an individual has entered the U.S. with an immigrant visa, he/she will be granted permanent resident status. A permanent resident card (also called a “Green Card” or “I-551”) will be mailed to the individual’s U.S. address. The card serves as a valid identification document and evidence that the individual is eligible to live and work in the United States.  Permanent residents, traveling outside of the U.S. with their passport, should be prepared to present their permanent resident card to re-enter the United States. LPRs may live in the United States provided they do not commit any actions that would make them removable (deportable) under the immigration law. LPRs may be employed in the United States. LPRs are protected by the laws of the United States, the state of residence and local jurisdictions. Permanent Resident Cards A permanent resident card (commonly known as a “Green Card”) can only be issued or replaced in the United States.  Our office cannot provide you with a replacement.  A Green Card is required for re-entry into the U.S. as a permanent resident.  If you left your Green Card in the U.S., you should arrange for someone to send it to you.  If your Green Card has been lost, stolen or destroyed, and you have been outside of the U.S. for less than 364 days without a Permit to Reenter the U.S., you may be eligible to file a Form I-131A to request a carrier document. Maintaining Permanent Resident Status Permanent residents who depart and remain outside the U.S. for more than 365 contiguous days risk losing their status and might need to undergo the entire petition and immigrant visa process anew if they wish to re-enter the U.S. as permanent residents. Permanent residents who obtain re-entry permits prior to their departure from the U.S. may remain overseas for up to 2 years. For information about maintaining your residency receiving your Green Card, see our After a Green Card is Granted page. If you are the spouse or child of a member of the U.S. armed forces or a civilian employee of the U.S. Government stationed abroad, you may qualify for an exemption.  For more information on obtaining a returning resident visa, see the Department of State’s webpage on returning resident visas. Expired/Expiring Green Card The Form I-90, Application to Replace Permanent Resident Card, is used by lawful permanent residents to apply for a replacement or the renewal of an existing Permanent Resident Card (Green Card). The application may be submitted electronically.  Please review this link for additional information: How Do I Guide. Our office does not issue ADIT stamps.  If your card has expired and you plan to travel to the United States, please review this link I-131A. Conditional Residents A conditional permanent resident receives a Green Card valid for two years. The conditional permanent resident must file a petition to remove the condition during the 90 days before the card expires. For additional information, please review this link: Conditional Residents. Re-Entry Permit If you plan to stay outside of the U.S. for more than one year but less than two years in duration, a re-entry permit is needed for readmission. You must be physically present in the U.S. when you file the application (Form I-131). DHS-USCIS will send the re-entry permit to the U.S. address indicated on the form. You may opt to have the re-entry permit sent to the Consulate General for pickup. We will notify you when the permit has been received and you will need to appear at the Consulate General (in person) to collect the document.  I-131 pick-up instruction. Re-entry Permits are valid for two years from issuance and cannot be extended or revalidated. Instructions on how to obtain or replace a Re-entry Permit are found under Form I-131, Application for a Travel Document. Note: Generally, an applicant for a travel document must also complete biometrics capture at an Application Support Center (ASC) prior to departure from the United States. Failure to do so may cause the applicant to lose permission to reenter the country and lead to the denial of any other applications pending. Advance Parole If you file Form I-131, Application for Travel Document, to request an advance parole document and depart the United States without possession of an advance parole document that is valid for the entire time you are abroad, your Form I-131 will be considered abandoned. At times, an individual may have an approved advance parole document while a second one is pending. Individuals may travel on the approved advanced parole document, provided the document is valid for the entire duration of the time abroad. The pending Form I-131 will not be considered abandoned in this situation. If you have lost or are not in possession of the unexpired Advance Parole Document that was issued to you prior to your departure from the United States, please contact the DHS-USCIS office in the U.S. that issued the document to you. DHS-USCIS Guangzhou cannot issue you a replacement. If there are urgent humanitarian reasons please refer to humanitarian parole. Humanitarian Programs For information about humanitarian programs, please visit www.uscis.gov/humanitarian.  Asylum The United States does not grant asylum in its diplomatic premises abroad.  The United States grants asylum only to individuals who are physically present in the United States. Refugee Processing Our office does not accept refugee resettlement applications.  If you have questions about eligibility for a referral for refugee resettlement, please contact the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) through the UNHCR website. Humanitarian Parole For information about humanitarian parole, and filing requirements, visit www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/humanitarian-parole Humanitarian Parole applications may be submitted to DHS-USCIS in the United States.  We do not accept these applications in Guangzhou. Naturalization Many legal permanent residents (LPRs) of the United States have the ultimate goal of becoming American citizens. Once an LPR completes the necessary residence and physical presence requirements (which vary in certain cases), he/she can file an application for naturalization. See the DHS-USCIS website for additional details.

中国海关对古董物品、违禁印刷品、某些宗教文献或不符合中国现行标准的车辆的临时进、出口实施严格规定。相关信息可联系中华人民共和国驻华盛顿大使馆以及驻美各地的中国领事馆以获得中国海关对进、出口的具体要求。全世界许多国家都有大量伪造、假冒品或版权剽窃产品，涉及此类货物的交易或将其运输回美国是非法和将要导致罚没的。就此，请点击此列表 (PDF-316KB)参阅在此领域有严重问题的国家名单。 中国海关当局鼓励使用海关临时许可证以便办理专业器材、商贸样品以及为展览或其它正当用途的货物的进、出口。 ATA Carnet Headquarters 可发放海关临时许可证并提供抵押担保。 联系信息如下： US Council for International Business 1212 Avenue of the Americas NY, NY  10036 (212) 354-4480 atacarnet@uscib.org

Chinese customs authorities may enforce strict regulations concerning temporary importation into or export from China of items such as antiquities, banned publications, some religious literature, or vehicles not conforming to Chinese standards. It is advisable to contact the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China in Washington or one of China’s consulates in the United States for specific information regarding customs requirements. In many countries around the world, counterfeit and pirated goods are widely available. Transactions involving such products are illegal and bringing them back to the United States may result in forfeitures and/or fines.  Please check the current list of those countries with serious problems in this regard. China’s customs authorities encourage the use of an ATA (Admission Temporaire/Temporary Admission) Carnet for the temporary admission of professional equipment, commercial samples, and/or goods for exhibitions and fair purposes. ATA Carnet Headquarters, which issues and guarantees the ATA Carnet in the United States, may be contacted at US Council for International Business 1212 Avenue of the Americas NY, NY  10036 (212) 354-4480 atacarnet@uscib.org

艾森豪威尔行政楼南礼堂 美国东部时间下午 1点零1分   总统：各位下午好。首先，我要感谢泽连斯基总统今天早上发表的充满热忱的讲话。我是在私人住宅倾听他的演说，非常具有说服力——也非常重要。 通过他的演说，我们看到一个在残酷的侵略战争面前表现出非凡勇气和力量的民族——这种勇气和力量不仅鼓舞了乌克兰人民，也鼓舞了全世界。 普京正在对乌克兰进行骇人听闻的破坏和恐怖袭击——对公寓楼、产房和医院进行狂轰滥炸。 我认为，这种行为令人发指。我刚才正和我们的军事首领——站在我身后的米利将军 (General Milley) ——谈到这件事情。我认为，这种事情简直令人难以置信。 昨天我们看到有报道称，俄罗斯军队在马里乌波尔 (Mariupol) 一家最大的医院劫持了数百名医生和病人作为人质。这些都是暴行，是对全世界犯下的暴行。全世界和我们团结一致支持乌克兰，决心让普京付出沉重代价。 美国与盟国及合作伙伴一起领导这项努力，提供巨大的安全和人道主义援助，包括今天增加的部分，我们将在未来几天和几周内继续提供更多援助。 我们正在通过惩罚性的制裁从经济上削弱普京。随着时间的推移，在整个北约和欧盟以及许多其它国家的支持下，这种制裁将使普京的处境每况愈下。 这场战争的结局关系到美国和世界各国所秉持的原则，关系到自由，关系到人们决定自己未来的权利。关系到确保乌克兰永远——无论普京在战场上取得怎样的进展，他永远也无法在乌克兰取胜。 美国人民响应泽连斯基总统提供更多援助的呼吁，为乌克兰提供更多自卫武器，提供更多抗击俄罗斯侵略的工具。我们正在这样做。 事实上，我们在这场战争开始之前就已经开始向乌克兰提供援助，当他们开始在乌克兰边境举行军事演习时——我是说俄罗斯人——从去年三月份开始。 我们对普京的侵略威胁采取了十分严肃的态度，并对其采取了行动。去年，我们向乌克兰提供了更多安全援助——6.5 亿美元的武器，包括入侵前提供的防空和反装甲设备——比我们以往任何时候提供的都要多。因此，当入侵开始时，他们已经获得了对抗俄罗斯进攻所需的各种武器。 在战争一开始，我们立即追加了 3.5 亿美元的援助，以进一步满足他们的需求：数百个防空系统、数千件反坦克武器、运输直升机、武装巡逻艇和其它高机动性车辆、能够跟踪火炮和无人驾驶飞机的雷达系统、安全的通信设备和战术装备、卫星图像以及——分析能力。无疑，这些武器装备对乌克兰重创俄罗斯军队发挥了重要作用。 周六，本届政府又授权 2 亿美元，以保证武器和弹药源源不断地运往乌克兰。现在，我再次行使总统权力启动额外的安全援助，以继续帮助乌克兰抵御俄罗斯的攻击——这次追加的援助达 8 亿美元。这使得美国对乌克兰的最新安全援助总额仅在本周就达到了 10 亿美元。这些是最大——这些是从我们的国防部直接转运给乌克兰军队的装备，以帮助他们对抗这场入侵。   另外，我要感谢国会为这些资金提供拨款。 仅仅这一批新装备就为乌克兰提供了前所未有的援助。它包括 800 个防空系统，确保乌克兰军队能够继续阻击那些一直对平民发动攻击的飞机和直升机，保卫乌克兰领空。 应泽连斯基总统的要求，我们已经确定并正在帮助乌克兰获得更多的远程防空系统以及用于这些系统的弹药。 我们新的援助计划还包括 9000 个反装甲系统。这些是便携式、高精度的肩式导弹，乌克兰军队一直在使用这些武器摧毁入侵的坦克和装甲车，效果非常好。 这一计划还包括 7000 款小型武器——机枪、霰弹枪、榴弹发射器——为乌克兰人民提供装备，包括那些为保卫城市而奋勇作战的男女平民，他们也在乡村作战。并且，我们还提供弹药、火炮和迫击炮弹，与这些轻武器一起使用——总共有两千万发。两千万发弹药。这一计划还包括无人机，这这表明，我们致力于将我们最先进的武器系统送到乌克兰用于防御。 而且，并非只是我们一个国家在这样做。我们的盟友和合作伙伴已加紧提供大量安全援助，并将继续为促进这些武器的交付提供帮助。 美国与其盟国以及合作伙伴坚定不移地向乌克兰人民提供大量的武器援助。一旦获得可以运送的额外订货，我们将会提供更多援助。 但是——但是，我要对大家开诚布公地说：这很可能是一场漫长而艰苦的战斗。但是，面对普京对平民发动的丧尽天良、违背道德原则的攻击，美国人民将坚定不移地支持乌克兰人民。我们全国人民都对普京发动的野蛮攻击深恶痛绝，我们将继续支持他们为自由、民主和生存而战。我们将为乌克兰提供武器，让他们在未来艰难的岁月里能够自始至终地战斗和保卫自己。 我们将继续组织人道主义救济，为乌克兰境内的人们和那些被迫逃离乌克兰的人们提供支持。 仅在过去几周内，我们就已经向乌克兰及其邻国人民提供了 3 亿美元的人道主义援助，包括数万吨食品、饮水、药品和人们急需的其它基本物资。 我们在波兰、摩尔多瓦以及其它邻国境内的专家，对当地迅速演变的危机进行实时评估，并在需要的情况下为有需要的人们提供人道主义物资，以解燃眉之急。 我们还将通过提供直接财政援助支持乌克兰的经济发展。 我们将与盟友以及合作伙伴一道，继续对普京摇摇欲坠的经济施加压力，让他在全球舞台上陷于孤立。我们的目标是：让普京付出代价，削弱他的地位，同时加强乌克兰人民在战场和谈判桌上的力量。 我们将与盟友和合作伙伴一道，坚持到底。我们将尽一切努力推动结束这场悲剧性和毫无必要的战争。这是一场独裁者的贪欲与人类对自由的渴望之间的对决。 无可怀疑、毋庸置疑和完全可以肯定的是：美国与自由的力量站在一起。我们一直是并将永远是与自由的力量站在一起。 我要感谢大家。上帝保佑你们。我现在要走过去签署这项立法——签署这项法案，授权提供这些物资。 愿上帝护佑那些在战场上保卫国家的年轻乌克兰人。 我在这里签署的是基于 1961 年《对外援助法》第 506(a)(1) 条授权的议案，也就是总计 8 亿美元的国防物资。 （签署授权议案） 问：总统先生，在什么条件下您才会提供泽连斯基总统所要求的波兰米格战机？ 总统：我现在不打算对此发表评论。除了我所谈到（听不清）的内容之外，我不会对任何事情作出评论。 谢谢各位。 美国东部时间下午 1 点 10 分   欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2022/03/16/remarks-by-president-biden-on-the-assistance-the-united-states-is-providing-to-ukraine/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

Remarks by President Biden on the Assistance the United States is Providing to Ukraine MARCH 16, 2022•SPEECHES AND REMARKS South Court Auditorium Eisenhower Executive Office Building 1:01 P.M. EDT THE PRESIDENT:  Good afternoon.  I want to begin by thanking President Zelenskyy for his passionate message this morning.  I listened to it in the private residence, and he was convincing.  And — significant speech. He speaks for a people who have shown remarkable courage and strength in the face of brutal aggression — courage and strength that has inspired not only Ukrainians but the entire world. Putin is inflicting appalling — appalling devastation and horror on Ukraine — bombing apartment buildings, maternity wards, hospitals. I mean, it’s — it’s God awful.  I was speaking about this with the — our — our Commander, behind me here — General Milley.  I mean, it just is amazing. Yesterday, we saw reports that Russian forces were holding hundreds of doctors and patients hostage in the largest hospital in Mariupol.  These are atrocities.  They’re an outrage to the world.  And the world is united in our support for Ukraine and our determination to make Putin pay a very heavy price. America is leading this effort, together with our Allies and partners, providing enormous levels of security and humanitarian assistance that we’re adding to today and we’re going to continue to do more in the days and weeks ahead. We are crippling Putin’s economy with punishing sanctions that’s going to only grow more painful over time with the entire NATO and EU behind us, and many other countries. What’s at stake here are the principles that the United States and the united nations across the world stand for.  It’s about freedom.  It’s about the right of people to determine their own future.  It’s about making sure Ukraine never — will never be a victory for Putin, no matter what advances he makes on the battlefield. The American people are answering President Zelenskyy’s call for more help, more weapons for Ukraine to defend itself, more tools to fight Russian aggression.  And that’s what we’re doing. In fact, we started our assistance to Ukraine before this war began, as they started to do exercises along the Ukrainian border — the Russians — starting in March of last year. We took the threat of Putin invading very seriously, and we acted on it.  We sent Ukraine more security assistance last year — $650 million in weapons, including anti-air and anti-armor equipment before the invasion — more than we had ever provided before.  So when the invasion began, they already had in their hands the kinds of weapons they needed to counter Russian advances. And once the war started, we immediately rushed $350 million in additional aid to further address their needs: hundreds of anti-air systems, thousands of anti-tank weapons, transport helicopters, armed patrol boats, and other high-mobility vehicles, radar systems that help track incoming artillery and unmanned drones, secure communications equipment and tactical gear, satellite imagery and — and analysis capacity.  And it’s clearly helped Ukraine inflict dramatic losses on Russian forces. On Saturday, my administration authorized another $200 million to keep a steady flow of weapons and ammunition moving to Ukraine.  Now I’m once again using my presidential authority to activate — to activate additional security assistance to continue to help Ukraine fend off Russia’s assault — an additional $800 million in assistance.  That brings the total of new U.S. security assistance to Ukraine to $1 billion just this week.  These are the lar- — these are direct transfers of equipment from our Department of Defense to the Ukrainian military to help them as they fight against this invasion. And I thank the Congress for appropriating these funds. This new package on its own is going to provide unprecedented assistance to Ukraine.  It includes 800 anti-aircraft systems to make sure the Ukrainian military can continue to — can continue to stop the planes and helicopters that have been attacking their people and to defend their Ukrainian airspace. And at the request of President Zelenskyy, we have identified and are helping Ukraine acquire additional longer-range anti-aircraft systems and the munitions for those systems. Our new assistance package also includes 9,000 anti-armor systems.  These are portable, high — high-accurate — high accurately — high-accuracy shoulder-mounted missiles that the Ukrainian forces have been using with great effect to destroy invading tanks and armored vehicles. It’ll include 7,000 small arms — machine guns, shotguns, grenade launchers — to equip the Ukrainians, including the brave women and men who are defending their cities as civilians, and they’re on the countryside as well.  And we’re — and we — and as well as the ammunition, artillery, and mortar rounds to go with small arms — 20 million rounds in total.  Twenty million rounds.  And this will include drones, which — which demonstrates our commitment to sending our most cutting-edge systems to Ukraine for its defense. And we’re not doing this alone.  Our Allies and partners have stepped up to provide significant shipments of security assistance and will continue to help facilitate these deliveries as well. The United States and our Allies and partners are fully committed to surging weapons of assistance to the Ukrainians.  And more will be coming as we source additional stocks of equipment that are — that we’re ready to transfer. Now — now, I want to be honest with you: This could be a long and difficult battle.  But the American people will be steadfast in our support of the people of Ukraine in the face of Putin’s immoral, unethical attacks on civilian populations.  We are united in our abhorrence of Putin’s depraved onslaught, and we’re going to continue to have their back as they fight for their freedom, their democracy, their very survival.  And we’re going to give Ukraine the arms to fight and defend themselves through all the difficult days ahead. We’re going to continue to mobilize humanitarian relief to support people within Ukraine and those who have been forced to flee Ukraine. In just the past few weeks, we’ve provided $300 million in humanitarian assistance to the people in Ukraine and in neighboring countries.  Tens of thousands of tons of food, water, medicine, and other basic supplies to support the people in need. Our experts on the ground in Poland and Moldova and other neighboring countries are there to make real-time assessments of the rapidly evolving crisis and get urgently needed humanitarian supplies to the people in need when they need it. And we will support Ukraine’s economy with direct financial assistance as well. And together with our Allies and partners, we will keep up the pressure on Putin’s crumbling economy, isolating him on the global stage.  That’s our goal: make Putin pay the price, weaken his position while strengthening the hand of the Ukrainians on the battlefield and at the negotiating table. Together with our Allies and partners, we’re going to stay the course.  And we’ll do everything we can to push for and end this tragic, unnecessary war.  This is a struggle that pits the appetites of an autocrat against humankind’s desire to be free. And let there be no doubt, no uncertainty, no question: America stands with the forces of freedom.  We always have and we always will. I want to thank you all.  And God bless you.  And now I’m going to walk over and sign this legisla- — sign this bill to allow the drawdown of those materials. And may God protect the young Ukrainians who are out there defending their country. What I’m signing here is the Delegation of Authority Under Section 506(a)(1) of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961.  Translated into plain English: a total of $800 million in defense articles. (The Delegation of Authority is signed.) Q    Mr. President, what will it take for you to send the Polish MiGs that President Zelenskyy is asking for? THE PRESIDENT:  I’m not going to comment on that right now.  I’m not going to comment on anything other than what I told you (inaudible). Thank you. 1:10 P.M. EDT

2020年8月5日美国东部夏令时间下午4:57 国务卿迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥 干净网络计划是特朗普行政当局采取的综合措施，旨在保护我们公民的隐私和我们公司最敏感的信息免受诸如中国共产党（CCP）等恶意行为者攻击性的入侵。 今天，我宣布推出五项新的努力来保护美国的关键电信和技术基础设施。 这些计划植根于国际上接受的数字信任标准，并在2020年4月29日宣布的5G干净路径倡议的基础上继续发展，以确保在5G网络上传输进入海外和美国境内的美国外交机构的数据安全。 阅读更多： https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/announcing-the-expansion-of-the-clean-network-to-safeguard-americas-assets/

PRESS STATEMENT MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE AUGUST 5, 2020 The Clean Network program is the Trump Administration’s comprehensive approach to guarding our citizens’ privacy and our companies’ most sensitive information from aggressive intrusions by malign actors, such as the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Today, I am announcing the launch of five new lines of effort to protect America’s critical telecommunications and technology infrastructure. These programs are rooted in internationally accepted digital trust standards and built upon the 5G Clean Path initiative, announced on April 29, 2020, to secure data traveling on 5G networks into U.S. diplomatic facilities overseas and within the United States. The five new lines of effort for the Clean Network are as follows: Momentum for the Clean Network program is growing. More than thirty countries and territories are now Clean Countries, and many of the world’s biggest telecommunications companies are Clean Telcos. All have committed to exclusively using trusted vendors in their Clean Networks. The United States calls on our allies and partners in government and industry around the world to join the growing tide to secure our data from the CCP’s surveillance state and other malign entities. Building a Clean fortress around our citizens’ data will ensure all of our nations’ security.

07/06/2020 09:17 PM 东部夏令时间 迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥，国务卿 中国共产党持续破坏自由的香港。打压异己的《国家安全法》墨迹未干，地方当局就采用欧威尔式的举措，已设立了中央人民政府驻港国安公署，开始将图书馆里批评中共的书籍下架，禁止政治口号，现在还规定学校强行实施审查制度。 香港至今的繁荣是由于在独立的法治下允许自由思想和自由言论。这已不复存在。美国谴责北京一再未履行其在《中英联合声明》中的义务，以及近期这些对香港人民权利和自由的打击。

07/06/2020 09:17 PM EDT Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State The Chinese Communist Party’s destruction of free Hong Kong continues.  With the ink barely dry on the repressive National Security Law, local authorities – in an Orwellian move – have now established a central government national security office, started removing books critical of the CCP from library shelves, banned political slogans, and are now requiring schools to enforce censorship. Until now, Hong Kong flourished because it allowed free thinking and free speech, under an independent rule of law.  No more.  The United States condemns Beijing’s repeated failure to live up to its obligations under the Sino-British Joint Declaration, and these latest assaults on the rights and freedoms of the people of Hong Kong.

关于启动印太经济框架的公开电话媒体简报会（节选） 沙利文先生：谢谢。感谢各位今晚的出席。也感谢我的同事和伙伴，雷蒙多部长和戴琪大使。 我先概述以下印太经济框架的推动和目的，然后再请部长和大使就框架的关键实质要素，做深入详细说明。 印太经济框架，或称IPEF，是拜登总统承诺的一部分，要将美国家庭和工人置于我们经济和外交政策的核心，同时加强我们与盟友和伙伴的纽带，以便提高共同的繁荣，以及将未来的数十年，定位为全球经济技术创新，特别是在未来数十年至关重要的地区，印太地区。 总统先生于周一在日本东京启动IPEF。IPEF的起始伙伴国将与他出席启动。这些国家为：澳大利亚、文莱、印度、印度尼西亚、日本、大韩民国、新西兰、菲律宾、新加坡、泰国和越南。与美国一道，总共13个国家来启动 – 面包师傅所称的一打数目。 但是，如同我们打从一开始就指出的，这是个开放的平台。因此，可以预见会有其他的国家之后也会加入。 携手一道，这个非常多元的经济体组合，代表了全球40%左右的GDP。事实上，我们在启动之初就已经有如此广泛和为数之多的国家的参与，反映出框架的宏伟雄心，同时也显现整个地区对其兴趣浓厚。主要经济体、新兴经济体、与我们有自由贸易协议的经济体，以及其他将是第一次与美国进行经济谈判的国家。 会员国的多样化与IPEF的愿景一致，而且也与我们所设计的具弹性、具创意的四大支柱结构相共鸣，以便得以顺应如此多样化的国 再多说一句有关会员国的话：我们相信这次的启动势头如同排山倒海，真的，特别是来自总统先生前几天才刚主办的美国-东盟峰会。就在那次的峰会上，他有机会与东盟的主要领导人来真正分享他对本框架的愿景。七个东盟国家与其他我们在该地区的紧密伙伴一道，作为IPEF的一份子，令我们感到骄傲。 IPEF是个21世纪的经济安排，设计来解决21世纪的经济挑战，从为数字经济铺设道路规则、到确保供应量安全有韧性、到帮助做出必要的主要投资，来建设清洁能源基础设施和过渡到清洁能源、到提升透明度、公平税收和反贪污腐败的标准。 我们相信扩大美国在印太地区的经济领导力，通过像IPEF的载体，对美国是有利的的，包括美国工人和公司在内，也对该地区的人民有利。 印太地区人口占全球的60%，预计在未来的30年，将是全球增长最大的贡献者。与印太地区的贸易，支持300多万个美国工作，同时也是在美国外国直接投资中将近9000亿美元的来源 – （声不可辨）全球经济成长。 我们美国是印太地区的经济力量。美国在该地区的外国直接投资总额，在2020年超过9690亿美元，在过去十年内，将近翻了一番。 美国是最主要的出口国将服务输出至该地区，其不只刺激地区的增长、繁荣和加大安全，同时也支持美国境内的工作。 虽说如此，我们和在该地区的伙伴同意，未来的几十年将取决于各个政府在创新上的作为，特别是正在进行中的清洁能源、数字、科技领域，而且同时还要巩固我们的经济不受到诸多的威胁，从脆弱的供应量、到贪污、到避税港。 事实是，过去的模式未做到应对这些挑战，没有将之全面处理或迎头面对，使得我们的工人、企业和消费者更加容易受到伤害。因此，我们认为需要一个新的模式，让我们可以快速行动，事实上，迎头面对挑战，这也就是IPEF将做的事。 我们花了数个月的时间与在这地区的主要伙伴进行接触。广泛的参与便是所投入的时间、努力、精力的呼应，也是与有组织的劳工、商界、国会两党和其他关键利益相关方共同找出前进方向的映照。 我再讲个一、两点，便交棒给我的同事们，让她们来细谈IPEF的四大支柱。 第一，IPEF不是个传统的自由贸易协议，事实上这是它的特点，而不是问题。有些自由贸易传统主义者对它提出质疑。我们的基本看法是，我们所面对的新情势和新挑战，需要以崭新的做法以应对之，而且我们将与我们的伙伴一道，努力打造其实质内容。 第二，应该以连贯的整体来看待IPEF。它是现代经济的愿景，是实现的法门，它是应对挑战，亦是抓住经济机会的方法。但是它同时也是，应该也被视为是，一步步驱动倡议的一个良机。 举例来说，如果我们能快速开发出关键供应链早期预警系统，我们就不用等IPEF所有部分都到位了，才将之推出，才能开始行动。因此，不同的要素可以以不同的速度来推动，就算到头来，所有不同的部分终要相嵌而整合成一个大框架。 最后，而我认为这是真正关键的，这是我们对印太地区全面战略的根本要素。我们相信IPEF将使得我们印太战略的经济支柱成型且有连贯性。我们认为它将使我们迈向成功的大道，得以帮助打造该地区的未来，建立一个自由、开放、相互连结、有韧性、安全的地区。 我们都知道任何要在印太地区成功的战略，经济都得要是关键的一环。我们将IPEF视为是一个我们所参与至关重要的平台；一个机会，伙同其他提高我们对印太地区参与的方式，使得我们能在未来数十年在这个关键地区，留下印记；确保美国的领导力为我们的人民和该地区的所有人民带来好的结果。 我就开场做些框架性的发言。下面有请雷蒙多部长。谢谢。 雷蒙多部长：谢谢，杰克。感谢各位线上出席。我将针对杰克刚刚说的，补充几点。 首先我要说，我们对明天印太经济框架的启动，感到非常兴奋。就像杰克刚才说的，它包括13个国家，占全球GDP的40%。除此之外，它还包括一些世界上成长最快速、最富活力的经济体。 它是，它是，无论怎么看，是美国在这个地区，有史以来最重大的国际经济参与。明天的启动，在东京这里，标志着一个重要的转折点，重新恢复美国在该地区的经济领导力，为印太国家提供应对这些重要议题，除了中国的做法之外的替代选项。 从上任商务部长以来，我一而再、再而三地听到美国商界表示，如果美国在这地区重新恢复、重拾经济领导力，他们可以从中受益，他们和他们的员工可以从中受益，因为这地区对美国公司而言，日益重要。 而且，这地区也传达出强而有力的需求信号。我们在印太地区一再听到，寄望美国的经济领导力，期望美国有着积极的经济愿景和经济议程。 就像杰克刚刚说过的，这个框架是特意不设计成“老掉牙”的传统贸易协定。它的设计方针是更创新、更有弹性，设计来反映我们的经济已经有所变化的事实。我们必须与我们的盟友所要共同应对的最迫切的议题，已经有所改变，而且，我们需要一个新的做法才能满足我们公民的需要。 因此，借由聚焦于影响我们所有经济体的经济优先事项，本框架的设计反映出我们所面临的共同现实，其为气候变化；迁移和满足气候变化需求所带来的机会和挑战，清洁技术工作的机会；供应链干扰；对更具协调力、高科技制造业经济的需要。 如同杰克所说，本框架有四大支柱。商务部将领头其中三个，其为：供应链韧性支柱，清洁能源和去碳化支柱，税收和反贪污。 我对每个加以简短说明。供应链方面，我想我们所有人都看到了，不具韧性的供应链的代价。新冠疫情也曝露出供应链韧性不足，所造成难以置信的经济代价。 我们看到，老实说，我们不断地说，印太地区的瓶颈和缺乏透明度，对美国经济各方面造成涟漪效应，伤害工人，并引起通货膨胀。您们也知道，我们也得到教训，“刚好及时“留有太多尚待改进的空间。 我会这么说，如果在新冠疫情爆发之前，我们已有印太经济框架和其中达成的协议，我认为，我们应该可以不需经历如此多的干扰。 例如，疫情期间，我们看到马来西亚的半导体包装作业因为疫情爆发而得关厂。其造成的结果是，数千名在密歇根州的汽车制造厂工人因而失业。如果我们当初有比较高的透明度，更多沟通，更多数据分享和早期预警系统，那这些也许就不会发生。那些在密歇根州厂里的工人也不需经历留职停薪。 因此，在IPEF，我们寻求的是，制定史无前例的供应链协议，来更好地预期、预测，更重要的是，防止对供应链造成干扰。 在清洁能源和基础设施支柱方面，我们都知道未来的工作将会在清洁技术制造和创新领域，因此，我们希望和伙伴一道，在这方面取得协议，将清洁能源视为创造工作和经济成长的驱动力。为了支撑该支柱，我们将签署协议，追求具体、雄心勃勃的承诺，例如可再生能源目标、碳去除采购承诺、能效标准，以及抗击甲烷排放的新举措。 最后，商务部所领头的第三个支柱是税收和反贪污。我们将努力确保每个人遵守同样的规则，因为贪污对每个人的经济是最大的扯后腿。我们必须寻求承诺，制定与我们的价值观一致的有效税收、反洗钱、反贿赂的立法和落实方案。 我想作为结尾，我要说的是：这是个令人振奋的时刻。我要感谢所有的伙伴国与我们合作。我期待，明天是一个开始；我迫不及待想要开始着手工作，讨论接下来的步骤，以便谈判框架的具体条件及制定细节，建立一个地区经济参与的新方针。 如此的雄心、涵盖范围如此广的地区伙伴，是个空前之举。我有信心，美国公司将会从中受益。 我要说，特别是当各个企业逐渐开始寻找中国以外的替代选择之际，印太框架里的国家将会是美国公司更可靠的伙伴。 因此，我们对于着手制定一个长久、能造福美国企业和工人的框架，倍感兴奋。 我就说到这里，接下来我请齐心努力的伙伴，戴琪大使来发言。 戴琪大使：非常感谢，吉娜。 我将花点时间来讲述贸易支柱。本届政府上任头一天，拜登总统就很明确地表示，我们必须重新思考何为21世界的贸易政策，而且它必须造福更多人。 几十年来，贸易政策经常被压缩成零-和游戏，把我们很多的工人撇在后头。这就是为什么我们所设计的贸易政策，是为了要达到真正的经济繁荣，推进我们的全球优先事项，例如抗击气候变化、保护劳工权益、建立有韧性的供应链。这些议题不是相互排斥的，我们可以，而且也必须，两者兼顾。 在过去几个月里，美国贸易代表办公室、国家安全委员会和商务部，与我们的贸易伙伴、国会议员、广泛的利益相关方一道，致力于总统明天将启动的印太经济框架。 经济框架的核心将连结主要和新兴经济体，来应对21世纪的挑战，为未来推动公平、具韧性的贸易。与此同时，它的设计也是要适应未来可能会产生的壁垒和障碍。 您们听到吉娜对三个支柱的说明。我来详述美国贸易办公室所领头的贸易支柱，以便建立一个连结性更强、更有韧性的经济。 我们会与IPEF伙伴在广泛贸易议题上合作，包括数字经济和新兴科技、劳工承诺、环境、贸易便利、透明度和良好监管实践和企业问责。 特别是数字经济，最能代表我们需要与IPEF伙伴合作的领域，因为它在今天的全球市场中突出的角色，以及它对我们工人、消费者和企业的影响。这就是为什么我们将处理数字经济中的问题，其将有助于在主要市场之间，建立连接性和互信，包括跨境数据流动和数据本地化的标准。 我们也会和我们的伙伴一道，解决其他的数字关切，例如网络隐私、歧视性和不道德利用人工智能。 总总合在一起，贸易支柱将解锁巨大的经济价值，造福包括一直以来，在贸易协议中，获益不若大企业的中小企业。 我们也打算寻求加快世贸组织《贸易便利化协定》的落实，其将应对并改善货物的跨境流动。我们将看到和IPEF伙伴所做出承诺，通过基于科学的决策和采用健全、透明的监管实践，来促进农业贸易。这将有助于我们的农民、牧场主和渔民，获得将产品输往该地区的确定性。 这些条款将有助于推动包容性经济繁荣，我们也希望这框架作为我们更广泛的战略的一部分，形成贸易向上竞争。这也就是为什么IPEF所追求的一个议题，为制定更有力的劳工和环保标准，以及企业问责条款。 在提升地区标准的方面，我们可以以身作则，作全世界的榜样，其将有助于我们所有的工人和社区。我们旨在让IPEF得以应对21世纪全球经济的挑战。 明天将开启我们与该地区关键伙伴合作的新篇章。 我期待以一系列的形式与我们的伙伴在接下来的几个月内，开始合作。我们将继续与利益相关方一道，就像我们在过去几个月中所做的，来确保体现多元范围的利益和关切。 我们会与国会两党议员一起合作。 当然，我们也会经常出访印太地区，与该地区的领导人接触，继续我们的对话，以便建立更公平、更具韧性的经济，来造福在美国和在印太地区此地的家庭、工人和企业。 这是实实在在的团队精神。我很感激杰克·沙利文和雷蒙多部长的努力，使得这个框架得以成真。我们相信它将达成总统的贸易政策愿景，其在于推动遍及各地的经济成长，推进我们共同的全球优先事项。随着我们往前推动，我会持续向各位通报我们所取得的进展，这令我感到振奋。 谢谢。

On-the-Record Press Call on the Launch of the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework MAY 23, 2022•PRESS BRIEFINGS 7:09 P.M. JST MR. PATEL:  Good evening, everybody.  Thanks so much for joining.  This call will be on the record and embargoed until 4:15 Japan Standard Time tomorrow, May 23rd. Joining us for this briefing, we have National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan, Secretary of Commerce Gina Raimondo, and U.S. Trade Representative Katherine Tai. We, of course, will have some time for questions at the end, but I will turn it over to Jake to kick us off. MR. SULLIVAN:  Thanks.  And thanks, everybody, for joining this evening.  And thanks to my colleagues and partners, Secretary Raimondo and Ambassador Tai. I wanted to just start with some broad comments about the thrust and purpose of IPEF, and then – and then turn it over to the Secretary and the Ambassador to dive into some more detail on the key substantive elements of the framework. The Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, or IPEF, is part of President Biden’s commitment to putting American families and workers at the center of our economic and foreign policy, while strengthening our ties with allies and partners for the purpose of increasing shared prosperity and for the purpose of defining the coming decades for technological innovation in the global economy — especially in the most vital region for the coming decades, the Indo-Pacific. The President will launch IPEF in Tokyo, Japan, on Monday.  And joining him for that launch will be the initial IPEF partner countries.  They are as follows: Australia, Brunei, India, Indonesia, Japan, the Republic of Korea, Malaysia, New Zealand, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam.  Alongside the United States, that’s 13 countries launching this — a baker’s dozen. But, of course, as we’ve also indicated from the start, this is an open platform.  So there are other countries that could conceivably join us as we move forward. Together, this very diverse set of economies represent around 40 percent of global GDP.  And the fact that we have such a range and a significant number of partner countries in on the ground floor for the launch reflects the far-reaching ambition of the framework and also indicates that there’s deep interest across the region in it.  You’ve got major economies, emerging economies, economies with which we have free trade agreements, and others for which this will be the United States’ first economic negotiation. And that diversity of members is consistent with both the vision of IPEF and consonant with the fact that the four-pillar structure that we’ve built has flexibility and creativity designed into it so that we can, in fact, accommodate this diverse range of countries. One more thing, just to say on the membership: We believe that we’re heading into this launch with a really significant amount of momentum, really, especially coming out of the U.S.-ASEAN Summit that the President hosted just a few days ago.  It was at that summit that he had the opportunity to really share his vision for this framework with key leaders in ASEAN.  And we are proud that seven ASEAN countries have joined with many of our other close partners in the region as part of IPEF. IPEF is a 21st century economic arrangement designed to tackle 21st century economic challenges, ranging from setting the rules of the road for the digital economy, to ensuring secure and resilient supply chains, to helping make the kinds of major investments necessary in clean energy infrastructure and the clean energy transition, to raising standards for transparency, fair taxation, and anti-corruption. We believe that expanding U.S. economic leadership in the Indo-Pacific through vehicles like IPEF is good for America — American workers and businesses as well as for the people in the region. With 60 percent of the world’s population, the Indo-Pacific is projected to be the largest contributor to global growth over the next 30 years.  And trade with the Indo-Pacific supports more than 3 million American jobs, as well as being the source of nearly $900 billion in foreign direct investment in the United States — (inaudible) global economic growth. And the United States, for our part, is an Indo-Pacific economic power.  Foreign direct investment in the region from the United States totaled more than $969 billion in 2020 and has nearly doubled in the last decade. And the United States is the primary exporter of services to the region, which in turn not only fuels regional growth and prosperity and greater security, but it also supports American jobs at home. That being said, we and our partners in the region agree that much in the coming decades will depend on how well governments harness innovation, especially the transformations underway in clean energy and the digital and technology sectors, while at the same time fortifying our economies from a range of threats from fragile supply chains, to corruption, to tax havens. The fact is that past models did not address these challenges — or did not address them fully and take them head on — leaving our workers, businesses, and consumers more vulnerable.  So we believe that we need a new model that we can move on quickly to, in fact, take these challenges head on, and that’s what IPEF will do. We’ve spent months engaging with major partners in the region.  And the broad participation is a reflection of that investment of time and effort and energy, as well as with organized labor, the business community, bipartisan members of Congress and other key stakeholders to chart the way forward. Just a couple of more points before I turned to my colleagues — in terms of diving into the four pillars of IPEF. One, the fact that this is not a traditional free trade agreement is a feature of IPEF not a bug.  There are free trade traditionalists who have raised questions about it.  Our fundamental view is that the new landscape and the new challenges we face need a new approach, and we will shape the substance of this effort together with our partners. Second is that IPEF should be seen both as a coherent whole; it is a vision of the modern economy and the way to get — it’s a way to tackle the challenges and seize the opportunities of that economy.  But it also — it should also be seen as an opportunity to drive initiatives, in part. So, for example, if we can rapidly develop an early warning system for critical supply chains, we will not wait until all of IPEF is complete to roll that out and move forward on it.  So different elements of this could end up moving at different speeds, even as all of the pieces will end up fitting into a larger integrated framework. Finally — and I think this is really critical — this is a foundational element of our overall strategy towards the Indo-Pacific.  We believe that IPEF brings shape and coherence to the economic pillar of our Indo-Pacific strategy.  We think it sets us up for success in helping to shape the future of the region in a way that produces a region that is free, open, connected, resilient, and secure. We all know that economics is a critical part of succeeding with any strategy in the Indo-Pacific region.  And we see IPEF as a vital platform for our engagement and a chance, alongside all of the other ways in which we have elevated our engagement in the Indo-Pacific, to put our stamp on this critical region for decades to come, and to ensure that American leadership delivers good outcomes for our people and for all the people in the region. So, with those opening framing comments, let me turn it over to Secretary Raimondo.  Thanks. SECRETARY RAIMONDO:  Thank you, Jake.  And thank you, everybody, for joining us on the call this evening.  So I will add on with a few more points to what Jake said. But I’ll begin by saying just how excited we are for the launch tomorrow of this Indo-Pacific Economic Framework.  As Jake said, it consists of 13 countries, which account for 40 percent of global GDP.  And on top of that, it includes some of the world’s fastest-growing, most dynamic economies. It is — it is, by any account, the most significant international economic engagement that the United States has ever had in this region.  And the launch of it tomorrow, here in Tokyo, marks an important turning point in restoring U.S. economic leadership in the region and presenting Indo-Pacific countries an alternative to China’s approach to these critical issues. Since I’ve been Commerce Secretary, I have heard over and over again from the U.S. business community that they will benefit from — they and their employees will benefit from the U.S. restoring and re-exerting economic leadership in the region — an increasingly important region to U.S. businesses. And there is also a strong demand signal coming from the region.  We hear over and over again in the Indo-Pacific region that there is a desire for U.S. economic leadership and for the U.S. to have a proactive economic vision and economic agenda. As Jake said, this framework is intentionally designed not to be a “same old, same old” traditional trade agreement.  But it’s designed as a more innovative and flexible approach, designed to reflect the fact that our economies have changed.  The most pressing issues that we need to tackle with our allies have changed, and we need a new approach going forward if we’re going to meet the needs of our citizens. So, by focusing on economic priorities that affect all of our economies, this framework is designed to reflect the shared realities we face, which is climate change; the opportunity and challenges presented by moving, meeting the need of climate change and the opportunity of clean tech jobs; supply chain disruptions; and the need for a better-coordinated, high-tech manufacturing economy. As Jake said, there are four pillars in the framework.  The Department of Commerce will be leading three of the four pillars, which is: the supply chain resiliency pillar, clean energy and decarbonization pillar, and tax and anti-corruption. Just very quickly on each one.  On supply chains, I think we all have seen how — the cost of supply chains that aren’t resilient.  And COVID exposes incredible economic costs of insufficient supply chain resilience. We saw — frankly, we continue to say all the ways that bottlenecks and lack of transparency in the Indo-Pacific cause ripple effects throughout the United States economy, hurting workers and driving inflation.  And, you know, we’ve learned that “just in time” leaves much to be desired. I would say if we had had this Indo-Pacific Economic Framework and the agreement therein in place before COVID, I think we could have experienced much less disruption. For example, during COVID, we saw semiconductor packaging operations in Malaysia be closed on account of COVID outbreaks.  The result of that was thousands of workers were put out of work in Michigan auto-manufacturing plants.  And if we had had more transparency, more communication, more data-sharing, and an early alert system, that may not have happened.  And the workers who were furloughed in a Michigan plant would not have experienced that. So, in IPEF, we are seeking to develop a first-of-its-kind supply chain agreement that better anticipates, predicts, and, importantly, prevents disruptions in supply chains. On the clean energy and infrastructure pillar, we all know jobs of the future are going to be in clean tech manufacturing and innovation, and so we want to work with partners in this agreement to view clean energy as a driver of job creation and economic growth.  And to support this pillar, we will be signing agreements to pursue concrete, high-ambition commitments such as renewable energy targets, carbon removal purchasing commitments, energy efficiency standards, and new measures to combat methane emissions. And finally, the third pillar Commerce is leading on is the tax and anti-corruption.  And we’re going to be working to ensure everybody plays by the same set of rules, because corruption is a huge drag on everyone’s economy.  And we’re going to be seeking commitments to enact and enforce effective tax, anti-money laundering, anti-bribery schemes in line with our values. So, I guess I’ll just close by saying: This is an exciting time.  I want to thank all of our partner countries for working with us.  I’m looking forward — tomorrow is the beginning; I’m anxious to begin and get to work and discuss the next steps ahead as we negotiate the specific terms and develop the details of this framework and, you know, establishing a new approach to regional economic engagement. This has never been done before, in terms of the ambition and inclusivity across a broad range of regional partners.  And I’m confident that there’ll be benefits for U.S. businesses. And I would say, especially as businesses are beginning to increasingly look for alternatives to China, the countries in the Indo-Pacific Framework will be more reliable partners for U.S. businesses. So we’re excited to get going and develop a framework that will be durable and beneficial for American businesses and workers. And with that, I will turn it over to my partner in this endeavor, Ambassador Katherine Tai. AMBASSADOR TAI:  Thank you so much, Gina.  I will spend some time to talk about the trade pillar.  From day one of his administration, President Biden has been clear that we have to rethink what trade policy can be in the 21st century and that it must benefit more people. For decades, trade policy was often reduced to a zero-sum game that left many of our workers behind.  And that is why we are designing trade policies that aim to deliver real economic prosperity and advance our global priorities, like combating climate change, protecting labor rights, and building resilient supply chains.  These issues are not mutually exclusive; we can and must do both. Over the last several months, USTR, the NSC, and the Department of Commerce have worked with our trading partners, members of Congress, and a diverse range of stakeholders on the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework that the President will launch tomorrow. At its core, the Economic Framework will link major economies and emerging ones to tackle 21st century challenges and promote fair and resilient trade for years to come.  At the same time, it will be designed to adapt to address barriers and obstacles that may arise in the future as well. You heard Gina describe three of the pillars.  And I’ll walk through the details of the trade pillar that USTR will lead in order to create a more connected and resilient economy. We will work with our IPEF partners on a wide range of trade issues, including the digital economy and emerging technology, labor commitments, the environment, trade facilitation, transparency and good regulatory practices, and corporate accountability. The digital economy in particular best represents an area where we need to work with our IPEF partners, given the prominent role it plays in today’s global marketplace and how it affects our workers, our consumers, and our businesses.  And that’s why we will address issues in the digital economy that will help build connectivity and trust between key markets, including standards on cross-border data flows and data localizations. We will also work with our partners to address other digital concerns such as online privacy, discriminatory and unethical use of artificial intelligence. Collectively, the trade pillar will unlock enormous economic value, including for small- and medium-sized businesses that historically have not benefited from trade agreements as much as their large counterparts have. We also intend to pursue an accelerated implementation of the World Trade Organization’s Trade Facilitation Agreement, which will also address and improve the movement of goods across borders.  We will see commitments with IPEF partners that facilitate agricultural trade through science-based decision making and the adoption of sound, transparent regulatory practices.  This will help our farmers, our ranchers, and our fishers gain certainty for getting their products to the region. While these provisions will help promote inclusive economic prosperity, we also want this framework be part of our broader strategy to make trade a race to the top.  And that is why the IPEF will pursue an agenda for setting strong labor and environmental standards and corporate accountability provisions. In raising regional standards, we can set an example for the rest of the world to follow, which in turn helps all of our workers and communities.  Our aim is for the IPEF to address the challenges in the 21st century global economy. Tomorrow begins the next chapter of our collaboration with our key partners in the region. I look forward to convening our partners in the months ahead in a range of forms.  We will continue to work with stakeholders, as we have done for the last several months, to ensure a diverse range of interests and concerns are represented. We will work with members of Congress in both parties. And, of course, we will make frequent trips to the Indo-Pacific to engage leaders in this region and continue our discussions to create a fairer, more resilient economy for families, workers, and business in the United States and here in the Indo-Pacific. This is truly a team effort.  And I’m grateful to Jake Sullivan and Secretary Raimondo for their work in bringing this framework to life.  We believe it will deliver on the President’s vision of trade policy that promotes widespread economic growth and advances our shared global priorities.  And I’m excited to continue to keep all of you updated on our progress as we move forward. Thank you. MR. PATEL:  Thanks so much.  We will move into taking some folks’ questions.  As a reminder, this call is on the record, but it is embargoed until 4:15 Japan Standard Time tomorrow, May 23th. So with that, why don’t we start with Nancy Cook at Bloomberg. Q    Hi, thank you so much for doing the call.  I appreciate it.  Just an overview question.  You know, you talked a lot in the call about the commitments that you’re going to seek for these — for countries to join this agreement.  Are there any requirements?  Like, are you requiring participants to do anything?  Or is it really, like, suggestions and recommendations and commitments that you’re seeking? Really, I’m asking: Are there binding things or non-binding things? SECRETARY RAIMONDO:  So, this is Secretary Raimondo.  I would say there will certainly be — like any other agreement, it will be a negotiation at which will — which will, you know, begin post-launch.  So after tomorrow, we’ll spend the next — you know, the weeks ahead, scoping out each pillar. But, yes, there will be firm commitments.  There will be signed agreements.  And like any agreement, you know, we plan to have high-standard commitments that will be enforceable. Now, also, like any agreement, I would say the greatest enforcement is that if you don’t hold up your end of the bargain, you don’t receive the benefits.  And so there will be incentives to go ahead and live up to the commitments that will be part of the agreement. Q    Just to follow up, Secretary Raimondo: But tomorrow — like, what you’re unveiling tomorrow, there are not commitments in place at this point.  There are not, like, binding things.  Those are going to be negotiated moving forward.  Is that right? SECRETARY RAIMONDO:  Yep.  Yes, exactly.  Tomorrow is the beginning.  Tomorrow — tomorrow is the starting gate. It’s incredible that we have, you know, a dozen countries signed up to this.  But, yes, tomorrow we begin the negotiations.  And we will, in the weeks and months ahead, define precisely the de- — exactly what’s in each pillar and what each country will be committing to and signing up for. MR. PATEL:  Great, thanks so much. Next, let’s go to Peter Baker with the New York Times. Q    Hi there.  Thanks for doing the call, especially for doing it on the record.  Could you just outline for us a little bit more about what was wrong with the TPP negotiated by the Obama-Biden administration, that we’re not getting back into it and that you’re trying to distinguish this from?  In other words, what’s the big difference? And what is the incentive for countries in the region that want market access and tariff reductions but don’t seem to be getting it as part of this agreement? AMBASSADOR TAI:  Hi, Peter.  This is Katherine Tai.  So let me take your question first and see if the others want to join in after. With respect to TPP, I think that the biggest problem with it was that we did not have the support at home to get it through.  If you look back at the years 2015 and 2016, and despite Herculean efforts, it could not be gotten through Congress.  And then, in 2017, it was President Trump who took the United States out of it. I think that there’s a very, very strong lesson there: that TPP, as it was envisioned, ultimately was something that was quite fragile and that the United States was not able to deliver on.  And that informs very much our thinking about bringing the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, as it’s designed here, to the region — which is that trade is an important component of this, but not the only component.  So that we are bringing in more robust and comprehensive approach to our partners in this region. There has been a lot of swirl about the fact that there is not tariff liberalization incorporated into the scope of what we are engaging on here.  And I think that also goes to the fact that the kinds of trade agreements, the traditional ones that we’ve done before, are very much a part of the practice that has brought us to where we are, both in terms of the fragility of where that trajectory has taken us. But also, if you look at the world economy today, I just am — have arrived in Tokyo from the APEC meetings in Bangkok.  And of all of the counterparts that I had the chance to speak with in depth, each one of them reiterated for me that their priorities in their economic policymaking, including in trade, are to promote an economic recovery that advances resilience, sustainability, and inclusion for their economies. And they’re looking for engagement, especially from us, around a vision for trade and economic engagement that will reinforce those priorities, given where we are in the global economy and a couple of very, very turbulent years that we’re all still working to recover from. Q    And then, just to be clear then, the thing that made it — TPP — no good was it wasn’t able to be delivered, you couldn’t get it through Congress.  Are these agreements that will come out of this process agreements that will go to Congress at some point? AMBASSADOR TAI:  Peter, on that, let me say this: I think that the robust stakeholder engagement that you are hearing all of us talk about — stakeholders throughout our economy, expanding the table for engagement with our stakeholders, engaging with our traditional stakeholders — we can’t — they have to be part of the solution and part of our engagement. But bringing to the table and ensuring that other stakeholders, like our workers, like our environmental organizations, the ones who are the smartest about climate and the policy solutions that we need, that they have premier seats at the table and that they will be influencing and shaping the policies that we create. Our trading partners, our members of Congress — along the way, this engagement is designed for maximum supportability and durability because, ultimately, we know that this engagement is something that we need to stick for our partners and for our stakeholders at home in this region. Q    All right, I’m confused.  Does Congress vote on these agreements or not? AMBASSADOR TAI:  Let’s see where these negotiations take us, and let’s see where the discussions go.  But along the way, we have to keep — regardless, we have to keep Congress close, and Congress needs to be a part of shaping what we do with our partners here. MR. PATEL:  Thanks so much.  Let’s try to limit our follow-ups so we can get through as many of our colleagues as we can. Next, let’s go to Asma Khalid from NPR. Q    Hey, thank you guys for doing this.  I had two quick questions.  And one, I know, Jake, you touched on, actually, earlier a bit about Taiwan.  But if I could just get clarity here on the record about why Taiwan was not a part of this initial grouping of countries or self-governed democracies — whatever you want to call Taiwan — given its role in supply chains. And then the follow-up question is something that I also wanted to get clarity on — I believe Nancy touched on — around the incentives for countries to join.  Can you articulate at all what those incentives are?  Or have they not been, I guess, decided upon yet since negotiations haven’t begun with various countries? MR. SULLIVAN:  I’ll make a couple of comments but then invite both Secretary Raimondo and Ambassador Tai, particularly on the second question.  And Ambassador Tai should speak to the first one as well because she just met with her counterpart. But I would just say that we intend to pursue a deeper bilateral engagement with Taiwan on trade and economic matters in the coming days and weeks.  And we think that that track can help strengthen both of our economies while we’re also pursuing IPEF with the countries that we listed.  And we think it puts us in the best position for us to be able to enhance our economic partnership with Taiwan and also to carry IPEF forward with this diverse range of countries. Just briefly on what the U.S. has to bring to the table: I’d just start by saying that, you know, the premise of the question is that without market access, you know, countries wouldn’t be really interested.  Well, we’ve got an incredible range of countries who’ve signed up to this, including some with whom we haven’t had meaningful economic negotiations before. So why is that?  One reason is because having the opportunity to work closely with the United States on rules and standards; on greater clarity and transparency and coordination on supply chains; on innovation, as it applies to the digital economy and the decarbonization; on technical expertise; on anti-corruption matters and taxation; on investment in infrastructure and in growing businesses, both foreign direct investment in the U.S. where we have a huge market to offer people for that and the enormous investment we’re making in the region — the United States is going to be a partner of choice on all of the elements of this framework, even setting aside the question of traditional tariff liberalization. And so we think we bring a huge amount to the table.  And we think that proposition has been validated by the fact that we’ve gotten such an overwhelming and broad-scale response from, you know, the Indian subcontinent, to Down Under, to Southeast Asia, to Northeast Asia. And let me stop there and see if Katherine or Gina has anything they want to add. SECRETARY RAIMONDO:  No, I think that’s exactly right.  You know, I would just offer additionally, having spent time in the region, the demand to have the United States increasingly present economically is so strong, which is why, as Jake said, you know, a dozen countries have decided to join us tomorrow for the launch. You know, so, broadly, there is a strong desire to have U.S.  businesses, the United States government engaged in the region. Now, if you’re asking for kind of a list of specific issues, you know, it’s everything from trade facilitation — which, by the way, you know, we talk about there are non-tariff barriers, which often can be, you know, more expensive than tariffs, which — so, one, you know, we’ll have trade facilitation, as Katherine mentioned earlier; we’ll work together on technology standards to promote interoperable Internet and other kinds of standards. I mean, the Commerce Department sets standards in technology.  If you’re — if you don’t set standards in a way that allows your company to participate, you’re out of — out of business, you know?  So that’s a binary. Decarbonization of key industries. Capital.  You know, we expect that for the infrastructure pillar, there will be sources of public and private capital flowing from the United States into the region; you know, into infrastructure projects in countries in the region. So, anyway, the list is long.  But I think that there will be, you know, a very concrete benefit to countries in the region. By the way, just today, you know, you see reporting that Apple is looking to boost production outside of China.  And many companies — many U.S. companies are looking to diversify away from China.  Well, countries — Vietnam, Malaysia, Indonesia — that are actually signed up and in the Indo-Pacific Framework will obviously have an advantage to get that business from American companies, because they will have signed up to be the high-standard agreement that we plan to sign pursuant to the IPEF. So I think once we get underway, the concrete benefits are going to become pretty clear. AMBASSADOR TAI:  This is Katherine Tai.  Let me just very, very quickly — on the Taiwan question, I did just meet Minister John Deng in Bangkok.  And we had a great conversation.  It was a really, really encouraging and really dynamic meeting that we had. And coming out of the conversation we had — I think this was just two days ago — both Minister Deng and I have committed that our teams would be in touch and that we’d be in touch in the next couple of weeks.  So please stay tuned for that. In terms of the tariff question — again, the tariff liberalization, let me just put an additional point, add on to what — all of the great examples that Gina has just provided, which is: You know, in our trade policies, our trade experiences and trade relationships, we have so many examples of situations where there are no tariffs between us and another country.  And yet, you know, we have farmers who can’t get, for example, a single potato across the border and into the other market. And so, I just want to reinforce Secretary Raimondo’s point that, in terms of economic value, we’re looking at connectivity and we’re offering a program relating to connectivity for our stakeholders.  And that goes beyond tariffs. In fact, average bound tariff MFN for the United States right now is 2.4 percent.  It’s very low.  In terms of where the value is that is left to be unlocked in the global economy right now, it is in the areas where we are engaging through this framework. MR. PATEL:  Thanks so much.  I think we have time for one last question before our speakers have to head to another commitment. Why don’t we go next to Trevor Hunnicutt with Reuters. Q    Thanks for taking the question.  It’s a quick one.  Jake said that this is an open architecture arrangement.  Does that mean that it’s open to all countries in the region, regardless of how they perform on indices of economic freedom and democracy?  And what role do you see China potentially playing in this in the future? MR. SULLIVAN:  So I think one of the things we will do on a going-forward basis with addi- — in terms of additional members is work with the other countries that are now in — with the founding partners, so to speak — to determine both the process and criteria by which to add additional members. And it won’t just be if you raise your hand, you’re automatically in.  But we also want to maintain a proposition of inclusivity and diversity of economies. So the short answer is that we will not dictate, just as the United States, who comes in going forward, but we’ll have to work that with our partners.  And that will be part of those initial discussions that Secretary Raimondo referred to.  But that will immediately follow from the launch event tomorrow. Oh, and on China, just broadly speaking, those — the — what I just said would apply to that case. MR. PATEL:  Thank you so much.  As a reminder to everybody, this call was on the record, but it is under embargo until tomorrow at 4:15 Japan Standard Time.  Again, until 4:15 tomorrow, May 23rd, Japan Standard Time. Thanks so much, everyone, for joining and a special thanks to our speakers.  And we’ll all be in touch again over the course of this trip. 7:49 P.M. JST

美国驻华使团现推出一个新的系列视频——#伯恩斯大使的民主对话#。伯恩斯大使将采访多位美国的领袖人物，讨论民主对其意味着什么。 来看预告片，看看大使的第一组访谈嘉宾都有谁。 第一部分 尼古拉斯·伯恩斯大使的第一位对话嘉宾是斯坦福大学胡佛研究所所长、前美国国务卿康多莉扎·赖斯。和大使一起聆听赖斯讲述民主对她意味着什么。 第二部分 斯坦福大学胡佛研究所所长、前美国国务卿康多莉扎·赖斯分享她成长在民权运动时期的个人经历。 第三部分 斯坦福大学胡佛研究所所长、前美国国务卿康多莉扎·赖斯解释《权利法案》对美国民主的重要性。 第四部分 斯坦福大学胡佛研究所所长、前美国国务卿康多莉扎·赖斯谈全球民主的未来。 第一部分 欢迎加入伯恩斯大使与美国驻澳大利亚大使卡罗琳·肯尼迪的对话。在这次对话中她分享了民主对她而言具有什么意义。正如她所述：“这片土地上的最高的职务就是做一名公民。” 第二部分 美国驻澳大利亚大使卡罗琳·肯尼迪谈论选举的重要性，以及她第一次投票的经验。 第三部分 美国驻澳大利亚大使卡罗琳·肯尼迪谈在一个真正的民主体制下，个体权利的重要性。 第四部分 美国驻澳大利亚大使卡罗琳·肯尼迪谈论在美国很具活力的非盈利志愿者部门。 第五部分 美国驻澳大利亚大使卡罗琳·肯尼迪对全球民主的未来发表见解。 第一部分 请来听听伯恩斯大使与前美国驻华大使洪博培的对话，他分享民主对其之意义，以及其对《效忠誓词》的深刻思考。 第二部分 洪博培大使忆及11岁的他到白宫所见所闻的心得。 第三部分 洪博培大使阐述美国州和地方的民主实践。 第四部分 洪博培大使回想他在北京三味书屋举办的民众集会。 第五部分 洪博培大使深思如何在世界各地更好地促进民主以及民主的未来。 第一部分 加入伯恩斯大使和骆家辉大使的对话。他是第一位派驻中国的华裔美国大使。他分享了民主对他而言意味着什么，以及对“民有，民治，民享”的政府的反思。 第二部分 骆家辉大使不仅仅是第一位成为美国驻华大使的华裔美国人，也是第一位在美国本土当选州长的华裔人士。他分享了他的成长经验，以及他决定参选公职的心路历程。 第三部分 美国是个移民国家，我们的多元正是力量的泉源。骆家辉大使谈到了他个人以及更广大的美国移民故事跟民主之间有着何种关联。 第四部分 骆家辉大使谈论美国人以及我们的政府应该怎样在世界各地促进民主和民主价值观。 第五部分 前任美国驻华大使骆家辉谈论为何他对民主在全球的未来，以及民主价值观能够提升全世界人民地位的潜力感到乐观的理由。

U.S. Mission China is launching a new video series, #ConversationsOnDemocracy.  Ambassador Nicholas Burns will be speaking with American leaders about what democracy means to them. Watch the trailer to learn who his first guests are.

2020年9月1日美国东部夏令时间上午 10:38  发言人办公室 今天美国国务院国际安全与不扩散局、财政部外国资产管制办公室以及商务部工业与安全局就朝鲜的弹道导弹采购活动发布一份警告。 该警告明确了朝鲜导弹计划所使用的关键采购实体以及欺诈伎俩；概括介绍了美国法律下与朝鲜扩散活动相关的规定，包括实施制裁的职权机构；并列出了相关资源。该警告还包含附录，列出了朝鲜弹道导弹计划使用的关键物项以及当前受到美国政府制裁的朝鲜人士与实体。 朝鲜持续扩大其弹道导弹能力的做法对地区和全球稳定都构成重大威胁。2017年，朝鲜进行了其洲际弹道导弹系统的首次测试，并在过去一年里继续试射弹道导弹，违反了一系列联合国安理会决议。美国致力于与我们的国际伙伴一起努力来限制朝鲜导弹发展计划带来的威胁，挫败朝鲜为这些计划采购技术的图谋，并推动针对那些为朝鲜弹道导弹计划提供协助的实体与个人追究责任。 我们敦促私营部门对朝鲜为获取导弹相关技术与设备——包括该警告中明确的具体物项——而采取的举动保持警惕，并意识到协助——即便是无意中协助——朝鲜进行弹道导弹相关采购会面临受到美国和联合国制裁的风险。 该警告的链接：https://www.bis.doc.gov/index.php/documents/pdfs/2600-2020-north-korea-ballistic-missile-advisory

09/01/2020 10:38 AM EDT Office of the Spokesperson Today, the U.S. Department of State’s Bureau of International Security and Nonproliferation, the Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control, and the Department of Commerce’s Bureau of Industry and Security are issuing an advisory on North Korea’s ballistic missile procurement activities. The advisory identifies key procurement entities and deceptive techniques used by North Korea’s missile program, provides an overview of relevant provisions under U.S. law, including sanctions authorities, related to DPRK proliferation activities, and lists relevant resources. The advisory also contains annexes listing key items used in North Korea’s ballistic missile program, as well as DPRK persons and entities currently subject to sanctions by the U.S. Government. North Korea’s continued efforts to expand its ballistic missile capabilities pose a significant threat to both regional and global stability. In 2017, North Korea conducted its inaugural tests of intercontinental ballistic missile systems, and, over the past year, has continued to test launch ballistic missiles in violation of a series of United Nations Security Council Resolutions. The United States is committed to working with our international partners to help limit the threat posed by North Korea’s missile development efforts, disrupting North Korea’s attempts to procure technologies for these programs, and promoting accountability for those entities and individuals assisting North Korea’s ballistic missile program. We urge the private sector to remain vigilant to efforts by North Korea to acquire missile-related technologies and equipment, including the specific items identified in this advisory, and to be aware of the sanctions risks under U.S. and UN authorities for assisting, even inadvertently, North Korea’s ballistic missile-related procurement. Link to the advisory here: https://www.bis.doc.gov/index.php/documents/pdfs/2600-2020-north-korea-ballistic-missile-advisory

世界各地，人们在六月庆祝女同性恋、男同性恋、双性恋、变性者和跨性别者（LGBTI）的骄傲月。今年，当我们与朋友、同事、邻居和家人一道庆祝之际，我们借此机会指出我们的社区从社会上的每一位成员所获得的价值，我们需要一个兼容并蓄且提供支持的环境。LGBTI群体的痛苦，带来了石墙起义，转变成为力量、团结和决心，证明了一简单的事实，那就是我们不该无视任何有损尊严的事。 自从我过去任州长开始，我一向重视珍视多元和兼容职场文化的重要性。在中国的过去三年多来，我一直对这里尽心尽力、才华洋溢和多元的工作团队感到印象深刻。 在我们庆祝骄傲月之际，我们认识到光有言语是不够的。过去几周在美国和世界各地发生的事件严正地提醒我们民主是永不间断的工作，而“生命、自由和追求幸福”绝不能被视为理所当然。对美国黑人的不公不义是对所有美国人的不公不义。所以当我们仰望彩虹旗时，要让它提醒我们，考虑用每个人都可以采取的实际行动，以确保多元和兼容的价值观能深入我们的生活，不只是在这个月，而是全年的每一天。

Around the world, people celebrate Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Intersex (LGBTI) Pride during the month of June.  This year, as we celebrate with friends, colleagues, neighbors, and family members, we take the opportunity to recognize the value our communities gain from each member of society, and the need for inclusive and supportive environments.  The pain of the LGBTI community, which led to the Stonewall Uprising, has transformed into strength, unity, and resolve, and stands as a testament to the simple fact that it is important not to turn our back on any indignity. Since my time as Governor, I have valued the importance of embracing a workplace culture that values diversity and inclusivity.  Over the last three years in China, I have been impressed by the dedicated, talented, and diverse team of individuals who serve here.  As we celebrate Pride, we recognize that words are not enough.  The events of the last few weeks in the United States and across the globe serve as a solemn reminder that our democracy is a work in progress and that “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness” can never be taken for granted.  Injustice against black Americans is injustice towards all Americans.  And so as we look up at the Pride flag, let it serve as a reminder to consider concrete actions that each of us can take to ensure the values of diversity and inclusivity are embedded into our lives not just this month, but every day throughout the year.

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For more information about Hanoi Summit, please click here.

2020年8月11日美国东部夏令时间下午 05:37 发言人办公室 “中华人民共和国的企业开发和拥有的移动应用在美国的扩散持续威胁美国的国家安全、外交政策和经济。” —唐纳德·J·特朗普总统，2020年8月6日 ”我们已呼吁各国成为干净国家，以免他们公民的私人信息最终落入中国共产党手中。” —迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥国务卿，2020年7月23日 ***** “干净网络”各项举措 “干净网络”倡议是一项全面的举措，旨在应对诸如中国共产党（CPP）之类的威权主义恶意行为者对自由世界的数据隐私、安全和人权构成的长期威胁。“干净网络”植根于国际公认的数字信任标准，反映出我们致力于基于共同民主价值观和尊重人权的开放的、有互操作性且安全的全球互联网。这一举措代表着执行一项以受信任的伙伴联盟为基础的全政府多年持久战略。 ***** ***** ***** ***** *****   干净国家与领土 与美国一道加入“干净网络”的有三十多个志趣相投的干净国家和领土，他们致力于保护其5G网络，防范不受信任的供应商，同时/或者他们的电信运营商同意仅使用受信任的供应商。 ***** 干净电信公司 许多全球各地最大的电信公司正在选择仅使用受信任的供应商进行其5G网络的开发，从而成为干净电信公司。 ***** “干净网络”倡议的势头正在增长。美国呼吁我们在世界各地的政府和业界的盟友和伙伴加入这一日益发展的潮流，以确保我们的数据免受中共监控制度和中国防火墙的侵扰，它们造成数据有进无出，同样地，有宣传出而无真相进。通过建立伙伴联盟，我们将加强对公民数据和自由的保护。 关于“干净网络”的更多信息请见：https://www.state.gov/5g-clean-network/ 关于着手解决TikTok所构成威胁的行政令：https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/executive-order-addressing-threat-posed-tiktok/ 关于着手解决微信所构成威胁的行政令：https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/executive-order-addressing-threat-posed-wechat/ 了解由副国务卿基斯·克拉奇（Keith Krach）领导的美国经济外交，更多信息请见：https://www.state.gov/bureaus-offices/under-secretary-for-economic-growth-energy-and-the-environment/ “‘干净网络’保护美国资产”声明英文全文请见：https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/the-clean-network-safeguards-americas-assets/

FACT SHEET OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON AUGUST 11, 2020     “The spread in the United States of mobile applications developed and owned by companies in the People’s Republic of China (China) continues to threaten the national security, foreign policy, and economy of the United States.”                                                                                          —President Donald J. Trump, August 6, 2020  “We’ve urged countries to become Clean Countries so that their citizens’ private information doesn’t end up in the hand of the Chinese Communist Party.”                                                                                        —Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo, July 23, 2020 Just as the Trump Administration has taken unprecedented action to defend our physical borders, it is also defending the United States on cyber frontiers. The Clean Network Lines of Effort The Clean Network initiative is a comprehensive effort to address the long-term threat to data privacy, security, and human rights posed to the free world from authoritarian malign actors, such as the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The Clean Network is rooted in internationally accepted digital trust standards and is a reflection of our commitment to an open, interoperable, and secure global internet based on shared democratic values and respect for human rights. This effort represents the execution of a multi-year, all-of-government enduring strategy, built on a coalition of trusted partners. Clean Countries and Territories The United States is joined in The Clean Network by more than thirty like-minded Clean Countries and Territories who have committed protecting their 5G networks from untrusted vendors and/or their telecommunications carriers have agreed to only use trusted vendors.  Examples include: Albania Australia Canada Czech Republic Denmark Estonia France Greece Israel Japan Latvia Norway Poland Romania Slovenia Sweden Taiwan United Kingdom USA Vietnam Notable quotes: Clean Telcos Many of the largest telecommunications companies around the globe are becoming Clean Telcos by choosing to only use trusted vendors for their 5G network buildouts. Orange in France, Jio in India, Telstra in Australia, SK and KT in South Korea, NTT in Japan, Hrvatski Telekom in Croatia, Tele2 in Estonia, Three in Ireland, LMT in Latvia, Vodafone Ziggo in the Netherlands, Plus in Poland, Singtel in Singapore, TDC in Denmark, O2 in the United Kingdom, and all the 5G telcos in Canada, Norway, Vietnam, and Taiwan are rejecting doing business with tools of the CCP’s surveillance state, like Huawei. Notable quotes: Momentum for The Clean Network initiative is growing. The United States calls on our allies and partners in government and industry around the world to join the growing tide to secure our data from the CCP’s surveillance state and China’s Great Firewall, where data comes in but does not flow out and, reciprocally, propaganda goes out, but the truth doesn’t come in. By building a coalition of partners, we will enhance the protection of our citizens’ data and our freedoms. Get more information on The Clean Network: https://www.state.gov/5g-clean-network/ Executive Order on Addressing the Threat Posed by TikTok: https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/executive-order-addressing-threat-posed-tiktok/ Executive Order on Addressing the Threat Posed by WeChat: https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/executive-order-addressing-threat-posed-wechat/ Find out more about American economic diplomacy, headed by Under Secretary of State Keith Krach: https://www.state.gov/bureaus-offices/under-secretary-for-economic-growth-energy-and-the-environment/

国务卿安东尼·布林肯在联合国安理会多边主义问题公开辩论会上发表视讯讲话 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2021年5月7日 讲话 国务卿布林肯：上午好，下午好，晚上好。请允许我首先感谢中国和王外长发起这次有关联合国和国际秩序未来的重要讨论。也感谢联合国大会（General Assembly）主席博兹基尔（Bozkir）发挥的领导作用。 各国在第二次世界大战（World War II）结束后共襄盛举成立联合国。在此之前，实际上人类所有的历史都奉行强权即公理的法则。以往，竞争不可避免会引发冲突。一个国家或国家集团的崛起必然导致其他国家的衰亡。 当年，我们各国共同选择了一条不同的道路。我们采纳了一系列相关原则，目的在于防止冲突，缓解人类的痛苦；承认并捍卫人权；支持通过持续的对话维护和改善为全体人民谋利益的体系。 实力最强大的各国恪守这些原则。他们同意采取某种自我克制的形式——正如杜鲁门总统（President Truman）所说，不能容许自己随心所欲，为所欲为——因为他们认识到现行的世界最终不仅有利于人类的利益，而且也符合本身的利益。尽管当时美国是地球上实力超强的国家，美国仍然为此躬体力行。这符合明智的自我利益。我们相信，其他国家的成功对我们自身至关重要。我们不希望实力较弱的国家觉得自己受到威胁，随之感到必须联合起来对付我们。 从此，我们始终面临严峻的挑战，例如冷战（Cold War）时期的分裂、 殖民主义的遗虐，以及全世界在面临大规模屠杀时的束手无措。如今，全球各地出现冲突、非正义和苦难的现象强烈地告诫我们还有多少未竟之志需要达成。 然而，自联合国成立以来，现代历史空前地展示了更和平与更繁荣的景象。我们避免了核大国之间的武装冲突。我们帮助数百万人摆脱了贫困。我们促使人权达到前所未有的高度。 这项具有胆略的事业，不论有多少不完美之处，已经取得了绝无仅有的成就。这项事业能够持之以恒，是因为绝大多数的人民和国家继续视之为自身利益、自身价值观、自身希望的体现。 但是，现在遇到了严重的障碍。 民族主义死灰复燃，压迫日益猖獗，国家之间的对抗愈演愈烈——同时有规可循的秩序遭到的攻击正在加剧。现在已经有人提出了多边主义合作是否仍然可行的问题。 美国相信，这不仅可能，而且关系重大。 多边主义仍然是我们应对重大全球挑战最好的工具——例如今天我们无法聚集在会议桌旁，不得不通过屏幕举行会议。我们在全球各地都能看到，COVID-19新冠疫情改变了生活，数百万人丧生，经济、卫生、教育、社会进步都受到摧毁性的影响。 气候危机是另一个巨大的威胁。我们如果不迅速采取削减排放的行动，将面临灾难性的后果。 我们建立多边体系，目的之一在于解决诸如此类的重大、复杂的问题，世界各地人民的命运都与之息息相关，没有一个国家——不论其实力多强——可以单独应对这些挑战。 为此，美国通过多边机制努力制止COVID-19新冠疾病，应对气候危机。在这个过程中，我们将恪守国际秩序的核心原则。 我们还将在有关问题上与任何国家共同努力 ——包括与我们存在严重分歧的国家。兹事体大，绝不允许分歧阻挡合作的道路。这项原则也同样适用于制止核武器的扩散和使用，提供挽救生命的人道主义援助，管理致命的冲突等。 与此同时，我们在看到有些国家破坏国际秩序，佯装我们一致赞同的规则并不存在，或者直接肆意背信弃义的时候，必将继续强烈进行抵制。为了现行体系兑现承诺，毕成其功，所有的国家都必须恪守不渝，切实遵行。 我们可以通过三个途径达到目的。 首先，所有的成员都应该履行自己的承诺——特别是具有法律约束力的承诺，其中包括联合国宪章（UN Charter）、条约和公约、联合国安理会决议（UN Security Council resolutions）、国际人道主义法律，以及世界贸易组织（World Trade Organization）和确立各类标准的众多国际组织制定的规章和标准。 必须明确指出——美国并不想依靠这个有规可循的秩序压制其他国家。我们为建立和捍卫这个国际秩序进行了努力，同时这个秩序也导致一些与我们竞争最激烈的对手逐渐兴起。我们的目的很简单，即捍卫、维护和振兴现行秩序。 其次，人权和尊严必须在国际秩序中始终占据核心地位。 联合国的基本单元——如宪章的第一句话——不仅仅是国家，而且还有人民。某些人声称政府在自身边界内的行动是其内部事务，说什么人权属于主观的价值观，依各自的社会情况各不相同。然而，世界人权宣言（Universal Declaration of Human Rights）以“universal”（世界性）一词开宗明义，因为我们各国一致认为，任何地方的每一个人都享有某些权利。强调国内管辖权并不等于任何国家可以任意对本国人民进行奴役、施加酷刑、造成人员失踪，实行种族清洗，或者采取其他方式侵犯他们的人权。 由此涉及到我谈的第三点，即联合国所基于的原则是成员国主权平等。 当一个国家要重新划定另一个国家的边界时，或者试图使用武力或以武力相威胁去解决领土纠纷时，或者当一个国家声称有自己的势力范围可以命令或强迫另一个国家作选择和决定时，它没有尊重那项原则。当一个国家针对另一个国家散布假信息或以腐败作武器时，当破坏其他国家自由和公平的选举和民主机制时，或者当它迫害新闻工作者或海外的异议人士时，它是在蔑视那项原则。 这些敌意行动也会威胁联合国宪章责成本机构维护的国际和平与安全。 当联合国成员国——尤其是安理会常任理事国——无视这些原则并阻止向违背国际法的国家追究责任时，其所传递的信息是，其他国家可以违反规则而不受惩罚。 我们所有国家都必须接受伴随我们自愿作出的承诺而带来的严格审视，无论它是多么困难。这也包括美国。 我知道，我们近年的一些行动有损于基于规则的秩序，并使其他国家对我们是否仍然坚守承诺产生了质疑。我们请世界不要以我们的言辞，而是以我们的行动作出判断。 在拜登-哈里森（Biden-Harris）政府领导下，美国已经重新积极参与多边机制。我们重新加入了巴黎气候协议，重新对世界卫生组织（World Health Organization）作出承诺，并且正在争取重新进入人权理事会（Human Rights Council）。我们在进行外交努力，重新回到对《联合全面行动计划》（Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action）的相互遵守，加强核不扩散机制。我们是对疫苗全球获取机制（COVAX）的遥遥领先的最大赞助国，这是一个平等发放COVID-19疫苗的最佳机制，我们正在不附加政治条件地向其他国家提供千百万剂疫苗。 我们也在采取步骤，以非常谦卑的态度解决我们自身民主制度中的不平等和不公正。我们以公开和透明的方式这样做，让全世界的人都可以看到，即便有时是丑陋的，甚至有时是痛苦的。我们将通过这样做而变得更强大，更好。 同样，单纯捍卫我们现有的基于规则的秩序是不够的。我们应该改进和发展它。我们需要考虑到过去80年来的实力动态变化，不仅在国与国之间，而且它们内部。我们需要解决合理的诉愿——尤其是不公平的贸易做法——这些做法在许多国家内，包括在美国国内，引起了对开放的国际经济秩序的反弹。我们必须确保让这个秩序具备解决新问题的能力——如国家安全和新技术带来的人权关注，以及从网络攻击到监控到歧视性的演算程式等。 最后，我们需要把建立联盟的方式和开展外交及发展努力的对象现代化。这意味着跨越区域界限，打造非传统式的伙伴关系，将城市、私人行业，基金会、公民社会以及社会和青年运动结合到一起。 我们必须在国内和国家之间增进公平，弥合基于种族、性别以及其他决定我们身份认同的特征而长期存在的经济、政治和社会鸿沟。 杜鲁门总统在这个机构成立时说，“这个宪章不是任何无论大小的一个国家或一个国家群体的成就。它是一种相互妥协的精神，一种对他人的观点和利益予以包容的精神的产物”。他说，这证明了各国可以表述彼此的分歧，面视这些分歧，同时找到可以立足的共同点。 我们继续存在深刻的分歧——在联合国成员国之间和在本理事会内部。但是，美国将不遗余力地与任何信守对共创秩序的承诺的国家找到并立足于共同点，我们必须共同捍卫和重振这一秩序。 这是这一时刻的重大考验。让我们一道迎接它。 谢谢各位。

Secretary Antony J. Blinken Virtual Remarks at the UN Security Council Open Debate on Multilateralism May 7, 2021 Washington, D.C. SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Well, good morning, good afternoon, good evening.  Let me start by thanking China and Foreign Minister Wang for initiating this critical discussion on the future of the United Nations and the international order.  And thank you as well to the President of the General Assembly Bozkir for your leadership. When countries came together after World War II to form the United Nations, virtually all of human history up till then indicated that might made right.  Competition inevitably led to collision.  The rise of a nation or group of nations necessitated the fall of others. Then our nations united in choosing a different path.  We adopted a set of principles to prevent conflict and alleviate human suffering; to recognize and defend human rights; to foster an ongoing dialogue to uphold and improve a system aimed at benefiting all people. The most powerful countries bound themselves to these principles.  They agreed to a form of self-restraint – as President Truman put it, to deny themselves the license to do always as they pleased – because they recognized that this would ultimately serve not only humanity’s interests, but their own.  The United States did this, even though it was by far the most powerful nation on Earth at the time.  It was enlightened self-interest.  We believed other nations’ success was critical to ours.  And we didn’t want less powerful countries feeling threatened and obliged to band together against us. In the years since, we’ve faced daunting challenges, from the divisions of the Cold War, the vestiges of colonialism, and the times the world stood by in the face of mass atrocities.  And today, conflicts, injustice, and suffering around the globe underscore how many of our aspirations remain unfulfilled. But no period in modern history has been more peaceful or prosperous than the one since the United Nations was created.  We avoided armed conflict between nuclear powers.  We helped millions of people emerge from poverty.  We advanced human rights as never before. This bold endeavor, whatever its imperfections, has been an unprecedented achievement.  And it’s endured because the overwhelming majority of people and nations continue to see it as representing their interests, their values, their hopes. But now it’s in serious jeopardy. Nationalism is resurgent, repression is rising, rivalries among countries are deepening – and attacks against the rules-based order are intensifying.  Now, some question whether multilateral cooperation is still possible. The United States believes it is not only possible, it is imperative. Multilateralism is still our best tool for tackling big global challenges – like the one that’s forcing us to gather on a screen today rather than around a table.  The COVID-19 pandemic has changed life as we know it across the planet, with millions of deaths and devastating impacts on economies, health, education, social progress. The climate crisis is another massive threat.  If we don’t move swiftly to cut emissions, the results will be catastrophic. We built the multilateral system in part to solve big, complex problems like these, where the fates of people around the world are tied together and where no single country – no matter how powerful – can address the challenges alone. That’s why the United States will work through multilateral institutions to stop COVID-19 and tackle the climate crisis, and we will abide by the core principles of the international order as we do. We’ll also work with any country on these issues – including those with whom we have serious differences.  The stakes are too high to let differences stand in the way of our cooperation.  The same holds true for stemming the spread and use of nuclear weapons, delivering life-saving humanitarian assistance, managing deadly conflicts. At the same time, we will continue to push back forcefully when we see countries undermine the international order, pretend that the rules we’ve all agreed to don’t exist, or simply violate them at will.  Because for the system to deliver, all countries must abide by it and put in the work for its success. There are three ways we can do that. First, all members should meet their commitments – particularly the legally binding ones.  That includes the UN Charter, treaties and conventions, UN Security Council resolutions, international humanitarian law, and the rules and standards agreed to under the auspices of the World Trade Organization and numerous international standard-setting organizations. Let me be clear – the United States is not seeking to uphold this rules-based order to keep other nations down.  The international order we helped build and defend has enabled the rise of some of our fiercest competitors.  Our aim is simply to defend, uphold, and revitalize that order. Second, human rights and dignity must stay at the core of the international order.  The foundational unit of the United Nations – from the first sentence of the Charter – is not just the nation state.  It’s also the human being.  Some argue that what governments do within their own borders is their own business, and that human rights are subjective values that vary from one society to another.  But the Universal Declaration of Human Rights begins with the word “universal” because our nations agreed there are certain rights to which every person, everywhere, is entitled.  Asserting domestic jurisdiction doesn’t give any state a blank check to enslave, torture, disappear, ethnically cleanse their people, or violate their human rights in any other way. And this leads me to my third point, which is that the United Nations is based on the principle of the sovereign equality of its member-states. A state does not respect that principle when it purports to redraw the borders of another; or seeks to resolve territorial disputes by using or threatening force; or when a state claims it’s entitled to a sphere of influence to dictate or coerce the choices and decisions of another country.  And a state shows contempt for that principle when it targets another with disinformation or weaponized corruption, undermines other countries’ free and fair elections and democratic institutions, or goes after journalists or dissidents abroad. These hostile actions can also threaten the international peace and security that the United Nations Charter obliges this body to maintain. When UN member-states – particularly permanent members of the Security Council – flout these rules and block attempts to hold accountable those who violate international law, it sends the message that others can break those rules with impunity. All of us must accept the scrutiny, however difficult, that comes with the commitments we have freely made.  That includes the United States. I know that some of our actions in recent years have undermined the rules-based order and led others to question whether we are still committed to it.  Rather than take our word for it, we ask the world to judge our commitment by our actions. Under the Biden-Harris administration, the United States has already re-engaged vigorously in multilateral institutions.  We have rejoined the Paris climate accord, recommitted to the World Health Organization, and we’re seeking to rejoin the Human Rights Council.  We’re engaged in diplomacy to return to mutual compliance with the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action and to strengthen the nuclear nonproliferation regime.  We are by far the largest contributor to COVAX, the best vehicle for the equitable distribution of COVID-19 vaccines, and we’re making tens of millions of doses available to others without political considerations. We’re also taking steps, with great humility, to address the inequities and injustices in our own democracy.  We do so openly and transparently for people around the world to see, even when it’s ugly, even when it’s painful.  And we will emerge stronger and better for doing so. Likewise, it’s not enough simply to defend the rules-based order we have now.  We should improve and build upon it.  We need to take into account the change in power dynamics over the past eight decades, not only between countries but within them.  We need to address legitimate grievances – particularly unfair trading practices – that have provoked a backlash against an open international economic order in many countries, including in the United States.  And we must ensure that this order is equipped to address new problems – like national security and human rights concerns raised by new technologies, from cyber attacks to surveillance to discriminatory algorithms. Finally, we need to modernize the way we build coalitions and who we include in our diplomacy and development efforts.  That means forging non-traditional partnerships across regional lines, bringing together cities, the private sector, foundations, civil society, and social and youth movements. And we must improve equity within and between our countries and close economic, political, and social gaps that persist based on race, gender, and other parts of our identity that make us who we are. At the founding of this institution, President Truman said, “This Charter was not the work of any single nation or group of nations, large or small.  It was the result of a spirit of give-and-take, of tolerance for the views and interests of others.”  He said it was proof that nations can state their differences, face them, and find common ground on which to stand. We continue to have profound differences – among the UN member-states and within this Council.  But the United States will spare no effort to find and stand on that common ground with any country that upholds its commitments to the order we founded together, and which we must defend and revitalize together. That’s the great test of this moment.  Let’s meet it together. Thank you.

2023年2月15日   感谢各位今晚欢迎我来参加这个盛大的晚宴。感谢华刚林、何迈可、以及美国商会在北京的整个团队。   美国使团出席的所有人，包括我们的副团长米德伟，高级商务公参Laurie Farris，都不胜感谢。   我也要向中方的同仁致意，感谢万钢副主席的莅临。感谢国际贸易代表王受文副部长、中国国际贸易促进委员会任鸿斌会长、以及其他中国官员今晚的出席。   我今晚很荣幸与各位一同参加美国商会的年度答谢晚宴。   在今晚的发言中，我要简短提出三点。   首先，我要感谢美国商会伙伴对我们使领馆的大力支持。美国商会的诸位，是美国政府与在华美国企业之间在这里重要的联系。   我上任大使快一年了。我得说，美国商会令我刮目相看。各位的建言和支持让我受益良多，我在美国使团的所有同事也深有同感。   美国商会坚定不移地在中国和美国政府中为美国企业发声，提供各位宝贵的平台，确保各位拥有取得成功的最佳环境。   美国商会也在美中经济关系中扮演重要的角色，并在美国国内创造工作机会。商务部在上周才刚宣布美中贸易总额，双边货物贸易额达6,906亿美元。中国是美国继加拿大和墨西哥后的第三大贸易伙伴。美国对华出口在2022年达到1,540亿美元的记录水平。再者，农业部也才公布美国对华农产品有史以来最高的销售金额409亿美元，这是去年美国农场主和牧场主最大的出口市场。   感谢美国商会扮演积极为美国企业发声的角色，并为其在中国争取公平的竞争环境。   我们感谢您们所做的调查报告和简报，阐述美国企业所面临的诸多挑战和机会。美国商会的会员企业熟知双边贸易关系长久以来的问题，以及中国政府大量不公平的经济政策和实践，仍旧尚未解决。   作为大使，我很关注经济关系中的不平衡继续不断扩大，其大部分是因为中国政府政策所导致的。   我和我在美国使团的同事研读了500多页的美国商会白皮书，其详细提供尚有多少中国政府仍未解决的长期关注，包括：中国政府长期对国有企业的扶持；补贴和产业政策；在采购过程中偏向国产品；对外国文化产品的审查和其他限制；严苛的网络安全和数据本地化要求；以及令人无法接受的网络入侵—这都还只是其中的一些。   我们对于在中国保护各位的知识产权持续有着深切的关注，虽然多年来努力不断。这些有关中国对美国知识产权侵犯关注，近年来变得越来越复杂，越来越令人担忧。   在我们长期为美国企业争取公平竞争环境的努力中， 美国商会和类似性质的组织很是重要。今晚在座的各位对这些努力都是至关重要的。   我可以向您保证，美国使团会继续支持在此地从商，但面临诸多挑战的美国企业。   我们希望在所有议题上都能帮助在华的美国企业。我们在美国使团会继续向中方的同行对口，捍卫各位的立场。我们将毫不动摇地坚持那些重要的美国利益，并要中国政府担负责任。   我要提出的第二点，今晚在座的各位一定不会感到意外。过去的一年，是记忆中最具挑战性的之一。我们的使领馆竭尽全力提供支援，确保美国公民和企业在新冠疫情期间度过种种挑战，这令我感到骄傲。   2022年年初，一年前清零政策全面实施，我们所面临的情况和今天非常不一样。   在数个月期间，多次、时不时的封控、对工作和旅行的干扰、令人无法接受的发烧医院、烦不胜烦的检测和其他种种发生时，我们美国使团的团队动员协助解决美国公民的旅行事宜、取得医疗照顾、并应对多起富挑战性的情况。   最困难的莫过于去年春天上海封城。我们动员所有派驻地的人员来进行支援，派遣60多名官员满足数千名美国公民的需求，来度过危机。   我们设立24小时的指挥中心，应对处理行动和资源前所未有过的限制。   我希望您们都感受到，总领事何乐进领导有方的美国驻上海总领馆所提供给美国商界的支援。   如今，清零、封控、大规模检测幸好都已成过去，让我们期盼美国企业的营商环境，2023年的可预见性会比去年来得高。我也期待今年能到中国各地访问，也能造访各位的企业，第一手看看美国商界在这里的运作。   我最后的第三点，是过去几周大家都看到的，这是美国与中国双边关系中真正面临挑战的时刻。拜登总统的战略很清楚 – 处理美中关系，“投资、协同、竞争”。   我们对国内的基础设施和经济进行的的确确是世代性的重大投资；加强我们和日本、澳大利亚、韩国、菲律宾和泰国的历史盟友关系，也建立美英澳三边安全伙伴关系，并扩大四方安全对话的合作。其结果就是，极大地增强了美国在印太的战略地位。当必要时，在与中国的竞争上，我们也不会退缩，因为这经常是在安全、经济、技术和人权领域。   当中国政府经济政策损害我们的国家安全时，我们会对其加以保护，就如同其他国家所在做的一样。各位已经看到，例如我们近几个月来，在关键技术领域对中国采取强有力的出口管制行动。正如国务卿安东尼·布林肯最近所做的发言，“如火如荼的竞争正在展开，其将打造接下来真正会发生的情况”，技术将扮演重要的角色重整我们的经济，并重塑整个星球上人们的生活。     总而言之，我们将继续坚持美国根本的价值观，包括涉及新疆、西藏和香港人权的首要性。让我们铭记法治、公平竞争、人类尊严和自由是营商环境成功必不可少的。铭记这一点，美国企业必须继续遵守《防止强迫维吾尔人劳动法》中严格的规定。   如同各位可以从我们的政策和行动上所看到的，我们将在美中关系中，继续保护我们的国家安全，并在关键技术上保持尽可能大的领先。   美国也始终如一地表示，我们已经准备好与中国在我们利益重合的领域合作，例如气候变化、全球卫生、打击非法芬太尼前体运输和其对美国各地所造成的毁灭性影响、粮食安全。   最后，过去的两周对我们与中国的关系特别具有挑战性，因为不负责任、非法的中国侦察气球，公开侵犯美国的主权、领土完整、以及国际法。   如同拜登总统上周在国情咨文中所说的，让我在此引述：“我们寻求的是竞争而不是冲突。但我不认为我们投资美国以使其更为强大有任何不妥。投资于美国的创新，投资于那些决定未来的、中国试图主导的产业。投资于我们的联盟，并与我们的盟友合作以保护我们的先进技术不被用来针对我们。”   “今天，我们处于几十年以来最强健的地位，可以与中国或世界上其他任何国家竞争。在那些可以促进美国利益并造福全世界的领域，我致力于与中国合作。但毋庸置疑：正如上周我们所表明的，如果中国威胁到我们的主权，我们将采取行动保护我们的国家。并且我们已经这样做了。”   简而言之，美国驻华使团将持续支持美国商会。   我们期待在接下来的一年与各位合作。齐心共进，我们将确保在华的美国企业取得成功。我们美国使团的大门对在华的美国企业都是敞开的。我们期待在未来的几个月与诸位见面。   我祝各位兔年鸿图大展，万事安康，并期待与诸位一起努力，达到我们共同的目标。   刚林、迈可和所有美国商会的人员，感谢您们精心筹备的晚宴。   感谢给我如此殊荣来此演讲。

February 15, 2023   Thank you very much for welcoming me tonight to this magnificent dinner. Thank you to Colm, Michael, and the entire AmCham team here in Beijing.   All of us here from the U.S. Mission, including our Deputy Chief of Mission, Dave Meale and Senior Minister Councilor for Commercial Affairs, Laurie Farris, are very grateful.   And to our Chinese colleagues, thank you Vice Chairman Wan Gang for your participation. Thank you to International Trade Representative Vice Minister Wang Shouwen, Chairman of the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade Ren Hongbin, and other Chinese officials who are here tonight.   It is my great pleasure to join you this evening for the AmCham’s Annual Appreciation dinner.   I want to make three brief points in my remarks this evening.   First, I want to acknowledge the immense support our embassy and consulates receive from our AmCham partners. You in AmCham are a vital link between the U.S. government and American businesses here in China.   I’ve been Ambassador here for nearly a year. And I must tell you—I’ve been very impressed by AmCham.  I’ve benefited from your advice and support, as have all my colleagues in the U.S. Mission.   AmCham is a steadfast advocate for American businesses with both the Chinese and U.S. governments – offering all of you a valued platform to ensure you have the best environment possible to succeed.   AmCham has also played a key role in the U.S.-China Economic relationship while creating jobs back home in the USA. The Department of Commerce announced just last week the final 2022 U.S.-China trade figures.  They show $690.6 billion in two-way trade in goods.  China is the third largest U.S. trade partner after Canada and Mexico.  American exports to China reached a record level of $154 billion in 2022.  In addition, the Department of Agriculture just announced its highest figure ever of $40.9 billion in U.S. agriculture sales to China, the largest export market for American farmers and ranchers last year.   We appreciate the role AmCham is playing in actively advocating for American businesses and championing a level playing field in the PRC.   We are thankful for your surveys and briefings on the many challenges and opportunities that U.S. businesses are facing. AmCham members know well the longstanding issues in the bilateral trade relationship and the vast array of unfair Chinese government economic policies and practices that remain unaddressed.   As Ambassador, I am concerned that imbalances in the economic relationship caused in large part by unfair PRC government policies, continue to grow.   My colleagues and I at the U.S. Mission have reviewed and studied the 500+ page AmCham White Paper, which provides important detail on how many of these long-standing concerns remain unaddressed by the PRC government, including: the PRC’s longstanding support for its state enterprises; its subsidies and industrial policies; its preferences for domestic products in the procurement processes; its censorship and other restrictions on foreign cultural products; its strict cybersecurity and data localization requirements; and its objectionable cyber intrusions – to name just a few.   And we have deep and continued concerns about protecting your intellectual property in China despite years of sustained efforts. These concerns – about Chinese violations of American intellectual property – have only become more complex and worrisome in recent years.   The American Chamber and its fraternal organizations are central to our long struggle for a level playing field for U.S. firms. Everyone here this evening is critical to these efforts.   I can assure you the U.S. Mission will continue to support American businesses facing the many challenges to doing business here.   We want to help American companies in the PRC on all these issues. We in the U.S. Mission will continue to work with our PRC counterparts to make your case.  We will be unwavering in asserting these important American interests and in holding the PRC accountable.   My second point will not surprise anyone in this room tonight. The year past was among the most challenging in memory.  I am proud of the hard work that our embassy and consulates did to ensure that American citizens and businesses were supported throughout the challenges that came with the Covid-19 pandemic.   In early 2022 — one year ago with Zero-COVID policies in full effect – we were facing a very different situation than we are today.   During the numerous and sporadic lockdowns, disruptions to work and travel, objectionable fever hospitals, intrusive testing and more over many months, our U.S. Mission team mobilized to help U.S. citizens travel, receive medical care, and address many other challenging situations.   Nowhere was this more difficult than during last spring’s extended lockdown in Shanghai. We mobilized support for those affected by drawing from all of our posts, deploying over 60 officers to meet the needs of thousands of American citizens throughout the crisis.   We ran a 24-hour command center and confronted unprecedented mobility and resource restrictions.   I hope you all felt that support for the American business community by the U.S. Consulate General in Shanghai, led by our outstanding Consul General Jim Heller.   With Zero-COVID, lockdowns, and mass testing all mercifully behind us, let us hope the environment for American business will be more predictable in 2023 than the year past. I am looking forward to traveling throughout China this year and visiting many of your companies and seeing first-hand the work that the U.S. business community is doing here.   My third and final point is one that has come into full view in the last few weeks — this is a time of genuine challenge in the bilateral relationship between the U.S. and China. President Biden’s strategy is clear — “invest, align, compete” in U.S.-China relations.   We are making major, indeed generational investments in our infrastructure and economy at home; we are strengthening our historic alliances with Japan, Australia, the Republic of Korea, the Philippines, and Thailand as well as with the creation of AUKUS and expanding cooperation in the Quad. The result is that the strategic position of the U.S. here in the Indo-Pacific has been strengthened immeasurably.  We will also never shrink from competition with the PRC when that is necessary, as it often is in the security, economic, technology, and human rights realms.   We will protect our national security when it is undermined by PRC economic policies, just as other countries are doing.  You have, for example, seen this in our strong export control actions against China in recent months in key technology areas. As Secretary of State Antony Blinken recently remarked, “there’s an intense competition that’s underway to shape what actually comes next,” and technology will play a key role in retooling our economies and will reshape the lives of people across the planet.   More broadly, we will continue to assert foundational American values, including with regard to the primacy of human rights in Xinjiang, Tibet, and Hong Kong.  Let us remember that the rule of law, fair play, and human dignity and freedom are essential to a successful business climate. With that in mind, American firms must continue to abide by the strict requirements of the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act.   As you can see from our policies and actions, we will continue to protect our national security in the U.S.-China relationship and maintain as large a lead as possible in critical technologies.   The U.S. has also been consistent in saying that we are ready to work with China when our interests coincide— such as on climate change, global health, the fight against illicit shipment of Fentanyl precursors and the devastating impact it has had across America, and food security.   Finally, the past two weeks have been particularly challenging for our relationship with China with the irresponsible and illegal PRC surveillance balloon and its open violation of U.S. sovereignty, territorial integrity, and international law.   As President Biden said in his State of the Union Address last week — let me quote him here: “we seek competition, not conflict. But I will make no apologies that we’re investing to make America stronger.  Investing in American innovation, in industries that will define the future, that China intends to be dominating. Investing in our alliances and working with our allies to protect advanced technologies so they will not be used against us.”   “Today, we’re in the strongest position in decades to compete with China or anyone else in the world. And I am committed to work with China where we can advance American interests and benefit the world.  But make no mistake about it: As we made clear last week, if China threatens our sovereignty, we will act to protect our country.  And we did.”   In sum, the U.S. Mission in China will continue to support AmCham.   We look forward to another year of continued collaboration with you. Together, we will ensure the success of U.S. business in China.  Our U.S. Mission doors are open to all American companies here in China.  We look forward to meeting with all of you in the months ahead.   I wish you all a prosperous and healthy year of the rabbit and look forward to working together to achieve our mutual goals.   To Colm, Michael, and all in AmCham — thank you for this dinner.   Thank you for the privilege of speaking this evening.

President Executive Office Seal 美国贸易代表办公室 供立即发布 2019年12月13日 联络方式: 美国贸易代表公共与媒体事务 media@ustr.eop.gov 美国与中国达成第一阶段贸易协议 华盛顿DC — 美国与中国就第一阶段贸易协议达成了一份具历史性的且可执行的协议，该协议要求在知识产权、技术转移、农业、金融服务以及货币和外汇领域对中国的经贸体制进行结构性改革和其他改变。第一阶段协议还包括中国承诺在未来几年大规模采购更多美国商品和服务。重要的是，该协议建立一个强有力的争端解决机制，确保迅速有效地落实和执行。美方已同意对其301条款下的关税行动做重大调整。 美国贸易代表罗伯特·莱特希泽表示；“特朗普总统专注于完成第一阶段协议，达成有意义的、可全面执行的结构性改变，开始重新平衡美中贸易关系。这个前所未有的协议达到这些非常重大的目标，若没有总统强有力的领导是不可能的。” 财政部长斯蒂芬·马努钦表示；” 今天与中国第一阶段协议的宣布将特朗普总统的经济议程又向前推进了一大步。感谢总统的领导，这个标志性协议代表朝向更加平衡的贸易关系，以及给美国劳工和企业更加公平的竞争环境的关键进展。” 根据就中国在技术转移、知识产权和创新方面的行为、政策和做法的301条款调查，美国先前对中国进口施加关税。美国将对价值约2500亿美元的中国进口维持25%的关税，以及对价值约1200亿美元中国进口的7.5%关税。

Office of the United States Trade Representative FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE December 13, 2019 Contact: USTR Public & Media Affairs media@ustr.eop.gov United States and China Reach Phase One Trade Agreement Washington, DC –  The United States and China have reached an historic and enforceable agreement on a Phase One trade deal that requires structural reforms and other changes to China’s economic and trade regime in the areas of intellectual property, technology transfer, agriculture, financial services, and currency and foreign exchange.  The Phase One agreement also includes a commitment by China that it will make substantial additional purchases of U.S. goods and services in the coming years.  Importantly, the agreement establishes a strong dispute resolution system that ensures prompt and effective implementation and enforcement.  The United States has agreed to modify its Section 301 tariff actions in a significant way. “President Trump has focused on concluding a Phase One agreement that achieves meaningful, fully-enforceable structural changes and begins rebalancing the U.S.-China trade relationship.  This unprecedented agreement accomplishes those very significant goals and would not have been possible without the President’s strong leadership,” said United States Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer. “Today’s announcement of a Phase One agreement with China is another significant step forward in advancing President Trump’s economic agenda.  Thanks to the President’s leadership, this landmark agreement marks critical progress toward a more balanced trade relationship and a more level playing field for American workers and companies,” said Secretary of the Treasury Steven Mnuchin. The United States first imposed tariffs on imports from China based on the findings of the Section 301 investigation on China’s acts, policies, and practices related to technology transfer, intellectual property, and innovation.  The United States will be maintaining 25 percent tariffs on approximately $250 billion of Chinese imports, along with 7.5 percent tariffs on approximately $120 billion of Chinese imports.

每年夏季，美国驻华使团处理的学生和学者签证申请数量在全年中是最多的。美国提供的事实和数据如下：

As summer is the time of year where U.S. Mission China processes the bulk of student and scholar visa applications, the United States provides the following facts and figures.

U.S. Department of State Seal 在国际反腐败日，我们重申我们致力于在全球范围内预防和打击腐败的决心。腐败阻碍经济增长和发展，助长跨国犯罪，并助长恐怖主义，夺走世界各地公民的基本权利。腐败助长并维持独裁领导，削弱对民主制度的信心，为掠夺行为者创造利用我们的伙伴的机会。它还造成政治危机和治理挑战，危害我们国家安全…… 美国通过许多机构，包括美国国务院和美国国际发展署，采取全面的方式打击腐败。我们致力于通过强有力的外交参与，通过支持有多个利益攸关方的倡议和公民社会，通过对外援助建立更强有力的伙伴和透明、可信赖的机构，以及通过施加有针对性的制裁和签证限制，来追究腐败者的责任。只有通过包含这些众多工具并得到所有利益攸关方支持的战略，我们才能有效地应对腐败。 2019年，国务院根据《 2019年国务院、对外行动及相关计划拨款法案》第7031（c）条款的规定，公开列出了近40名公职人员及其近亲属，因为他们参与了严重的腐败行为。我们将继续在全球范围内使用此权限，以防止外国政府的腐败官员及其近亲属前往美国并在美国使用不义之财。 在这一天，我们再次呼吁所有国家着手解决腐败的祸害；有效履行其国际反腐败承诺，包括《联合国反腐败公约》下的承诺；支持公民社会和新闻工作者；并采取措施促进开放和可问责的治理

PRESS STATEMENT MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE DECEMBER 9, 2019 Today, on International Anticorruption Day, we reaffirm our commitment to prevent and combat corruption globally.  Corruption obstructs economic growth and development, facilitates transnational crime, and fuels terrorism, robbing citizens around the world of their basic rights.  Corruption enables and sustains autocratic leaders, weakens faith in democratic systems, creates opportunities for predatory actors to take advantage of our partners. It also creates political crises and governance challenges that endanger our national security. The United States, through a number of agencies, including the U.S. Department of State and U.S. Agency for International Development, takes a comprehensive approach to fighting corruption.  We work to hold the corrupt accountable through robust diplomatic engagement, by supporting multi-stakeholder initiatives and civil society, through foreign assistance to build stronger partners and transparent, trustworthy institutions, and by levying targeted sanctions and visa restrictions.  We can only tackle corruption effectively with a strategy that includes these many tools and has buy-in from all stakeholders. In 2019, the State Department publicly designated almost 40 public officials and their immediate family members due to their involvement in significant corruption, pursuant to Section 7031(c) of the Department of State, Foreign Operations and Related Programs Appropriations Act, 2019.  We will continue to use this authority globally to prevent corrupt officials of foreign governments and their immediate family members from traveling to and spending their ill-gotten gains in the United States. On this day, we renew our call to all countries to address the scourge of corruption; effectively implement their international anticorruption commitments, including those under the UN Convention against Corruption; support civil society and journalists; and take measures to promote open and accountable governance.

白宫 华盛顿特区 2021年12月10日   拜登总统在民主峰会闭幕会上的讲话 南院礼堂（South Court Auditorium） 艾森豪威尔行政办公楼（Eisenhower Executive Office Building） 美东标准时间下午1时57分   总统：感谢各位参加民主峰会（Summit for Democracy），并对作为我们国家和国际力量根源的共同价值观再次作出承诺。 在这次会议准备期间和过去两天里，我们听到来自世界各个地区的政府领导人以及民主改革人士谈民主面临的挑战和重振民主的机会。 从亚利桑那州的梅萨（Mesa, Arizona），到德国的曼海姆（Mannheim），我们促进了全球各地市长之间和其他在第一线通过基层政府——管理——展现民主实力的领导人之间的交流和联系。 我们凸显了保护媒体自由的重要性，以及提高妇女和女童的地位如何是对使民主成功的投资。 我们着重关注了赋予人权卫士权能的必要性，并且确保让技术——给我们的生活带来这么多功能的技术被用于推进民主和使人民更加意气风发，而不是用于压制束缚人民。 我们倾听了年轻人的担忧——未来与他们最为攸关，他们明确表达了这点——倾听了什么对他们最要紧以及确保在我们的民主社会中有他们的声音是多么重要。 虽然我们每一个国家面前都有独特的挑战，许多具体情况各异，但是，我们面临的威胁和我们寻求的解决方案有着共同背景。这不是一场任何人单独面对的斗争。它是所有人的斗争。 我们的承诺，对我们自己，对我们自己的人民，以及对彼此的承诺，将不仅巩固我们的民主；通过反击专制，打击腐败和促进所有人的人权，这将帮助在富饶的民主大地上播种，在全世界遍地开花。 我为我们所目睹的汇集全球人民支持共同民主价值观的能量和热情感到鼓舞。 仅举一个例子。在峰会前，巴拿马、哥斯达黎加和多米尼加共和国总统组成了“加强民主机制联盟”，旨在就透明度、人权、经济发展和在整个地区加强民主进行合作。 我希望随着我们明年就此展开行动，将会更多看到这种激励人心的承诺与合作。 我希望我们每一个国家都将衡量努力的结果，以便我们能够在明年第二届民主峰会上汇报取得的进展。我希望届时我能够当面欢迎你们所有人。 在我们这里，正如我昨天所说，美国致力于在国内加强民主，并与全球各地伙伴共同证明，民主国家能够在对人民最重要的问题上满足人民的需要。 在国内，这意味着要将美国的全部承诺变为现实——包括使《自由投票法案》（Freedom to Vote Act）和《约翰·刘易斯投票权促进法案》（John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act）通过生效。 因为在世界各地存在的情况在美国也有。投票的神圣权利，自由投票，自己的选票必须算数的权利，是民主的起点自由——对所有民主国家都是如此。有了它，一切都有可能。没有它，几乎什么都不可能。 所以，我们必须携起手来，做到这点，我们也必将做到。 美国也将继续为战胜这场疫情而努力，与世界卫生组织、新冠疫苗全球获取机制  COVAX以及其他合作伙伴一道，挽救生命，让全球获得COVID-19新冠疫苗免疫，增进所有人的健康安全。 我们正在调动民主伙伴关系的力量，如七国集团（G7）和四方伙伴（Quad），以便扩大我们共有的能力，生产和运送疫苗，帮助让每个地方的每个人都打上疫苗。 我们以严肃的态度和紧迫感对应气候危机——并作出我们在全球年轻人那里看到的明确道义回响。 我们明确，民主价值观是国际体系的核心，它们也是几十年来全球发展与繁荣的根本因素。 我们致力于与所有持这些价值观的国家合作，建立将主导我们在21世纪前进的道路规则——包括在网络安全和新兴技术问题上——从而让后代继续得到我们所得到的自由和民主的恩惠。 我想在这次民主峰会结束之际与大家谈的最后一点是，我们知道我们前面的工作有多么艰巨，但是，我们也知道我们能够胜任这个挑战。 正如我此前所说，也正像这次聚会所显示的，民主遍四方。 专制永远无法熄灭燃烧在全球，在世界四面八方的人们心中的自由之火。 它不分国界。它用每一种语言发出声响。它活跃在全球各地斗争前线的反腐败活动人士、人权卫士、新闻工作者、和平示威者的心中。 它活跃在市政会议、工会选举，以及在世界各地每当人们走到一起共同解决问题和消除分歧的日常小小行动中——采用公民社会赋予个人权能的各种方式，使个人能够就事关他们的生活和切身利益的问题直接发表意见。 因此，捍卫民主要求有全社会的努力。它要求我们所有人。 作为政府领导人，我们有责任倾听公民的声音，巩固民主的防护栏，推动改革，以便让透明和响应民意的政府更有能力抵御来自专制主义和那些想赤裸裸以权谋私者的攻击。 大家知道，我们必须与私人行业共同努力打击腐败，建立更公平的经济，让更多的人分享成果。 我们必须向我们的公民赋权，让他们能够以最高理想为准则向我们所有人问责，确保让我们言行一致。 在我们结束第一会议之际，让我们共同重申我们的决心：未来将属于珍视人类尊严而不是践踏人类尊严的人；属于释放人民潜力而不是扼杀人民潜力的人；属于让人民能够自由呼吸而不是用铁掌窒息人民的人。 你们知道，正如爱尔兰诗人谢默斯·希尼（Seamus Heaney）曾写道的： ……千载难逢， 冀盼的正义浪潮 澎湃涌生， 希望和历史与之合拍。 那浪潮不是凭空涌现，不是偶然发生。 它之所以出现，是因为人们释放出了理想与意志的不可抗拒的力量。 是民主能够让希望和历史与之合拍。 今天，希望和历史在我们手中。 所以，让我们立雄心大志，一起来迎接挑战。 谢谢你们。我期待明年我们将落实各自的所有承诺。谢谢你们。   欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2021/12/10/remarks-by-president-biden-at-the-summit-for-democracy-closing-session/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

DECEMBER 10, 2021•SPEECHES AND REMARKS South Court Auditorium Eisenhower Executive Office Building 1:57 P.M. EST THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you, everyone for participating in the Summit for Democracy and for renewing our dedication to the shared values that are the root of our national and international strength. In the lead-up to this gathering, over the last two days, we’ve heard government leaders, as well as democratic reformers from every region of the world, talk about the challenges that democracy is facing and the opportunities for its renewal. We’ve facilitated conversations and connections among mayors around the globe — from Mesa, Arizona, to Mannheim, Germany — and other leaders who are on the frontlines of demonstrating the power of democracy through local governments — governance. We’ve shone a spotlight on the importance of protecting media freedom and how advancing the status of women and girls is an investment in the success for our democracies. And we’ve focused on the need to empower human rights defenders and make sure technological and — technology enables so much of our lives that is used to advance democracies to lift people up, not to hold them down. We’ve heard the concerns of young people who have had a greater stake in the future than anyone else — and they’ve made that clear — about what matters to them most and how important it is to make sure their voices are included in our democracies. And though each of our nations faces unique challenges and many of the specific circumstances are different, the threat we face and the solutions we seek have a common antecedent.  This is not a struggle of any one facing it alone; it’s all of us. And the commitments we’ve made to ourselves, to our own people, to one another will not only strengthen our own democracies by pushing back against autocracies fighting corruption and promoting human rights for all people — this is going to help seed the fertile ground for democracy to bloom around the world. And I’m so encouraged by the energy and the enthusiasm we’ve seen to rally people around the world in support of our shared democratic values. As just one example: In advance of the Summit, the presidents of Panama, Costa Rica, and the Dominican Republic formed, quote, an “alliance to strengthen democratic institutions,” end of quote, to cooperate — to cooperate on transparency, human rights, economic development, and strengthening democracy throughout the region. This is the sort of inspiring commitment and partnerships that I hope we’ll see more of as we undertake this issue in the next year of action. And I hope that each of our countries are going to measure the results of our efforts so that we can report back on our progress at a second Summit for Democracy next year, when I hope to welcome each of you in person. For the — for our part, as I said yesterday, the United States is committed to strengthening our democracy at home and to working with parties around the world — around the globe to prove that democracies can deliver for people on issues that matter most to them. Here at home, that means working to make real the full promise of America, including by enacting both the Freedom to Vote Act and the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act. Because what’s true around the world is also true in the United States: The sacred right to vote, to vote freely — the right to have your vote counted is the threshold of liberty for democracy — for every democracy.  With it, anything is possible.  Without it, virtually nothing is possible. So, we have to come together and get it done, and we will. The United States is also going to continue our efforts to beat the pandemic, working with the World Health Organization, COVAX, and other partners to save lives, vaccinate the world against COVID-19, and advance health security for everyone. We’re leveraging our democratic partnerships, like the G7 and the Quad, to amplify our shared capacity to produce and to deliver vaccines and to help get shots in arms for everyone everywhere. We’re taking on climate crisis — the climate crisis with a seriousness and urgency, responding to the moral — with moral clarity we’re seeing coming from young people around the world. And we’re affirming the democratic values that are at the heart of our international system and which have been the foundational elements of — for decades — of global growth and prosperity. And we’re committed — we’re committed to working with all who share those values to shape the rules of the road that are going to govern our progress in the 21st century, including on issues of cybersecurity and emerging technologies so that future generations continue to reap the benefits of liberty and democracy, as we have. And the final message I want to impart as we close out this Summit for Democracy is that we know how hard the work is that’s going to be ahead of us, but we also know we are up to the challenge. Because as I have said before, and as this gathering has demonstrated, the democratic world is everywhere. Autocracies can never extinguish the ember of liberty that burns in the hearts of people around the world, in every portion of the world. It knows no borders.  It speaks every language.  It lives in anti-corruption activists, human rights defenders, journalists, peaceful protestors on the frontlines of this struggle all around the world. And it lives in town council meetings, union elections, daily small acts that occur around the globe whenever people come together to solve problems and to bridge differences, and in all the ways civil society empowers individuals to have a direct say in the issues that impact on their — their lives — impact on them personally. And so, defending democracy demands a whole-of-society effort.  It requires all of us. As the leaders of governments, we — we have a responsibility to listen to our citizens, to strengthen the guardrails of democracy, and to drive reforms that are going to make transparent, accountable governments — governance more resilient against the buffering and — the buffeting forces of autocracy and those who want — and the naked pursuit of power ahead of the public good. You know, we have to work together with the private sector to combat corruption, to build more equitable economies where more people can share in the benefits. We have to empower our citizens to hold accountable — to hold all of us accountable to the highest ideals and to make sure our actions align with our words. And as we close out the first gathering, let’s — let us together reaffirm our determination that the future will belong to those who embrace human dignity, not those who trample it; who unleash the potential of their people, not those who stifle it; and who give their people the ability to breathe free, not those who seek to suffocate their people with an iron hand. You know, as the great Irish poet Seamus Heaney once wrote: “…once in a lifetime, The longed-for tidal wave Of justice can rise up, And hope and history rhyme.” That tidal wave doesn’t come out of nowhere.  It doesn’t happen by accident. It happens because people unleash the irresistible power of their dreams and their determination. Democracy is what makes it possible for hope and history to rhyme. And today, hope and history lie in our hands. So let’s raise up our ambitions and rise up to meet the challenges together. Thank you, and I look forward to following through in the next year on all of the commitments that we’re making individually.  Thank you. Q  President Biden, inflation just hit nearly (inaudible) — (music played over audio feed). THE PRESIDENT:  (Inaudible) peak of the crisis, and I think you’ll see it change sooner than — quicker than — more rapidly than it will take than most people think. Every other aspect of the economy is racing ahead.  It’s doing incredibly well.  We’ve never had this kind of growth in 60 years.  But inflation is affecting people’s lives. But if you take a look at it, if you — if we were — if and when, God willing, we get the Build Back Better proposal — if you look at what — what’s inflation all about for people?  They’re paying more for things they need than they had to pay before.  That’s the bottom line. Now, if they’re paying considerably less for childcare, considerably less for healthcare, considerably less for insulin, considerably less — and go down the list — of being able to take care of their parents — all of the things that are in the Build Back Better plan — the reason why people think it’s going to — economists think it’s going to, in fact, diminish the impact on inflation is because it’s reducing costs for ordinary people.  Reducing costs for ordinary people. So, I think it’s — but in the meantime, in order to get that up and running — and we don’t have a single Republican willing to support it yet.  In order to get that up and running, it’s going to be focused all on the downside.  The downside is prices have gone up because of supply chain concerns. We’ve worked hard on the supply chain concerns.  I think you’re going to see — you’ve already begun to see, and you’re going to see over the next couple months the oil prices, gas prices — prices of gas pump come down. You know, the biggest — one of the — a third of the increase in inflation is used automobiles.  So, I mean, it is a real problem, but the point is that has to do with supply chain as well, but it also has to do with the fact that not everybody is looking for a used automobile.  But those who are, they’re paying higher prices because there’s fewer of them because of COVID and what was sold out and the like. So I think it’s — it really is — it’s a real bump in the road.  It does affect families.  When you walk in the grocery store and you’re paying more for whatever you’re purchasing, it matters.  It matters to people when you’re paying more for gas, although in some states, we’ve got the price down below three bucks a gallon.  But the point is: It’s not gone down quickly enough.  But I think it will. (Cross-talk from reporters.) Wait.  Wait, wait, wait.  What’s the follow-up?  I’m sorry. Q    Can you get Senator Manchin on board — with the inflation numbers this high — with the Build Back Better bill? THE PRESIDENT:  Well, I — I don’t know the answer to that.  I’m going to be talking to him at the beginning of the week.  And I think, if you look at what most people are saying — most of the economists are saying: This Build Back Better bill is not going to increase inflation; it’ll diminish inflation.  It has a negative impact on inflation, not a — it doesn’t raise inflation. But that’s hard for people to think about right now because inflation is up, and there’s a direct correlation in most people’s mind: “Well, why is there inflation?”  “Well, government is spending money.”  Well, that’s not the reason for the inflation. The reason for the inflation is that we have a supply chain problem that is really severe and it’s causing a significant increase in prices in things that, in fact, are hard to get access to.  Because, at the bottom — the bottom of it all is COVID.  COVID has had a serious impact on the ability to produce a whole lot of necessary products, particularly those imported from the Pacific and other places. I’ll take your question and stop. Q    Mr. President, what’s your response to the Supreme Court leaving the Texas abortion law in place?  And what specifically are you going to do? THE PRESIDENT:  Well, my problem is I haven’t seen — I just got back — I just walked here from delivering Bob Dole’s eulogy, so I haven’t seen the report.  I will take a look at what the Supreme Court said.  I don’t know what it said.  I don’t know what it said because the last three hours I’ve been involved with Bob Dole’s eulogy and funeral.  And — but I will — I will have a comment. Q  Providers will sue if the law remains intact. THE PRESIDENT:  Well, I don’t — I’m not going to comment on something I don’t know yet, but I will comment. Thank you all so very much. 2:10 P.M. EST

白宫 华盛顿特区 2021年12月6日 简报：《美国反腐败战略》 “腐败威胁美国的国家安全，经济公平，全球反贫困和求发展的努力，以及民主本身。但是，通过有效防范和打击腐败并展现透明与问责管理的好处，我们能够使美国和其他民主国家把握一个关键优势。” ——拜登总统 2021年6月3日   腐败是社会机体的毒瘤——是侵蚀公众信任和政府为公民服务能力的疾病。腐败的有害影响波及社会的几乎各个方面。它加剧社会、政治和经济的不平等和两极分化；阻碍国家应对公共健康危机或提供优质教育的能力；破坏商务环境和经济机会；引起冲突；并损害对政府的信任。滥用职权谋取私利的人所窃取的不仅是物质财富，而且是人的尊严与福祉。 明晰腐败对民主的侵蚀性，拜登总统于2021年6月3日将打击腐败确立为美国国家安全的一个核心利益。据此，他指示国家安全团队牵头制定一项全面战略，实施后，将加强美国政府的防腐败能力，更加有效地打击非法金融活动，更有利于追究腐败行为者的责任，并且增强活动人士、调查性新闻工作者，以及站在揭露腐败最前沿的其他人士的能力。 今天，根据总统的指示，拜登-哈里斯政府公布首创《美国反腐败战略》（United States Strategy on Countering Corruption）。《战略》阐述了全政府共同加强打击腐败的方针，尤其强调要更好理解和应对这个威胁中的跨国因素，包括采取措施，限制腐败行为者利用美国和国际金融系统隐藏资产和洗转贪腐钱财。 为指导实施，《战略》将美国政府的反腐败努力定为五个相互巩固的支柱： 美国政府反腐败努力的现代化、协调与资源：美国长期以来一直在全球反腐败斗争中发挥主导作用，但是，要将腐败的威胁作为一项国家安全要务来对待，必须有更新的方针。这将包括： 遏止非法融资：腐败行为者和他们的帮手依赖美国和国际金融系统中的薄弱环节掩盖资产所有权信息和洗转其非法活动赃款。美国作为世界最大经济体，有责任解决我们自身管理系统中的漏洞，并为盟国和伙伴也这样做而共同努力。这意味着纠正缺陷，方法包括： 追究腐败者责任：美国政府在弥补规则漏洞和与伙伴及盟友一道这样做的同时，也将对那些执意从事腐败活动的人追究责任，方法包括： 维护和加强多边防腐败构架：美国政府致力于加强国际反腐构架，其中包括多边行动计划，作出承诺，以及推动各国在反腐败领域取得切实进展的标准。美国将继续维护和加强这一关键构架，做法包括： 增进外交接触和运用对外援助资源达到反腐政策目标：外交接触和对外援助，包括安全援助，对美国反腐败努力有极为重要的作用。这些努力并举，可以有力提高伙伴政府打击腐败的能力和决心，并支持公民社会和有关方面的宣传和行动。为确保援助资金不被无意中用于支持腐败行为者，美国将改进风险管理程序，并且更好地了解地方政治、经济和社会动态关系。美国将为此扩大和增进努力，方法包括： 《美国反腐败战略》标志着美国努力遏止腐败危害的新篇章。鉴于问责至关重要，联邦部门和机构将每年向总统汇报实现《战略》目标的进展情况。 ###

DECEMBER 06, 2021•STATEMENTS AND RELEASES “Corruption threatens United States national security, economic equity, global anti-poverty and development efforts, and democracy itself.  But by effectively preventing and countering corruption and demonstrating the advantages of transparent and accountable governance, we can secure a critical advantage for the United States and other democracies.” President Joe Biden June 3, 2021 Corruption is a cancer within the body of societies—a disease that eats at public trust and the ability of governments to deliver for their citizens. The deleterious effects of corruption impact nearly all aspects of society. It exacerbates social, political, and economic inequality and polarization; impedes the ability of states to respond to public health crises or to deliver quality education; degrades the business environment and economic opportunity; drives conflict; and undermines faith in government. Those that abuse positions of power for private gain steal not just material wealth, but human dignity and welfare. Recognizing corruption’s ability to corrode democracy, on June 3, 2021, President Biden established the fight against corruption as a core U.S. national security interest. Accordingly, he directed his national security team to lead the creation of a comprehensive strategy that, when implemented, would improve the U.S. Government’s ability to prevent corruption, more effectively combat illicit finance, better hold corrupt actors accountable, and strengthen the capacity of activists, investigative journalists, and others on the front lines of exposing corrupt acts. Today, in line with the President’s direction, the Biden-Harris Administration is releasing the first-ever United States Strategy on Countering Corruption. The Strategy outlines a whole-of-government approach to elevating the fight against corruption. It places particular emphasis on better understanding and responding to the threat’s transnational dimensions, including by taking additional steps to reduce the ability of corrupt actors to use the U.S. and international financial systems to hide assets and launder the proceeds of corrupt acts. To guide implementation, the Strategy organizes U.S. Government efforts to fight corruption under five mutually-reinforcing pillars: Modernizing, coordinating, and resourcing U.S. Government efforts to fight corruption: While the United States has long been a leader in the global fight against corruption, addressing the threat as a national security imperative requires an updated approach. This will include: Curbing illicit finance: Corrupt actors and their facilitators rely on vulnerabilities in the United States and international financial systems to obscure ownership of assets and launder the proceeds of their illicit activities.  As the world’s largest economy, the United States bears responsibility to address gaps in our own regulatory system and work with our allies and partners to do the same.  This means addressing deficiencies, including by: Holding Corrupt Actors Accountable: While the U.S. Government shores up regulatory gaps and works with partners and allies to do the same, we will also hold accountable those who choose to engage in corruption, including by: Preserving and strengthening the multilateral anti-corruption architecture: The U.S. Government is committed to strengthening the international anti-corruption architecture, which includes multilateral initiatives, commitments, and standards that push countries to make real improvements in countering corruption.  The United States will continue to preserve and strengthen this vital architecture, including by: Improving diplomatic engagement and leveraging foreign assistance resources to achieve anti-corruption policy goals: Diplomatic engagement and foreign assistance, including security assistance, are vital to the United States’ efforts to counter corruption.  Taken together, these efforts can bolster partner governments’ capacity and will to counter corruption, and support civil society and others engaged in advocacy and action.  To safeguard assistance dollars from inadvertently supporting corrupt actors, the United States will improve its risk management processes and better understand local political, economic, and social dynamics.  The United States will therefore expand and enhance its efforts, including by: The United States Strategy on Countering Corruption marks a new chapter in the United States’ efforts to curb corruption’s harmful effects.  As accountability is vital, Federal departments and agencies will report annually to the President on progress made against the Strategy’s objectives. ###

美国国务院美国驻华使团公共外交事务部（美国驻华大使馆及美国驻上海、广州、武汉、沈阳总领事馆）宣布驻中国使团新一轮的公共外交赠款项目，并鼓励机构和个人申请者递交项目申请参与评选。下列项目赠款通知列出了我们广泛的资助重点、战略主题以及提交申请的程序。请仔细遵照所有说明。 2022 MISSION CHINA Annual Program Statement (Doc 52 KB) Applying for PD Grants Funding FAQ (Doc 30 KB) 公共外交项目申请及疑问请发送至：MissionChinaPDGrants@state.gov 申请时需提交以下表格/计划书： 1. SF 424 (英文)  (PDF 166 KB) 适用于机构申请者 Sample SF424_Non-US Entity (PDF 263 KB) Sample SF424_US Entity (PDF 263 KB) SF 424 Individual (英文)  (PDF 96 KB) 适用于个人申请者 Sample SF424_I_Non-US Citizen (PDF 106 KB) Sample SF424_I_US Citizen (PDF 106 KB) 表格填写示例仅供参考。 2.SF 424A (英文)  (PDF 1 MB) 预算 Sample SF424A (PDF 1.52 MB) 3. SF 424B  (PDF 73 KB) 4. 项目计划书 注意：

The Public Diplomacy Sections of the U.S. Mission to China (Embassy Beijing and Consulates General Shanghai, Guangzhou, Wuhan, and Shenyang) of the United States Department of State announce an open competition for organizations and individuals to submit applications for awards through our Mission China Public Diplomacy Grants Program. The Annual Program Statement posted below outlines our broad funding priorities, strategic themes, and the procedure for submitting requests for funding. Please carefully follow all instructions. 2022 MISSION CHINA Annual Program Statement  (Doc 52KB) Applying for PD Grants Funding FAQ (Doc 30KB) Questions and Submission to: MissionChinaPDGrants@state.gov Please submit the following forms/proposal: 1. SF_424(English)  (PDF 166 KB) for Organization Applicant Sample SF424_Non-US Entity (PDF 263 KB) Sample SF424_US Entity (PDF 263 KB) SF_424 Individual (English)  (PDF 96 KB) for Individual Applicant Sample SF424_I_Non-US Citizen (PDF 106 KB) Sample SF424_I_US Citizen (PDF 106 KB) Samples are for reference only. 2. SF_424A(English)  (PDF 1 MB) Budget Sample SF424A (PDF 1.52 MB) 3. SF424B(English) (PDF 73 KB) 4. Proposal Note: 1. All forms/proposal must be submitted in English. 2. To download the application forms, please follow these steps:

美国是一个拥有50个州的联邦制国家，联邦政府所在地为哥伦比亚特区。《宪法》确立了国家政府的结构，规定了其权力和活动范围，并且划定了国家政府和各州政府之间的关系。在国家政府和州（地方）政府之间实行分权。州内建县、镇、市和乡各级，各级均设有选任政府。 美国的政府权力和职能由三个政府分支机构担当：立法机关、司法机关和行政机关。《宪法》第1条规定了立法机关并赋予了美国国会的立法权。有关总统的行政权力的规定在第2条。第3条将司法权交给了最高法院和各次级法院，由国会视必要予以确立。在这种“分权”制度下，每个机关独立于其他机关行使权力，但三者之间存在内在的“制衡”，可以避免权力的集中，保护公民的权利和自由。例如，总统有权否决由国会通过的法令，可以为联邦司法提名任职人选；最高法院有权宣布国会颁布的法律或总统采取的行动不符合宪法规定；而国会则可以弹劾总统和联邦司法和法官。 American National Government: An Overview (CRS Report) (PDF 38.1 KB) Learn About the United States: Quick Civics Lessons (U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services) (PDF 1.21 MB) Our American Government (U.S. Congress) (PDF 349 KB) Outline of U.S. Government (published by Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 469 KB) U.S. Government Manual (official handbook of the U.S. Federal Government) 美国宪法是世界上历史最久的宪法。起草者在宪法中订立了一项条款，允许在政治、社会或经济条件需要时对宪法进行修订。 美国宪法自出台至今，已经过27次修订。前10条修正案统称《人权法案》，保证个人的权利和自由。 宪法将政府权力分为三个分支–行政分支由总统领导；立法分支包括国会两院（参议院和众议院）；司法部门由最高法院领导。宪法通过制衡制度来限制各分支的作用，以防任何一个分支获得不当权力。 The Constitution of the United States About America: The Constitution of the United States of America with Explanatory Notes (PDF 1.94 MB) Bill of Rights Constitutional Amendments Not Ratified Constitutionalism and Emerging Democracies (Electronic Journal, Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 260 KB) Rights of the People: Individual Freedom and the Bill of Rights (published by Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 748 KB) 总统是美国的首席统领，总统和副总统一起每四年选举一次。从1951年的宪法修正案起，每位总统只能连任两届。 总统的权力巨大，但并非是无限的。作为国家首席政策制定者，总统向国会提出立法提议，并有权否决国会通过的任何议案。 总统也是武装部队总司令。 政府的行政分支负责执行国家的法律。 副总统、各部长（内阁成员），以及各独立机构负责人在其中发挥协助作用。与总统的权力不同，这些人的责任在宪法中没有进行界定，但每个人都其有特定的权力和职能。 作为美国第45任总统，唐纳德·特朗普将统领行政分支，包括14个部、总统行政办公室，以及诸多其它独立机构。 联邦法律的日常执行和管理由不同的执行部门负责，这些部门由国会建立，负责处理国家和国际事务的各个具体领域。 各部部长由总统选出，经参议院确认，形成一个顾问委员会，即总统内阁。 Online Reading The Executive Branch: Powers of the Presidency (Chapter 2, Outline of U.S. Government, Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 76 KB) The Papers of the Presidents of the United States (The Avalon Project at Yale Law School) 司法分支由美国最高法院领导。最高法院是唯一由宪法专门设立的法院。此外，国会还建立了13个联邦上诉法院和95个联邦区法院。总统有权在法官职位出现空缺时任命联邦法官，包括最高法院大法官。最高法院在华盛顿特区办公，其它联邦法院遍布美国各城市。 联邦法院受理与宪法、联邦法律和条约相关的案件、海事案件、涉及外国公民和政府的案件，以及联邦政府本身为当事一方的案件。除极少数例外之外，最高法院受理的都是来自下一级法院的上诉案件，其中大多数涉及对行政分支的行动以及国会或州通过的法律进行解释并判断该行动和法律是否合宪。 The Supreme Court of the United States: Highest Court in the Land (Electronic Journal, Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 771 KB) Access to the Courts: Equal Justice for All (Electronic Journal, Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 246 KB) The Changing Face of U.S. Courts (Electronic Journal, Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 242 KB) Criminal Justice in the U.S. (Electronic Journal, Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 658 KB) How U.S. Courts Work (Electronic Journal, Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 709 KB) Outline of the U.S. Legal System (published by Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 5.35 MB) Understanding the Federal Courts (The U.S. Courts) (PDF 1.29 MB) 立法分支，即国会，由50个州每州选出代表组成。宪法设立了一个两院制的机制，即美国国会，来负责国家收入和预算并起草法律。普遍认为国会通过掌管“钱袋子”来影响美国的政策。国会是美国政府中唯一可以制定联邦法律、宣布战争并使对外条约生效的分支。 众议员每两年选举一次。每位众议员代表其所在州的一个区。区的数量由每十年进行一次的普查确定。参议员每六年选举一次，分期分批进行，因此每两年都会有三分之一的参议院席位进行选举。宪法规定副总统为参议院议长。副总统只有在表决平局时才有投票权。 在副总统缺席时，参议院会选择一位临时议长。众议院自己选择自己的统领官员，即众议院议长。众议院议长和参议院临时议长均来自两院占多数席位的党派。 一部法案要想成为法律，必须先在参众两院都获得通过。无论是参众两院哪一方提出的法案，都要先在本方由一个或多个委员会进行审议、修订，并进行投票，若投票通过则由本方进行全体讨论。若通过，则送至另一方进行审议。一旦参众两院都对同一份法案的同一版本投票通过，该法案便会提请总统批准。 Online Reading The Congressional Appropriations Process: An Introduction (CRS Report) (PDF 177 KB) The Committee System in the U.S. Congress (CRS Report) (PDF 36 KB) House and Senate Rules of Procedure: A Comparison (CRS Report) (PDF 118 KB) How Our Laws are Made (United States House of Representatives) The Legislative Branch (Chapter 4, Outline of U.S. Government, Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 61 KB) Senate Legislative Process (U.S. Senate) (PDF 133 KB) 州政府和联邦政府的组织形式相同，也是行政、立法和司法分支三权分立。一般来讲，完全属于一州境内的事务由州政府负责。这些事务包括内部沟通；产权、产业、商业和公共设施相关法规；州刑事法典，以及本州的工作环境。 在此背景下，联邦政府要求州政府不得颁布违反或触犯宪法或美国的法律和条约的法律。州和联邦管辖权有很多重叠之处。在卫生、教育、福利、交通，以及住房和城市发展领域，联邦政府已经承担愈发宽泛的职责。如今这些领域的项目往往以两级政府合作的形式开展。 美国人口普查局（隶属商务部）已经确定全国至少有78218家地方政府机关，包括市、县、镇、校区和特别区政府。 美国超过四分之三的公民住在镇、大城市及市郊。城市直接服务于居民的需要，提供从警务和消防到环境卫生准则、卫生法规、教育、公共交通和住房的一切服务。与州和联邦机构的合作都至关重要。 县隶属于州，通常包括两个或更多的县，以及几个村-但也有例外。有一个委员会负责收税、借款和拨款、制定县雇员薪酬水平、监督选举、修建和维护高速路桥，并管理国家、州和县福利项目。 Online Reading A Country of Many Governments (Chapter 7, Outline of U.S. Government, Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 70 KB) State and Local Government: Adapting to Change (Electronic Journal, Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 188 KB)

The United States is a federal union of 50 states, with the District of Columbia as the seat of the federal government. The Constitution outlines the structure of the national government and specifies its powers and activities, and defines the relationship between the national government and individual state governments. Power is shared between the national and state (local) governments. Within each state are counties, townships, cities and villages, each of which has its own elective government. Governmental power and functions in the United States rest in three branches of government: the legislative, judicial, and executive. Article 1 of the Constitution defines the legislative branch and vests power to legislate in the Congress of the United States. The executive powers of the President are defined in Article 2. Article 3 places judicial power in the hands of one Supreme Court and inferior courts as Congress sees necessary to establish. In this system of a “separation of powers” each branch operates independently of the others, however, there are built in “checks and balances” to prevent a concentration of power in any one branch and to protect the rights and liberties of citizens. For example, the President can veto bills approved by Congress and the President nominates individuals to serve in the Federal judiciary; the Supreme Court can declare a law enacted by Congress or an action by the President unconstitutional; and Congress can impeach the President and Federal court justices and judges. The American Constitution is the oldest written constitution in force in the world. The authors of the Constitution built in a provision for amending the document when political, social or economic conditions demanded it. Twenty-seven amendments have been passed since ratification. The first 10 amendments to the Constitution, called the Bill of Rights, assure individual rights and freedoms. The Constitution divides the powers of the government into three branches – the Executive, headed by the President; the Legislative, which includes both houses of Congress (the Senate and the House of Representatives); and the Judicial, which is headed by the Supreme Court. The Constitution limits the role of each branch, through a system of checks and balances, to prevent any one branch from gaining undue power. The chief executive of the United States is the president, who together with the vice-president is elected to a four year term. As a result of a 1951 constitutional amendment, a president may be elected to only two terms. The president’s powers are formidable but not unlimited. As the chief formulator of national policy, the president proposes legislation to Congress and may veto any bill passed by Congress. The president is commander-in-chief of the armed forces. The executive branch of the Government is responsible for enforcing the laws of the land. The Vice President, department heads (Cabinet members), and heads of independent agencies assist in this capacity. Unlike the powers of the President, their responsibilities are not defined in the Constitution but each has special powers and functions. As the 45th President of the United States, Donald Trump will preside over the executive branch, which includes 14 executive departments, the Executive Office of the President and numerous other independent agencies. The day-to-day enforcement and administration of federal law is in the hands of the various executive departments, created by Congress to deal with specific areas of national and international affairs. The heads of the departments, chosen by the President and approved by the Senate, form a council of advisers known as the President’s Cabinet. Online Reading The judicial branch is headed by the U.S. Supreme Court, which is the only court specifically created by the Constitution. In addition, Congress has established 13 federal courts of appeals and 95 federal district courts. The president has the authority to appoint federal judges as vacancies occur, including justices of the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court meets in Washington, D.C., and the other federal courts are located in cities throughout the United States. The federal courts hear cases arising out of the Constitution, federal laws and treaties and maritime cases; cases involving foreign citizens or governments; and cases, in which the federal government is itself a party. With minor exceptions, cases come to the Supreme Court on appeal from lower courts. Most of these cases involve disputes over the interpretation and constitutionality of actions taken by the executive branch and of laws passed by Congress or the states. The legislative branch – the Congress – is made up of elected representatives from each of the 50 states. The Constitution sets up a bi-cameral body known as the U.S. Congress to raise and to spend national revenue and to draft laws. It is commonly said that Congress influences American policy by exercising the “power of the purse strings.” It is the only branch of U.S. government that can make federal laws, declare war and put foreign treaties into effect. Members of the House of Representatives are elected to two year terms. Each member represents a district in his or her home state. The number of districts is determined by the census, which is conducted every 10 years. Senators are elected to six year terms, staggered so that one third of the Senate stands for election every two years. The Constitution provides that the vice-president shall be president of the Senate. He or she has no vote, except in the case of a tie. The Senate chooses a president pro tempore to preside when the vice-president is absent. The House of Representatives chooses its own presiding officer — the speaker of the House. The speaker and the president pro tempore are members of the political party with the largest representation in each house. To become a law, a bill must pass both the House and the Senate. After the bill is introduced in either body, it is studied by one or more committees, amended, voted out of committee, and discussed in the chamber of the House or Senate. If passed by one body, it goes to the other for consideration. Once both bodies have passed the the same version of a bill, it goes to the president for approval. Online Reading The state governments follow the same pattern as the federal government, with power divided among the executive, legislative and judicial branches. In general, matters which lie entirely within state borders are the concern of state governments. These include internal communications; regulations relating to property, industry, business and public utilities; the state criminal code; and working conditions within the state. Within this context, the federal government requires that state governments not adopt laws which contradict or violate the Constitution or laws and treaties of the United States. There are many areas of overlap between state and federal jurisdictions. The federal government has assumed ever broadening responsibility in matters relating to health, education, welfare, transportation, and housing and urban development. Programs in these areas are now often developed on a cooperative basis between the two levels of government. The U.S. Bureau of the Census (part of the Commerce Department) has identified no less than 78,218 local governmental units in the United States, including municipalities, counties, townships, school districts and special districts. More than three-quarters of the citizens of the United States now live in towns, large cities or their suburbs. The city directly serves the needs of the people, providing everything from police and fire protection to sanitary codes, health regulations, education, public transportation and housing. Cooperation with both state and federal organizations is essential. The county is a subdivision of the state, usually — but not always — containing two or more townships and several villages. A board of commissioners levies taxes, borrows and appropriates money, fixes the salaries of county employees, supervises elections, builds and maintains highways and bridges, and administers national, state and county welfare programs. Online Reading

简报 美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年9 月 25日 北京是全世界最大的温室气体排放国；最大的海洋垃圾来源；非法、未报告和无管制捕捞最恶劣的肇事者；也是全世界野生生物和林木走私产品的消费国。这些行为使中国人民受到最恶劣的环境影响，与此同时北京还通过一带一路倡议以不可持续的方式侵占自然资源，输出肆意罔顾环境的行为，对全球经济和全球健康造成威胁。中国共产党以骇人听闻的方式压制公民社会和新闻自由，拖延有益于本国公民和全世界人民的变革。国务卿迈克·蓬佩奥（Mike Peompeo）指出，“中国共产党的经济有太多的部分依靠肆意罔顾空气、土地和水质量的行为。中国人民和全世界人民理应得到更好的结果。” 温室气体排放 中国标榜自己是国际环境的领导者，但中国与能源相关的二氧化碳排放正日益增加。自2006年以来，中国每年都是全世界最大的温室气体排放国。中国的总排放是美国的两倍，几乎占全球总排放的三分之一。2005年至2019年间，北京与能源相关的排放增加了80%以上。同期美国与能源相关的排放则降低了超过15%。仅2019年一年，中国与能源相关的二氧化碳排放增加了3%以上，同时美国的排放则降低了2%。北京声称具有“发展中国家”地位，借此避免为降低温室气体排放承担更多的责任，尽管其人均二氧化碳排放已经达到很多高收入国家的水平。中国排放的增加抵消了世界其他很多国家为降低全球排放取得的进展。 臭氧层 世界各国通过蒙特利尔议定书（Montreal Protocol）同意对破坏臭氧层的各类物质分阶段削减生产。但是科学家发现，2014年至2017年，应分阶段削减对臭氧层造成破坏的三氯氟甲烷（CFC-11）在中国东部的排放增加。美国主导国际性的应对行动，继续敦促中国履行其义务，加强监督和执行工作。 空气质量 2008年，美国外交人员在美国驻北京大使馆屋顶安装了空气质量检测器。我们公开发布有关数据，揭示了当地居民已经了解的情况：北京恶劣的空气质量已达到危险的地步，高于中国政府愿意承认的程度。这个很小的透明性行动促进了空气质量管理的革命，此后使空气质量成为北京的一项重要事务，包括建立了新的环境空气质量标准。尽管各大城市取得重大改善，但中国总体的空气污染程度仍然不利于健康，同时源于中国的空气污染对下风国家造成了影响。国务院通过外交、政策引导和有针对性的对外援助，努力缓解空气污染造成的全球威胁，促进美国的各项目标，将各类创新技术纳入外交和发展项目，同时发展支持美国出口的市场。我们将继续通过《远距离越境空气污染公约》（Convention on Long Range Transboundary Air Pollution）等涉及空气质量的现有国际协议，规划联合国环境署（UN Environment Programme）的空气质量工作，努力促进美国的全球利益。我们将扩大我们建设能力的行动，改善空气质量管理，通过“空气质量项目”（Air Quality Program）为美国技术发展市场。目前该项目管理12个大型空气质量赠款，总预算为660万美元。 汞 中国不安全的工业程序还使其成为全世界最大的汞排放国。汞作为一种神经毒素，如听任其污染空气、水和土壤就会对公共健康构成重大威胁。中国通过本国各燃煤发电厂和中国国营公司在其他国家出资建造和运营的工厂向大气排放的汞在全世界居首位。美国是第一个加入2013年《关于汞的水俣公约》（Minamata Convention on Mercury）的国家。该公约作为一项国际协议，要求为保护人类健康和环境全面处理汞的来源、交易、在产品中的使用、排放、储存和废弃。此外，美国国务院的汞项目（Mercury Program）为有关项目提供资金，促使手工和小型金矿的矿工采取更有利于环境的作业，减少汞的使用，同时维持或增加矿工的金矿产量。这个项目还为减少燃煤汞排放的项目提供资金。中华人民共和国也是《关于汞的水俣公约》的签约方，但仍继续通过本国公民在很多发展中国家鼓励手工和小型金矿的矿工使用汞。 野生生物走私 中国毫无疑问是全世界最大的非法和违规消费野生生物的国家，根据《杜绝、瓦解、阻止野生动植物走私法案》（Eliminate, Neutralize, and Disrupt (END) Wildlife Trafficking Act）被列为重点国家（Focus Country）。野生生物走私作为一项严重的跨国犯罪行为，危害安全，助长腐败，剥夺各地社区合法的经济生计，促使物种走向灭绝的边缘并传播疾病。长期以来美国一贯呼吁中国共产党在打击野生生物走私的问题上改善自己的行为，并已在外交领域取得成功，例如在2017年几乎全面禁止中国政府支持的象牙贸易。美国要求中国共产党永久停止高危野生生物在鲜活市场的出售，可减少走私野生生物及其产品的使用。 非法伐木和相关贸易 中国是全世界非法林木产品的消费国，推动了生产国的非法采伐，为与非法采伐相关的产品贸易推波助澜，价值每年达520亿至1,570亿美元，同时助长腐败和跨国有组织犯罪。此外，中国在外国基础设施和自然资源部门进行的投资采取不公平的经济行为，无视环境和社会保障，以监督不力和执法机制薄弱的国家为重点目标，使这些国家很容易成为中国掠夺性采伐的牺牲品。这些不负责任的开发行为导致林地毁灭和土地退化，使全球合法林业遭到破坏。中国应该以美国和其他各方为表率，对非法木材进口实施全面的禁令。 废物管理 中国是塑料产品最大的生产国和出口国，几乎占全世界总量的30%。据天津大学2019年公布的一份综合性报告估计，中国是全世界废塑料的主要来源。中国国内废塑料的至少13%不受任何管理，作为污染物直接进入环境或被丢弃，数量达每年数百万吨。中国共产党以往曾支持全球塑料回收工作，但实施的“国门利剑”政策（2018年生效）严格禁止可回收的废塑料进口，破坏了全球废塑料贸易。现在，原来在2018年前中国进口的废塑料大多数都由一些发展中国家进行填埋、焚化或加工，而这些国家不适合管理这些突然增加的数量，结果进一步对生态系统造成压力。美国支持对所有的垃圾和废料进行有利于环境的健全管理，倡导可持续的材料管理，采取系统化方式，在各种材料的整个生命周期更有成效地进行利用和再利用。 中国的一带一路倡议 中国标志性的一带一路倡议[英文名称为One Belt One Road Initiative (OBOR)，通常称为Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)]，其目标是建立一个强化的陆路及海路贸易路线网络，以使中国更好地与世界联通。然而，一带一路的实施缺乏明确的环境准则、安全标准以及劳工保护。一带一路资助的很多工程达不到国际标准，导致有关国家在工程完成后还要长期应对种种恶果。环境保障措施有赖于所在国的有关法律，而北京正在引导各国背离以可持续的方式发展他们的经济。近年来，中国在几大洲所支持的工程已导致当地人口流离失所，对水质造成了不良影响，污染了周边土地，并破坏了脆弱的生态系统。全世界很多计划中的中国基建工程也将造成类似的损害。世界自然基金会（World Wildlife Fund）发现，一带一路走廊与1,700多个至关重要的生物多样性地域以及265个受威胁物种的分布范围交叠，可能受到一带一路工程的不利影响。发表在《自然可持续性》（Nature Sustainability）上的一项研究表明，由于污染、栖息地丧失以及野生生物死亡等造成的环境破坏，一带一路工程可能会导致 “永久性的环境退化”。 海洋废弃物 中国是全世界最大的海洋塑料废弃物排放国。根据其自己的专家的统计，2017年中国把最多可达100万吨塑料垃圾排入海洋。海洋中存在的塑料每年给海事、捕鱼和旅游产业造成数十亿美元损失，并威胁着食品安全和公众健康。根据2020年亚太经济合作组织（APEC）论坛的一份报告，仅在2015一年，海洋废弃物给亚太经合组织成员国经济造成的损失估计已超过110亿美元。 美国大力地在国内防止并减少海洋废弃物，而且在国际上支持这种努力,倡导对所有废弃物进行环境健全管理，提倡对废塑料的回收利用，并支持以创新的、基于市场的解决方案来管理、减少并最终防止垃圾和废弃物——其中包括塑料废弃物——造成环境污染。在2014年至2019年举办的我们的海洋（Our Ocean Conference） 会议上，美国做出了113项承诺，其金额超过43亿美元，来促进可持续性渔业、治理海洋废弃物，并支持海洋科学、观测和探索。在去年的我们的海洋会议上，美国宣布了23项新承诺，其金额达12.1亿美元，其中包括三项与海洋废弃物有关的新承诺。 中国是全世界最大的海洋塑料废弃物排放国。 全世界的非法、未报告和无管制的捕捞活动  中国正在通过不可持续的捕鱼活动对全球鱼类种群造成更大的压力。中国共产党为世界上最大的捕鱼船队提供补贴，其中包括在公海以及其他国家水域作业的最大的远洋捕鱼船队之一。中国船只经常侵犯其他沿海国家的主权权利和管辖权，未经许可捕鱼，并超出许可协议过度捕捞。尽管北京声称在这些问题上采取 “零容忍 ”政策，但有关问题仍普遍存在。中国属全世界非法、未报告和无管制（IUU）捕捞活动最严重者之列，并无视国际渔业管理措施。对此，美国正在开发新工具并与国际伙伴合作，以确保全球捕鱼是合法的、可持续的，同时鼓励中共更有效、透明地管制其船队的活动，并追究违规者的责任。 操控湄公河水资源 中国层层叠叠的巨型水坝的运作、不透明的水资源管理做法以及单方面改变湄公河（Mekong River）上游部分的水流，给下游邻国带来了灾难性的后果。2019年12月，在湄公河研究研讨会（Mekong Research Symposium）上，研究人员发布了有关中国过去25年来操控湄公河流量的令人不安的证据。对公开发表的卫星数据以及湄公河委员会（Mekong River Commission）河道高度记录的进一步分析证实，自然流量遭到的最大破坏与重大的大坝建设和运营同时发生，加剧了干旱状况，并对渔业和农业造成了不可估量的损害。这些问题因中国未能分享关键的水流数据而变得更加严重，湄公河地区国家在没有这些数据的情况下无法有效地管理水资源，或对洪水和干旱的影响做好准备并予以缓解。美国敦促中国履行其最近做出的分享全年水资源数据的承诺，并与湄公河委员会合作，利用现有的合作伙伴关系和数据共享平台，其中包括湄公河委员会的数据和信息共享平台（Data and Information Sharing Platform）以及湄公河水资源数据倡议（MWDI）的MekongWater.org。 更多的信息和资源请见海洋及国际环境和科学事务局（Bureau of Oceans and International Environmental and Scientific Affairs）网站。 媒体查询请联系OES-PA-DG@state.gov。

FACT SHEET OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON SEPTEMBER 25, 2020 Beijing is the world’s largest emitter of greenhouse gases; the largest source of marine debris; the worst perpetrators of illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing; and the world’s largest consumer of trafficked wildlife and timber products.  While the Chinese people have suffered the worst environmental impacts of its actions, Beijing also threatens the global economy and global health by unsustainably exploiting natural resources and exporting its willful disregard for the environment through its One Belt One Road initiative.  Tragically, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) represses civil society and a free press, slowing changes that would benefit its citizens and people all over the world.  As Secretary of State Mike Pompeo has said, “Too much of the Chinese Communist Party’s economy is built on willful disregard for air, land, and water quality. The Chinese people–and the world–deserve better.” Greenhouse Gas Emissions Despite claims of international environmental leadership, China’s energy-related carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions are rising.  It has been the world’s largest annual greenhouse gas (GHG) emitter since 2006.  China’s total emissions are twice that of the United States and nearly one third of all emissions globally.  Beijing’s energy-related emissions increased more than 80 percent between 2005-2019, while U.S. energy-related emissions have decreased by more than 15 percent.  In 2019 alone, China’s energy-related CO2 emissions increased more than 3 percent, while the United States’ decreased by 2 percent.  Beijing claims “developing-country” status to avoid shouldering more responsibility for reducing GHG emissions–though its per capita CO2 emissions have already reached the level of many high-income countries.  China’s increasing emissions counteract the progress of many other countries around the world to reduce global emissions. The Ozone Layer Through the Montreal Protocol, the nations of the world agreed to phase out production of substances that damage the ozone layer.  But scientists identified an increase of emissions of the phased-out, ozone-depleting substance CFC-11 from Eastern China from 2014 to 2017.  The United States leads the international response and continues to push China to live up to its obligations and increase its monitoring and enforcement efforts. Air Quality In 2008, U.S. diplomats installed air quality monitors on top of U.S. Embassy Beijing.  We shared the data publicly and revealed what local residents already knew: Beijing’s air quality was dangerously worse than the Chinese government was willing to admit.  That small act of transparency helped catalyze a revolution in air quality management, and Beijing has since made air quality a priority, including establishing new ambient air quality standards.  Despite significant improvements in large cities, the overall level of air pollution in China remains unhealthy, and air pollution from China continues to affect downwind countries. The Department of State works to mitigate the global threat of air pollution through diplomacy, policy leadership, and targeted foreign assistance to advance U.S. objectives and incorporate innovative technologies into diplomatic and development programs while shaping markets to support U.S. exports. We will continue to advance U.S. interests globally through existing international agreements on air quality, including the Convention on Long Range Transboundary Air Pollution (LRTAP) and shape efforts on air quality in the UN Environment Programme (UNEP).  We will expand our work to build capacity to improve air quality management and shape markets for U.S. technology through the Air Quality Program, which currently manages twelve large air quality grants with a combined budget of $6.6 million. Mercury   China’s unsafe industrial processes also make it the world’s greatest emitter of mercury, a neurotoxin and a major public health threat when allowed to pollute air, water, and soil.  China leads the world in mercury air pollution from its own coal-burning power plants, as well as the plants that Chinese state-owned companies finance, build, and operate in other countries.  The United States was the first country to join the 2013 Minamata Convention on Mercury, an international agreement that seeks to protect human health and the environment by comprehensively addressing mercury sources, trade, its use in products, emissions, storage, and waste.  In addition, the U.S. Department of State’s Mercury Program funds projects to promote better environmental practices among artisanal and small-scale gold miners (ASGM), reducing the use of mercury used while maintaining or increasing the miners’ recovery of gold.  The program also funds projects to reduce mercury emissions from coal combustion.  The People’s Republic of China (PRC) is also Party to the Minamata Convention on Mercury, yet it continues to enable its citizens to promote mercury use in ASGM in many developing countries. Wildlife Trafficking China is indisputably the world’s largest consumer of legal and illegal wildlife, and it was identified as a Focus Country under the Eliminate, Neutralize, and Disrupt (END) Wildlife Trafficking Act.  Wildlife trafficking is a serious transnational crime that threatens security, fuels corruption, robs communities of legitimate economic livelihoods, pushes species to the brink of extinction, and spreads disease.  The United States has long called for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to improve its behavior on combating wildlife trafficking and has secured diplomatic successes such as a near-complete ban on Chinese government-sanctioned ivory trade in 2017.  The United States calls upon the CCP to permanently end sales of high-risk wildlife in wet markets, a move that would reduce the use of trafficked wildlife and wildlife products. Illegal Logging and Associated Trade  China is the world’s largest consumer of illegal timber products.  It drives illegal logging in producer countries, feeds associated trade in illegally harvested products worth $52-157 billion per year, and fuels corruption and transnational organized crime.  In addition, Chinese investment in foreign infrastructure and natural resource sectors use unfair economic practices, disregard environmental and social safeguards, and target countries with weak oversight and enforcement institutions that make them susceptible to predatory Chinese extraction.  These irresponsible development practices contribute to deforestation and land degradation and undercut the legitimate forest industry around the globe.  China should follow the lead of the United States and others and implement a comprehensive ban on illegal timber imports. Waste Management  China is the biggest producer and exporter of plastic products, accounting for nearly 30 percent of the world’s total.  A 2019 comprehensive literature review by Tianjin University estimates China is the world’s leading generator of plastic waste.  At least 13 percent of China’s domestic plastic waste is unmanaged and released or dumped directly into the environment as pollution, translating into millions of tons per year.  While the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) previously supported global plastic recycling, the “National Sword” policy (which took effect in 2018) severely restricted the import of recyclable plastic scrap and disrupted the global plastic scrap trade.  Now, most plastic scrap, which China had imported before 2018, is landfilled, incinerated, or processed by developing countries ill-suited to manage the sudden increase, ultimately further straining ecosystems.  The United States supports environmentally sound management of all waste and scrap and promotes sustainable materials management (SMM), a systematic approach to using and reusing materials more productively over their entire life cycles. China’s One Belt One Road Initiative China’s signature One Belt One Road Initiative (OBOR), more commonly known as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), aspires to create a network of enhanced overland and maritime trade routes to better link China with the world.  However, implementation of BRI lacks clear environmental guidelines, safety standards, and worker protections.  Many BRI-funded projects do not meet international standards, leaving countries to deal with the harmful consequences long after a project is completed.  Environmental safeguards depend on the laws of host countries, and Beijing is leading nations away from developing their economies sustainably.  In recent years, Chinese-backed projects on several continents have displaced local populations, negatively affected water quality, polluted adjacent land, and spoiled fragile ecosystems.  Many planned Chinese infrastructure projects worldwide would do similar harm.  The World Wildlife Fund (WWF) has found BRI corridors overlap with over 1,700 critical biodiversity sites and the ranges of 265 threatened species that could be adversely affected by BRI  projects.  A study published in Nature Sustainability suggested BRI projects may lead to “permanent environmental degradation” due to environmental harm through pollution, habitat loss, and wildlife mortality, among others. Marine Debris China is the world’s largest emitter of marine plastic debris.  According to its own experts, China released up to one million tons of plastic waste into the ocean in 2017.  The presence of plastics in the ocean costs the maritime, fishing, and tourism industries billions of dollars every year and threatens food security and public health.  According to a 2020 Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum report, the damage from marine debris to APEC member economies was estimated at over $11 billion in 2015 alone. The United States proactively prevents and reduces marine debris domestically and supports such efforts internationally.  The United States advocates for environmentally sound management of all waste, promotes recycling for plastic scrap, and supports innovative, market-based solutions to manage, reduce, and ultimately prevent waste and debris—including plastic waste—from polluting the environment.  At Our Ocean Conferences from 2014 to 2019, the United States made 113 commitments valued at over $4.3 billion to promote sustainable fisheries, combat marine debris, and support marine science, observation, and exploration.  At last year’s Our Ocean Conference, the United States announced 23 new commitments valued at $1.21 billion, including three new commitments related to marine debris. Illegal, Unreported, and Unregulated (IUU) Fishing Worldwide   China is placing increased pressure on global fish stocks through unsustainable fishing practices.  The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) subsidizes the world’s largest fishing fleet, including one of the largest distant-water fishing fleets operating on the high seas and in other countries’ waters.  Chinese vessels routinely violate the sovereign rights and jurisdiction of other coastal States, fish without permission, and overfish licensing agreements.  Despite Beijing’s claiming a “zero-tolerance” policy when it comes to these issues, the problems are widespread.  China is one of the world’s worst perpetrators of illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing (IUU), disregarding international fisheries management measures.  In response, the United States is developing new tools and working with international partners to ensure global fishing is legal and sustainable, while encouraging the CCP to more effectively and transparently police the activities of its fleets and hold violators accountable. Mekong Water Manipulation China’s operation of its cascade of mega dams, opaque water management practices, and unilateral alteration of water flow in the upstream portion of the Mekong River have resulted in catastrophic consequences for its downstream neighbors.  In December 2019 at the Mekong Research Symposium, researchers presented troubling evidence regarding China’s manipulation of the Mekong River’s flows for the past 25 years.  Further analyses of publicly available satellite data and Mekong River Commission river height record confirmed that the greatest disruption in natural flows coincided with major dam construction and operation, exacerbated drought conditions, and contributed to immeasurable damage to fishing and agriculture.  These problems are compounded by the PRC’s failure to share critical water flow data, without which Mekong region nations cannot effectively manage water resources or prepare for and mitigate the impacts of floods and droughts.  The United States urges China to deliver on its recent commitment to share year-round water data and work in concert with the Mekong River Commission (MRC) to capitalize on existing partnerships and platforms for data sharing, including the MRC’s Data and Information Sharing Platform and the MWDI’s MekongWater.org. For further information and resources, visit the website of the Bureau of Oceans and International Environmental and Scientific Affairs (OES).  For press inquiries, contact OES-PA-DG@state.gov.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年9 月 14日 国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥（MICHAEL R. POMPEO）发表声明 湄公河-美国伙伴关系：湄公河地区理应获得良好的伙伴 湄公河-美国伙伴关系（Mekong-U.S. Partnership）的启动反映了湄公河地区对美国的重要性。我们与湄公河伙伴国家的关系是我们印度-太平洋（Indo-Pacific）的愿景和我们与东盟（ASEAN）战略伙伴关系不可或缺的组成部分。随着为各地区性项目投入超过1.5亿美元的初始资金，我们将进一步促进湄公河下游倡议（Lower Mekong Initiative）和过去11年来美国35亿美元地区性援助取得的佳绩。 湄公河-美国伙伴关系坚持湄公河伙伴国家的自治、经济独立、良好治理和可持续增长。美国已为该地区抗击COVID-19冠状病毒疾病贡献了5,200多万美元，进一步促进了湄公河-美国在传染性疾病领域20多年的合作。我们已通过美国国际发展金融公司（U.S. International Development Finance Corporation）提供10多亿美元支持经济增长，用于东盟国家发展基础设施，同时计划今后几年再投入数十亿美元。 湄公河-美国伙伴关系还将继续加强水资源安全和湄公河委员会（Mekong River Commission）的工作，其中将包括已列入计划的5,500万美元新投资，帮助我们的湄公河伙伴打击跨国犯罪，包括毒品走私和人口、武器和野生生物的贩运。它还将通过亚洲EDGE（Asia EDGE），即增进发展和增长（Enhancing Development and Growth）、日本-美国-湄公河电力伙伴关系（Japan-U.S.-Mekong Power Partnership）和日本-美国战略能源伙伴关系（Japan-U.S. Strategic Energy Partnership），加强对能源安全和电力部门发展的支持。美国进行的一切努力都要求与日本、澳大利亚、韩国、印度等伙伴和湄公河其他好朋友密切合作。 但是，我们必须坦率地指出我们面临的挑战，包括来自中国共产党的挑战。中国共产党日益对湄公河的自然环境和经济自治造成威胁。 中国共产党单方面决定拦截上游河水，加剧了史所罕见的一场干旱。美国支持该地区和湄公河委员会，要求实现透明的数据分享。我们鼓励湄公河地区各国要求中国共产党承担责任，兑现分享其水资源数据的承诺。有关数据应该公开发布。有关数据应该常年公布。有关数据应该包括水资源和与水相关的数据，以及土地使用和水坝建设工程及运行方面的数据。同时，有关数据应该通过湄公河委员会分享。该委员会为湄公河地区各国的利益服务，不是为北京服务。 我们还关注中国交通建设公司（China Communications Construction Company） 等北京的国有行为者制造的与基础设施相关的债务及其掠夺性和不透明的商业行为。受到关注的问题还涉及人口、毒品和野生生物贩运的猖獗，其中很大一部分来源于与中国共产党有联系的组织、公司和特别经济区。 过去几十年来，湄公河地区各国走过了令人震撼的历程。他们理应得到良好的伙伴。我们通过湄公河-美国伙伴关系，期待今后多年为保障湄公河地区的和平、安全和繁荣继续合作。

PRESS STATEMENT MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE SEPTEMBER 14, 2020 The launch of the Mekong-U.S. Partnership reflects the importance of the Mekong region to the United States.  Our relationship with Mekong partner countries is an integral part of our Indo-Pacific vision and our strategic partnership with ASEAN.  With more than $150 million in initial investments in regional programs, we will build on the good work of the Lower Mekong Initiative and the $3.5 billion in regional U.S. assistance during the last eleven years. The Mekong-U.S. Partnership is committed to the autonomy, economic independence, good governance, and sustainable growth of Mekong partner countries.  The United States has dedicated more than $52 million to fight COVID-19 in the region, building on more than twenty years of Mekong-U.S. cooperation on infectious diseases.  We have supported economic growth with more than $1 billion to develop infrastructure in ASEAN countries through the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation (DFC), and plan to invest billions more in the coming years. The Mekong-U.S. Partnership will also continue to strengthen water security and the work of the Mekong River Commission.  It will include $55 million in planned new investments to help our Mekong partners combat transnational crime, including narcotrafficking and trafficking in persons, arms, and wildlife.  It will also increase support for energy security and electricity sector development through Asia EDGE (Enhancing Development and Growth), the Japan-U.S.-Mekong Power Partnership (JUMMP), and the Japan-U.S. Strategic Energy Partnership (JUSEP).  In all our efforts, the United States intends to work closely with partners like Japan, Australia, South Korea, India, and other good friends of the Mekong. We need to be candid, however, about the challenges we face, including those from the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), which increasingly threatens the Mekong’s natural environments and economic autonomy. The CCP’s unilateral decisions to withhold water upstream have exacerbated an historic drought.  The United States stands with the region and the Mekong River Commission in calling for transparent data sharing. We encourage countries of the Mekong region to hold the CCP accountable to its pledge to share its water data.  That data should be public.  It should be released year-round.  It should include water and water-related data, as well as land use, and dam construction and operation data.  And it should be shared through the Mekong River Commission, the organization that serves the interests of Mekong-region countries, not those of Beijing. We are also concerned about infrastructure-linked debt and the predatory and opaque business practices of Beijing’s state-owned actors, such as China Communications Construction Company.  Concerning also is the boom in trafficking of persons, drugs, and wildlife, much of which emanates from organizations, companies, and special economic zones linked to the CCP. Countries of the Mekong region have undergone an amazing journey in the last few decades. They deserve good partners.  Through the Mekong-U.S. Partnership, we look forward to many more years of collaboration to ensure a peaceful, secure, and prosperous Mekong region.

2020年8月7日美国东部夏令时间晚10:06 迈克尔·R·蓬佩奧国务卿 我们对本周早些时候在给贝鲁特带来如此巨大破坏的可怕悲剧中丧生的人们表示哀悼。我们为幸存者及其家人，为所有努力重建自己的生活和城市的黎巴嫩人民祈祷。美国已承诺为黎巴嫩提供超过1700万美元的初步救灾援助，其中包括食品援助和医疗物资。此前，美国自2019年9月以来对黎巴嫩的人道主义援助已达4.03亿美元，其中包括用于应对新冠疫情的4160万美元。此次援助使这一数字进一步增长。我们与其他各方一道呼吁对这起爆炸的原因进行彻底、透明的调查。黎巴嫩人民理应对此追责并拥有一个将自己公民的安全与繁荣置于优先位置的政府。没有哪个国家比美国更慷慨或更有同情心，同时我们将继续帮助黎巴嫩人民从这场悲剧中恢复过来。

PRESS STATEMENT MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE AUGUST 7, 2020 We mourn the loss of life from the horrible tragedy that caused such tremendous destruction to Beirut earlier this week.  We pray for the survivors and their families and for all the Lebanese people as they struggle to put their lives and city back together.  The United States has already pledged more than $17 million in initial disaster aid for Lebanon, which includes food assistance and medical supplies.  This assistance augments the $403 million in U.S. humanitarian assistance to Lebanon since September 2019, including $41.6 million in assistance for the COVID response.  We join others in the call for a thorough and transparent investigation into the cause of this explosion.  The Lebanese people deserve accountability and a government that prioritizes the safety and prosperity of its citizens.  No nation is more generous or compassionate than the United States, and we will continue to help the Lebanese people as they recover from this tragedy.

白宫 华盛顿特区 2022年3月8日 简报：美国禁止进口俄罗斯的石油、液化天然气和煤炭 今天，拜登总统将签署一项行政命令，禁止俄罗斯的石油、液化天然气和煤炭进口到美国。这是一项得到两党广泛支持的重大举措，将进一步减少普京总统赖以继续他所发动的这场无端战争的经济资源。 做出这一决定之前，美国同我们在全世界的盟友和合作伙伴进行了密切磋商，行政当局和国会两党议员之间也进行了密切磋商。美国能够采取这一步骤是因为我们有强大的国内能源基础设施，我们认识到并非所有盟友和合作伙伴目前都有条件加入我们的行动。但我们将同我们的盟友及合作伙伴团结一致，共同努力降低我们对俄罗斯能源的集体依赖程度，并继续对普京施加压力，同时采取积极步骤减轻全球能源市场所受的影响，并保护我们各自的经济。 这一措施将进一步增大美国及其盟国和合作伙伴采取的前所未有的制裁致使俄罗斯经济所承担的代价。由于我们进行了历史性的多边协调，俄罗斯已被全球经济和金融体系摈弃。占世界经济总量一半以上的 30 多个国家已经宣布对俄罗斯实施制裁，导致俄罗斯经济立即遭受沉重的损失，同时切断俄罗斯的高科技进口，削弱其经济增长潜力，使其军事力量一蹶不振。自普京宣布进一步入侵乌克兰以来，俄罗斯卢布几乎被腰斩，创下历史新低，目前价值不到一美分。通过孤立俄罗斯中央银行并切断俄罗斯最大银行与国际金融体系的联系，我们消解了俄罗斯可用于战争和减缓制裁的外汇储备。美国和盟国的出口管制正在打击俄罗斯的工业生产、俄罗斯民航业和俄罗斯经济的其他关键部门。美国和世界各国政府正在追查普京的亲信及其家人，查明并冻结他们在美国和其他国家持有的资产——他们的游艇、豪华公寓、金钱和其他不义之财。 今天的行政命令禁止： 普京的残酷战争导致能源价格上涨，提高了美国国内的能源价格。今天，拜登总统明确表示，他将继续努力减轻因汽油涨价对美国家庭造成的额外负担，并减少我们对外国石油和化石燃料的依赖： ### 欲查看原稿内容:  https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/03/08/fact-sheet-united-states-bans-imports-of-russian-oil-liquefied-natural-gas-and-coal/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

FACT SHEET: United States Bans Imports of Russian Oil, Liquefied Natural Gas, and Coal MARCH 08, 2022•STATEMENTS AND RELEASES Today, President Biden will sign an Executive Order (E.O.) to ban the import of Russian oil, liquefied natural gas, and coal to the United States – a significant action with widespread bipartisan support that will further deprive President Putin of the economic resources he uses to continue his needless war of choice. The United States made this decision in close consultation with our Allies and partners around the world, as well as Members of Congress of both parties. The United States is able to take this step because of our strong domestic energy infrastructure and we recognize that not all of our Allies and partners are currently in a position to join us. But we are united with our Allies and partners in working together to reduce our collective dependence on Russian energy and keep the pressure mounting on Putin, while at the same taking active steps to limit impacts on global energy markets and protect our own economies. This announcement builds on unprecedented economic costs the United States and our Allies and partners have imposed on Russia. As a result of our historic, multilateral coordination, Russia has become a global economic and financial pariah. Over 30 countries representing well over half the world’s economy have announced sanctions that impose immediate and severe economic costs on Russia, cut off access to high-tech technology, sap its growth potential, and weaken its military for years to come. The Russian ruble is now worth less than a penny and has hit an all-time low after losing almost half of its value since Putin announced his further invasion of Ukraine. By isolating Russia’s Central Bank and cutting off the largest Russian banks from the international financial system, we have disarmed his war chest of foreign reserves and left Putin to soften the blow of our sanctions. U.S. and allied export controls are impacting industrial production in Russia, Russian commercial aviation, and other key sectors of the Russian economy. The United States and governments all over the world are going after Putin’s cronies and their families by identifying and freezing the assets they hold in our respective jurisdictions – their yachts, luxury apartments, money, and other ill-gotten gains. Today’s Executive Order bans: Putin’s brutal war has led to higher energy prices and raised costs for Americans at home. Today, President Biden made clear that he will keep working to mitigate the pain American families feel at the pump and reduce our dependence on foreign oil and fossil fuels: ###

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年6 月26 日 国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥（MICHAEL R. POMPEO）发表声明 美国国务院对破坏香港高度自治和限制人权的中国共产党官员实施签证限制 特朗普总统（President Trump）曾承诺对中国共产党某些剥夺香港自由的官员进行惩罚。今天，我们特此采取行动。 中国共产党宣布北京有权对香港的管治实施“监督”，并对香港至少一名立法会议员提出行为不检的谴责，同时开始对香港单方面专横地强行实施国家安全法，进一步加强破坏香港高度自治的行为。北京继续采取的行动违背了在中英联合声明（Sino-British Joint Declaration）中关于尊重香港高度自治的承诺和义务。与此同时，北京对当地有关当局施加压力，要求逮捕民主派活动人士并取消民主派候选人的参选资格，继续破坏香港的人权和基本自由。 今天，我宣布对一些现任和前任中国共产党官员实施签证限制。据信这些官员从事或参与破坏1984年中英联合声明保障的香港高度自治或破坏香港人权和基本自由的行为。这些人员的家属也可能受到上述限制。 美国呼吁中国履行在中英联合声明中的承诺和义务，即香港将“享有高度自治”，同时保障人权和基本自由，包括表达的自由及和平集会的自由受到法律的保护和香港行政管理当局的尊重。香港的高度自治和全面执行中英联合声明以及尊重人权具有根本性的重要意义。美国将继续考虑根据既有授权对这些受到关注的问题做出反应。

For Immediate Release  STATEMENT BY SECRETARY MICHAEL R. POMPEO June 26, 2020 U.S. Department of State Imposes Visa Restrictions on Chinese Communist Party Officials for Undermining Hong Kong’s High Degree of Autonomy and Restricting Human Rights President Trump promised to punish the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) officials who were responsible for eviscerating Hong Kong’s freedoms.  Today, we are taking action to do just that. The CCP has stepped up efforts to undermine Hong Kong’s high degree of autonomy by announcing Beijing’s authority to “supervise” Hong Kong’s governance, accusing at least one member of Hong Kong’s Legislative Council of misconduct, and moving to unilaterally and arbitrarily impose national security legislation on Hong Kong.  Beijing’s continued actions undermine its commitments and obligations in the Sino-British Joint Declaration to respect Hong Kong’s high degree of autonomy.  At the same time, Beijing continues to undermine human rights and fundamental freedoms in Hong Kong by putting pressure on local authorities to arrest pro-democracy activists and disqualify pro-democracy electoral candidates.  Today, I am announcing visa restrictions on current and former CCP officials who are believed to be responsible for, or complicit in, undermining Hong Kong’s high degree of autonomy, as guaranteed in the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration, or undermining human rights and fundamental freedoms in Hong Kong.  Family members of such persons may also be subject to these restrictions. The United States calls on China to honor its commitments and obligations in the Sino-British Joint Declaration – namely that Hong Kong will “enjoy a high degree of autonomy” and that human rights and fundamental freedoms, including the freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly, will be protected by law and respected by governing authorities in Hong Kong.  Hong Kong’s high degree of autonomy and the full implementation of the Sino-British Joint Declaration, as well as respect for human rights, are of fundamental importance.  The United States will continue to review its authorities to respond to these concerns. # # #

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿特区 2022年7月6日 简报 布林肯国务卿将前往印度尼西亚的巴厘（Bali）出席20国集团外长会议（G20 Foreign Ministers’ Meeting），届时将重申美国致力于同关键经济体合作增进美国的利益并应对全球性挑战的承诺。这些挑战包括：减轻粮食和能源不安全；抗击气候危机；解决新冠疫情问题并增强全球卫生安全；以及应对对抗俄罗斯继续侵略乌克兰的全球性影响。国务卿除了出席与20国集团有关的活动外，还将同印尼外长蕾特诺·马尔苏迪（Retno Marsudi）举行双边会晤。布林肯国务卿还将与中华人民共和国国务委员兼外交部长王毅举行会晤，讨论美国同中华人民共和国的双边关系以及两国共同关注的全球性问题。 20国集团：国际经济政策协调的一个重要论坛 增进美国在20国集团致力于多边主义的承诺 支持乌克兰和解决俄罗斯大举入侵造成的全球影响   欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/the-united-states-and-g20-building-a-more-peaceful-stable-and-prosperous-world-together/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

FACT SHEET OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON JULY 6, 2022   Secretary Blinken will travel to Bali, Indonesia, to attend the G20 Foreign Ministers’ Meeting, where he will reinforce the U.S. commitment to working with key economies to advance U.S. interests and address global challenges.  These challenges include: reducing food and energy insecurity; combating the climate crisis; tackling COVID -19 and strengthening global health security; and addressing the global consequences of confronting Russia’s continued aggression against Ukraine.  In addition to attending G20-related engagements, the Secretary will hold a bilateral meeting with Indonesian Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi.  Secretary Blinken will also meet with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi to discuss the U.S.-PRC bilateral relationship and global issues of concern to the two countries. The G20: An Important Forum for International Economic Policy Coordination Reinforcing the United States Commitment to Multilateralism at the G20 Supporting Ukraine and Addressing Global Impacts from Russia’s Full-Scale Invasion

Whitehouse Image 我向共度神圣的莱麦丹斋月（Ramadan）的所有穆斯林致以最热情问候。 莱麦丹斋月纪念神圣的《古兰经》（Quran）降示于穆罕默德（Muhammad）。在见到新月之时，穆斯林家庭和社区将通过开始一个月的内省、精神更新和祷告来致敬这一降示。 在莱麦丹斋月期间，穆斯林从黎明到黄昏把斋，诵念《古兰经》段落，并向他人行仁慈、善意之举。通过这样做，他们在自己的灵性旅程中更新了目标感，加深了他们对主的恩典和怜悯的感激之情。 在这整个月中，我们都有机会思考我们被给予了的恩惠，并为彼此间更大的友谊而努力。在一起，本着莱麦丹斋月的精神，我们可以实现一个更加和谐和充满敬意的社会。 梅拉尼亚和我一起向美国及全世界的穆斯林致以最美好的祝愿，祝他们度过一个吉庆的庆祝月。

Presidential Message on Ramadan, 2019 I send my warmest greetings to all Muslims observing the holy month of Ramadan. Ramadan commemorates when the sacred Quran was revealed to Muhammad.  At the spotting of the crescent moon, Muslim families and communities will honor this revelation by beginning a month of inward reflection, spiritual renewal, and prayer. During Ramadan, Muslims fast from dawn to dusk, recite passages from the Quran, and perform benevolent acts of charity and good will toward others.  By doing so, they develop a renewed sense of purpose in their own spiritual journey, deepening their appreciation for God’s grace and mercy. Throughout this month, we all have an opportunity to reflect on the blessings we have been given and to work toward greater fellowship with one another.  Together, in the spirit of Ramadan, we can achieve a more harmonious and respectful society. Melania joins me in sending our best wishes to Muslims in the United States and around the world for a blessed month of celebration.

乔·拜登总统就全球疫苗发放事宜发表声明 白宫 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区 2021年6月3日 美国正继续努力使美国每一个符合条件的人都能接种疫苗，在国内抗击COVID-19新冠疫情。与此同时，我们还认识到，结束这场疫情意味着每一个地方都必须扑灭病毒。这场疫情不论在世界哪一个地方肆虐，美国人民都仍然处于危险的境地。美国承诺，以我们在国内体现的同样的紧迫感从事国际接种疫苗的工作。 美国已承诺为支持COVID-19新冠疫苗全球获取机制（COVAX）提供 40亿美元。为了提高全球的能力制造更多疫苗，我们缔结了各种伙伴关系。本届政府支持临时豁免COVID-19新冠疫苗知识产权的努力，因为长期而言我们需要更多的公司生产可靠和公平分享的疫苗用于挽救生命。我们已经与加拿大和墨西哥分享了400多万剂疫苗。我在上个月宣布，到6月底止美国将与全世界分享我们8,000万剂的疫苗供应。 今天，我们就我们如何分配其中第一批2,500万剂疫苗提供详情，为扩大全球接种面，解决实际的和可能的疫情急剧上升、疾病造成的沉重负担和最弱势国家的需求等问题打下基础。这些疫苗供应中至少有75%——近1,900万剂——将通过COVAX分享，其中包括为拉丁美洲和加勒比地区提供的约600万剂，为南亚和东南亚提供的约700万剂，以及与非洲联盟（African Union）和非洲各疾病控制与预防中心（Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention）合作为非洲提供的约500万剂。余下的供应，略多于600万剂的疫苗，将直接与出现疫情急剧上升及陷入危机的国家和其他伙伴与邻国分享，包括加拿大、墨西哥、印度和韩国。 我们分享这些疫苗不是为了获得什么好处或让步。 我们分享这些疫苗是为了挽救生命，通过我们的榜样和我们价值观的力量引领全世界结束这场疫情。我们将继续尊重科学，与我们的民主伙伴密切合作，共同协调多边努力，包括通过7国集团（G7）。 美国强大的领导作用对当前结束这场疫情并为明天增进全球卫生安全——更好地预防、监测和应对下一次威胁至关重要。在我们共同抗击这种病毒的过程中，美国将成为全世界疫苗的军火库。今后几天，随着我们从今天宣布的发放疫苗工作中获得的经验，我们将就未来如何分享疫苗提供更多的详情。我们将继续尽我们的一切努力，建设一个更安全和更有保障的世界防范传染性疾病造成的威胁。 欲查看原稿内容:  https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2021/06/03/statement-by-president-joe-biden-on-global-vaccine-distribution/

Statement by President Joe Biden on Global Vaccine Distribution FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE June 3, 2021 As the United States continues our efforts to get every eligible American vaccinated and fight COVID-19 here at home, we also recognize that ending this pandemic means ending it everywhere. As long as this pandemic is raging anywhere in the world, the American people will still be vulnerable. And the United States is committed to bringing the same urgency to international vaccination efforts that we have demonstrated at home. Already the United States has committed $4 billion to support COVAX, and we have launched partnerships to boost global capacity to manufacture more vaccines. My administration supports efforts to temporarily waive intellectual property rights for COVID-19 vaccines because, over time, we need more companies producing life-saving doses of proven vaccines that are shared equitably. We have already shared more than 4 million doses of vaccine with Canada and Mexico, and last month, I announced that, by the end of June, the United States will share 80 million doses of our vaccine supply with the world. Today, we’re providing more detail on how we will allocate the first 25 million of those vaccines to lay the ground for increased global coverage and to address real and potential surges, high burdens of disease, and the needs of the most vulnerable countries. At least 75 percent of these doses—nearly 19 million—will be shared through COVAX, including approximately 6 million doses for Latin America and the Caribbean, approximately 7 million for South and Southeast Asia, and approximately 5 million for Africa, working in coordination with the African Union and the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention. The remaining doses, just over 6 million, will be shared directly with countries experiencing surges, those in crisis, and other partners and neighbors, including Canada, Mexico, India, and the Republic of Korea. We are sharing these doses not to secure favors or extract concessions. We are sharing these vaccines to save lives and to lead the world in bringing an end to the pandemic, with the power of our example and with our values. And we will continue to follow the science and to work in close cooperation with our democratic partners to coordinate a multilateral effort, including through the G7. Strong American leadership is essential to ending this pandemic now, and to strengthening global health security for tomorrow—to better prevent, detect, and respond to the next threat. The United States will be the world’s arsenal of vaccines in our shared fight against this virus. In the days to come, as we draw on the experience of distributing the vaccine doses announced today, we will have more details to provide about how future doses will be shared. And we will continue to do all we can to build a world that is safer and more secure against the threat of infectious disease. ###

SUSPENSION OF ENTRY AS IMMIGRANTS AND NONIMMIGRANTS OF CERTAIN ADDITIONAL PERSONS WHO POSE A RISK OF TRANSMITTING 2019 NOVEL CORONAVIRUS BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 白宫（WHITE HOUSE） 新闻秘书办公室（Office of the Press Secretary） 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年3月11日 暂停有传播2019新型冠状病毒危险的移民和非移民类特定增列人员入境 美利坚合众国总统 公告 2020年1月31日，我发布第9984号公告（暂停有传播2019新型冠状病毒危险的移民和非移民类人员入境和为解除这项危险采取的其他适当措施）。我认为一种新型冠状病毒（后被重新定名为“SARS-CoV-2”并能引发2019冠状病毒病COVID-19）（“SARS-CoV-2”或“病毒”）有可能通过要求入境美国的受感染者广泛传播，对我们的运输系统和基础设施的安全及国家安全构成威胁。 当时 由于这种病毒的爆发以中华人民共和国为中心，我暂停并限制了所有在入境或准备入境美国前14天内身在中华人民共和国境内的所有外国人入境，香港和澳门特别行政区除外，特定例外情况除外。2 020年2月29日，考虑到SARS-CoV-2在伊朗伊斯兰共和国持续发生人传人的情况，我发布第9992号公告（ 暂停有传播2019新型冠状病毒危险的移民和非移民类特定增列人员入境），暂停和限制在入境美国或准备入境美国前14 天内曾身在伊朗伊斯兰共和国境内的所有外国人入境，特定例外情况除外。 美国疾病控制与预防中心（Centers for Disease Control and Prevention，CDC）作为卫生与公众服务部（Department of Health and Human Services）的一部分，已确定这种病毒对公众健康构成了严重威胁，并继续采取措施防止其传播。但CDC和各州及地方的卫生部门资源有限，一旦美国持续发生病毒大规模人传人的现象，公共卫生系统可能不堪重负。持续的人传人现象有可能导致公共卫生、经济、国家安全和社会的连锁后果。 世界卫生组织（World Health Organization）已确定申根地区（Schengen Area）多国正发生持续的SARS-CoV-2 人传人现象。本公告涉及的申根地区有26个欧洲国家；奥地利、比利时、捷克共和国、丹麦、爱沙尼亚、芬兰、法国、德国、希腊、匈牙利、冰岛、意大利、拉脱维亚、 列支敦士登、立陶宛、卢森堡、马耳他、荷兰、挪威、波兰、葡萄牙、斯洛伐克、斯洛文尼亚、西班牙、瑞典和瑞士。目前，申根地区是中华人民共和国以外 COVID-19 确诊病例最多的地区。截至2020年3月11日，26个申根地区国家已出现17,442例，711例死亡，且出现传染率持续高增长的现象。截至2020年3月9日，申根地区已向53个国家输出21例 COVID-19。此外，申根地区国家之间的人员自由流动使管理病毒扩散的工作遇到困难。 美国政府无法对持续从申根地区抵达的所有旅行人员进行有效的评估和监控。 这种病毒有可能通过从申根地区要求入境美国的受感染者在不被察觉的情况下传播，对我们的运输系统和基础设施的安全及国家安全构成威胁。鉴于保护美国境内人员不受这种有害传染性疾病的危害具有重要意义，我决定为美国的利益采取行动，限制和暂停所有在入境或准备入境美国前 14天内身在申根地区的所有移民或非移民类外国人入境美国。美国和申根地区国家的商业自由往来仍然是美国的经济要务。我仍然承诺促进我们各国之间的贸易往来。 为此，我，唐纳德·特朗普（Donald J. Trump），美利坚合众国总统，根据美利坚合众国宪法（Constitution ）和法律赋予我的权力，包括移民和国籍法（Immigration and Nationality Act）212(f)和215(a)款，美国法典（United States Code）第8篇1182(f)和1185(a)款及第3篇301 款，谨此宣布，除本公告第二部分涉及的人员外，本公告第一部分所述之人员无限制地入境美国可对美国的利益造成损害，对这类人员的入境应有某种约束、限制和例外。为此我宣布以下诸项： 第一部分。暂停和限制入境。除本公告第二部分规定之例外情况，限制和暂停所有在入境或准备入境前14天内身在申根地区内的所有移民或非移民类外国人入境美国。 第二部分。暂停和限制入境的适用范围。 (a) 本公告第一部分之规定不适用于： (1) 任何美国合法永久居民； (2) 配偶为美国公民或合法永久居民的任何外国人； (3) 作为美国公民或合法永久居民之父母或合法监护人的任何外国人，但该美国公民或合法永久居民须未婚并不满21岁； (4) 作为美国公民或合法永久居民之兄弟姐妹的任何外国人，但双方均须未婚并不满21岁； (5) 作为美国公民或合法永久居民之子女、领养子女或被监护人的任何外国人，或作为即将被领养者凭IR-4或 IH-4签证寻求入境美国者。 (6) 任何应美国政府邀请为控制或缓解病毒传播相关事务之目的旅行的外国人； (7) 任何作为非移民并持有非移民C-1、D或C-1/D签证以航空机组人员或海员身份前往美国的外国人。 (8) 任何符合下列条件的外国人 (A) 凭下列签证之一寻求进入美国或从美国过境者：根据A-1、A-2、C-2、C-3（作为外国政府官员或官员的直系亲属）、E-1 （作为驻美台北经济文化代表处[TECRO]或驻美台北经济文化办事处[TECO]雇员或雇员直系亲属）、G-1、 G-2、G-3、G-4、北约-1 至北约 -4或北约-6（或凭此等北约签证类别作为非移民寻求进入美国者）； (B) 其旅行符合《联合国总部协定》（United Nations Headquarters Agreement）第11条规定范围者； (9) 由美国卫生与公众服务部部长通过CDC主任或其指定人员认定其入境对输入、传播或散布该病毒不具有重大风险之任何外国人； (10) 由国务卿、国土安全部长或各自指定人员根据司法部长或其指定人员的建议，认定其入境有助于促进美国重大执法目标之任何外国人； (11) 由国务卿、国土安全部长或各自指定人员认定其入境符合美国国家利益之任何外国人；或 (12) 美国武装部队成员及其配偶和子女。 (b) 本公告所述之任何内容不应解释为可影响任何个人的庇护资格、停止递解或为执行《禁止酷刑和其他残忍、不人道或有辱人格的待遇或处罚约》（Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment）按美国法律和规定提供的保护。 第三部分。实施和执行。 (a) 国务卿应根据经与国土安全部长咨商制定的程序执行本公告中与各类签证相关的内容。国土安全部长应根据经与国务卿咨商制定的程序执行本公告中与外国人入境相关的内容。 (b) 国务卿、运输部长和国土安全部长须按照适用法律确保没有任何受本公告禁止的外国人乘坐空中交通工具前往美国。 (c) 国土安全部长可制定有关标准和程序，确保本公告在美国所有入境口岸（包括各口岸之间的旅行）得到执行。 (d) 凡通过欺诈、故意谎报重大事实或非法入境逃避本公告实施的外国人，均应作为重点对象由国土安全部递解出境。 第四部分。终止。本公告在总统予以解除前始终有效。卫生与公众服务部长（Secretary of Health and Human Services）将根据第9984号公告第五部分修订款，建议总统继续、修订或终止本公告。 第五部分。生效日 。本公告于东部夏令时间2020年3月13日下午11时59分生效。本公告不适用于乘坐预定抵达美国的航班在东部夏令时间2020年3月13日下午11时59分前起飞的人员。 第六部分。可分割性。美国的政策是最大程度地执行本公告以增进国家安全、公共安全和美国的外交政策利益。据此： (a) 如果本公告某一条款，或者对任何人或任何情况使用任何条款被认定无效，本公告的其余条款和条款的实施对其他人或情况不因此而受影响； (b) 如果本公告的任何条款，或者对任何人或情况实施条款因缺乏某些程序要求而被认定无效，行政分支有关官员将落实这些程序要求使之符合现行法律和任何适用的法庭命令。 第七部分 总则。(a) 本公告任何部分都不应被解释为削弱以下方面或使之受到其他影响： (i) 法律授予某一行政部门或机构或者其主管的权力；或者 (ii) 管理和预算办公室（Office of Management and Budget）主任的与预算、行政或立法提案相关的职能。 (b) 本公告将遵照适用的法律付诸实施，并取决于拨款。 (c) 本公告不代表也不构成任何一方可与美国、其各部、机构或实体、其官员、雇员或代理人或其他任何人对立的实质性或程序性的可由法律或平衡法实施的权利或福利。 为此，我谨于公元贰千零二十年之三月十一日，美利坚合众国独立贰百四十四年在此签名为证。 唐纳德·特朗普（DONALD J. TRUMP）

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA A PROCLAMATION On January 31, 2020, I issued Proclamation 9984 (Suspension of Entry as Immigrants and Nonimmigrants of Persons Who Pose a Risk of Transmitting 2019 Novel Coronavirus and Other Appropriate Measures To Address This Risk).  I found that the potential for widespread transmission of a novel (new) coronavirus (which has since been renamed “SARS-CoV-2” and causes the disease COVID-19) (“SARS-CoV-2” or “the virus”) by infected individuals seeking to enter the United States threatens the security of our transportation system and infrastructure and the national security.  Because the outbreak of the virus was at the time centered in the People’s Republic of China, I suspended and limited the entry of all aliens who were physically present within the People’s Republic of China, excluding the Special Administrative Regions of Hong Kong and Macau, during the 14-day period preceding their entry or attempted entry into the United States, subject to certain exceptions.  On February 29, 2020, in recognition of the sustained person-to-person transmission of SARS-CoV-2 in the Islamic Republic of Iran, I issued Proclamation 9992 (Suspension of Entry as Immigrants and Nonimmigrants of Certain Additional Persons Who Pose a Risk of Transmitting 2019 Novel Coronavirus), suspending and limiting the entry of all aliens who were physically present within the Islamic Republic of Iran during the 14-day period preceding their entry or attempted entry into the United States, subject to certain exceptions. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), a component of the Department of Health and Human Services, has determined that the virus presents a serious public health threat, and CDC continues to take steps to prevent its spread.  But CDC, along with State and local health departments, has limited resources, and the public health system could be overwhelmed if sustained human-to-human transmission of the virus occurred in the United States on a large scale.  Sustained human-to-human transmission has the potential to cause cascading public health, economic, national security, and societal consequences. The World Health Organization has determined that multiple countries within the Schengen Area are experiencing sustained person-to-person transmission of SARS-CoV-2.  For purposes of this proclamation, the Schengen Area comprises 26 European states: Austria, Belgium, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Italy, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, and Switzerland.  The Schengen Area currently has the largest number of confirmed COVID-19 cases outside of the People’s Republic of China.  As of March 11, 2020, the number of cases in the 26 Schengen Area countries is 17,442, with 711 deaths, and shows high continuous growth in infection rates.  In total, as of March 9, 2020, the Schengen Area has exported 201 COVID-19 cases to 53 countries.  Moreover, the free flow of people between the Schengen Area countries makes the task of managing the spread of the virus difficult. The United States Government is unable to effectively evaluate and monitor all of the travelers continuing to arrive from the Schengen Area.  The potential for undetected transmission of the virus by infected individuals seeking to enter the United States from the Schengen Area threatens the security of our transportation system and infrastructure and the national security.  Given the importance of protecting persons within the United States from the threat of this harmful communicable disease, I have determined that it is in the interests of the United States to take action to restrict and suspend the entry into the United States, as immigrants or nonimmigrants, of all aliens who were physically present within the Schengen Area during the 14-day period preceding their entry or attempted entry into the United States.  The free flow of commerce between the United States and the Schengen Area countries remains an economic priority for the United States, and I remain committed to facilitating trade between our nations. NOW, THEREFORE, I, DONALD J. TRUMP, President of the United States, by the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, including sections 212(f) and 215(a) of the Immigration and Nationality Act, 8 U.S.C. 1182(f) and 1185(a), and section 301 of title 3, United States Code, hereby find that the unrestricted entry into the United States of persons described in section 1 of this proclamation would, except as provided for in section 2 of this proclamation, be detrimental to the interests of the United States, and that their entry should be subject to certain restrictions, limitations, and exceptions.  I therefore hereby proclaim the following: Section 1.  Suspension and Limitation on Entry.  The entry into the United States, as immigrants or nonimmigrants, of all aliens who were physically present within the Schengen Area during the 14-day period preceding their entry or attempted entry into the United States is hereby suspended and limited subject to section 2 of this proclamation. Sec. 2.  Scope of Suspension and Limitation on Entry. (a)  Section 1 of this proclamation shall not apply to: (i)     any lawful permanent resident of the United States; (ii)    any alien who is the spouse of a U.S. citizen or lawful permanent resident; (iii)   any alien who is the parent or legal guardian of a U.S. citizen or lawful permanent resident, provided that the U.S. citizen or lawful permanent resident is unmarried and under the age of 21; (iv)    any alien who is the sibling of a U.S. citizen or lawful permanent resident, provided that both are unmarried and under the age of 21; (v)     any alien who is the child, foster child, or ward of a U.S. citizen or lawful permanent resident, or who is a prospective adoptee seeking to enter the United States pursuant to the IR-4 or IH-4 visa classifications; (vi)    any alien traveling at the invitation of the United States Government for a purpose related to containment or mitigation of the virus; (vii)   any alien traveling as a nonimmigrant pursuant to a C-1, D, or C-1/D nonimmigrant visa as a crewmember or any alien otherwise traveling to the United States as air or sea crew; (viii)  any alien (A)  seeking entry into or transiting the United States pursuant to one of the following visas:  A-1, A-2, C-2, C-3 (as a foreign government official or immediate family member of an official), E-1 (as an employee of TECRO or TECO or the employee’s immediate family members), G-1, G-2, G-3, G-4, NATO-1 through NATO-4, or NATO-6 (or seeking to enter as a nonimmigrant in one of those NATO categories); or (B)  whose travel falls within the scope of section 11 of the United Nations Headquarters Agreement; (ix)    any alien whose entry would not pose a significant risk of introducing, transmitting, or spreading the virus, as determined by the Secretary of Health and Human Services, through the CDC Director or his designee; (x)     any alien whose entry would further important United States law enforcement objectives, as determined by the Secretary of State, the Secretary of Homeland Security, or their respective designees, based on a recommendation of the Attorney General or his designee; (xi)    any alien whose entry would be in the national interest, as determined by the Secretary of State, the Secretary of Homeland Security, or their designees; or (xii)   members of the U.S. Armed Forces and spouses and children of members of the U.S. Armed Forces. (b)  Nothing in this proclamation shall be construed to affect any individual’s eligibility for asylum, withholding of removal, or protection under the regulations issued pursuant to the legislation implementing the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, consistent with the laws and regulations of the United States. Sec. 3.  Implementation and Enforcement.  (a)  The Secretary of State shall implement this proclamation as it applies to visas pursuant to such procedures as the Secretary of State, in consultation with the Secretary of Homeland Security, may establish.  The Secretary of Homeland Security shall implement this proclamation as it applies to the entry of aliens pursuant to such procedures as the Secretary of Homeland Security, in consultation with the Secretary of State, may establish. (b)  Consistent with applicable law, the Secretary of State, the Secretary of Transportation, and the Secretary of Homeland Security shall ensure that any alien subject to this proclamation does not board an aircraft traveling to the United States. (c)  The Secretary of Homeland Security may establish standards and procedures to ensure the application of this proclamation at and between all United States ports of entry. (d)  An alien who circumvents the application of this proclamation through fraud, willful misrepresentation of a material fact, or illegal entry shall be a priority for removal by the Department of Homeland Security. Sec. 4.  Termination.  This proclamation shall remain in effect until terminated by the President.  The Secretary of Health and Human Services shall recommend that the President continue, modify, or terminate this proclamation as described in section 5 of Proclamation 9984, as amended. Sec. 5.  Effective Date.  This proclamation is effective at 11:59 p.m. eastern daylight time on March 13, 2020.  This proclamation does not apply to persons aboard a flight scheduled to arrive in the United States that departed prior to 11:59 p.m. eastern daylight time on March 13, 2020. Sec. 6.  Severability.  It is the policy of the United States to enforce this proclamation to the maximum extent possible to advance the national security, public safety, and foreign policy interests of the United States.  Accordingly: (a)  if any provision of this proclamation, or the application of any provision to any person or circumstance, is held to be invalid, the remainder of this proclamation and the application of its provisions to any other persons or circumstances shall not be affected thereby; and (b)  if any provision of this proclamation, or the application of any provision to any person or circumstance, is held to be invalid because of the lack of certain procedural requirements, the relevant executive branch officials shall implement those procedural requirements to conform with existing law and with any applicable court orders. Sec. 7.  General Provisions.  (a)  Nothing in this proclamation shall be construed to impair or otherwise affect: (i)   the authority granted by law to an executive department or agency, or the head thereof; or (ii)  the functions of the Director of the Office of Management and Budget relating to budgetary, administrative, or legislative proposals. (b)  This proclamation shall be implemented consistent with applicable law and subject to the availability of appropriations. (c)  This proclamation is not intended to, and does not, create any right or benefit, substantive or procedural, enforceable at law or in equity by any party against the United States, its departments, agencies, or entities, its officers, employees, or agents, or any other person. IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this eleventh day of March, in the year of our Lord two thousand twenty, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and forty-fourth. DONALD J. TRUMP

Jeff Koons. Tulips, 1995-2004. 使馆艺术办公室（AIE）位于美国国务部海外建筑运作局的办公楼内。美国国务部致力于通过政府与社会资本合作，在世界各地的两百多个美国驻外使领馆举办艺术展览、设置永久收藏、进行场域特定艺术以及双向的艺术家交流等，从而促进跨文化的对话与了解。使馆艺术办公室在达成这个目标的过程中发挥了不可或缺的作用。在中国，使馆艺术办公室的精心设计和策划，使美中两国艺术家的代表作品成为美国驻华大使馆和美国驻广州总领馆的重要藏品。   使馆艺术和保护基金会 (FAPE) 是一个公私合营的合伙制机构，致力于为世界各地的美国驻外使馆提供美国艺术家的作品作为永久收藏。近三十年间，为了完成美国国务部的文化外交使命，使馆艺术和保护基金会一直与众多美国艺术家合作，这些艺术家的作品促进了驻外人员及东道国之间的跨文化理解。基金会委托或安放的所有艺术作品都是礼物，是由一些最杰出的美国艺术家和捐赠人提供的，代表了他们的慷慨无私和拳拳的爱国之心。使馆艺术和保护基金会通过场域特定艺术、原版印刷和摄影作品收藏、维护项目以及其他艺术倡议等方式来达成自己的目标。如需了解在中国的使馆艺术和保护基金会项目，请点击这里。

Art in Embassies (AIE) is housed within the Department of State’s Bureau of Overseas Buildings Operations.  It is an integral part of the Department’s commitment to promoting cross-cultural dialogue and understanding through public-private partnerships that deliver art exhibitions, permanent collections, site-specific commissions and two-way artist exchanges in more than 200 U.S. Embassies and Consulates around the world. In China, AIE has curated impressive collections of American and Chinese artists at the U.S. Embassy in Beijing and the U.S Consulate in Guangzhou.   The Foundation for Art and Preservation in Embassies (FAPE) is a public private partnership dedicated to providing permanent works of American art for U.S. embassies worldwide. For almost thirty years, FAPE has contributed to the U.S. Department of State’s mission of cultural diplomacy by partnering with American artists whose works encourage cross-cultural understanding within the diplomatic community and the international public. All artworks commissioned or placed by FAPE are gifts, representing the generosity and patriotism of some of the United States’ greatest artists and donors. FAPE fulfills its mission through site-specific commissions, original print and photography collections, preservation projects, and other arts initiatives. For more information on FAPE’s donations in China go here.

白宫 新闻秘书办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区 2020年2月29日 詹姆斯·布雷迪新闻发布厅（James S. Brady Press Briefing Room） 东部标准时间下午1:51 （节选） 总统：…… *         *         *         * 我想向我们的人民、我们的公民——坦率地说，还有全世界——就我们关于冠状病毒以及那些受到极大伤害的人所采取的行动提供最新情况。 *         *         *         * 1月31日，我对曾经——任何去过中国或从中国出来的——外国人施加了旅行限制。而且我想说中国似乎正在取得巨大进展。他们的数字大幅下降。如果你读新闻的话，苹果（Apple）公司的蒂姆·库克（Tim Cook）说他们现在在中国恢复全面运营了。他们的数字大幅下降。 *         *         *         * 作为我们的努力的一个重要部分，星期一，我将同实际上是全世界最大的一些制药公司见面。他们将来到白宫，而且我们将讨论一种疫苗以及研发，非常迅速地——他们已经开始就此努力——非常迅速地研发用于这种病毒的疫苗，以防治这种病毒。…… *         *         *         * 副总统：…… *         *         *         * 从这个国家知悉冠状病毒传播的那一刻起，唐纳德·特朗普（Donald Trump）总统就采取果断行动，并成立了白宫冠状病毒工作组（White House Coronavirus Task Force）。正如总统刚才介绍的，他采取了空前行动，暂停了来自中国的所有人进入美国。这是任何历届政府完全没有做过的。这也是冠状病毒对美国人的威胁依然很低的原因之一，尽管今天从华盛顿州（Washington State）传来了悲哀的消息。 工作组今天上午开会，向总统提出了一系列选择方案。在他的指导下，我们将采取以下措施： 首先，总统今天授权采取行动对伊朗新增旅行限制。我们将使用212(f)条款，禁止来自伊朗的旅客。伊朗已经被置于一项旅行禁令之下，而我们正在将现有的旅行限制扩大到包括任何在过去14天内去过伊朗的外国人。 除了有关伊朗的措施外，我们还将警告级别提高到最高级——即四级——警告美国人不要前往意大利和韩国的特定地区。 让我再说一遍，总统今天授权国务院将对美国人的旅行警告提升到四级。我们敦促美国人不要前往受冠状病毒影响最大的意大利和韩国的有关地区。 总统还指示国务院同我们在意大利和韩国的盟友合作进行筛查——在他们的国家对任何前往美利坚合众国的人进行医疗筛查。我们期待着同他们以一种协作性的及合作的方式共同努力。 现在谈一下工作组的情况。虽然我在几天前刚刚就任，但我可以告诉你们，与总统刚才提到的这些杰出专业人士一道工作，直接与十几位州长通话——包括今天上午与华盛顿州州长杰伊·伊斯利（Jay Inslee）通话——我认为，如果像我一样了解到卫生与公众服务部(HHS)、CDC以及我们所有机构的工作，每一位美国人都会感到自豪。 *         *         *         * 此外，主管预防和应对工作的助理部长将在今天宣布行动计划，包括增加口罩供应、优先满足面临高风险的医护人员的需求、修改防疫指南以及制定一项全民信息传播计划。 总统要求我们确保医护人员能够获得他们所需要的支持，以便他们能够从事他们的工作，并且安全地从事他们的工作。 *         *         *         * 阿扎尔（Azar）部长：……首先，我代表卫生与公众服务部的所有官员和我们整个团队，对华盛顿州的这名患者去世表示哀悼。对我们来说，任何一个人的死亡都非常可悲。我们对她的家人表示同情，并希望告诉所有正在遭受或将遭受新型冠状病毒的人，我们将和你们心心相连。 从第一天起，我们就预测到这种情况，我们就预期这种情况会发生。对普通美国人来说，新型冠状病毒是低风险的。目前仍然是低风险。由于特朗普总统采取的前所未有的行动以及他今天宣布的措施，目前仍然是低风险。 但是，情况可能迅速发生变化。从我们谈到疫情的第一刻起，我们一直说我们会看到更多病例。我们正在看到更多病例。我们还将看到更多病例。 但记住这一点很重要：对绝大部分感染新型冠状病毒的人而言，他们将出现轻度或中度的症状，他们的治疗方式将是待在家里，像对待重感冒或流感那样来对待他们的症状。 对于有些人，较小一部分人，特别是那些可能病弱的人，他们将必须得到医疗照护，包括可能要住院。 *         *         *         * 福奇（Fauci）博士：非常感谢你，部长先生。我想首先，再一次，正如整个团队所感到的，向这个病毒和这种疾病所造成的那位死者的家人表示慰问。 但我还想强调并重申部长谈到的这里正在出现的几点变化。你们都听到过“社区传播”这个术语。而社区传播是指在社区中出现与已知的指示病例没有直接联系的感染。这的确向我们提出了挑战，要我们去做需要做的事而且要做得非常好。州和地方卫生官员，同疾病控制与预防中心协作，需要识别、隔离并追踪接触者。这就是现在在国内发生的情况。 就具体地区而言，现在涉及华盛顿，国家作为一个整体——因为我们总是被问到这点——仍然处于低风险。但是当我们这样说的时候，我们要强调它是一个不断变化的局势。我们将实时让你们随时了解正在发生的情况，就好像我们今天正在做的一样。 那么如何应对这一新的挑战？我们有内部的努力和外部的努力。我回想总统最初的决定，要确保我们知道中国正在发生的情形。我们防止了从中国到美国的旅行。如果我们没有那样做，我们现在这里会有许许多多必须处理的病例。 *         *         *         * 所以，当世界各地都出现病例时，这是我们正在看见的情况——韩国、意大利、伊朗和其他类似地方——美国不可能完全豁免。挑战在于我们如何应对它。我可以肯定地告诉各位，所有必须的资源都在被投入应对我们正在看到的正在变化的情况。 *         *         *         * 问：……你提到中国传播减少，冠状病毒病例。美国政府是否在考虑评估在美国采用相似措施，一旦情况恶化的话？ 总统：某些措施。我们在与中国保持非常密切接触，包括我自己同习主席。他非常希望这样。他希望摆脱，结束，解决。 他工作——他一直在非常非常努力地工作，这点我可以告诉各位。他们在中国正在取得很大进展。 你们大概看到，星巴克（Starbucks）现在又营业了。你们大概看到了——就像我所说的。蒂姆出来，他说苹果公司在中国的生产设施恢复正常。他们取得了很大进展。 *         *         *         * 总统：我认为我们与中国的关系非常好。我们刚达成一个重大贸易协议。我们在与中国开始另一个贸易协议——一个非常大的协议。我们一直在密切合作。他们在同我们的人对话，我们在同他们的人对话，与这个病毒有关的。 不，我们与中国的关系非常好。也许因为此时发生的事变得更密切，因为它是——你知道，某种方面而言，这可以让世界更紧密，如果你想知道的话。这真的可以起这样的作用。 *         *         *         * 结束 东部标准时间下午2:43

White House REMARKS Issued on: February 29, 2020 James S. Brady Press Briefing Room  1:51 P.M. EST THE PRESIDENT:  ……  *      *      *      * I want to provide an update to our people, to our citizens — to the world, frankly — on our action to address the coronavirus and those that have been hurt badly by it.  *      *      *      *  On January 31st, I imposed travel restrictions on foreign nations who had — and anybody that had been to China or people coming out of China.  And I want to say that China seems to be making tremendous progress. Their numbers are way down. And if you read, Tim Cook of Apple said that they are now in full operation again in China.  Their numbers are way down. *      *      *      * As an important part of our efforts, on Monday, I’ll be meeting with the largest pharmaceutical companies in the world, actually.  They’ll be coming to the White House, and we’re talking about a vaccine and developing, very quickly — and they’ve already started working on it — developing, very rapidly, a vaccine for the virus, to combat the virus.    *     *      *      *  THE VICE PRESIDENT:  ……  *      *      *      *  From the moment that this country learned of the spread of the coronavirus, President Donald Trump took decisive action and established the White House Coronavirus Task Force.  And as the President just described, the President took unprecedented action to suspend all travel into the United States from China. It simply had never been done before by any previous administration.  And it is among the reasons why the threat to Americans of coronavirus remains low, despite today’s tragic news from Washington State.  The task force met this morning and brought the President a range of options.  And at his direction, we will be doing the following: First, the President authorized action today to add additional travel restrictions on Iran.  We will be using Section 212(f), banning travel from Iran. Iran is already under a travel ban, but we are expanding existing travel restrictions to include any foreign national who has visited Iran within the last 14 days.  In addition to moving Iran, we are going to increase to the highest level of advisory — which is level four — advising Americans do not travel to specific regions in Italy and South Korea. Let me say again: The President today has authorized the State Department to increase the travel advisory for Americans to level four.  We are urging Americans to not travel to the areas in Italy, and the areas in South Korea, that are most affected by the coronavirus. The President has also directed the State Department to work with our allies in Italy and in South Korea to coordinate a screening — a medical screening in their countries of any individuals that are coming into the United States of America. And we look forward to working with them in a collaborative and a cooperative way.  Now, with regard to the task force, I’m just a few days into this job, but I can tell you, having spent time with these extraordinary professionals that the President just alluded to, having spoken directly to more than a dozen governors — including Governor Jay Inslee this morning in Washington State — I am — I think every American would be proud to know what I’ve heard about the work of HHS, the work of CDC, the work of all of our agencies.  *      *      *      * In addition to that, the Assistant Secretary for Preparedness and Response will be announcing today courses of action to increase the availability of masks, as well as prioritizing availability to high-risk healthcare workers, modifying guidance, and developing a whole-of-nations communications plan.  The President wants us to be certain that our healthcare providers have the support they need to do their job and to do their job safely.  *      *      *      *  SECRETARY AZAR:  ……  Let me begin by, on behalf of all of the officials at HHS and our whole teams, expressing our sadness for the loss of this patient in the state of Washington.  Any single death for us is a real tragedy. And our sympathy to her family and our solidarity with all those who are and will suffer from the novel coronavirus. From day one, this is what we predicted, this is what we expected.  The risk to any average American is low, from the novel coronavirus.  The risk remains low. Thanks to the unprecedented actions President Trump has taken and the actions he’s announcing today, that risk remains low. But this can change rapidly.  We have always said, from the first moment that we have spoken about this, that we would see more cases.  We are seeing more cases. We will see more cases. But it’s important to remember: For the vast majority of individuals who contract the novel coronavirus, they will experience mild to moderate symptoms, and their treatment will be to remain at home, treating their symptoms the way they would a severe cold or the flu.  For some individuals, a smaller percentage, especially those who may be medically fragile, they will require medical attention, including possibly hospitalization. *      *      *      * FAUCI:  ……I want to first, again, as the entire team feels, to extend our sympathies to the family of the individual who expired as a result of this particular virus and this particular disease. But I also want to underscore and emphasize the points that the Secretary made about what is evolving here.  You’ve heard of the terminology, “community spread.” Well, community spread is when you have infection in the community in which you don’t have a direct link to a known index case.  That really challenges us with something that we need to do and that we do very well. The state and local health authorities, in collaboration with the CDC, would need to identify, isolate, and contact trace.  And that’s what’s going on right here in the country.  With regard to the particular area that’s involved now in Washington, the country as a whole — because we get asked that all the time — still remains at low risk.  But when we say that, we want to underscore that this is an evolving situation. And in real time, we will keep you appraised of what is going on just the same way as though we are doing it today. So how do you address this new challenge?  There’s what we do from within and what we do from without.  I hearken back to the original decision that was made by the President of making sure that we knew the scenario that was going on in China.  We prevented travel from China to the United States. If we had not done that, we would have had many, many more cases right here that we would have to be dealing with.  *      *      *      * So when you have cases throughout the world, the way we’re seeing now — South Korea, Italy, Iran, and places like that — the United States cannot be completely immune to that.  The challenge is how we deal with it. And I can assure you all the resources that are necessary are going to be put into dealing with what we see evolving right now.  *      *      *      * Q:    Thank you, Mr. President.  You mentioned the drop of spread in China, the coronavirus cases.  Is the U.S. government considering evaluating similar measures in the U.S. in case the situation gets worse? THE PRESIDENT:  Some measures.  We’ve been in very close contact with China, including myself with President Xi.  He very much wanted this to happen. He wanted this to get out and finished and be done.  He worked — he’s been working very, very hard, I can tell you that. And they’re making a lot of progress in China.  You probably saw Starbucks are now opened again.  You probably saw that — as I mentioned, Tim just came out and he said Apple is back to normal in terms of production in their facilities in China.  They’ve made a lot of progress.  *      *      *      *  THE PRESIDENT:  Well, I think our relationship with China is very good.  We just did a big trade deal. We’re starting on another trade deal with China — a very big one.  And we’ve been working very closely. They’ve been talking to our people, we’ve been talking to their people, having to do with the virus.  No, our relationship with China is very good.  Maybe it’s closer because of what’s happened here, because it was — you know, in a certain way, this can bring the world closer, if you want to know.  It can really do that. *      *      *      * END            2:43 P.M. EST

美国国务院可能会为美国公民额外安排撤离航班，费用需由乘客事后自付，班机将于2月3日或2月3日前后从武汉天河国际机场出发。想要使用这种交通方式的个人将接受美国疾病控制与预防中心的筛查，并很有可能受到隔离。更多信息：http://ow.ly/EcUC30qe27l

The U.S. Department of State is working on staging additional evacuation flights for U.S. citizens on a reimbursable basis, leaving Wuhan Tianhe Intl Airport on or about Feb 3. Individuals subject to CDC screening and a strong possibility of quarantine. More info: https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/health-alert-u-s-embassy-beijing-january-31-2020/

Terry Branstad speaking at International Women’s Day 赋能女性，释放成功 泰里·布兰斯塔德, 美国驻中国大使 今天是国际妇女节。有两位女性对我的人生产生了巨大的影响，那就是我的母亲丽塔×布兰斯塔德（Rita Branstad），以及我的老师劳拉×希维克（Laura Sewick）。我的母亲让我了解到良好的教育的重要性——“因为没人能把它拿走。”我的八年级老师希维克女士让美国历史变得生动有趣，激励了我毕生追求公共服务。我时常回想他们智慧的影响是如何让我的人生受益的。 在世界各地，女性每天都在起到这样的影响。当个人和国家移除障碍，让包括女性在内的所有社会成员充分参与时，个人和国家会受益。证据表明工作场所中男女人数更平均的国家有更多的增长、创新和稳定。相比之下，男女之间机会差距较大的国家也更有可能卷入暴力冲突。当社会移除通向机会的障碍——不管是性别障碍还是种族障碍亦或是宗教障碍，并且为所有人创造一个更加包容的环境时，社会会受益。美国已经取得巨大的进展，而且我们每天仍在努力拆除更多的障碍。 我亲身体验过增加性别包容性的价值。在大使馆这里我的高级顾问当中，我依靠数位卓越的女外交官，她们为美中关系贡献她们深厚的经验和高超的能力。另外一个例子是当我卸去州长旧职，成为驻华大使时，新任州长是金·雷诺兹（Kim Reynolds）——艾欧瓦州的首位女性州长。在任一年之后，雷诺兹州长的表现为她赢得了艾欧瓦州公民的支持，他们再次选举她出任下一个任期。女性当选高级别政府官员在我年轻时更加少见，在当今世界很多地方依旧少见或者甚者不可能。但是美国的民众今天受益，因为女性有越来越多的机会发掘她们的潜力并实现她们的梦想。 另外一个例子，上个月，整个世界都注意到，来自中国重庆的石之予（Domee Shi）执导动画短片《包宝宝》获得了奥斯卡奖。在众多荣誉中，评论员指出她是大型工作室的首批短片电影女导演之一，制作出了一部描绘母性的感人作品。其他评论员指出，她的华人背景给电影带来了独特的视角，能让全世界观众产生共鸣。石之予获得了奥斯卡奖，为她的行业创造了价值，体现了来自于多元化和女性赋能的创造性和创新性。 雷诺兹州长和石之予的例子成为了头条，但女性赋能的真正益处在全世界以更不为人知的方式累积。女性赋能意味着年轻的女学生能够安全地去上学，相信她会得到和男同学同样的待遇。女性赋能意味着女性企业家可以在和男性企业家竞争时，能平等地获得资源并发展她的企业。女性赋能意味着承认并在这种基本前提下行动：无论性别、族裔和种族，所有人都值得平等对待。

Empowering Women, Unleashing Success Terry Branstad, U.S. Ambassador to China Today is International Women’s Day.  Two women who made a tremendous impact in my life are my mother, Rita Branstad, and my teacher, Laura Sewick.  My mother drove home the importance of a good education, “because no one can take that away.”  My eighth grade teacher, Ms. Sewick made American history come alive and inspired me to seek a life in public service.  I regularly reflect on the ways their wise influence benefited my life. Around the world, women have this type of influence every day.  Individuals and countries benefit when they remove obstacles to full participation by all members of society, including women.  The evidence shows that countries with a greater balance of men and women in the workplace have greater growth, innovation, and stability.  In contrast, countries where the opportunity gap between men and women is larger are also more likely to be involved in violent conflict.  Societies benefit when they remove barriers to opportunity—be they gender barriers or racial barriers or religious barriers—and instead create a more inclusive environment for all.  The United States has made tremendous progress, and we still work every day to tear down more barriers. I have personally experienced the value of increased gender inclusion.  Among my senior advisors here at the Embassy I depend on several prominent female diplomats who lend their deep experience and superb abilities to U.S.-China relations.  In another example, when I left my former post as governor to become Ambassador to China, the new governor became Kim Reynolds, the first female governor of Iowa.  After a year in office, Governor Reynolds’ performance won her the support of the citizens of Iowa, who re-elected her to another term in office.  The election of a woman to high government office was much more limited when I was young, and is still limited or even impossible in many parts of the world.  Yet the people of the United States benefit today because women have increasing opportunities to realize their potential and achieve their dreams. Another example, last month, the entire world took notice when Domee Shi, originally from Chongqing China, won an Academy Award for directing the short film Bao.  Among other accolades, commentators pointed out she was one of the first female directors of a short film for a major studio, producing a touching portrayal of motherhood.  Other commentators noted that Shi’s Chinese background brought a unique perspective to the film that connected with audiences worldwide.  Domee Shi won an Oscar, created value for her industry, and showed the creativity and innovation that comes from diversity and women’s empowerment. While the cases of Governor Reynolds and Domee Shi make headlines, the real benefits of women’s empowerment accrue in quieter ways around the world.  Women’s empowerment means a young female student can go to school in safety, confident she will be treated the same as her male classmates.  Women’s empowerment means a businesswoman can access resources and grow her business on equal footing with the businessmen against whom she competes.  Women’s empowerment means recognizing and acting on the basic premise that all deserve to be treated equal regardless of gender, ethnicity, or race.

2023年2月21日 波兰华沙 华沙皇家城堡 中欧时间下午5:39   总统：你好，波兰！（掌声）波兰是我们伟大的盟友之一。杜达总统、总理先生、市长先生、以及来自全国各地的前任部长、总统、市长和波兰的政治领袖们：感谢你们欢迎我回到波兰。   你们知道，将近一年前——（掌声）——将近一年前，就在弗拉基米尔·普京对乌克兰发动旨在毁灭的攻击几周后，我在这里——华沙的皇家城堡——发表了讲话。自第二次世界大战以来欧洲最大的陆战已经打响。逾 75 年来作为这个星球的和平、繁荣与稳定基石的原则岌岌可危。   一年前，世界已经准备面对基辅的沦陷。而今天，我刚刚结束了对基辅的访问，我可以告诉大家：基辅依然坚强、（掌声）依然自豪、依然岿巍挺立！最重要的是，基辅依然自由！（掌声） 当俄罗斯入侵时，不仅仅是乌克兰受到考验。 整个世界都经历了一次历史性的考验。   欧洲受到考验。美国受到考验。北约受到考验。所有民主国家都受到考验。我们面临的问题既简单又深刻。   我们会采取行动，还是会视而不见？我们会坚强还是会软弱？我们与所有的盟友会团结还是分裂？   一年后，我们知道了答案。   我们采取了行动。 我们选择了坚强。 我们选择了团结。世界没有选择视而不见。（掌声）   我们还面临着对最基本的原则所做承诺的根本性问题。我们会奋起捍卫国家主权吗？我们会奋起捍卫人们免受赤裸裸侵略的权利吗？我们会奋起捍卫民主吗？   一年后，我们知道了答案。   是的，我们会奋起捍卫主权。我们做到了。   是的，我们会奋起捍卫人们免受侵略的权利。我们做到了。   我们会奋起捍卫民主。我们也做到了。   昨天，我有幸与泽连斯基总统站在一起，在基辅宣布我们将继续捍卫这些原则，无论发生什么情况。（掌声）   当普京总统下令坦克进入乌克兰时，他以为我们会屈服。但他错了。   乌克兰人民太勇敢了。   美国、欧洲、从大西洋到太平洋的国家联盟——我们高度团结。 民主无比坚强。   普京所预期和预言的一场轻松胜利，变成了烧毁的坦克和溃败的俄罗斯军队。   他原以为他将使北约芬兰化，相反，他得到的结果是芬兰北约化——还有瑞典。（掌声）   他原以为北约会分裂瓦解。相反，北约更加团结——比以往任何时候都更加团结。   他原以为能够通过把能源用作武器来动摇你们的决心——欧洲的决心。   相反，我们正在共同努力，结束欧洲对俄罗斯化石燃料的依赖。 他原以为像他自己这样的独裁者很强硬，而民主国家的领导人则很软弱。   然而，他发现自己面对的是美国和众多国家的钢铁意志，人们拒绝接受一个以恐惧和武力统治的世界。   他发现自己正在与一个在烈火和钢铁中锻造出勇气的人领导之下的国家交战，这个人就是泽伦斯基总统。（掌声）   普京总统 ——普京总统今天面对的是一年前他认为不可能发生的事情。世界上的民主国家变得更强，而不是更弱。世界上的专制者却变得更弱，而不是更强。   因为在动荡不安和充满变数的时刻，知道自己为何而战非常重要，而知道谁会和你并肩奋战会让结果截然不同。   波兰人民知道这一点。你们知道这一点。事实上，波兰比任何国家都更加清楚，因为这就是团结的意义。   经历了分割和压迫，华沙起义之后这座美丽的城市被摧毁，在共产主义铁腕统治下的几十年里，波兰人民团结一致，经受住了考验。   因此，勇敢的白俄罗斯反对派领袖和人民继续为民主而战。   因此，摩尔多瓦人民的决心 ——（掌声）—— 摩尔多瓦人民渴望自由生活的决心为他们赢得了独立，使他们走上了加入欧盟的道路。   桑杜总统今天也在此。我不确定她在哪里。但我很自豪能和您以及热爱自由的摩尔多瓦人民站在一起。请为她鼓掌。（掌声）   战争爆发一年后，普京不再怀疑我们联盟的力量。但他仍然怀疑我们的信念、怀疑我们的持久力量、怀疑我们对乌克兰的持续支持、怀疑北约能否继续保持团结。   然而，他不应该有任何怀疑。我们对乌克兰的支持决不会动摇，北约决不会分裂，我们也决不会疲惫。（掌声）。   普京总统对地盘和权力的疯狂欲望必定破灭，而乌克兰人民对自己国家的热爱必定胜利。   世界民主国家将在今天、明天和永远守卫自由。（掌声）因为——因为它关系着自由的生死存亡。   我昨天就是带着这个信息去基辅，直接带给乌克兰人民。   当泽连斯基总统说——他去年12月曾来美国——我引用他的话——他说，这场斗争将决定世界的格局以及我们的子孙后代和他们的子子孙孙将如何生活。   他所说的不只是乌克兰的子孙后代。他说的是我们所有人的子孙后代。你的和我的。   今天我们再次看到波兰人民和欧洲各地人民曾目睹几十年的情形：对独裁者的贪婪不能姑息，必须反抗。   独裁者只懂得一个字：“不”。“不”。“不”。（掌声）   “不，你不能夺走我的国家”。“不，你不能夺走我的自由”。“不，你不能夺走我的未来”。（掌声）   今晚我要重复我去年在这同一个地方所说的话：一心重建帝国的独裁者永远无法泯灭人民对自由的热爱。暴行永远无法压跨自由的意志。乌克兰——乌克兰将永远不会是俄罗斯的战利品。永远不会。（掌声）   因为自由的人民拒绝生活在绝望和黑暗的世界中。   你们知道，这一年从各种意义而言都非同寻常。   俄罗斯军队和雇佣军的残暴非同寻常。他们不知羞耻，作恶多端，犯下反人类罪。他们对平民发起致命和毁灭攻击，把强奸用作战争武器，偷掳乌克兰儿童，试图——试图以此掠夺乌克兰的未来。他们轰炸火车站、妇产医院、学校和孤儿院。   没有人——没有人能够对俄罗斯正在对乌克兰人民犯下的暴行视而不见。它令人发指。它令人发指。   但是，同样非同寻常的是，乌克兰人民和世界的反应。   在炮弹开始落下、俄罗斯的坦克开进乌克兰的一年之后，乌克兰仍然是独立自由的。（掌声）   从赫尔松（Kherson）到哈尔科夫（Kharkiv），乌克兰战士已经夺回了他们的土地。   在俄罗斯去年占领的50%以上的领土上，如今再次骄傲地飘扬着乌克兰的蓝黄双色旗。   泽连斯基总统仍然领导着代表乌克兰人民意愿的民选政府。   而且国际社会已多次投票，包括在联合国大会上，谴责俄罗斯的侵略，支持公正的和平。   联合国的每一次投票都是压倒性的。   去年10月，143个国家在联合国谴责了俄罗斯的非法吞并。在整个联合国，只有四个国家投票支持俄罗斯。四个。   因此，我今晚要再次对俄罗斯人民讲话。   美国和欧洲国家不寻求控制或摧毁俄罗斯。西方不是像普京今天所说的那样在谋划攻击俄罗斯。亿万希望与邻国和平相处的俄罗斯公民不是敌人。   这场战争从来没有必要；它是一场悲剧。   普京总统选择了这场战争。战争持续的每一天都是他的选择。他可以用一个字结束战争。   这很简单。如果俄罗斯停止侵犯乌克兰，战争就会结束。如果乌克兰面对俄罗斯的侵略停止自卫，乌克兰就会不复存在。   这就是为什么我们正在共同确保乌克兰有能力自卫。   美国已经组成一个有50多个国家的全球联盟，向前线勇敢的乌克兰战士提供关键的武器和物资。防空系统、火炮、弹药、坦克和装甲车。   欧盟及其成员国加强了对乌克兰的前所未有的承诺，不仅是安全援助，而且也在经济、人道需要、难民援助等许多方面。   今晚在座的所有各位：请凝神片刻。我要认真地说：转过身看看，转过来看看彼此。看看你们迄今的成就。   波兰接待着150多万这场战争的难民。上帝保佑你们。（掌声） 波兰的慷慨，你们敞开胸怀与家门的意愿，殊胜非凡。   美国人民也同样团结、坚定。   在我国各地的大小城镇，乌克兰国旗在美国人的住宅飘扬。 过去一年，在美国国会中，民主党人和共和党人团结一致支持自由。   这就是美国人的特性，这就是美国人的行动。（掌声）   世界也在携起手来，解决普京总统的战争造成的全球影响。   普京试图让世界挨饿，封锁黑海港口，阻止乌克兰粮食出口，加剧全球粮食危机，非洲发展中国家尤其深受其害。   然而，美国和七国集团以及全球合作伙伴响应呼吁，以历史性的承诺应对危机，增加全球粮食供应。   本周，我的妻子吉尔·拜登正在前往非洲，促进对这个重要问题的关注。   我们对乌克兰人民和乌克兰的未来作出承诺——一个自由、享有主权和民主的乌克兰。   这是30多年前宣布乌克兰独立的人们的梦想——是他们领导了橙色革命（Orange Revolution）和尊严革命（Revolution of Dignity）；是他们在独立广场（Maidan）勇敢地冒着冰与火，天堂百人（Heavenly Hundred）在那里献身；是他们仍在继续根除克里姆林宫腐蚀、胁迫和控制乌克兰的企图。   对于那些多年来在顿巴斯（Donbas）地区抗击俄罗斯侵略的乌克兰爱国志士以及为了他们所热爱的乌克兰付出一切乃至献出生命的英雄们来说，这是一个梦想。   昨天，我荣幸地与泽连斯基总统并肩站立在基辅为他们竖立的纪念碑前，向那些英勇牺牲的志士致敬。   美国与我们的合作伙伴同乌克兰的教师、医院工作人员、紧急救援人员以及乌克兰各城市的工作者们站在一起，他们在面对俄罗斯的残酷轰炸时为保障电力供应而奋战。   我们与这场战争中的数百万难民站在一起，他们在欧洲和美国都受到热情接纳，尤其是在波兰。   欧洲各国的普通民众已尽其所能提供帮助并继续这样做。波兰企业、公民社会、文化领袖——包括今晚在座的波兰第一夫人——发自内心、坚定不移地做出表率，展现了人类精神的所有优秀品质。   第一夫人女士，我们爱你。谢谢你们。（掌声）   我永远不会忘记去年看望刚到华沙的乌克兰难民的情形，看到他们脸上的疲惫和恐惧——她们紧紧地抱着自己的孩子，担心他们可能再也见不到他们的父亲、丈夫和兄弟姐妹了。   在他们生命中最黑暗的时刻，是你们——波兰人民，为他们提供了安全和光明。你们伸开双臂接纳他们。你们向他们伸开了双臂。我看到了。我看到了他们脸上的表情。   与此同时，我们已共同确保俄罗斯为其侵略行径付出代价。   我们继续保持有史以来针对一个国家所实施过的规模最大的制裁机制。而且本周我们将与我们的合作伙伴共同宣布更多的制裁措施。   对这场战争的罪魁祸首，我们将追究其责任。对继续犯下战争罪和反人类罪的俄罗斯人，我们将让他们受到惩罚。   正如你们所知，我们在过去一年中共同取得的成就让我们感到非常自豪。但在展望未来一年时，我们必须面对现实、头脑清醒。 捍卫自由不是一天或一年就能完成的任务。这始终是艰巨的。这始终是重要的。   在乌克兰继续保卫自己并抵抗俄罗斯的凶猛进攻，同时奋起反攻的过程中，还会有艰难的、非常痛苦的日子，有胜利，也会有悲痛。但乌克兰将以钢铁般的意志迎接未来的战斗。而美国将与我们的盟友及伙伴一道，在乌克兰保卫自己时继续全力提供支持。 明年，我将主持在美国举行的2024年北约峰会，接待所有北约成员国。届时，我们将共同庆祝世界历史上最强大的防御联盟——北约——成立75周年。   而且——（掌声）——毋庸置疑，美国对我们的北约联盟和第五条款的承诺坚如磐石。（掌声）北约的每个成员国都知道这一点。俄罗斯也知道这一点。   对一方的攻击就是对所有各方的攻击。这是一个神圣的誓言。（掌声）保卫北约每一寸领土的神圣誓言。   在过去的一年里，美国与我们的盟友及伙伴组成了一个非凡的联盟，共同抗击俄罗斯的侵略。   但我们的任务不仅仅在于我们反对什么，而在于我们支持什么。我们想要建设一个什么样的世界？   我们应当发挥这个联盟的实力和能力，并将其用于提升——提升世界各地人民的生活水平、改善健康、促进繁荣、保护地球、建设和平与安全，并以尊严和尊重对待每个人。   这是我们的责任。全世界的民主国家都必须为我们的人民履行这项责任。   当我们今晚汇聚一堂时，在我看来，世界正处于一个拐点。我们在今后五年左右做出的决策将决定并塑造未来几十年的生活。   对美国人民来说是这样。对全世界人民来说也是这样。   尽管我们的决策要在当下做出，但有关原则和利害关系却永恒持久。是选择混乱还是稳定。是建设还是摧毁。是希望还是恐惧。是提升人类精神的民主还是试图扼杀这种精神的独裁者的残暴魔爪。归根结底，是享有无限的可能性还是受到严厉限制，当人们摆脱奴役并生活在自由之中时，就会享有这些可能性。自由。 自由。没有比自由更美好的词语。没有比自由更崇高的目标。没有比自由更远大的抱负。 （掌声）   美国人民知道这一点，你们也知道这一点。我们现在所做的一切都必须完成，以便让我们的子孙后代也知道这一点。   自由。   暴君的敌人，勇士的希望，亘古不变的真理。   自由。   与我们站在一起。我们将与你们站在一起。   让我们秉持信仰和信念向前迈进，并坚定地承诺与光明结盟，而不与黑暗为伍；与解放和自由同行，而不与压迫和奴役为伴。   愿上帝保佑你们所有人。愿上帝保佑我们的军队。愿上帝保佑乌克兰的英雄们以及全世界所有捍卫自由的人们。   谢谢你，波兰。谢谢你们，谢谢，谢谢你们所做的一切。（掌声）愿上帝保佑你们所有人。   中欧时间晚6时   欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2023/02/21/remarks-by-president-biden-ahead-of-the-one-year-anniversary-of-russias-brutal-and-unprovoked-invasion-of-ukraine/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

Remarks by President Biden Ahead of the One-Year Anniversary of Russia’s Brutal and Unprovoked Invasion of Ukraine FEBRUARY 21, 2023 The Royal Castle in Warsaw Warsaw, Poland 5:39 P.M. CET THE PRESIDENT:  Hello, Poland!  (Applause.)  One of our great allies.  President Duda, Prime Minister — Mr. Prime Minister, Mr. Mayor, and to all the former ministers and presidents, as well as mayors and Polish political leaders from all across the country: Thank you for welcoming me back to Poland. You know, it was nearly one year ago — (applause) — nearly one year ago I spoke at the Royal Castle here in Warsaw, just weeks after Vladimir Putin had unleashed his murderous assault on Ukraine.  The largest land war in Europe since World War Two had begun.  And the principles that had been the cornerstone of peace, prosperity, and stability on this planet for more than 75 years were at risk of being shattered. One year ago, the world was bracing for the fall of Kyiv.  Well, I have just come from a visit to Kyiv, and I can report: Kyiv stands strong!  (Applause.)  Kyiv stands proud.  It stands tall.  And most important, it stands free.  (Applause.) When Russia invaded, it wasn’t just Ukraine being tested.  The whole world faced a test for the ages. Europe was being tested.  America was being tested.  NATO was being tested.  All democracies were being tested.  And the questions we faced were as simple as they were profound. Would we respond or would we look the other way?  Would we be strong or would we be weak?  Would be — we would — would we be — all of our allies — would be united or divided? One year later, we know the answer. We did respond.  We would be strong.  We would be united.   And the world would not look the other way.  (Applause.) We also faced fundamental questions about the commitment to the most basic of principles.  Would we stand up for the sovereignty of nations?  Would we stand up for the right of people to live free from naked aggression?  Would we stand up for democracy? One year later, we know the answers. Yes, we would stand up for sovereignty.  And we did. Yes, we would stand up for the right of people to live free from aggression.  And we did. And we would stand up for democracy.  And we did. And yesterday, I had the honor to stand with President Zelenskyy in Kyiv to declare that we will keep standing up for these same things no matter what.  (Applause.) When President Putin ordered his tanks to roll into Ukraine, he thought we would roll over.  He was wrong. The Urai- — the Ukrainian people are too brave. America, Europe, a coalition of nations from the Atlantic to the Pacific — we were too unified. Democracy was too strong. Instead of an easy victory he perceived and predicted, Putin left with burnt-out tanks and Russia’s forces in delay — in disarray. He thought he’d get the Findalization [Finlandization] of NATO.  Instead, he got the NATOization of Finland — and Sweden.  (Applause.) He thought NATO would fracture and divide.  Instead, NATO is more united and more unified than ever — than ever before. He thought he could weaponize energy to crack your resolve — Europe’s resolve. Instead, we’re working together to end Europe’s dependence on Russil [sic] fo- — Russian fossil fuels. He thought autocrats like himself were tough and leaders of democracies were soft. And then, he met the iron will of America and the nations everywhere that refused to accept a world governed by fear and force. He found himself at war with a nation led by a man whose courage would be forged in fire and steel: President Zelenskyy.  (Applause.) President Putin — President Putin is confronted with something today that he didn’t think was possible a year ago.  The democracies of the world have grown stronger, not weaker.  But the autocrats of the world have grown weaker, not stronger. Because in the mo- — moments of great upheaval and uncertainty, that knowing what you stand for is most important, and knowing who stands with you makes all the difference. The people of Poland know that.  You know that.  In fact, you know — you know it better than anyone here in Poland.  Because that’s what solidarity means. Through partition and oppression, when the beautiful city was destroyed after the Warsaw Uprising, during decades under the iron fist of communist rule, Poland endured because you stood together. That’s how the brave leaders of the opposition and the people of Belarus continue to fight for their democracy. That’s how the resolve of Moldovan people — (applause) — resolve of the people of Moldova to live in freedom gained them independence and put them on the path to EU membership. President Sandu is here today.  I’m not sure where she is.  But I’m proud to stand with you and the freedom-loving people of Moldova.  Give her a round of applause.  (Applause.) One year in- — one year into this war, Putin no longer doubts the strength of our coalition.  But he still doubts our conviction.  He doubts our staying power.  He doubts our continued support for Ukraine.  He doubts whether NATO can remain unified. But there should be no doubt: Our support for Ukraine will not waver, NATO will not be divided, and we will not tire.  (Applause.) President Putin’s craven lust for land and power will fail.  And the Ukrainian people’s love for their country will prevail. Democracies of the world will stand guard over freedom today, tomorrow, and forever.  (Applause.)  For that’s what — that’s what’s at stake here: freedom. That’s the message I carried to Kyiv yesterday, directly to the people of Ukraine. When President Zelenskyy said — he came to the United States in December — quote — he said this struggle will define the world and what our children and grandchildren — how they live, and then their children and grandchildren. He wasn’t only speaking about the children and grandchildren of Ukraine.  He was speaking about all of our children and grandchildren.  Yours and mine. We’re seeing again today what the people of Poland and the people all across Europe saw for decades: Appetites of the autocrat cannot be appeased.  They must be opposed. Autocrats only understand one word: “No.”  “No.”  “No.”  (Applause.) “No, you will not take my country.”  “No, you will not take my freedom.”  “No, you will not take my future.” And I’ll repeat tonight what I said last year in this same place: A dictator bent on rebuilding an empire will never be able to ease [erase] the people’s love of liberty.  Brutality will never grind down the will of the free.  And Ukraine — Ukraine will never be a victory for Russia.  Never.  (Applause.) For free people refuse to live in a world of hopelessness and darkness. You know, this has been an extraordinary year in every sense. Extraordinary brutality from Russian forces and mercenaries.  They have committed depravities, crimes against humanity, without shame or compunction.  They’ve targeted civilians with death and destruction.  Used rape as a weapon of war.  Stolen Ukrainian children in an attempt to — in an attempt to steal Ukraine’s future.  Bombed train stations, maternity hospitals, schools, and orphanages. No one — no one can turn away their eyes from the atrocities Russia is committing against the Ukrainian people.  It’s abhorrent.  It’s abhorrent. But extraordinarily, as well, has been the response of the Ukrainian people and the world. One year after the bombs began to fall and Russian tanks rolled into Ukraine, Ukraine is still independent and free.  (Applause.) From Kherson to Kharkiv, Ukrainian fighters have reclaimed their land. In more than 50 percent of the territory Russia held last year, the blue and the yellow flag of Ukraine proudly waves once again. President Zelenskyy still leads a democratically elected government that represents the will of the Ukrainian people. And the world has already voted multiple times, including in the United Nations General Assembly, to condemn Russia’s aggression and support a just peace. Each time in the U.N., that vote has been overwhelming. In October, 143 nations in the United Nations condemned Russia’s illegal annexation.  Only four — four in the entire U.N. — voted with Russia.  Four. So, tonight, I speak once more to the people of Russia. The United States and the nations of Europe do not seek to control or destroy Russia.  The West was not plotting to attack Russia, as Putin said today.  And millions of Russian citizens who only want to live in peace with their neighbors are not the enemy. This war was never a necessity; it’s a tragedy. President Putin chose this war.  Every day the war continues is his choice.  He could end the war with a word. It’s simple.  If Russia stopped invading Ukraine, it would end the war.  If Ukraine stopped defending itself against Russia, it would be the end of Ukraine. That’s why, together, we’re making sure Ukraine can defend itself. The United States has assembled a wor- — worldwide coalition of more than 50 nations to get critical weapons and supplies to the brave Ukrainian fighters on the frontlines.  Air defense systems, artillery, ammunition, tanks, and armored vehicles. The European Union and its member states have stepped up with unprecedented commitment to Ukraine, not just in security assistance, but economic, and humanitarian, refugee assistance, and so much more. To all of you here tonight: Take a moment.  And I’m serious when I say this: Turn on and look — turn around and look at one another.  Look at what you’ve done so far. Poland is hosting more than 1.5 million refugees from this war.  God bless you.  (Applause.) Poland’s generosity, your willingness to open your hearts and your homes, is extraordinary. And the American people are united in our resolve as well. All across my country, in big cities and small towns, Ukrainian flags fly from American homes. Over the past year, Democrats and Republicans in our United States Congress have come together to stand for freedom. That’s who Americans are, and that’s what Americans do.  (Applause.) The world is also coming together to address the global fallout from President Putin’s war. Putin tried to starve the world, blocking the ports in the Black Sea to stop Ukraine from exporting its grain, exacerbating the global food crisis that hit developing nations in Africa especially hard. Instead, the United States and the G7 and partners around the world answered the call with historic commitments to address the crisis and to bolster global food supplies. And this week, my wife, Jill Biden, is traveling to Africa to help bring attention to this critical issue. Our commitment is to the people of Ukraine and the future of Ukraine — a Ukraine that’s free, sovereign, and democratic. That was the dream of those who declared Ukraine’s independence more than 30 years ago — who led the Orange Revolution and the Revolution of Dignity; who braved ice and fire on the Maidan and the Heavenly Hundred who died there; and those who continue still to root out Kremlin’s efforts to corrupt, coerce, and control. It’s a dream for those Ukrainian patriots who have fought for years against Russia’s aggressions in the Donbas and the heroes who have given everything, given their lives, in the service of their beloved Ukraine. I was honored to visit their memorial in Kyiv yesterday to pay tribute to the sacrifice of those who lost their lives, standing alongside President Zelenskyy. The United States and our partners stand with Ukraine’s teachers, its hospital staff, its emergency responders, the workers in cities across Ukraine who are fighting to keep the power on in the face of Russia’s cruel bombardment. We stand with the millions of refugees of this war who have found a welcome in Europe and the United States, particularly here in Poland. Ordinary people all across Europe did whatever they could to help and continue to do so.  Polish businesses, civil society, cultural leaders — including the First Lady of Poland, who is here tonight — have led with the heart and determination, showcasing all that’s good about the human spirit. Madam First Lady, we love you.  Thank you all.  (Applause.) I’ll never forget, last year, visiting with refugees from Ukraine who had just arrived in Warsaw, seeing their faces exhausted and afraid — holding their children so close, worrying they might never see their fathers, their husbands, their brothers or sisters again. In that darkest moment of their lives, you, the people of Poland, offered them safety and light.  You embraced them.  You literally embraced them.  I watched.  I watched the looks on their faces. Meanwhile, together we have made sure that Russia is paying the price for its abuses. We continue to maintain the largest sanctions regime ever imposed on any country in history.  And we’re going to announce more sanctions this week together with our partners. We’ll hold accountable those who are responsible for this war.  And we will seek justice for the war crimes and crimes against humanity continuing to be committed by the Russians. You know, there is much for us to be proud of over the — all that we have achieved together this past year.  But we have to be honest and cleared-eyed as we look at the year ahead. The defense of freedom is not the work of a day or of a year.  It’s always difficult.  It’s always important. As Ukraine continues to defend itself against the Russian onslaught and launch counter-offensives of its own, there will continue to be hard and very bitter days, victories and tragedies.  But Ukraine is steeled for the fight ahead.  And the United States, together with our Allies and partners, are going to continue to have Ukraine’s back as it defends itself. Next year, I will host every member of NATO for our 2024 summit in the United States.  Together, we’ll celebrate the 75th anniversary of the strongest defensive alliance in the history of the world — NATO. And — (applause) — and let there be no doubt, the commitment of the United States to our NATO Alliance and Article 5 is rock solid.  (Applause.)  And every member of NATO knows it.  And Russia knows it as well. An attack against one is an attack against all.  It’s a sacred oath.  (Applause.)  A sacred oath to defend every inch of NATO territory. Over the past year, the United States has come together with our Allies and partners in an extraordinary coalition to stand against Russian aggression. But the work in front of us is not just what we’re against, it’s about what we’re for.  What kind of world do we want to build? We need to take the strength and capacity of this coalition and apply it to lifting up — lifting up the lives of people everywhere, improving health, growing prosperity, preserving the planet, building peace and security, treating everyone with dignity and respect. That’s our responsibility.  The democracies of the world have to deliver it for our people. As we gather tonight, the world, in my view, is at an — at an inflection point.  The decisions we make over the next five years or so are going to determine and shape our lives for decades to come. That’s true for Americans.  It’s true for the people of the world. And while decisions are ours to make now, the principles and the stakes are eternal.  A choice between chaos and stability.  Between building and destroying.  Between hope and fear.  Between democracy that lifts up the human spirit and the brutal hand of the dictator who crushes it.  Between nothing less than limitation and possibilities, the kind of possibilities that come when people who live not in captivity but in freedom.  Freedom. Freedom.  There is no sweeter word than freedom.  There is no nobler goal than freedom.  There is no higher aspiration than freedom.  (Applause.) Americans know that, and you know it.  And all that we do now must be done so our children and grandchildren will know it as well. Freedom. The enemy of the tyrant and the hope of the brave and the truth of the ages. Freedom. Stand with us.  We will stand with you. Let us move forward with faith and conviction and with an abiding commitment to be allies not of darkness, but of light.  Not of oppression, but of liberation.  Not of captivity, but, yes, of freedom. May God bless you all.  May God protect our troops.  And may God bless the heroes of Ukraine and all those who defend freedom around the world. Thank you, Poland.  Thank you, thank you, thank you for what you’re doing.  (Applause.)  God bless you all. 6:00 P.M. CET

报告 认定参与中国违背应对联合声明或基本法承担义务之行为的外籍人员 美国国务院 东亚和太平洋事务局（Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs） 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年10月14 日 根据《香港自治法》（Hong Kong Autonomy Act）(自治法“HKAA” 或该法“Act”) (公法116-149) (P. L. 116-149)第5(a)款，从《自治法》颁布之日起不超过90天的期限内，国务卿在与财政部长（Secretary of the Treasury）协商后，如确定某外籍人员对中华人民共和国未履行按《中英联合声明》（Sino – British Joint Declaration） (联合声明“Joint Declaration”)或《香港基本法》（Hong Kong’s Basic Law）承担的义务提供实质性协助，或已提供实质性协助，或试图提供实质性协助，应向国会相关的委员会和领导层提交包含以下逐项的报告，(1)该外籍人员的身份；(1)有关认定该外籍人员之原因的明确解释及对导致该项认定的相关活动之描述。 《自治法》对被列入这份报告的外籍人员规定了具体需要承担的后果。根据该法第6款，从报告之日起不超过一年的时间内,总统应对被列入名单的人员施加某些阻断性制裁，对他们采取签证限制措施并不得进入美国。此外，根据该法第5(b)款，从提交报告之日起不早于30天但不迟于60天的时间内，财政部长应在与国务卿协商后向国会提交报告，认定任何有意与被列入报告的外籍人员从事重要交易的外国金融机构。根据该法第7(a)款，在有关方面被列入财政部长的报告后一年内，该法规定总统须按第7(b)款的规定，对适用于第5(b)款的任何外国金融机构实施10项制裁中的5项。[其中包括(1)限制获得美国金融机构的贷款；(2)不得被指定为初级市场经销商；(3)禁止作为政府资金存放处；(4)限制外汇交易；(5)禁止银行交易；(6)禁止财产交易；(7)限制出口、再出口和转移；(8)禁止股权或债权投资；(9)驱逐公司干员；(10)制裁公司主要行政主管。] 在外国金融机构被列入财政部长报告后不超过两年的时间内，总统须按该法7(b)款规定实施所有的制裁。 美国政府针对中华人民共和国破坏香港自治的行为采取的行动 在制定这份报告之际，国务院(本部“Department”)考虑到最近中华人民共和国采取一些破坏香港的自治行动，按该法第5(g)款的定义，实质性地推动了中华人民共和国未按联合声明和基本法履行义务的行为。具体而言，根据美国1992年《香港政策法》（Hong Kong Policy Act），并经2019年《香港人权和民主法》（Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act）4(a)(2)补充，国务卿于5月27日确定，根据美国法律，香港不再按同样的方式适用于在1997年7月1日以前美国法律给予的待遇。国务卿针对中华人民共和国的多项行动采取这项措施。其中包括中华人民共和国全国人民代表大会决定单方面任意对香港施加国家安全法，以及中华人民共和国中央政府驻香港联络办公室于4月17日宣布中央政府联络办公室和北京的中央政府香港和澳门事务办公室不受基本法关于“中央人民政府所属各部门……不得干预”香港事务条款的约束。中华人民共和国于5月22日宣布全国人民代表大会的提案，单方面任意对香港实施国家安全法以及随后于6月30日颁布的条款与《中英联合声明》、《基本法》和“一国两制”框架的精神和实务相抵触。联合声明规定，“香港特别行政区的社会治安由香港特别行政区政府负责维持”，“香港特别行政区依法保障人身、言论、出版、集会、结社、旅行、迁徙、通信、罢工……等各项权利和自由”。同样，《基本法》规定，“香港特别行政区应自行立法禁止任何叛国、分裂国家、煽动叛乱、颠覆中央人民政府及窃取国家机密的行为，禁止外国的政治性组织或团体在香港特别行政区进行政治活动，禁止香港特别行政区的政治性组织或团体与外国的政治性组织或团体建立联系”。北京的国家安全法从程序上和实质上违反了上述条款。 7月14日，总统发布了有关香港正常化（Hong Kong Normalization）的第13936号行政命令（Executive Order (E.O.)。在第13936号行政令中，总统认定，根据《香港政策法》第202款，香港不再具备足够的自治以享受美国特定法律法规所规定的与中华人民共和国的差别待遇。总统进一步认定，关于香港局势，包括中华人民共和国最近采取的从根本上损害香港自治的行动，对美国的国家安全、外交政策和经济构成了一种不同寻常且极其严重的威胁，而其根源大部分来自美国以外。总统宣布，鉴于这一威胁全国进入紧急状态，并发布一系列决定和命令，均列入第13936号行政命令，包括授权针对参与制定、通过或实施国家安全法，或参与威胁香港的和平、安全、稳定或自治的行动或政策等活动的外籍人员实行经济制裁 。 国务院注意到香港最近令人关注的事态发展，包括逮捕反对派立法议员、修改教科书以删除公民不服从和香港的权力分立等表述，以及针对支持香港民主的声明而发出逮捕令。香港警察逮捕了数百名和平抗议人士，并于2020年9月6日在香港居民对推迟立法会选举表示反对时动用辣椒喷雾器。香港政府拒绝给那些可能被认为对当局持批评态度的人士发放签证。香港政府以莫须有的指控进行逮捕，以此限制国际旅行，而且中国国有媒体表示同外国外交官会面的香港居民可能会根据国家安全法受到“串通”指控。 上述种种行为说明中华人民共和国，通过由香港政府实施国家安全法，正在肆意企图破坏香港的自治，而且未履行其根据联合声明和基本法所应承担的义务，正如香港政策法第5（g）款所阐明的。国务院一贯公开地表达对这些事态的关切，特别是与中华人民共和国施加国家安全法有关的事件，该法从根本上损害了香港的自治和自由。国务院还公开表示，反对香港政府取消参选人士的资格以及推迟立法会选举。同样地，国务院还谴责了逮捕民主倡导人士的行为。 为中华人民共和国未履行联合声明或基本法所规定的义务提供实质性协助的外籍人员 根据《香港政策法》第5（g）款，一名外籍人员对中国政府未履行联合声明或基本法所规定的义务提供实质性协助，若此人：“（1）以行动导致香港人民（A）不能享有集会、言论、新闻自由或独立的法治，或（B）不能参与民主成果；或者（2）以其他行动削弱了香港的高度自治。”国务卿在与财政部长协商后，已依照这类行动对外籍人员进行审议。 根据香港政策法第5（a）款，国务卿在与财政部长协商后，按香港政策法第5（g）款，已认定下列10名外籍人员正为中华人民共和国未履行根据联合声明和基本法应承担的义务提供实质性协助、已提供实质性协助或试图提供实质性协助。并且根据第5（a）条款的规定，下列名单包括（1）该外国人的身份；以及（2）有关认定该外籍人员之原因的明确解释和对导致这项认定的活动之描述。财政部已于2020年8月7日在根据第13936号行政命令认定这些人员之时，对被列入本报告每一个外籍人员实施了冻结资产的制裁。 [编注：英文原文中有关下列人员的具体个人信息从略。] 夏宝龙 张晓明 骆惠宁 林郑月娥 郑若骅 曾国卫 郑雁雄 陈国基 李家超 邓炳强 阅读英文原文： https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/identification-of-foreign-persons-involved-in-the-erosion-of-the-obligations-of-china-under-the-joint-declaration-or-the-basic-law/

Identification of Foreign Persons Involved in the Erosion of the Obligations of China Under the Joint Declaration or the Basic Law    REPORT BUREAU OF EAST ASIAN AND PACIFIC AFFAIRS OCTOBER 14, 2020 Pursuant to Section 5(a) of the Hong Kong Autonomy Act (“HKAA” or “Act”) (P. L. 116-149), not later than 90 days after the date of the enactment of the HKAA, if the Secretary of State, in consultation with the Secretary of the Treasury, determines that a foreign person is materially contributing to, has materially contributed to, or attempts to materially contribute to the failure of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) to meet its obligations under the Sino – British Joint Declaration (“Joint Declaration”) or Hong Kong’s Basic Law, the Secretary of State shall submit to the appropriate Congressional committees and leadership a report that includes (1) an identification of the foreign person; and (2) a clear explanation for why the foreign person was identified and a description of the activity that resulted in the identification.    The Act sets out specific consequences for the foreign persons listed in this report.  Pursuant to Section 6 of the Act, not later than one year from the date of this report, the President shall impose certain blocking sanctions on the listed persons and subject them to visa restrictions and exclusion from the United States.  Furthermore, pursuant to Section 5(b) of the Act, not earlier than 30 days and not later than 60 days following the submission of this report, the Secretary of the Treasury, in consultation with the Secretary of State, shall submit a report to Congress that identifies any foreign financial institutions (FFI) that knowingly conduct a significant transaction with the foreign persons listed in this report.  Pursuant to Section 7(a) of the Act, within one year of their inclusion in the Secretary of the Treasury’s report, the Act mandates that the President impose five out of 10 of the sanctions set out in Section 7(b) on any FFI identified pursuant to Section 5(b).  [These include (1) restrictions on loans from U.S. financial institutions; (2) prohibitions on designation as a primary dealer; (3) prohibitions on service as a repository of government funds; (4) restrictions on foreign exchange; (5) prohibitions on banking transactions; (6) prohibitions on property transactions; (7) restrictions on exports, re–exports, and transfers; (8) bans on investments in equity or debt; (9) exclusions of corporate officers; and (10) sanctions of principal executive officers.]  Not later than two years after an FFI has been included in the Secretary of the Treasury’s report, the President is required to impose all of the sanctions set out in Section 7(b) of the Act.          In developing this report, the Department of State (“Department”) has taken into consideration a number of recent actions by the PRC that have undermined the autonomy of Hong Kong and materially contributed to the PRC’s failure to meet its obligations under the Joint Declaration and Basic Law, as this is defined in section 5(g) of the Act.  Specifically, under section 205 of the United-States Hong Kong Policy Act of 1992 (“HKPA”), on May 27, as added by section 4(a)(2) of the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act of 2019, the Secretary of State determined that Hong Kong no longer warrants treatment under U.S. law in the same manner as U.S. laws were applied to Hong Kong before July 1, 1997.  The Department of State took this step in response to several actions by the PRC.  These include the PRC National People’s Congress’ decision to unilaterally and arbitrarily impose national security legislation on Hong Kong, as well as a statement made on April 17 by the Central Government Liaison Office (CGLO) of the People’s Republic of China in Hong Kong claiming that CGLO and the central government’s Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office in Beijing are not bound by a provision of the Basic Law that states that “no department of the Central People’s Government . . . may interfere in the affairs” of Hong Kong.  The May 22 announcement by the PRC of a proposal at the National People’s Congress to unilaterally and arbitrarily impose national security legislation on Hong Kong and its subsequent promulgation on June 30 contradict the spirit and practice of the Sino-British Joint Declaration, the Basic Law, and the One Country, Two Systems framework.  The Joint Declaration stipulates that “the maintenance of public order in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region will be the responsibility of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region,” and that “rights and freedoms, including those of the person, of speech, of the press, of assembly, of association, of travel, of movement, of correspondence, of strike . . . will be ensured by law in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region.”  Similarly, the Basic Law stipulates that “the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall enact laws on its own to prohibit any act of treason, secession, subversion against the Central People’s Government, or theft of state secrets, to prohibit foreign political organizations or bodies from conducting political activities in the Region, and to prohibit political organizations or bodies of the Region from establishing ties with foreign political organizations or bodies.”  Beijing’s National Security Law violates the aforementioned provisions on multiple procedural and substantive grounds.   On July 14, the President issued Executive Order (E.O.) 13936 on Hong Kong Normalization.  In E.O. 13936, the President determined, pursuant to section 202 of the HKPA, that Hong Kong was no longer sufficiently autonomous to justify differential treatment in relation to the PRC under particular U.S. laws and provisions.  The President further determined that the situation with respect to Hong Kong, including recent actions taken by the PRC to fundamentally undermine Hong Kong’s autonomy, constitutes an unusual and extraordinary threat, which has its source in substantial part outside the United States, to the national security, foreign policy and economy of the United States.  The President declared a national emergency with respect to that threat and made a number of determinations and orders listed in E.O. 13936, including authorizing economic sanctions against foreign persons for activities including involvement in developing, adopting, or implementing the National Security Law or engaging in actions or policies that threaten the peace, security, stability, or autonomy of Hong Kong.     The State Department notes recent concerning developments in Hong Kong, including the arrest of opposition lawmakers, the editing of textbooks to remove references to civil disobedience and separation of powers in Hong Kong, and arrest warrants issued for statements made supporting democracy in Hong Kong.  The Hong Kong Police Force arrested hundreds of peaceful protestors and deployed pepper-spray projectiles on September 6, 2020 as Hong Kong residents expressed opposition to the delay of Legislative Council elections.  The Hong Kong Government has denied visas to those who could be considered critical of the administration.  The Hong Kong Government uses arrests on spurious charges to limit international travel, and Chinese state-owned media have suggested that Hong Kong residents who meet with foreign diplomats could be subject to “collusion” charges under the National Security Law.    The actions described above demonstrate that the PRC, through the implementation of the National Security Law by the Hong Kong Government, is actively seeking to undermine Hong Kong’s autonomy and failing to meet its obligations under the Joint Declaration and Basic Law, as defined in Section 5(g) of the Act.  The Department has consistently and publicly expressed its concern about these developments, especially those related to the PRC’s imposition of the National Security Law, which has fundamentally undermined Hong Kong’s autonomy and freedoms.  The Department has also spoken out against the Hong Kong Government’s disqualification of electoral candidates and postponement of Legislative Council elections.  Similarly, the Department has condemned the arrest of democracy advocates.   Under Section 5(g) of the Act, a foreign person materially contributes to the failure of the Government of China to meet its obligations under the Joint Declaration or Basic Law if the person:  “(1) took action that resulted in the inability of the people of Hong Kong (A) to enjoy freedom of assembly, speech, press, or independent rule of law, or (B) to participate in democratic outcomes; or (2) otherwise took action that reduces the high degree of autonomy of Hong Kong.”  The Secretary of State, in consultation with the Secretary of the Treasury, has considered foreign persons from the perspective of such actions.   Pursuant to Section 5(a) of the Act, the Secretary of State, in consultation with the Secretary of the Treasury, has determined that the 10 foreign persons listed below are materially contributing to, have materially contributed to, or attempt to materially contribute to the failure of the PRC to meet its obligations under the Joint Declaration or the Basic Law, as described in section 5(g) of the Act.  As also required under section 5(a), the list below includes (1) an identification of the foreign person; and (2) a clear explanation for why the foreign person was identified and a description of the activity that resulted in the identification.  The Department of the Treasury has already imposed asset-blocking sanctions on each of the foreign persons listed in this report on August 7, 2020, when it designated those persons pursuant to E.O. 13936.1       Xia Baolong:  Xia Baolong is the head of the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office, which is one of Beijing’s primary vehicles for implementing its Hong Kong strategy.  Xia Baolong oversees the Office’s promotion of the principles and policies of the central government concerning Hong Kong, including the National Security Law.  Under Xia’s leadership, the Office has taken a number of actions to interfere in Hong Kong’s autonomy, including issuing statements asserting its authority to supervise Hong Kong’s internal affairs in contradiction to the Basic Law and the Sino-British Joint Declaration.      Zhang Xiaoming:  Zhang Xiaoming is the Deputy Director of the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office.  As Deputy Director, Zhang is in charge of the Office’s daily operations and helps oversee its promotion of the principles and policies of the central government concerning Hong Kong, including the National Security Law.  During Zhang’s tenure, the Office has taken a number of actions to interfere in Hong Kong’s autonomy, including issuing statements asserting its authority to supervise Hong Kong’s internal affairs in contradiction to the Basic Law and the Sino-British Joint Declaration.  Luo Huining:  Luo Huining is the director of the Central Government Liaison Office, which is the Chinese government’s most important office in Hong Kong.  Under Luo’s leadership, the Office has taken a number of actions to undermine Hong Kong’s autonomy, including issuing statements asserting its authority to supervise Hong Kong’s internal affairs in contradiction to the Basic Law and the Sino-British Joint Declaration.  Luo is also the National Security Advisor to the Committee for Safeguarding National Security of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR).  The Committee was established under the National Security Law with the primary responsibility for safeguarding national security in Hong Kong; it is under the supervision of and accountable to the Central Government.    Carrie Lam:  Carrie Lam is the Chief Executive of Hong Kong.  Lam signed the National Security Law into effect in June 2020. As the Chief Executive, she is also the Chair of the Committee for Safeguarding National Security of the HKSAR and oversees the work of the Committee.  Lam has invoked emergency powers to restrict the rights and freedoms of Hong Kong residents, including postponing the September 2020 Legislative Council elections for one year.    Teresa Cheng:  Teresa Cheng is the Secretary for Justice and a principal legal advisor to Chief Executive Carrie Lam.  She is leading the Department of Justice’s work to implement the National Security Law, including establishing a dedicated unit to handle prosecutions under the Law and filing charges again protestors and opposition politicians.    Erick Tsang:  Erick Tsang is the Secretary for Constitutional and Mainland Affairs and head of the Constitutional and Mainland Affairs Bureau, which is responsible for overseeing the full and faithful implementation of the Basic Law.  The National Security Law has been included in an annex to the Basic Law of the HKSAR.  Through his supervision of the Bureau, Tsang has promoted implementation of the National Security Law  Zheng Yanxiong:  Zheng Yanxiong, a member of the Standing Committee of the Communist Party of China Guangdong Provincial Committee, is the head of the Office for Safeguarding National Security of the Central Government in Hong Kong.  The Office was created under the National Security Law and is responsible for overseeing law-enforcement mechanisms and coordinating the central government’s ultimate responsibilities over security matters in the city.    Eric Chan:  Eric Chan is the Secretary-General of the Committee for Safeguarding National Security of the HKSAR.  As Secretary-General, he heads the secretariat established under the Committee.  At the Committee’s first meeting, it created relevant implementation rules for law enforcement agencies to carry out the measures stipulated under Article 43 of the National Security Law, outlining measures law enforcement authorities may take.    John Lee:  John Lee is Secretary for Security and the head of the Security Bureau, which includes the Hong Kong Police Force.  As Secretary for Security, John Lee is responsible for security-related policies in Hong Kong, including the maintenance of law and order.  Under his oversight, the Hong Kong Police have set up a dedicated unit to enforce the National Security Law, which has arrested protestors and activists.     Chris Tang:  Chris Tang is the Commissioner of Police in Hong Kong.  Under his leadership, the Hong Kong Police Force has invoked the National Security Law to arrest pro-democracy activists, including 10 who were arrested within 24 hours of the Law taking effect.  Tang is also a member of the Committee for Safeguarding National Security of the HKSAR. For a March 16, 2021 updated version of this report, please see: https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/erosion-of-the-obligations-of-china-under-the-joint-declaration-or-the-basic-law/

DOS Seal Featured Image 常务副国务卿约翰·J·沙利文今天与联合国秘书长安东尼奥·古特雷斯通电话，对联合国反恐办公室副秘书长弗拉基米尔•沃龙科夫计划前往中国新疆深表关切。常务副国务卿表示，鉴于正在新疆进行的针对维吾尔族人、哈萨克族人、吉尔吉斯族人和其他穆斯林的前所未有的镇压运动，这样的访问是非常不合适的。常务副国务卿指出，北京继续将其对维吾尔族人和其他穆斯林的镇压活动描绘为正当的反恐努力，而其实并非如此；并强调，通过赋予这些虚假主张以可信度，联合国最高级反恐官员正在危害联合国在反恐和人权方面的声誉和信誉度。常务副国务卿主张联合国人权官员不受监控、不受阻碍地进入新疆的所有拘留营和接触被拘留者。

Deputy Secretary John J. Sullivan spoke by phone today with United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres to convey deep concerns regarding Under-Secretary-General of the United Nations Counter-Terrorism Office Vladimir Voronkov’s planned travel to Xinjiang, China. The Deputy Secretary expressed that such a visit is highly inappropriate in view of the unprecedented repression campaign underway in Xinjiang against Uighurs, ethnic Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, and other Muslims. The Deputy Secretary noted that Beijing continues to paint its repressive campaign against Uighurs and other Muslims as legitimate counterterrorism efforts when it is not, and stressed that the UN’s topmost counterterrorism official is putting at risk the UN’s reputation and credibility on counterterrorism and human rights by lending credence to these false claims. The Deputy Secretary advocated for unmonitored and unhindered access to all camps and detainees in Xinjiang by UN human rights officials.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿特区 2021年11月19日 发言人内德·普赖斯关于南中国海局势的声明 两天前，中华人民共和国海岸警卫队在南中国海（South China Sea）阻拦并用水炮攻击前往第二托马斯沙洲（Second Thomas Shoal，仁爱礁）的菲律宾补给船。 美国与我们的菲律宾盟国站在一起，共同面对直接威胁地区和平与稳定、加剧地区紧张局势、侵犯国际法保障的在南中国海的航行自由和破坏基于规则的国际秩序的这一升级局势。 2016年7月12日，根据1982《海洋法公约》（Law of the Sea Convention）成立的一个仲裁法庭一致作出持久性裁决，坚定驳回了中华人民共和国对第二托马斯沙洲和对被确定属于菲律宾专属经济区内水域的主权伸张。中华人民共和国和菲律宾根据它们对《海洋法公约》的公约义务，具有遵守这项裁决的法律责任。中华人民共和国不应干扰合法的菲律宾在菲律宾专属经济区内的活动。 美国站在我们的菲律宾盟友一边，维护基于规则的国际海上秩序，并重申，在南中国海对菲律宾公共船只的武装攻击将导致美国启动基于1951年《美菲共同防御条约》第四条款（Article IV of the 1951 U.S. Philippines Mutual Defense Treaty）的共同防御承诺。 美国坚决认为，中华人民共和国在南中国海扩张性和非法的主权伸张行动破坏地区和平与安全。 # # # 欲查看原稿内容:  https://www.state.gov/on-the-situation-in-the-south-china-sea/

On the Situation in the South China Sea PRESS STATEMENT NED PRICE, DEPARTMENT SPOKESPERSON NOVEMBER 19, 2021 Two days ago, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) Coast Guard blocked and used water cannons against Philippine resupply ships en route to Second Thomas Shoal in the South China Sea. The United States stands with our ally, the Philippines, in the face of this escalation that directly threatens regional peace and stability, escalates regional tensions, infringes upon freedom of navigation in the South China Sea as guaranteed under international law, and undermines the rules-based international order. On July 12, 2016, an Arbitral Tribunal constituted under the 1982 Law of the Sea Convention, delivered a unanimous and enduring decision firmly rejecting the PRC’s claims to Second Thomas Shoal and to waters determined to be part of the Philippines’ exclusive economic zone.  The PRC and the Philippines, pursuant to their treaty obligations under the Law of the Sea Convention, are legally bound to comply with this decision.  The PRC should not interfere with lawful Philippine activities in the Philippines’ exclusive economic zone. The United States stands with our Philippine allies in upholding the rules-based international maritime order and reaffirms that an armed attack on Philippine public vessels in the South China Sea would invoke U.S. mutual defense commitments under Article IV of the 1951 U.S. Philippines Mutual Defense Treaty. The United States strongly believes that PRC actions asserting its expansive and unlawful South China Sea maritime claims undermine peace and security in the region.

下文由中华人民共和国生态环境部提供: 中国气候变化事务特使解振华与美国总统气候问题特使约翰·克里于2021年4月15—16日在上海举行会谈，讨论气候危机所涉问题。会谈结束后，双方发表声明如下： 一、中美致力于相互合作并与其他国家一道解决气候危机，按其严峻性、紧迫性所要求加以应对。这既包括强化各自行动，也包括在联合国气候变化框架公约和巴黎协定等多边进程中开展合作。双方回顾两国气候变化领域的领导力与合作，为巴黎协定的制定、通过、签署和生效作出历史性贡献。 二、走向未来，中美两国坚持携手并与其他各方一道加强巴黎协定的实施。双方回顾巴黎协定第二条的目的在于将全球平均气温上升控制在低于2℃之内，并努力限制在1.5℃之内。为此，双方承诺继续作出努力，包括在巴黎协定框架下21世纪20年代采取提高力度的强化行动，以使上述温升限制目标可以实现，并合作识别和应对相关挑战与机遇。 三、两国均期待4月22/23日美国主办的领导人气候峰会。双方认同峰会的目标，即在格拉斯哥联合国气候公约第26次缔约方大会前提高包括减缓、适应和支持的全球气候雄心。 四、中美将采取其他近期行动，为解决气候危机进一步作出贡献： （一）两国都计划在格拉斯哥联合国气候公约第26次缔约方大会之前，制定各自旨在实现碳中和/温室气体净零排放的长期战略。 （二）两国计划采取适当行动，尽可能扩大国际投融资支持发展中国家从高碳化石能源向绿色、低碳和可再生能源转型。 （三）双方将分别执行蒙特利尔议定书基加利修正案中所体现的逐步削减氢氟碳化物生产和消费的措施。 五、中美将在联合国气候公约第26次缔约方大会前及其后，继续讨论21世纪20年代的具体减排行动，旨在使与巴黎协定相符的温升限制目标可以实现。包括： （一）工业和电力领域脱碳的政策、措施与技术，包括通过循环经济、储能和电网可靠性、碳捕集利用和封存、绿色氢能； （二）增加部署可再生能源； （三）绿色和气候韧性农业； （四）节能建筑； （五）绿色低碳交通； （六）关于甲烷等非二氧化碳温室气体排放合作； （七）关于国际航空和航海活动排放合作； （八）其他近期政策和措施，包括减少煤、油、气排放。 六、双方将合作推动格拉斯哥联合国气候公约第26次缔约方大会成功，该会议旨在完成巴黎协定实施细则（如第6条和第13条），并大幅提高包括减缓、适应、支持的全球气候雄心。双方还将合作推动在昆明举行的生物多样性公约第15次缔约方大会取得成功，注意到2020年后全球生物多样性框架的重要性，包括该框架与气候减缓和适应的关系。

U.S. Special Presidential Envoy for Climate John Kerry and China Special Envoy for Climate Change Xie Zhenhua met in Shanghai on April 15 and 16, 2021, to discuss aspects of the climate crisis. At the conclusion of the discussion, the two Special Envoys released the following joint statement. Begin text: For media inquiries, please contact ClimateComms@state.gov.

白宫 华盛顿特区 2022年3月10日  副总统卡玛拉·哈里斯宣布美国针对乌克兰和东欧人道需要增加资金援助 美国副总统卡玛拉·哈里斯今天在前往波兰华沙时宣布，美国政府新增近5300万美元人道援助，通过美国国际发展署(USAID)，为遭受俄罗斯无理入侵乌克兰影响的无辜平民提供帮助。这项新增援助包括，支持联合国粮食计划署(WFP)提供紧急救生食品，满足数十万受入侵影响的人的迫切需要，其中包括流离失所和正在穿越边境离开乌克兰的人。此外，这笔资金还将用于支持联合国粮食计划署将向乌克兰境内，包括基辅人民，运送援助物品的后勤行动。 这项援助扩大了美国在不到两周前宣布的将近5400万美元人道援助，旨在提供急迫需要的健康用品，食品援助，高保温毯以及其他所需救助。 美国是对乌克兰的最大人道援助国，从2020年10月至今向乌克兰提供的总体人道援助达1.59亿美元，包括过去两周在俄罗斯入侵乌克兰后提供的将近1.07亿美元。这些援助包括食品、安全饮水、临时住所、急救医疗，以及为受持续战火影响的社区提供冬季御寒帮助。迄今，已经有200万人因冲突而被迫逃离乌克兰，据估计，在乌克兰境内流离失所的人数达到100万。在乌克兰全国，至少有1200万人需要人道援助。美国继续与乌克兰人民站在一起，并且将继续为满足急迫需求和挽救生命而努力。 ### 欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/03/10/vice-president-kamala-harris-announces-additional-u-s-funding-to-respond-to-humanitarian-needs-in-ukraine-and-eastern-europe/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

MARCH 10, 2022•STATEMENTS AND RELEASES During her trip to Warsaw, Poland, today, U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris announced nearly $53 million in new humanitarian assistance from the United States government, through the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), to support innocent civilians affected by Russia’s unjustified invasion of Ukraine. This additional assistance includes support to the UN World Food Program (WFP) to provide lifesaving emergency food assistance to meet immediate needs of hundreds of thousands affected by the invasion, including people who are displaced from their homes and who are crossing the border out of Ukraine. In addition, it will support WFP’s logistics operations to move assistance into Ukraine, including to people in Kyiv. This assistance builds on the United States’ announcement less than two weeks ago of nearly $54 million in humanitarian assistance to provide critically needed health supplies, food assistance, high thermal blankets, and other relief. The United States is the largest provider of humanitarian assistance to Ukraine and has provided $159 million in overall humanitarian assistance to Ukraine since October 2020, including nearly $107 million in the past two weeks in response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. This includes food, safe drinking water, shelter, emergency health care, and winterization services to communities affected by ongoing fighting. To date, two million people have been forced to flee Ukraine due to the conflict, and an estimated one million are displaced inside Ukraine.  At least 12 million people are in need of humanitarian aid across Ukraine. The United States continues to stand with the people of Ukraine and will continue to work to meet immediate needs and save lives. ###

Ambassador Branstad wishes Muslims across China, “Ramadan Kareem. “在我们展望莱麦丹斋月尾声和开斋节时，为中国针对在新疆的维吾尔族和其他穆斯林少数民族进行大规模镇压运动的受害者发声很重要。美国为以下这些感到震惊：任意且不公正地拘押超过一百万人；广泛报道的折磨和残酷、非人道或有辱人格的待遇；无处不在的高科技监控；以及与人们的信仰相反的强迫做法。 在整个运动期间，中国政府的目的是强迫其公民放弃他们的种族身份和伊斯兰信仰。自成立以来，中国共产党对所有宗教信仰都表现出极端的敌意，但即便如此，对中国穆斯林的镇压在神圣的斋月期间显得尤其残忍和不人道。 在新疆的侵犯人权行为必须结束，必须现在结束。我们呼吁中国政府释放在新疆各地所有被任意拘押的维吾尔族和其他穆斯林少数民族，以便他们可以回家与他们所爱之人一起庆祝开斋节。” 布兰斯塔德大使祝中国的穆斯林“斋月吉祥欢乐”

Office of the Spokesperson / May 29, 2019 “As we look ahead to the end of Ramadan and the Eid Holiday, it is important to speak up for the victims of China’s massive campaign of repression against Uighurs and other Muslim ethnic minorities in Xinjiang. The United States is alarmed by the arbitrary and unjust detention of more than 1 million people; widespread reports of torture and cruel, inhumane, or degrading treatment; ever-present, high-tech surveillance; and coerced practices contrary to people’s faiths. Throughout this campaign, the Chinese Government aims to force its own citizens to renounce their ethnic identities and their Islamic faith. The Chinese Communist Party has exhibited extreme hostility to all religious faiths since its founding, but even so the repression of Chinese Muslims stands out as particularly cruel and inhumane during the Holy Month. The human rights abuses in Xinjiang must end, and they must end now. We call on the Chinese Government to release all Uighurs and other Muslim minorities arbitrarily detained throughout Xinjiang so that they may return home to celebrate the Eid Holiday with their loved ones.” Ambassador Branstad wishes Muslims across China, “Ramadan Kareem.”

白宫 2021年9月15日 声明   我们作为澳大利亚、英国和美国的领导人，在经久不衰的理想和对基于规则的国际秩序之共同承诺的指引下，决心深化印太地区的外交、安全和防务合作，包括通过与合作伙伴一起努力，迎接二十一世纪的挑战。作为这项努力的一个组成部分，我们宣布，澳大利亚、英国和美国三国建立一个强化的三边安全伙伴关系，称之为“AUKUS”。  通过AUKUS，我们的政府将在长期和持续发展的双边关系基础上，加强各方的能力，为我们的安全和国防利益提供支持。我们将促进更深层次的信息和技术共享，推动安全和国防相关科学、技术、产业基地以及供应链之间的深度融合。尤其重要的是，我们将大幅度地深化在一系列安全和防御能力方面的合作。  针对我们作为海上民主国家的共同传统，作为AUKUS伙伴关系的第一个行动计划，我们对一个共同目标作出承诺，支持澳大利亚为澳大利亚皇家海军（Royal Australian Navy）采购核动力潜艇。今天，我们开始了一项为期一年半的三边努力，以寻求一种提供这种能力的最佳途径。我们将充分利用美国和英国的专业技术知识，在两国潜艇项目的基础上，尽早使澳大利亚的能力投入使用。  澳大利亚核动力潜艇的开发将是三个国家的共同努力，重点是互操作性、通用性和互利性。澳大利亚致力于遵守在安全保障、透明度、核查和核算措施方面的最高标准，以确保核材料与核技术的不扩散、安全和保障。澳大利亚仍然致力于履行作为一个无核武器国家的所有义务，包括对国际原子能机构（International Atomic Energy Agency）的义务。我们三个国家坚定不移地致力于在全球防止核扩散方面保持带头作用。  鉴于我们几十年以来所建立的深厚国防关系，今天我们还在AUKUS框架下开始进一步的三边合作，以增强我们的联合能力和互操作能力。这些最初的努力将集中在网络能力、人工智能、量子技术和其它的海底能力方面。  我们今天发起的这项努力将有助于维护印太地区的和平与稳定。70多年以来，澳大利亚、英国和美国与其他重要盟友和伙伴一道，共同努力维护我们的共同价值观念，促进安全与繁荣。今天，随着AUKUS的成立，我们再次对这一愿景作出承诺。

The White House September 15, 2021 Statement  As leaders of Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States, guided by our enduring ideals and shared commitment to the international rules-based order, we resolve to deepen diplomatic, security, and defense cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region, including by working with partners, to meet the challenges of the twenty-first century. As part of this effort, we are announcing the creation of an enhanced trilateral security partnership called “AUKUS” — Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States.  Through AUKUS, our governments will strengthen the ability of each to support our security and defense interests, building on our longstanding and ongoing bilateral ties. We will promote deeper information and technology sharing. We will foster deeper integration of security and defense-related science, technology, industrial bases, and supply chains. And in particular, we will significantly deepen cooperation on a range of security and defense capabilities.  As the first initiative under AUKUS, recognizing our common tradition as maritime democracies, we commit to a shared ambition to support Australia in acquiring nuclear-powered submarines for the Royal Australian Navy. Today, we embark on a trilateral effort of 18 months to seek an optimal pathway to deliver this capability. We will leverage expertise from the United States and the United Kingdom, building on the two countries’ submarine programs to bring an Australian capability into service at the earliest achievable date.  The development of Australia’s nuclear-powered submarines would be a joint endeavor between the three nations, with a focus on interoperability, commonality, and mutual benefit. Australia is committed to adhering to the highest standards for safeguards, transparency, verification, and accountancy measures to ensure the non-proliferation, safety, and security of nuclear material and technology. Australia remains committed to fulfilling all of its obligations as a non-nuclear weapons state, including with the International Atomic Energy Agency. Our three nations are deeply committed to upholding our leadership on global non-proliferation.  Recognizing our deep defense ties, built over decades, today we also embark on further trilateral collaboration under AUKUS to enhance our joint capabilities and interoperability. These initial efforts will focus on cyber capabilities, artificial intelligence, quantum technologies, and additional undersea capabilities.  The endeavor we launch today will help sustain peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific region. For more than 70 years, Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States, have worked together, along with other important allies and partners, to protect our shared values and promote security and prosperity. Today, with the formation of AUKUS, we recommit ourselves to this vision.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年 6月30 日 谢谢你，尼古拉斯（Nicolas）。谢谢用英语说的几句话。我很感激。 诸位上午好。很高兴见到你，秘书长。罗丝玛丽（Rosemary），谢谢你今天上午发表的评论。我想说的是，你对伊朗境内的人道主义援助问题发表的一些评论。考虑到伊朗境内的冠状病毒疫情，美国已尽力而为。我们的确提出为伊朗人提供我们美方的援助，但遭到他们的拒绝。所以，我认为，所谓我们的制裁阻碍了人道主义援助进入伊朗的说法是因为没有真正了解当地发生的情况。 由于美国前任政府谈判达成的核协议存在弊端，对全世界最令人发指的政权实施武器禁运预定10月18日到期，距今仅4个月。4个月。 安理会需要进行抉择：按照联合国创始人的意愿维护国际和平与安全，或者听任对伊朗伊斯兰共和国的武器禁运过期，背弃我们各方矢志维护的联合国使命及其最终理想。 如果你们不采取行动，伊朗就可以肆无忌惮地购买俄罗斯制造的战斗机，其作战半径可达3,000公里，将利雅得（Riyadh）、新德里（New Delhi）、罗马（Rome）和华沙（Warsaw）都纳入伊朗的瞄准镜。 伊朗就可以肆无忌惮地更新并扩大其潜艇舰队，进一步威胁霍尔木兹海峡（Strait of Hormuz）、波斯湾（Persian Gulf）和阿拉伯海（Arabian Sea）的国际航运和航行自由。 伊朗就可以肆无忌惮地为中东（Middle East）各地的代理人和伙伴购买新的先进的技术，包括哈马斯（Hamas）、真主党（Hizballah）和胡塞（Houthis）组织。 伊朗就会将达摩克里斯剑（sword of Damocles）悬挂在中东稳定的经济局势上方，对俄罗斯和中国等依赖能源价格稳定的国家构成威胁。 伊朗就可以毫无顾忌地成为歹毒的军火商，通过武器供应为委内瑞拉、叙利亚，乃至阿富汗的冲突火上浇油。 去年11月，总统鲁哈尼（Rouhani）亲口表示，“明年禁运解除后，我们就可以很容易地买卖武器。”我们应该注意他说的这番话。 伊朗不像澳大利亚或印度，不属于负责任的民主政体。我们已经知道，德黑兰如果有能力购买更多的武器会做什么。 请考虑我们今天讨论的秘书长关于联合国安理会第2231号决议的报告。这份报告确认，2019年9月用于攻击沙特阿拉伯的武器原产地是伊朗。报告还确认，2019年11月和2020年2月在也门外海截获的武器原产地是伊朗。 伊朗即使在到期前已经违反武器禁运的规定。伊朗的活动因理事会的授权受到了制裁，可以设想一旦限制被解除会是什么情况。 我们其实不需要秘书长的报告就可以看见，该政权还在做其他什么事情。1月，伊朗利用自己拥有的先进导弹向驻伊拉克的联盟军队发动了进攻。 即使在今天我们举行会议的时候，伊朗仍为真主党旅（Kata’ib Hizballah）等什叶派武装团伙供货。自去年秋季以来，这些什叶派武装对美国和联盟部队发动了数十次火箭袭击，当时美国和联盟部队正在持续进行打击达伊沙（Daesh）的重要战役。 伊朗在阿曼湾（Gulf of Oman）对商业船舶发动鱼雷袭击，例如去年5月和6月发生的事件。 几乎所有的国家都拥有武器。成熟的国家使用武器进行防御和促进稳定。 但伊朗伊斯兰共和国不在此列。 不必仅听我或者美国所说的情况；不妨听听该地区国家发出的声音。从以色列到海湾地区，中东国家作为最容易受伊朗侵害的国家，正在发出同一个声音：延长武器禁运。 安理会有责任听取他们的意见。 美国最强烈的愿望是与安理会一道努力，延长武器禁运，保护人的生命，保护我们的国家安全，保护你们的国家安全。 我们以各种形式对德黑兰实施武器限制达13年，这有其合理的原因，也有重大成效。 早在我们在2007年一致通过联合国安理会第1747号决议（UN Security Council Resolution 1747）时——其举措之一是禁止伊朗的武器转运，英国的安理会代表说，我引用他的原话：“伊朗走扩散之路不是国际社会所能接受的”。 我欢迎最近来自英国，来自法国和德国的声明，承认取消禁运将对地区安全与稳定产生重大影响。 我也欢迎来自几乎400名美国国会议员的支持。对这里不注意这个数字的人说一下，国会一共有435名议员。他们当中将近400名议员都支持我为延长武器禁运所做的外交努力。我们的担忧事关国家安全，而不是党派政治。 我们在落实“联合全面行动计划”（JCPOA）的过程中从伊朗的行动中看到，我们解除制裁或放松追责时伊朗政权并不有所节制。 事实上它做的恰恰相反。 伊朗在仍然声称保持协议的同时，自己承认，也得到国际原子能机构（IAEA）证实，伊朗没有任何迹象显示在放慢其破坏稳定的核升级。 伊朗也在积累危险的知识。例如，去年年底，伊朗宣布，伊朗科学家正在研制新型离心机——IR-9——它将使德黑兰能够以比“联合全面行动计划”所允许使用的IR-1离心机高达50倍的速度提炼浓缩铀。 伊朗即使在从事有可能威胁核武器突破时间的研究时，也拒绝让国际原子能机构检查员进入根据协议伊朗有义务予以准入的地点。 鉴于无可非议的有关伊朗的事实模式，安理会不能单纯希望伊朗本着良好意愿行事。 安理会必须对伊朗追究责任。我们都有机会这样做。 我将以下面的话结束我的发言。我将用我们的更高目的的号召结束我的话。 《联合国宪章》（UN Charter）第一章说，联合国的目的是“采取有效集体办法，以防止且消除对于和平之威胁……”。 请考虑我今天详细说明的压倒性证据。它是现有证据中的一小部分。如果伊朗不是一个需要用集体办法应对的和平威胁，我不知道什么会是。 安理会必须拒绝外交勒索。鲁哈尼总统最近宣布“如果延长对德黑兰的武器禁运，伊朗将作出粉碎性回应”。 鉴于伊朗掌权具有使用恐怖主义和暴力的历史，也许我们应该认真对待这一威胁。伊朗外交部长今天将发言。我希望他将告诉我们——我希望他将告诉我们他准备粉碎谁以及如何粉碎他们。 重新延长禁运将给德黑兰带来更大压力，要开始像正常国家那样行事。 世界需要看到这点。长期受苦受难的伊朗人民需要看到这点。 75年前，联合国创始国在第二次世界大战的浩劫结束后聚到一起，要确保世界不会再次遭遇这种可怕的经历。 让我们不要仅仅因为前面的道路似乎艰难而面对挑战退缩。 让我们信守这个机构的使命，解决伊朗伊斯兰共和国给国际和平与安全带来的威胁。 让我们以本安理会的名义采取真正行动，延长武器禁运。 感谢各位让我今天来到这里。

For Immediate Release REMARKS June 30, 2020 Washington, D.C. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Thank you, Nicolas.  Thanks for the couple words in English there.  I appreciate that. Good morning, everyone.  Good to see you, Secretary General.  Rosemary, thank you for your comments this morning.  I would like to say you made some comments about humanitarian assistance inside of Iran.  The United States has tried to facilitate that, in light of the COVID issues inside of Iran.  Indeed, we offered our own American assistance to the Iranians, which was rejected by them.  So to suggest somehow that our sanctions have prevented humanitarian assistance to get into Iran I think is a misunderstanding of the situation on the ground. Because of the flawed nuclear deal negotiated by the previous American administration, the arms embargo on the world’s most heinous terrorist regime is scheduled to expire on October 18th, a mere four months from now.  Four months. This chamber has a choice:  Stand for international peace and security, as the United Nations’ founders intended, or let the arms embargo on the Islamic Republic of Iran expire, betraying the UN’s mission and its finest ideals, which we have all pledged to uphold. If you fail to act, Iran will be free to purchase Russian-made fighter jets that can strike up to a 3,000 kilometer radius, putting cities like Riyadh, New Delhi, Rome, and Warsaw in Iranian crosshairs. Iran will be free to upgrade and expand its fleet of submarines to further threaten international shipping and freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz, the Persian Gulf, and the Arabian Sea. Iran will be free to purchase new and advanced technologies for its proxies and partners throughout the Middle East, including Hamas, Hizballah, and the Houthis. Iran will hold a sword of Damocles over the economic stability of the Middle East, endangering nations like Russia and China that rely on stable energy prices. Iran will be free to become a rogue weapons dealer, supplying arms to fuel conflicts from Venezuela, to Syria, to the far reaches of Afghanistan. In November of last year, President Rouhani himself said, quote, “When the embargo . . . is lifted next year, we can easily buy and sell weapons,” end of quote.  We should take him at his word. Iran is not a responsible democracy like Australia or India.  We already know that[1] Tehran will do, if given the ability to buy more weaponry. Just consider the secretary general’s UNSCR 2231 report that we’re discussing today.  The report confirmed that weapons used to attack Saudi Arabia in September 2019 were of Iranian origin.  The report has also confirmed the weapons interdicted off the coast of Yemen in November of 2019 and February 2020 were of Iranian origin. Iran is already violating the arms embargo, even before its expiration date.  Imagine if Iranian activity were sanctioned, authorized by this group, if the restrictions were lifted. And we don’t need the secretary general’s report to see what else the regime is doing.  In January, Iran launched an attack on the coalition forces in Iraq with its own advanced missiles. Iran, even as we sit here today, supplies Shia militia groups like Kata’ib Hizballah – groups which have launched dozens of rocket attacks since the fall of last year against U.S. and coalition forces fighting the important continued important campaign against Daesh. Iran unleashes ship-mining attacks on commercial vessels in the Gulf of Oman, as it did in May and June of last year. Nearly all countries have arms.  Mature nations use them for defensive purposes and to promote stability. But not the Islamic Republic of Iran. Don’t just take it from me or from the United States; listen to countries in the region.  From Israel to the Gulf, countries in the Middle East – who are most exposed to Iran’s predations – are speaking with a single voice:  Extend the arms embargo. This council has a responsibility to listen to them. The United States’ overwhelming preference is to work with this council to extend the arms embargo to protect human life, to protect our national security, and to protect yours. We’ve imposed arms restrictions on Tehran in various forms for 13 years, and with good reason, and to substantial effect. When we unanimously adopted UN Security Council Resolution 1747 back in 2007 – which, among other actions, prohibited arms transfers from Iran – the United Kingdom’s representative to the council said, quote, “The path of proliferation by Iran is not one that the international community can accept,” end of quote. I welcome the statement from the United Kingdom, from France and Germany, recently recognizing that lifting the embargo would have major implications for regional security and stability. I also welcome the support of almost 400 members of the United States Congress.  For those of you not tracking, there’s only 435.  Those almost 400 members supported my diplomacy to extend this arms embargo.  Our concern is a matter of national security, not partisan politics. We saw from Iran’s actions while implementing the JCPOA that the regime doesn’t moderate when we lift sanctions or weaken accountability. In fact, it does just the opposite. While still claiming to remain in the deal, Iran, by its own admission, and as confirmed by the IAEA, is showing no signs of slowing its destabilizing nuclear escalation. Iran is also accumulating dangerous knowledge.  For example, late last year Iran announced that its scientists were working on a new centrifuge – the IR-9 – that would allow Tehran to enrich uranium up to 50 times faster than the IR-1 centrifuges allowed under the JCPOA. Even as Iran pursues research that could threaten its breakout time to a nuclear weapon, it’s also denied IAEA inspections access to locations Iran is obligated to provide. This council cannot simply hope that Iran acts in good faith, given its indisputable fact pattern. The council must hold Iran accountable.  And we all have the chance to do so. I’ll close with this.  I’ll close with an appeal to our greater purpose. Article I of the UN Charter says the purpose of the UN is to “take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to … peace.” Consider the overwhelming evidence that I’ve detailed today.  It’s a fraction of the evidence available.  If Iran isn’t a threat to peace that demands a collective measure, I do not know what is. The council must reject extortion diplomacy.  President Rouhani recently declared, quote, “Iran will give a crushing response if the arms embargo on Tehran is extended.”  End of quote. Given the Iranian regime’s history of resorting to terrorism and violence, perhaps we should take this threat seriously.  Iran’s foreign minister will speak today.  I hope he’ll tell us – I hope he’ll tell us whom he intends to crush and how he will crush them. Renewing the embargo will exert more pressure on Tehran to start behaving like a normal nation. The world needs this to happen.  The long-suffering Iranian people need this to happen. Seventy-five years ago, the founders of the UN came together after the devastation of World War II to ensure that the world would never again have to face such horrors. Let’s not shrink from the challenge before us simply because the path ahead seems hard. Let’s uphold the mission of this body to address the threats to international peace and security that the Islamic Republic of Iran presents. And let’s take real action in the name of this council by extending the arms embargo. Thank you all for allowing me to be here today. # # # [1] what

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区 2021年7月13日 今天，美国国务院协同美国财政部（U.S. Department of the Treasury）、美国商务部（U.S. Department of Commerce）、美国国土安全部（U.S. Department of Homeland Security）、美国贸易代表办公室（Office of the U.S. Trade Representative）和美国劳工部（U.S. Department of Labor）发布新疆供应链工商咨询公告增订通知，强调指出鉴于有关实体参与该地区和中国各地的强迫劳动和其他践踏人权的行为，与新疆供应链和投资有联系的工商业面临的风险增高，为此对美国政府机构原于2020年7月1日发布的新疆供应链工商咨询公告进行增订。 中华人民共和国政府继续在新疆维吾尔自治区和中国其他地区对穆斯林占多数的维吾尔人、哈萨克族和吉尔吉斯族以及其他种族和宗教少数群体采取骇人听闻的侵权行为。除持续的种族灭绝活动和反人类罪行外，侵权行为包括广泛的国家支持的强迫劳动和侵入性监控、强迫性人口控制措施和儿童与家庭分离问题，大规模监禁和其他践踏人权的行为。鉴于这些侵权行为的严重性及其广泛性，工商业和个人如未撤离与新疆有关的供应链、企业活动和/或投资，可面临违反美国法律的高风险。咨询公告增订要点如下： 欲查看原稿内容:  https://www.state.gov/issuance-of-updated-xinjiang-supply-chain-business-advisory/

FACT SHEET: Issuance of Updated Xinjiang Supply Chain Business Advisory  July 13, 2021 Today the U.S. Department of State, alongside the U.S. Department of the Treasury, the U.S. Department of Commerce, the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, and the U.S. Department of Labor issued an updated Xinjiang Supply Chain Business Advisory to highlight the heightened risks for businesses with supply chain and investment links to Xinjiang, given the entities complicit in forced labor and other human rights abuses there and throughout China.  This updates the original Xinjiang Supply Chain Business Advisory issued by U.S. government agencies on July 1, 2020. The PRC government continues its horrific abuses in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (Xinjiang) and elsewhere in China, targeting Uyghurs, ethnic Kazakhs, and ethnic Kyrgyz who are predominantly Muslim, and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups. These abuses include widespread, state-sponsored forced labor and intrusive surveillance, forced population control measures and separation of children from families, mass detention, and other human rights abuses amidst ongoing genocide and crimes against humanity.  Given the severity and extent of these abuses, businesses and individuals that do not exit supply chains, ventures, and/or investments connected to Xinjiang could run a high risk of violating U.S. law.  The updated advisory highlights: For further information, contact DRL-Press@state.gov or visit https://www.state.gov/key-topics-bureau-of-democracy-human-rights-and-labor/business-and-human-rights/.

你是已经回家了还是正在回家的路上？在这段视频里，美国驻华大使布兰斯塔德夫妇和使馆一些出生在猪年的同事一起包饺子、写“福”字。大使和使馆全体工作人员祝您和您的家人春节快乐，猪年大吉！点击这里观看大使拜年视频。

Are you already back to you hometown or still on your way? In this video, Ambassador Branstad and Mrs. Branstad, along with a few of the embassy colleagues who were born in the Year of the Pig, made dumplings and wrote the character “Fu”. From the Ambassador and all of us at the Embassy, we hope you and your families have a happy new year and Happy Year of the Pig.

2020年8月13日 美国东部夏令时间 晚06:31 发言人办公室 孔子学院明显是由北京支持的：孔子学院是主要设在美国的学院和大学校园里的组织，向美国学生大量推出有偏见的中国语言和文化培训。这是北京多面宣传举措的一部分。在中共统战部的指导下，中华人民共和国政府为这些项目提供了部分经费。2020年8月13日，美国国务院将孔子学院美国中心认定为中华人民共和国驻外使团。该中心事实上充当了孔子学院网络在华盛顿D.C.的总部。其不透明性，以及其受国家指令的性质是这一认定背后的驱动原因。 此举不会关闭孔子学院美国中心，也不会要求美国各学院或大学关闭其孔子学院。相反，认定孔子学院美国中心为外国使团将要求该中心定期向美国国务院提供有关中华人民共和国在美的公民雇员、招聘、经费提供，以及运作相关信息，从而确保迫切需要的透明度。有了更高的透明度，教育机构就可以在更加知情的情况下，就其校园被施加的影响，以及这些北京支持的项目是否应该及应如何继续对其学生开展教学，做出选择。 “认定孔子学院美国中心为外国使团”声明英文全文请见： https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/confucius-institute-u-s-center-designation-as-a-foreign-mission/

FACT SHEET OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON AUGUST 13, 2020 Confucius Institutes are clearly sponsored by Beijing: Confucius Institutes (CIs) are organizations primarily located on U.S. college and university campuses that push out skewed Chinese language and cultural training for U.S. students as part of Beijing’s multifaceted propaganda efforts.  The PRC government partially funds these programs, under guidance from the CCP’s United Front Work Department.  On August 13, 2020, the Department of State designated the Confucius Institute U.S. Center (CIUS), which serves as the Washington D.C.-based de facto headquarters of the Confucius Institute network, as a foreign mission of the People’s Republic of China. The opacity of this organization and its state-directed nature are the driving reasons behind this designation. This action will not close the CIUS, nor will it require U.S. colleges or universities to close individual Confucius Institutes.  Instead, designating the CIUS as a foreign mission will ensure much needed transparency by requiring the CIUS to regularly provide information to the State Department about PRC citizen personnel, recruiting, funding, and operations in the United States.  With greater transparency, educational institutions can make more informed choices about the influence being exerted on their campuses and whether and how these Beijing-backed programs should continue to teach their students. Beijing’s influence on U.S. campuses: The influence of the Chinese government and impact of Chinese Communist Party ideology on Confucius Institute programming has long been a cause for concern on U.S. campuses, as has the governing arrangements of individual Confucius Institutes which often lack transparency. Confucius Institutes “are an important part of China’s overseas propaganda setup,” said Politburo Standing Committee ideology czar Li Changchun in 2009. Colleges are rethinking Confucius Institutes: Universities across the country and around the world have already begun to take a closer look at the programming of Confucius Institutes as part of a larger review of the scope of Beijing’s influence over higher education institutions globally.

STATEMENT BY SECRETARY MICHAEL R. POMPEO PRC National People’s Congress Proposal on Hong Kong National Security Legislation 美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年 5月 27日 国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥（MICHAEL R. POMPEO）发表声明 关于中华人民共和国全国人民代表大会拟对香港实施国家安全法的问题 上星期，中华人民共和国全国人民代表大会宣布拟单方面专横地对香港强行实施国家安全法。北京的这项灾难性的决定只是一系列从根本上破坏香港自治和自由的行动中一个最新的事例，违背了中国本身在联合国（UN）存档的国际条约《中英联合声明》（Sino-British Joint Declaration）中做出的承诺。 国务院按照《香港政策法》（Hong Kong Policy Act）的要求对该领土在中国的自治问题进行评估。经过对报告期事态的认真分析，我今天向国会（Congress）提交认证报告表示，按美国有关法律，香港应不再继续享有与1997年前适用香港的美国各项法律给予的同样待遇。鉴于当地发生的实际情况，今天任何有理性的人都无法断言香港目前在中国保持高度的自治。 香港及其充满活力、具有创业精神和自由的人民作为自由的堡垒维持了几十年的繁荣。目前的这项决定让我感到痛心。但健全的决策要求承认现实。美国曾希望自由和繁荣的香港可为专制主义的中国树立一个榜样，然而现在很明显中国正按自己的样式改变香港。 在香港人民对中国共产党进行抗争，反对原来承诺的香港自治被进一步否定之际，美国与香港人民站在一起。

For Immediate Release STATEMENT BY SECRETARY MICHAEL R. POMPEO May 27, 2020 PRC National People’s Congress Proposal on Hong Kong National Security Legislation Last week, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) National People’s Congress announced its intention to unilaterally and arbitrarily impose national security legislation on Hong Kong. Beijing’s disastrous decision is only the latest in a series of actions that fundamentally undermine Hong Kong’s autonomy and freedoms and China’s own promises to the Hong Kong people under the Sino-British Joint Declaration, a UN-filed international treaty. The State Department is required by the Hong Kong Policy Act to assess the autonomy of the territory from China. After careful study of developments over the reporting period, I certified to Congress today that Hong Kong does not continue to warrant treatment under United States laws in the same manner as U.S. laws were applied to Hong Kong before July 1997. No reasonable person can assert today that Hong Kong maintains a high degree of autonomy from China, given facts on the ground. Hong Kong and its dynamic, enterprising, and free people have flourished for decades as a bastion of liberty, and this decision gives me no pleasure. But sound policy making requires a recognition of reality. While the United States once hoped that free and prosperous Hong Kong would provide a model for authoritarian China, it is now clear that China is modeling Hong Kong after itself. The United States stands with the people of Hong Kong as they struggle against the CCP’s increasing denial of the autonomy that they were promised.

2022年7月4日 华盛顿——美国财政部长珍妮特·L·耶伦今天与中华人民共和国副总理刘鹤进行了视频通话，这是本届美国政府为保持开放的沟通渠道做出的持续努力的一部分。在本次坦诚、实质性的对话中，双方讨论了美中两国的宏观经济和金融发展以及在大宗商品价格不断上涨、粮食安全挑战与日俱增背景下的全球经济展望。耶伦部长坦率地提出了关切的问题，其中包括俄罗斯对乌克兰发动的战争对全球经济的影响，以及中华人民共和国不公平、非市场的经济行为。耶伦部长表示期待未来与刘副总理的讨论。 https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/jy0849

READOUT: Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen’s Virtual Meeting with Vice Premier of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) Liu He WASHINGTON — Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen today held a virtual meeting with Vice Premier of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) Liu He as part of the Administration’s ongoing efforts to maintain open lines of communication.  During the candid and substantive conversation, they discussed macroeconomic and financial developments in the United States and China, the global economic outlook amid rising commodity prices and food security challenges.  Secretary Yellen frankly raised issues of concern including the impact of the Russia’s war against Ukraine on the global economy and unfair, non-market PRC economic practices.  Secretary Yellen noted that she looks forward to future discussion with Vice Premier Liu.

OLYMPUS DIGITAL CAMERA “我希望这幅壁画可以传播和平。我鼓励人们用它来互动，拍下来，在你的社交网络里分享。这样你就是在传播和平。” Clay McAndrews是在密歇根的杰克逊举行的光明壁画节的创始人和联合指导。他获得了中央密歇根大学的图形设计专业学位。他的作品专注于主题简单、线条简洁的明亮调色板。 (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) “我想用壁画激活空白的空间，赋能观众，让他们与身边和更广阔的周遭产生联系，给他们一种自己社区里的地方的感觉，这就是壁画的作用。我探索了各种主题，包括环保意识、启迪孩子的概念、社区、女性赋能，以及LGBT的韧性。从头至尾都有一个重复出现的主题，那就是自我反思和成长。除了艺术本身的伟大含义之外，我在创作时还喜欢花时间和路人互动，介绍自己，解释我的作品和创作过程。风度翩翩一点，和这个社区的联系多点，会让他们看到我出现在他们的社区画画时心里更舒适地去了解我，他们会在接下来的几年每天都看到我的作品。”   超过13年来，我一直在美国和全世界创作公共艺术项目，和业主、小公司、城市实体和大公司合作。我在马里兰的巴尔的摩开启了我的公共艺术生涯，用赠款在当地公园做小型社区壁画，活跃了枯燥的空间，同时让本地的艺术家齐聚一堂。2015年我离开巴尔的摩，在俄勒冈的波特兰开始了新的生活，继续我的职业，创作私人和商业壁画。自那以来，我在美国多个城市画出了作品，并在全球展示了公共艺术作品，包括德国、法国、英格兰、巴西和澳大利亚。我目前的大本营在科罗拉多的丹佛，因为这个城市给艺术家提供了机会，同时它的核心地理位置便于出行。 (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) 《大我》旨在启迪孩子以及成人考虑他们的“大我”，为我们的星球的大局承担责任，让他们理解每个行动都会对应一个反作用，地球上的所有生命都是彼此关联的。这个壁画还包括了地球的四个元素，天鹅代表风，鲸鱼代表水，蕨类植物代表土，星星代表火。 (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) 银杏树是所属树科最后存活下来的物种，2.7亿年来逃过了时间的手掌心，象征了忍耐和永恒。在气候变化和新冠疫情的时代，我们越发知道有些力量不在我们的控制之下，我们不得不终将面对死亡，我们不是永恒。正如银杏叶，我们的星球在我们离开后依然会存在很久。在针对美国的司法系统和种族主义政策的骚乱和抗议出现之后，2020年6月这个街头艺术作品在科罗拉多的丹佛展出。斯特凡真的希望人们能够看到和听到我们的政府治理和社会中被曝光的缺陷，并能做出真正的改变。就像银杏一样，爱是永恒的。 (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) David Amoroso通过他的艺术作品表达对拉丁文化的崇拜。他对艺术的热情包括绘画、摄影、模板和丝网印花四个方面。虽然David的大部分作品都致力于创作普通人的肖像，但他也通过他的作品来展示墨西哥的流行文化。他涉足拉丁艺术界，这使他能够为亡灵节创作墨西哥灵坛和危地马拉木屑地毯。他的艺术作品让他有机会在华盛顿都会区、加州、亚利桑那州、北卡罗来纳州、墨西哥、中美洲和南美洲等地展出作品和工作。 (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) 美国最高法院已故的RBG致力于平等，并进行了开创性的努力，从而提升了我们许多人。RBG的 “超能力”在于她能把世界看得通透。 (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) 这张图代表了所有人，而不是具体某个人。旗帜披在肩上的目的是为了像毯子一样去裹住并安慰这个人。 (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。)   “诚实地说，我不知道我是否曾创作出一件艺术品，我也不再在乎。我自己是对象和图片的创作者，我运用对象和图片，正如作家运用词语或者音乐家运用声音作为沟通的媒介。更具体地说，我运用图片代表我日常生活中面对的思想和问题。对我来说，创作行为和创作过程总是一种学习的经历。通常，正如我改变作品那样，我创作的对象和图片同样也会改变我自己。” Scott Eagle在位于北卡罗莱纳州格林维尔的东卡罗莱纳大学艺术与设计学院担任副教授以及该学院绘画项目的区域协调员。他的绘画和插图作品的原作和复制品在世界各地展出。他的作品登上过《牛津美国》《纽约时报》《连线》以及Juxtapoz艺术杂志等众多书籍和出版物。Scott在2013年当选为《创意季刊》杂志的百名创意人士之一。他运用包括数字媒介在内的各种媒介进行创作，他尤为感兴趣的是创意行为，比如一边思考一边创作。 (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) “竞选市长的”Chris Riggs是纽约市的一位当代艺术家，他的艺术作品是立体主义、抽象、超现实主义、极简主义、流行艺术和街头艺术独特的综合，这让他成为他这一代领先的艺术家。他的绘画和雕塑分布于50多个博物馆、画廊和私人收藏。 “竞选市长的”Chris Riggs1973年出生于纽约市曼哈顿，在纽约市立学院和纽约哥伦比亚大学学习绘画和政治科学。他在迈阿密和纽约生活、工作。 Chris三岁时在他来自意大利的爷爷的陪伴下开始了他的职业绘画生涯。11岁时，Chris使用的媒介是纽约市废弃建筑和火车隧道里的喷漆和壁画。17岁时，Chris用他的喷雾罐交换了一个绘画毛刷。从20世纪九十年代开始，Chris Riggs就一直在从事复杂的抽象画和雕塑创作。2004年，Riggs决定竞选纽约市市长，因为他看到了不公：布隆伯格市长决定取消学校午餐计划。这让他愤怒，他决定竞选纽约市市长，并通过他的艺术作品改变这个城市。2005年，Riggs在纪录片《纽约的承诺》中自己扮演纽约市市长的候选人。他开始在“竞选市长的”Chris Riggs名下创作艺术。 他使用丙烯酸和喷漆创作出符合城市特点的政治绘画和雕塑作品。Chris将使用的鲜明色彩和几何形状与特定城市的独特词汇和调色板搭配，当然，最重要的还要与这个城市的政治活跃、改变世界的动态搭配。 这些作品综合了立体主义、抽象、超现实主义、极简主义、流行艺术和街头艺术，源自于艺术家的独特观点。Chris受到的影响来自纽约市的街头艺术、黑白非洲艺术、毕加索、基思·哈林（Keith Haring）、让-米歇尔·巴斯奎特（Jean-Michel Basquiat）、波洛克（Pollock ）和安迪·沃霍尔（Andy Warhol）。 (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) Tom Meyer被称为“外行”艺术家。 他的确是个自学成才的画家。Meyer主要用丙烯颜料在画布或画板上作画，他的绘画源自于灵魂里的冲动。 透过他绘画中的演员列表，我们可以看到他的内心和想象。如他所说，绘画描述了“救赎、原谅、接受、拒绝和爱”主题的故事。 Meyer说过，“我不画事物，我画想法。”他的作品受益于各式各样的的创意的启发，从当前时事到古代哲学均有涉猎。作为一个外行艺术家或者有远见的艺术家的视角，Meyer的作品体现了创新的传统，其根源包括早期美国民间艺术，直到今天，仍在以各种有活力的方式持续演变。像很多其他的外行艺术家一样，Meyer用他的画作创造了他自己的宇宙。 (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) Michelle Angela Ortiz是一位视觉艺术家、娴熟的壁画画家、社区艺术教育者以及电影制作人。她以艺术作为工具，刻画那些历史被忽略或被强行借鉴的群体与社区。通过社区艺术实践、绘画、纪录片以及公共艺术装置，她为社区和个人可能面对的一些最为重要的议题创造了一个进行对话的安全空间。 她的作品运用丰富且有感染力的意象讲述故事，将空间加以利用和改造，从而以视觉化的方式表现出社区的力量和精神。 二十年来，Ortiz在美国和世界各地设计和创作了50多件大型公共作品。自2008年来，Ortiz在哥斯达黎加和厄瓜多尔领导运用艺术推动社会变革的公共艺术项目，并通过美国大使馆成为在斐济、墨西哥、阿根廷、西班牙、委内瑞拉、洪都拉斯和古巴的文化使者。 Ortiz是2020年“艺术为正义”基金的获资助者、皮尤学者、劳森伯格基金会“活动分子艺术家”项目成员以及肯尼迪中心公民艺术家项目成员。她于2016年获得非营利组织“美国艺术”（Americans for the Arts）公共艺术年度大奖。该奖项表彰美国杰出的公共艺术项目。 (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) Pony Wave是一位纹身师、街头艺术家和画家，目前住在洛杉矶，在那里经营她的工作室。她最为人所知的是她的艺术作品和绘画，尤其是洛杉矶威尼斯艺术墙上的壁画《保重！》，这副画广为人知，吸引了媒体的注意。Pony Wave擅长程式化彩绘，她的作品受到现实主义的现代潮流和若斯托沃绘画（一种古老的俄罗斯民间手工艺图形艺术）的影响。她还在《纹身大师》第12季作为纹身师出镜。Pony Wave出生在俄罗斯弗拉基米尔，她在那里开启了她的纹身职业生涯。成年后，Pony Wave移居到美国洛杉矶，目前在那里工作、生活。Pony Wave是纯素食主义者。 (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) Thomas Evans，又名Detour，是一位全面的创作者，擅长大型公共艺术、互动视觉效果、画像、沉浸式空间和创意指导。他专注于创作艺术与创新结合的作品。Detour是天生的协作者和“军人之子”，他的灵感来源于每个可以想象的经历，这些经历塑造了他的视野和视角。 解析Detour的作品绝非易事，因为在视觉艺术、音乐和互动技术上持续的实验让他的创作方式不断扩展。Detour的艺术方式持续演变，通过结合传统媒介和全新方式，他专注于扩展关于创意的习惯看法，并挑战美术的范式——同时将创意过程从单一艺术家拓展到注重多层次协作以及观众参与。 (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) Nils Westergard（NILS.RVA）是一位漂泊在外的比利时裔美国街头艺术家和电影制片人，住在弗吉尼亚州里士满市。 Nils 从小在华盛顿DC开始涂鸦，通过在通道、桥梁和戏剧舞台布景磨练他的技能。他手工剪裁的精细模具作品为他的工作室创作打下了基础，并让他进入弗吉尼亚联邦大学学习电影，并结合自己的手工艺制作了嘻哈音乐视频。毕业后六个月内，他开始每周在一个欧洲城市创作，并在街头艺术界渐渐树立起自己的形象。 如今，Nils 的视角从全球缩小到世界各地的墙壁上给人以亲切感的大型、伤感肖像，还有他在画廊中精细入微的模版作品。他是位于阿姆斯特丹的Multi-Syndicate Crew艺术家团体的成员，他穿梭于弗吉尼亚州里士满和欧洲之间。 Nils今年28岁。 (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) John Pepion是黑足联盟皮卡尼分支的平原印第安人图形艺术家。他来自在蒙大拿州中北部的黑足原住民保留地，落基山脉在那里与平原相接。约翰以他的账本艺术而闻名。账本艺术是一门在平原部落中发展起来的艺术传统。随着在传统上用于绘画的北美野牛皮变得稀缺，平原部落被迫适应形式，在账本的帐簿纸上进行艺术创作。约翰来自一个艺术家家庭，象形艺术在他的家族中已有数百年之久。 (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) “我想打动人们，在世界上发出声音。如果你打动了人们，你就是在做一名艺术家的工作。” Louis Still Smoking在蒙大拿州布朗宁市的黑足原住民保留地出生和长大。艺术流淌在他的血液中。在其他有天赋的家庭成员的启发下，他发现艺术具有疗愈性，并在很小的年纪就开始绘画。在一个小社群中长大，让他得以专注在自己运用铅笔和画笔的能力上。Louis认为，所有的媒体都是通过他的眼睛向世界表达艺术的同样重要的机会。他喜欢接受挑战，把一切都投入到他的作品中。他1998年毕业于南达科他州弗兰德鲁印第安学校（Flandreau Indian School ）。他做了11年的石雕师，然后决定回到大学继续深造艺术。 带着一颗热爱雕塑的心，他发现自己的绘画和素描技巧需要进一步提高，所以他开始重视绘画。Louis的艺术作品受到印象派画家Lucian Freud的影响，以及有关美国印第安人运动的历史研究的影响，他们的成就是基于想要有所作为，这对他很有启发。Louis的作品一直在发展和成长，“我试图传达一种与所有原住民有关的信息，无论是社会的还是政治的，我的作品都表达了我作为一个现代美国原住民的个人信仰和斗争。” (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) Betsy Casañas Betsy Casañas是视觉和公共艺术家、教育者、社区活动人士和组织者。她是A Seed on Diamond 艺术画廊总监和Semilla艺术项目创始人。Casañas在艺术领域拥有26年经验，并在全球范围内创作了50多幅壁画。2018年，Casañas被《罗博报告》评为“全球改变街头艺术面貌的五位女性”之一。她的作品以对图案和色彩的运用以及以尊重的笔触刻画被边缘化群体而著称。 创造安全的空间一向是她工作的重要组成部分。作为一直在世界各地有色人种社区中工作的拉美裔艺术家，她了解对于生活在这些社区中的人们来说，看到自己在艺术作品以及在居住地的领导者中得到体现有多么重要。她认为，艺术家有义务反映我们所处的时代，有义务突出人们的故事，并改变为我们创造的叙事。通过使我们共同故事变得常态化、人性化，我们创建了更包容的社区。 (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) Ian Pierce（或称Ekeko）是一位画家、马赛克艺术家和壁画家，在公共空间的大型艺术作品方面有着丰富的经验。他以个人或团队的形式进行项目，在智利、委内瑞拉、加拿大和美国完成了许多壁画和教育工作坊。通过壁画，他试图将观赏者与个人和集体记忆、拉丁裔遗产和文化认同等重要主题联系起来。他的作品中的一个重要特点是不断地寻求途径，将美和诗意与人们的日常生活及其社区重新联系起来，通过艺术来救赎他们的斗争和梦想。虽然出生在美国，他的大部分时间都生活在国外，尤其是他目前生活的智利。 (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) MasPaz是一名出生在哥伦比亚、居住在华盛顿D.C.的多领域艺术家。他以极具特色的街头壁画而闻名，这些壁画探讨了西班牙裔散居人群的本土主题以及他们之间的联系。他的作品在美国和拉丁美洲的画廊中都有展出，他的大型壁画在世界各地的街头和空间熠熠生辉。Mas Paz在西班牙语中的意思是“更多和平”，这正是他努力通过艺术和慈善事业拥抱的理念。 ABC新闻、Telemundo和《华盛顿邮报》等媒体都对他进行过报道。他与耐克、《国家地理》、Roots、Sierra Club、Brooks Running等品牌以及史密森尼肖像画廊、New Museum、Corcoran、Freer and Sackler 画廊等机构也有合作。他还与世界各地的许多学校和教育中心合作。在新冠疫情期间，MasPaz发起了一系列免费的在线艺术课，鼓励人们将艺术作为保持心理健康的一种途径。他还设计了一款限量版的图案和织物，为当地慈善机构和社区中心筹集资金。 他通常的模样是这样的：手持画刷，画着画，教着课，或在国外传播着他关于“更多和平”的信息。 (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) La Union(艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。)

“My hope for this mural is to spread peace. I encourage people to interact with it, photograph it and share it with your network. By doing so you are spreading peace.” Clay McAndrews is the Founder and Co-Director of the Bright Walls Mural Festival, which takes place in Jackson, Michigan. He earned a degree in Graphic Design from Central Michigan University. His work focuses on bright color palettes with simple subjects and clean lines. (Bio as provided by the artist to explain their works and background. Artists’ views are their own and do not represent the USG.) “My murals are meant to activate vacant space and empower the viewer and connect them with their immediate and greater surroundings, giving them a sense of place within their community just as the mural does. I have explored themes of environmental awareness, concepts meant to inspire children, community, women’s empowerment, and LGBT resilience. There is a recurring theme throughout it of self reflection and growth. Outside of the greater message of the art, I enjoy taking time as I am creating to engage with passers by, introduce myself and explain my work and process. A personable connection with the community provides them a larger comfort in knowing a little more about who has shown up to put a piece of art in their neighborhood they will view in their day-to-day for years to come.” I have been producing public art projects for over 13 years in the states and internationally, working with private property owners, small businesses, city entities, and large corporations. I started my public art career in Baltimore, Maryland doing small community murals at local parks funded by grants, activating dull spaces while bringing together local artists. I left Baltimore to start a new life in Portland, Oregon in 2015 where I continued my career painting both personal and commercial murals. Since, I have painted work in various US cities and have shown public artwork internationally in Germany, France, England, Brazil, and Australia. My current home base is in Denver, Colorado because of the opportunity the city provides for artists and its central location for travel. (Bio as provided by the artist to explain their works and background. Artists’ views are their own and do not represent the USG.) The Larger Self is meant to inspire children and adults alike to consider their larger self, take responsibility for the bigger picture of our planet and to understand that for every action is a reaction, and that all life on earth is interconnected. The mural also incorporates the four earth elements. The geese represent the wind, the whales represent water, the ferns represent earth, the stars – fire. (Bio as provided by the artist to explain their works and background. Artists’ views are their own and do not represent the USG.) The Gingko tree is the last of its genus of trees that have survived the hands of time for 270 million years. A timeless symbol of endurance and permanence. In these times of climate change and Covid 19 we are reminded more and more that there are forces beyond our control, we have had to face our mortality, our impermanence. Like the Ginkgo leaf, our planet will remain long after we leave. This street art piece was placed in Denver, Colorado in June of 2020 preceding the riots and protests over the American judicial system and its racist policies. Stefan really hopes that the faults brought to light in our governance and society can be seen and heard and real change can be made. Love endures, just like the Gingko. (Bio as provided by the artist to explain their works and background. Artists’ views are their own and do not represent the USG.) David Amoroso shows his admiration for Latin culture through his artwork. His artistic passion is divided between painting, photography, and block and screen prints. Although the majority of David’s work is dedicated to painting iconic portraits of everyday people, he also represents Mexican pop culture through his work. His involvement within the Latino art community has allowed him to create Mexican altars for Día de los Muertos and Guatemalan Alfombras de Aserrín. His art has brought him to exhibit and work in the DC Metro area, California, Arizona, North Carolina, Mexico, Central and South America. (Bio as provided by the artist to explain their works and background. Artists’ views are their own and do not represent the USG.) Ruth Bader Ginsburg (RBG), late Supreme Court of the United States, has elevated so many of us through her groundbreaking efforts and commitment to equality.  RBG’s “Super Power” was that she was able to see the world with clarity. (Bio as provided by the artist to explain their works and background. Artists’ views are their own and do not represent the USG.) “This image represents everyone, in lieu of a specific person, and the flag draped over the shoulders is intended to envelop and comfort the subject like a blanket.” (Bio as provided by the artist to explain their works and background. Artists’ views are their own and do not represent the USG.)   “I honestly do not know if I have ever made a work of art and I no longer care. I am an object and image maker and I use objects and imagery in the same way that writers use words or musicians use sound; As a communicative medium. More specifically, I use images to represent ideas and issues that I am dealing with in my day to day life. For me the creative act and the process of making is always a learning experience and quite often the object or image that I create changes me as much as I change it.” Scott Eagle is an Associate Professor and serves as the Area Coordinator for the Painting and Drawing program at the School of Art and Design, at East Carolina University in Greenville, North Carolina. His paintings and illustrations have been exhibited and reproduced internationally. Publications featuring his work include The Oxford American, The New York Times, Wired Magazine, Juxtapoz, and numerous books. Scott was selected by Creative Quarterly Magazine as one of their top 100 creatives for 2013.  He works in a wide variety of mediums including digital and is especially interested in the idea of the creative act as thinking through making. (Bio as provided by the artist to explain their works and background. Artists’ views are their own and do not represent the USG.) (Bio as provided by the artist to explain their works and background. Artists’ views are their own and do not represent the USG.) Chris Riggs “for Mayor” is a contemporary New York City artist, whose art works are based on a unique combination of cubism, abstract, surrealism, minimalism, pop and street art has made him a leading artist of his generation. His paintings and sculptures are in museums, galleries, and private collections in over 50 countries. Chris Riggs was born in Manhattan, New York in 1973, and studied painting and political science at New York’s City College and Columbia University, New York. He lives and works in Miami and New York.   Chris began his career painting when he was three years old with his grandfather who was from Italy. At age 11, Chris’ medium was aerosol, painting murals in the abandoned buildings and train tunnels of New York City. At age 17, Chris traded in his spray cans for a paint brush. Since the mid-1990s, Chris Riggs has been making complex abstract paintings and sculptures. In 2004, Riggs decided to run for Mayor of New York City because he saw an injustice: Bloomberg cut the school lunch program. This angered him, and he decided run for Mayor of NYC and change the city through his artwork. In 2005, Riggs played himself as a mayoral candidate for New-York City in documentary movie “The Promise of New York. “ He started to create art under the name Chris Riggs for Mayor. He executes his political city-based paintings and sculptures in acrylic and spray paint. Chris associates the vivid colors and geometric shapes he uses with the City’s unique vocabulary and palette, and, most importantly, its politically active, changing the world, dynamic. These works, based on cubism, abstract, surrealism, pop art, minimalism and street art are derived from the unique point of view of the artist. Chris’ influence includes NYC street art, black and white African art, Picasso, Keith Haring, Jean-Michel Basquiat, Pollock and Andy Warhol. (Bio as provided by the artist to explain their works and background. Artists’ views are their own and do not represent the USG.) Tom Meyer has been referred to as an ‘outsider’ artist. He is indeed a self-taught painter. Working primarily with acrylic on canvas or board, Meyer’s paintings originate from impulses within his soul. The cast of characters that inhabit his paintings give an account of his inner life and his imagination. They tell a story with his themes, “of redemption, forgiveness, acceptance, rejection and love,” as he has described it. Meyer has said, “I don’t paint things, I paint ideas.” His work is informed and inspired by a variety of ideas, from current events to ancient philosophy. Through an outsider or visionary artist, Meyer’s work is part of a creative tradition with roots that include early American folk art and that has continued to evolve in numerous and dynamic ways up to today. Meyer has created a personal universe with his paintings, as many outsider artists have done. (Bio as provided by the artist to explain their works and background. Artists’ views are their own and do not represent the USG.) (Bio as provided by the artist to explain their works and background. Artists’ views are their own and do not represent the USG.) Michelle Angela Ortiz is a visual artist/ skilled muralist/ community arts educator/ filmmaker who uses her art as a vehicle to represent people and communities whose histories are often lost or co-opted. Through community arts practices, painting, documentaries, and public art installations, she creates a safe space for dialogue around some of the most profound issues communities and individuals may face. Her work tells stories using richly crafted and emotive imagery to claim and transform spaces into a visual affirmation that reveals the strength and spirit of the community. For 20 years, Ortiz has designed and created over 50 large-scale public works nationally and internationally. Since 2008, Ortiz has led art for social change public art projects in Costa Rica & Ecuador and as a cultural envoy through the United States embassy in Fiji, Mexico, Argentina, Spain, Venezuela, Honduras, and Cuba. Ortiz is a 2020 Art for Justice fund grantee, a Pew Fellow, a Rauschenberg Foundation artist as an activist fellow, and a Kennedy Center Citizen Artist National Fellow. In 2016, she received the Americans for the Arts’ public art year in review award, which honors outstanding public art projects in the nation. (Bio as provided by the artist to explain their works and background. Artists’ views are their own and do not represent the USG.) (Bio as provided by the artist to explain their works and background. Artists’ views are their own and do not represent the USG.) Pony Wave is a tattooist, street artist and painter currently residing in Los Angeles, where she operates her studio. She is best known for her art works and paintings, in particular for her Stay Safe! mural on the Venice Art Walls in Los Angeles, which gained notability and media attention. In her art, Pony Wave specializes in stylized colored drawings influenced by modern trends of realism, Zhostovo painting and an old Russian folk handicraft of graphic art. She also appeared on Ink Master season 12 as a tattoo artist. Pony Wave was born and raised in Vladimir, Russia, where she started her tattoo career. Later on in her adult life, Pony Wave moved to Los Angeles, USA, where she works and lives now. Pony Wave is a vegan. (Bio as provided by the artist to explain their works and background. Artists’ views are their own and do not represent the USG.) (Bio as provided by the artist to explain their works and background. Artists’ views are their own and do not represent the USG.) Thomas Evans, a.k.a. Detour, is an all-around creative specializing in large scale public art, interactive visuals，portraiture, immersive spaces, and creative directing. His focus is to create work where art and innovation meet. A born collaborator and “military brat,” Detour pulls from every conceivable experience that shapes his landscapes and perspectives. Explaining Detour’s work is no easy task, as ongoing experimentations in visual art, music, and interactive technologies have his practice continually expanding. With his ever-evolving approach to art, Detour’s focus is on expanding customary views of creativity and challenging fine-art paradigms by mixing traditional mediums with new approaches—all the while opening up the creative process from that of a singular artist, to one that thrives on multi-layered collaboration and viewer participation. (Bio as provided by the artist to explain their works and background. Artists’ views are their own and do not represent the USG.) (Bio as provided by the artist to explain their works and background. Artists’ views are their own and do not represent the USG.) Nils Westergard (NILS.RVA) is a nomadic Belgian-American street artist and filmmaker based in Richmond, Virginia. Starting with graffiti at a young age in the Washington, DC area he honed his skills painting tunnels, bridges, and theatrical stage sets. His intricate hand-cut stencil work set a foundation for his studio practice and landed him at Virginia Commonwealth University where he studied film, making hip-hop music videos combining his crafts. After graduating he set out to paint a different European city every week for 6 months, and established himself as a rising figure in the street art world. Today his lens has focused on subjects scaling from the global to the intimate- creating massive, drippy, portraits found on walls around the world, followed closely by his immensely detailed stencil work in galleries. A member of the Amsterdam based Multi-Syndicate Crew artist collective he splits his time between Richmond, VA and Europe. Nils is 28. (Bio as provided by the artist to explain their works and background. Artists’ views are their own and do not represent the USG.) (Bio as provided by the artist to explain their works and background. Artists’ views are their own and do not represent the USG.) John Pepion is a Plains Indian Graphic artist from the Piikani Band of the Blackfoot Confederacy. He is based out of the Blackfeet reservation in north-central Montana, where the Rocky Mountains meet the plains. John is best known for his ledger art, an art tradition that developed in Plains tribes as the buffalo hide, traditionally used for painting, became scarce, and they were forced to adapt to making artwork on the ledger paper from accounting books. He comes from a family of artists, and pictographic art has been in his family for hundreds of years. (Bio as provided by the artist to explain their works and background. Artists’ views are their own and do not represent the USG.) “I want to move people; have a voice in the world. If you move people you are doing your job as an artist” Louis Still Smoking was born and raised in Browning, Montana on the Blackfeet Reservation. Art is in his veins. Inspired by other family members who were talented, he found art to be therapeutic and started drawing and painting at a young age. Growing up in a small community allowed him to focus on his ability to use a pencil and paintbrush. Louis finds all medias equally important opportunities to express art to the world through his eyes. He likes to take on a challenge and put everything into his work. He graduated from Flandreau Indian School in Flandreau South Dakota in 1998. Louis worked as a stone sculptor for 11 years and then decided to go back to college and further his studies in art. With a sculptural mind he has found that his painting and drawing skill needed further development so he took on an emphasis in painting. Louis’ artwork is influenced by the Impressionists, Lucian Freud, research on the history of the American Indian Movement movement, and he finds it inspiring because what they accomplished was based on wanting to make a difference. Louis’s work is always evolving and growing, “I try to convey a message that is relevant to all native peoples, whether that be social or political. My work expresses my own personal beliefs and struggles as a modern Native American.” (Bio as provided by the artist to explain their works and background. Artists’ views are their own and do not represent the USG.) Betsy Casañas is a Visual and Public Artist, an educator, a community activist and an organizer. She is the director of A Seed on Diamond Gallery and founder of Semilla Arts Initiative. Casañas has 26 years of experience in the arts and has created over 50 murals worldwide. In 2018 Casanas was featured in the Robb Report as one of “5 Women Changing the Face of Street Art Around the Globe”. Her work is known for its use of pattern and color and for the dignified light that she represents the humanity in marginalized communities. Creating safe spaces has been a vital part of her work. As a Latina artist who has been working in communities of color around the world she understands the importance of the people living in these communities to see themselves reflected in the artwork and in the leaders of  the places they inhabit. She believes that artists have an obligation to reflect the times we are living in and to highlight the people’s story and change the narrative that has been created for us. By normalizing and humanizing our collective stories we create communities that are more tolerant. (Bio as provided by the artist to explain their works and background. Artists’ views are their own and do not represent the USG.) Ian Pierce (or Ekeko) is a painter, mosaic artist and muralist with vast experience in large scope artwork in public spaces. He has developed projects as a solo artist or in teams, having accomplished many murals and educational workshops in Chile, Venezuela, Canada and the United States. Through his murals he seeks to connect the viewer with important themes such as individual and collective memory, Latin heritage and cultural identity. An important feature in his work is the constant search to reconnect beauty and poetry with the everyday life of people and their communities; redeeming their struggles and dreams through art. Although born in the United States, he has lived most of his life abroad, especially in Chile, where he currently lives. (Bio as provided by the artist to explain their works and background. Artists’ views are their own and do not represent the USG.) (Bio as provided by the artist to explain their works and background. Artists’ views are their own and do not represent the USG.) MasPaz is a Colombian born, Washington, DC based, multidisciplinary-artist. He is known for his distinctive street murals exploring indigenous themes and connectivity across the Hispanic diaspora. His work has been exhibited in galleries throughout the United States and Latin America and his larger murals can be found adorning streets and spaces internationally.  Mas Paz means ‘more peace’ in Spanish, a message he strives to embrace through both art and philanthropy. He has been featured on ABC News, Telemundo and The Washington Post, among others. He has collaborated with brands such as Nike, National Geographic, Roots, Sierra Club and Brooks Running, as well as institutions such as the Smithsonian Portrait Gallery, the New Museum, the Corcoran, the Freer and Sackler Gallery. He has also worked with numerous schools and education centers throughout the world. During the pandemic, MasPaz has initiated a series of free online art classes, encouraging art as an avenue for mental health, as well as designed a limited edition print and textile, raising money for local charities and community centers. He can usually be found, brush in hand, painting, teaching, or spreading his message of “more peace” abroad. (Bio as provided by the artist to explain their works and background. Artists’ views are their own and do not represent the USG.) (Bio as provided by the artist to explain their works and background. Artists’ views are their own and do not represent the USG.)

美国驻联合国使团 新闻与公共外交办公室 2023年7月26日   谢谢您，主席女士。谢谢您，助理秘书长希阿里（Khiari），感谢您所做的令人警醒的通报。   今天上午早些时候，俄罗斯浪费安理会的时间，又一次召开装模做样的会议。这个会具有残酷的讽刺意味，因为就在本周，俄罗斯军队用俄罗斯定向导弹摧毁了敖德萨（Odesa）具有历史意义的主显圣容大教堂（Transfiguration Cathedral）。   据联合国教科文组织（UNESCO）的统计，自普京总统发动对乌克兰的全面入侵以来，大约有 270 处文化场所遭到破坏。乌克兰文化遗产的损失是惊人的，这种行径是十分可耻的。对具有历史意义的主显圣容大教堂的袭击只是俄罗斯本周在敖德萨地区发动的诸多袭击之一。   克里姆林宫的野蛮攻势是无情的。乌克兰人民正在付出沉重的代价。在俄罗斯7月19日发动袭击后，敖德萨市政府报告有1人死亡，8人受伤。上周六，俄罗斯对敖德萨的袭击造成1人死亡，22人受伤。我的心与死伤者的家属在一起，与被俄罗斯导弹和无人机击中的社区在一起，与遭受了如此沉重的无谓苦难和暴力的孩子们在一起。   我们当然都知道，俄罗斯的袭击造成全球性的后果。它们是对世界粮食供应的攻击，是对所有面临饥饿、营养不良和饥荒的人们的攻击，尤其是在世界上最无力承受这种情况的地区。   过去一周，俄罗斯军队轰炸了敖德萨和其他港口城市。一次袭击摧毁了6万吨谷物，根据世界粮食计划署（World Food Program）的数据，这些谷物足够超过27万人吃一年的。7月23日和24日，俄罗斯袭击了多瑙河（Danube）上的乌克兰港口，摧毁了与罗马尼亚隔河相望的雷尼（Reni）港的粮食储存基础设施。俄罗斯对切尔诺莫斯克（Chornomorsk ）港的袭击所造成的破坏——该港协助将70%的乌克兰出口小麦运往发展中国家——据专家说，至少需要一年时间才能修复。   各位同仁，俄罗斯不择手段地要阻止乌克兰粮食进入全球市场，这就是它单方面退出《黑海谷物倡议》（Black Sea Grain Initiative）的原因。尽管俄罗斯从未充分执行过《黑海谷物倡议》，但这一安排曾帮助将粮食送到需要的人们手中。   正如秘书长所说，这一倡议是“希望的灯塔”。我们鼓励他继续努力，寻求恢复该倡议的途径。这项由联合国和土耳其促成的倡议降低了世界所有地区的粮食价格。它对世界粮食计划署在阿富汗、索马里和也门等地区进行的人道主义救援工作至关重要。《黑海谷物倡议》让发展中国家受益匪浅。正如希阿里先生所言，它对许多人来说都是一条生命线。   而俄罗斯会提出不同的说法。它会说仅有西方国家从这一安排中受益。但事实并不支持俄罗斯的说法。他们也清楚这一点。这是为什么他们选择今天在会议厅一言不发。再次因未能如愿而大耍脾气。   根据联合国的数据，通过这一安排出口的近三分之二的小麦运往发展中国家。俄罗斯全面入侵乌克兰后，全球粮食价格飙升至接近历史最高水平。在俄罗斯退出《黑海谷物倡议》后，价格再次上涨。本周一，由于俄罗斯对敖德萨发动导弹攻击，小麦价格再次飙升。   世界正在为俄罗斯的野蛮攻击付出代价。所以我们不要在这个问题上说“双方” 应如何如何。 只有一个国家——只有一个国家——正在把粮食用作武器。只有一个国家玩弄手腕，利用粮食作为筹码换取其他国家的支持。 而且只有一个国家对《黑海谷物倡议》的中止负有责任。   我们必须敦促俄罗斯停止对全球粮食安全的攻击，延长、扩展并全面实施《黑海谷物倡议》。我们必须继续追究俄罗斯对乌克兰发动无端、非法战争的责任。   安理会不能保持沉默。现在是采取行动的时候了。这是一个事关国际和平与安全的紧迫问题。乌克兰人民需要和平。世界需要和平。普京总统：你早就应该让枪声停息，撤走你的军队，结束你的残暴侵略。   谢谢主席女士。   欲查看原稿内容: https://usun.usmission.gov/remarks-by-ambassador-linda-thomas-greenfield-at-a-un-security-council-briefing-on-russias-attacks-on-ukrainian-ports/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

Remarks by Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield at a UN Security Council Briefing on Russia’s Attacks on Ukrainian Ports     Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield U.S. Representative to the United Nations New York, New York July 26, 2023 AS DELIVERED Thank you, Madam President. And thank you, ASG Khiari, for your very sobering briefing. Earlier this morning, Russia wasted this Council’s time with another sham meeting. And this one was cruelly ironic given that Russian forces destroyed Odesa’s historic Transfiguration Cathedral just this week with a targeted Russian missile. According to UNESCO, roughly 270 cultural sites have been damaged since President Putin launched his full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The loss of Ukrainian cultural heritage is staggering and it is truly shameful. And the attack on the historic Transfiguration Cathedral was just one of the many attacks Russia has carried out in the Odesa region this week. The Kremlin’s campaign of brutality has been relentless. And the Ukrainian people are paying a heavy price. After Russia’s July 19 strike, Odesa’s city government reported that one person died and eight people were injured. And this past Saturday, Russia’s attacks on Odesa killed one person and injured 22 others. My heart goes out to the loved ones of those killed and injured. To the communities that have been rocketed by Russian missiles and drones. To the children who have endured so much needless suffering and violence. And of course, we all know Russia’s attacks have global consequences. These are attacks on the world’s food supply – on all of those facing hunger, malnutrition, and famine, especially in parts of the world that can least afford it. Over the past week, the Russian military has bombarded Odesa and other port cities. One attack destroyed 60,000 tons of grain, which according to the World Food Program is enough to feed more than 270,000 people for a year. And on July 23 and 24, Russia struck Ukrainian ports on the Danube destroying grain storage infrastructure at the port of Reni just across the river from Romania. Russia’s attacks on Chornomorsk a port that facilitates nearly 70 percent of Ukrainian wheat exports to developing countries caused damage that experts say will take at least a year to repair. Colleagues, Russia is hell-bent on preventing Ukrainian grain from reaching global markets, which is why it unilaterally suspended its participation in the Black Sea Grain Initiative. Even though Russia never fully implemented the Black Sea Grain Initiative, this arrangement helped get food to those in need. And as the Secretary-General has said, it has been a “beacon of hope.” And we encourage him to continue his efforts to find a path forward to resume the Initiative. This Initiative, brokered by the United Nations and Türkiye, lowered food prices for all. It has been critical to the World Food Program’s humanitarian work in places like Afghanistan, Somalia, and Yemen. And the Black Sea Grain Initiative disproportionally benefited the developing world. And as Mr. Khiari said, it was a lifeline to many. Russia will tell you otherwise. It will say that only Western countries benefited from this arrangement. But the facts are not on Russia’s side. And they know it. Which is why they have chosen not to speak in the Chamber today. Another temper-tantrum for not getting their way. According to the UN, nearly two-thirds of the wheat exported through this arrangement went to developing countries. Global food prices spiked to near record highs after Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine. They rose again after Russia suspended its participation in the Black Sea Grain Initiative. And this past Monday, wheat prices spiked in response to Russia’s missile barrage against Odesa. The world is paying the price for Russia’s barbaric attacks. So let’s not “both sides” this issue. Only one country – one country – is weaponizing food. Only one country is cynically using its grain as leverage in order to secure support from other countries. And only one country is responsible for the suspension of the Black Sea Grain Initiative. We must all urge Russia to cease its attacks on global food security – and extend, expand, and fully implement the Black Sea Grain Initiative. And we must continue to hold Russia accountable for its unprovoked, illegal war against Ukraine. This Council cannot be silent. It is time to act. And this is a pressing matter of international peace and security. The Ukrainian people need peace. The world needs peace. President Putin: It is far past time for you to silence your guns. Withdraw your troops. And end your brutal aggression. Thank you, Madam President. ###

重申和重振美国的联盟 国务卿安东尼·布林肯（Antony J. Blinken）发表讲话 北约总部议事大厅（NATO Headquarters Agora） 比利时布鲁塞尔（Brussels） 2021年3月24日 国务卿布林肯：下午好。 几个星期前，我在开始担任国务卿后不久曾直接向美国人民发表讲话表示，我的首要工作是保证美国的对外政策能切实为他们谋利益——使他们的生活更安全，为他们的家庭和社区创造机会，并解决日益影响他们未来的全球性挑战。 我当时表示，我们切实为美国人民谋利益的一个重要途径是，重申和振兴我们在世界各地的联盟和伙伴关系。 为此，这个星期我来到布鲁塞尔。现在我直接从北约总部向诸位发表讲话。近75年来，北约联盟始终捍卫了欧洲和北美的安全和自由。 现在，美国人民在若干问题上相互有不同看法，但是联盟和伙伴关系的价值问题并不在其中。据芝加哥全球事务理事会（Chicago Council on Global Affairs）最近进行的民意调查，美国每10人中有9人认为，维护我们的联盟是实现我国对外政策目标最有效的方式。9与10比例。其中的原因不言自明。他们看到我们面临的威胁，诸如气候变化、COVID-19新冠病毒疫情、经济不平等、中国的日益张扬等。他们认识到，美国与伙伴们同心协力处理这些问题比单枪匹马效果更好。我们的盟国也会这样说。 目前，世界局势与几十年前我们建立众多联盟的时期大相径庭，甚至与四年前的情况也完全不同。各种威胁层出不穷。竞争日趋激烈。权力的消长变幻无常。对我们联盟的信任出现动摇——相互间的信任和对我们的承诺坚定性的信心。在我们各联盟之间，甚至在联盟内部，对于我们面临的威胁以及如何抗击这些威胁的问题，我们并非一贯保持一致的看法。我们关于民主和人权的共同价值观正受到挑战——不仅来自我们各国的外部，而且也来自内部。新出现的威胁超过了我们为防范这些威胁建立的能力。 但是，上述变化都无法改变我们需要联盟的这个事实——现在需要，可能比以往任何时候都更需要。我们面临的挑战是，适应形势重振联盟，使之能够抗击今天的各种威胁，一如既往继续切实为我们的人民谋利益。 今天，我将谈谈如何实现这个目标的问题。 首先我将确定我们面临的共同威胁有哪些。其次，我将谈谈为了重申和振兴我们的联盟需要做些什么，使之不仅能够防范这些威胁，也能保护我们共同的利益和价值观。最后，我将阐述我们的盟国能够期待美国做些什么，以及我们反过来期待我们的盟国做些什么。 首先需要确定我们今天面临的最紧迫的威胁。 我认为可以分成三大类。 首先是来自其他国家的军事威胁。我们看到中国试图威胁航行自由，推进南中国海（South China Sea）军事化，采取日益精密的军事力量针对印度–太平洋（Indo-Pacific）各地的国家。北京的军事野心逐年扩大。再加上现代技术的现实情况，一度似乎远在世界另一边的种种挑战已不再遥远。我们还看到俄罗斯发展新的军事力量和战略，对我们的联盟构成了挑战，同时破坏了保证我们集体安全的有规可循的秩序。其中包括莫斯科（Moscow）在东乌克兰的侵略活动；军备的增长、大规模的演习和在波罗的海和黑海（Baltic and Black Sea）、东地中海（Eastern Mediterranean）、北方高纬地区（High North）的恐吓行动；其核能力的现代化；以及在北约土地上对持批评意见的人士使用化学武器。 除了中国和俄罗斯外，伊朗和朝鲜等地区性角色正在发展对美国盟国和伙伴构成威胁的核能力和导弹能力。 第二类是上述很多国家造成的非军事威胁——对我们的安全构成威胁的技术、经济和信息手段。其中包括通过散布假消息和以腐败为武器的活动在我们各民主政体内制造不信任，以及以我们重要的基础设施为目标的网络攻击和盗窃知识产权的行为。例如，中国对澳大利亚明目张胆的经济胁迫，俄罗斯利用假消息破坏对选举和安全有效的疫苗的信心等等——这些侵略性行为不仅对我们各国，而且对我们的共同价值观构成了威胁。 第三类是气候变化和COVID-19疫情等全球性危机。这些威胁并非由特定的政府造成——具有全球性。 气温上升、海平面升高和激烈暴风的增多，使军事备战、人员迁移形式和食品安全等所有的方面都受到影响。COVID-19疫情已十分清楚地表明，我们在卫生安全方面休戚与共，只有我们最薄弱的环节才能决定其坚固的程度。 我们还面临往往横跨上述各类别的全球恐怖主义。在我们显著降低恐怖主义威胁的情况下，这方面的威胁仍然很严峻，特别是因为某些团伙和个人得到政府的支持和提供的庇护所 ，或者在   不受管辖的空间得到藏身之处。 此外，在我们的联盟成立之初，上述很多方面的威胁还不属于优先考虑的问题，其中有些根本不存在。但这正体现了我们联盟的强大威力：善于适应形势——继往开来迎接新的挑战。 为此，下面谈谈今天我们怎样才能适应形势。 首先，我们必须继续坚持对我们联盟的承诺——同时维护作为其坚强后盾的共同价值观。 当美国遭遇9/11袭击的时候，我们的北约盟国立即一致援引第五项条款——对某一个成员的攻击就是对全体的攻击。这仍然是有史以来唯一一次援引第五项条款的事例——为了保护美国。我们永远不会忘记。今天，我们的盟国可以期待我们采取同样的行动。正如上个月拜登总统（President Biden）在慕尼黑安全会议（Munich Security Conference）上所说的，你们得到我们坚持不渝的誓言：美国全面恪守对北约的承诺，包括第五项条款。 这是本星期我向我们的北约盟国重申的誓言。 奥斯汀（Austin）国防部长和我对我们在日本和韩国的盟友表示了同样的承诺，我们最近在那里完成了关于分担责任协议的谈判，这些协议将有助于在未来岁月里维护印度-太平洋地区的和平与繁荣。 我们建立联盟是为了捍卫共同的价值观。因此，我们重新作出承诺就必须重申这些价值观以及我们所发誓保护的国际关系的基础，即自由、开放和基于规则的秩序。在这方面我们的使命已经摆在眼前。全球几乎每一个民主国家——包括美国——现在都在应对挑战。我们在同深重的不平等、系统性的种族主义、政治两极分化作斗争，每一个问题都降低我们民主的活力。 要靠我们来展现我们的体制所始终具有的最伟大的实力——我们的公民，以及我们对他们将使我们的社会和机制得到改进的信心。对我们民主体制的最大威胁并不是它们有缺陷——它们一向有缺陷。最大的威胁是我们的公民对民主制度有能力纠正这些缺陷和把建设更完美联邦的奠基承诺坚持到底失去信任。民主国家与独裁国家的区别在于，我们有能力并且愿意公开正视我们的缺陷，而不是佯装它们不存在，无视它们，或掩盖它们。 我们也必须要求彼此将这些价值观置于联盟的核心——对抗全球各地的民主倒退。当一些国家的民主和人权下滑时，我们大家必须大声疾呼。这是民主国家的做法：我们开诚布公地对待挑战。我们也必须通过加强民主制度的保护机制——如自由独立的媒体；反腐败机构；以及维护法治的机制——来帮助那些国家重新回到正确的方向。 这也是对我们的联盟作出重新承诺的含义。 第二，我们必须将我们的联盟现代化。 这要从改善我们的军事能力和备战能力做起，从而确保我们继续拥有强大可靠的军事威慑力。例如，我们必须确保继续使我们的战略核威慑安全、可靠、有效，尤其是面对俄罗斯进行的现代化。这对继续保持我们对盟国的有力可靠的承诺至关重要，即使是在我们采取步骤进一步削减核武器在国家安全中的作用的情况下。我们还将与我们的印度–太平洋盟国共同努力，应对那个地区多方面的复杂的安全挑战。 我们必须扩展能力，应对经济、技术和信息领域中的威胁。我们不能只打防守——我们必须采取积极的方针。 我们已经看到北京和莫斯科正在加紧利用可得到的关键资源、市场和技术向我们的盟国施压，在我们之间制造分裂。当然，各个国家有自己的决定，但我们一定不能把经济胁迫与其他形式的压力区分开来。当我们当中的一个国家受到胁迫时，我们应作出盟国的回应，通过使我们经济的彼此融合度超过同主要竞争者的融合度，共同努力减少我们的风险。这意味着联合力量，发展最新创新；确保我们敏感的供应链具有承受力；确立管理新兴技术的规范和标准；使违规者承担代价。历史告诉我们，当我们这样做的时候，会有更多国家选择我们共同打造的开放和有保障的空间。 我们必须扩展能力，应对跨国威胁——特别是气候变化和像2019冠状病毒病这样的疫情。这些挑战如此之大——需要采取的应对措施具有如此深远的影响，必须把解决它们容纳到我们所进行的几乎一切事务中，并与广泛的伙伴进行协调。 第三，我们必须组织起更广泛的盟国和伙伴联盟。 我们太惯常于让联盟和伙伴关系各自为营。我们没有充分将它们汇合到一起，而我们应该这样做。因为有更多实力和能力互补的国家为共同的目标联合起来，就越好。 这就是我们称为“四方对话伙伴”（the Quad）的一组国家——澳大利亚、印度、日本和美国——所基于的设想。拜登总统最近主持了四方对话伙伴的首次领导人峰会。我们抱有对自由、开放、包容和健康的——不受胁迫钳制并基于民主价值观的——印度–太平洋地区的共同愿景。我们构成一个好团队。我们的合作将增强平行的努力，确保在东中国海和南中国海（East and South China Seas）的安全，并且扩大对安全、可支付和有效的疫苗的生产和平等的获取机会。 深化北约–欧盟合作是另一个例子。在诸如网络安全、能源安全、健康保障和保护关键基础设施等问题上扩大合作，将有助于增强我们对当今威胁的抵御能力和防备。我们起来维护我们的价值观也使我们更加强大。 想一想美国刚与加拿大、欧洲联盟和英国联手对在新疆残酷迫害维吾尔族人的人所实施的制裁。中国随之对欧洲议会（European Parliament）和欧盟政治与安全委员会（EU’s Political and Security Committee）成员以及学术界和智库人士所进行的报复性制裁，更需要我们坚定团结地站在一起，否则向人们传递的信息可能是霸凌奏效。我们也要坚持支持我们在欧洲的非北约伙伴，其中许多国家在北约前沿地区继续坚定地与我们站在一起。 我们还将放眼国家政府之外的私人行业、公民社会、慈善机构、城市和大学。多元的、广泛的合作对维护全球百性利益极其重要——所有人都有权分享和受益于那些资源，而这些资源正在受到我们对手的蚕食。 例如5G，在这方面中国的技术带来严重的监控风险。我们应该将瑞典、芬兰、韩国、美国等国家的技术公司聚集起来，运用公共和私人投资，形成安全和值得信任的其他选择。我们花了几十年时间与全球四面八方同我们有共同价值观的国家发展关系。这是我们之所以为这些合作关系给予了如此大量投入的原因——为的是我们能够以新颖的方式走到一起，解决这类新的挑战。 对我们以这种方式共同努力可以取得什么样的成就持怀疑态度的任何人，我可以指出科学家进行的前所未有的合作，他们跨机构和跨国界分享了数以百计病毒基因序列——这种研究对在创纪录的时间内找出数种安全、有效的2019冠状病毒病疫苗起到了不可或缺的作用。世界卫生组织（World Health Organization）批准的最早第一种疫苗是由一位在土耳其出生、在德国长大的医生开发，这位医生与人联合创办的一家欧洲制药公司与美国同行结成了生产疫苗的合作伙伴。 那么，美国的盟国和伙伴也许今天听着我的话会说，“我们需要知道我们能够对你们有什么样的期待”。因为如我所说，过去几年里信任在某种程度上被动摇了。 那么请让我表明美国能够对我们的盟国和伙伴作出什么样的承诺。 当我们的盟国承担他们应有的负担时，它们将可以合理期待在决策中享有应有的发言权。我们将尊重这点。这将以早期和经常地与我们的朋友进行磋商为开端。这是拜登–哈里斯（Biden-Harris）政府外交政策的一个关键部分，这是我们的盟国已经看到的和欣赏的变化。 我们将把我们的盟国发展更大能力的努力视为一种财富，而不是一种威胁。更强大的盟国能形成更强大的联盟。在美国发展我们的能力来应对我今天所阐明的威胁之时，我们将确保它们继续与我们的同盟兼容共存——并为增强我们盟国的安全做出贡献。我们也将同时向我们的盟国提出同样的要求。 美国不会迫使我们的盟友在中国问题上做出“我们或他们”的选择。毫无疑问，北京的胁迫行径威胁着我们共同的安全和繁荣，而且它正在大肆活动，损害国际体制的规则以及我们和我们的盟国所共有的价值观。但这并不意味着各国不能在可能的领域同中国合作，例如在气候变化和卫生安全等挑战方面。 我们知道我们的盟国同中国的关系是错综复杂的，而且并不总能完美地协调一致。但我们应当共同应对这些挑战。这意味着和我们的盟国共同努力填补在技术和基础设施这样的领域中的空白，而北京正在利用它们来施加胁迫性压力。我们将依赖创新，而不是最后通牒。因为如果我们共同努力让我们对国际秩序的积极愿景付诸实现——如果我们捍卫我们知道能为人类的独创性、尊严和联系提供最佳条件的自由开放的体系——我们就有信心能在任何竞争领域超出中国或其他任何人。 我们将始终发挥自己的力量，但我们也将在我们的盟国发挥他们的力量时认识到这一点。请让我坦率直言：这往往是一个有争议的问题，特别是在跨大西洋关系中。我们认识到我们的很多北约盟国为改善防卫投资所取得的显著进展，包括为满足到2024年使防务开支占国内生产总值（GDP）2%的威尔士（Wales）承诺所取得的进展。全面履行这些承诺是至关重要的。但我们也认识到有必要采纳一种分担负担的更全面的看法。没有一个数字能够全面反映一个国家对保卫我们的共同安全和利益的贡献，特别是在一个不能用军事力量抗击的威胁日益增多的世界。我们必须承认，由于盟国具有独特的能力和相对优势，他们将以不同的方式承担各自的一份责任。但这并不意味着放弃我们为自己设定的目标或少做努力。事实上，我们所面对的共同威胁要求我们必须做出更多努力。 我们应当能够进行这些艰难的对话——甚至持不同意见——同时仍然能够相互尊重以待。近几年来发生得太多的情况是，我们美国似乎忘记了我们的朋友是谁。但这种情况已经改变了。 美国将明智审慎地使用我们的力量，特别是军事力量，作为一种解决海外冲突的手段。我们将避免我们有原则的雄心大志与我们愿意为实现它们而承担的风险之间的不平衡，在不小的程度上是因为当我们过度扩展时，我们会妨碍我们集中应对可能对美国人民的生活产生最重大影响的其他种种挑战的能力。 最后，我们的一些盟友想知道我们对于他们的安全的承诺是否持久。他们听到我们说“美国已经回归”并且想问一问——会持续多久？ 这是一个合情理的问题。我的回答如下。 绝大多数美国人民——包括两党人士——都支持我们的联盟，即使他们在很多其他问题上意见不一，这是有原因的。出于同样的原因，国会的共和党人和民主党人一贯对我们的盟友重申我们的承诺是坚定不移的。这是因为我们不将我们的联盟视为负担，而将其视为一个在打造体现着我们的利益和我们的价值观的世界时从其他方面获得帮助的途径。 但为了保持这一支持的力度，我们这些有幸在世界舞台上代表美国的人必须确保我们的联盟也为美国人民提供所需。我们不能忽视这一点。 我们必须展现的不仅是我们的联盟所抵御的是什么，而且还有他们支持的是什么，例如各个地方的全体人民得到有尊严的待遇以及他们的基本自由得到尊重的权利。仅仅因为我们制定我们的外交政策以反映这个世界的现状并不意味着我们只能放弃将世界打造成它可能成为的样子——一个更安全、更和平、更公正、更公平的世界，一个让更多人拥有更好的健康、更强大的民主、更多的机会的世界。 简而言之，我们需要有一个能让人民一起致力于共同事业的积极愿景。这是我们的对手们无法提供的。这是我们最强大的实力之一。 这就是我们希望成为值得信任的盟友与满足我们公民的需求的紧密相连之处。我们无法在不维护有效力的联盟的情况下制定切实为美国人民谋利益的对外政策。而且我们不能在不展示它们如何切实为美国人民谋利益情况下保持有效力的联盟。 70年前，在新泽西州（New Jersey）迪克斯堡（Fort Dix）受训的一名美国陆军（U.S. Army）士兵给当时担任欧洲（Europe）盟军（Allied Forces）首任最高统帅的德怀特·艾森豪威尔（Dwight D. Eisenhower）写了一封信。这名士兵在信中问艾森豪威尔，他服役除了——引述原文——“杀人或被杀”之外是否还有任何意义。 艾森豪威尔是一位经验丰富的现实主义者。他曾亲眼目睹战争的残酷。他对于让美国人冒着生命危险保卫我们的盟友的生与死的后果有着清醒的认识。但他依然相信，正如他在给那名士兵的回信中所写的——引述原文——“人类的真正目的包含一些远比仅仅是强者生存更丰厚、更具建设性的东西”。 他写道，美国及其盟国必须共同努力，建立一个植根于共同价值观的体系。这些话语同指导着我们在美国的日常生活的价值观没有多大不同——正如艾森豪威尔所言，“尝试以正直、公平和公正的方式来解决不断出现在我们面前的多种多样的问题”。这并不意味着试图解决世界上的每一个问题。而是意味着当我们必须解决一个问题时，我们不会忽视我们的价值观，它们既是我们的实力又是我们的谦逊之源。艾森豪威尔对那名士兵说，他希望他的话能带来“一点点乐观和信心”。 艾森豪威尔无法预见我们今天所面临的诸多挑战。但他知道，无论出现什么新威胁，我们都希望和拥有与我们共同的价值观的合作伙伴一起面对。 过去的一年是我们各国历史上最具挑战性的时期之一，而且我们尚未走出危机——尽管我们看到了抱有希望的真切理由。而我们同盟友及合作伙伴的协作为我们提供的不仅仅是一点乐观和信心。这为我们指明了前进的道路：齐心协力，植根于我们共同的价值观，不仅致力于重建我们的联盟和伙伴关系，而且致力于将它们重建得更好。如果我们这样做，就没有任何挑战是我们无法及未能战胜的。非常感谢你们。

Reaffirming and Reimagining America’s Alliances ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE NATO HEADQUARTERS AGORA BRUSSELS, BELGIUM SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Good afternoon. A few weeks ago, not long after becoming Secretary as State, I spoke directly to the American people.  I said that my number one job is to ensure that America’s foreign policy delivers for them – that it makes their lives more secure, creates opportunities for their families and communities, and addresses the global challenges that are increasingly shaping their futures. And I said that a key way we will deliver for the American people is by reaffirming and revitalizing our alliances and partnerships around the world. That’s why I’ve come to Brussels this week.  I’m speaking to you now from the headquarters of NATO, the treaty alliance that has defended the security and freedom of Europe and North America for nearly 75 years. Now, Americans disagree about a few things, but the value of alliances and partnerships is not one of them.  According to a recent poll by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs, nine in ten Americans believe that maintaining our alliances is the most effective way to achieve our foreign policy goals.  Nine in ten.  It’s not hard to see why.  They look at the threats we face – like climate change, the COVID-19 pandemic, economic inequality, an increasingly assertive China – and they know that the United States is much better off tackling them with partners, rather than trying to do it alone.  And all our allies can say the same. Now, the world looks very different than it did decades ago, when we forged many of our alliances – or even than it did four years ago.  Threats have multiplied.  Competition has stiffened.  Power dynamics have shifted.  Trust in our alliances has been shaken – trust in each other and trust in the strength of our commitments.  Across and even within our alliances, we don’t always see eye to eye on the threats we face or how to confront them.  Our shared values of democracy and human rights are being challenged – not only from outside our countries, but from within.  And new threats are outpacing our efforts to build the capabilities we need to defend against them. Yet none of this changes the fact that we need alliances – now as much and maybe even more than ever.  The challenge we face is to adapt and renew those alliances so that they can meet today’s threats, and continue to deliver for our people now, as they have in the past. Today, I’ll make the case for how to do that. I’ll first define the common threats we face.  Next, I’ll speak to what we need to do to reaffirm and revitalize our alliances so they cannot only defend against these threats, but also protect our shared interests and values.  And finally, I’ll set out what our allies can expect from the United States, and what we in turn expect of our allies. It starts by identifying the most urgent threats we face today. As I see it, there are three categories. The first is military threats from other countries.  We see this in China’s efforts to threaten freedom of navigation, to militarize the South China Sea, to target countries throughout the Indo-Pacific with increasingly sophisticated military capabilities.  Beijing’s military ambitions are growing by the year.  Coupled with the realities of modern technology, the challenges that once seemed half a world away are no longer remote.  We also see this in the new military capabilities and strategies Russia has developed to challenge our alliances and undermine the rules-based order that ensures our collective security.  These include Moscow’s aggression in eastern Ukraine; its build-up of forces, large-scale exercises, and acts of intimidation in the Baltic and Black Sea, the Eastern Mediterranean, the High North; its modernization of nuclear capabilities; and its use of chemical weapons against critics on NATO soil. And beyond China and Russia, regional actors like Iran and North Korea are pursuing nuclear and missile capabilities that threaten U.S. allies and partners. The second category is non-military threats from many of these same countries – the technological, economic, and informational tactics that threaten our security.  These include the use of disinformation campaigns and weaponized corruption to fuel distrust in our democracies, and cyberattacks that target our critical infrastructure and steal intellectual property.  From China’s blatant economic coercion of Australia, to Russia’s use of disinformation to erode confidence in elections and in safe, effective vaccines – these aggressive actions threaten not only our individual countries, but also our shared values. And the third category are global crises like climate change and COVID-19.  These aren’t threats posed by specific governments – they’re global.  Higher temperatures, rising sea levels, and more intense storms affect everything from military readiness to human migration patterns to food security.  As the COVID-19 pandemic has made abundantly clear, our health security is intertwined, and only as strong as our weakest link. We also face global terrorism, which often cuts across these categories.  While we have significantly degraded the threat of terrorism, it remains significant, especially when groups and individuals enjoy support and safe harbor from governments, or find havens in ungoverned spaces. Now, many of these threats weren’t front of mind when our alliances were formed.  Some didn’t exist at all.  But that’s the great strength of our alliances: they were built to adapt – to keep evolving as new challenges emerge. So here’s how we can adapt them today. First, we must recommit to our alliances – and to the shared values that sustain them. When America was attacked on 9/11, our NATO Allies immediately and unanimously invoked Article 5 – an attack on one is an attack on all.  This is still the only time in history that Article 5 has been invoked – and it was to protect the United States.  We will never forget it.  And our allies can expect the same from us today.  As President Biden said to the Munich Security Conference last month, you have our unshakable vow: America is fully committed to NATO, including Article 5. That’s a vow I reaffirmed to our allies at NATO this week. And Secretary of Defense Austin and I expressed that same commitment to our allies in Japan and South Korea, where we recently concluded negotiations on burden-sharing agreements that will help maintain peace and prosperity in a free, open Indo-Pacific for years to come. Our alliances were created to defend shared values.  So renewing our commitment requires reaffirming those values and the foundation of international relations we vow to protect: a free and open rules-based order.  We’ve got our work cut out for us on this front.  Virtually every democracy in the world is dealing with challenges right now – including the United States.  We’re up against deep inequities, systemic racism, political polarization, each of which makes our democracy less resilient. It’s on all of us to show what has always been the system’s greatest strength – our citizens, and the faith we put in them to improve our societies and institutions.  The biggest threat to our democracies isn’t that they are flawed – they’ve always been.  The greatest threat is that our citizens lose trust in democracy’s ability to fix those flaws – to follow through on our founding commitment to form a more perfect union.  What separates democracies from autocracies is our ability and willingness to openly confront our own shortcomings – not to pretend they don’t exist, to ignore them, to sweep them under the rug. We also have to hold one another to the values at the heart of our alliances – to confront the democratic recession around the world.  We all must speak up when countries backslide from democracy and human rights.  That’s what democracies do: we deal with challenges out in the open.  We also must help those countries move back in the right direction, by strengthening the guardrails of democracy – like a free and independent press; anti-corruption bodies; and institutions that protect the rule of law. This, too, is what it means to recommit to our alliances. Second, we must modernize our alliances. That begins with improving our military capabilities and readiness, to ensure that we maintain a strong and credible military deterrent.  For example, we must ensure that our strategic nuclear deterrent remains safe, secure, and effective, particularly in light of Russia’s modernization.  That’s critical to keeping our commitments to our allies strong and credible, even as we take steps to reduce further the role of nuclear weapons in our national security.  We’ll also work with our Indo-Pacific allies to address a wide range of complex security challenges in the region. We’ve got to broaden our capacity to address threats in the economic, technological, and informational realms.  And we can’t just play defense – we have to take an affirmative approach. We’ve seen how Beijing and Moscow are increasingly using access to critical resources, markets, and technologies to pressure our allies and drive wedges between us.  Of course, each state’s decision is its own, but we must not separate economic coercion from other forms of pressure.  When one of us is coerced, we should respond as allies and work together to reduce our vulnerability by ensuring our economies are more integrated with each other than they are with our principal competitors.  That means teaming up to develop cutting-edge innovations; ensuring that our sensitive supply chains are resilient; setting the norms and standards that will govern emerging technologies; imposing costs on those who break the rules.  History tells us that, when we do, more countries will opt for the open and secure spaces that we build together. And we must expand our ability to address transnational threats – especially climate change and pandemics like COVID-19.  These challenges are so vast – and the measures needed to address them so far-reaching – that tackling them must be integrated into virtually everything we do and coordinated across a wide array of partners. Third, we must weave together broader coalitions of allies and partners. Too often, we put our alliances and partnerships into siloes.  We don’t do enough to bring them together.  But we should.  Because the more that countries with complementary strengths and capacities can unite to achieve shared goals, the better. That’s the idea behind the group of countries we call “the Quad” – Australia, India, Japan, and the United States.  President Biden recently hosted the Quad’s first ever leader-level summit.  We share a vision of a free, open, inclusive, and healthy Indo-Pacific region, unconstrained by coercion, and anchored by democratic values.  We make a good team.  And our cooperation will strengthen parallel efforts to ensure security in the East and South China Seas and to expand safe, affordable, and effective vaccine production and equitable access. Deepening NATO-EU cooperation is another example.  Greater collaboration on issues like cybersecurity, energy security, health security, and safeguarding critical infrastructure will help build our resilience and preparedness against present-day threats.  It also makes us stronger when we stand up for our values. Consider the sanctions that the United States just imposed in unity with Canada, the European Union, and the United Kingdom on individuals engaged in the atrocities being committed against Uyghurs in Xinjiang.  The retaliatory sanctions that China then imposed on members of the European Parliament and the EU’s Political and Security Committee, academics, and think tanks make it all the more important that we stand firm and stand together, or else risk sending the message that bullying works.  This includes sticking by our non-NATO partners in Europe, many of whom continue to stand firm with us on the alliance’s front lines. And we’ll look beyond national governments to the private sector, civil society, philanthropies, cities, and universities.  Diverse, broad-based cooperation is essential to protecting the global commons – those resources that all people have a right to share and benefit from, and which are now being encroached upon by our adversaries. Consider 5G, where China’s technology brings serious surveillance risks. We should bring together tech companies from countries like Sweden, Finland, South Korea, the United States, and use public and private investment to foster a secure and trustworthy alternative.  We’ve spent decades developing relationships with countries that share our values in every part of the globe.  This is why we invested so much in these partnerships – so we can come together in innovative ways to solve new challenges like these. To any who doubt what we can achieve when we work together in this way, I’d point to the unprecedented cooperation by scientists who shared hundreds of viral genome sequences across institutions and borders – research that was indispensable to the discovery of several safe, effective COVID-19 vaccines, in record time.  The very first of those vaccines to be approved by the World Health Organization was pioneered by a doctor born in Turkey, who grew up in Germany, and who co-founded a European pharmaceutical company that partnered with an American counterpart to produce the vaccine. Now, America’s allies and partners may be listening to my words today and saying, “We need to know what we can expect from you.”  Because as I said, trust has been shaken to some degree over the past few years. So let me be clear about what the United States can promise to our allies and partners. When our allies shoulder their fair share of the burden, they’ll reasonably expect to have a fair say in making decisions.  We will honor that.  That begins with consulting our friends early and often.  This is a key part of the foreign policy in the Biden-Harris administration, and it’s a change our allies already see and appreciate. We’ll treat the efforts of our allies to develop greater capacity as an asset, not a threat.  Stronger allies make for stronger alliances.  And as the U.S. develops our capacities to address the threats I’ve outlined today, we’ll make sure they remain compatible with our alliances – and that they contribute to strengthening our allies’ security.  We’ll ask the same of our allies in return. The United States won’t force our allies into a “us or them” choice with China.  There’s no question that Beijing’s coercive behavior threatens our collective security and prosperity, and that it is actively working to undercut the rules of the international system and the values we and our allies share.  But that doesn’t mean that countries can’t work with China where possible, for example, on challenges like climate change and health security. We know that our allies have complex relationships with China that won’t always align perfectly.  But we need to navigate these challenges together.  That means working with our allies to close the gaps in areas like technology and infrastructure, where Beijing is exploiting to exert coercive pressure.  We’ll rely on innovation, not ultimatums.  Because if we work together to make real our positive vision for the international order – if we stand up for the free and open system that we know provides the best conditions for human ingenuity, dignity, and connection – we’re confident that we can outcompete China or anyone else on any playing field. We will always pull our weight, but we’ll also recognize when our allies are pulling theirs.  And let me be frank:  This has often been a contentious issue, particularly in the transatlantic relationship.  We recognize the significant progress many of our NATO allies have made in improving defense investments, including progress toward meeting the Wales commitment of spending two percent of GDP on defense expenditures by 2024.  The full implementation of these commitments is crucial.  But we also recognize the need to adopt a more holistic view of burden sharing.  No single number fully captures a country’s contribution to defending our collective security and interests, especially in a world where a growing number of threats cannot be confronted with military force.  We must acknowledge that because allies have distinct capabilities and comparative strengths, they will shoulder their share of the burden in different ways.  Now, that doesn’t mean abandoning the targets we’ve set for ourselves or doing less.  In fact, the common threats we face demand that we do more. We need to be able to have these tough conversations – and even to disagree – while still treating one another with respect.  Too often in recent years, we in the United States seem to have forgotten who our friends are.  Well, that’s already changed. The United States will be judicious about our use of power, particularly our military power, as a means of addressing conflicts abroad.  We will avoid imbalances between our principled ambitions and the risks we’re willing to take to achieve them, in no small part because when we’re overextended, we hamper our ability to focus on other challenges that can have the biggest impact on the lives of the American people. Finally, some of our allies are wondering whether our commitment to their security is a lasting one.  They hear us say “America is back” and they ask – for how long? It’s a fair question.  So here’s my answer. There’s a reason the vast majority of the American people – from both political parties – support our alliances, even if they’re divided along party lines on many other issues.  It’s the same reason why Republicans and Democrats in Congress have consistently reassured our allies that our commitments are resolute.  It’s because we see our alliances not as burdens, but as a way to get help from others in shaping a world that reflects our interests and our values. But to keep that support strong, we who have the privilege of representing the United States on the world stage have to make sure that our alliances deliver for the American people.  We can’t lose sight of this. We must demonstrate not only what our alliances defend against, but also what they stand for, like the right of all people everywhere to be treated with dignity and have their fundamental freedoms respected.  Just because we make our foreign policy to reflect the world as it is does not mean we have to give up on shaping the world as it might be – a world that’s more secure, more peaceful, more just, more equitable, a world with greater health, stronger democracies, and more opportunity for more people. In short, we need to have a positive vision that can bring people together in common cause. That’s something our adversaries can’t offer.  It’s one of our greatest strengths. This is where our interest in being trustworthy allies is bound up in fulfilling the needs of our citizens.  We can’t build a foreign policy that delivers for the American people without maintaining effective alliances.  And we can’t sustain effective alliances without showing how they deliver for the American people. Seventy years ago, a U.S. Army private training at Fort Dix in New Jersey sent a letter to Dwight D. Eisenhower, who was then serving as the very first supreme commander of the Allied Forces in Europe.  In his letter, the private asked Eisenhower whether there was anything more to his service than to – quote – “kill or be killed.” Eisenhower was a seasoned realist.  He’d seen up close the devastation of war.  He was clear-eyed about the life-and-death consequences of putting American lives on the line to defend our allies.  Yet he still believed, as he responded in a letter to that soldier, that – quote – “True human objectives comprise something far richer and more constructive than mere survival of the strong.” The United States and its allies, he wrote, had to work together to build a system rooted in shared values.  And these words were not so different from the values that guided our everyday life in the United States – as Eisenhower put it, “Attempting to solve in decency, in fairness, and in justice the multitude of problems that constantly present themselves to us.”  That doesn’t mean trying to solve every problem in the world.  Rather, it means that when we must address a problem, we do not lose sight of our values, which are simultaneously a source of our strength and humility.  Eisenhower told the soldier that he hoped his words would provide “a small bit of optimism and faith.” Now, Eisenhower couldn’t have imagined many of the challenges we face today.  But he knew that whatever new threats emerged, we would want to face them with partners who shared our values. The last year has been one the most challenging times in the history of our nations, and still we’ve not emerged from the crisis – even if we see real reason for hope.  But our cooperation with allies and partners provides us with more than a small bit of optimism and faith.  It shows us the way forward: together, rooted in our shared values, and committed not only to rebuilding our alliances and partnerships, but to building them back better.  If we do this, there are no challenges we cannot and will not overcome.  Thank you very much.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区 2020年8月26日 美国深感不安地获悉中国共产党针对我们在英国的友人的胁迫性欺凌伎俩还在继续。最新的一个事例是，英国汇丰银行（HSBC）据报禁止壹传媒（Next Media）这个广为人知的亲民主刊物的出版商在香港的主管使用他们的信用卡和个人银行账户。该银行以此保留了因剥夺香港人的自由而受到制裁的个人的账户，同时却关闭了那些追求自由的人士的账户。 仅在数月之前，汇丰银行亚太区首席执行官（Asia-Pacific CEO）在一份请愿书上签名，支持北京碾压香港的自治以及香港人民的自由的决定。自由的国家必须确保企业利益不会被中共收买来助长其政治镇压。我们随时准备帮助英国政府和英国公司抵制中共的欺凌并支持自由。

PRESS STATEMENT MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE AUGUST 26, 2020 The United States is dismayed to learn that the Chinese Communist Party’s coercive bullying tactics against our friends in the United Kingdom continues. In the latest example, British bank HSBC has reportedly prevented Hong Kong-based executives at Next Media, a well-known publisher of pro-democracy publications, from accessing their credit cards and personal bank accounts. The bank is thus maintaining accounts for individuals who have been sanctioned for denying freedom for Hong Kongers, while shutting accounts for those seeking freedom. Only a few months ago, HSBC’s Asia-Pacific CEO signed a petition supporting Beijing’s decision to crush Hong Kong’s autonomy and its people’s freedoms. Free nations must ensure that corporate interests are not suborned by the CCP to aid its political repression. We stand ready to help the British government and its companies resist CCP bullying and stand for freedom.

U.S. Department of State Seal 2019年11月5日东部标准时间上午10:45 迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥国务卿 据多个报道称，中华人民共和国政府骚扰、监禁或任意拘押了将自己的故事公之于众的维吾尔穆斯林活动人士和新疆拘留营幸存者的家人。美国对此依然深感不安。在某些情况下，这些虐待行为是在与国务院高级官员会面后不久发生的。 我谨代表国务部，向直接受到中国共产党镇压运动影响的勇敢个人及其家属表示诚挚的慰问，他们包括Ferkat Jawdut、Alfred Erkin和Zumrat Dawut。最近，Dawut女士得知，她年迈的父亲近期在不明情况下去世。据报道，近年来中国当局在新疆多次拘押和审讯他。 维吾尔维权人士大胆发声的勇气，对于揭露中国侵犯人权（包括压制宗教自由）的真相至关重要。我们再次呼吁北京停止对居住在中国境外的维吾尔人的所有骚扰，释放所有被任意拘押的人，并允许他们的家人免受后续影响地自由交流。

Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State The United States remains deeply troubled by multiple reports that the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has harassed, imprisoned, or arbitrarily detained family members of Uighur Muslim activists and survivors of Xinjiang internment camps who have made their stories public.  In some cases, these abuses occurred shortly after meetings with senior State Department officials. On behalf of the Department of State, I want to express our sincere condolences to the brave individuals and their families who have been directly impacted by the Chinese Communist Party’s campaign of repression, including Ferkat Jawdut, Alfred Erkin, and Zumrat Dawut.  Most recently, Ms. Dawut learned her elderly father, who was reportedly detained and interrogated multiple times by Chinese authorities in Xinjiang in recent years, recently passed away under unknown circumstances. The courage of Uighur advocates to speak out is vital to unearthing the truth about the PRC’s abuses of human rights, including repression of freedom of religion.  We once again call on Beijing to cease all harassment of Uighurs living outside of China, to release all those arbitrarily detained, and to allow families to communicate freely without repercussions.

2020年12月4日 美国东部标准时间下午01：20 迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥国务卿 长期以来，中国共产党一直企图传播马克思–列宁意识形态并在全世界施加影响。中国共产党统一战线工作部（统战部）资助和支持海外组织进行宣传，并且胁迫和欺凌那些反对北京政策的人。统战部频繁恐吓一些学术界、商界、公民社会团体和华人社群成员，包括少数族裔和宗教少数群体成员，因为这些人公开反对发生在新疆、西藏和中国其他地方的骇人听闻的侵犯人权行为。其胁迫策略针对的是被视为违背中共利益的个人。这些策略包括在网上公布目标人物甚至其家人的个人资料（“人肉搜索”），以此作为政治恐吓的手段。 今天，我根据《移民与国籍法》第212(a)(3)(C)条行使我的权力，对中华人民共和国和中国共产党官员，或在统战部活动中活跃的个人，实施签证限制。这些人参与的事包括使用或威胁使用人身暴力、盗窃和发布私人信息、间谍和破坏活动、或者恶意干涉国内政治事务、学术自由、个人隐私或商业活动。这些恶意活动的目的是为了拉拢和胁迫美国和其他国家的地方领导人、海外华人社群、学术界和其他公民社会团体，以推进中国共产党的威权叙事和政策偏好。我将继续实施这种签证限制，以明确表示美国不欢迎那些应为违反有章可循的国际秩序的行动承担责任的人。 美国呼吁中华人民共和国停止使用胁迫和恐吓策略来压制表达自由。美国将继续重新评估美国应对这些关切的法律权力。

12/04/2020 01:20 PM EST Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has long sought to spread Marxist-Leninist ideology and exert its influence all over the world. The CCP’s United Front Work Department funds and supports overseas organizations to spread propaganda and coerces and bullies those who would oppose Beijing’s policies. The United Front frequently intimidates members of academia, businesses, civil society groups, and Chinese diaspora communities, including members of ethnic and religious minority communities who speak out against horrific human rights abuses taking place in Xinjiang, Tibet, and elsewhere in China. Its coercive tactics target individuals viewed as working against CCP interests. These tactics include the release of personal details (“doxing”) of their targets and even their family members online as a means of political intimidation. Today, I am exercising my authority under Section 212(a)(3)(C) of the Immigration and Nationality Act to impose visa restrictions on PRC and CCP officials, or individuals active in United Front Work Department activities, who have engaged in the use or threat of physical violence, theft and release of private information, espionage, sabotage, or malicious interference in domestic political affairs, academic freedom, personal privacy, or business activity. These malign activities are intended to co-opt and coerce sub-national leaders, overseas Chinese communities, academia, and other civil society groups both in the United States and other countries in furtherance of the CCP’s authoritarian narratives and policy preferences. I will continue to implement such visa restrictions to make clear that those responsible for actions that contravene the rules-based international order are not welcome in the United States. The United States calls on the PRC to end its use of coercion and intimidation tactics to suppress freedom of expression. The United States will continue to review its authorities to respond to these concerns.

东厅美东夏令时间下午5时01分  [莫里森总理讲话] * * * *  [约翰逊首相讲话] * * * * 拜登总统：谢谢你，鲍里斯。我也感谢那位对跖地的伙伴。非常感谢你，朋友。领谢，总理先生。 我今天荣幸地与两个美国最亲密的盟国——澳大利亚和英国——开启我们国家之间的一个新的三边安全合作阶段。 正像莫里森总理和约翰逊首相所说，在我们共同开始这项战略使命之际，我要为这一伙伴合作感谢你们，你们的远见。 虽然澳大利亚、英国和美国合作关系——AUKUS（澳英美）——这是一个听起来奇怪的首字母缩写，但这个缩写好，AUKUS——我们三国将更新和增进我们应对21世纪威胁的共同能力，就像我们在20世纪所做的一样：共同合力。 我们三国和我们英勇的作战部队已经名副其实肩并肩在一起100多年：在一战的战壕中，在二战的海岛上，在朝鲜半岛的严冬里，在波斯湾的酷暑下。美国、澳大利亚和英国长期以来一直是忠诚和得力的伙伴，今天我们更加紧密。 今天，我们再次迈出历史性的一步，将我们三国的合作深化和形式正规化，因为我们都认识到必须确保印太地区的长期和平与稳定。 我们要能够既对应该地区当前的战略环境，也对应它可能发生的演变。这是因为我们每个国家的——而且确实是世界的——未来，有赖于一个自由和开放的印太地区在今后——今后几十年里持久与繁荣。 这样做是为了对我们最伟大的力量源泉——我们的盟国——进行投资，让他们得到更新，以便更好地迎接今天和明天的威胁。 它是为了要以新的方式将美国与现有盟国和伙伴连接起来，扩大我们的协作能力，因为我们认识到，不存在将我们大西洋伙伴和太平洋伙伴的利益隔开的地区分界。 的确，这项努力反映出一个更广泛的趋势，即主要欧洲国家在印太地区发挥极其重要的作用。 法国尤其如此，它已经在印太地区有重要存在，并且是一个在这个地区增进安全与繁荣的重要伙伴和盟国。 美国期待着在前进中与法国和其他重要国家密切合作。 最后，这项行动计划是为了确保我们每一个国家都具备针对迅速变化的威胁进行调遣和防卫的现代化能力——我们所需的最现代化能力。 AUKUS三国将汇集我们的海员、我们的科学家以及我们的产业界来保持并扩展我们在军事能力和关键性技术方面的前沿地位，例如在网络、人工智能、量子技术和水下域方面。 你们知道，作为AUKUS的一个关键项目，我们正在同澳大利亚为其海军获得常规武装的、核动力潜艇启动谘商——常规武装的。 我想就此极其明确地阐明：我们所说的并非核武器潜艇。这些是常规武装的以核反应堆为动力的潜艇。这一技术已被证实。它是安全的。而且美国和英国运作核动力潜艇已有几十年了。 我已要求奥斯汀部长（Secretary Austin）和国防部（Department of Defense）为美国政府主导这一努力，并同能源部（Department of Energy）和国务院（Department of State）密切协作。 我们的政府现在将启动为期18个月的谘商期，以确定这个项目的每一个元素——从人力，到培训要求，到生产时间表，到安全保障和不扩散措施，以及核监管与安全——以确保全面遵守我们每个国家对《不扩散核武器条约》（Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty）的承诺。 我们都将以一种体现在全球不扩散以及严格的核查标准方面的长期领导作用的方式来进行这一努力，并同国际原子能机构（International Atomic Energy Agency）进行伙伴合作及磋商。 因此，我要感谢总理——莫里森总理和约翰逊首相的友谊，但最重要的是，在我们迈入这个安全合作的新阶段之际，他们的领导作用及伙伴合作。 而且，美国还将继续同东盟（ASEAN）和四方伙伴（Quad）合作，正如我们之前阐明的；还有我们在印太地区的5个条约盟国及其他亲密的合作伙伴；以及在欧洲和全世界的盟国及合作伙伴，以维护一个自由和开放的印太地区，并为该地区的全体人民建设一个拥有和平及机遇的未来。 我们将共同合力。伙伴关系将日益强大。这就是我们的宗旨。 我要感谢你们大家。我期待很快就能当面见到你们二位，我希望如此。 谢谢你们。谢谢你们。  讲话结束（东部夏令时下午5时12分）

East Room 5:01 P.M. EDT PRIME MINISTER MORRISON:  Well, good morning from Australia.  I’m very pleased to join two great friends of freedom and of Australia: Prime Minister Johnson and President Biden. Today, we join our nations in a next-generation partnership built on a strong foundation of proven trust. We have always seen the world through a similar lens.  We have always believed in a world that favors freedom; that respects human dignity, the rule of law, the independence of sovereign states, and the peaceful fellowship of nations.   And while we’ve always looked to each other to do what we believe is right, we have never left at — each other.  Always together.  Never alone. Our world is becoming more complex, especially here in our region, the Indo-Pacific.  This affects us all.  The future of the Indo-Pacific will impact all our futures. To meet these challenges, to help deliver the security and stability our region needs, we must now take our partnership to a new level — a partnership that seeks to engage, not to exclude; to contribute, not take; and to enable and empower, not to control or coerce. And so, friends, AUKUS is born — a new enhanced trilateral security partnership between Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States.  AUKUS: a partnership where our technology, our scientists, our industry, our defense forces are all working together to deliver a safer and more secure region that ultimately benefits all. AUKUS will also enhance our contribution to our growing network of partnerships in the Indo-Pacific region: ANZUS; our ASEAN friends; our bilateral strategic partners, the Quad; Five Eyes countries; and, of course, our dear Pacific family. The first major initiative of AUKUS will be to deliver a nuclear-powered submarine fleet for Australia.  Over the next 18 months, we will work together to seek to determine the best way forward to achieve this.  This will include an intense examination of what we need to do to exercise our nuclear stewardship responsibilities here in Australia. We intend to build these submarines in Adelaide, Australia, in close cooperation with the United Kingdom and the United States. But let me be clear: Australia is not seeking to acquire nuclear weapons or establish a civil nuclear capability.  And we will continue to meet all our nuclear non-proliferation obligations. Australia has a long history of defense cooperation with the United States and the United Kingdom.  For more than a century, we have stood together for the course of peace and freedom, motivated by the beliefs we share, sustained by the bonds of friendship we have forged, enabled by the sacrifice of those who have gone before us, and inspired by our shared hope for those who will follow us. And so, today, friends, we recommit ourselves to this cause and a new AUKUS vision. PRIME MINISTER JOHNSON:  I’m delighted to join President Biden and Prime Minister Morrison to announce that the United Kingdom, Australia, and the United States are creating a new trilateral defense partnership, known as AUKUS, with the aim of working hand in glove to preserve security and stability in the Indo-Pacific.  We’re opening a new chapter in our friendship, and the first task of this partnership will be to help Australia acquire a fleet of nuclear-powered submarines, emphasizing, of course, that the submarines in question will be powered by nuclear reactors, not armed with nuclear weapons.  And our work will be fully in line with our non-proliferation obligations.   This will be one of the most complex and technically demanding projects in the world, lasting for decades and requiring the most advanced technology.  It will draw on the expertise that the UK has acquired over generations, dating back to the launch of the Royal Navy’s first nuclear submarine over 60 years ago; and together, with the other opportunities from AUKUS, creating hundreds of highly skilled jobs across the United Kingdom, including in Scotland, the north of England, and the Midlands, taking forward this government’s driving purpose of leveling up across the whole country.  We will have a new opportunity to reinforce Britain’s place at the leading edge of science and technology, strengthening our national expertise.  And perhaps most significantly, the UK, Australia, and the U.S. will be joined even more closely together, reflecting the measure of trust between us, the depth of our friendship, and the enduring strength of our shared values of freedom and democracy.  Only a handful of countries possess nuclear-powered submarines, and it is a momentous decision for any nation to acquire this formidable capability and, perhaps, equally momentous, for any other state to come to its aid.  But Australia is one of our oldest friends, a kindred nation and a fellow democracy, and a natural partner in this enterprise.  Now, the UK will embark on this project alongside our allies, making the world safer and generating jobs across our United Kingdom.  Thank you.  Over to you, Mr. President.  PRESIDENT BIDEN:  Thank you, Boris.  And I want to thank that fellow down under.  Thank you very much, pal.  Appreciate it, Mr. Prime Minister.  I’m honored today to be joined by two of America’s closest allies — Australia and the United Kingdom — to launch a new phase of the trilateral security cooperation among our countries.  As Prime Minister Morrison and Prime Minister Johnson said, I want to thank you for this partnership, your vision as we embark together on this strategic mission.  Although Australia, the UK, and U.S. partnership — AUKUS — it sounds strange with all these acronyms, but it’s a good one, AUKUS — our nations will update and enhance our shared ability to take on the threats of the 21st century just as we did in the 20th century: together.  Our nations and our brave fighting forces have stood shoulder-to-shoulder for literally more than 100 years: through the trench fighting in World War I, the island hopping of World War II, during the frigid winters in Korea, and the scorching heat of the Persian Gulf.  The United States, Australia, and the United Kingdom have long been faithful and capable partners, and we’re even closer today.  Today, we’re taking another historic step to deepen and formalize cooperation among all three of our nations because we all recognize the imperative of ensuring peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific over the long term.  We need to be able to address both the current strategic environment in the region and how it may evolve.  Because the future of each of our nations — and indeed the world — depends on a free and open Indo-Pacific enduring and flourishing in the decades ahead — ahead.  This is about investing in our greatest source of strength — our alliances — and updating them to better meet the threats of today and tomorrow.  It’s about connecting America’s existing allies and partners in new ways and amplifying our ability to collaborate, recognizing that there is no regional divide separating the interests of our Atlantic and Pacific partners.  Indeed, this effort reflects a broader trend of key European countries playing an extremely important role in the Indo-Pacific.   France, in particular, already has a substantial Indo-Pacific presence and is a key partner and ally in strengthening the security and prosperity of the region.  The United States looks forward to working closely with France and other key countries as we go forward.   And finally, this initiative is about making sure that each of us has a modern capability — the most modern capabilities we need — to maneuver and defend against rapidly evolving threats.    AUKUS will bring together our sailors, our scientists, and our industries to maintain and expand our edge in military capabilities and critical technologies, such as cyber, artificial intelligence, quantum technologies, and undersea domains.  You know, as a key project under AUKUS, we are launching consultations with Australia’s acquisition of conventionally armed, nuclear-powered submarines for its navy — conventionally armed.   I want to be exceedingly clear about this:  We’re not talking about nuclear-armed submarines.  These are conventionally armed submarines that are powered by nuclear reactors.  This technology is proven.  It’s safe.  And the United States and the UK have been operating nuclear-powered submarines for decades.  I have asked Secretary Austin and the Department of Defense to lead this effort for the U.S. government in close collaboration with the Department of Energy and Department of State.  Our governments will now launch an 18-month consultation period to determine every element of this program — from workforce, to training requirements, to production timelines, to safeguards and nonproliferation measures, and to nuclear stewardship and safety — to ensure full compliance with each of our nation’s commitments under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.  We’ll all undertake this effort in a way that reflects the longstanding leadership in global nonproliferation and rigorous verification standards, in partnership and consultation with the International Atomic Energy Agency.  So, I want to thank the Prime Minister — Prime Minister Morrison and Prime Minister Johnson for their friendship, but mostly important for their leadership and partnership as we undertake this new phase of our security cooperation.  And the United States will also continue to work with ASEAN and the Quad, as was stated earlier; our five treaty allies and other close partners in the Indo-Pacific; as well as allies and partners in Europe and around the world to maintain a free and open Indo-Pacific, and build a future of peace, opportunity for all the people of the region.   We’re joining together.  Partnerships are getting stronger.  This is what we’re about.   I want to thank you all.  And I look forward to seeing both of you in person very soon, I hope.  Thank you.  Thank you. 5:12 P.M. EDT

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2021 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2021 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: China (Includes Hong Kong, Macau, and Tibet)

联合国总部 纽约州纽约市 美东夏令时上午11:08 拜登总统：谢谢你。 主席先生、秘书长先生、各位领导人，过去一年里，世界动荡不安：粮食安全危机日益严重，创纪录的高温天气、洪水和干旱，新冠疫情，通货膨胀，以及一场残酷的、无谓的战争—— 更直白地说，一场由一个人选择发动的战争。 让我们直言不讳地谈谈。 联合国安理会的一个常任理事国入侵其邻国，妄图从地图上抹去一个主权国家。 俄罗斯无耻地违反了《联合国宪章》（United Nations Charter）的核心原则—— 其最重要的莫过于明确禁止国家以武力侵占邻国领土。 同样，就在今天，普京总统公开对欧洲进行了核威胁，肆无忌惮地漠视核不扩散机制的责任。 现在，俄罗斯正在征召——招募更多士兵加入战争。 克里姆林宫同时正在组织一场假公投，试图吞并乌克兰部分领土，这一行径极其严重地违反了《联合国宪章》。 世界应该认清这些无耻行径的本质。 普京声称因为俄罗斯受到了威胁，使他别无选择而采取行动。 但没有人威胁俄罗斯，除了俄罗斯，也没有人寻求冲突。 事实上，我们曾告诫这些情势会发生, 并与你们中的许多人一起，力图防止其发生。 普京自己的话让其真实意图昭然若揭。 就在他入侵乌克兰之前，普京断言说——我引用他原话 ——乌克兰是 “俄罗斯缔造的”，而且从未享有——普京原话——”真正的国家地位”。 而现在，我们看到学校、火车站、医院 ——乌克兰历史和文化中心都遭受到攻击。 过去一段时间里，更令人毛骨悚然的俄罗斯暴行和战争罪证据已公布于众：在伊久姆（Izyum）发现的万人坑；据收敛尸体人员说，尸体上有遭受酷刑折磨的痕迹。 显而易见，这是一场妄图消灭乌克兰有权作为一个国家存在以及乌克兰有权作为一个民族存在的战争。 无论你是谁，无论你住在哪里，无论你信仰什么，那都是令人不寒而栗的行为。 这就是为什么联合国大会上有141个国家携手一致，明确谴责俄罗斯对乌克兰的战争。 美国已经为乌克兰调集提供了大量的安全援助和人道主义援助以及直接经济支持 ——迄今已超过250亿美元。 我们在世界各地的盟友和合作伙伴也已加紧行动。今天，在座的40 多个国家为乌克兰保家卫国捐助了数十亿美元的资金和装备。 美国还与盟友和伙伴密切合作，迫使俄罗斯付出代价，遏制俄罗斯攻击北约成员国领土，让俄罗斯为其暴行和战争罪行负责。 因为如果任由国家图谋帝国野心而不承担后果，我们就会把这个机构所代表的一切都置于危险之中。所有一切。 战场上赢得的每一场胜利都属于勇敢的乌克兰战士。但过去一年里，世界也经受了考验，然而我们没有迟疑不决。 我们选择了自由。 我们选择了主权。 我们选择了《联合国宪章》每个缔约国都必须遵守的原则。 我们与乌克兰站在一起。 跟大家一样，美国希望这场战争在公正的条件下结束，在我们都赞同的条件下结束：不能用武力侵占他国领土。阻碍这一进程的唯一国家是俄罗斯。 因此，我们——这个机构中每一个决心维护我们作为联合国成员所承诺捍卫的原则和信仰的人——必须明确、坚定、毫不动摇地下定决心。 乌克兰拥有属于每个主权国家的同等权利。我们将与乌克兰站在一起。一言以蔽之，我们将团结一致反对俄罗斯侵略。 当今，在民主与专制的较量中，美国——以及作为总统的我个人——倡导以民主价值观为基础的世界愿景，这不是什么秘密。 美国决心捍卫和加强国内和世界各地的民主。 因为我相信，民主仍然是人类应对时代挑战的最佳机制。 我们正在与七国集团以及志同道合的国家合作，证明民主政体不仅能为自己的公民服务，也能造福世界其他地区。 但就在我们今天开会之时，联合国宪章——作为一个稳定和公正、基于规则的国际秩序的基石——正遭到那些妄图为自己的政治私利而破坏或扭曲它的人的攻击。 然而，《联合国宪章》不仅由世界上的民主国家所签署，而且也由历史和意识形态大相径庭的几十个国家的公民通过谈判达成，大家一致承诺为和平而做出努力。 正如杜鲁门总统在1945年所说，《联合国宪章》——我引述原话—— “证明国家和个人一样，可以表达分歧，面对分歧，然后找到大家都能接受的共同立场。”原话引用完毕。 这一共同立场极其清晰，极为根本，因此今天，你们中的193个国家——193个联合国成员国——都自觉自愿地接受了宪章原则。每个负责任的成员国都应把捍卫《联合国宪章》确定的这些原则作为己任。 我反对使用暴力和战争来征服国家，或通过流血扩大边界。 反对恐惧和胁迫的全球政治势力；捍卫小国与大国平等的主权权利；拥护航行自由、尊重国际法以及军备控制等基本原则——无论我们可能存在其他哪些分歧，我们都必须捍卫这一共同立场。 如果你们仍然致力于为全世界每个国家的利益奠定坚实基础，那么美国希望与你们合作。 我还认为，现在到了让联合国机构变得更具包容性的时候了，只有这样，联合国才能更好地应对当今世界的需求。 包括美国在内的联合国安理会成员应始终如一地维护和捍卫《联合国宪章》，除非在罕见的极其特殊的情况下, 成员国要避免——避免使用否决权，以确保安理会的可信度和有效性。 这也是为什么美国支持增加安理会常任理事国和非常任理事国代表数量的原因。 其中包括我们长期支持的那些国家的常任席位，以及非洲、拉丁美洲和加勒比地区国家的常任席位。 美国致力于这项至关重要的工作。在每一个地区，我们积极寻求新的、建设性方式与合作伙伴合作，促进共同利益；从提升印太地区的四方伙伴关系（Quad），到美洲国家首脑会议（Summit of the Americas）签署《洛杉矶移民和保护宣言》(Los Angeles Declaration of Migration and Protection)，再到加入由九位阿拉伯领导人组成的历史性会议，努力实现一个更加和平、融合的中东地区，以及今年12月将主办的美国-非洲领导人峰会(U.S.-Africa Leaders’ Summit)。 正如我去年所说，美国正在开启一个展开不懈努力的外交新时代，以应对与人们的生活­——所有人的生活——关系最重大的挑战：解决气候危机，正如前一位发言者所谈到的；加强全球卫生健康安全；为世界提供粮食——为世界提供粮食。 我们当时将此作为首要任务。 一年之后，我们正在兑现这一承诺。 从我上任之日起，我们就率先启动大胆的气候议程。我们重新加入了《巴黎协定》（Paris Agreement），召开了重大气候峰会，促成在第26届联合国气候变化大会（COP26）上达成关键协议。我们也帮助使全球三分之二GDP有望将升温幅度限制在1.5摄氏度以内。 现在，我已经签署美国一项有历史意义的立法，它包含我国有史以来最大规模、最重要的气候承诺：针对气候变化的3690亿美元，其中包括成百上千亿美元对海上风能和太阳能的新投资，加倍汽车零排放努力，提高能源效率，支持清洁生产。 我们的能源部估计，这项新法律将使美国的排放量到2030年每年减少十亿吨，同时带来一个以清洁能源为动力的经济发展新时代。 我们的投资还将帮助降低全球开发清洁能源技术的费用，这不仅是在美国。这是一个全球性的大变革——而且已为时不早。我们没有多少时间了。 我们大家都知道我们已经处于气候危机中。经历了过去这一年后似乎没有人怀疑。我们现在开会时，巴基斯坦的大片地区仍然淹没在水中；它需要帮助。与此同时，非洲之角（Horn of Africa）面临着前所未有的干旱。 家庭面临艰难的选择，要选择喂养哪一个孩子，而且不知他们能否活下来。 这是气候变化的人类代价。它在增加而不是减少。 所以，正像我去年宣布的，为了肩负起我们的全球责任，我的政府正在与国会合作，每年向国际气候资金提供110多亿美元，帮助低收入国家落实他们的气候目标，确保公正实现能源转型。 其中一个关键内容将是我们的“总统适应与复原力紧急计划”（PREPARE），它将帮助5亿人，尤其是易受影响的国家，适应气候变化的影响并具备复原力。 这是一个巨大的需求。因此，让我们此刻从内心发愿，一定要扭转气候变化灾难的潮流，释放出有复原力的、可持续的清洁能源经济实力，保护我们的地球。 在全球卫生健康方面，我们已向世界各地116个国家送去超过6.2亿剂新冠疫苗，并且还将提供更多疫苗来帮助满足其他国家的需求——所有这些都是免费，不附加任何条件。 我们正在与二十国集团以及其他国家密切合作。美国帮助引领改变，在世界银行成立了开创性的疫情防范、准备与反应基金（Fund for Pandemic Prevention, Preparedness, and Response）。 与此同时，我们继续推进针对长期全球卫生健康挑战的努力。 今天晚些时候，我将主持抗击艾滋病、结核病和疟疾全球基金第七次充资大会（Seventh Replenishment Conference for the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria）。在我国国会两党支持下，我已经承诺为这项努力提供多达60亿美元。 所以，我期待在会议中迎来一轮有历史意义的承诺，进而带来历史上前所有未的最大规模的全球卫生健康捐助之一。 我们还将直接迎战粮食危机。面对全球多达1.93亿人陷入严重的粮食不安全——一年之内增加了4000万人——今天我宣布，美国仅在今年一年里再增加提供29亿美元，支持挽救生命的人道和粮食安全援助。 与此同时，俄罗斯在大力散布谎言，力图将危机——粮食危机——归咎于世界许多国家针对其侵略乌克兰所实施的制裁。 那么，让我十分清楚地说明一点：我们的制裁明确允许——明确允许俄罗斯出口粮食和肥料。没有限制。是俄罗斯的战争在加剧粮食不安全，只有俄罗斯能够结束它。 我感谢联合国这里的努力——包括您的领导作用，秘书长先生——由此建立了一个机制，能够从被俄罗斯封锁数个月的乌克兰的黑海港口出口粮食。我们需要确保它的延续。 我们坚信世界需要粮食。这就是为什么美国是世界粮食计划署（World Food Programme）最大的支持国，为它提供了40%以上的预算。 我们正在带领支持——我们正在带领支持联合国儿童基金会（UNICEF）的努力，为世界各地儿童提供食品。 为了迎战粮食不安全的更大挑战，美国发出一个行动号召（Call to Action）：消除全球粮食不安全的路线图，它已经得到100多个国家成员的支持。 6月，七国集团宣布提供45亿多美元，加强全球粮食安全。 通过美国国际发展署（USAID）的“未来粮食保障”（Feed the Future）行动计划，美国正在增加有创意的方式，将抗旱和抗高温种子送到需要它们的农民手中，同时发放肥料和提高施肥效率，使农民能够在减少用量的同时增加生产。 我们正在呼吁所有国家在如此多人受苦之时，不要禁止粮食出口或囤积粮食。因为在世界每一个国家，无论彼此之间有什么其他分歧，如果父母没有东西给孩子吃，其他一切就都不重要——如果父母没有东西给孩子吃。 展望未来，我们正在与合作伙伴共同努力，更新和建立针对我们21世纪面对的新挑战的行路规则。 我们与欧洲联盟成立了贸易和技术委员会（Trade and Technology Council），以确保关键技术——关键技术的开发和管理以惠益所有人的方式进行。 我们正在与伙伴国家和通过联合国，支持和加强责任规范——在网络空间的负责任的国家行为，并且努力将那些用网络攻击威胁国际和平与安全的人绳之以法。 我们正在与美洲、非洲、欧洲、中东以及印太地区的伙伴努力建设新型经济生态系统——这里的每个国家——每个国家都有公平的机会，并且经济发展是有弹力的、可持续的、共同分享的。 正因为如此，美国积极倡导采用一种全球最低税率。我们将努力使之得到实施，从而使大公司在所有地方——所有地方——缴纳他们应有的份额。 这也是印太经济框架（Indo-Pacific Economic Framework）背后的设想，这个框架是美国与其他13个印太经济体在今年启动的。我们正在与我们在东盟和太平洋岛国的伙伴共同努力，支持这个重要印太地区的愿景，即自由和开放、相联和繁荣、安全和有弹力。 我们与全球各地的伙伴一起努力，以形成有弹力的供应链，保护所有人不受胁迫或主宰，并且确保没有任何国家能将能源作为武器。 随着俄罗斯的战争给世界经济造成动荡，我们也呼吁世界主要债权方，包括非巴黎俱乐部的国家，以透明的方式谈判为低收入国家免除债务，以防止全球更广泛的经济和政治危机。 我们不要导致债台高筑却不兑现效益的基础设施项目，让我们通过透明的投资来满足世界各地对基础设施的巨大需求——这是一些高标准项目，保护劳工权利和环境，致力于满足所服务的社区需要，而不是出资者的需要。 正是因为这个原因，美国与七国集团伙伴一道，启动了全球基础设施和投资伙伴关系（Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment）。我们准备通过这一伙伴关系到2027年共同筹集6000亿美元投资。 有十几个项目已经展开：在塞内加尔的产业规模疫苗生产，给安哥拉带来变革的太阳能项目，在罗马尼亚的首创第一座小型模块化核电厂。 这些投资的回报将不仅局限于那些国家，而是惠及所有人。为解决像气候变化这样的全球问题，美国将与包括我们的竞争者在内的所有国家一道努力。气候外交不是为了有利于美国或任何其他国家，但抛弃它损害全世界。 让我直截了当地来谈美国和中国之间的竞争。在处理不断变化的地缘政治趋势时，美国将作为一个讲道理的领袖行事。我们不寻求冲突。我们不寻求冷战。我们不要求任何国家在美国或任何其他伙伴之间作选择。 但美国将光明正大地提倡我们对一个自由、开放、安全和繁荣的世界的愿景以及我们必须为各国共同体提供些什么：不以助长依赖性为目的，而是旨在减轻负担并帮助各国实现自给自足的投资；不为制造政治义务的伙伴关系，而是因为我们知道我们自己的成功——当其他国家也取得成功时，我们的每个成功都会有所增强。 当个人有机会过上有尊严的生活并发展他们的才能时，每个人都会受益。为此至关重要的是达到这个机构的最高目标：为每个地方的每个人增进和平与安全。 美国抗击并挫败我们的世界所面对的持续不断的恐怖主义威胁的坚定决心不会动摇。我们将以我们的外交为引领，争取和平解决冲突。 我们寻求维护台湾海峡地区的和平与稳定。 我们仍然致力于我们的一个中国政策，这项政策40年来帮助防止了冲突。而且我们继续反对任何一方单方面改变现状。 我们支持非洲联盟领导的和平进程，以结束埃塞俄比亚的战事并恢复其所有人民的安全。 在委内瑞拉，多年的政治压迫已迫使超过600万人逃离该国，我们敦促展开一个由委内瑞拉主导的对话，并恢复自由和公正的选举。 我们继续与我们的海地邻国站在一起，它正面临着政治因素所引发的帮派暴力以及一场巨大的人类危机。 我们呼吁全世界都这样做。我们还有更多工作要做。 我们将继续支持由联合国斡旋的也门停火协议，它为饱受多年战火的人们带来了宝贵的几个月的和平。 我们将继续倡导犹太民主国家以色列和巴勒斯坦人民之间谈判达成的持久和平。美国致力于以色列的安全，毋庸赘言。在我们看来，通过谈判达成的两国解决方案仍然是确保以色列未来安全和繁荣，并让巴勒斯坦人拥有一个他们有权享有的国家的最佳方式——双方都充分尊重他们的公民的平等权利；双方人民都享有同等程度的自由和尊严。 我还要敦促每个国家都重新承诺通过外交来加强核不扩散制度。无论世界上发生什么其他情况，美国都准备好采取关键的军备控制措施。核战争不可能打赢，也绝不能打。 安理会五个常任理事国刚刚在一月重申了这一承诺。但今天，我们看到了令人不安的趋势。俄罗斯在第十次《不扩散核武器条约》审议大会（10th NPT Review Conference）上避不接受所有其他国家都已采纳的不扩散理念。 而且，今天，正如我所说，他们正在发出使用核武器的不负责任的核威胁。中国正在进行一场空前的、令人关切的核扩充，毫无任何透明度。 尽管我们为开始严肃、持续的外交做出努力，但朝鲜民主主义人民共和国仍继续公然违反联合国的制裁。 虽然美国准备在伊朗积极履行其义务的情况下共同重返《联合全面行动计划》（Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action），但美国明确表示：我们不会允许伊朗谋取核武器。 我继续相信，外交是实现这一结果的最佳方式。防扩散制度是这个机构最伟大的成功之一。我们不能听任世界现在发生倒退，也不能对人权遭到侵蚀视而不见。 在这个机构的各项成就中，独树一帜的可谓《世界人权宣言》（Universal Declaration of Human Rights），它是我们的先辈用来挑战我们去衡量自己的标准。 他们在1948年明确表示：人权是我们寻求实现的所有一切的基础。然而今天，在2022年，基本自由在我们世界的每个地区都面临风险，从联合国高级专员办事处最近的报告所详述的在新疆的侵权行径，到缅甸军政权对民主活动人士和少数民族的令人发指的虐待，还有阿富汗塔利班对妇女和女童的日益加剧的镇压。 今天，我们与勇敢的伊朗公民和勇敢的妇女们站在一起，他们现在正在示威以确保他们的基本权利。 但我所知道的是：那些发挥其人口全部潜力的国家将会赢得未来，那里的妇女和女孩可以行使平等权利，其中包括基本的生殖权利，并为建设更强大的经济和更健强的社会做出全面贡献；那里的宗教和族裔少数群体可以在不受骚扰的情况下生活并为他们的社区生活做出贡献； 那里的LGBTQ+社区成员可以自由地生活和相爱，而不会成为暴力攻击的对象；那里的公民可以质疑并批评他们的领导人，而不必担心遭到报复。 美国将始终在我们自己的国家以及全世界各地提倡人权以及神圣载入《联合国宪章》的价值观。 让我以此作为结语：这个以《联合国宪章》和《世界人权宣言》为指导的机构，其核心是一种勇敢无畏的希望之举。 让我再说一遍：这是一种勇敢无畏的希望之举。 想一想那些在全世界仍硝烟弥漫时承担起看似不可能完成的任务的第一批代表们的愿景。 想一想当时的世界人民感到多么分裂，他们仍沉浸在对数百万死难者的哀痛之中，而且大屠杀揭露了种族灭绝的恐怖。 他们完全有权只相信人性中最坏的一面。但他们却努力追求我们所有人最好的一面，并力争建立起更好的：持久和平；国家间的礼让；人类大家庭中每个成员的平等权利；合作促进全人类的进步。 各位领导人，我们今天面临的挑战的确艰巨，但我们的能力更大。我们的承诺也必须更加巨大。 因此，让我们站在一起，再一次宣布世界各国依然团结一致的明确无疑的决心，我们支持《联合国宪章》的价值观，而且我们仍然相信，我们通过共同努力可以将历史之弧弯向一个我们全体子孙后代所享有的更自由、更公正的世界，尽管我们任何人都尚未完全实现它。 我们不是历史的被动见证者；我们是历史的书写者。 我们可以这样做——我们必须这样做——为了我们自己，为了我们的未来，为了全人类。 感谢你们耐心地听我讲话。我对此深表感谢。上帝保佑你们。 （掌声） 美东夏令时上午 11:37   欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2022/09/21/remarks-by-president-biden-before-the-77th-session-of-the-united-nations-general-assembly/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

SEPTEMBER 21, 2022•SPEECHES AND REMARKS United Nations Headquarters New York, New York 11:08 A.M. EDT THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you. Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, my fellow leaders, in the last year, our world has experienced great upheaval: a growing crisis in food insecurity; record heat, floods, and droughts; COVID-19; inflation; and a brutal, needless war — a war chosen by one man, to be very blunt. Let us speak plainly.  A permanent member of the United Nations Security Council invaded its neighbor, attempted to erase a sovereign state from the map. Russia has shamelessly violated the core tenets of the United Nations Charter — no more important than the clear prohibition against countries taking the territory of their neighbor by force. Again, just today, President Putin has made overt nuclear threats against Europe and a reckless disregard for the responsibilities of the non-proliferation regime. Now Russia is calling — calling up more soldiers to join the fight.  And the Kremlin is organizing a sham referenda to try to annex parts of Ukraine, an extremely significant violation of the U.N. Charter. This world should see these outrageous acts for what they are.  Putin claims he had to act because Russia was threatened.  But no one threatened Russia, and no one other than Russia sought conflict. In fact, we warned it was coming.  And with many of you, we worked to try to avert it. Putin’s own words make his true purpose unmistakable.  Just before he invaded, Putin asserted — and I quote — Ukraine was “created by Russia” and never had, quote, “real statehood.” And now we see attacks on schools, railway stations, hospitals, wa- — on centers of Ukrainian history and culture. In the past, even more horrifying evidence of Russia’s atrocity and war crimes: mass graves uncovered in Izyum; bodies, according to those that excavated those bodies, showing signs of torture. This war is about extinguishing Ukraine’s right to exist as a state, plain and simple, and Ukraine’s right to exist as a people.  Whoever you are, wherever you live, whatever you believe, that should not — that should make your blood run cold. That’s why 141 nations in the General Assembly came together to unequivocally condemn Russia’s war against Ukraine.  The United States has marshaled massive levels of security assistance and humanitarian aid and direct economic support for Ukraine — more than $25 billion to date. Our allies and partners around the world have stepped up as well.  And today, more than 40 countries represented in here have contributed billions of their own money and equipment to help Ukraine defend itself. The United States is also working closely with our allies and partners to impose costs on Russia, to deter attacks against NATO territory, to hold Russia accountable for the atrocities and war crimes. Because if nations can pursue their imperial ambitions without consequences, then we put at risk everything this very institution stands for.  Everything. Every victory won on the battlefield belongs to the courageous Ukrainian soldiers.  But this past year, the world was tested as well, and we did not hesitate. We chose liberty.  We chose sovereignty.  We chose principles to which every party to the United Nations Charter is beholding.  We stood with Ukraine. Like you, the United States wants this war to end on just terms, on terms we all signed up for: that you cannot seize a nation’s territory by force.  The only country standing in the way of that is Russia. So, we — each of us in this body who is determined to uphold the principles and beliefs we pledge to defend as members of the United Nations — must be clear, firm, and unwavering in our resolve. Ukraine has the same rights that belong to every sovereign nation.  We will stand in solidarity with Ukraine.  We will stand in solidarity against Russia’s aggression.  Period. Now, it’s no secret that in the contest between democracy and autocracy, the United States — and I, as President — champion a vision for our world that is grounded in the values of democracy. The United States is determined to defend and strengthen democracy at home and around the world.  Because I believe democracy remains humanity’s greatest instrument to address the challenges of our time. We’re working with the G7 and likeminded countries to prove democracies can deliver for their citizens but also deliver for the rest of the world as well. But as we meet today, the U.N. Charter — the U.N. Charter’s very basis of a stable and just rule-based order is under attack by those who wish to tear it down or distort it for their own political advantage. And the United Nations Charter was not only signed by democracies of the world, it was negotiated among citizens of dozens of nations with vastly different histories and ideologies, united in their commitment to work for peace. As President Truman said in 1945, the U.N. Charter — and I quote — is “proof that nations, like men, can state their differences, can face them, and then can find common ground on which to stand.”  End of quote. That common ground was so straightforward, so basic that, today, 193 of you — 193 member states — have willingly embraced its principles.  And standing up for those principles for the U.N. Charter is the job of every responsible member state. I reject the use of violence and war to conquer nations or expand borders through bloodshed. To stand against global politics of fear and coercion; to defend the sovereign rights of smaller nations as equal to those of larger ones; to embrace basic principles like freedom of navigation, respect for international law, and arms control — no matter what else we may disagree on, that is the common ground upon which we must stand. If you’re still committed to a strong foundation for the good of every nation around the world, then the United States wants to work with you. I also believe the time has come for this institution to become more inclusive so that it can better respond to the needs of today’s world. Members of the U.N. Security Council, including the United States, should consistently uphold and defend the U.N. Charter and refrain — refrain from the use of the veto, except in rare, extraordinary situations, to ensure that the Council remains credible and effective. That is also why the United States supports increasing the number of both permanent and non-permanent representatives of the Council.  This includes permanent seats for those nations we’ve long supported and permanent seats for countries in Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean. The United States is committed to this vital work.  In every region, we pursued new, constructive ways to work with partners to advance shared interests, from elevating the Quad in the Indo-Pacific; to signing the Los Angeles Declaration of Migration and Protection at the Summit of the Americas; to joining a historic meeting of nine Arab leaders to work toward a more peaceful, integrated Middle East; to hosting the U.S.-Africa Leaders’ Summit in — this December. As I said last year, the United States is opening an era of relentless diplomacy to address the challenges that matter most to people’s lives — all people’s lives: tackling the climate crisis, as the previous spoker [sic] — speaker spoke to; strengthening global health security; feeding the world — feeding the world. We made that priority.  And one year later, we’re keeping that promise. From the day I came to office, we’ve led with a bold climate agenda.  We rejoined the Paris Agreement, convened major climate summits, helped deliver critical agreements on COP26.  And we helped get two thirds of the world GDP on track to limit warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius. And now I’ve signed a historic piece of legislation here in the United States that includes the biggest, most important climate commitment we have ever made in the history of our country: $369 billion toward climate change.  That includes tens of billions in new investments in offshore wind and solar, doubling down on zero emission vehicles, increasing energy efficiency, supporting clean manufacturing. Our Department of Energy estimates that this new law will reduce U.S. emissions by one gigaton a year by 2030 while unleashing a new era of clean-energy-powered economic growth. Our investments will also help reduce the cost of developing clean energy technologies worldwide, not just the United States.  This is a global gamechanger — and none too soon.  We don’t have much time. We all know we’re already living in a climate crisis.  No one seems to doubt it after this past year.  We meet — we meet — much of Pas- — as we meet, much of Pakistan is still underwater; it needs help.  Meanwhile, the Horn of Africa faces unprecedented drought. Families are facing impossible choices, choosing which child to feed and wondering whether they’ll survive. This is the human cost of climate change.  And it’s growing, not lessening. So, as I announced last year, to meet our global responsibility, my administration is working with our Congress to deliver more than $11 billion a year to international climate finance to help lower-income countries implement their climate goals and ensure a just energy transition. The key part of that will be our PEPFAR [PREPARE] plan, which will help half a billion people, and especially vulnerable countries, adapt to the impacts of climate change and build resilience. This need is enormous.  So let this be the moment we find within ourselves the will to turn back the tide of climate demastation [sic] — devastation and unlock a resilient, sustainable, clean energy economy to preserve our planet. On global health, we’ve delivered more than 620 million doses of COVID-19 vaccine to 116 countries around the world, with more available to help meet countries’ needs — all free of charge, no strings attached. And we’re working closely with the G20 and other countries.  And the United States helped lead the change to establish a groundbreaking new Fund for Pandemic Prevention, Preparedness, and Response at the World Bank. At the same time, we’ve continued to advance the ball on enduring global health challenges. Later today, I’ll host the Seventh Replenishment Conference for the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria.  With bipartisan support in our Congress, I have pledged to contribute up to $6 billion to that effort. So I look forward to welcoming a historic round of pledges at the conference resulting in one of the largest global health fundraisers ever held in all of history. We’re also taking on the food crisis head on.  With as many as 193 million people around the world experiencing acute — acute food insecurity — a jump of 40 million in a year — today I’m announcing another $2.9 billion in U.S. support for lifesaving humanitarian and food security assistance for this year alone. Russia, in the meantime, is pumping out lies, trying to pin the blame for the crisis — the food crisis — onto sanctions imposed by many in the world for the aggression against Ukraine. So let me be perfectly clear about something: Our sanctions explicitly allow — explicitly allow Russia the ability to export food and fertilizer.  No limitation.  It’s Russia’s war that is worsening food insecurity, and only Russia can end it. I’m grateful for the work here at the U.N. — including your leadership, Mr. Secretary-General — establishing a mechanism to export grain from Black Sea ports in Ukraine that Russia had blocked for months, and we need to make sure it’s extended. We believe strongly in the need to feed the world.  That’s why the United States is the world’s largest supporter of the World Food Programme, with more than 40 percent of its budget. We’re leading support — we’re leading support of the UNICEF efforts to feed children around the world. And to take on the larger challenge of food insecurity, the United States introduced a Call to Action: a roadmap eliminating global food insecurity — to eliminating global food insecurity that more than 100 nation member states have already supported. In June, the G7 announced more than $4.5 billion to strengthen food security around the world. Through USAID’s Feed the Future initiative, the United States is scaling up innovative ways to get drought- and heat-resistant seeds into the hands of farmers who need them, while distributing fertilizer and improving fertilizer efficiency so that farmers can grow more while using less. And we’re calling on all countries to refrain from banning food exports or hoarding grain while so many people are suffering.  Because in every country in the world, no matter what else divides us, if parents cannot feed their children, nothing — nothing else matters if parents cannot feed their children. As we look to the future, we’re working with our partners to update and create rules of the road for new challenges we face in the 21st century. We launched the Trade and Technology Council with the European Union to ensure that key technologies — key technologies are developed and governed in the way that benefits everyone. With our partner countries and through the U.N., we’re supporting and strengthening the norms of responsibility — responsible state behavior in cyberspace and working to hold accountable those who use cyberattacks to threaten international peace and security. With partners in the Americas, Africa, Europe, and the Middle East, and the Indo-Pacific, we’re working to build a new economic ecosystem while — where every nation — every nation gets a fair shot and economic growth is resilient, sustainable, and shared. That’s why the United States has championed a global minimum tax.  And we will work to see it implemented so major corporations pay their fair share everywhere — everywhere. It’s also been the idea behind the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, which the United States launched this year with 13 other Indo-Pacific economies.  We’re working with our partners in ASEAN and the Pacific Islands to support a vision for a critical Indo-Pacific region that is free and open, connected and prosperous, secure and resilient. Together with partners around the world, we’re working to ser- — secure resilient supply chains that protect everyone from coercion or domination and ensure that no country can use energy as a weapon. And as Russia’s war rolls [sic] — riles the global economy, we’re also calling on major global creditors, including the non-Paris Club countries, to transparently negotiate debt forgiveness for lower-income countries to forestall broader economic and political crises around the world. Instead of infrastructure projects that generate huge and large debt without delivering on the promised advantages, let’s meet the enormous infrastructure needs around the world with transparent investments — high-standard projects that protect the rights of workers and the environment — keyed to the needs of the communities they serve, not to the contributor. That’s why the United States, together with fellow G7 partners, launched a Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment.  We intend to collectively mobilize $600 billion in investment through this partnership by 2027. Dozens of projects are already underway: industrial-scale vaccine manufacturing in Senegal, transformative solar projects in Angola, first-of-its-kind small modular nuclear power plant in Romania. These are investments that are going to deliver returns not just for those countries, but for everyone.  The United States will work with every nation, including our competitors, to solve global problems like climate change.  Climate diplomacy is not a favor to the United States or any other nation, and walking away hurts the entire world. Let me be direct about the competition between the United States and China.  As we manage shifting geopolitical trends, the United States will conduct itself as a reasonable leader.  We do not seek conflict.  We do not seek a Cold War.  We do not ask any nation to choose between the United States or any other partner. But the United States will be unabashed in promoting our vision of a free, open, secure, and prosperous world and what we have to offer communities of nations: investments that are designed not to foster dependency, but to alleviate burdens and help nations become self-sufficient; partnerships not to create political obligation, but because we know our own success — each of our success is increased when other nations succeed as well. When individuals have the chance to live in dignity and develop their talents, everyone benefits.  Critical to that is living up to the highest goals of this institution: increasing peace and security for everyone, everywhere. The United States will not waver in our unrelenting determination to counter and thwart the continuing terrorist threats to our world.  And we will lead with our diplomacy to strive for peaceful resolution of conflicts. We seek to uphold peace and stability across the Taiwan Straits. We remain committed to our One China policy, which has helped prevent conflict for four decades.  And we continue to oppose unilateral changes in the status quo by either side. We support an African Union-led peace process to end the fight in Ethiopia and restore security for all its people. In Venezuela, where years of the political oppression have driven more than 6 million people from that country, we urge a Venezuelan-led dialogue and a return to free and fair elections. We continue to stand with our neighbor in Haiti as it faces political-fueled gang violence and an enormous human crisis. And we call on the world to do the same.  We have more to do. We’ll continue to back the U.N.-mediated truce in Yemen, which has delivered precious months of peace to people that have suffered years of war. And we will continue to advocate for lasting negotiating peace between the Jewish and democratic state of Israel and the Palestinian people.  The United States is committed to Israel’s security, full stop.  And a negotiated two-state solution remains, in our view, the best way to ensure Israel’s security and prosperity for the future and give the Palestinians the state which — to which they are entitled — both sides to fully respect the equal rights of their citizens; both people enjoying equal measure of freedom and dignity. Let me also urge every nation to recommit to strengthening the nuclear non-proliferation regime through diplomacy.  No matter what else is happening in the world, the United States is ready to pursue critical arms control measures.  A nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought. The five permanent members of the Security Council just reaffirmed that commitment in January.  But today, we’re seeing disturbing trends.  Russia shunned the Non-Proliferati- — -Proliferation ideals embraced by every other nation at the 10th NPT Review Conference. And again, today, as I said, they’re making irresponsible nuclear threats to use nuclear weapons.  China is conducting an unprecedented, concerning nuclear buildup without any transparency. Despite our efforts to begin serious and sustained diplomacy, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea continues to blatantly violate U.N. sanctions. And while the United States is prepared for a mutual return to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action if Iran steps up to its obligations, the United States is clear: We will not allow Iran to acquire a nuclear weapon. I continue to believe that diplomacy is the best way to achieve this outcome.  The nonproliferation regime is one of the greatest successes of this institution.  We cannot let the world now slide backwards, nor can we turn a blind eye to the erosion of human rights. Perhaps singular among this body’s achievements stands the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which is the standard by which our forebears challenged us to measure ourselves. They made clear in 1948: Human rights are the basis for all that we seek to achieve.  And yet today, in 2022, fundamental freedoms are at risk in every part of our world, from the violations of — in Xinjiang detailed in recent reports by the Office of U.N. — U.S. — reports detailing by the U.S. [U.N.] High Commissioner, to the horrible abuses against pro-democracy activists and ethnic minorities by the military regime in Burma, to the increased repression of women and girls by the Taliban in Afghanistan. And today, we stand with the brave citizens and the brave women of Iran who right now are demonstrating to secure their basic rights. But here’s what I know: The future will be won by those countries that unleash the full potential of their populations, where women and girls can exercise equal rights, including basic reproductive rights, and contribute fully to building a stronger economies and more resilient societies; where religious and ethnic minorities can live their lives without harassment and contribute to the fabric of their communities; where the LGBTQ+ community individuals live and love freely without being targeted with violence; where citizens can question and criticize their leaders without fear of reprisal. The United States will always promote human rights and the values enshrined in the U.N. Charter in our own country and around the world. Let me end with this: This institution, guided by the U.N. Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, is at its core an act of dauntless hope. Let me say that again: It’s an act of dauntless hope. Think about the vision of those first delegates who undertook a seemingly impossible task while the world was still smoldering. Think about how divided the people of the world must have felt with the fresh grief of millions dead, the genocidal horrors of the Holocaust exposed. They had every right to believe only the worst of humanity.  Instead, they reached for what was best in all of us, and they strove to build something better: enduring peace; comity among nations; equal rights for every member of the human family; cooperation for the advancement of all humankind. My fellow leaders, the challenges we face today are great indeed, but our capacity is greater.  Our commitment must be greater still. So let’s stand together to again declare the unmistakable resolve that nations of the world are united still, that we stand for the values of the U.N. Charter, that we still believe by working together we can bend the arc of history toward a freer and more just world for all our children, although none of us have fully achieved it. We’re not passive witnesses to history; we are the authors of history. We can do this — we have to do it — for ourselves and for our future, for humankind. Thank you for your tolerance, for listening to me.  I appreciate it very much.  God bless you all.  (Applause.) 11:37 A.M. EDT

主要经济体能源和气候主席部长级会议概要 2022年1月27日美国东部标准时间晚上 08:32  发言人办公室 2022年1月27日，美国召开了一场主要经济体能源和气候论坛（MEF）部长级会议，由美国总统气候变化事务特使约翰·克里（John Kerry）主持。该论坛让部长们有机会回顾格拉斯哥第26届联合国气候变化大会（COP26）的成果；列出第27届联合国气候变化大会（COP27）以及2022年这一更大范围中的优先事项；明确执行/加强气候行动的计划，以及探索MEF国家或许可以一起采取的可能的切实举措来加速气候行动。 会议由美国国务卿安东尼·J·布林肯开场，他表示格拉斯哥气候变化大会取得了重大进展，而且很重要的是，第26届联合国气候变化大会不是终点，而是在这一关键十年加速气候行动的起点。未来，布林肯国务卿敦促采取“执行加倍”的方式，呼吁各国以及其他行动方落实他们允诺的目标/承诺，并进一步作出重大的努力，使得升温不超过1.5℃的目标可以实现。 参与总统气候变化事务特使克里主持的线上闭门会议，分享关键真知灼见的有来自MEF成员、其他G20国家，及其他国家的部长和其他高级别官员，包括安提瓜和巴布达（作为小岛国家联盟主席国）、阿根廷、澳大利亚、孟加拉国（易受气候影响脆弱国家论坛主席国）、巴西、加拿大、中国、埃及（作为即将就任的第27届联合国气候变化大会主席国）、欧盟委员会、法国、德国、印度、印度尼西亚、意大利、日本、大韩民国、马绍尔群岛（作为“雄心联盟”主席国）、墨西哥、俄罗斯、沙特阿拉伯、塞内加尔（作为最不发达国家集团主席国）、土耳其和英国。联合国气候变化框架公约秘书处高级代表以及联合国秘书长也参与了会议。 会议议程围绕MEF的双重目标展开，即：1）推动高层在核心政治议题上的协调一致，以及2）为具体的集体行动提供平台。会议的部分作用是为未来MEF领导人会议奠定基础。 与会各方强调了在第26届联合国气候变化大会进展的基础上再接再厉的紧迫性，以及各国在格拉斯哥确定的一系列问题上采取下一步行动的重要性，包括呼吁缔约方重新审视并于今年按需加强2030年国家自主贡献目标（NDC），从而向《巴黎协定》的气温目标看齐。会议初始，与会各方讨论了在甲烷、零碳电力、电动汽车以及森林砍伐领域采取具体的集体行动的可能渠道。

Ministerial Meeting of the Major Economies on Energy and Climate Chair’s Summary  MEDIA NOTE OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON JANUARY 27, 2022 On January 27, 2022, the United States convened a ministerial meeting of the Major Economies Forum on Energy and Climate (MEF), chaired by Special Presidential Envoy for Climate John Kerry.  The Forum provided an opportunity for Ministers to reflect on the outcomes of COP26 in Glasgow; set out priorities for COP27 and 2022 more broadly; identify their plans for implementing/enhancing climate action; and explore possible concrete initiatives on which MEF countries might work together to accelerate climate action. U.S. Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken opened the meeting by noting that Glasgow achieved significant progress and, importantly, that COP26 was not an endpoint but a starting point for accelerated climate action in this critical decade.  Moving forward, Secretary Blinken urged an “implementation plus” approach, calling on countries and other actors to implement the goals/commitments they have undertaken, and to pursue significant further efforts to keep within reach a 1.5-degree C limit on temperature rise. Special Presidential Envoy for Climate Kerry was joined at the virtual, closed-door gathering by Ministers and other senior officials from MEF and other G20 countries, as well as from other countries bringing critical perspectives, including: Antigua and Barbuda (as Alliance of Small Island States Chair), Argentina, Australia, Bangladesh (as Climate Vulnerable Forum Chair), Brazil, Canada, China, Egypt (as incoming COP27 President), the European Commission, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, the Republic of Korea, Marshall Islands (as the High Ambition Coalition Chair), Mexico, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Senegal (as Least Developed Countries Group Chair), Turkey, and the United Kingdom.  Senior representatives of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change secretariat and the U.N. Secretary-General also participated. The agenda centered on the MEF’s twin objectives of 1) facilitating closer high-level alignment on core political issues, and 2) providing a platform for concrete, collective actions.  The meeting served in part to the set the stage for a future MEF leaders meeting. Participants underscored the urgency of building on the progress made at COP26 and the importance of countries following through on the next steps identified in Glasgow across a range of issues, including the call to Parties to revisit and strengthen the 2030 targets in their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) this year as needed to align with the temperature goal of the Paris Agreement.  Participants began the discussion of potential avenues for concrete, collective action in areas such as methane, zero-carbon power, electric vehicles, and deforestation.

安东尼·布林肯国务卿的声明 2022年3月12日 乌克兰人民在保卫自己的国家抗击俄罗斯有预谋的、无端无理的入侵时激励着全世界。美国以及我们的盟友和伙伴同乌克兰人民和政府团结在一起，直面克里姆林宫的侵略行径。 我行使持续性决议延长条款所规定的额外授权，根据总统委托，今天已即刻授权高达2亿美元的第四次总统拨款，用于为乌克兰防御追加提供军事援助。这将包括更多的防御援助，以帮助乌克兰应对当前面对的装甲威胁、空中威胁和其他威胁。这笔援助将使美国自本届政府就职以来向乌克兰提供的安全援助总额超过12亿美元。 我们向乌克兰武装部队及全体乌克兰公民致敬，他们正在以了不起的技能、钢铁般的意志和巨大的勇气保卫自己的国家。美国以及我们的盟友支持他们保卫自己的国家并保护他们的公民同胞的努力，并强烈要求俄罗斯认识到武力将永远无法击垮乌克兰的精神。我们致力于乌克兰的主权和领土完整，并将继续向乌克兰提供所需的支持。 我们还将继续向那些需要帮助的人提供人道主义援助，并通过安全和经济援助支持乌克兰人民为自己的国家而战。国际社会团结一致、立场坚定地追究普京的责任。 # # # 欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/200-million-in-new-security-assistance-for-ukraine/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

$200 Million in New Security Assistance for Ukraine PRESS STATEMENT ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE MARCH 12, 2022 The people of Ukraine are inspiring the world as they defend their country from Russia’s premeditated, unprovoked, and unjustified invasion of their country. The United States and our Allies and partners stand in solidarity with the people and government of Ukraine in the face of the Kremlin’s aggression. Exercising the additional authority provided in the extension of the continuing resolution, I have immediately authorized today, pursuant to a delegation by the President, a fourth Presidential Drawdown of up to $200 million for additional military assistance for Ukraine’s defense. This package will include further defensive assistance to help Ukraine meet the armored, airborne, and other threats it is facing. This drawdown will bring the total security assistance provided by the United States to Ukraine to more than $1.2 billion since the beginning of the Administration. We salute the armed forces of Ukraine and all Ukrainian citizens who are defending their country with great skill, iron will, and profound courage. America and its Allies support their efforts to defend their country and protect their fellow citizens, and urge Russia to recognize that force will never defeat Ukraine’s spirit. We are committed to Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and will continue to provide Ukraine the support it needs. We will also continue to provide humanitarian assistance to those in need and to back the people of Ukraine in their fight for their country through security and economic assistance. The international community is united and determined to hold Putin accountable.

白宫 华盛顿特区 2022年12月14日   促进性别公平和平等是美国在非洲和世界各地外交政策的基石。提高妇女和女童的地位不仅是人权、正义和公平的问题，也是一项减少贫困和促进可持续经济增长、增加受教育机会、改善健康状况、推进政治稳定，促进民主的战略要务。   在美国-非洲领导人峰会（U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit）上，卡玛拉·哈里斯（Kamala Harris）副总统宣布了促进非洲妇女经济参与的新承诺，包括非洲妇女贸易和投资项目（African Women’s Trade and Investment Project）以及重振非洲妇女创业项目（African Women’s Entrepreneurship Program）。这些项目建立在本届政府为促进非洲大陆妇女的经济、政治和社会包容而采取的一系列举措之上——其中许多举措推动了本届政府通过全球基础设施和投资伙伴关系（Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment）推动性别平等和公平投资以及符合性别平等的基础设施建设的优先事项。   妇女的经济参与   促进妇女的创业和平等：美国国际发展金融公司（U.S. International Development Finance Corporation, 简称DFC）宣布了一项3.58亿美元的新投资，包括该公司的2X妇女倡议（2X Women’s Initiative）所属的项目，这项倡议已经催生了数十亿美元由妇女拥有、由妇女领导或增进妇女权能的项目。投资包括支持有创意的创业，其中含有对Norrsken22非洲基金的1500万美元的股权投资，Norrsken22非洲基金是一个由女性领导的基金，投资于整个非洲具有重大影响的技术公司，支持金融、医药和教育方面的创业和技术进步；向“一英亩基金 ”（One Acre Fund）提供2000万美元的贷款，该基金将为农业投入提供资金，以提高撒哈拉以南非洲地区的农业产量，并侧重于帮助女性农户；以及向Uhuru Growth Fund I-A投资2500万美元，这一基金将为西非的中小型企业（包括女性领导的企业）提供所需的增长资金。   在美国-非洲商务论坛（U.S.-Africa Business Forum）上，千年挑战集团（Millennium Challenge Corporation，简称MCC）宣布了与尼日尔和贝宁政府签订的区域运输协议(Regional Transport Compact)，其中包括投入750万美元资金用于妇女和青年创业及培训计划，以减轻艾滋病病毒/艾滋病、基于性别的暴力和人口贩运的风险，以及改善道路以支持沿运输走廊出售商品的贫困和弱势妇女。今年年初，千年挑战集团还与莱索托政府签署了一项新的卫生和园艺协议（Health and Horticulture Compact），向该国提供约2100 万美元用于推动女性创业，包括推行在诸如妇女土地权、女儿继承权、加强农业工人的劳工权利和防止家庭暴力等方面的改革。   非洲妇女创业项目：副总统宣布了为“非洲妇女创业项目”（African Women’s Entrepreneurship Program， 简称AWEP）提供100万美元资金的计划，该项目将为培训女企业家和支持撒哈拉以南非洲地区的妇女拥有的企业提供小额赠款。   加快妇女参与绿色就业：美国国务院将启动“加速能源领域妇女权能”（Accelerating Women’s Empowerment in Energy，简称AWEE）项目，该项目初始投资为100万美元，以帮助通过绿色就业确保妇女的经济未来，项目侧重于肯尼亚和南非。项目将向当地组织提供赠款，以消除妇女进入职工队伍、在其中得到晋升以及留在工作岗位的障碍。 美国国际发展署的电力非洲（USAID Power Africa ）正在发起一项新的活动，通过培训和能力建设、促进职工队伍性别平等的政策，以及安排就业，支持妇女参与尼日利亚能源部门的工作。   为有尊严的工作调动有关网络：美国国务院将启动“中东和北非雇主促进性别平等和包容的工作场所政策行动计划”（Middle East and North Africa Employers for Gender Equitable and Inclusive Workplace Policies initiative ），投资350万美元，帮助制定性别平等、具有包容性的雇主政策和做法，改善就业妇女的安全，包括在阿尔及利亚、摩洛哥和突尼斯倡导国家立法。该项目将与当地和跨国公司、政府以及代表女工的公民社会组织进行合作。   人口贩运幸存者的经济安全：美国国务院将启动“通过加强对人口贩运受害者重返社会的支持来促进经济安全”（Fostering Economic Security Through Enhanced Reintegration Support for Victims of Trafficking）项目，初始投资为100万美元。该项目将通过开发工具和能力培养、增加和扩大支持以及加强监督，为选择创业的人口贩运幸存者增进及扩展重返社会的选择。 加纳和尼日利亚等国会受益于这项全球计划。   技术和创新   非洲数字转型行动计划：拜登-哈里斯政府与国会合作提出的这项标志性行动计划，拟为非洲投入超过 3.5 亿美元资金，并协助获得超过 4.5 亿美元的融资，以促进健康、具有包容性和韧性的非洲的数字生态系统的发展。“非洲数字转型行动计划”（Initiative on Digital Transformation with Africa ，简称DTA）将优先解决性别和其他社会数字鸿沟问题，并通过数字生态系统及在数字生态系统内加速增进妇女权能。   基于性别的暴力和人权   解决基于性别的在线骚扰和虐待问题：在美国-非洲领导人峰会上，美国宣布肯尼亚成为 “打击基于性别的在线骚扰和虐待行为全球行动伙伴关系”（Global Partnership for Action on Gender-Based Online Harassment and Abuse）的最新伙伴政府之一。 这一全球伙伴关系最初在民主峰会（Summit for Democracy）上发起，它把各国、国际组织、公民社会和私营部门聚集在一起，以解决日益严重的由技术驱动的基于性别的暴力这一祸患，包括制定和推进共同原则；增加针对性强的项目和相关资源；并改进涉及这一祸患的数据收集工作。此外，美国国际发展署署长萨曼莎·鲍尔（Samantha Power）在公民社会论坛（Civil Society Forum ）上宣布启动数字空间转型（Transform Digital Spaces）项目。该项目与国会合作，拟投资130万美元，在非洲通过开展切实可行的活动进行试点，以预防、应对和减轻技术所助长的基于性别的暴力风险，包括政治和公共服务中的妇女遭受的暴力。   打击工作场所基于性别的暴力：今年年初，千年挑战集团与马拉维签署了一项新协议，其中包括一项400万美元的“包容性增长市场监管计划”（Market Regulation for Inclusive Growth），以支持对市场和相关运输服务中基于性别的暴力进行更有力、更有效的监管。这包括普遍存在的价格歧视、性骚扰，以及损害女性商人利益的有针对性的盗窃行为。该计划将与市场委员会、非政府组织和各个公共部门利益相关者合作，在5年的协议期内确定有效的监管机制。   加强对妇女人权的尊重：美国国务院将与国会合作，投入100万美元资金，启动“掌握权利、倡导权利”（Holding Rights, Leading for Rights）行动计划，以增加西非残障妇女的资源和技术能力，争取法律规定的平等待遇，有效地要求获得自己的权利，减少对残障妇女的污名化和有害做法。   健康   推进全球卫生工作者队伍的平等：在世界各地，70%的卫生工作者是女性，但许多人对健康和经济做出重要贡献却未得到报酬。去年5月，认识到一支全面、经过培训、受到保护、拥有精良设备、得到支持的卫生工作者队伍是扩大公平获得公共卫生服务的基石，白宫发起了“全球卫生工作者倡议”（Global Health Worker Initiative，简称GHWI）。GHWI的一个支柱是致力于扩大公平和包容。作为GHWI的一部分，政府计划与国会合作，从2022年到2024年每年为非洲地区的卫生工作者投入13.3亿美元，到2025财政年度，投入资金总额至少达40亿美元。   通过投资于由妇女主导的基金来提高卫生系统的复原力：美国国际发展金融公司和美国国际发展署将与卫生转型基金 （Transform Health Fund ）合作，这是一个以女性为主导的基金，在非洲投资（AfricInvest）和卫生融资联盟（Health Finance Coalition）的领导下汇集了政府、捐助方和商业投资，向提高整个非洲大陆卫生复原力和疫情防范能力的企业提供资金。美国国际发展金融公司和美国国际发展署将分别完成1000万美元的股权融资和100万美元的催化捐赠资金。该基金还将在其内部提拔女性走上领导岗位，并以女性消费者为对象，同时确保其投资组合中至少有30%符合2X标准，这是美国国际发展金融公司支持新兴市场为女性增进经济权能的龙头项目。   妇女、和平和安全   促进妇女参与和平与安全进程：通过在民主峰会上宣布的“支持妇女赋权 – 妇女融入新安全”（Support Her Empowerment – Women’s Inclusion in New Security，简称SHE WINS）行动计划，国务院将为一个新项目投资150万美元，以加强当地妇女以及妇女主导的公民社会组织的领导能力，应对其社区的和平与安全挑战。该项目将通过在喀麦隆和刚果民主共和国等国采取的有针对性的举措来支持妇女参与当地和平构建和安全进程。 ###   欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/12/14/fact-sheet-u-s-africa-partnerships-in-gender-equality-and-womens-empowerment/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

Fact Sheet:  U.S.-Africa Partnerships in Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment The White House Washington, D.C. December 14, 2022   Promoting gender equity and equality is a cornerstone of U.S. foreign policy in Africa and around the world. Advancing the status of women and girls is not only a matter of human rights, justice, and fairness—it is also a strategic imperative that reduces poverty and promotes sustainable economic growth, increases access to education, improves health outcomes, advances political stability, and fosters democracy. At the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit, Vice President Kamala Harris announced new commitments to advance women’s economic participation in Africa, including the African Women’s Trade and Investment Project and the revitalization of the African Women’s Entrepreneurship Program.  These programs build upon a range of Administration initiatives to foster women’s economic, political, and social inclusion on the continent—many which advance the Administration’s priority to drive gender equality and equity investments and gender-aligned infrastructure development through the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment. Women’s Economic Participation Advancing Women’s Entrepreneurship and Equality: The U.S. International Development Finance Corporation (DFC) announced $358 million of new investments, including projects under DFC’s 2X Women’s Initiative, which has catalyzed billions of dollars of projects owned by women, led by women, or empowering women.  Investments include support for innovative entrepreneurship approaches, including an equity investment up to $15 million equity in the Norrsken22 Africa Fund, a women-led fund investing in high-impact technology companies across Africa, which will support entrepreneurship and technological advancements in finance, medicine, and education; a $20 million loan to One Acre Fund, which will provide financing for agricultural inputs, aiming to increase farm yields in Sub-Saharan Africa, with a strong focus on female farmers; and a $25 million investment in the Uhuru Growth Fund I-A, which will provide needed growth capital to small- and medium-sized enterprises in West Africa, including women-led businesses. At the U.S.-Africa Business Forum, Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) announced a Regional Transport Compact with the governments of Niger and Benin that includes $7.5 million for entrepreneurship and training programs for women and youth, to mitigate HIV/AIDS, gender-based violence, trafficking in persons risks, and road enhancements to support poor and vulnerable women who sell their goods along the transport corridors. Earlier this year, MCC also signed a new Health and Horticulture Compact with the government of Lesotho that provides an estimated $21 million to advance women’s entrepreneurship, including pursuing reforms such as land rights for women, inheritance rights for daughters, stronger labor rights for agricultural workers, and protections against domestic violence. African Women’s Entrepreneurship Program (AWEP): The Vice President announced plans to provide $1 million for AWEP, which will provide small grants to train women entrepreneurs and support women-owned businesses in sub-Saharan Africa. Accelerating Women’s Participation in Green Jobs: The Department of State will launch the Accelerating Women’s Empowerment in Energy (AWEE) project with an initial investment of $1 million to help secure women’s economic future through green jobs, with a focus on Kenya and South Africa.  The program will provide grants to local organizations to address barriers to women’s entry, promotion, and retention in the workforce.  USAID Power Africa is launching a new activity to support women’s participation in the energy sector in Nigeria through training and capacity building, policies that promote gender equity in the workforce; and job placement. Mobilizing Networks for Dignified Work: The Department of State will launch the Middle East and North Africa Employers for Gender Equitable and Inclusive Workplace Policies initiative with an investment of $3.5 million to help create employer policies and practices that are gender-equitable, inclusive, improve the security of employed women, including advocating for national legislation in Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia. The project engages with local and multinational companies, governments, and civil society organizations representing women workers. Economic Security for Survivors of Trafficking: The Department of State will launch the Fostering Economic Security Through Enhanced Reintegration Support for Victims of Trafficking program with an initial investment of $1 million. This project will enhance and extend reintegration options for trafficking survivors who choose to pursue entrepreneurship by developing tools and capacity building, increasing and extending support, and enhancing monitoring. Countries that may benefit from global programming are Ghana and Nigeria. Technology and Innovation Initiative on Digital Transformation with Africa (DTA): Working with Congress, this signature initiative of the Biden-Harris Administration intends to invest over $350 million and facilitate over $450 million in financing for Africa to foster the growth of a healthy, inclusive, and resilient digital ecosystem in Africa. DTA will prioritize addressing gender and other social digital divides and accelerating women’s empowerment through and within the digital ecosystem. Gender-Based Violence and Human Rights Addressing Gender-Based Online Harassment and Abuse: At the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit, the United States announced Kenya’s membership as one of the newest partner governments in the Global Partnership for Action on Gender-Based Online Harassment and Abuse.  First launched at the Summit for Democracy, the Global Partnership brings together countries, international organizations, civil society, and the private sector to address the growing scourge of technology-facilitated gender-based violence, including developing and advancing shared principles; increasing targeted programming and resources; and improving data collection on this scourge.  Furthermore, USAID Administrator Power announced at the Civil Society Forum the launch of the Transform Digital Spaces program. Working with Congress, the program plans to invest $1.3 million to pilot practical activities in Africa to prevent, respond to, and mitigate the risk of technology facilitated gender-based violence, including perpetrated against women in politics and public life. Combating Gender-Based Violence in the Workplace:  Earlier this year, MCC signed a new Compact with Malawi, which includes a $4 million Market Regulation for Inclusive Growth program to support stronger and more effective regulation of gender-based violence in markets and associated transport services.  This includes pervasive price discrimination, sexual harassment, and targeted theft that affects women traders.  This program will work with market committees, NGOs, and various public sector stakeholders to identify effective regulatory mechanisms across the 5-year Compact period. Strengthening Respect for Human Rights of Women: Working with Congress, the State Department will launch the Holding Rights, Leading for Rights initiative with a $1 million investment to increase the resources and technical capacity of women with disabilities in West Africa to seek equal treatment under the law, effectively demand their rights, and reduce stigma and harmful practices. Health Advancing Equity in the Global Health Workforce: Around the world 70% of health workers are women, but many are unpaid for their critical contributions to health and the economy. Last May, the White House launched the Global Health Worker Initiative (GHWI), recognizing that a comprehensive, trained, protected, well-equipped, and supported health workforce is foundational to expanding equitable access to public health services. One pillar of the GHWI is focused on expanding equity and inclusion. As part of the GHWI, the Administration plans to work with Congress to invest $1.33 billion annually from 2022 to 2024 in the health workforce in the Africa region, for a total of at least $4 billion by Fiscal Year 2025. Improving Health System Resilience by Investing in Women-Led Funds:  DFC and USAID will partner with the Transform Health Fund, a majority women-led fund that brings together government, donor, and commercial investments under the leadership of AfricInvest and the Health Finance Coalition to finance enterprises that improve health system resilience and pandemic preparedness across the continent. DFC and USAID will finalize $10 million in equity financing and $1 million in catalytic grant funding respectively. The Fund will also promote women in leadership positions across its pipeline and target female consumers while ensuring that at least 30% of its portfolio is aligned with 2X criteria, DFCs flagship program to support women’s economic empowerment in emerging markets. Women, Peace, and Security Fostering Women’s Inclusion in Peace and Security Processes: The Department of State, though the Support Her Empowerment – Women’s Inclusion in New Security (SHE WINS) initiative announced at the Summit for Democracy, will invest $1.5 million in a new project to strengthen the leadership of local women and women-led civil society organizations to address peace and security challenges in their communities.  This program will support women’s participation in local peace building and security processes through targeted initiatives, including in Cameroon and the Democratic Republic of Congo. ###

白宫 2023年5月19日   1.序言   在今天的广岛（Hiroshima）会议上，我们——七国集团（G7）领导人——再次重申我们共同反对俄罗斯对乌克兰发动非法、无端和无理的侵略战争的承诺。我们最强烈地谴责俄罗斯公然违反《联合国宪章》（Charter of the United Nations）的行为，以及俄罗斯的战争对世界其他地区造成的影响。俄罗斯长达15个月的侵略已造成数千人死亡，给乌克兰人民带来巨大痛苦，并危及世界上许多最弱势群体获得粮食和能源供应。 我们对乌克兰人民的损失和苦难表示衷心的同情和慰唁。我们向勇敢抵抗的乌克兰人民致敬。我们对乌克兰的支持不会动摇。我们承诺不遗余力地减轻俄罗斯的非法行径给世界其他地区造成的影响。   今天，我们正在采取新的步骤，以确保俄罗斯对乌克兰主权国家的非法侵略遭到挫败，以及支持乌克兰人民寻求建立在尊重国际法基础上的公正和平。我们再次承诺提供乌克兰所需的财政、人道主义、军事和外交援助，无论需要多长时间。我们正在进一步实行制裁和措施，让俄罗斯和那些支持其战争行为者付出更沉重的代价。我们正在采取措施支持世界各地的合作伙伴度过俄罗斯战争造成的艰苦难关，包括通过人道主义援助这样做。我们还将在取得成功的基础上继续努力，确保俄罗斯无法再把提供能源作为武器用来对付我们和全世界。自2022年2月以来，我们采取了制裁、下达进口禁令并实施其他措施来减少对俄罗斯能源的依赖。此外，我们在埃尔茂（Elmau）同意对俄罗斯的石油和石油产品设定价格上限。这一做法正在发挥作用。俄罗斯获取的收益正在减少。全球石油和天然气价格已大幅下降，使世界各国受益。 2.在乌克兰实现全面、公正和持久的和平   我们敦促俄罗斯停止持续的侵略行为，立即、完全、无条件地从国际公认的整个乌克兰领土上撤出其军队和军事装备。俄罗斯发动了这场战争，也能够结束这场战争。俄罗斯对乌克兰的侵略行为违反了国际法，特别是违反了《联合国宪章》。我们重申坚决反对俄罗斯非法企图通过武力获取乌克兰领土的行为。我们强调，如果俄罗斯军队和军事装备没有完全和无条件撤出，就不可能实现公正的和平，因此这一点必须包括在任何和平方案之中。   俄罗斯不负责任的核言论、对军备控制制度的破坏，及其表明要在白俄罗斯部署核武器的意图，都是危险和不可接受的。我们回顾包括俄罗斯在内的所有二十国集团（G20）领导人在巴厘岛（Bali）发表的声明。在这一背景下，我们再次重申我们的立场，绝不允许俄罗斯在对乌克兰的侵略过程中威胁使用核武器、更不用说实际使用核武器。   我们再次回顾今年2月联合国大会通过并得到国际社会广泛支持的A/RES/ES-11/6号决议，该决议题为《乌克兰全面、公正和持久和平所依循的联合国宪章原则》（Principles of the Charter of the United Nations underlying a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine），我们还将继续采取具体措施，力争在乌克兰实现全面、公正和持久的和平。我们继续致力于外交，并欢迎及支持乌克兰总统弗拉基米尔·泽连斯基（Volodymyr Zelenskyy）根据《联合国宪章》在其和平方案（Peace Formula）中提出的基本原则。为了实现一个可行的战后和平解决方案，我们仍然愿与乌克兰以及有关国家和机构共同就持续的安全及其他承诺达成有关安排，以帮助乌克兰保卫自己、确保其自由和民主的未来，并阻止俄罗斯今后的侵略行为。我们决心帮助乌克兰为其人民建设一个积极的未来。我们欢迎乌克兰在欧洲政治共同体（European Political Community）中发挥关键作用。 3.核安全与安保   我们对俄罗斯针对扎波罗热核电站（Zaporizhzhya Nuclear Power Plant）的极度不负责任的占领和军事化表示最严重的关切。我们支持国际原子能机构（ International Atomic Energy Agency）为加强乌克兰核材料和设施的核安全与核安保以及对其采取保障措施所做的努力，包括通过国际原子能机构专家的继续常驻以及对确保现场的核安全和核安保的重视。我们重申支持国际原子能机构总干事提出的“七个不可或缺的核安全和核保障支柱”（Seven Indispensable Pillars of Nuclear Safety and Nuclear Security），强调在任何情况下都要确保和促进核设施的安全和安保的重要性。在此背景下，我们特别指出七国集团对国际原子能机构在乌克兰的工作所做的贡献，并呼吁其他方面提供支持。   4.支持制止俄罗斯的侵略战争   我们承诺在乌克兰抵御俄罗斯侵略的过程中继续提供安全援助，并根据乌克兰的需求提供支持。   我们强调乌克兰国防联络小组（Ukraine Defense Contact Group）在协调各国根据其国家情况提供军事和国防援助方面的重要性。   5.支持乌克兰的恢复和重建   我们再次坚定承诺确保乌克兰获得所需的经济支持。 在七国集团轮值主席国日本的领导下，我们与国际社会一起，确保乌克兰获得2023年和2024年年初所需的预算支持。我们欢迎国际货币基金组织 (International Monetary Fund) 批准中期融资办法（Extended Fund Facility），并期待在该计划支持下迅速实施乌克兰的各项改革。该计划将有助于稳定乌克兰的宏观经济和金融局势，促进经济的长期可持续发展，并有助于促进其他国家、机构以及私营部门进一步提供金融支持。   我们对乌克兰多机构捐助协调平台（Multi-agency Donor Coordination Platform for Ukraine ）的讨论所取得的进展表示欢迎，并重申我们有意与乌克兰、伙伴国家和相关国际组织进一步进行协调。我们致力于满足乌克兰恢复重建的需求。我们将继续共同努力，支持乌克兰修复关键基础设施及其恢复和重建。我们决心将该平台作为主要机制，确保援助和对改革的支持得到良好的协调、适当排序和相互促进。该机制将在协调捐助方支持以满足乌克兰需求、按照乌克兰的欧洲路线推进其改革议程并协助促进可持续的私营部门引领的增长方面发挥核心作用。我们也对七国集团+外长支持乌克兰能源部门会议（G7+ Foreign Ministers’ Meeting on Ukraine Energy Sector Support）所做的努力表示欢迎，重申继续支持乌克兰能源基础设施的恢复和升级。我们随时准备支持乌克兰具备可持续性和韧性的恢复以及绿色重建，包括分享我们在人道主义排雷以及战争造成的废墟和污染管理方面的经验、知识和专长。   我们认识到私营部门在乌克兰的恢复和重建中的重要作用，包括贸易和投资的作用，而保险和其他管理风险的工具可以在这方面提供帮助。对此，我们欢迎世界银行集团（World Bank Group）、欧洲复兴开发银行（European Bank for Reconstruction and Development）和欧洲投资银行（European Investment Bank）以及我们的发展融资机构（Development Finance Institutions）根据其职责所做的努力。这些努力包括在多边投资担保机构（Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency）中设立支持乌克兰重建和经济（Support for Ukraine’s Reconstruction and Economy）信托基金，以及5月12日在东京启动的乌克兰投资平台（Ukraine Investment Platform），通过发展融资机构之间以及与欧洲复兴开发银行一起进一步展开有效的共同融资和更紧密的协作来更广泛地支持乌克兰以及受战争影响的国家。我们期待今年6月在伦敦举行的乌克兰重建会议（Ukraine Recovery Conference）将加强乌克兰恢复和重建的势头。   6.反腐败与司法制度改革   我们欢迎乌克兰政府和人民继续决心和努力打击腐败，并鼓励继续实施有效的改革议程，以支持良政和提高投资者信心。   我们支持乌克兰根据其欧洲路线推进必要的机构建设和实质性法律改革的努力，特别是在司法部门和促进法治方面。   7.制裁及其他措施   我们继续团结一致，实施协调的制裁和其他经济行动，以进一步削弱俄罗斯从事非法侵略的能力。具体而言，我们正在以符合我们各自法律权限和程序以及国际法的方式采取以下措施：   我们将进一步限制俄罗斯进入我们的经济。在先前为防止俄罗斯得到支持其军事工业基础关键部门的输入而采取的措施的基础上，我们将扩大行动范围，以确保对俄罗斯的侵略行径极为重要的所有物品的出口，包括俄罗斯在战场上使用的物品，在我们的所有管辖范围内都受到限制，其中包括工业机械、工具和俄罗斯用来重建其战争机器的其他技术出口。我们将进一步把目标对准在这些关键行业运营的企业，例如制造、建筑、运输以及商业服务。我们将使俄罗斯得不到七国集团的技术、工业设备和服务以支持其战争机器。我们将继续保护农业、医疗和人道产品不受我们的限制措施的影响，并尽一切努力避免出现对第三国的潜在溢出影响。   我们将进一步防止逃避和规避我们对俄罗斯采取的措施的行为，包括针对向前线运送物资的实体。我们将继续通过俄罗斯权贵、代理人和寡头特别工作组（Russian Elites, Proxies, and Oligarchs [REPO]Task Force）和执行协调机制（Enforcement Coordination Mechanism）开展工作，以提高我们的限制措施的效力。我们正在与可能向俄罗斯提供受限的七国集团商品、服务或技术的第三国接触，以加强这些国家对七国集团有关措施的理解。我们注意到并鼓励这些国家的承诺，以确保我们的措施不会被规避，并达到预期的效果。   我们再次呼吁第三方立即停止为俄罗斯的侵略提供物质支持，否则将面临严重代价。我们将加强协调，防止及应对第三方向俄罗斯提供武器，并继续针对为俄罗斯的战争提供实质支持的第三国行为者采取行动。   我们还将努力进一步限制俄罗斯利用国际金融体系推进在乌克兰的战争。我们准备对那些有意支持向俄罗斯的战争提供资金者采取进一步措施。我们正在采取措施进一步减少俄罗斯规避我们金融措施的途径，包括防止俄罗斯银行在第三国的分行被用于逃避制裁。我们将继续对俄罗斯金融部门采取必要行动，同时协调维护用于必要交易的金融渠道。   我们将通过采取适当措施限制俄罗斯的能源收入和未来的采掘能力，扩大我们迄今已采取的措施，包括出口禁令和对海运来自俄罗斯产地的原油和石化产品的价格上限，从而继续减少俄罗斯用以资助其非法侵略的收入。我们已经大幅度减少了对俄罗斯能源和商品的依赖。我们决心继续沿着这条道路前进，使俄罗斯不再能将能源武器化，用以对抗我们。我们将进一步减少对俄罗斯民用核能及相关产品的依赖，包括为谋求供应多元化的国家提供协助。我们还将继续努力减少俄罗斯从金属中获取的收益。此外，我们继续致力于维持俄罗斯石油和石油产品的价格上限，我们将加大力度打击规避这些上限的行为，同时避免溢出效应并维持全球能源供应。   为了减少俄罗斯从钻石出口中获取收益，我们将继续密切合作，限制对在俄罗斯开采、加工或生产的钻石进行贸易和使用，并与关键伙伴合作，致力于确保有效实施未来的协调限制措施，其中包括通过使用追踪技术。   8.损害赔偿责任   我们将继续努力，确保俄罗斯支付乌克兰的长期重建费用。在此背景下，我们欢迎在欧洲理事会（Council of Europe）的框架内并应联合国大会（UN General Assembly）的要求，建立俄罗斯联邦对乌克兰侵略造成的损害登记册（Registry of Damages Caused by the Aggression of the Russian Federation Against Ukraine）。 根据俄罗斯权贵、代理人和寡头特别工作组做出的承诺，我们将继续采取在我们国内的框架内可采取的措施，查找、限制、冻结、扣押并在适当时候没收那些因与俄罗斯侵略有关联而已经遭到制裁的个人和实体的资产。我们正在采取措施全面勘查在我们管辖范围内被冻结的俄罗斯主权资产的持有情况。我们重申，根据我们各自的法律制度，在俄罗斯赔偿其给乌克兰造成的损失之前，俄罗斯在我们管辖范围内的主权资产将继续被冻结​​。   9.追究罪责   对于战争罪行和其他暴行，如俄罗斯对平民和关键民用基础设施的攻击，绝不能有罪不罚。我们确认在乌克兰政府组织的“联合起来伸张正义”（United for Justice）国际会议上所做的努力，并回顾《布查宣言》（Bucha Declaration），宣言呼吁对在乌克兰领土上犯下的违反国际法的最严重的罪行追究责任。   在此背景下，我们重申致力于按照国际法追究负有责任者的罪责，包括支持国际刑事法院（Criminal Court）等国际机制的努力。我们强烈谴责将包括儿童在内的乌克兰人从乌克兰被占领地区非法驱逐及转移到俄罗斯的行为，并将继续关注国际刑事法院对此进行调查的进展，高度重视并呼吁让这些儿童返回。我们还谴责与冲突有关的针对乌克兰人的性暴力和基于性别的暴力事件。我们欢迎设立起诉侵略乌克兰罪行国际中心（International Centre for the Prosecution of the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine）。   此外，我们欢迎联合国教育、科学及文化组织（ United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization）在这方面的努力，并强调保护所有儿童获得教育的重要性，特别是那些受到影响的儿童，以及保护被侵略战争破坏及威胁的乌克兰文化财产和遗产。我们也在关注俄罗斯的侵略对国际体育赛事的影响。在充分尊重体育组织的自主权的同时，我们着重于公平的体育竞争，以及确保俄罗斯和白俄罗斯运动员不以任何方式作为其国家的代表出现。   10.支持脆弱的国家   在支持乌克兰的同时，我们重申致力于解决因俄罗斯对乌克兰的侵略战争而加剧的脆弱国家日益增长的需求。我们特别强调，俄罗斯将粮食武器化加剧了经济的脆弱性，加剧了已经极为严重的人道主义危机，并使全球粮食不安全和营养不良达到空前的严重程度。我们欢迎国际货币基金组织通过2022年10月批准设立的粮食冲击窗口（Food Shock Window）提供大量紧急融资，并支持为脆弱国家做出更多努力。我们将继续提供快速援助以帮助受影响的国家和人口，包括通过全球粮食安全联盟（Global Alliance for Food Security）这样做。我们将继续支持乌克兰农产品的出口，其中包括通过欧盟-乌克兰团结通道（EU-Ukraine Solidarity Lanes）。在这方面，我们支持扩大及延长黑海谷物倡议（Black Sea Grain Initiative），并呼吁俄罗斯停止威胁全球粮食供应，让黑海谷物倡议能够发挥其最大潜力地运作。我们仍然致力于 “乌克兰谷物”（Grain from Ukraine initiative）行动计划。我们的捐助支持与联合国世界粮食计划署（UN World Food Programme）合作，向最脆弱的国家提供人道主义粮食援助。我们继续致力于切实的协作行动，以加强能源安全并实现有关气候的各项承诺。我们将继续团结合作，限制俄罗斯对乌克兰的侵略所引发的全球能源危机造成的影响，以支持脆弱及受影响的国家，例如通过国际能源署天然气和清洁燃料市场监测与供应安全工作组（International Energy Agency Task Force on Natural Gas and Clean Fuels Market Monitoring and Supply Security）。   11.结束语   我们在“和平的象征”——广岛——郑重承诺，七国集团成员将调动我们所有的政策工具，并与乌克兰一道，尽一切努力尽快在乌克兰实现全面、公正和持久的和平。   欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2023/05/19/g7-leaders-statement-on-ukraine/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

MAY 19, 2023 1. Preamble At our meeting today in Hiroshima, we, the Leaders of the G7, reaffirmed our commitment to stand together against Russia’s illegal, unjustifiable, and unprovoked war of aggression against Ukraine. We condemn, in the strongest terms, Russia’s manifest violation of the Charter of the United Nations (UN) and the impact of Russia’s war on the rest of the world. 15 months of Russia’s aggression has cost thousands of lives, inflicted immense suffering on the people of Ukraine, and imperiled access to food and energy for many of the world’s most vulnerable people. We express our full sympathy and condolences to the Ukrainian people for their loss and suffering. We salute the Ukrainian people for their brave resistance. Our support for Ukraine will not waver. We will not tire in our commitment to mitigate the impact of Russia’s illegal actions on the rest of the world. Today we are taking new steps to ensure that Russia’s illegal aggression against the sovereign state of Ukraine fails and to support the Ukrainian people in their quest for a just peace rooted in respect for international law. We are renewing our commitment to provide the financial, humanitarian, military and diplomatic support Ukraine requires for as long as it takes. We are imposing further sanctions and measures to increase the costs to Russia and those who are supporting its war effort. And we are taking steps to support partners worldwide as they navigate the suffering caused by the Russia’s war, including through humanitarian assistance. We are also building on the success of our efforts to ensure that Russia is no longer able to weaponize the availability of energy against us and against the world. Since February 2022, we have adopted sanctions, import bans, and other measures to reduce our dependence on Russia’s source of energy. In addition, in Elmau, we agreed to launch a price cap on Russian oil and petroleum products. This is working. Russia’s revenues are down. Global oil and gas prices have fallen significantly, benefiting countries around the world. 2. Towards a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine We urge Russia to stop its ongoing aggression and immediately, completely and unconditionally withdraw its troops and military equipment from the entire internationally recognized territory of Ukraine. Russia started this war and can end this war. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine constitutes a violation of international law, in particular the UN Charter. We reiterate our firm rejection of Russia’s illegal attempts to acquire Ukrainian territory by force. We underline that a just peace cannot be realized without the complete and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops and military equipment, and this must be included in any call for peace. Russia’s irresponsible nuclear rhetoric, undermining of arms control regimes, and stated intent to deploy nuclear weapons in Belarus are dangerous and unacceptable. We recall the statement in Bali of all G20 leaders, including Russia. In this context, we reiterate our position that threats by Russia of nuclear weapon use, let alone any use of nuclear weapons by Russia, in the context of its aggression against Ukraine are inadmissible. We once again recall the UN General Assembly resolution A/RES/ES-11/6 titled “Principles of the Charter of the United Nations underlying a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine” adopted in February this year with the broad support of the international community, and will continue to pursue concrete efforts to achieve a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine. We remain committed to diplomacy and welcome and support the earnest efforts by Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in setting out basic principles in his Peace Formula in line with the UN Charter. With a view to a viable post-war peace settlement, we remain ready to reach arrangements together with Ukraine as well as interested countries and institutions on sustained security and other commitments to help Ukraine defend itself, secure its free and democratic future, and deter future Russian aggression. We are determined to help Ukraine build a positive future for its people. We welcome the key role that Ukraine plays in the European Political Community. 3. Nuclear safety and security We express our gravest concern over Russia’s grossly irresponsible seizure and militarization of the Zaporizhzhya Nuclear Power Plant (ZNPP). We support the International Atomic Energy Agency’s (IAEA) efforts to strengthen nuclear safety and security of, and the application of safeguards to, nuclear material and facilities in Ukraine, including through the continuous presence of IAEA experts and its focus on ensuring nuclear safety and security at the site. We reaffirm support for the IAEA Director General’s “Seven Indispensable Pillars of Nuclear Safety and Nuclear Security” and highlight the importance of ensuring and promoting the safety and security of nuclear facilities under any circumstances. In this context, we highlight the G7’s contribution to the IAEA’s efforts in Ukraine for this purpose and call on others to provide support. 4. Support to stop Russia’s war of aggression We commit to continuing our security assistance to Ukraine as it defends itself against Russia’s aggression, tailoring our support to Ukraine’s needs. We stress the importance of the Ukraine Defense Contact Group in coordinating military and defense assistance by each country provided in line with its national circumstances. 5. Support for recovery and reconstruction of Ukraine We reaffirm our strong commitment to ensuring that Ukraine has the economic support it needs. Under the leadership of Japan’s G7 Presidency, together with the international community, we have ensured Ukraine has the budget support it needs for 2023 and early 2024. We welcome the approval of the International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) Extended Fund Facility (EFF) and look forward to the swift implementation of Ukraine’s reforms supported by the program. The program will help to stabilize Ukraine’s macroeconomic and financial situation, contribute to longer-term economic sustainability, and help to catalyze further financial support from other countries and institutions as well as the private sector. We welcome the progress made in discussions in the Multi-agency Donor Coordination Platform for Ukraine and reaffirm our intention to further coordinate with Ukraine, partner countries and relevant international organizations. We are committed to addressing Ukraine’s recovery needs. We will continue our joint effort to support Ukraine’s repair of its critical infrastructure, recovery and reconstruction. We are determined to use the Platform as our primary mechanism to ensure that our assistance and support for reforms are well coordinated, properly sequenced, and mutually reinforcing. It will play a central role in coordinating donor support to match Ukrainian needs, advancing Ukraine’s reform agenda in line with its European path and helping to promote sustainable private sector-led growth. We also welcome the efforts of the G7+ Foreign Ministers’ Meeting on Ukraine Energy Sector Support and reiterate our continued support for restoring and upgrading Ukraine’s energy infrastructure. We stand ready to support the sustainable and resilient recovery and green reconstruction of Ukraine, including by sharing our experience, knowledge and expertise regarding humanitarian de-mining and war-related debris and pollution management. We recognize the importance of the role of the private sector for Ukraine’s recovery and reconstruction, including through trade and investment, which may be facilitated through insurance and other tools to manage risk. In this regard, we welcome efforts by the World Bank Group, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD), the European Investment Bank (EIB), and our Development Finance Institutions (DFIs) in accordance with their mandates. These efforts include the establishment of the Support for Ukraine’s Reconstruction and Economy (SURE) Trust Fund at the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA) as well as the launch of the Ukraine Investment Platform in Tokyo on May 12 to support Ukraine and affected countries more broadly, through further efficient co-financing and greater collaboration among the DFIs, together with the EBRD. We expect the Ukraine Recovery Conference, which will be held in London in June this year, to reinforce momentum behind Ukraine’s recovery and reconstruction. 6. Anti-corruption and justice system reform We welcome the continued determination and efforts of the Ukrainian government and people to combat corruption, and encourage continued implementation of an effective reform agenda that will support good governance and improve investor confidence. We support Ukraine’s efforts to advance necessary institution-building as well as substantive legal reform in line with Ukraine’s European path, especially in the judicial sector and promotion of the rule of law. 7. Sanctions and other measures We remain united in imposing coordinated sanctions and other economic actions to further undermine Russia’s capacity to wage its illegal aggression. Specifically, we are taking the following measures, consistent with our respective legal authorities and processes and international law: We will further restrict Russia’s access to our economies. Building on previous measures taken to prevent Russia from accessing inputs in support of sectors key to its military industrial base, we will broaden our actions to ensure that exports of all items critical to Russia’s aggression including those used by Russia on the battlefield are restricted across all our jurisdictions, including exports of industrial machinery, tools, and other technology that Russia uses to rebuild its war machine. We will further target those operating in these key sectors, such as manufacturing, construction, and transportation as well as business services. We will starve Russia of G7 technology, industrial equipment and services that support its war machine. We will continue to shield agricultural, medical, and humanitarian products from our restrictive measures and make every effort to avoid potential spillover impacts on third countries. We will further prevent the evasion and circumvention of our measures against Russia, including targeting entities transporting material to the front. We will continue to work through the Russian Elites, Proxies, and Oligarchs (REPO) Task Force and the Enforcement Coordination Mechanism to enhance the effectiveness of our restrictive measures. We are engaging with third-countries through which restricted G7 goods, services, or technology may be provided to Russia to strengthen third-countries’ understandings of G7 measures. We note and encourage commitments made by these countries to ensure our measures are not circumvented and have the intended effect. We reiterate our call on third parties to immediately cease providing material support to Russia’s aggression, or face severe costs. We will reinforce our coordination to prevent and respond to third parties supplying weapons to Russia and continue to take actions against third-country actors who materially support Russia’s war. We will also work to further curtail Russia’s use of the international financial system to further its war in Ukraine. We are prepared to take further measures against those willfully supporting the financing of Russia’s war. We are taking steps to further reduce avenues for Russia to circumvent our financial measures including by preventing third-country branches of Russian banks from being used to avoid sanctions. We will continue to take necessary actions against Russia’s financial sector while coordinating to preserve financial channels for essential transactions. We will continue to reduce Russia’s revenue to finance its illegal aggression by taking appropriate steps to limit Russia’s energy revenue and future extractive capabilities, building on the measures we have taken so far, including export bans and the price cap for seaborne Russian-origin crude oil and refined oil products. We have dramatically reduced our reliance on Russian energy and commodities. We are determined to continue on this path so that Russia is no longer able to weaponize energy against us. We will further reduce reliance on civil nuclear and related goods from Russia, including working to assist countries seeking to diversify their supplies. We will also continue efforts to reduce Russia’s revenue from metals. Further, we remain committed to upholding the price caps on Russian oil and petroleum products and we will enhance our efforts to counter evasion of these caps while avoiding spillover effects and maintaining global energy supply. In order to reduce the revenues that Russia extracts from the export of diamonds, we will continue to work closely together to restrict trade in and use of diamonds mined, processed or produced in Russia and engage with key partners with the aim of ensuring effective implementation of future coordinated restrictive measures, including through tracing technologies. 8. Responsibility for Damage We will continue our efforts to ensure that Russia pays for the long-term reconstruction of Ukraine. In this context, we welcome the establishment, in the framework of the Council of Europe and to meet the request from the UN General Assembly, of a Registry of Damages Caused by the Aggression of the Russian Federation Against Ukraine. In line with the commitment made through the REPO Task Force, we will continue to take measures available within our domestic frameworks to find, restrain, freeze, seize, and, where appropriate, confiscate or forfeit the assets of those individuals and entities that have been sanctioned in connection with Russia’s aggression. We are taking steps to fully map holdings of Russia’s sovereign assets immobilized in our jurisdictions. We reaffirm that, consistent with our respective legal systems, Russia’s sovereign assets in our jurisdictions will remain immobilized until Russia pays for the damage it has caused to Ukraine. 9. Accountability There must be no impunity for war crimes and other atrocities, such as Russia’s attacks against civilians and critical civil infrastructure. We acknowledge the efforts made at the United for Justice international conference organized by the Government of Ukraine, and recall the Bucha Declaration that calls for accountability for the most serious crimes under international law committed on the territory of Ukraine. In this context, we reiterate our commitment to holding those responsible to account consistent with international law, including by supporting the efforts of international mechanisms, such as the International Criminal Court (ICC). We strongly condemn the unlawful deportation and transfer of Ukrainians, including children, from the occupied areas of Ukraine to Russia, and will continue to follow the progress of the ICC investigation in this regard, with the utmost attention and call for the return of these children. We also deplore instances of conflict-related sexual and gender-based violence against Ukrainians. We welcome the establishment of the International Centre for the Prosecution of the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine. In addition, welcoming the efforts by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in this context, we underscore the importance of the protection of education of all children, in particular those impacted as well as the preservation of Ukrainian cultural properties and heritage damaged and threatened by the war of aggression. We are also paying attention to the impact of Russia’s aggression on international sport. While fully respecting the autonomy of sporting organizations, we are focused on fair sporting competition as well as on ensuring that Russian and Belarusian athletes are in no way appearing as representatives of their states. 10. Support to vulnerable countries Parallel to our support to Ukraine, we reaffirm our commitment to address the growing needs of vulnerable countries which have been aggravated by Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine. In particular, we stress that Russia’s weaponization of food has compounded economic vulnerabilities, exacerbated already dire humanitarian crises, and escalated global food insecurity and malnutrition to unprecedented levels. We welcome the significant emergency financing delivered by the IMF through the Food Shock Window approved in October 2022 and support additional efforts towards vulnerable countries. We will continue to provide rapid assistance to help affected countries and populations, including through the Global Alliance for Food Security (GAFS). We will continue to support the export of Ukrainian agri-products including through the EU-Ukraine Solidarity Lanes. In this regard, we support the expansion and extension of the Black Sea Grain Initiative (BSGI) and we call upon Russia to stop threatening global food supplies and allow the BSGI to operate at its maximum potential. We remain committed to the Grain from Ukraine initiative. Our contributions support the delivery of humanitarian food assistance to the most vulnerable countries in partnership with the UN World Food Programme (WFP). We remain dedicated to concrete collaborative actions in order to enhance energy security and achieve climate commitments. We will continue to work together in solidarity to limit the impacts from the global energy crisis triggered by Russia’s aggression against Ukraine to support vulnerable and affected countries, such as through the International Energy Agency Task Force on Natural Gas and Clean Fuels Market Monitoring and Supply Security. 11. Conclusion We hereby pledge, from Hiroshima, the “symbol of peace”, that G7 members will mobilize all our policy instruments and, together with Ukraine, make every effort to bring a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine as soon as possible. ###

供即时发布 2023年5月25日星期四 今天，美国商务部长吉娜·雷蒙多在华盛顿DC与中华人民共和国商务部部长王文涛进行了会晤。双方就美中商业关系有关问题，包括两国贸易和投资的整体环境以及潜在合作领域等，进行了坦诚、实质性的讨论。雷蒙多部长还对中华人民共和国最近针对在华运营的美国公司采取的一系列行动提出了关切。此次会议是保持沟通渠道畅通和负责任地管理关系的持续努力之一。雷蒙多部长表达了她致力于在拜登总统和习主席2022年11月在印度尼西亚巴厘岛的接触的基础上继续跟进的决心。 https://www.commerce.gov/news/press-releases/2023/05/readout-secretary-raimondos-meeting-ministry-commerce-minister-wang

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Thursday, May 25, 2023  Today, Secretary of Commerce Gina Raimondo met with Minister of Commerce of the People’s Republic of China Wang Wentao in Washington, DC. The two had candid and substantive discussions on issues relating to the U.S.-China commercial relationship, including the overall environment in both countries for trade and investment and areas for potential cooperation. Secretary Raimondo also raised concerns about the recent spate of PRC actions taken against U.S. companies operating in the PRC. This meeting was part of ongoing efforts to maintain open lines of communication and responsibly manage the relationship. Secretary Raimondo expressed her commitment to continuing to build on the engagement between President Biden and President Xi in Bali, Indonesia, in November 2022. https://www.commerce.gov/news/press-releases/2023/05/readout-secretary-raimondos-meeting-ministry-commerce-minister-wang

2023年1月22日 为了向2023年1月21日在加利福尼亚州蒙特雷公园发生的惨无人道的暴行的受害者表示纪念，按照美利坚合众国宪法和各项法律赋予我作为美国总统的权力，我在此命令白宫和所有公共建筑与场地、所有军事哨所与海军基地、以及联邦政府在哥伦比亚特区和全美各地及其海外领土与属地的所有海军舰艇将美国国旗降至半旗，直至2023年1月26日日落。我还指示，美国所有大使馆、公使馆、领事办公室以及包括所有军事设施、海军舰艇和驻地在内的其他海外设施在同一时间内降半旗。 我谨于公元两千零二十三年，即美利坚合众国独立二百四十七年之一月二十二日在此签名为证。   小约瑟夫·R·拜登

JANUARY 22, 2023 As a mark of respect for the victims of the senseless acts of violence perpetrated on January 21, 2023, in Monterey Park, California, by the authority vested in me as President of the United States by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, I hereby order that the flag of the United States shall be flown at half-staff at the White House and upon all public buildings and grounds, at all military posts and naval stations, and on all naval vessels of the Federal Government in the District of Columbia and throughout the United States and its Territories and possessions until sunset, January 26, 2023.  I also direct that the flag shall be flown at half-staff for the same length of time at all United States embassies, legations, consular offices, and other facilities abroad, including all military facilities and naval vessels and stations. IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this twenty-second day of January, in the year of our Lord two thousand twenty-three, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and forty-seventh. JOSEPH R. BIDEN JR. https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2023/01/22/a-proclamation-on-honoring-the-victims-of-the-tragedy-in-monterey-park-california/

DOS Seal 国务卿安东尼·布林肯（ANTONY J. BLINKEN）声明 将人权置于美国外交政策核心 美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿特区 2021年2月24日 美国致力于实现一个人权受到保护、维权人士受到赞许、践踏人权者受到追究的世界。促进尊重人权不可能由我们独自完成，而是要通过与我们全球各地的盟国和伙伴的共同努力才能最好实现。拜登（Biden）总统致力的外交方针是，将我们的民主价值观与我们的外交领导作用相结合，并以捍卫民主和保护人权为核心。 今天，本政府朝着这个方向迈出重要一步，宣布美国有意争取从2022年1月开始当选联合国人权理事会（UN Human Rights Council）成员。美国长期以来一直是人权的积极倡导者。如果选入人权理事会，我们将运用这一机会，成为理事会中促进尊重人权的带头声音。 人权理事会是致力于推进国际人权工作的重要多边场所，为推动对侵犯和践踏人权追究责任发挥了关键作用。从调查叙利亚和北韩的侵权行径，到促进妇女和男女同性恋、双性恋、跨性别者和间性者（LGBTQI）以及其他少数族群的人权，到反击种族主义和宗教迫害，人权理事会必须为同非正义和暴政专制作斗争的人提供支持。 我们认识到理事会自身也存在挑战，包括令人不可接受的对以色列的偏见以及允许有极其恶劣人权记录的国家在理事会占有他们不配得到的席位的成员标准。但是，成为理事会的一员是改进理事会和推动它的重要工作的最佳途径。 我们寻求返回人权理事会，与盟国和伙伴国并肩站在一起，确保这个重要机构实现其自身的目标。我们决心通过倾听、学习和为人权将受普世尊重的世界而奋斗做到这点。

Putting Human Rights at the Center of U.S. Foreign Policy U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE Office of the Spokesperson For Immediate Release STATEMENT BY SECRETARY ANTONY J. BLINKEN Putting Human Rights at the Center of U.S. Foreign Policy The United States is committed to a world in which human rights are protected, their defenders are celebrated, and those who commit human rights abuses are held accountable. Promoting respect for human rights is not something we can do alone, but is best accomplished working with our allies and partners across the globe. President Biden is committed to a foreign policy that unites our democratic values with our diplomatic leadership, and one that is centered on the defense of democracy and the protection of human rights. Today, the administration took an important step in that direction by announcing the U.S. intent to seek election to a seat on the UN Human Rights Council starting in January 2022. The United States has long been a champion of human rights. If elected to the Human Rights Council, we will use the opportunity to be a leading voice within the Council for promoting respect for human rights. The Human Rights Council is an important multilateral venue dedicated to furthering international human rights efforts and has played a critical role in promoting accountability for human rights violations and abuses. From investigations into abuses in Syria and North Korea to promoting the human rights for women and LGBTQI persons and other minorities, and combatting racism and religious persecution, the Human Rights Council must support those fighting against injustice and tyranny. We acknowledge challenges at the Council as well, including unacceptable bias against Israel and membership rules that allow countries with atrocious human rights records to occupy seats they do not merit. However, improving the Council and advancing its critical work is best done with a seat at the table. We seek to return to the Human Rights Council to stand shoulder-to-shoulder with our allies and partners to ensure that this important body lives up to its purpose. We do so with determination to listen, learn, and work toward a world in which human rights are universally respected. ###

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿特区 2023年4月4日   我根据拜登总统的委托授权第35次为乌克兰提供美国武器和装备，价值5亿美元。这项军事援助计划包括供乌克兰正在用于保卫自己的、由美国提供的高机动火箭炮系统（HIMARS）、防空拦截系统和火炮使用的更多的弹药，以及反装甲系统、小型武器、重型装备运输车以及对于增强乌克兰保卫者在战场上的实力至关重要的装备维护支持。此外，美国国防部将宣布一项重要的一揽子计划，其中包括防空能力以及根据该部的《乌克兰安全援助计划》（Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative）提供的火炮和坦克弹药、迫击炮系统、火箭和反装甲系统。这些新的安全援助将使乌克兰能够继续勇敢地抵御俄罗斯的无端及无理的战争。   只有俄罗斯能在今天结束它所发动的战争。在俄罗斯这样做之前，美国以及我们的盟友和伙伴将自始至终地与乌克兰团结一致。   欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/additional-u-s-security-assistance-for-ukraine/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

PRESS STATEMENT ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE APRIL 4, 2023   Pursuant to a delegation of authority from President Biden, I am authorizing our 35th drawdown of U.S. arms and equipment for Ukraine valued at $500 million.  This military assistance package includes more ammunition for U.S.-provided HIMARS, air defense interceptors, and artillery rounds that Ukraine is using to defend itself, as well as anti-armor systems, small arms, heavy equipment transport vehicles, and maintenance support essential to strengthening Ukraine’s defenders on the battlefield.  In addition, the U.S. Department of Defense is announcing a significant package that includes air defense capabilities, as well as artillery and tank ammunition, mortar systems, rockets, and anti-armor systems under its Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative. This new security assistance will allow Ukraine to continue to bravely defend itself against Russia’s unprovoked and unjustified war.   Russia alone could end its war today.  Until Russia does, the United States and our allies and partners will stand united with Ukraine for as long as it takes.

体育在美国的经济和文化中占据相当大的部分。在美国，愿意参加几乎任何体育运动的人随处可见。棒球、美式橄榄球(American football)、篮球和曲棍球可以说是美国最流行的运动。足球(football)（在美国称“英式足球(soccer)”）在美国的中学和高校中十分受欢迎，作为职业运动则仍在兴起中。七人制橄榄球(rugby)和板球也是的流行校内运动。 体育运动既是将整个国家系在一起的社会粘合剂，也是传播正义与公平竞争、团队合作与牺牲等价值观的载体。随着体育术语和表达逐渐融入日常生活，体育运动促进了种族和社会融合，甚至促进了语言的发展。 体育也是文学艺术的热门话题，在小说和电影中尤其如此。 体育对美国社会的重要影响得到了美国政府的认可。总统身体健康与体育理事会(the President’s Council on Physical Fitness and Sports)特别强调对团队合作、自律和体育精神等技能的追求。这种追求是促进、鼓励和激励各年龄段所有美国人强身健体、参与体育的催化剂。 体育中的女性赋权（女权多数基金会） 让美国更健康：总统卫生与健康计划 (PDF 116 KB)   健康人2010：体育活动与健康 (PDF 361 KB) 奥运体验(国务部国际信息局电子期刊) (PDF 8.78 MB) 美国肖像：流行文化出口（国务部国际信息局出版) (PDF 43 KB) 体育在美国（国务部国际信息局电子期刊) (PDF 923 KB) 事实与数据：女性运动与体育活动 (PDF 1.33 MB)

Sports make up a considerable portion of the United States economy and culture. People can be found anywhere in the United States who are interested in participating in almost any sport. The most popular sports in the United States are arguably baseball, American football, basketball, and hockey. Football (called soccer in the United States) is very popular in secondary schools, colleges, and universities, but is still in the process of becoming a popular professional sport. Rugby and cricket are also popular intramural collegiate sports. Sports are both a social glue bonding the country together and a vehicle for transmitting such values as justice and fair play, team work and sacrifice. They have contributed to racial and social integration, and even to the development of language, as sports terms and expressions slide into everyday usage. Sports also have been a popular focus for the arts, particularly in novels and films. The important impact of sports on American society is acknowledged by the U.S. Government. The commitment to skills such as teamwork, self-discipline, and sportsmanship is especially highlighted by The President’s Council on Physical Fitness and Sports. It serves as a catalyst to promote, encourage and motivate the development of physical fitness and sports participation for all Americans of all ages. Empowering Women in Sports (Feminist Majority Foundation) HealthierUS: The President’s Health and Fitness Initiative (PDF 116 KB) Healthy People 2010: Physical Activity and Fitness (PDF 361 KB) The Olympic Experience (Electronic Journal, Bureau of International Information Program, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 8.78 MB) Portrait of the USA: Exporting Popular Culture (published by Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 43 KB) Sports in America (Electronic Journal, Bureau of International Information Program, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 923 KB) Women’s Sports & Physical Activity Facts and Statistics (PDF 1.33 MB)

中国相关贸易活动：查看网站关于在中国的美国商业服务，了解即将举行的关注中国的商业活动。 中国贸易机会：查看美国商业服务提供的中国贸易机会的链接，其中包括亚洲开发银行、世界银行、美国贸易发展署等的数据库的链接。

China-Related Trade Events: See the website for the U.S. Commercial Service in China for upcoming commercial events focused on China. China Trade Leads: See the U.S. Commercial Service’s links to trade leads from China, which include links to databases of the Asian Development Bank, the World Bank, the U.S. Trade Development Agency, and others.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 国务卿安东尼·布林肯的声明 2022 年 4 月 6 日 美国与我们的盟友及合作伙伴团结一致，确保让俄罗斯政府为其在乌克兰造成的触目惊心的死亡和破坏，尤其是布查 (Bucha) 和其它地方的惨状，付出沉重代价。为进一步实现这一目标，我们今天将对两家主要的俄罗斯金融机构实施全面封锁制裁：俄罗斯最大的金融机构俄罗斯联邦储蓄银行 (Sberbank) 及其下属机构；以及俄罗斯最大的私人银行之一阿尔法银行 (Alfa Bank) 及其下属机构。这些实体继续支持普京总统对乌克兰的侵略。据此，将普遍禁止任何美国人与俄罗斯联邦储蓄银行或阿尔法银行进行交易。 此外，我们还对弗拉基米尔·普京总统的成年子女卡特琳娜·季霍诺娃 (Katerina Tikhonova) 和玛丽亚·沃龙佐娃 (Maria Vorontsova) 、俄罗斯外交部长谢尔盖·拉夫罗夫 (Sergei Lavrov) 的妻子玛丽亚·拉夫罗娃 (Maria Lavrova) 以及他的成年子女叶卡捷琳娜·拉夫罗娃 (Ekaterina Lavrova) 实施制裁。 美国还将俄罗斯国家安全委员会 (Russia’s National Security Council) 的 21 名成员列入制裁名单，包括前总统德米特里·梅德韦杰夫 (Dmitry Medvedev) 和现任总理米哈伊尔·米舒斯京 (Mikhail Mishustin)，他们对制定克里姆林宫的残暴政策和由此造成的暴虐具有作用和权威。 最后，拜登总统今天签署的行政命令禁止对俄罗斯进行新的投资，这将迫使俄罗斯进一步走向金融和经济孤立。 在宣布这一轮新的经济制裁措施之前，我们昨晚批准了一亿美元的新的安全援助，帮助满足乌克兰对更多反装甲系统的不断需要。这是自 2021 年 8 月以来第六次动用美国国防部的库存为乌克兰提供武器、设备和物资，使美国自 9 月份以来的军事援助达到近 25 亿美元，自 2014 年以来达到45 亿美元。美国对世界各地的盟友和合作伙伴面对俄罗斯入侵乌克兰给予乌克兰的持续支持表示赞赏。我们与乌克兰站在一起，向乌克兰人民的勇敢无畏和英雄主义精神致敬，他们捍卫自己的国家和自由，抗击俄罗斯对乌克兰发动的残酷战争。 美国将与盟国及合作伙伴一起，继续通过经济制裁让俄罗斯为其行径付出经济代价，提供安全援助支持乌克兰的防御力量，并为乌克兰各地遭到俄罗斯残酷无情的暴力摧残的社区提供经济支持和人道援助。 有关今天制裁行动的更多信息，请参阅美国财政部新闻稿。   欲查看原稿内容:  https://www.state.gov/targeting-additional-russian-financial-institutions-officials-and-other-individuals/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

Targeting Additional Russian Financial Institutions, Officials, and Other Individuals PRESS STATEMENT ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE APRIL 6, 2022 The United States is united with our allies and partners to ensure the Government of Russia pays a severe price for causing such death and destruction in Ukraine, and particularly for the horrors in Bucha and elsewhere.  In furtherance of this goal, today we are implementing full blocking sanctions on two key Russian financial institutions: Sberbank, Russia’s largest financial institution, and its subsidiaries and Alfa Bank, one of the largest private banks in Russia, and its subsidiaries. These entities continue to sustain President Putin’s aggression against Ukraine.  Accordingly, all U.S. persons are generally prohibited from engaging in transactions with Sberbank or Alfa Bank. In addition, we are imposing sanctions on the adult children of President Vladimir Putin, Katerina Tikhonova and Maria Vorontsova, as well as Maria Lavrova, the wife of Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, and Ekaterina Lavrova, his adult child. The United States is also designating 21 members of Russia’s National Security Council, including former President Dmitry Medvedev and Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin, for their role and authority in crafting the Kremlin’s brutal policies and resulting abuses. And finally, President Biden’s Executive Order today bans new investment in Russia – forcing Russia further down the road of financial and economic isolation. This announcement of new economic sanctions follows our approval last night of $100 million in new security assistance to help Ukraine meet a continued need for additional anti-armor systems.  This is only the most recent of six drawdowns of arms, equipment, and supplies from Department of Defense inventories for Ukraine since August 2021, and brings U.S. military assistance to almost $2.5 billion since September, and $4.5 billion since 2014.  The United States commends the continued support of our allies and partners across the world in the face of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine.  We stand with Ukraine and recognize the bravery and heroism of its people and they defend their country and their freedom against Russia’s brutal war against Ukraine. United with our Allies and partners, the United States will continue to impose economic costs on Russia for their actions through economic sanctions and provide security assistance in support of Ukraine’s defense, as well as economic support and humanitarian aid for communities across Ukraine devastated by Russia’s ruthless brutality. For more information on today’s action, please see the Department of the Treasury’s press release .

2023年2月23日 “很明显，俄罗斯的任何导弹和火炮都无法打破我们的团结，使我们偏离我们的道路。同样明显的是，乌克兰的团结也绝不会被谎言或恐吓、虚假信息或阴谋论所打破。” 乌克兰总统弗拉基米尔·泽连斯基 2022年7月16日 2022年2月24日，乌克兰数百万人被80年来 未曾听闻的空袭警报 声惊醒，发现俄罗斯发动了一场全面入侵。在这个生死攸关的早晨之前，以及此后的一年里，俄罗斯的虚假信息和宣传生态系统编造了一系列虚假陈述，欺骗世界，掩盖克里姆林宫的新帝国主义意图，将其对乌克兰的选择性战争说成是对美国和北约所谓威胁的必要回应，试图为一场无理战争进行诡辩。克里姆林宫经常改变其虚假指控和主张，以转移人们的注意力，隐藏其在战场上的失败和面临的政治孤立。本报告将重点介绍俄罗斯虚假信息和宣传生态系统所采用的五种最主要的虚假言论：1）在2022年2月入侵之前，俄罗斯被北约 所包围 ；2）乌克兰在顿巴斯地区实施种族灭绝 ；3）乌克兰政府需要“去纳粹化和去军事化 ”；4）恢复传统价值观需要乌克兰“去撒旦化”；5）俄罗斯必须在乌克兰作战，以捍卫主权，对抗西方。     克里姆林宫最早捏造的战争理由之一是谎称北约和“西方”是侵略者, 威胁到俄罗斯安全。在2022年2月24日之前的几个月里，俄罗斯要求提供安全保障 ，包括限制各国加入北约，这一主张剥夺了乌克兰和其他国家选择自己外交政策的主权权利。当莫斯科在乌克兰边境集结了多达19万的军队 时，俄罗斯外交部散布虚假信息来掩盖克里姆林宫的意图，声称 俄罗斯军队未进入与乌克兰接壤的地区，同时指责美国和盟国煽动歇斯底里情绪 。普京总统编造谎言，指责北约导致了紧张局势升级，声称他没有计划入侵 乌克兰，同时指责美国利用乌克兰作为“围堵俄罗斯的工具 ”。为了转移责任，与俄罗斯联邦安全局（简称FSB）、军事情报总局（简称GRU）和外国情报局（简称SVR）有关的虚假信息渠道 大肆散布了这些虚假指控，称美国和北约对俄罗斯可能对乌克兰发动军事攻势的警告是“西方的歇斯底里 ”，目的是“将乌克兰拖入战争 ”。 在经历了一年的战争后，克里姆林宫将西方促成这场战争的虚假信息言论变为另一种说法，即美国和北约通过帮助乌克兰自卫，延长了战争或导致战争升级。在2022年11月的北约部长级会议之后，俄罗斯外长谢尔盖·拉夫罗夫声称 “全球大多数人”都清楚北约所构成的威胁，指责 北约联盟涉嫌推动乌克兰继续进行战争。执行FSB任务的《新闻战线 》和官媒俄罗斯卫星通讯社 等虚假信息机构引用所谓的“专家”言论称，通过承诺进一步援助乌克兰，北约正在“火上浇油”。SVR手下的战略文化基金会 和《东方评论 》警告说，乌克兰将试图“把北约卷入乌克兰边境内的战争”，并声称已经证明北约挑起了乌克兰冲突。 每当乌克兰的盟友宣布向其提供更多的军事援助时，克里姆林宫就会抛出这个虚假信息言论。在美国和德国同意向乌克兰提供现代化的M1艾布拉姆斯和豹式坦克之后，最新扭曲事实的说法是指责北约患有俄罗斯恐慌症。2023年1月，俄罗斯副外长柳德米拉·留哈科夫重复了这个说法 ，声称“北约疯狂执着地……偷偷推进到俄罗斯边境，同时利用俄罗斯恐慌症的恐怖故事使我们的邻国陷入恐慌”。 俄罗斯散布虚假信息，把北约说成是侵略者以混淆视听。是俄罗斯单方面发动了这场战争，而非乌克兰。俄罗斯才是侵略者，而不是北约。正如美国国务卿安东尼·布林肯在2022年9月22日在联合国安理会阐明 的：“如果俄罗斯停止战斗，战争就会结束。如果乌克兰停止战斗，乌克兰就会结束。”     在宣扬北约侵略的神话的同时，俄罗斯竭力捏造谎言，称乌克兰计划对乌克兰东部顿巴斯地区的俄罗斯人采取军事行动。2022年1月，俄罗斯联邦官员声称基辅将该国“一半的军事人员”派往俄罗斯占领区的顿巴斯地区，并且乌克兰加强了对所谓的顿涅茨克人民共和国和卢甘斯克人民共和国（DNR/LNR）发动攻击 。克里姆林宫声称 基辅即将进攻俄罗斯人控制的顿巴斯地区，而俄罗斯的代理当局声称 乌克兰打算在乌克兰防御部队和俄罗斯及其代理部队在乌克兰部署的部队之间的接触线上使用化学武器。在美国揭露 克里姆林宫计划在俄罗斯控制的顿巴斯进行假旗行动以制造进一步入侵借口之后，这种虚假指控传播的频率加大了。美国在2月3日对此虚假叙事进行了预先反驳，揭露 了克里姆林宫计划使用由俄罗斯情报机构制造的虚假视频，其中包含了编排好的爆炸场面、尸体、摧毁的建筑和军事装备的图片，以及假扮送葬者的演员。俄罗斯的虚假新闻和宣传生态系统还捏造谎言指控乌克兰实施恐怖主义，谎称乌克兰正在准备制造一场“化学灾难 ”，并臆测乌克兰将对扎波罗热核电站进行“毁灭性打击 ”。 普京总统将这一虚假信息言论变为战争借口。在2月15日的声明 中，他谎称“顿巴斯正在发生种族灭绝”。普京发表声明后，俄罗斯调查委员会就顿巴斯“大规模掩埋平民 ”的指控开展了 刑事立案调查。克里姆林宫的虚假信息和宣传机构继续宣传指责乌克兰“种族灭绝”的虚假言论，包括利用“顿巴斯的悲剧 ”网站散布虚假信息，而据《华盛顿邮报》 报道，该网站由俄罗斯军事情报机构运营。俄罗斯政府支持的施加影响的行为者利用一系列针对乌克兰、北约、欧盟和美国的网站 和博客 网络来扩散虚假信息，包括竭力传播这一虚假言论 。 普京2022年2月21日的电视讲话 加强了这个毫无根据的说法，将其作为发动战争的理由。俄罗斯宣称承认俄罗斯人控制的所谓顿涅茨克和卢甘斯克人民共和国为独立国家，俄罗斯下令 “维和”部队进入顿巴斯地区。为了在俄罗斯公众眼中妖魔化乌克兰，普京诬陷乌克兰自2014年以来实施“种族灭绝”并歧视顿巴斯地区讲俄语的人口。他因此捏造了一个必须 “保护我们自己人”的借口，牵强地用阻止根本不存在的“种族灭绝”的行动来掩饰他的侵略战争。 独立媒体、反虚假信息专家和多边国际人权组织都已经权威性地驳斥了这种说法。英国广播公司（BBC）的事实核查小组 指出，“没有种族灭绝的证据”。Polygraph.info 通过指出普京和其他俄罗斯联邦官员在2008年俄罗斯入侵格鲁吉亚期间“随便使用了种族灭绝一词”，驳斥这一说法。Polygraph.info进一步强调指出，“也许最接近[种族灭绝]的事件是2014年俄罗斯军队在斯洛维扬斯克的行动，因为夺回该市的乌克兰军队发现了一个埋有20具尸体的集体坟墓”。欧洲委员会 、联合国人权高专办 和由欧安组织 莫斯科机制设立的专家小组都独立认定，没有证据表明讲俄语的族群或俄罗斯人面临乌克兰政府的迫害。 当克里姆林宫的侵略战争遭遇战略挫败时，这种说法会死灰复燃。美国国务院全球接触中心（GEC）对“电报”（Telegram）上的社交媒体数据进行的话语分析显示，与“顿巴斯种族灭绝”相关的俄语对话在这些挫败时期激增。例如，在2022年6月，莫斯科遭遇了几次战略失败，克里姆林宫重新祭出这个虚假说法。当第一批高机动火箭炮系统 (HIMARS) 进入乌克兰 ，欧盟给予乌克兰候选国地位 时，以及当美国司法部宣布 要“帮助认定、逮捕和起诉涉嫌在乌克兰犯下战争罪和暴行的个人”时，俄罗斯驻华盛顿大使馆发起攻击，重复 克里姆林宫谎称的乌克兰对讲俄语的人口实施了所谓种族灭绝的虚假说法。 乌克兰9月开始的赫尔松反攻、哈尔科夫地区的迅速解放以及俄罗斯随后的动员公告，进一步促使克里姆林宫重新推出这一虚假言论。9月伊始，普京总统发表了充斥虚假信息的言论 ，谎称俄罗斯只是力图阻止基辅自2014年以来实施的“种族灭绝 ”。在9月30日的讲话 中，他宣布根据之前的虚假公投吞并顿涅茨克、卢甘斯克、赫尔松和扎波罗热地区。普京再次谎称“八年来，顿巴斯的人民遭受了种族灭绝、炮击和封锁，受到一项犯罪政策的迫害，这种政策旨在培养对俄罗斯以及俄罗斯的所有一切的仇恨”，并指责乌克兰“打算让其领土内讲俄语的人口遭受‘殖民主义’西方想要加诸于整个世界的相同命运”。 克里姆林宫谎称要保护乌克兰讲俄语的人口免遭根本不存在的“种族灭绝”。然而，八年来，俄罗斯的入侵部队及其代理人在乌克兰以俄语为主的地区造成死亡和破坏。数百万人逃离了被俄罗斯占领的乌克兰东部和南部地区。俄语区马里乌波尔 遭到的破坏是灾难性的。截至2022年3月，美国政府评估指出，俄罗斯军队成员通过执行过滤行动 和非法驱逐数千名乌克兰平民犯下了战争罪 。到2023年2月，根据从俄罗斯占领下解放出来的乌克兰讲俄语地区所获得的越来越多的证据，美国政府确定俄罗斯军队成员和俄罗斯官员在乌克兰犯下了反人类罪 ，包括通过殴打、电击和模拟处决对被拘留的平民实施酷刑；强奸；以及以行刑方式杀害乌克兰男女老少。 俄罗斯力图否认乌克兰的主权和独立，打压其历史和文化。在俄罗斯占领赫尔松期间，该市的傀儡当局清空了各图书馆内的乌克兰文学作品，掠夺了博物馆 文物。俄罗斯政府有计划地将至少6,000名乌克兰儿童非法驱逐 到俄罗斯占领的克里米亚和俄罗斯各地的一系列设施中，他们会被“再教育 ”或送往俄罗斯各地被收养 。这些孩子可能永远不会知道他们来自乌克兰 。克里姆林宫似乎决心否认乌克兰作为一个国家的存在，试图抹去其过去和未来 。     普京总统在2月24日凌晨发表的全面入侵讲话 中引用了克里姆林宫散布最久的虚假宣传说辞。他说：“这次行动的目的是保护那些长达八年遭受基辅政权屈辱和种族灭绝的人民。为此，我们将寻求乌克兰的去军事化和‘去纳粹化’”。他无端指控 乌克兰民主选举产生的政府，称他们是“一帮盘踞在基辅、将整个乌克兰人民作为人质的吸毒者和新纳粹分子”。 指控乌克兰的犹太裔总统泽连斯基是新纳粹主义者是荒谬绝伦的。但俄罗斯经过扭曲事实地精心策划而编造了这一指控。多年来，克里姆林宫一直在系统地将所谓的“恐俄症”和新纳粹主义等同起来。俄罗斯政府一再利用反犹太主义 ，散布有关莫斯科在乌克兰战争的虚假信息。克里姆林宫长期以来一直在利用二战历史来煽动国内民族主义情绪，同时推进其地缘政治野心。2023年1月，外交部长拉夫罗夫通过制造谎言，将西方帮助乌克兰抵御俄罗斯的行动与纳粹德国入侵苏联等同，扩展了“支持乌克兰=俄罗斯恐惧症=新纳粹主义”的公式 。拉夫罗夫引用希特勒对犹太人的大屠杀来解决所谓的犹太问题，指责西方策划阴谋以“最终解决俄罗斯问题 ”。 当俄罗斯在战争初期在战场上损失惨重时，这种虚假叙事就甚嚣尘上。普京5月9日在纪念盟军二战胜利的讲话中进一步扩散这一虚假言论，歪曲历史，为其对乌克兰的残酷战争诡辩。普京伪称其选择的战争是一种“神圣”和“爱国”行为，类似于苏联与纳粹德国的斗争——在俄罗斯被称为伟大的卫国战争——或者任何其他俄罗斯的“自卫”战争。普京重复其标准宣传煽动言论，指责西方“取消”传统价值观、篡改历史并助长恐俄症。克里姆林宫一再操纵和歪曲历史，以利用俄罗斯人民为战胜纳粹主义所做牺牲的自豪感。克里姆林宫也一直将乌克兰2013-2014年的“尊严革命”称为“法西斯政变 ”。这些对历史的歪曲的战略目的是，在俄罗斯国内激发爱国主义情绪并支持普京对乌克兰的战争。 虽然“去纳粹化 ”的说法是普京2022年2月24日入侵乌克兰讲话中提出的理由，但显然并未引起俄罗斯受众的长久共鸣。GEC对俄语在线对话的分析显示，在讲话结束后的2月下旬，涉及这种说法的在线对话量有所上升。到2022年3月，俄罗斯官员逐渐减少了使用这一说法 。整个3月，俄罗斯和乌克兰的代表团进行了几轮谈判 ，以建立人道主义走廊，帮助疏散平民并达成停火协议。减少使用“去纳粹化”说法可能因为在与乌克兰官员谈判的同时又试图对他们实施“去纳粹化”的认知矛盾，即便克里姆林宫也是难于兜售的。 然而，“去纳粹化”虚假言论的停息只是短暂的。在三月底和四月初，俄语“电报”发帖中此类言论激增到最高点，俄罗斯军队撤出布查 后，该地发现战争罪行和大规模集体坟墓的证据，面对这些被揭露出来的暴行引发的全球性强烈谴责，克里姆林宫的虚假信息和宣传生态系统采取了行动，它首先否认 其军队的参与，然后质疑报告的真实性，并重新扩散“去纳粹化”虚假言论。俄罗斯国防部制造谣言指控乌克兰使用俄罗斯自己所用的战术，谎称 “布查的照片和视频画面是另一个骗局，是基辅政权为西方媒体排演的，是挑衅”。俄罗斯外交部谎称 存在“伪造视频和其他资料的迹象”。俄罗斯驻世界各地的使馆和媒体进一步扩散这些很容易被证实 为阴谋论的虚假说法，包括虚假指控乌克兰使用了假尸体 ，这些尸体在摄像机停止运转后“复活”了。尽管《纽约时报》 、调查性新闻门户网站Bellingcat 和BBC 提供了大量证据证明俄罗斯的指控不实，并证明俄罗斯参与了这些暴行，但克里姆林宫的虚假信息机器仍在竭力 掩盖真相。俄罗斯的国家媒体机构俄新社（RIA Novosti）试图通过刊发一篇文章来转移注意力，这篇文章主张不仅在政治领域，而且必须也在文化和教育领域，通过“再教育、意识形态镇压和严格的审查制度”，实现“乌克兰大多数人的去纳粹化 ”。文章进一步主张通过“去乌克兰化”等方式抹去乌克兰作为一个国家的存在，并声称“一个被去纳粹化的国家不能成为主权国家”。 这个虚假言论的荒谬性并没有影响其在俄罗斯的虚假信息生态系统中的使用。与本报告中提到的克里姆林宫的其他四种虚假言论相比，按每日消息数计算，“去纳粹化”的使用频率最高，并且在反应和分享方面保持最高的参与度。每当莫斯科遭受战略挫败时，俄罗斯的虚假信息和宣传生态系统就会重新使用“去纳粹化”虚假言论，以转移责任。 普京总统在2023年1月27日 的国际大屠杀纪念日致辞中，再次无耻地大肆宣扬这个虚假言论。他说：“忘记历史教训会导致可怕的悲剧重演。这一点的证据就是乌克兰新纳粹组织针对平民所犯的罪行、以及采取的种族清洗和惩罚性行动。”在2月1日纪念二战斯大林格勒保卫战80周年的讲话中，他又编造了同样的故事，指控西方纳粹主义 ，他说：“不幸的是，现在纳粹主义的意识形态——这次以现代形态出现——再次对我们的国家安全构成直接威胁，我们不得不一次又一次地抵制西方集体侵略”。他的言论升级是在数天前德国和美国宣布将向乌克兰提供豹式坦克和M1艾布拉姆斯坦克 以协助其自卫来抵御俄罗斯残酷攻势之后出现的。 随着克里姆林宫的恶劣谎言不断增加，有关克里姆林宫在俄罗斯占领区对乌克兰平民犯下的罪行证据也在迅速积累。截至2023年1月下旬，乌克兰正就近67,000起涉嫌战争罪行和反人类罪行 进行调查，例如就地处决、强奸、酷刑、绑架和强制驱逐、狂轰滥炸以及针对平民和民用目标的攻击等。独立调查、媒体组织 、联合国独立调查委员会 、欧洲安全与合作组织 莫斯科机制下的专家调查团队等都将俄罗斯军队成员在乌克兰犯下战争罪和其他形式的暴行记录在案。这些反人类罪行 不是孤立发生的，而是克里姆林宫对乌克兰平民进行广泛和系统性攻击 的一部分。克里姆林宫的“去纳粹化”虚假信息言论以及采用将乌克兰人民非人化的做法 在这些丧尽天良的暴行中扮演了角色。俄罗斯占领下的布查的幸存者讲述了俄罗斯军队挨家挨户搜查住宅楼“追捕纳粹 ”的情景。当赫尔松市被乌克兰解放时，目击者回忆 起在俄罗斯占领下的生活：“如果俄罗斯人听到你讲乌克兰语，他们会认为你是纳粹分子。他们会检查社交网络、纹身，如果你身上有乌克兰标识，那你就会有麻烦。”     随着战争进入一周年，克里姆林宫力图为其无理行动进行诡辩，声称它正在对抗“西方撒旦主义”。虽然克里姆林宫宣传人员 自2022年4月起就将乌克兰人妖魔化 为撒旦门徒 ，但普京总统在2022年9月30日的讲话 中将所谓的西方价值观说成“彻头彻尾的撒旦教”，将这一指控推入官方话语中。 普京的克里姆林宫自封为“传统价值观”的守护者，声称它在对抗西方在乌克兰境内推进的邪恶外来价值观，试图把这些价值观强加于俄罗斯。这个说法在2022年4月发现了俄罗斯在布查犯下的暴行之后最先出现。作为“俄罗斯世界”（Russkiy mir）概念最为积极的推手之一，俄罗斯东正教会主教帕瓦尔·基里尔宣扬俄罗斯在乌克兰作战是为了“俄罗斯世界”的“真正独立”，而“真正独立”的“俄罗斯世界”是对抗道德沦丧、堕落的西方的最后堡垒。他说，从事这一斗争的一方拥有“上帝的真理 ”，正在抵御反对俄罗斯的“反基督者 ”和世界大国“妖魔鬼怪 ”。基里尔认为 乌克兰属于俄罗斯东正教会的“正统领土”，尽管乌克兰大多数正教信徒据信 属于独立的乌克兰东正教会 或者是“普通的”东正教信徒。基里尔把克里姆林宫的行动说成是一场“同室操戈”的圣战 ，俄罗斯必须打赢这场战争，反对那些试图把乌克兰人从“神圣统一的俄罗斯”的一部分变为“敌视俄罗斯”的国家的人。克里姆林宫的虚假信息和宣传生态系统通过其多个核心机构大肆扩散了帕瓦尔·基里尔的说法。国家宣传媒体 上的头面人物开始将俄罗斯说成是“善良力量的体现”，大谈“善恶力量的形而上学冲突”和“圣战”，称俄罗斯必须赢得这场战争。克里姆林宫的代理 虚假信息网站 ，例如，执行FSB任务的网站“新闻前线 ”和被美国指认的“沙皇之城 ”；沙皇之城”是被美国起诉 的俄罗斯寡头孔斯坦丁·马洛菲耶夫的恶意影响网络中的部分资产，他甚至将乌克兰人说成 是 “撒旦门徒”。因此，克里姆林宫将“圣战”加入了其诡辩理由之中，来对乌克兰人民发动残酷战争及实施暴行。 这些虚假言论在俄罗斯在夏季和秋季的战场上遭受挫败时重新浮出水面。2022年7月，俄罗斯政府提议扩大对“宣传”“非传统两性关系 ”所采取的禁止措施，普京在2022年12月将该提案签署为法律，而克里姆林宫显要人物 则将俄罗斯于2022年3月被排除在欧洲理事会之外说成为西方“试图将外国价值观和同性婚姻强加于”俄罗斯失败而引发的，尽管欧洲理事会的决定是基于俄罗斯对乌克兰的侵略。受到美国制裁的铁腕人物、掌管俄罗斯车臣共和国的军事指挥官拉姆赞·卡德罗夫多次宣称 ，俄罗斯正在乌克兰进行一场打击 “反基督者的军队”和“邪恶的LGBT价值观”的圣战 。在九月份的一次讲话 中，普京总统攻击西方及其“西方精英独裁统治”，指责其对“道德规范、宗教和家庭”的“激进否定”，称其为“彻头彻尾的撒旦教”。普京暗示西方国家对儿童进行“可怕的实验 ”。俄罗斯的法律 和克里姆林宫的言论将LGBTQI+人士与恋童癖联系在一起 进行诬陷。 普京并不是唯一散布极端言论的人。行为怪僻的演员、前牧师和狂热支持普京的伊万·奥赫洛比斯京按照克里姆林宫的信号行事，他在10月1日的红场集会上声嘶力竭叫嚣“圣战 ”，支持俄罗斯吞并乌克兰四个地区的企图。显然，奥赫洛比斯京的叫嚣 让部分观众震惊 ，他大声高呼 “哥伊达！”（Гойда），据称这是一种沙皇“恐怖的伊凡”号召其秘密警察 发出的古老俄罗斯战争吼叫。奥赫洛比斯京不断发出危言耸听的警告，“恐惧吧，旧世界！被剥夺了真正美丽的地方！真正的信仰！真正的智慧！由疯子、变态人、撒旦门徒掌管的地区！畏惧吧，我们来了！”10月底，更多的克里姆林宫官员加大扩散乌克兰“去撒旦化”的言论 ，认为西方通过推广撒旦邪教来“重新塑造”乌克兰人的思想，反对俄罗斯所体现的传统价值观。车臣铁腕人物卡德罗夫敦促 俄罗斯男子拿起武器，对乌克兰的撒旦门徒发起 “圣战 ”，呼吁在乌克兰“把城市从地球上抹掉 ”。可信的报道 表明，卡德罗夫手下的车臣士兵在乌克兰犯有暴行 。 随着乌克兰军队在哈尔科夫和赫尔松的攻势加强，“去撒旦化”的言论重新出现，其散布力度被加大。在俄罗斯在战场和全球公众舆论场上节节失利的情况下，克里姆林宫正在寻找一种反败为胜的言论，实验新的叙事，一个比一个更荒谬。克里姆林宫试图将乌克兰人妖魔化为“撒旦门徒”，仅仅是试图向俄罗斯人民解释其失败的拙劣的掩盖手法，并为未来更多的失利进行诡辩。表面上看似乎不相关的“去撒旦化”的言论将乌克兰人民采取非人化处理，试图为克里姆林宫的邪恶和残酷暴行进行诡辩。     2022年9月，当普京的假公投及军事动员计划与乌克兰的反攻撞车时，克里姆林宫将宣传言论从其选择的战争变成了一场 “捍卫俄罗斯主权  “的必要战争。仅仅一年前，克里姆林宫号称为了避免冲突提出了所谓的“安全要求”，但现在又绕了一圈，回到了最初的虚假信息言论，谎称西方才是真正的侵略者，想要通过在乌克兰的代理战争来摧毁俄罗斯。败在乌克兰手下——一个被普京斥为 “不是真正的国家”的联合国成员国——是不可想象的。 随着乌克兰军队解放哈尔科夫地区，克里姆林宫的主要宣传言论变成了俄罗斯为捍卫主权对抗西方而战。2022年9月21日，普京谎称有必要进行部分动员 和假公投 ，以“保护俄罗斯的主权、安全和领土完整”。国防部长绍伊古 和俄罗斯国家杜马主席沃洛廷 都附和这个说法，声称动员是必要的，因为俄罗斯不仅在与乌克兰作战，还在与北约和“西方集体”作战。当乌克兰从俄罗斯残酷的占领下解放了赫尔松市、成千上万的男性逃离俄罗斯以避免被动员征召入伍 时，普京再次将战争归咎于乌克兰和西方。在11月15日的讲话中，普京坚持 其谎言，称战争是西方破坏乌克兰稳定的行动 造成的，指责西方旨在削弱 俄罗斯，将其战争说成是一项防止破坏的防御性措施。 在2022年元旦前夕对全国发表的讲话 中，普京总统将俄罗斯的“特别军事行动”说成为一场保卫俄罗斯“主权”和“真正独立”的生存之战。他身边两侧站着一些据称是俄罗斯武装部队的人员，其中一些可能是演员 ，这与他惯常使用的克里姆林宫背景有所不同，他重复了有关西方虚假信息的言论。普京声称“西方精英”假意帮助解决“顿巴斯冲突”，“鼓励新纳粹分子”继续对“和平平民”实施“恐怖行动”。然后，他指责西方“在谎称维护和平的同时准备进行侵略”，“阴险狡诈地利用乌克兰来削弱和分裂俄罗斯”。他进一步声称西方发动了“全面制裁战争”，但俄罗斯获得了胜利。最后，他声称这场“斗争”是其他国家在“追求公正多极世界秩序”过程中的一个实例。除这些老生常谈之外，普京还呼吁爱国主义，声称保卫祖国是一项“神圣的责任”，“道义和历史真相”在俄罗斯这一边。 2023年1月18日 ，俄罗斯外交部长谢尔盖·拉夫罗夫在评估俄罗斯2022年外交成果时，进一步强化了 这一宣传言论。他说：“就像拿破仑动员了几乎所有欧洲国家来反对俄罗斯帝国、希特勒占领欧洲大多数国家后将它们引向苏联一样，美国建立了一个由北约和欧盟的几乎所有欧洲成员国组成的联盟，利用乌克兰发动代理战争，以实现最终解决‘俄罗斯问题’的古老目标，犹如希特勒图谋对‘犹太问题’进行最终解决一样。”2023年1月下旬，在上述新闻发布会上回答媒体提问时，拉夫罗夫再次宣扬了 这一虚假言论 ，他说：“我们早就已经清楚地认识到，作为广袤欧亚大陆区域的基本支柱之一，俄罗斯存在的本身对我们的对手来说是一个问题。” 在这种宣传言论的另一个特别离谱的说法中，克里姆林宫把在乌克兰减少生物威胁的国际伙伴关系和合作 说成是对俄罗斯主权和俄罗斯民族的威胁。克里姆林宫的造谣机器对多边组织 的真实情况进行了全面攻击，试图将乌克兰的和平研究 说成生物武器实验，训练候鸟 和患病蝙蝠 来威胁俄罗斯。2022年7月，俄罗斯国家 媒体 和代理媒体 将“美国营运的生物实验室”虚假宣传搬进了科幻小说领域，它们大肆报道俄罗斯官员指控 乌克兰士兵被用于实验 ，“消除了他们人类意识的最后痕迹，并将其变成了最残酷、最致命的魔鬼”和 “美国控制的残忍机器”。在刊发这些言论之前，俄罗斯国防部于2022年3月指控美国正在乌克兰开发针对俄罗斯人等斯拉夫人的“种族生物武器 ”。这些荒诞不经的持续指控力图煽起阴谋论，把俄罗斯对乌克兰的战争说成是对抗西方、“为主权而战”的生存之战，同时转移人们对俄罗斯部队糟糕战绩的注意力。 这种虚假信息言论另一个荒谬的方面是声称乌克兰人被西方洗了脑。在2023年1月30日接受采访 时，俄罗斯副外长里亚布科夫指控北约故意用“恐俄症的可怕故事”对俄罗斯邻国进行“僵尸化”洗脑，并实施 “旨在摧毁我们的历史和文化传承”的行动。克里姆林宫的宣传人员玛格丽塔·西莫尼扬 大肆扩散 这种说法，声称虽然俄罗斯人很难接受与“兄弟般的”乌克兰人作战，但“他们[西方]让与乌克兰人甚或为乌克兰人而战不再那么痛苦。现在很明显，我们可能无法避免与西方作战”。 在竭力为俄罗斯2022年入侵辩解时，即便是莫斯科单方退出谈判 ，克里姆林宫仍谎称西方国家拒绝谈判。在为其继续进行战争诡辩时，克里姆林宫谎称西方谋图瓦解俄罗斯并摧毁俄罗斯文化。为了使俄罗斯人民接受莫斯科攻击其邻国（许多俄罗斯人认为这些邻国是“兄弟”民族）正当合理的谎言，克里姆林宫声称，西方已经将乌克兰人僵尸化。在这个歪曲现实的言论中，俄罗斯可辩称它不是在与“兄弟般的”乌克兰人作战，而是与“被僵尸化的”、“新纳粹”、“撒旦门徒”的乌克兰人作战。为了使人们接受俄罗斯战争失利，克里姆林宫假装它并未与乌克兰开战，而是在乌克兰进行高尚的斗争，以“捍卫其主权”，抵御西方入侵。     乌克兰人民的勇气和坚韧，他们对捍卫国家独立和民主的绝对承诺，美国及其盟友和合作伙伴在支持乌克兰进行自卫方面的一致努力，以及全球对俄罗斯侵略的谴责，迫使克里姆林宫不断从一个虚假言论跳到另一个，试图向俄罗斯人民和国际社会辩解其战争的理由。 俄罗斯的谎言无法改变事实真相。克里姆林宫选择发动了这场战争，克里姆林宫可以选择结束这场战争。 乌克兰是一个独立的国家，也是联合国的成员国。它拥有国家主权权利来维护自己的领土和选择自己的外交政策。俄罗斯对乌克兰的战争始于2014年，当时俄罗斯军队夺取了乌克兰的克里米亚半岛，并主导、资助和训练代理人在乌克兰东部地区的顿巴斯地区挑起及不断制造冲突。民主乌克兰并没有被纳粹或撒旦门徒所控制——克里姆林宫编造这些神话是为了煽动自己国内民众的狂热情绪。乌克兰各民族公民通过民主选举，选出了一位犹太裔总统弗拉基米尔·泽连斯基，国际社会已经承认其政府的合法性。在俄罗斯发动全面入侵之前的几个月，美国和其他国家与乌克兰共同进行了善意的外交努力，探讨解决俄罗斯声称的安全问题的方式，同时不损害乌克兰的主权和领土完整。然而，俄罗斯却选择了战争。俄罗斯于2022年2月发动了全面入侵，公然违反了尊重国家主权和领土完整性、不使用武力的联合国宪章原则。俄罗斯残暴地攻占了卢甘斯克、顿涅茨克、扎波罗热和赫尔松省的部分地区，然后举行了假公投，并宣布吞并这些地区，正如它在克里米亚所做的一样，企图实现克里姆林宫的掠夺性领土野心。 俄罗斯所有的歪曲事实的言论都服务于一个目标：掩盖俄罗斯把拥有主权的、独立的乌克兰国家从地图上抹去并征服其人民 的赤裸裸的行动。隐藏在俄罗斯谎言中的明显迹象暴露了克里姆林宫真正的新帝国主义野心 。普京2021年7月宣布俄罗斯人和乌克兰人“同种同族 ”的文件和他2022年2月的叫嚣战争的讲话 充斥着历史修正主义和否认乌克兰的国家地位 和主权机构的虚假信息，让世界认清了他的目的。克里姆林宫的宣传部门的代表人物经常重复相同的言论，比如像玛格丽塔·西莫尼扬 这样的人，最近再次重复了这些虚假的说法，声称乌克兰是由俄罗斯建立的，其强大归功于俄罗斯的恩赐 。普京实现彼得一世帝国扩张野心 和“夺回失地 ”的企图，以及克里姆林宫官员毫不掩饰的评论 暴露了他们的真实意图。克里姆林宫官员 表示，莫斯科还可能会针对在除乌克兰以外、它视为是其历史领土的其他地方 的所谓“恐俄症”和不存在的“针对俄罗斯人的种族灭绝”进行报复。克里姆林宫的宣传人员已经开始猜测俄罗斯可能要对哈萨克斯坦 、摩尔多瓦 和任何其他据称有“恐俄症”滋生的国家“去纳粹化”。普京在2023年1月 的一次讲话中十分明确地表明了他未来的计划，他说：“正如我多次说过的那样，我们的目标主要是保护人民，保护俄罗斯本身免受他们竭力在有史以来就是我们领土的相邻地区制造的威胁。我们不能让这种事情发生”。 无论克里姆林宫在满盘皆输的虚假信息轮盘赌博游戏中在任何特定时间使用哪种宣传言论，乌克兰仍然是一个被国际社会承认的主权独立国家。其勇敢的人民将继续坚定地捍卫其国家和民主，而美国将与乌克兰站在一起 ，无论需要多长时间。

REPORT GLOBAL ENGAGEMENT CENTER FEBRUARY 23, 2023   This bulletin is also available in Chinese, French, Portuguese, Spanish, and Ukrainian It is obvious that any missiles and artillery of Russia will not succeed in breaking our unity and knocking us off our path. And it should be equally obvious that Ukrainian unity cannot be broken by lies or intimidation, fake information or conspiracy theories. UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT VOLODYMYR ZELENSKYY  JULY 16, 2022 On February 24, 2022, millions in Ukraine awoke to a chorus of air raid sirens  that had not been heard for 80 years . Russia had launched a full-scale invasion. Leading up to that fateful morning, and in the year since, Russia’s disinformation and propaganda ecosystem deployed an array of false narratives to deceive the world about the Kremlin’s neo-imperial intentions, portray its war of choice against Ukraine to the people of Russia as a necessary response to purported threats from the United States and NATO, and attempt to justify an unjustifiable war. The Kremlin routinely changed its false claims to distract from its battlefield failures and political isolation. This report will highlight five of the most salient false narratives deployed by Russia’s disinformation and propaganda ecosystem: 1) Russia was encircled  by NATO  before the February 2022 invasion; 2) Ukraine is committing genocide  in the Donbas; 3) the Ukrainian government needs “denazification and demilitarization ;” 4) restoration of traditional values requires “desatanization” of Ukraine; and 5) Russia must fight in Ukraine to defend its sovereignty against the West.     One of the earliest Kremlin-fabricated justifications for war is the false claim that NATO and “the West” are aggressors threatening Russia’s security. For months leading up to February 24, 2022, Russia demanded security guarantees  including restrictions on countries’ joining NATO, a position which rejected Ukraine’s and other countries’ sovereign right to choose their own foreign policy. As Moscow amassed up to 190,000 troops  on Ukraine’s border, Russia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs spread disinformation to cloud the Kremlin’s intentions, claiming  Russia’s troops were not on the border with Ukraine while accusing the United States and allies of whipping up hysteria . President Putin falsely blamed NATO for the escalating tensions, claimed he was not planning an invasion , and accused the United States of using Ukraine as a “tool to contain Russia .” Aiming to deflect the blame, disinformation outlets  linked to Russia’s Federal Security Service (FSB), Military Intelligence Directorate (GRU), and Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR) amplified the false claims, calling the warnings by the United States and NATO about the potential for a military offensive by Russia against Ukraine “western hysteria ” to “drag Ukraine into war .” Over the year of war, the Kremlin shifted this disinformation narrative of Western efforts pushing for the war to one arguing that by helping Ukraine to defend itself, the United States and NATO are prolonging or escalating the war. Following a November 2022 NATO Ministerial Meeting, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov claimed  the “global majority” understands the threats posed by NATO, blaming  the Alliance for allegedly pushing Ukraine to continue the war. Disinformation outlets, such as the FSB-tasked News Front  and state-run Sputnik , both cited alleged “experts” who argued that by pledging further aid to Ukraine, NATO was “pouring oil on fire.” The SVR-directed Strategic Culture Foundation  and Oriental Review  warned that Ukraine will try to “drag NATO into a war within Ukraine’s borders” and claimed to have proved that NATO provoked the conflict in Ukraine. The Kremlin resurrects this disinformation narrative whenever Ukraine’s partners announce more military assistance to Ukraine. The latest twist accuses NATO of Russophobia after the United States and Germany agreed to provide modern M1 Abrams and Leopard tanks to Ukraine. Deputy Foreign Minister Ryabkov parroted this narrative  in January 2023 claiming, “NATO with maniacal persistence … consistently crawled up to the Russian borders, at the same time zombifying our neighboring countries with Russophobic horror stories.” Russia spreads disinformation portraying NATO as the aggressor to obfuscate the facts. Russia alone started this war, not Ukraine. Russia is the aggressor, not NATO. As U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken stated  to the United Nations Security Council on September 22, 2022, “If Russia stops fighting, the war ends. If Ukraine stops fighting, Ukraine ends .”     While Russia promoted the myth of NATO aggression, it simultaneously attempted to falsely portray Ukraine as planning military action against ethnic Russians in the Donbas region of eastern Ukraine. In January 2022, Russian Federation officials alleged Kyiv sent “half of its military personnel” to the Russian-occupied areas of Donbas and that Ukraine increased attacks  on the so-called Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics (DNR/LNR). The Kremlin claimed  Kyiv’s incursion into Russian-controlled Donbas was imminent, while Russia’s proxy authorities alleged  Ukraine intended to use chemical weapons along the line of contact between Ukraine’s defending forces and the forces deployed in Ukraine by Russia and its proxies. The frequency of this false claim intensified following the U.S. revelation  of the Kremlin’s plans to conduct a false flag operation in Russian-controlled Donbas to create a pretext for a further invasion. The United States pre-bunked this narrative on February 3 by exposing  the Kremlin’s plot to use a video fabricated by Russian intelligence replete with staged graphic scenes of explosions, corpses, destroyed buildings and military equipment, and actors pretending to be mourners. Russia’s disinformation and propaganda ecosystem also falsely accused Ukraine of terrorism, alleging Ukraine was preparing a “chemical disaster ” and speculating Ukraine would conduct a “crushing strike ” on the Zaporizhzhya nuclear power plant. President Putin transformed this disinformation narrative into a pretext for war. In a February 15 statement , he falsely claimed “genocide is taking place in Donbas.” Following Putin’s statement, Russia’s Investigative Committee opened  a criminal case related to the allegations of “mass burials of civilians ” in Donbas. The Kremlin’s disinformation and propaganda apparatus continued promoting false narratives accusing Ukraine of “genocide,” including through the “Tragedy of Donbas ” website, which according to the Washington Post , is run by Russia’s military intelligence service. Russian government-backed influence actors have leveraged a network of websites  and blogs  targeting Ukraine, NATO, the European Union, and the United States to amplify disinformation including efforts to spread this narrative . Putin’s February 21, 2022 televised address  cemented this unfounded narrative as a justification for war. Purporting to recognize the Russian-controlled so-called Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics as independent states, Russia ordered  “peacekeeping” troops to deploy to Donbas. To demonize Ukraine in the eyes of the Russian public, Putin falsely accused Ukraine of committing “genocide” and discriminating against the Russian-speaking population in Donbas since 2014. He thus created a false pretext for the alleged necessity to “protect our own,” thinly masking his aggression as an operation to stop a non-existent “genocide.” Independent media, counter-disinformation experts, and multilateral international human rights organizations have authoritatively debunked this narrative. The BBC’s fact-checking team  pointed out “there is no evidence of genocide.” Polygraph.info  discredited this claim by pointing out how Putin and other Russian Federation officials “had loosely used the term genocide” against Georgia during Russia’s 2008 invasion of the country. Polygraph.info further highlighted that “perhaps the closest incident [to genocide] was in 2014 by Russia’s forces in Slovyansk, where Ukraine’s forces who recaptured the city found a mass grave containing 20 bodies.” The Council of Europe , the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights , and the Expert Mission established under the OSCE  Moscow Mechanism independently found there was no evidence that either ethnic Russians or Russian speakers are facing persecution at the hands of the Ukrainian authorities. This narrative resurges whenever the Kremlin’s war of aggression runs into strategic setbacks. Narrative analysis of social media data on Telegram, conducted by the GEC, shows spikes in Russian-language conversation related to the “genocide in Donbas” around such setbacks. For example, the Kremlin dusted off this disinformation narrative in June 2022, a month marked by several strategic failures for Moscow. As the first High Mobility Artillery Rocket Systems (HIMARS) arrived in Ukraine  and the EU granted Ukraine candidate status , the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) announced  accountability efforts to “help identify, apprehend, and prosecute individuals involved in war crimes and atrocities” in Ukraine. The Russian Embassy in Washington fired back, repeating false Kremlin claims  of Ukrainians allegedly carrying out a genocide against the Russian-speaking population. The September start of Ukraine’s Kherson counter-offensive, the swift liberation of the Kharkiv region, and Russia’s subsequent mobilization announcements provided additional impetus for the Kremlin to resume this narrative. President Putin kicked off September with the disinformation-ridden remarks  asserting that Russia was only trying to stop the “genocide ” allegedly perpetrated by Kyiv since 2014. In his September 30 speech  announcing the purported annexation of Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhya regions after the earlier sham referenda, Putin again falsely claimed “for eight long years, people in Donbas were subjected to genocide, shelling and blockades, subjected to a criminal policy to cultivate hatred for Russia and everything Russian” and accused Ukraine of “intending for Russian speakers within its borders the same fate as the ‘colonial’ West wants to inflict upon the entire world.” The Kremlin purports to defend the Russian-speaking people of Ukraine against nonexistent “genocide.” Yet, for eight years Russia’s invading forces and its proxies have caused death and destruction in predominantly Russian-speaking parts of Ukraine. Millions have fled Russia’s occupation of areas in Ukraine’s east and south. The destruction in Russian-speaking Mariupol  is catastrophic. By March 2022, the U.S. government assessed that members of Russia’s forces have committed war crimes  by carrying out filtration operations  and unlawfully deporting thousands of Ukraine’s civilians. By February 2023, leaning on the mounting evidence from Russian-speaking areas of Ukraine that have been liberated from Russia’s occupation, the U.S. government determined that members of Russia’s forces and Russian officials committed crimes against humanity  in Ukraine, including torture of civilians in detention through beatings, electrocution, and mock executions; rape; and execution-style killings of Ukrainian men, women, and children. Russia seeks to deny Ukraine’s sovereignty and independence and to suppress its history and culture. While Russia occupied Kherson, the city’s puppet authorities emptied libraries of Ukrainian literature and looted museums  of cultural artifacts . Russia’s government has systematically and unlawfully deported at least 6,000 children  from Ukraine to a network of facilities in Russia-occupied Crimea and across Russia, where they are “re-educated ” or put up for adoption  across Russia. These children may never know they are from Ukraine . The Kremlin appears determined to deny Ukraine’s existence as a state, by attempting to erase its past — and its future .     President Putin invoked the Kremlin’s most persistent disinformation narrative in his pre-dawn February 24 speech launching the full-scale invasion . He said “the purpose of this operation is to protect people who for eight years now have been facing humiliation and genocide perpetrated by the Kyiv regime. To this end, we will seek to demilitarize and ‘denazify’ Ukraine.” He leveled nonsensical accusations  against the democratically elected government of Ukraine, calling them “a gang of drug addicts and neo-Nazis who settled in Kyiv and took the entire Ukrainian people hostage.” Accusing Ukraine’s Jewish President Zelenskyy of neo-Nazism is absurd. But Russia’s claims are as calculated as they are twisted. For years, the Kremlin has methodically equated so-called “Russophobia” and neo-Nazism. The Russian government has repeatedly resorted to antisemitism  to spread disinformation about Moscow’s war in Ukraine. The Kremlin has long been in the business of instrumentalizing the history of the Second World War to marshal nationalist sentiment at home while furthering its geopolitical ambitions. In January 2023, Foreign Minister Lavrov extended the “Support for Ukraine = Russophobia = neo-Nazism” formula  by falsely equating the West’s helping Ukraine defend itself against Russia to Nazi Germany’s invasion of the Soviet Union. Lavrov invoked Hitler’s genocide of the Jews to solve the so-called Jewish question, accusing the West of conspiring “to finally solve the Russian question .” This narrative emerged prominently as Russia took heavy losses on the battlefield early in the war. Putin’s May 9 speech marking the Allied victory in World War II amplified this narrative, distorting history  to justify his brutal war against Ukraine. Putin falsely claimed his war of choice was a “sacred” and “patriotic” act akin to the Soviet fight against Nazi Germany —referred to in Russia as The Great Patriotic War — or to any war in which Russia “defended itself.” Repeating his standard propaganda talking points, Putin accused the West of “canceling” traditional values, falsifying history, and promoting Russophobia. The Kremlin repeatedly manipulates and distorts history to exploit the people of Russia’s sense of pride for their sacrifices in the victory over Nazism. The Kremlin also consistently casts Ukraine’s 2013-2014 Revolution of Dignity as a “fascist coup .” These distortions of history serve a strategic purpose: to evoke patriotism and rally support within Russia for Putin’s war against Ukraine. While the “denazification ” narrative was the justification of choice for Putin’s February 24, 2022 speech, apparently it did not resonate with audiences in Russia for long. GEC analysis of Russian-language online conversation shows an uptick in volume of online conversation involving this narrative in late February immediately following the speech. By March 2022, Russian officials gradually decreased  the use of this version of the narrative. Throughout March, Russia’s and Ukraine’s delegations engaged in several rounds of negotiations  to establish humanitarian corridors to help evacuate civilians and reach a cease-fire. The decrease in invocation of the “denazification” narrative possibly signifies that negotiating with Ukrainian officials while trying to “denazify” them was too much cognitive dissonance even for the Kremlin to sell. Yet the reprieve from “denazification” was short-lived. The narrative surged to its highest point among Russian-language posts on Telegram in late March and early April. As evidence of war crimes and mass graves began to emerge in Bucha  following the withdrawal of Russia’s troops, the Kremlin’s disinformation and propaganda ecosystem responded to the global outcry to the grim revelations by first denying  its forces’ involvement, then challenging the veracity of the reports and renewing the “denazification” narrative. Falsely accusing Ukraine of employing tactics that Russia itself uses, Russia’s Ministry of Defense falsely claimed  that “the photos and video footage from Bucha are another hoax, a staged production and provocation by the Kyiv regime for the Western media.” Russia’s Foreign Ministry falsely alleged  that there were “signs of video fakes and other forgeries.” Russia’s embassies and media outlets around the world amplified the easily debunked  conspiracies, including false claims Ukraine used fake corpses  which “reanimated” after the cameras stopped rolling. Despite ample evidence from the New York Times , Bellingcat , and the BBC  disproving Russia’s claims and demonstrating its involvement, the Kremlin’s disinformation machine continued to try  to hide the truth. Russia’s state media outlet RIA Novosti attempted to deflect attention by publishing an article that argued for the “denazification of the majority of Ukraine’s population, ” through “re-education, ideological repression… and strict censorship: not only in the political sphere, but necessarily also in the sphere of culture and education.” The article further advocated for the erasure of Ukraine as a state, including through “de-Ukrainization,” claiming “a denazified country cannot be sovereign.” The farcical nature of this narrative does not limit its utility to Russia’s disinformation ecosystem. When compared with the Kremlin’s other four false narratives addressed in this report, “denazification” was most frequently used by daily volume of posts and continues to maintain the highest level of engagement as measured by reactions and shares. Russia’s disinformation and propaganda ecosystem returns to the “denazification” narrative to deflect responsibility whenever Moscow suffers strategic setbacks.President Putin shamelessly wielded this narrative again in his January 27, 2023  message on International Holocaust Remembrance Day. He said “forgetting the lessons of history leads to the repetition of terrible tragedies. Evidence of this is the crimes against civilians, ethnic cleansing, and punitive actions organized by neo-Nazis in Ukraine.” He followed the same storyline in his February 1 address marking the 80th anniversary of the battle for Stalingrad in World War II, when he accused the West of Nazism , saying “Now we are seeing that unfortunately, the ideology of Nazism — this time in its modern guise — is again creating direct threats to our national security, and we are, time and again, forced to resist the aggression of the collective West.” His rhetorical escalations followed an announcement a few days earlier that Germany and the United States will deliver Leopard and M1 Abrams tanks  to Ukraine to aid in its self-defense against Russia’s brutal onslaught. Evidence of the Kremlin’s crimes against Ukrainian civilians in Russian-occupied areas is mounting as quickly as the Kremlin’s egregious lies. As of late January 2023, Ukraine is investigating nearly 67,000 suspected war crimes and crimes against humanity  — such as summary executions, rape, torture, kidnappings and forced deportations, indiscriminate bombings as well as targeted attacks on civilians and civilian objects. Independent inquiries, media organizations , the United Nations Independent Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine , and Experts Missions under the Moscow Mechanism of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe  have all documented a pattern of members of Russia’s forces committing war crimes and other atrocities in Ukraine. These crimes against humanity  did not occur in a vacuum. They are part of the Kremlin’s widespread and systematic attack  against Ukraine’s civilian population. The Kremlin’s “denazification” disinformation narrative and methodical rhetorical dehumanization  of the people of Ukraine have played a role in these unconscionable abuses. Survivors of Russia’s occupation of Bucha described Russia’s forces going door to door searching residential buildings as they “hunted for Nazis .” When Kherson city was liberated by Ukraine, witnesses recalled  life under Russian occupation, “If the Russians hear you speak Ukrainian, they think you are a Nazi. They check social networks, tattoos, if you have Ukrainian symbols on your body, you are in trouble.”     As the war reaches the one-year mark, the Kremlin’s attempts to justify its unjustifiable actions have extended to claims that it is fighting “Western Satanism.” Although Kremlin propagandists  demonized  Ukrainians as Satanists  at least since April 2022, President Putin’s characterization of so-called Western values as “outright Satanism” in his September 30, 2022 speech  propelled this accusation into an official narrative. Putin’s Kremlin has appointed itself the guardian of “traditional values” against the depraved alien values it claims the West advances in Ukraine and supposedly tries to impose upon Russia. This narrative first emerged in April 2022, following the discovery of Russia’s atrocities in Bucha. As one of the most vocal proponents of the “Russkiy mir” (Russian world) concept, the head of the Russian Orthodox Church Patriarch Kirill has preached that Russia is fighting in Ukraine for the “true independence” of the “Russian world” which he sees as the last bastion against the immoral, depraved West. This effort, he says, has “God’s truth ” on its side, and is holding back the “Antichrist ” against the “bogeyman” world power  which opposes Russia. Kirill believes  Ukraine belongs to the Russian Orthodox Church’s “canonical territory” despite the majority of Ukraine’s Orthodox believers reporting  to belong to the independent autocephalous Orthodox Church of Ukraine  or being “simply Orthodox.” Kirill portrays the Kremlin’s actions as a “fratricidal” holy war  that Russia must fight against those who want to turn Ukrainians from being “part of the holy united Rus” into a state “hostile to Russia.” The Kremlin’s disinformation and propaganda ecosystem has amplified Patriarch Kirill’s message through its many pillars. Public figures on state propaganda  outlets began portraying Russia as “the embodiment of forces of good,” speaking of a “metaphysical clash between forces of good and evil” and a “holy war” that Russia must win. Kremlin proxy  disinformation sites such as FSB-tasked News Front  and the U.S.-designated Tsargrad , an asset in the malign influence network of the U.S.-indicted  Russian oligarch Konstantin Malofeyev, went even further by describing  Ukrainians as “Satanists.” Thus, the Kremlin added “holy crusade” to its list of false justifications for waging a brutal war and committing atrocities against the people of Ukraine. The narrative resurfaced as Russia faced grinding setbacks on the battlefield through the summer and autumn. In July 2022, as the Russian government proposed expanding prohibitions on “propaganda” about “nontraditional sexual relations ” — a proposal Putin signed into law in December 2022 — prominent Kremlin figures  portrayed Russia’s March 2022 exclusion  from the Council of Europe as the failure of “efforts to impose foreign values and same-sex marriage” on Russia, even though the Council of Europe’s decision was based on Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. Military commanders from Russia’s Republic of Chechnya, run by U.S.-sanctioned strongman Ramzan Kadyrov, repeatedly proclaimed  that Russia is fighting a holy war in Ukraine  against the “army of the Antichrist” and “Satanic LGBT values.” In a September speech , President Putin attacked the West and its “dictatorship of Western elites” for “radical denial of moral norms, religion, and family,” labeling it “outright Satanism.” Putin implied Western countries conduct “monstrous experiments ” on children. Russia’s laws  and the Kremlin’s rhetoric falsely associate  LGBTQI+ persons with pedophilia. Putin is not alone in his extreme remarks. Taking signals from the Kremlin, eccentric actor, former priest, and ardent Putin supporter, Ivan Okhlobystin screamed  for “Holy War” during an October 1 rally at Red Square in support for Russia’s attempted annexation of four regions of Ukraine. Apparently stunning  some in the audience, Okhlobystin shouted  “Goyda!” (Гойда), an old Russian war cry purportedly used by Ivan the Terrible to call to his secret police . Okhlobystin continued his dramatic warning, “Fear, old world! Deprived of true beauty! True faith! True wisdom! Operated by madmen, perverts, Satanists! Be afraid, we are coming!” In late October, more Kremlin officials amplified  statements  calling for the “desatanization” of Ukraine, arguing the West was working through the promotion of Satanic cults to “reformat” Ukrainians’ minds against the traditional values embodied by Russia. Chechnya strongman Kadyrov urged  Russia’s men to take up arms and wage “jihad ” against Ukrainian satanists, calling to “wipe cities off the face of the Earth ” in Ukraine. Credible reports  indicate that Kadyrov’s Chechen fighters in Ukraine have committed atrocities . As the momentum of Ukraine’s forces picked up with its Kharkiv and Kherson offensives, the “desatanization” narrative reemerged and intensified. As Russia continues to incur losses on the battlefield and in global public opinion, the Kremlin searches for a winning narrative, trying new ones, each one more absurd than the one before it. The Kremlin’s efforts to demonize Ukrainians as “Satanists” is simply a thinly veiled attempt to explain its losses to the people of Russia and justify more in advance. Seemingly irrelevant on the surface, the “desatanization” narrative dehumanizes the people of Ukraine and attempts to justify depravity and cruel atrocities against them.     As Putin’s plans for sham referenda and a military mobilization collided with Ukraine’s counter-offensive in September 2022, the Kremlin rhetorically turned its war of choice into a war of necessity “to defend Russia’s sovereignty .” Only a year since the Kremlin presented its “security demands” to allegedly avoid conflict, it has come full circle, returning to the original disinformation narrative that the West is the real aggressor and wants to destroy Russia through a proxy war in Ukraine. Losing ground to Ukraine itself — a UN member state Putin dismissed  as “not a real country” — is inconceivable. As Ukraine’s forces liberated the Kharkiv region, the Kremlin’s central narrative became Russia fighting to defend its sovereignty against the West. On September 21, 2022 Putin falsely claimed the partial mobilization  and the sham referenda  were necessary to “protect the sovereignty, security, and territorial integrity of Russia.” Minister of Defense Shoigu  and Chairman of Russia’s State Duma Volodin  echoed the narrative that the mobilization was necessary because Russia is fighting Ukraine as well as NATO and the “collective West.” As Ukraine liberated the city of Kherson from Russia’s brutal occupation and as thousands of men fled Russia to avoid mobilization , Putin again blamed Ukraine and the West for the war. In his November 15 speech, Putin falsely insisted  the war resulted from Western efforts  to destabilize Ukraine, accusing the West of aiming to weaken  Russia and painting the war as a defensive measure against sabotage. In his 2022 New Year’s Eve address  to the nation, President Putin painted Russia’s “special military operation” as an existential struggle to secure Russia’s “sovereignty” and “true independence.” Flanked by allegedly Russian Armed Forces personnel, some of whom may have been actors , in a departure from his traditional Kremlin backdrop, he recycled disinformation narratives about the hypocrisy of the West. Putin claimed “Western elites” pretended to help resolve “the conflict in Donbas” and “encouraged neo-Nazis” to continue “terrorist action against peaceful civilians.” He then accused the West of “lying about peace while preparing for aggression” and “cynically using Ukraine as a means to weaken and divide Russia.” He further alleged the West unleashed “a full-blown sanctions war,” but Russia prevailed. Finally, he claimed this “struggle” serves as an example for other countries in their “quest for a just multipolar world order.” Beyond the familiar motifs, Putin appealed to patriotism, stating that defending the Motherland is a “sacred duty” and that “moral and historical truth” is on Russia’s side. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov reinforced  this narrative on January 18, 2023  as he assessed the results of Russia’s diplomacy in 2022. He said, “like Napoleon, who mobilized nearly all of Europe against the Russian Empire, and Hitler, who occupied the majority of European countries and hurled them at the Soviet Union, the United States has created a coalition of nearly all European member states of NATO and the EU and is using Ukraine to wage a proxy war against Russia with the old aim of finally solving the ‘Russian question,’ like Hitler, who sought a final solution to the ‘Jewish question.’” In late January 2023, following up on media inquiries after the aforementioned press conference, Lavrov reiterated  this narrative , saying “it has long been clear to us that the very existence of Russia as one of the basic, backbone elements in the vast Eurasian space is a problem for our opponents.” In a particularly far-fetched version of this narrative, the Kremlin cast international partnership and cooperation  on biological threat reduction in Ukraine as a threat to Russia’s sovereignty and Russians as an ethnicity. The Kremlin’s disinformation machine has mounted a full-scale assault on truth in multilateral organizations  attempting to portray peaceful research  in Ukraine as biological weapons experiments that train migratory birds  and diseased bats  to threaten Russia. In July 2022, Russia’s state  media  and proxy outlets  took the “U.S.-run biolabs” disinformation to the realm of science fiction when they featured Russian officials claiming  Ukraine’s soldiers were subjected to experiments  that “neutralized the last traces of human consciousness and turned them into the cruelest and deadliest monsters” and “U.S.-controlled cruel machines.” These statements followed accusations in March 2022 by Russia’s Ministry of Defense that the United States was developing in Ukraine “ethnic bioweapons ” to target ethnic Slavs, such as Russians. These outlandish ongoing claims seek to stoke conspiracy theories and portray Russia’s war against Ukraine as an existential “fight for sovereignty” against the West, while distracting attention from the poor performance of Russia’s forces. Another preposterous strand of this disinformation narrative claims Ukrainians are brainwashed by the West. In a January 30, 2023 interview , Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Ryabkov accused NATO of deliberately “zombifying” Russia’s neighboring countries “with Russophobic horror stories” and mounting actions “aimed at destroying our historical and cultural code.” Kremlin propagandist Margarita Simonyan  amplified  this narrative, saying that while it is hard for Russians to swallow fighting “brotherly” Ukrainians, “They [the West] took away the bitterness of fighting with Ukrainians or even for Ukrainians. It is now clear that perhaps it was inevitable that we are fighting with the West.” In attempting to justify Russia’s 2022 invasion, the Kremlin falsely claimed the West refused to negotiate even as Moscow walked away from negotiations . Attempting to justify continuing the war, the Kremlin falsely claims the West seeks to dismember Russia and destroy Russian culture. To help the people of Russia accept the lie that Moscow rightfully attacked its neighbors, whom many Russians consider a “brotherly” people, the Kremlin says the West has zombified Ukrainians. In this distorted version of reality, Russia can argue it is not fighting “brotherly” Ukrainians, it is fighting “zombified,” “neo-Nazi,” “Satanist” Ukrainians. To make Russia’s losses palatable, the Kremlin pretends it is not at war with Ukraine but nobly fights in Ukraine to “defend its sovereignty” against the incursion of the West.     The courage and resilience of the people of Ukraine, their absolute commitment to defending their country’s independence and democracy, the unity of effort among the United States and our allies and partners in supporting Ukraine’s self-defense, and the global condemnation of Russia’s aggression, have pushed the Kremlin to continuously dance from one disinformation narrative to another in an attempt to justify its war to the people of Russia and the international community. Russia’s lies do not change the truth. The Kremlin chose to start this war, and the Kremlin can choose to end it. Ukraine is an independent state and member of the United Nations. It has the sovereign right to defend its territory and choose its foreign policy. Russia’s war against Ukraine began in 2014 when Russia’s forces seized Ukraine’s Crimean Peninsula and led, funded, and trained proxies to instigate and sustain conflict in the Donbas region of eastern Ukraine. Democratic Ukraine is not overrun by Nazis or Satanists — the Kremlin created these myths to stoke fervor among its own population. Ukrainian citizens of all ethnicities democratically elected a Jewish President, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, and the international community has recognized the legitimacy of his government. In the months before Russia launched its full-scale invasion, the United States and others joined Ukraine in good faith diplomacy to explore ways to address Russia’s claimed security concerns without compromising Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. Russia chose war instead. Russia launched its full-scale invasion in February 2022, in blatant violation of UN Charter principles respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states and refraining from the use of force. Russia brutally seized and occupied portions of Luhansk, Donetsk, Zaporizhzhya and Kherson provinces, then held sham referenda and purported to annex them just as it claimed to have done Crimea in an attempt to realize the Kremlin’s predatory territorial ambitions. All of Russia’s rhetorical contortions serve one goal — to mask Russia’s apparent effort to  erase the sovereign, independent state of Ukraine from the map and subjugate its people . Buried in the lies are tell-tale signs pointing to the Kremlin’s true neo-imperial ambitions . Putin’s July 2021 missive declaring Russians and Ukrainians “one people ” and his February 2022 call-to-war speeches , filled with historical revisionism and disinformation denying Ukraine’s statehood  and sovereign agency, gave the world a glimpse of his goals. The same lines are frequently repeated by the faces of Kremlin’s propaganda, such as Margarita Simonyan , who recently reiterated the fictitious claim that Ukraine was built by Russia and owes its might to Russia’s gifts . Putin’s vision to fulfill the imperial expansionist ambitions  of Peter I and “return lost territories ,” and Kremlin officials’ unvarnished  commentary  reveal their actual intent. Kremlin officials  indicated Moscow may also retaliate against so-called “Russophobia” and non-existent “genocide against Russians” in places  other than Ukraine it considers its historic lands. Kremlin pundits have already speculated that Russia may need to “denazify” Kazakhstan , Moldova , and any other country allegedly harboring “Russophobia.” Leaving little doubt about his vision of the future, in a January 2023 speech  Putin stated: “The goal, as I have said many times, is primarily to protect people and protect Russia itself from the threats that they are trying to create in our own historical lands adjacent to us. We cannot let this happen.” No matter which narrative the Kremlin deploys at any given time in its losing game of disinformation roulette, Ukraine remains a sovereign, independent state recognized by the international community. Its brave people will remain steadfast in defense of their country and their democracy, and the United States will stand with Ukraine  for as long as it takes.

2020年11月14日 美国东部标准时间上午09:51  发言人办公室 副总统彭斯两年前宣布了 《印度-太平洋地区透明度倡议》，包括超过10亿美元的计划，以促进整个地区的公民社会、法治、透明和负责任的治理。 对我们建立一个自由、开放的印度-太平洋地区的愿景以及美国的外交政策和国家安全来说，美国对善治的支持是必不可少的。在太多社会中，薄弱的机构组织、腐败、不透明的商业环境和恶劣的人权状况，赶走了私营部门的投资，并使外国恶意影响得以实现。印度-太平洋国家和区域机构认为透明度是实现我们共同的印度-太平洋愿景的基础，包括东盟的《印度-太平洋展望》。 透明度倡议包括由一系列美国政府机构开发的200多个项目，重点是反腐败和财政透明度、民主援助、青年和新兴领导者发展、媒体和互联网自由，以及保护基本自由和人权。 反腐败和财政透明度： ***** 民主援助： ***** 青年和新兴领导者发展： ***** 媒体和互联网自由 ***** 人权和基本自由: ***** 美国致力于与整个印度-太平洋地区的盟友和伙伴一起努力促进公民社会、法治、尊重人权，以及透明和负责任的治理——这些都是进步的基石，及和平、安全、繁荣和独立的堡垒。   英文全文（包括上述项目详情）请点击这里：https://www.state.gov/indo-pacific-transparency-initiative-2/

11/14/2020 09:51 AM EST Office of the Spokesperson Announced by Vice President Pence two years ago, the Indo-Pacific Transparency Initiative includes more than $1 billion in programs that promote civil society, rule of law, and transparent and accountable governance across the region. The support of the United States for good governance is integral to our vision for a free and open Indo-Pacific, and to U.S. foreign policy and national security generally. Weak institutions, corruption, opaque business environments, and poor human rights conditions, drive away private-sector investment and enable foreign malign influence in too many societies. Indo-Pacific nations and regional institutions identify transparency as fundamental to the realization of our shared Indo-Pacific vision, including in ASEAN’s Outlook on the Indo-Pacific. The Transparency Initiative encompasses over 200 programs developed by a range of U.S. government agencies focused on anti-corruption and fiscal transparency, democracy assistance, youth and emerging leader development, media and internet freedom, and protecting fundamental freedoms and human rights. Anti-Corruption and Fiscal Transparency: ***** Democracy Assistance: ***** Youth and Emerging Leader Development: ***** Media and Internet Freedom: ***** Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms: ***** The United States is committed to working with allies and partners across the Indo-Pacific region to promote civil society, the rule of law, respect for human rights, and transparent and accountable governance – the building blocks of progress and the bulwarks of peace, security, prosperity, and independence. For the full text in English (including details of the programs above), please click here: https://www.state.gov/indo-pacific-transparency-initiative-2/

关于“12名港人”的命运 2020年12月31日 美国东部标准时间 上午11:36  迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥国务卿 香港曾是一个繁荣的地方，直到中国共产党及其在当地的鹰犬摧毁了香港的法治并剥夺了香港人民的自由。尝试逃离这一暴政的“12名港人”理应在国外作为英雄受到欢迎，而非被捕、秘密审判和入狱服刑。美国强烈谴责深圳法院的行动并呼吁立即无条件释放其中被判处监禁的十名成员。 中国共产党对12名港人的迫害——其中两人在被捕时是未成年人——再次暴露了北京的残暴、对其签署的国际条约的公然无视以及对香港人民权利的蔑视。一个阻止其自己的人民离开的政权无法自称伟大或拥有全球领导力。它不过是一个惧怕自己人民的脆弱的独裁政权。

On the Fate of the “Hong Kong 12” 12/31/2020 11:36 AM EST Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State Hong Kong was a thriving territory until the Chinese Communist Party and its local lackeys destroyed its rule of law and eviscerated the Hong Kong people’s freedoms. The “Hong Kong 12” who tried to flee this tyranny deserved a hero’s welcome abroad, not capture, a secret trial, and prison sentences. The United States strongly condemns the Shenzhen court’s actions and calls for the ten members of the group who were sentenced to jail terms to be immediately and unconditionally released. The CCP’s persecution of the Hong Kong 12 – two of whom were juveniles at the time of their arrest – exposes once again Beijing’s brutality, blatant disregard for the international treaties it has signed, and its disdain for the rights of the Hong Kong people. A regime that prevents its own people from leaving can lay no claim to greatness or global leadership. It is simply a fragile dictatorship, afraid of its own people.

美国财政部 公共事务办公室 2023年7月9日   以下是预定讲话稿：   感谢大家今天来到这里。   美国与中华人民共和国之间的关系是我们这个时代最重要的关系之一。作为世界上最大的两个经济体，我们两国的经济总量占全球经济的40%。我们的所作所为——无论是在双边领域还是在范围更广的全球舞台上——都影响着我们两国和其他国家人民的生活和生计。   我一直想坦率、真诚地谈论一下这一关系，以便在对现实有清醒认识的基础上来应对我们所面临的挑战和机遇。美国和中国之间存在重大分歧。需要就这些分歧进行明确、直接的沟通。然而，拜登总统和我并没有从大国冲突的角度来看待美中关系。我们相信，世界足够大，可以容纳我们两个国家共同繁荣。两国都有义务以负责任的方式管理这一关系，找到一条共处并分享全球繁荣的途径。   与布林肯国务卿一样，我来北京也是为了落实拜登总统去年11月与习主席会晤后提出的深化双边沟通的指示。我此行的目的是与北京新的经济领导团队建立并深化关系。我们的会谈是更为广泛的共同努力的一部分，旨在稳定双方关系，减少产生误解的风险，并商讨合作领域。   在过去的两天里，我有机会做到这一点。我与李总理、何副总理、刘财长、中国人民银行潘书记以及其他高层官员进行了会晤，讨论了两国经济关系的重要支柱。这些会谈是直接的、实质性的和富有成效的。我们能够更多地了解彼此的经济和政策选择，我认为这对于世界上最大的两个经济体来说至关重要。即使我们在某些问题上意见不一致，我相信我们就两国关系中的机遇和挑战所进行的坦诚和深入的讨论，以及由此产生的对两国的行动和意图的更好的理解，都具有明显的价值。总的来说，我相信我此行中的双边会晤——两天总计约10个小时——是我们努力让美中关系处于更坚实的基础上而迈进的一步。   让我更详细地谈谈我们的一些讨论。   首先，我表明了拜登总统和我本人都希望寻求两国之间未来健康的经济竞争。我们相信，建立一种长期互惠互利的经济关系——一种支持双方的增长和创新的关系—— 是可实现的。事实上，我提到中国的发展已使数亿人摆脱了贫困，并明确表示美国并不寻求与中国脱钩。脱钩与使关键供应链多样化或采取有针对性的国家安全行动之间存在重要区别。我们知道，世界上最大的两个经济体的脱钩对两国都将是灾难性的，而且会造成世界的不稳定。并且这几乎不可能做到。我们希望有一个充满活力和健康的全球经济，它是开放、自由和公平的经济，而不是支离破碎或迫使各国选边站的经济。   我还与中国官员就健康的经济竞争只有在对双方都有利的情况下才可持续的观点进行了沟通。我向他们一再表明了我们对中国的不公平经济行为的严重关切。这包括中国非市场政策的广度和深度，以及对外国公司市场准入设置的壁垒和涉及知识产权的问题。公平待遇至关重要，只有这样美国公司和工人才能在公平的环境中竞争，并从与中国的贸易和投资以及中国为美国商品和服务提供的巨大市场中获得经济利益。我还对近期针对美国公司的胁迫性行动有所增加表示了担忧。   重要的是，我相信中国转向更加市场化的体系不仅符合美国和其他国家的利益，而且对中国经济也有好处。我在此行期间会见了美国商界领袖，他们表示希望看到与中国加强经济接触。我也知道许多企业对外国公司在中国可能面临的各种挑战提出了一系列关切。重要的是，我们需要共同努力，以确保公司企业了解两国拥有不存在争议的广泛的经济互动领域。   其次，我们还谈到了国家安全和人权问题。我向中国官员强调，有必要就双方正在采取的行动以及为什么采取这些行动进行明确和直接的沟通。在关系紧张的时刻，高级别的接触尤其至关重要。美国将继续采取必要的有针对性的行动来保护我们的国家安全利益和盟友的安全利益。我们在这样做时会遵循一系列重要原则，如确保我们的国家安全行动透明、范围狭窄并且目标明确。重要的是，这些行动是出于直接的国家安全考虑。我们不会利用这些行动来获取经济优势。   我还强调了结束俄罗斯对乌克兰的残酷的非法战争的重要性。在我们继续关注俄罗斯国内局势的同时，美国对乌克兰的支持不会改变。我阐明了中国企业必须避免向俄罗斯提供物质支持或协助其逃避制裁的重要性。   第三，我们讨论了可以在哪些领域共同应对全球挑战，其中涉及从应对气候危机到解决主权债务可持续性等方面的问题。这不是中美之间的双边问题，而是关系到负责任地引领全球的问题。全世界理应要求并期望两个最大的经济体能够共同应对这些全球问题，并帮助找到解决方案。   我们就两国的宏观经济和金融发展交换了看法。我们还形成了共识，即就这些问题保持持续接触对于维护全球金融稳定非常重要。关于发展中国家和新兴市场的债务困境，我们对赞比亚等具体方面的最新进展表示欢迎。我重申了所有双边官方债权人在其他紧急情况下及时地全面参与的重要性。本届政府认为，改善债务重组进程对世界经济至关重要。此外，我们还认为，作为世界最大的双边债权国，中国可以从这些改进带来的更大确定性中获益。我们还谈到了共同努力为气候行动调动私营部门融资的机会。我也在北京的一次圆桌会议上会见了一些气候融资领导人。美国财政部和中国人民银行共同主持二十国集团（G20）的可持续金融工作组（Sustainable Finance Working Group），这是我们共同努力并为应对全球挑战发挥领导作用的一个具体实例。我们还谈到了实现国际发展融资体系现代化的重要努力。   任何一次访问都无法在一夜之间解决我们面临的挑战。但我期望这次访问将有助于与中国新的经济团队建立一个有韧性的、富有成效的沟通渠道。过去两年来，我们双方的会晤被大量公开报道，其中包括我和布林肯国务卿对中国的访问。我希望我们的关系能进入这样一个阶段： 高级别外交仅被视为管理全球最重要的双边关系的一种自然而然的方式。   最后我想说的是：把握美中关系的复杂性绝非易事。但我们要时刻谨记，尽管面临挑战，我们的道路并非早已注定。我在此次访问期间有机会会晤了几位中国女经济学家。尽管这些经济学家成长于远离美国的大洋彼岸，但她们与我在职业生涯中共事过的美国经济学家有很多共同之处：渴望从事有益的工作，并为自己、家人和世界创造更美好的未来。归根结底，我们在双边关系中走什么样的道路是两国的选择。我相信，我们两国必须为自己的人民和全世界做出正确的选择：为和平与繁荣增进我们的共同利益。   下面，我愿意回答你们的提问。   欲查看原稿内容: https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/jy1603 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

July 8, 2023 As Prepared for Delivery   Thanks for being here today.   The relationship between the United States and the People’s Republic of China is one of the most consequential of our time. As the world’s two largest economies, our nations collectively represent 40 percent of the global economy. What we do – both in the bilateral sphere as well as on the broader global stage – shapes the lives and livelihoods of the people in our countries and beyond.   I have been intent on speaking about this relationship plainly and honestly: to address the challenges and opportunities that face us based on sober realities. The U.S. and China have significant disagreements. Those disagreements need to be communicated clearly and directly. But President Biden and I do not see the relationship between the U.S. and China through the frame of great power conflict. We believe that the world is big enough for both of our countries to thrive. Both nations have an obligation to responsibly manage this relationship: to find a way to live together and share in global prosperity.   Like Secretary Blinken, I came to Beijing to deliver on President Biden’s directive to deepen bilateral communications after his meeting with President Xi last November. My objective during this trip has been to establish and deepen relationships with the new economic leadership team in place in Beijing. Our discussions are part of a broader concerted effort to stabilize the relationship, reduce the risk of misunderstanding, and discuss areas of cooperation.   Over the past two days, I have had the chance to do just that. I’ve met with Premier Li, Vice Premier He, Finance Minister Liu, People’s Bank of China Head Pan, and other senior officials to discuss important pillars of our economic relationship. These conversations were direct, substantive, and productive. We were able to learn more about each other’s economies and policy choices, which I believe is vital as the world’s two largest economies. Even where we don’t see eye-to-eye, I believe there is clear value in the frank and in-depth discussions we had on the opportunities and challenges in our relationship, and the better understanding it gave us of each country’s actions and intentions. Broadly speaking, I believe that my bilateral meetings – which totaled about 10 hours over two days – served as a step forward in our effort to put the U.S.-China relationship on surer footing.   Let me touch upon a few of our discussions in greater detail.   First, I communicated that President Biden and I seek a future of healthy economic competition between our countries. We believe it is possible to achieve an economic relationship that is mutually beneficial in the long term – one that supports growth and innovation on both sides. Indeed, I noted that China’s growth has lifted hundreds of millions out of poverty and made clear that the United States is not seeking to decouple from China. There is an important distinction between decoupling, on the one hand, and on the other hand, diversifying critical supply chains or taking targeted national security actions. We know that a decoupling of the world’s two largest economies would be disastrous for both countries and destabilizing for the world. And it would be virtually impossible to undertake. We want a dynamic and healthy global economy that is open, free, and fair – not one that is fragmented or forces countries to take sides.   I also communicated to my counterparts that healthy economic competition is only sustainable if it benefits both sides. I pressed them on our serious concerns about China’s unfair economic practices. That includes the breadth and depth of China’s non-market policies, along with barriers to market access for foreign firms and issues involving intellectual property. Fair treatment is critical so American firms and workers compete on a level playing field – and benefit economically from trade and investment with China and the huge market it presents for American goods and services. I also expressed my worries about a recent uptick in coercive actions against American firms.   Importantly, I believe that a shift toward a more market-oriented system in China would not only be in the interests of the U.S. and other countries. It would be better for the Chinese economy as well. During this trip, I met with U.S. business leaders who said they would like to see greater economic engagement with China. I also know that many businesses have expressed a range of concerns on the challenges that foreign firms can face here. It is important that we work together to make sure businesses understand there is a wide swath of economic interactions that are uncontroversial to both sides.   Second, we also spoke about national security and human rights. I emphasized to my counterparts the necessity of clear and direct communication on the actions we are taking – and why we are taking them. Senior-level engagement is particularly vital during moments of tension. The U.S. will continue to take targeted actions that are necessary to protect our national security interests and those of our allies. As we do so, we adhere to a set of important principles like making sure our national security actions are transparent, narrowly scoped, and targeted to clear objectives. Importantly, these actions are motivated by straightforward national security considerations. They are not used by us to gain economic advantage.   I also raised the importance of ending Russia’s brutal and illegal war against Ukraine. As we continue to monitor the domestic situation in Russia, U.S. support for Ukraine will not change. And I communicated that it is essential that Chinese firms avoid providing Russia with material support or assistance with sanctions evasion.   Third, we discussed areas where we can work together on global challenges – from tackling the climate crisis to addressing sovereign debt sustainability. This is not a bilateral issue between China and the United States. It is about responsible global leadership. The world deserves and expects its two largest economies to work together on these global problems and help find solutions.   We exchanged views on macroeconomic and financial developments in both of our countries. And we shared a common understanding that sustained engagement on these issues was important to maintaining global financial stability. On debt distress in developing countries and emerging markets, we welcomed recent progress on individual cases such as Zambia. I reiterated the importance of timely and comprehensive participation by all bilateral official creditors in other urgent cases. Our Administration believes that improving the debt restructuring process is crucial for the world economy. In addition, we believe that China, as the world’s largest bilateral creditor, can gain from the greater certainty provided by those improvements. We also spoke about the opportunity to work together to mobilize private financing for climate action. And I was able to meet with a group of climate finance leaders in Beijing at a roundtable event. The U.S. Treasury and the People’s Bank of China co-chair the G20 Sustainable Finance Working Group, a concrete example of our ability to work together and lead on global challenges. We also spoke about important efforts to modernize our international development finance system.   No one visit will solve our challenges overnight. But I expect that this trip will help build a resilient and productive channel of communication with China’s new economic team. Over the past two years, there has been significant public coverage of meetings between our two sides, including my and Secretary Blinken’s visits to China. My hope is that we can move to a phase in our relationship where senior-level diplomacy is simply taken as a natural element of managing one of the world’s most consequential bilateral relationships.   Let me end by saying this: navigating the contours of the relationship between the United States and China is no easy task. But we must never forget that, despite the challenges, our path is not predestined. During this trip, I had the opportunity to meet with a group of Chinese women economists. These economists grew up an ocean away from America, but they share much in common with the American economists I’ve worked with throughout my career: a desire to do good work and secure a better future for themselves, their families, and the world. Ultimately, what road we go down in our bilateral relationship is a choice that both countries make. I believe that our two countries must make the right choice for our people and the world: one that advances our shared interest for peace and prosperity.   With that, I will take your questions. ###

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区 2020年3月31日 国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥（Michael R. Pompeo）对媒体的讲话 新闻发布厅（Press Briefing Room） [摘译] *     *     *     * 现在谈谈国务院（State Department）将美国人接回国的名副其实的英雄行动。2月2日的那个超级碗（Superbowl）周日，我们还都能看到电视实况转播的体育节目。我们的团队当天正在忙于安排两架航班，将在中国武汉的美国人接回国。我们的医疗团队的一位负责人写了一封电邮发给他的同事们。我想为你们读读其中的部分内容。 这位同事写道，原文是：“当整个国家在舒适的家中或酒馆中观赏球赛时，大部分人根本想不到会有一小批人一头扎进全球疫情的中心，他们只有一个目的，就是将他们的同胞从可怕的境遇中撤出。不论结果如何，我们这些少数的幸运儿都拿出了极大的勇气，献身于这一有价值的事业。”引述完毕。 那项使命完成，将800多人从武汉接回国，而且那是国务院有史以来最重要的、史无前例的使命之一的开端。迄今为止，我们已将20——我认为是6，或是27000名美国公民从50多个国家撤回。我们团队的爱心、品格以及力求卓越的事迹实在令人赞叹。请让我给你们举两个例子。 *     *     *     * 在国务院230年的历史中，我们从未领导过一场地理复杂性如此巨大、地理跨度如此宽广的全世界范围的撤侨行动。完成这项任务是我们对美国人民的最大职责所在。这支团队的作为今天令我感到无比骄傲。这支全天候的撤侨特别工作组将在今后几天和几周内将数以千计的更多的美国人接回国。 与此同时，我想向仍在国外的美国人传达一个信息。我们仍然坚定地致力于将你们所有人接回来。我们不知道在一些国家，你们所在国家继续运营的客运航班还会运营多久。我们无法保证美国政府有能力在已没有客运业务的地方无限期地安排包机。我敦促美国人登录step.state.gov在离他们最近的使馆登记并努力返回国内。希望回国的在国外的美国人应当立即这样做，并为此做出安排。 注意，如同我对我们正在进行的撤侨工作感到骄傲，我对国务院正在全世界提供的医疗及人道援助也同样感到骄傲。这是一个值得更多关注的话题；我们并不太经常谈及。在美国，我们提供援助，因为我们是慷慨、高尚的人民。我们这样做还因为我们从过去的经验中知道，我们没有良好的数据、完全的透明度以及抗击流行病所需的全部努力的话，就也可能危及在国内的美国人。出于这两种原因，美国是最早主动提出帮助的国家之一。 二月初——感觉似乎是很久以前——二月初，我们将撒马利亚救援会（Samaritan’s Purse）、耶稣基督后期圣徒教会（Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints）以及其他方面提供的近18吨医疗物资运到武汉。在同一个月，我们承诺提供1亿美元来帮助各国抗击后来演变成大流行病的疫情，其中包括提出向中国提供帮助。 我们迄今为止的响应措施，已显著超出最初的承诺。我们现已向多达64个国家提供总计2.74亿美元资金。这笔款项将达及全世界风险最大的人们。你们可以登录state.gov查阅资料简报。我们将分别谈到我们在每个国家的工作。它将分别说明情况。我们是上周末发布的。 我们这样做已经有很长时间了。我们知道如何为全球各地人提供帮助。自2009年以来，美国纳税人慷慨解囊，资助超过1000亿美元用于医疗援助，以及近700亿美元用于人道主义援助。那是个以10亿为单位的数字。 但是我们的帮助远远不止于资金。疾病控制与预防中心（CDC）现在有六位人员置身在纳米比亚，与纳米比亚卫生部一道工作。例如，食品药品管理局（FDA）正在联合主办关于开发新冠病毒病疫苗的虚拟国际会议。整个特朗普（Trump）政府中的美国人都在为消除这场危机而辛勤工作。 再举个例子。我们一直在与非政府组织合作，为叙利亚——包括叙利亚政权控制地区——有需要的人送去药品、医疗物资和食品。这是一场人道危机。第二，我们将继续帮助联合国机构和非政府组织在叙利亚北部各地的营地和非正规的国内流离失所人聚居点建造更多供水、公共卫生和医疗设施，帮助防止病毒在那个困境中的地方扩撒。 正如我前面提到的，不只是我们的政府在全球提供帮助。美国公司，私人慈善机构为抗击这场大流行疫情向世界提供了15亿美元。这是美国卓越精神的最佳体现。 我们的慷慨，我们致力于在当前和未来挽救美国人生命的务实精神，也通过我们与多边机构的合作体现出现来。这是另一个没有充分报道的方面。我们长期以来一直对全球健康和人道援助持有无可比拟的承诺。只需想一下最上端——我们对国际组织的金融支持，还不用说我们给世界各地带来的所有科学家、技术人员和其他专长。 美国继续远远是最大的对世界卫生组织（World Health Organization）的捐助国，我们自从1948年以来一直这样。我们的贡献去年超过4亿美元，是中国的十倍。美国向联合国难民署（UN Refugee Agency）提供了将近17亿美元，这个机构正在帮助那些最缺少力量的人减少接触病毒。而中国提供了190万美元。 联合国儿童基金会（UNICEF）正在全球各地几十个国家参与紧急行动，包括在中国和伊朗。2019年，美国向联合国儿童基金会提供了7亿多美元。中国提供的只相当于这个数字的很小一部分。 美国人戴维·比利斯（David Beasley）领导下的世界粮食计划署（World Food Program），向74个国家送去了85次以上的食品和个人防护装备，帮助这些国家抗击病毒。仅去年我们就提供了80亿美元资源，占该机构预算的42%。 好了，你们都能明白了。我们不大谈援助，但是美国人民应该了解我们对这些重要机构的大量承诺并为此感到骄傲。这些不仅是在帮助全球各地的公民，而且也在保护美国人民，维护我们的安全。 *     *     *     * 你们提了一个有关在当前面对新冠病毒病（COVID-19）挑战期间的误导信息的问题。我每天都看到它。每天早上我起床后阅读来自世界各地的信息，不仅仅是正在这里发生的悲剧。我们国务院一位官员因这个病毒死亡，我们团队中的一员。我们现在有3000个美国人病亡。这很悲哀。我为受到影响的所有美国人和所有美国家庭祈祷。 这些信息很重要。能够相信你得到的信息，以便我们的科学家和医生以及世界卫生组织的专家和全球各地正在努力设法解救的人，寻找如何治疗，如何找到——找出解决办法，最终带来疫苗，判断我们正在采取的行动——社交距离，我们正在做的一切，限制运输，我们正在做的一切——设法判断它们是否奏效，从而挽救生命，都取决于能否有信心和有反映切实发生了的情况的信息。 这就是为什么误导信息是危险的。并不是因为它是糟糕的政治，而是因为如果我们不能相信来自每个国家的信息，给生命造成危险。因此我要敦促每个国家：尽最大努力收集信息。尽最大努力分享信息。我们正在这样做。我们在收集，我们在分享，我们在确保我们有良好可靠的根据来对如何抗击这一传染疾病作出决策。危险来自当一些国家选择在全球散布误导信息时。

For Immediate Release  REMARKS Secretary Michael R. Pompeo Remarks to the Press  March 31, 2020 Press Briefing Room Washington, D.C.    SECRETARY POMPEO: Now turning to the State Department’s truly heroic efforts to repatriate Americans.  It was Superbowl Sunday, February 2nd, when we all still had live sports on TV.  Our team was working that day to arrange two flights to bring home Americans from Wuhan, China.  One of our medical team’s leaders wrote an email to his colleagues.  I want to read part of it to you. The colleague wrote, quote:  “While the whole country enjoys the game in the comfort of home or a pub, most will have no idea that a small group heads into the heart of the global outbreak with the singular focus of bringing their fellow countrymen out of hellacious conditions.  No matter how it turns out, we happy few have dared greatly and given ourselves over to this worthy cause.”  End of quote. That mission was completed, bringing home more than 800 people from Wuhan, and it was the beginning of one of the most important and unprecedented missions in the history of the State Department.  As of today we have repatriated over 20 – I think it’s 6, or 27,000 U.S. citizens from more than 50 countries.  The stories of our team’s heart and character and commitment to excellence are truly amazing.  Let me give you just a couple of examples. Never in the department’s 230-year history have we led a worldwide evacuation of such enormous geographic complexity and such geographic scale.  We have no higher duty to the American people than to pull this off.  I’ve never been more proud of how the team’s done than I am today.  The 24/7 repatriation task force will continue to bring home thousands more Americans in the coming days and weeks. At the same time, I want to deliver a message to Americans who are still abroad.  We remain steadfast and committed to getting you all back.  We do not know in some countries how long the continued commercial flights in your country may continue to operate.  We can’t guarantee the U.S. Government’s ability to arrange chartered flights indefinitely where commercial options no longer exist.  I urge Americans to register with their nearest embassy at step.state.gov and work your way back here.  Americans abroad who wish to return home should do so immediately and make arrangements to accomplish that. Look, I’m just as proud of the work we’re doing on repatriation as I am about the health and humanitarian assistance that the State Department’s providing around the world, too.  It’s a topic that deserves more attention; we don’t talk about it all that often.  In America, we provide aid because we’re a generous and noble people.  We also do it because we know, from prior experiences, that we don’t have good data, full transparency, and all that effort to fight pandemics that can harm Americans back home too.  For both of these reasons, the United States was one of the first nations to step forward and offer help. In early February – it seems like a long time ago – in early February, we transported nearly 18 tons of medical supplies provided by Samaritan’s Purse, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, and others to Wuhan.  That same month, we pledged $100 million in assistance to countries to fight what would become a pandemic, including an offer of assistance to China. Our response, so far, surpasses that initial pledge significantly.  We’ve now made available a total number $274 million in funding to as many as 64 countries.  That money will go to some of the world’s most at-risk peoples.  You can go to state.gov to find a fact sheet.  We’ll talk about what we’re doing country by country.  It’ll give the breakdown.  We put that up at the end of last week. We’ve been at this a long time.  We know how to help people around the world.  Since 2009, American taxpayers have generously funded more than 100 billion in health assistance and nearly 70 billion in humanitarian assistance.  That’s billion with a B. But our help is much more than money.  The CDC has six staffers on the ground working with Namibia’s health ministry.  The FDA, as an example, is cochairing a virtual international conference on developing a COVID-19 vaccine.  Americans from all across the Trump administration are working diligently to put this crisis back in the box. Another example.  We’re working constantly with NGOs to deliver medicines, medical supplies, and food to those in need in Syria, including in regime-held areas.  This is a humanitarian crisis.  Two, we’ll continue helping UN agencies and NGOs build more water, sanitation, and health facilities in camps and informal IDP settings all across northern Syria to help prevent the spread of the virus in that difficult place. And as I referenced earlier, it isn’t just our government helping around the world.  American businesses, private charities have given $1.5 billion to the world to fight this pandemic.  This is truly American exceptionalism at its finest. Our generosity, our pragmatism aimed at saving American lives now and in the future is also exemplified through our work with multilateral organizations.  It’s another underreported story.  We’ve long maintained an unsurpassed commitment to global health and humanitarian assistance.  Consider just the top end of this – our financial support for international organizations, never mind all the scientists and technical people and other expertise that we bring around the world. The United States remains by far the largest contributor to the World Health Organization, as we’ve been since 1948.  Our contribution exceeded $400 million last year, 10 times that of China.  The U.S. contributed nearly $1.7 billion to the UN Refugee Agency, which is helping those least able to mitigate their exposure to the virus.  This compares to 1.9 million from China. UNICEF is engaged in emergency actions in dozens of countries all across the globe, including in China and in Iran.  In 2019, the U.S. supported UNICEF with more than $700 million.  China gave just a mere fraction of that. The World Food Program, headed by America’s own David Beasley, has sent more than 85 shipments of food and personal protection equipment to 74 countries to help them battle the virus.  And we’ve provided $8 billion in resources just last year, 42 percent of that organization’s budget. Look, you all get the idea.  We don’t talk about assistance much, but the American people should be aware of and proud of our vast commitments to these important institutions.  They not only help citizens around the world, but they protect Americans and keep us safe here as well. And lastly, you asked a question about disinformation in the moment here with the COVID-19 challenge.  I see it every day.  Every morning I get up and I read the data set from across the world, not only the tragedy that’s taking place here.  We’ve had a State Department official pass away as a result of this virus, one of our team members.  We now have 3,000 Americans who have been killed.  This is tragic.  My prayers go out to every American and every American family impacted by this. This data set matters.  The ability to trust the data that you’re getting so that our scientists and doctors and experts at the World Health Organization and all across the world who are trying to figure out how to remediate this, how to find therapies, how to find – identify a solution which will ultimately be a vaccine, to determine whether the actions that we’re taking – the social distancing, all the things that we’re doing, limiting transportation, all those things we’re doing –  to figure out if they’re working so that we can save lives depends on the ability to have confidence and information about what has actually transpired. This is the reason disinformation is dangerous.  It’s not because it’s bad politics.  It is because it puts lives at risk if we don’t have confidence in the information that’s coming from every country.  So I would urge every nation:  Do your best to collect the data.  Do your best to share that information.  We’re doing that.  We’re collecting, we’re sharing, and we’re making sure that we have good, sound basis upon which to make decisions about how to fight this infectious disease.  That’s the risk that comes when countries choose to engage in campaigns of disinformation across the world.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年6 月10 日 摘译：国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥（MICHAEL R. POMPEO）在出席2019年度国际宗教自由报告（International Religious Freedom Report）新闻发布会时发表的讲话 国务卿蓬佩奥：……我再次很自豪地在这里谈谈自由和自由社会。美国无论如何并不是一个十全十美的国家，但为了成为更完美的联邦，我们一贯竭尽全力，努力使之完善…… 我们本届政府所做的很有意义的事情之一是，我们坚定地保护世界各地的宗教自由。上星期，特朗普总统（President Trump）第一次签署了指示美国政府各部门高度重视宗教自由的行政命令。 在国务院，我已两度主持促进宗教自由部长级会议（Ministerial to Advance Religious Freedom）。我们发起了国际宗教自由联盟（International Religious Freedom Alliance）。我们训练我们外交服务系统（Foreign Service）的官员更深刻地了解宗教自由的问题。 今天，我很自豪地发布2019年度国际宗教自由报告。全世界没有其他任何国家如此深入地关注宗教自由。我们从世界各地搜集有关资料——浩如烟海的资料，对这个基本的人权做出了全面的评估….…。 在中国，国家主使的对所有宗教的迫害愈演愈烈。目前中国共产党下令各宗教组织服从中国共产党的领导，对各种信仰的教义和活动灌注共产主义的教条。对新疆维吾尔族人的大规模监禁仍在继续。对藏族、佛教徒、法轮功和基督教的迫害也是如此。 我向诸位推荐今天发布的这份报告。这份报告见证了我们捍卫人类尊严的坚强信念。 布朗巴克（Brownback）大使现在与我在一起。我在今天上午对诸位发表讲话后，他会回答你们的提问。 谈到中国，上星期我很荣幸地会见了几位31年前中国共产党天安门大屠杀事件的幸存者。 我还发布了一项声明，有关中国不道德地企图利用我们国内的局势推行他们的政治议程，我肯定你们许多人都看到了这一点。 我们两种政府完全不同。我们有法治；中国没有。我们有言论自由并赞成和平抗议。他们不是。我们捍卫宗教自由；就像我刚提到的，中国在继续进行几十年之久的反宗教战争。 这个差别再明显不过：中国在最佳时期，无情地强力实行共产主义。美国面对最艰难挑战时，努力确保所有人的自由……。 我还要简单提一下习总书记即将与非洲领导人举行的2019冠状病毒病（COVID-19）会议。我们注意到中国以及所谓的中国私人实体在非洲发放的很少量的经济捐助。 中国对抗击大流行病的贡献与它的掩盖所带来的经济和人生代价相比微不足道。我也指出，我们担心中国将利用大流行病作为借口，继续其暗箱借贷操作，这些做法使非洲各地国家欠债和失望。 美国已经并且将继续在非洲进行大量有益的工作。总统防治艾滋病紧急救援计划（PEPFAR）挽救了数百万非洲人的生命，美国正在非洲继续支持多个项目，抗击COVID-19流行疫情。我们将作为我们许多非洲友邦的可靠、透明和坚定伙伴，将这一重大人道努力继续下去。 最后，我有一项宣布，有关美国对帮助受大流行病影响的国家和人民的坚定不移的承诺。 首先，我要宣布为难民和易受影响的流动人口新增1,400万美元人道援助。 第二，特朗普（Trump）总统骄傲地帮助向全球各地国家提供呼吸机。 今天，我们正在提供将近1.8亿美元，支持购买呼吸机以及与这些复杂装置相关的所需培训和辅助。 迄今，我们承诺向60多个国家送去将近15,000台呼吸机……。

06/10/2020 01:07 PM EDT Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State Washington, D.C. Press Briefing Room SECRETARY POMPEO:  Good morning, everyone.  It’s great to be with you all today.  I’m here one more time, proudly, to talk about freedom and free societies.  And while America is not a perfect nation by any means, we always strive towards that more perfect union, trying to improve.  We remain the greatest nation in the history of civilization. One of the good things that we do in this administration is our dedication to the protection of religious freedom all around the world.  Last week, President Trump signed the first ever executive order that instructs the entire U.S. Government to prioritize religious freedom. Here at the State Department, I’ve hosted the Ministerial to Advance Religious Freedom now twice.  We’ve launched the International Religious Freedom Alliance.  We’ve trained our Foreign Service officers to understand religious freedom issues much more deeply. And today, I’m proud to release the 2019 International Religious Freedom Report.  There is no other nation that cares so deeply about religious freedom, that we gather accounts from all across the world – it’s an enormous, it’s a comprehensive accounting of this fundamental human right. Let me highlight a few positive developments we’ve observed in this past year: The Gambia, an International Freedom Alliance member, has courageously brought a case before the International Court of Justice regarding crimes against the Rohingya. The United Arab Emirates, long an ally for religious freedom in the Middle East, has become the first country in the Middle East to permit the construction of a temple of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. In Uzbekistan, steps have been taken to improve its record on religious freedom, and those steps continue.  I had a great chat with religious leaders where I was there earlier this year. We documented no police raids of unregistered religious group meetings during 2019, compared with 114 such raids in 2018, and 240 – 240 the year before that.  These are great strides, real progress, the efforts of our State Department team showing or bearing fruit. But there’s also a great darkness over parts of the world where people of faith are persecuted or denied the right to worship: The Nicaraguan Government harasses and intimidates religious leaders and worshipers and desecrates religious spaces, often using proxies. In Nigeria, ISIS and Boko Haram continue to attack Muslims and Christians alike.  ISIS beheaded 10 Christians in that country just this past December. And in China, state-sponsored repression against all religions continues to intensify.  The Chinese Communist Party is now ordering religious organizations to obey CCP leadership and infuse communist dogma into their teachings and practice of their faith.  The mass detentions of Uighurs in Xinjiang continues.  So does the repression of Tibetans and Buddhists and Falun Gong and Christians. I commend the report released today to everyone.  Its very existence is evidence of our strong resolve to defend human dignity. Ambassador Brownback, who is standing up here with me, will take questions from you after I wrap up my conversation with you all this morning. Speaking of China, last week I was humbled and honored to meet with several survivors of the Chinese Communist Party’s massacre at Tiananmen Square that happened 31 years ago. I also released a statement on China’s obscene attempts to take advantage of our domestic situation to press their political agenda, which I’m sure many of you saw. There is no equivalence between our two forms of government.  We have the rule of law; China does not.  We have free speech and embrace peaceful protest.  They don’t.  We defend religious freedom; as I just noted, China continues its decades-long war on faith. The contrast couldn’t be more clear:  During the best of times, China ruthlessly imposes communism.  And amidst the most difficult challenges the United States faces, we work to secure freedom for all. And speaking of freedom, I want to say how happy I am that Michael White’s back home safely.  I want to thank our team, led by Special Representative Brian Hook, for the great diplomacy that he engaged in that led to Michael’s release.  I want to thank the Swiss Government, too, for their assistance. The work is not done.  Baquer Namazi, Siamak Namazi, and Morad Tahbaz are Americans still wrongfully detained by the Iranian regime.  Tehran must release them immediately. Staying in the Middle East, a brief comment on Libya. The agreement between the GNA and the LNA to re-enter UN security talks was a good first step, very positive.  Quick and good faith negotiations are now required to implement a ceasefire and relaunch the UN-led intra-Libyan political talks.  It’s time.  It’s time for all Libyans on all sides to act, so that neither Russia nor any other country can interfere in Libya’s sovereignty for its own gain. Putting Libya on the path to economic recovery means preserving Libyan oil facilities and strong access to the National Oil Corporation. On Iraq:  The Government of Iraq has agreed to the Strategic Dialogue proposed in April, beginning tomorrow.  Under Secretary Hale will lead that discussion with the representatives from Department of Defense, Treasury, Energy, and other agencies, and their Iraqi counterparts. In keeping with previous dialogues based on our 2008 Strategic Framework Agreement, the dialogue will cover all of the areas of interest between our two countries: politics, economics, security, culture, and energy. With new threats on the horizon, including the global coronavirus pandemic, collapsed oil prices, and a large budget deficit, it’s imperative that the United States and Iraq meet as strategic partners to plan a way forward for the mutual benefit of each of our two nations. A little bit closer to home, the Trump administration continues to work with our partners to sustain the great transformation here in the Western Hemisphere, to turn it into that hemisphere of freedom that we have talked about. That work must continue in bilateral, multilateral settings – why I’m voicing the United States concerns over the Pan American Health Organization’s role in facilitating forced labor by Cuban doctors in Brazil’s Mais Medico program, during which more than 10,000 Cuban health care workers have allegedly been trafficked. PAHO must explain how it came to be the middleman in a scheme to exploit Cuban medical workers in Brazil. PAHO must explain how it came to send $1.3 billion to the murderous Castro regime. PAHO must explain why it did not seek the approval of the executive council – its own executive council – for its role in this program. And PAHO must explain who in the organization approved a potentially illegal agreement. And it must explain what it did with the $75 million it collected when it brokered this program. It needs to undertake reforms to prevent such things from ever happening again. And just as we did with the World Health Organization, the Trump administration will demand accountability from all international health organizations that depend on American taxpayer resources.  Our money must support things that create value and support our values. The United States continues to stand for democratic values elsewhere in the hemisphere too. We look forward to a quick and credible conclusion to the vote recount in Guyana. We expect transparent and credible outcomes in the legislative elections in Suriname as well. And we continue to support the Venezuelan people in their quest for freedom. Let’s not lose sight of how the Maduro regime has harmed Americans, either.  We call once again for the regime, which has held six U.S. oil executives for more than two and a half years now without a trial, to release each of these individuals. We also call on Russia to do the same for Paul Whelan, who needs to be released now. Rest assured Ambassador Sullivan and his team will keep fighting for Paul. The United States will also keep our focus on Moscow’s other human rights violations.  Since 2015, Russia has conscripted thousands of Crimean men into its armed forces and imposed criminal penalties on those who do not comply.  Russia must end its repression of those who oppose its occupation, release unjustly imprisoned Ukrainians, and return full control to the peninsula of Ukraine.  Crimea is Ukraine. In brighter news, on the other side of the Atlantic, our consulate in Nuuk, Greenland formally begins operations today.  I’m excited about that.  It took a lot of work and it’s good news.  It’s the culmination of the administration’s efforts to strengthen our engagement in the Arctic region, and a big thanks to Ambassador Carla Sands and her team in Copenhagen for help making this happen. We’re grateful for the solid cooperations we’ve seen from Greenland and Denmark in making this day arrive.  I was supposed to make a trip last year to announce this news and I’m still hoping that I can make it up that way north.  I know you’ll all want to come along with me on that trip. One more item from Europe:  I also welcome Albania’s cross-party agreement on electoral reform, which will strengthen its democracy and further solidify Albania’s European future.  We encourage all stakeholders to codify this political agreement. On to Africa.  The United States welcomes Congo’s arrest of Trazor Mputu Kankonde, who is accused of involvement in the 2017 murder of UN experts Michael Sharp and Zaida Catalan.  Finding and apprehending him is an important step forward for the rule of law in the DRC and justice for the murder of an American citizen. More good news:  We want to congratulate France on its announcements of operations that killed in northern Mali Abdelmalek Droukdal, the leader of al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb.  This is a big victory.  We’ve taken another senior al-Qaida leader off the battlefield, a terrorist threat who has presented risk all across the globe. And I want to mention briefly too an upcoming meeting General Secretary Xi is having with leaders in Africa on COVID-19.  We’ve taken note of the very modest financial donations that China and so-called private Chinese entities have disbursed in Africa. China’s contributions to fighting the pandemic are paltry compared to the financial and human costs of the cover-up that it engendered.  And I note too our concern that China will exploit the pandemic as a pretext to continue its opaque lending practices that have led nations to debt and disappointment all throughout Africa. The United States has done and will continue to do enormous good work in Africa.  PEPFAR has saved millions of African lives and the U.S. is sustaining multiple programs in Africa to fight the COVID-19 pandemic.  We’ll continue this remarkable humanitarian work as a reliable, transparent, and steadfast partner to our many African friends. And finally, I have an announcement regarding America’s unyielding pledge of help for countries and people afflicted by pandemic. First, I want to announce $14 million in new humanitarian assistance for refugees and vulnerable migrants. Second, President Trump is proud to help supply ventilators to countries all around the world. Today we’re providing nearly $180 million to support the purchase of those ventilators as well as the training and support needed for these complex machines. So far, we’ve committed to deliver nearly 15,000 ventilators to more than 60 countries. I’m happy, with that, to take a handful of questions. MS ORTAGUS:  Welcome back, Shaun.  Go ahead. QUESTION:  Thank you. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Shaun, there you are.  Shaun, yes, sir. QUESTION:  Thanks, Mr. Secretary. Actually, I wanted to ask you about events in this country over the past week – the killing of George Floyd.  You’ve – I saw you commented on Twitter about this.  And you’ve criticized China and Iran over their response, how you say they’re exploiting it, but what is the message from the State Department?  What is the message the United States projects to the world about this, when we have greater attention to the racial disparities here in the United States, when you’ve seen the use of force in Lafayette Park?  What message can the United States have as a sound position to raise morally these issues like the ones we hear today about religious freedom? And the State Department itself, is there any more focus that you think should be done in terms of diversity in the State Department?  Thanks. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Well, I’ll take your second question first.  Since the day I arrived here, we’ve been very focused to make sure we brought every talent to bear all across the State Department, a diverse set of people working from all across the country of every race, of every nature, of every political persuasion to bring them here, to execute America’s diplomatic mission.  I’m really proud of the work we’ve done to make sure we have the right team, a diverse team here or on the field.  I think the statistics show that hard work by Carol Perez and her team in our Department of Human Resources.  I think they’ve done fantastic work at that end.  It’s important.  It’s important as we travel the world that our team represent America in a way that reflects the full glory and diversity of the United States of America. And as for your first question, I think the question is so troubling, right.  Because you ask the question assuming there is a moral equivalency between what takes place in these countries where they repress their people and they bludgeon their people and they burn down their religious facilities, and they deny journalists – you all – the chance to ask a question of a secretary of state – just like the question you had, the opportunity to ask me and demand that we provide responses to you and hold us accountable.  Those things don’t happen in those nations. Our diplomats all around the world can be incredibly proud of the fact that they represent a nation that has God-given rights ensconced in our fundamental founding documents that ensure that when we get something wrong here in the United States, when something as tragic and as awful as what happened to George Floyd takes place, that the government responds, right. We saw both local law enforcement and our Department of Justice move very quickly to address the particular situation.  We’ve now seen people say, “Hey, we’re calling for changes in the way law enforcement works.”  It’s not my space here as the Secretary of State, but you can see this debate take place in America.  That doesn’t happen in nations across the world.  In Tiananmen Square 31 years ago, when thousands of people were massacred, instead they repressed journalists, they disappeared people.  It’s fundamentally different. Our nation is so special and it’s the greatest nation in the history of civilization.  It’s so special that challenges like the ones that we’re confronting here in the United States today will be managed head-on, there will be a political process that’s engaged of, there will be wide open debate, and our core principles – the fact that we respect every human being because they are made in the image of God – will be reflected in the way that the United States responds to these challenges.  And I actually think our diplomats have this incredible opportunity to tell this important story about how America confronts challenges inside its own country in a way that reflects the finest of what our founders would have hoped America could achieve. MS ORTAGUS:  Rich. QUESTION:  Hi, Mr. Secretary. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Hey, Rich. QUESTION:  Since we last spoke, Mr. Linick has testified that the undersecretary of management tried to bully him on multiple occasions, including an attempt to assume control of leak investigation and dissuade his investigation of last year’s arms sales to Saudi Arabia.  Is that accurate, and if so, is it appropriate?  And is State currently looking into Mr. Linick? SECRETARY POMPEO:  So I haven’t had a chance to see the transcript of Mr. Linick’s testimony.  I understand it’s now out, sometime this morning it came out.  I haven’t had a chance to see that, so all I’ve seen is what the committee put out in its press release. Here’s what I can tell you:  Steve Linick was a bad actor in the inspector general office here.  He didn’t take on the mission of the State Department to make us better.  That’s what inspector generals are supposed to do; they work for the agency head – that’s me – and they are supposed to deliver and help make that organization better.  It’s not what Mr. Linick did. With respect to the leak, there’s still work going on.  I don’t want to comment it – on it other than to say that we have asked for a more thorough investigation than Mr. Linick had permitted.  Mr. Linick didn’t do what he was asked to do: to respond to a story, I think written by one of you, that suggested that a couple of anonymous sources from inside his operation – I think it was referred to as people close to the investigation – had leaked a very politically sensitive document designed to destroy the career of a professional State Department official.  And that leaked almost certainly, according to the report, from his office.  We asked him to investigate it in a certain way, he refused to do that, and that’s inappropriate.  And we still don’t, as a result of that, know the answer for precisely how that information got out.  We’re determined to figure out how that information escaped, which was aimed at harming someone here. As I said before, my mistake was letting Mr. Linick stay here as long as he did.  He continued to undermine what it is the State Department’s mission is aimed at achieving.  We’ll respond as appropriate to the various things Mr. Linick said when we get a chance to read the interview transcript, but I’ll leave it at that for this morning.  I want to talk about foreign policy issues, the things that really matter. MS ORTAGUS:  Okay.  Christina. QUESTION:  Mr. Secretary, thank you for that. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Yes, ma’am. QUESTION:  Going back to your response to Shaun’s question. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Mm-hmm. QUESTION:  Respectfully, I wanted to ask you, not killing journalists or imprisoning dissidents surely cannot be the bar for American exceptionalism.  My colleagues and I have seen firsthand this week on the streets police using nightsticks against peaceful protesters and actively targeting members of the media, but we’ve heard no condemnation of these acts from the White House.  And I’m wondering how and why this administration so vocally supports the rights of protesters overseas, in Hong Kong, and not the protesters a mile or so down the road from where you now stand. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Oh, I think this administration has and continues to support peaceful protesters wherever we find them. QUESTION:  We’ve not seen a statement from the White House against acts against journalism, against peaceful protesters being attacked by police.  What is your opinion of those acts? SECRETARY POMPEO:  For two and a half years, I have worked for journalists to have the right to say whatever the heck they want.  I come out and talk to you.  You can ask me whatever — QUESTION:  You do. SECRETARY POMPEO:  — question you choose, right? QUESTION:  And I have. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Well, you – and you have.  And there – sometimes I like them, sometimes less so.  This is – but this is part of the process.  I welcome that. With respect to the particular things that you suggested, I know there have been concerns from some countries of their reporters having been treated inappropriately here.  We’ve seen some of those allegations come into the State Department.  You should know, and those countries should know, we will – we will handle them in a completely appropriate way.  We will do our best to investigate them to the extent the State Department is capable of doing that, and we will address them in a way that is appropriate to try and address any concerns those nations may have about their journalists who we, too, do our level best to protect whenever – you’ve seen them, the international press travel alongside you – we do our best to take care to make sure that they get an opportunity both to ask questions of us and that they can feel safe and secure in doing so. QUESTION:  What is your opinion about the protests? MS ORTAGUS:  That’s – that’ll be it.  Thank you. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Great.  Thank you all. MS ORTAGUS:  We’re going to have Sam now. SECRETARY POMPEO:  All right. MS ORTAGUS:  Thank you. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Ambassador Brownback, you’re up.  Thank you all.  Have a good day. MS ORTAGUS:  And just one clarifying point.  You can actually look to White House Press Secretary Kayleigh McEnany.  She addressed Christina’s question (inaudible).  So the White House is on the record. Go ahead, Sam. AMBASSADOR BROWNBACK:  Thank you.  Thank you.  Well, thank – thank you all for being here today.  I thank Secretary Pompeo.  Grateful to President Trump, Vice President Pence, leading on this important issue on religious freedom. Just as a brief overview, quickly, there are many firsts that this administration has done on this topic of religious freedom that I’d like to highlight here.  Last week you saw the executive order on religious freedom the President put out.  It’s the first time that’s ever been done by any chief executive anywhere in the world.  President Trump was the first president ever, first chief executive of any country ever to host a religious freedom event at the UN General Assembly, in September last year. The Secretary mentioned the ministerials to advance religious freedom.  He hosted two of them.  Those were the largest religious freedom events ever of their kind in the world, largest-ever human rights-focused conferences hosted by the State Department.  The Secretary launched the International Religious Freedom Alliance.  It’s the – he is the first-ever U.S. Secretary of State to organize an international coalition at a national leadership level to push the issue of religious freedom forward around the world.  Last year we launched the Abrahamic Faiths Initiative to push for peace between Muslims, Christians, and Jews by engaging in the cause key theologians of each of the faiths. The Trump administration has done and continues to do more than any other administration to protect and promote religious freedom for all faiths, groups, or for people of no faith at all. Today, Pastor Andrew Brunson has been reunited with his family.  The world has taken notice of the PRC Government’s human rights abuses and is beginning to speak out.  Asia Bibi has been freed for more than a year.  And due to recent improvements, both Sudan and Uzbekistan have been removed from the list of Countries of Particular Concern.  Major accomplishments and major things happening. Since the emergence of the COVID pandemic, we’ve seen Burma drop its charges and release more than 1,000 Rohingya from jail.  Iran furloughed a few of the dozens of unjustly detained members of religious minorities. The administration has answered the call to fight for people of all faiths, everywhere, at all time.  It’s been a very fulfilling job for me working with the incredible staff and pushing for religious freedom in every corner of the globe.  Yet the state of religious freedom remains far from perfect, and very troubling.  In many places of the world, individuals have become more familiar with religious oppression than religious freedom, and that’s – this report we’ve put forward today, the 2019 International Religious Freedom Report – Religious Freedom Report that’s put out today. Faith groups in China are among those suffering greatly on account of their beliefs.  In Iran, 109 members of minority religious groups remain in prison for simply being religious minority practitioners.  And last year the government executed a number of individuals on charges of enmity against God.  In Nigeria, conflicts and carnage continue between predominantly Muslim Fulani herdsmen and predominantly Christian farmers in North Central states. So our work is clearly cut out for us.  We must continue to build partnerships and alliances with nations who share our commitment to advance religious freedom around the world, and we must continue our efforts to stop bad actors.  And we must also continue to expand our capacity.  The importance of advancing religious freedom cannot be overstated.  It must extend to all areas of our foreign policy, and that’s why President Trump announced a new executive order last week, as I mentioned, which prioritizes international religious freedom in the planning and implementation of United States foreign policy and in the foreign assistance programs. We will continue to press forward our commitment to promote religious freedom for all, and that’s what we have done and that’s what we’ll continue to do, and the Secretary’s been outstanding in leading this effort, as has the President and the Vice President, and I think you’ll see more to come. Happy to take questions if you want to. MS ORTAGUS:  Going to try to get through everyone who hasn’t had a chance yet, so start with Nick. QUESTION:  Ambassador, Nick Schifrin, PBS NewsHour.  Thank you for doing this.  I wanted to ask about China and Xinjiang and what you’re seeing.  China’s obviously long said that the Uighurs, Muslim Uighurs who have been imprisoned or detained in Xinjiang have been released, so do you have any evidence that any Uighurs have been released from these detention camps during the coronavirus?  And have you seen evidence that independent researchers have found, which is that some of these detainees ended up working in factories, including factories who make products for Western companies?  Thanks. AMBASSADOR BROWNBACK:  We have no evidence that they’ve been released, and even if they were released, they’re released into a virtual police state that China has created that Chen Quanguo, the chair of the Communist Party in Xinjiang who was the chair in Tibet, has created.  And he’s been well funded to create this.  These are facts that we do know.  We do know that a number of workers have been put into forced labor facilities now in Xinjiang, and even Commerce Department now has sanctioned several of the companies in saying these products are produced by forced labor and they cannot be received into the U.S. marketplace. It is a horrific situation, and our big concern here is that this is the future of what oppression’s going to look like, is what it looks like for the Uighurs when they get out of the prison camps.  It’s going to be cameras and identification.  It’s going to be social credit systems.  It’s going to be oppression, particularly if you want to practice your faith.  In many of these places, you’re fine if you want to do anything – you want to get an education, fine.  You want to work, fine.  You’re – anything – but if you want to practice your faith, it’s a no go.  And if you do, there will be consequences for you and anybody else that pings you on your cell phone.  These are the things that is the virtual police state that we’re very concerned about it being the future of – beyond Xinjiang. QUESTION:  And on those forced labor facilities, as you called them, any evidence that these are factories that make products for the West? AMBASSADOR BROWNBACK:  Well, the – I would refer specifically to what Commerce Department has done on the entities list where they blocked these products coming in, and go off of what their records have produced.  But this is the information, the anecdotal evidence information we’re getting from people that testify, that have relatives or they themselves have been in these facilities. MS ORTAGUS:  Said,  go ahead. QUESTION:  Thank you, Morgan.  Thank you, sir.  Are you concerned that many of the authoritarian regimes, especially in the Arab world, are taking advantage of the COVID-19 spread issue and lockdown to basically restrict religious freedoms and go after a lot of practicing people and so on?  Are you concerned about that, that this – they are continuing to do that, keeping mosques off limit and saying that — AMBASSADOR BROWNBACK:  Absolutely.  Here’s the big concern on the COVID crisis from my perspective in the space that I’m in:  Number one is that you’re subjecting people that are prisoners of conscience to a pandemic.  Then they should be released.  They shouldn’t be in prison in the first place.  These are prisoners of conscience.  They’re in because they’re simply peacefully practicing their faith, and they shouldn’t be in prison and subjected to it in the first place. Number two, we’re very concerned that in the future, you’re going to see a number of governments that see an advantage here, a chance:  “Okay, we’ve shut down all these religious institutions.  We’re going to keep them shut down after the COVID crisis passes because we don’t like these religious institutions operating freely in the first place.”  And that’s a deep concern that has been – that I’ve raised to our alliance allies and others on the religious freedom space.  We don’t want to see the leftover of this impact the closing of these religious institutions. Having said that, I’m very appreciative of religious leaders and their cooperation with health officials around the world to really push back against congregations coming together during the COVID crisis.  You saw COVID happen during the Easter period, you saw it happen during Passover, you saw it happen during Ramadan, three of the major kind of religious events of the year for three major religions.  And all of the – not everybody, but almost all of the major religious leaders said don’t come together, don’t congregate, for the first time in a thousand years, because we don’t want to see the spread of this.  And I thought the religious leaders by and large were very responsive during this COVID crisis, and I think it helped enormously.  And they’re going to be a big part of the future, too. QUESTION:  Thank you. MS ORTAGUS:  Kylie. QUESTION:  Thank you for doing this.  Two questions.  With regard to the report this year versus the report last year, which country has fallen behind, taken steps backwards the most in terms of religious freedom?  And then the second one, you were just talking about religious institutions maybe staying shutdown as a result of coronavirus.  Can you point us to a few countries where you guys are looking at that so that we can continue to keep tabs on it?  Thank you. AMBASSADOR BROWNBACK:  Good questions, and pretty hard to answer, really.  And maybe it sounds like a broken record, but China is just such a big player in this space in such a negative way that it’s hard to overlook, and they’re an exporter of their ways and their technology.  That’s the other piece of it.  If they were – if they weren’t an exporter, if they just did it to their own people, which is terrible in and of itself – but that’s one you just can’t really take your eyes off of. I’m deeply concerned about what’s happening in Nigeria because of the escalation of the violence and the carnage and the lack of response – effective response – by the government.  We really need the Nigerian Government to step up and act much more effectively in their space. Those are two key ones.  There’s others that – you’re seeing, unfortunately, a lot of communal-level violence that’s happening in many countries and you’re seeing it in democracies, too.  We’re just – there’s a clash of faiths, and it becomes violent and deadly.  And to me on a long-term basis that’s the piece I get most concerned – one of the pieces I get concerned about because I just – the world gets more and more closer – other than during COVID we haven’t, but just – it’s more and more integrated.  So you’re getting these religions touch up against each other a lot more, and unless we can put forward the use of religion for peace and not for war and division, you’re going to have a lot more of these conflicts happen. And that’s why this Abrahamic Faith Initiative and others that we’re working on to try to – when we did that in the Balkans, even, we put forward a conference working with Albania and others of the use of religion for peace, where in the Balkans it’s often been used for war.  And that’s what we want. MS ORTAGUS:  Michel. QUESTION:  Mr. Ambassador, thank you for doing this.  What are the main points that you registered or noticed on the Middle East in this report? AMBASSADOR BROWNBACK:  In the Middle East, both progress and hope and yet continued difficulty.  Honestly, UAE, I’m – really did an amazing thing in hosting the pope on a papal visit.  First time the papacy has been in the Arabian Peninsula in the history of mankind – and celebrated it.  The UAE Government did as an open statement, and you heard the Secretary say they opened a church to LDS and – amazing.  And yet you still have blasphemy and apostasy laws in the places. Saudi Arabia has continued to be a country of particular concern, and they still are the only nation in the world without a single church.  And you’re – you’re going, “Really?”  You used to have churches there.  There are historical churches that are there.  So I – and I meet with a lot – prior to the pandemic, I meet with a lot of Middle East leaders, and they’re thinking much more along this line because their children were raised on the internet like most of the places around the world – again, other than China, that has a firewall.  They mostly have open access and they want a more open society and a freer society.  So the leaders are feeling, I think, that pulse of the population and I hope more will continue to lean forward on how they can open up.  And we’re getting more indications like that. QUESTION:  Thank you. MS ORTAGUS:  Ken, you’re the only one that hasn’t gone.  Do you have anything?  If not, it’s fine.  Christina — QUESTION:  I guess the UN recently came out with a report saying that the Taliban was still close to al-Qaida.  What does that do to religious freedom in the future in that country?  Are you concerned? AMBASSADOR BROWNBACK:  I don’t have a good thought to give you, and so rather than taking a stab at it, I’m – I don’t know how I would really frame or categorize that, so sorry. MS ORTAGUS:  Thanks, Sam.  Appreciate it.  Thank you.

2019年1月24日美国东部时间下午12:22 媒体简报 发言人办公室 华盛顿DC 2019年1月24日   今天，蓬佩奥国务卿宣布，美国愿向委内瑞拉人民提供超过2000万美元的初步人道主义援助，他们正在艰难应对严重的食品和药品短缺问题以及由非法的马杜罗政权造成的委内瑞拉政治和经济危机的其他严重冲击。 委内瑞拉全国代表大会强调了需要即刻获得国际人道主义援助。作为回应，美国准备在委内瑞拉全国范围内提供紧急援助，以帮助满足受这场危机影响的委内瑞拉人日益紧迫的人道主义需求。 随着马杜罗所造成的危机的冲击日益增长并外溢到周边国家，美国还继续在整个地区为回应措施提供强有力的支持。自2017财年以来，美国已提供了超过1.4亿美元的人道主义和发展援助，以支持受影响国家的紧急措施并建立他们的长期能力，使他们能够接待自2014年以来逃离委内瑞拉的压迫和混乱的三百多万人。 我们呼吁委内瑞拉有关当局立即实施关键的经济和政治改革，这对结束恶性通货膨胀、供应短缺和腐败，也就是这场危机的核心问题来说是必要的。 美国与委内瑞拉人民以及在此次危机中慷慨接纳他们的整个地区的社区站在一起。我们赞赏地区政府和所有国际捐赠方的捐助，并鼓励国际社会额外的捐助，以满足委内瑞拉和本地区日益增长的需求。

01/24/2019 12:22 PM EST Media Note Office of the Spokesperson Washington, DC January 24, 2019   Today, Secretary of State Pompeo announced that the United States is ready to provide more than $20 million in initial humanitarian assistance to the people of Venezuela as they struggle to cope with severe food and medicine shortages and the other dire impacts of their country’s political and economic crisis caused by the illegitimate Maduro regime. Venezuela’s National Assembly has stressed the need for immediate international humanitarian assistance. In response, the United States is ready to provide emergency aid throughout Venezuela to help meet the increasingly urgent humanitarian needs of Venezuelans affected by this crisis. The United States also continues to provide robust support for response efforts throughout the region as the growing impacts of Maduro’s crisis spill into neighboring countries. Since Fiscal Year 2017, the United States has provided more than $140 million in humanitarian and development assistance to support affected countries’ emergency efforts and build their long-term capacity to host the more than three million people who have fled repression and chaos in Venezuela since 2014. We call on appropriate Venezuelan authorities to immediately implement the critical economic and political reforms necessary to end the hyperinflation, supply shortages, and corruption at the heart of this crisis. The United States stands with the people of Venezuela and the communities throughout the region that have generously taken in their neighbors during this time of crisis. We commend the contributions of regional governments and all international donors, and encourage additional contributions from the international community to meet growing needs in Venezuela and the region.

在这神圣的斋月里，布兰斯塔德大使祝中国各地与家人一起庆祝的穆斯林“斋月吉祥欢乐”。 In this holy month of Ramadan, Ambassador Branstad wishes Muslims celebrating with their families across China, “Ramadan Kareem.”

在这神圣的斋月里，布兰斯塔德大使祝中国各地与家人一起庆祝的穆斯林“斋月吉祥欢乐”。 In this holy month of Ramadan, Ambassador Branstad wishes Muslims celebrating with their families across China, “Ramadan Kareem.”

讲话 助理国务卿史达伟（DAVID R. STILWELL） 东亚和太平洋事务局 传统基金会（在线） 2020年8月31日 点击这里阅读英文全文：https://www.state.gov/The-United-States-Taiwan-and-the-World-Partners-for-Peace-and-Prosperity/

REMARKS DAVID R. STILWELL, ASSISTANT SECRETARY BUREAU OF EAST ASIAN AND PACIFIC AFFAIRS THE HERITAGE FOUNDATION (VIRTUAL) AUGUST 31, 2020 Click here to read the full text in English: https://www.state.gov/The-United-States-Taiwan-and-the-World-Partners-for-Peace-and-Prosperity/

国务卿迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥 1月13日，美国制裁了七名涉及试图绕过委内瑞拉国民议会民主程序的马杜罗前政权的现任或前任官员。这些附庸马杜罗的个人试图封锁国民议会大厦并举行一场不被宪法批准的选举，来阻止大多数合法的委内瑞拉议员投票。 美国采取本次行动是根据经修订的第13692号行政命令，该行政命令授权对委内瑞拉政府现任或前任官员进行制裁。这展示出美国在委内瑞拉人民努力恢复委内瑞拉的民主和繁荣时对他们一如既往的承诺。马杜罗扼杀委内瑞拉人民的民主意志的高压和非法的企图再次揭露出他的绝望。我们呼吁委内瑞拉安全部队维护委内瑞拉宪法，允许所有议员进入联邦立法大厦，以及不使用暴力，包括不针对他们民主选举出的代表使用暴力。委内瑞拉安全部队最终效忠的是委内瑞拉人民，而非马杜罗。我们呼吁他们认识到他们权力的合法来源。 美国和大多数委内瑞拉人以及许多其他国家一道继续认可胡安·瓜伊多为国民议会的合法议长以及委内瑞拉的临时总统。在临时总统瓜伊多和国民议会代表委内瑞拉人民通过和平的方式恢复民主之时，我们呼吁所有国家和我们一起支持他们。

PRESS STATEMENT MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE JANUARY 13, 2020 On January 13, the United States sanctioned seven current or former officials of the former Maduro regime involved in attempting to circumvent the Venezuelan National Assembly’s democratic process.  These Maduro-associated individuals attempted to siege the National Assembly palace and hold a non-constitutionally sanctioned election to prevent a majority of legitimate Venezuelan legislators from voting. This U.S. action is taken pursuant to E.O. 13692, as amended, which authorizes sanctions against current or former officials of the Government of Venezuela.  It demonstrates the United States’ continued commitment to the Venezuelan people in their struggle to restore democracy and prosperity to Venezuela. Maduro’s repressive and illegal attempts to stifle the democratic will of the Venezuelan people reveals once more his desperation.  We call on Venezuelan security forces to protect the Venezuelan constitution, allow entry of all deputies into the Federal Legislative Palace, and refrain from the use of violence, including against their democratically elected representatives.  Venezuela’s security forces owe their ultimate allegiance to the Venezuelan people, not to Maduro.  We call on them to recognize their legitimate source of authority. The United States, along with most Venezuelans and many other countries, continues to recognize Juan Guaido as the legitimate president of the National Assembly and Interim President of Venezuela.  We call on all nations to join us in supporting Interim President Guaido and the National Assembly as they work peacefully to restore democracy on behalf of the Venezuelan people.

07/08/2020 08:13 PM 东部夏令时间 迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥，国务卿 五年前的7月9日，中国共产党（CCP）展开针对数百名辩护律师以及人权捍卫者的全国性打压，对他们实施监禁、质问和具政治动机的刑事起诉。“709大抓捕” 以该事件开始的日期—2015年7月9日命名，是为了恫吓一整个世代的律师和活动人士，要他们不敢代表或帮助中共认为威胁其绝对权力的任何人。该事件向世界展现了” 依法治国“ 的治国方法，而非一个以法治为基础的体制的意义。 余文生由于为2015年大抓捕的受害者辩护而遭秘密审判，6月17日被判刑，显示这个镇压的浪潮还在持续。在拘押像王全璋这样的人权律师们多年，且不准他们的家人和所选律师探访之后，中华人民共和国未经正当程序便拘押了这些律师自己的辩护律师— 像是余文生和李昱函。即便在他们从监狱释放后，中国当局仍继续软禁部分人权律师（江天勇），吊销其他一些律师的执照（ 王宇、唐吉田、李金星和文东海）。 中华人民共和国还针对和平的活动人士，像许志永和丁家喜，他们与人权律师一起工作，保护中国公民的权利，抵御政府官员的滥权行为。 美国敦促中华人民共和国履行其人权国际义务和承诺，以及中国国内维护人权和基本自由权的法律保障。

07/08/2020 08:13 PM EDT Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State On July 9, five years ago the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) launched a nationwide offensive targeting hundreds of defense lawyers and human rights defenders for detention, interrogation, and politically motivated criminal charges. The “709” crackdown, named for the date it began on July 9, 2015, was designed to intimidate a generation of lawyers and activists from representing or assisting anyone the CCP perceives as a threat to its absolute power. It showed the world what it means to govern via “rule by law,” rather than a system based on the rule of law. This wave of repression continues, demonstrated by the secret trial and June 17 sentencing of Yu Wensheng for defending victims of the 2015 crackdown. After detaining human rights lawyers like Wang Quanzhang for years and denying them visits from their families and chosen attorneys, the PRC detained those lawyers’ own defense attorneys — such as Yu and Li Yuhan — without due process. PRC authorities continue to keep some human rights lawyers under house arrest (Jiang Tianyong) and have disbarred others (Wang Yu, Tang Jitian, Li Jinxing, and Wen Donghai) even after their release from prison. The PRC has also targeted peaceful activists, like Xu Zhiyong and Ding Jiaxi, who have worked with human rights lawyers to protect Chinese citizens’ rights and defend against the abuses of government officials. The United States urges the PRC to honor its international human rights obligations and commitments and domestic legal guarantees protecting human rights and fundamental freedoms in China.

对民众反对专制政权的活动进行报道的新闻工作者遭到监禁。2020年9月在白俄罗斯明斯克（Minsk），警察将举行集会反对卢卡申科政权的抗议人士拖走。图片来自2022年10月27日ShareAmerica文章。 (© Misha Friedman/AP Images)   媒体声明 美国国务院发言人内德·普赖斯 2022年11月2日   自由独立的媒体在推动民主和照亮世界各地的发展上发挥着关键作用——无论是令人生畏还是给人希望。记者是独立媒体的基石，往往是在危险和逆境下为公众提供事实并让政府负责。在终止针对记者犯罪不受惩罚现象国际日，我们再次呼吁为全球勇敢的记者们伸张正义。   自1992年以来，超过1500名记者和媒体工作者在追寻信息的过程中遇害，其中大多数案件仍未得到司法解决。根据保护记者委员会的统计，截至去年12月，有294名记者因从事他们的工作而在狱中饱受折磨。记者们越来越频繁地面临网络威胁和攻击，而在网上识别和追究作恶者可能很困难。女性记者成为网络骚扰和侵犯目标的比例尤其高，让她们在线下遭受更严重的暴力。   联合国教科文组织的一份调查显示，73%的女性记者曾因其工作而遭到过网络骚扰。我们也看到，政府超出国界，不当使用数字监控工具来追踪记者的通讯记录和位置的情况有所增加。数字监控和网络威胁可以加剧线下威胁和暴力，最终限制记者准确报道信息的能力。   制定于十年前的《联合国关于记者安全和有罪不罚问题的行动计划》是一种多利益相关方的方式，通过旨在为媒体创造安全公正环境的立法、机制和指导来保护记者。即便有这些努力， 国际社会仍必须继续秉持立场，反对网络和线下让媒体噤声的人身攻击、恐吓诉讼、跨国镇压和监管施压。   今天，美国重申我们在全球致力于开放、自由的媒体的决心。我们呼吁其他政府与我们一道谴责针对记者的犯罪，同时对攻击新闻自由的人进行追责。

PRESS STATEMENT NED PRICE, DEPARTMENT SPOKESPERSON NOVEMBER 2, 2022   A free and independent press plays a critical role in promoting democracy and shining a light on developments around the world – whether daunting or hopeful.  Journalists are the bedrock of an independent press, providing the public with facts and holding governments to account, often while facing danger and adversity.  On International Day to End Impunity for Crimes against Journalists, we reiterate our calls for justice for brave journalists across the globe.   Since 1992, over 1,500 journalists and media workers have been killed in pursuit of information, with most of these cases remaining judicially unresolved.  According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, 294 journalists were languishing in jail for doing their work as of last December.  Increasingly, journalists face threats and attacks online, where identifying and holding to account the perpetrator can be difficult.  Women journalists are disproportionately targeted by online harassment and abuse, which compounds the forms of violence they experience offline.  Per a UNESCO survey, 73 percent of women journalists have been harassed online due to their work.  We have also seen an increase in governments reaching beyond their borders through misuse of digital surveillance tools that track journalists’ communications and whereabouts.  Digital surveillance and online threats can fuel offline threats and violence, ultimately constraining journalists’ ability to report accurate information.   The UN Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists was established 10 years ago as a multi-stakeholder approach to protect journalists through legislation, mechanisms, and guides aimed at creating a secure and just environment for media.  Despite these efforts, the international community must continue to take a stand against physical attacks, intimidation lawsuits, transnational repression, and regulatory pressures that silence media—online and offline.   Today, the United States renews our commitment to an open and free press around the world.  We call on other governments to join us in condemning crimes against journalists and holding accountable those who attack press freedom.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 即时发布 2023年3月20日   美国向乌克兰增加提供军事援助 安东尼·布林肯国务卿的声明    本周，随着俄罗斯对乌克兰发动的违背良知的侵略战争继续造成巨大的人员代价，我们再度感受到乌克兰人民的无尽勇气和坚定决心，以及整个国际社会对乌克兰的大力支持。  今天，我根据拜登总统的委托授权第34次为乌克兰提供美国武器和装备，价值3.5亿美元。这项军事援助计划包括供乌克兰正在用于保卫自己的、由美国提供的高机动火箭炮系统（HIMARS）和榴弹炮使用的更多的弹药，以及供布拉德利步兵战车（Bradley Infantry Fighting Vehicles）使用的弹药、高速反辐射导弹（HARM）、反坦克武器、河川艇以及其他装备。  我们赞赏50多个在乌克兰捍卫其主权和领土完整的过程中齐心协力地提供支持的国家。  只有俄罗斯能在今天结束它所发动的战争。在俄罗斯这样做之前，无论需要多久，我们都将与乌克兰团结一致。    欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/additional-u-s-military-assistance-for-ukraine-2/  本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

PRESS STATEMENT ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE MARCH 20, 2023 This week, as Russia’s unconscionable war of aggression against Ukraine continues at great human cost, we are again reminded of the boundless courage and steadfast resolve of the Ukrainian people, and the strong support for Ukraine across the international community. Today, pursuant to a delegation of authority from President Biden, I am authorizing our 34th drawdown of U.S. arms and equipment for Ukraine valued at $350 million. This military assistance package includes more ammunition for U.S.-provided HIMARS and howitzers that Ukraine is using to defend itself, as well as ammunition for Bradley Infantry Fighting Vehicles, HARM missiles, anti-tank weapons, riverine boats, and other equipment. We applaud the more than 50 countries that have come together to provide support for Ukraine as it defends its sovereignty and territorial integrity. Russia alone could end its war today.  Until Russia does we will stand united with Ukraine for as long as it takes.