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白宫华盛顿特区 2022年11月14日乔·拜登总统与中华人民共和国国家主席习近平的会谈纪要约瑟夫·拜登总统于11月14日在印度尼西亚巴厘岛会见了中华人民共和国国家主席习近平。两位领导人坦率地谈到了他们各自在一系列问题上的优先要务和意图。拜登总统说明，美国将继续与中国展开激烈竞争，包括投资于国内的实力来源，并与世界各地的盟友及伙伴一致努力。他重申，这一竞争不应转变为冲突，并强调美中两国必须负责任地管理竞争，并保持开放的沟通渠道。两位领导人讨论了制定推进这些目标的原则的重要性，并责成他们的团队进一步深入讨论。拜登总统强调，美国和中国必须共同努力应对跨国挑战——例如气候变化、包括债务减免在内的全球宏观经济稳定、健康安全和全球粮食安全——因为这是国际社会所期待的。两位领导人同意授权关键的高级别官员就这些问题及其他问题保持沟通并深化建设性努力。他们欢迎为解决美中双边关系中的具体问题而正在做出的努力，并鼓励在这些现有机制上取得进一步进展，包括通过联合工作组。他们还指出了美国和中华人民共和国两国人民之间的联系的重要性。拜登总统对中华人民共和国在新疆、西藏和香港的做法以及更广泛的人权问题提出了关切。在台湾问题上，他详细阐述了我们的一个中国政策没有改变，美国反对任何一方单方面对现状作出任何改变，保持台湾海峡的和平与稳定符合全世界的利益。他表示美国反对中华人民共和国针对台湾的胁迫行为以及越来越咄咄逼人的行为，这些行为破坏台湾海峡及更广泛地区的和平与稳定，并危及全球繁荣。拜登总统还对中国的非市场经济行为表示持续关切，这些行为损害美国的劳动者和家庭以及全世界的劳动者和家庭。他再次强调，解决美国公民在中国被非法拘押或被禁止出境的案例是我们的一项优先要务。两位领导人就关键的地区性和全球性挑战交换了意见。拜登总统谈到了俄罗斯对乌克兰的残酷战争以及俄罗斯不负责任地威胁使用核武器。拜登总统和习主席重申了他们的共识，即核战争永远都不应该打而且永远都打不赢，并强调他们反对在乌克兰使用或威胁使用核武器。拜登总统还对朝鲜民主主义人民共和国的挑衅行为表示关切，指出国际社会全体成员都希望促使朝鲜采取负责任的行为，并强调了美国对保卫我们的印太盟国的坚定不移的承诺。两国领导人一致同意，布林肯国务卿将访问中国以跟进他们的有关磋商。欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/11/14/readout-of-president-joe-bidens-meeting-with-president-xi-jinping-of-the-peoples-republic-of-china/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。	NOVEMBER 14, 2022 President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. met on November 14 with President Xi Jinping of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), in Bali, Indonesia. The two leaders spoke candidly about their respective priorities and intentions across a range of issues. President Biden explained that the United States will continue to compete vigorously with the PRC, including by investing in sources of strength at home and aligning efforts with allies and partners around the world. He reiterated that this competition should not veer into conflict and underscored that the United States and China must manage the competition responsibly and maintain open lines of communication. The two leaders discussed the importance of developing principles that would advance these goals and tasked their teams to discuss them further. President Biden underscored that the United States and China must work together to address transnational challenges – such as climate change, global macroeconomic stability including debt relief, health security, and global food security – because that is what the international community expects. The two leaders agreed to empower key senior officials to maintain communication and deepen constructive efforts on these and other issues. They welcomed ongoing efforts to address specific issues in U.S.-China bilateral relations, and encouraged further progress in these existing mechanisms, including through joint working groups. They also noted the importance of ties between the people of the United States and the PRC. President Biden raised concerns about PRC practices in Xinjiang, Tibet, and Hong Kong, and human rights more broadly. On Taiwan, he laid out in detail that our one China policy has not changed, the United States opposes any unilateral changes to the status quo by either side, and the world has an interest in the maintenance of peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait. He raised U.S. objections to the PRC’s coercive and increasingly aggressive actions toward Taiwan, which undermine peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait and in the broader region, and jeopardize global prosperity. President Biden also raised ongoing concerns about China’s non-market economic practices, which harm American workers and families, and workers and families around the world. He again underscored that it is a priority for us to resolve the cases of American citizens who are wrongfully detained or subject to exit bans in China. The two leaders exchanged views on key regional and global challenges. President Biden raised Russia’s brutal war against Ukraine and Russia’s irresponsible threats of nuclear use. President Biden and President Xi reiterated their agreement that a nuclear war should never be fought and can never be won and underscored their opposition to the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons in Ukraine. President Biden also raised concerns about the DPRK’s provocative behavior, noted all members of the international community have an interest in encouraging the DPRK to act responsibly, and underscored the United States’ ironclad commitment to defending our Indo-Pacific Allies. The two leaders agreed that Secretary of State Blinken will visit China to follow up on their discussions. ###
美国宣布为抗击新型冠状病毒提供援助美国国务院发言人办公室华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年2月7日国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥本星期，美国国务院协助完成了向中国人民捐赠近17.8公吨医疗物资的运送工作。这些物资包括口罩、防护衣、纱布、呼吸器等重要物品。这些捐助物品体现了美国人民慷慨捐助的精神。今天，美国政府宣布，准备从现有资金中拨款多达一亿美元款项，通过直接的方式和多边组织帮助中国和其他受影响的国家控制和抗击这种新型冠状病毒。这项承诺以及美国民间部门无私捐赠的数以亿计的美元体现了美国为抗击疫情发挥的主导作用。美国一贯为加强世界各地的卫生安全项目付出努力，上述援助是这方面的进一步行动。为了提高25个以上国家的相关能力，过去20年来美国已通过美国国际发展署（USAID）投入10多亿美元，用于预防、监测和应对目前存在的和新型传染病构成的威胁。自2015年以来，按照我国对全球卫生安全议程（Global Health Security Agenda）的承诺，这方面的援助已为改善监测及实验室系统、危情通报、疫情反应和抗击日益增长的抗生素抗药性造成的威胁做出了贡献。美国是目前全世界提供捐助最多的国家，今后仍然如此。我们鼓励世界各地做出与我们相应的承诺。我们齐心协力就能对控制这项日益增长的威胁产生的深远影响。	U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE Office of the Spokesperson Washington, D.C. February 7, 2020 STATEMENT BY SECRETARY MICHAEL R. POMPEO This week the State Department has facilitated the transportation of nearly 17.8 tons of donated medical supplies to the Chinese people, including masks, gowns, gauze, respirators, and other vital materials. These donations are a testament to the generosity of the American people. Today, the United States government is announcing it is prepared to spend up to $100 million in existing funds to assist China and other impacted countries, both directly and through multilateral organizations, to contain and combat the COVID-19. This commitment – along with the hundreds of millions generously donated by the American private sector – demonstrates strong U.S. leadership in response to the outbreak. This assistance only adds to what the United States has done to strengthen health security programs around the world. For the last twenty years, the United States through USAID has invested over one billion dollars to strengthen the capacity of more than 25 countries to prevent, detect, and respond to existing and emerging infectious disease threats. Since 2015, under our commitment to the Global Health Security Agenda (GHSA), this support has helped improve surveillance and laboratory systems, risk communication, outbreak response, and address the rising threat of anti-microbial resistance. The United States is and will remain the world’s most generous donor. We encourage the rest of the world to match our commitment. Working together, we can have a profound impact to contain this growing threat.
媒体声明国务卿安东尼·J·布林肯 2021年12月26日我与拜登总统和第一夫人一起悼念大主教德斯蒙德·图图（Desmond Tutu）的逝世。他是一位杰出领袖，一生欢欣地致力于颂扬并推动人的尊严、正义和道德。他为人谦逊，但他对世界的鼓舞却不减分毫。大主教图图的慈悲、是非分明以及为反抗不公和压迫而进行的不屈抗争帮助指引他的国家走出种族隔离的黑暗，并激励世界各地的人们站出来支持对的事。他的声音将千古流芳，他的遗产将继续作为全人类的馈赠得以弘扬。为纪念大主教图图，我们可以再次投身于指引了他一生的正义事业：推进对人权和尊严的尊重、加强平等、保护基本自由，并为种族正义进行抗争。我向大主教图图的家人、南非人民以及今日世界各地数以百万计正在一道庆祝一位伟大人物生平的人们致以我最深切的慰问。	PRESS STATEMENT ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE DECEMBER 26, 2021 I join President Biden and the First Lady in mourning the loss of Archbishop Desmond Tutu, an extraordinary leader who joyously devoted his life to celebrating and advancing human dignity, justice, and morality. He was unassuming but no less inspiring to the world. Archbishop Tutu’s compassion, moral clarity, and uncompromising struggle against injustice and oppression helped guide his country out of the darkness of Apartheid and galvanized people around the world to stand up for what is right. His voice will endure through the ages, and his legacy will continue to resonate as a gift to all humanity. We can honor Archbishop Tutu by rededicating ourselves to the righteous work that guided his life: advancing respect for human rights and dignity, strengthening equality, protecting fundamental freedoms, and fighting for racial justice. I offer my deepest condolences to Archbishop Tutu’s family, to the people of South Africa, and to the untold millions around the world who are joining together today to celebrate the life of a towering figure.
美国宣布额外的人道主义援助以应对委内瑞拉地区危机新闻声明国务部发言人摩根·奥特葛斯 2019年9月4日美国宣布额外的人道主义援助以应对委内瑞拉地区危机常务副国务卿约翰·沙利文和美国国际发展署署长马克·格林9月4日在哥伦比亚库库塔宣布了超过1.2亿美元的额外的美国人道主义援助，用以着手解决该半球历史上最大规模的人员境外流离失所。在场的还有总统顾问伊万卡·特朗普以及临时总统瓜伊多所组联盟的成员。马杜罗猖獗的腐败、残酷的镇压以及对社会和经济的严重管理不善迫使超过430万委内瑞拉人逃离。该笔额外资金为身处哥伦比亚、厄瓜多尔、巴西以及遍布该地区的弱势委内瑞拉人提供关键的支持，包括应急的食品和卫生援助。这些援助使得美国自2017财年以来为应对委内瑞拉地区危机做出的贡献超过了3.76亿美元，包括近3.34亿美元的人道主义援助以及4300万美元的经济和发展援助。这一政治和经济危机——据报道是过去半个世纪以来，除战争或自然灾害以外世界上最严重的经济衰退之一——已使得委内瑞拉人民面临这个曾经繁荣的国家之前从未见过的深重苦难。马杜罗前政权灾难性和腐败的政策在委内瑞拉境内造成的生存状况包括：孕产妇死亡率在2015至2016年间增加了65%；2018年，94%的家庭生活于贫困之中；90%的医院报告存在药品和关键物资短缺的情况；以及供电严重不足。美国赞赏临时总统胡安·瓜伊多以及国民议会着手解决并优先应对这一人道主义危机。美国将继续在这一人道主义危机期间支持委内瑞拉人民。我们也向持续提供支持的哥伦比亚和邻国表示敬意，并且我们呼吁其他捐赠方提供或增加贡献，以帮助应对该危机。	PRESS STATEMENT, MORGAN ORTAGUS, DEPARTMENT SPOKESPERSON, SEPTEMBER 4, 2019 United States Announces Additional Humanitarian Assistance in Response to Venezuelan Regional Crisis Deputy Secretary John Sullivan and United States Agency for International Development Administrator Mark Green announced September 4 in Cúcuta, Colombia more than $120 million in additional U.S. humanitarian assistance to address the largest external displacement of persons in the Hemisphere’s history. Also present were Advisor to the President Ivanka Trump and members of interim President Guaidó’s coalition. Maduro’s rampant corruption, brutal repression, and vast social and economic mismanagement has forced more than 4.3 million Venezuelans to flee. This additional funding provides vital support, including emergency food and health assistance, to vulnerable Venezuelans in Colombia, Ecuador, Brazil, and throughout the region. This assistance brings the U.S. contribution to the Venezuelan regional crisis response to more than $376 million – including nearly $334 million in humanitarian aid and $43 million in economic and development assistance – since FY2017. The political and economic crisis – reported to be one of the world’s deepest economic declines outside of war or natural disaster in the last half century – has left the people of Venezuela facing a depth of suffering not before seen in this once prosperous country. The devastating and corrupt policies of the former Maduro regime have created living conditions inside Venezuela that include a 65 percent rise in maternal mortality between 2015-2016, 94 percent of households living in poverty in 2018, and 90 percent of hospitals reporting shortages of medicine and critical supplies, along with severe shortages of electricity. The United States commends interim President Juan Guaidó and the National Assembly for addressing and prioritizing this humanitarian crisis. The United States will continue to support the people of Venezuela during this humanitarian crisis. We salute Colombia and neighboring countries for their continued support as well, and we call upon other donors to make or increase contributions to help address the crisis.
乌克兰总统泽连斯基在国会联席会议上发表讲话 (美联社供图) 通过C-SPAN观看：https://www.youtube.com/live/bPfFYvAFlU8?feature=share 非常感谢。谢谢！这对我来说太重要了，这一切都是为了我们伟大的人民。非常感谢。亲爱的美国人民，所有各州、各城市和各社区的美国人民，就像我们乌克兰的城市里、每个家庭里珍视自由与正义的人们一样，我希望我的尊重和感激之词能在每个美国人心中产生共鸣。副总统女士，感谢您为帮助乌克兰所做的努力。议长女士，您在战事正酣之时勇敢地访问了乌克兰。非常感谢。荣幸之至。谢谢。来到这里，我与有荣焉。亲爱的国会议员们，已经访问过基辅的两党代表，以及我相信未来将访问乌克兰的尊敬的国会两党议员和参议员们；会议现场以及全美各地的亲爱的侨胞代表们；亲爱的记者们，非常荣幸来到美国国会，向你们和所有美国人讲话。面对黑暗与逆境，乌克兰没有倒下。乌克兰仍然焕发着生机。谢谢你们！这让我有充分的理由与你们分享我们的第一次、第一次联合胜利：我们在争取世界民心的战役中击败了俄罗斯。我们没有被吓倒，世界上任何人都不应被吓倒。乌克兰人赢得了这场胜利，这给了我们勇气，同时激励着全世界。美国人赢得了这场胜利，这就是为什么你们成功地将全球社会团结起来，保护自由与国际法。欧洲人赢得了这场胜利，这就是为什么欧洲现在比以往任何时候都更强大、更独立。俄罗斯的暴政已经失去了对我们的控制。它再也无法左右我们的思想了。然而，我们必须尽一切努力确保全球南方国家也获得这样的胜利。我还知道一件我认为非常重要的事情：俄罗斯人只有在思想上战胜克里姆林宫，才有机会获得自由。战斗仍在继续，没错，我们必须在战场上击败克里姆林宫。这场战争不只关乎领土，也不只是为了欧洲的这一部分或那一部分。这场战争不只关乎乌克兰人，或任何俄罗斯试图征服的其他国家，那里的生命、自由与安全。这场斗争将决定我们的子孙以及他们的子孙将生活在怎样的世界。它将定义这是否将是乌克兰人的民主，美国人的民主——所有人的民主。这场战斗不会被冻结，也不会被推迟。它不能被忽视，不能希望大洋或别的东西将会提供保护。从美国到中国，从欧洲到拉丁美洲，从非洲到澳大利亚，世界是相互联系和相互依存的，在这样一场战斗继续时，没有人能置身事外，同时又感到安全。在这场战斗中，我们两国是盟友。明年将是一个转折点，我知道，在这个转折点上，乌克兰的勇气和美国的决心必须保证我们共同的自由的未来，那些捍卫自己价值观的人们的自由。女士们，先生们——女士们，先生们，各位美国人，昨天在来到华盛顿D.C.这里之前，我在我们的巴赫穆特的前线。在我们位于乌克兰东部的据点，在顿巴斯。自5月以来，俄罗斯军队和雇佣军一直在无休止地攻击巴赫穆特。他们不分昼夜地攻击它，但巴赫穆特屹立不倒。去年——去年，有7万人住在巴赫穆特这里，在这座城市里，而现在仅有少数平民留下来。那里的每一寸土地都浸透鲜血，轰鸣的枪声每小时都不绝于耳。在激烈的战斗中，甚至是在肉搏战中，顿巴斯的战壕每天易手数次。但乌克兰的顿巴斯屹立不倒。俄罗斯人——俄罗斯人使用他们拥有的一切来对付巴赫穆特和我们其他美丽的城市。占领者在炮兵上有很大的优势。他们在弹药上有优势。他们拥有的导弹和飞机比我们多得多。这是事实，但我们的国防部队屹立不倒。而且——我们都为他们感到骄傲。俄罗斯人的战术是原始的。他们烧毁并破坏他们看到的一切。他们把暴徒派往了前线。他们把罪犯送上了战场。他们把一切都用来对付我们，就像另一个暴政，在突出部战役中（Battle of the Bulge）的那个暴政。把一切都用来对付自由世界。勇敢的美国士兵在1944年圣诞节期间坚守阵地并击退了希特勒的军队。就像他们一样，勇敢的乌克兰士兵在这个圣诞节正在对普京的军队做同样的事。乌克兰——乌克兰坚守防线，永不投降。所以，所以，这就是前线的情况。暴政从来不吝啬于对自由人民的生命施以残暴，而你们的支持是至关重要的，不仅仅为了在这样的战斗中挺立，而且要到达在战场上获胜的转折点。我们有了大炮，是的。谢谢你们，我们现在有了。这够吗？说实话，并不尽然。为确保巴赫穆特不只是为了挡住俄军前进的堡垒，而是让俄军彻底撤军，我们需要更多的大炮和炮弹。真能如此的话，就像萨拉托加战役一样，对巴赫穆特的争夺将改变我们争取独立和自由的战争进程。如果你们的爱国者导弹阻止了俄罗斯对我们城市滥施恐怖，这将让乌克兰的爱国者们全力以赴地捍卫我们的自由。当俄罗斯——当俄罗斯无法通过大炮轰击我们的城市时，俄罗斯就试图用导弹攻击来摧毁这些城市。不仅如此，俄罗斯在这场——这场种族灭绝的策略中找到了一个盟友：伊朗。伊朗运送至俄罗斯的致命无人机数以百计——数以百计，成为对我们关键基础设施的威胁。这就是一个恐怖分子和另一个恐怖分子联手的方式。如果我们现在不阻止，他们迟早会攻击你们的其他盟友。我们必须行动。我相信我们之间的联盟不应该有禁忌。乌克兰从未要求美国士兵在我们的土地上代替我们作战。我向你们保证，乌克兰士兵完全可以自己操作美国的坦克和飞机。经济援助同样至关重要，我要感谢你们，非常感谢，感谢你们已经为我们提供的一揽子经济援助以及你们可能还会考虑提供的经济援助。你们的钱不是慈善。它是对全球安全与民主的投资，我们以最负责的方式处理它。俄罗斯，俄罗斯可以停止侵略，真的，如果它愿意的话，但你们可以让我们加速赢得胜利。我知道这一点。而且，它将向任何潜在的侵略者证明，没人突破国界、犯下暴行、违背人民的意愿统治人民能够得逞。等待俄罗斯¬——一个自鸣得意的恐怖主义国家——采取步骤迈向和平真是太天真了。俄罗斯人仍然受到克里姆林宫的毒害。恢复国际法律秩序是我们的共同任务。是的，我们需要和平。乌克兰已经提出建议，我们的和平方案，我刚与拜登总统讨论过，为了我们的共同安全，为了未来几十年，以及峰会能够举行，应该而且必须确保实施的十条建议。很高兴，拜登总统今天支持了我们的和平倡议。女士们、先生们，你们每一个人都可以协助执行，以确保美国的领导作用保持稳固、拥有两院和两党的支持。谢谢！你们可以加强制裁，让俄罗斯真切感受到它的侵略是多么具有毁灭性。你们有能力，真的，帮我们将那些挑起这场无端、罪恶战争的每个人绳之以法。让我们行动起来吧。让恐怖主义者——让恐怖主义国家为其恐怖和侵略行为负责，并赔偿这场战争造成的所有损失。让世界看到，合众国在这里。女士们、先生们——女士们、先生们，各位美国人，再过两天我们就要庆祝圣诞节了。也许只能点蜡烛。并非因为这更浪漫。不是的，而是因为将没有电。数百万人将既没有暖气，也没有自来水。所有这些都将是俄罗斯导弹和无人机攻击我们能源基础设施的结果。但我们不抱怨。我们不评判和比较谁的生活更轻松。你们的福祉来源于你们的国家安全；来源于你们争取独立的斗争以及许许多多的胜利。我们，乌克兰人，也将带着尊严与成功经历我们的独立和自由战争。我们要庆祝圣诞节。庆祝圣诞节，即使没有电，我们对自己的信念之光也不会熄灭。如果俄罗斯——如果俄罗斯的导弹袭击我们，我们将尽最大努力保护自己。如果他们用伊朗的无人机袭击我们，我们的人民将不得不在平安夜躲进防空洞，但乌克兰人仍然会坐在节日餐桌前，互相加油鼓劲。我们不需要知道每个人的愿望，因为我们知道我们所有人，数百万乌克兰人都有着同样的愿望：胜利。唯有胜利。我们已经让乌克兰变得强大，拥有强大的人民、强大的军队以及与你们一起组成的强大机构。与你们一起，我们为自己的国家、整个欧洲以及全世界建立了强有力的安全保障。也是与你们一起，我们还将将所有藐视自由的人绳之以法。绳之以法（译注：原文Put-in，谐音普京）。这将是保护欧洲和全世界民主的基础。现在，在这个特别的圣诞节，我要感谢你们，感谢你们所有人。我感谢每一个珍惜自己家的温暖，并希望将同样的温暖带给其他人的美国家庭。我在参众两院感谢拜登总统及两党给予的宝贵支持。我感谢这一年为乌克兰提供支持的你们的城市和你们的公民，他们接待了我们乌克兰人，我们的人民，挥舞着我们的国旗，用行动帮助我们。感谢所有人，这些感谢来自正在前线的每一个人，来自每一个等待胜利的人。今天，我站在这里，想起了富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福总统的讲话，那次讲话对此时此刻来说是如此宝贵。“美国人民，以正义的力量，终将赢得彻底的胜利。”乌克兰人民也将赢得胜利，彻底的胜利。我知道，一切将取决于我们自己，取决于乌克兰的武装部队，但也会有很多事情要取决于世界，而世界上有那么多事情要取决于你们。昨天我在巴赫穆特的时候，我们的英雄们给了我一面旗帜，一面战旗，一面代表正在以生命代价捍卫乌克兰、欧洲和世界的旗帜。他们要求我把这面旗帜带给你们，带给美国国会，带给众议员和参议员们，因为你们的决定可以拯救数以百万计的人们。因此，让这些决定落地吧。女士们、先生们，让这面旗帜留在你们身边。这是我们在这场战争中胜利的象征。我们挺立，我们战斗，我们会赢，因为我们团结一致——乌克兰、美国和整个自由世界团结一致。还有一件事，如果可以的话，最后一件事。非常感谢你们，愿上帝保护我们勇敢的军队和公民，愿上帝永远保佑美利坚合众国！圣诞快乐，新年快乐，取得胜利！荣耀归于乌克兰！	Watch via C-SPAN: https://www.youtube.com/live/bPfFYvAFlU8?feature=share Thank you so much. Thank you. It’s too much for me. All this for our great people. Thank you so much. Dear Americans, in all states, cities and communities, all those who value freedom and justice, who cherish it as strongly as we Ukrainians in our cities, in each and every family, I hope my words of respect and gratitude resonate in each American heart. Madam Vice President, I thank you for your efforts in helping Ukraine. Madam Speaker, you bravely visited Ukraine during the full-fledged war. Thank you very much. Great honor. Thank you. I am very privileged to be here. Dear members of the Congress, representatives of both parties who also visited Kyiv, esteemed congressmen and senators from both parties who will visit Ukraine, I am sure, in the future; dear representatives of diaspora, present in this chamber, and spread across the country; dear journalists, it’s a great honor for me to be at the U.S. Congress and speak to you and all Americans. Against all odds and doom-and-gloom scenarios, Ukraine didn’t fall. Ukraine is alive and kicking. Thank you. And it gives me good reason to share with you our first, first joint victory: We defeated Russia in the battle for minds of the world. We have no fear, nor should anyone in the world have it. Ukrainians gained this victory, and it gives us courage which inspires the entire world. Americans gained this victory, and that’s why you have succeeded in uniting the global community to protect freedom and international law. Europeans gained this victory, and that’s why Europe is now stronger and more independent than ever. The Russian tyranny has lost control over us. And it will never influence our minds again. Yet, we have to do whatever it takes to ensure that countries of the Global South also gain such victory. I know one more, I think very important, thing: The Russians will stand a chance to be free only when they defeat the Kremlin in their minds. Yet, the battle continues, and we have to defeat the Kremlin on the battlefield, yes. This battle is not only for the territory, for this or another part of Europe. The battle is not only for life, freedom and security of Ukrainians or any other nation which Russia attempts to conquer. This struggle will define in what world our children and grandchildren will live, and then their children and grandchildren. It will define whether it will be a democracy of Ukrainians and for Americans — for all. This battle cannot be frozen or postponed. It cannot be ignored, hoping that the ocean or something else will provide a protection. From the United States to China, from Europe to Latin America, and from Africa to Australia, the world is too interconnected and interdependent to allow someone to stay aside and at the same time to feel safe when such a battle continues. Our two nations are allies in this battle. And next year will be a turning point, I know it, the point when Ukrainian courage and American resolve must guarantee the future of our common freedom, the freedom of people who stand for their values. Ladies and gentlemen — ladies and gentlemen, Americans, yesterday before coming here to Washington, D.C., I was at the front line in our Bakhmut. In our stronghold in the east of Ukraine, in the Donbas. The Russian military and mercenaries have been attacking Bakhmut nonstop since May. They have been attacking it day and night, but Bakhmut stands. Last year — last year, 70,000 people lived here in Bakhmut, in this city, and now only few civilians stay. Every inch of that land is soaked in blood; roaring guns sound every hour. Trenches in the Donbas change hands several times a day in fierce combat, and even hand fighting. But the Ukrainian Donbas stands. Russians — Russians use everything, everything they have against Bakhmut and other our beautiful cities. The occupiers have a significant advantage in artillery. They have an advantage in ammunition. They have much more missiles and planes than we ever had. It’s true, but our defense forces stand. And — and we all are proud of them. The Russians’ tactic is primitive. They burn down and destroy everything they see. They sent thugs to the front lines. They sent convicts to the war. They threw everything against us, similar to the other tyranny, which is in the Battle of the Bulge. Threw everything it had against the free world, just like the brave American soldiers which held their lines and fought back Hitler’s forces during the Christmas of 1944. Brave Ukrainian soldiers are doing the same to Putin’s forces this Christmas. Ukraine — Ukraine holds its lines and will never surrender. So, so, here the front line, the tyranny which has no lack of cruelty against the lives of free people — and your support is crucial, not just to stand in such fight but to get to the turning point to win on the battlefield. We have artillery, yes. Thank you. We have it. Is it enough? Honestly, not really. To ensure Bakhmut is not just a stronghold that holds back the Russian Army, but for the Russian Army to completely pull out, more cannons and shells are needed. If so, just like the Battle of Saratoga, the fight for Bakhmut will change the trajectory of our war for independence and for freedom. If your Patriots stop the Russian terror against our cities, it will let Ukrainian patriots work to the full to defend our freedom. When Russia — when Russia cannot reach our cities by its artillery, it tries to destroy them with missile attacks. More than that, Russia found an ally in this — in this genocidal policy: Iran. Iranian deadly drones sent to Russia in hundreds — in hundreds became a threat to our critical infrastructure. That is how one terrorist has found the other. It is just a matter of time when they will strike against your other allies if we do not stop them now. We must do it. I believe there should be no taboos between us in our alliance. Ukraine never asked the American soldiers to fight on our land instead of us. I assure you that Ukrainian soldiers can perfectly operate American tanks and planes themselves. Financial assistance is also critically important, and I would like to thank you, thank you very much, thank you for both financial packages you have already provided us with and the ones you may be willing to decide on. Your money is not charity. It’s an investment in the global security and democracy that we handle in the most responsible way. Russia, Russia could stop its aggression, really, if it wanted to, but you can speed up our victory. I know it. And it, it will prove to any potential aggressor that no one can succeed in breaking national borders, no one committing atrocities and reigning over people against their will. It would be naïve to wait for steps towards peace from Russia, which enjoys being a terrorist state. Russians are still poisoned by the Kremlin. The restoration of international legal order is our joint task. We need peace, yes. Ukraine has already offered proposals, which I just discussed with President Biden, our peace formula, 10 points which should and must be implemented for our joint security, guaranteed for decades ahead and the summit which can be held. I’m glad to say that President Biden supported our peace initiative today. Each of you, ladies and gentlemen, can assist in the implementation to ensure that America’s leadership remains solid, bicameral and bipartisan. Thank you. You can strengthen sanctions to make Russia feel how ruinous its aggression truly is. It is in your power, really, to help us bring to justice everyone who started this unprovoked and criminal war. Let’s do it. Let terrorist — let the terrorist state be held responsible for its terror and aggression and compensate all losses done by this war. Let the world see that the United States are here. Ladies and gentlemen — ladies and gentlemen, Americans, in two days we will celebrate Christmas. Maybe candlelit. Not because it’s more romantic, no, but because there will not be, there will be no electricity. Millions won’t have neither heating nor running water. All of these will be the result of Russian missile and drone attacks on our energy infrastructure. But we do not complain. We do not judge and compare whose life is easier. Your well-being is the product of your national security; the result of your struggle for independence and your many victories. We, Ukrainians, will also go through our war of independence and freedom with dignity and success. We’ll celebrate Christmas. Celebrate Christmas and, even if there is no electricity, the light of our faith in ourselves will not be put out. If Russian — if Russian missiles attack us, we’ll do our best to protect ourselves. If they attack us with Iranian drones and our people will have to go to bomb shelters on Christmas Eve, Ukrainians will still sit down at the holiday table and cheer up each other. And we don’t, don’t have to know everyone’s wish, as we know that all of us, millions of Ukrainians, wish the same: Victory. Only victory. We already built strong Ukraine, with strong people, strong army, strong institutions together with you. We developed strong security guarantees for our country and for entire Europe and the world, together with you. And also together with you, we’ll put in place everyone who will defy freedom. Put-in. This will be the basis to protect democracy in Europe and the world over. Now, on this special Christmastime, I want to thank you, all of you. I thank every American family which cherishes the warmth of its home and wishes the same warmth to other people. I thank President Biden and both parties, at the Senate and the House, for your invaluable assistance. I thank your cities and your citizens who supported Ukraine this year, who hosted our Ukrainians, our people, who waved our national flags, who acted to help us. Thank you all, from everyone who is now at the front line, from everyone who is awaiting victory. Standing here today, I recall the words of the president Franklin Delano Roosevelt, which are I think so good for this moment. The American people, in their righteous might, will win through to absolute victory. The Ukrainian people will win, too, absolutely. I know that everything depends on us, on Ukrainian armed forces, yet so much depends on the world. So much in the world depends on you. When I was in Bakhmut yesterday, our heroes gave me the flag, the battle flag, the flag of those who defend Ukraine, Europe and the world at the cost of their lives. They asked me to bring this flag to you, to the U.S. Congress, to members of the House of Representatives and senators whose decisions can save millions of people. So, let these decisions be taken. Let this flag stay with you, ladies and gentlemen. This flag is a symbol of our victory in this war. We stand, we fight and we will win because we are united — Ukraine, America and the entire free world. Just one thing, if I can, the last thing — thank you so much, may God protect our brave troops and citizens, may God forever bless the United States of America. Merry Christmas and a happy, victorious New Year. Slava Ukraini. [Glory to Ukraine.]
2020年5月6 国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥（Michael R. Pompeo）华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.）新闻简报室 [摘译] 国务卿蓬佩奥：诸位早上好。自中国武汉中心医院急诊科主任艾芬在网上披露一名患者感染类似严重急性呼吸道综合征（SARS）病毒的消息至今已有128天。当时她的同事李文亮医生在网上将这个消息转发给其他医务人员。第二天，12月31日，武汉当地的卫生官员表示，他们正在治疗数十名感染不明病毒导致肺炎的病人。几天后，中国官员以“在互联网上发布不实言论”为由传唤李医生和其他7名医生。当时中国已经看到自身面临着一场紧急公共卫生危机。他们已经心知肚明。中国原来可以防止全世界数十万人死亡的现象。中国原来能够避免全世界陷入全球经济萎缩的状态。他们当时有这个机会。但是，中国隐瞒了武汉发生的疫情。1月3日，中国国家卫生健康委员会下令销毁病毒样本。中国让发出警告的勇敢的中国公民“消失”。中国动用宣传喉舌诋毁那些很客气地仅仅要求做到透明的人们。于是我们到了今天的地步，120多天以后。现在中国仍然拒绝分享我们为保障人民安全所需要的信息，例如病毒分离物、临床样本和有关2019年12月众多COVID-19冠状病毒疾病患者的详细情况,更不用说 “零号病人”了。我们要求告知真相和透明的问题不涉及政治，不是什么霸道，也谈不上指责，而是关系到目前挽救美国人生命的需要。这是今天面临的一个持续性的威胁。不妨问问纽约市（New York City）的医疗专业人员。我想他们会同意这一点。我们需要各国及时分享可靠的数据——现在，以及下一次遭遇类似灾难的时候。我们需要可靠的伙伴。由于中国做出的选择，各国正开始认识到与中国共产党进行商业交易的风险，同时采取行动保护本国人民。仅举几个例子，近几个星期，尼日利亚、哈萨克斯坦和法国就一连串的谎言和不良行为向中国共产党的大使提出交涉。西班牙已经退回中国制造的不合格的检测剂。该国、捷克共和国和其他国家也收到了伪劣的个人防护设备。澳大利亚和瑞典已要求对疫情进行独立调查。我的朋友多米尼克·拉布（Dominic Raab）曾表示，英国无法与北京回归“一切照常”的状态。甚至欧盟（EU）负责外交事务的首席官员也承认，布鲁塞尔（Brussels）对北京 “有些天真”。我对这种新出现的现实主义感到振奋。全世界各自由国家正开始认识到，中国并不共享我们珍惜的这些民主价值，或他们的经济利益。这一点对整个世界十分重要。与共产主义政权不存在真正的“双赢”，除非能够得到特朗普总统（President Trump）强调的并在贸易协议第一阶段做到的对等的公平条件。现在各国都有机会进一步要求做符合本国人民利益的事。今天，我呼吁所有的国家，包括欧洲国家，支持台湾作为观察员出席世界卫生大会（World Health Assembly）以及联合国（United Nations）的其他有关会议。我还要求世界卫生组织（World Health Organization）总干事谭德塞（Tedros）邀请台湾作为观察员出席这个月举行的世界卫生大会，因为他有权这样做，而且他的各位前任已经多次这样做了。谈到人们正为世界各地共襄善举的问题。今天美国已承诺为全球卫生和援助难民追加1.3亿美元，使我们为120多个国家抗击COVID-19提供的援款总额达到9亿多美元。国会（Congress）的拨款总额已达24亿美元。这一组新的援款为印度-太平洋（Indo-Pacific）各国追加了4,000多万美元资金，重点是印度、孟加拉国和印度尼西亚等国。我们还为非洲提供2,000多万美元的全球卫生援助，投入的重点是南非和南苏丹。我们已经为国际原子能机构（IAEA）拨款1,100万美元，支持83个成员国的工作…… 问：关于中国，当你说有大量证据显示病毒是来自武汉的实验室，这是什么意思？我问这个问题是因为陆军上将马克·米莱（Mark Milley）昨天说，我们不知道病毒是不是来自武汉的实验室。另外一点，当冠状病毒病1月份和2月初势头扩大了的时候，中国官员是否一再向美国官员保证它已经得到控制并且会自行解决，或许由于天气变暖？你觉得他们误导你们了吗？本政府是在考虑对中国采取惩罚措施吗？谢谢。国务卿蓬佩奥：那么我将按顺序回答。我看到了米莱上将的表述。这与我认为的本政府所有人所说的完全一致，包括特朗普总统。情报机构仍在研究这个病毒确切是从哪里起源。可以让这个非常快地得到解决的方式是：中国共产党可以按照他们对世界卫生组织承诺的义务去做，透明，公开，简单地像全世界的国家那样做，确保这种大流行疫情不会失控，其实，重要的是，不要操控。我提到天数。这是一个持续的挑战。我们仍然没有我们需要的样本。我们仍然没有接触的机会。我们大家，世界，没有样本。不仅仅是当时他们没有能够正确行事；他们继续不透明，他们继续不让接触到这个重要信息，而这是我们的研究人员，我们的流行病学家所需要的。重要的是，这有可能再次发生。这——这些都是风险。这就是为什么——这就是为什么当我听到人们说，哦，美国在威逼中国人——我们向他们要求的只是我们对每个国家所要求的，对。要透明。要是一个可靠的伙伴。正是他们所说的——中国人说他们想合作。好极了。合作是要讲行动，是要讲开放，是要讲分享这个信息。所以，零号病人在哪里的详细情况，这是从哪里开始的，只有中国共产党才知道。他们是能够帮助解锁的人。如果他们需要技术帮助，我们很高兴向他们提供这种帮助。我们确实需要——世界需要得到这些问题的答案，不仅是为了当前，也是为了我们能确保降低像这样的情况再发生的风险，它造成千千万万人丧生，给整个世界带来巨大经济损失。具体而言，我认为我们已经——本政府已经列出了我们所见情况的时间表。相当清楚，一开始中国共产党误导了世界。也就是说，他们知道更多的情况但没有分享，根据《国际卫生条例》（International Health Regulations）他们有义务分享，世界卫生的义务——世界卫生组织的规则责成他们遵守。他们没有那样做。世界卫生组织也未能那样做。不仅是世界卫生组织没有执行，而且它仍有待要求展开调查。谭德塞博士需要像美国和澳大利亚和其他国家一样，对我们仍然没有办法得到我们需要的答案给予关注。这些是正在继续的重要问题，真正问题，我们需要使它们得到解决……。问：国务卿，非常感谢。你在一开始提到了艾芬医生。国务卿蓬佩奥：是的。问：我想推近到你说的有关她的具体几点。她在一次访谈中公开谈到，但后来不见了，你提到的很多事实，只有一点除外。你说当时国家卫生健康委员会三号命令销毁样本，我认为这是新情况。这是基于你掌握的证据吗，还是基于公开报道？把中国拉远一点，美国和欧盟，欧盟尚未响应你对中国进行调查的呼吁。最初，你知道，美国没有参加欧盟的疫苗捐赠方大会。美国和欧盟在有关中国和COVID-19冠状病毒疫情的问题上意见一致吗？国务卿蓬佩奥：让我看看我能为你提供什么，能够支持我所做的陈述，看看我们是否能为你提供资料。我将确保有关团队这么做。其次，关于欧盟举行的捐赠方会议。中国当时在场。因此，做了这些的一方，是的——这始于中国武汉——当时在场，而且我们对于没有要求他们做到透明的呼吁感到遗憾。我认为这始终是应有的。他们——结果是，据我所知，中国共产党也没有拿着一毛钱到场。我谈到了我们已经提供的所有援助，我们将继续提供。如果你看看全世界的应对情况，是谁在切实主导应对这场全球流行的疫情的努力，差距不近。是美利坚合众国，而且将继续如此。我们将继续同整个欧盟的我们的伙伴合作，不仅仅是法国、英国和德国，他们有时被同“欧盟”混为一谈。我们正在同整个欧洲的各国合作。我们认为他们正在逐渐看到，正如美国极其清晰地看到一样，这是如何发生的，如何可能是不同的情况，而且重要的是，现在就需要改变的事情，以制止正在发生的危机——我在开始讲话时所谈到的事情——以及让我们减轻像这样的情况再次发生的风险而需要改变的事情。我认为整个欧洲的人们都在看到这是怎么发生的，而且他们在我们向前推进时将不会容忍一切照旧。…… 国务卿蓬佩奥：芭芭拉，那些陈述中的每一项[有关病毒的起源]都是完全一致的。其中每一项。把它们一起摆出来，没有分离。我们所有人都在寻找正确答案，我们所有人都试图搞清楚。在不同的地方有不同程度的确定性的评估；这是高度适宜的。人们注视着数据组并得到不同程度的确信。我们每个人都注视于此并了解事实。事实是这来自武汉。我们每个人都注视于此并问道，谁能提供有关零号病人来自哪里的精确答案，这到底来自哪里？我们都知道谁能打开这些钥匙。那些领导人中的每一位，不论是福奇（Fauci）博士，还是米莱上将，还是我本人，还是总统，我们都知道如何得到这一答案。这是应当成为焦点的地方。这是我们的焦点所在。问：你提出正式要求了吗？你让CDC提出对武汉实验室的数据获取的正式要求了吗？国务卿蓬佩奥：是的，有过很多——有过——这是一个很好的问题。已经有过很多正式要求，而且我们将继续提出获取这一信息的正式要求。问：你得到北京的正式回应了吗？国务卿蓬佩奥：你应当问问崔大使，他今早发表了一篇很好的署名文章，而我迫不及待地想在中国日报新闻（China Daily News）上开每日专栏…… 国务卿蓬佩奥：着重于这里最重要的一点。这里最重要的一点是美国人民仍有风险。美国人民仍有风险是因为我们不知道——就你提出的问题，我们不确定它是始于实验室还是始于其他什么地方。有一条捷径能找到这个问题的答案：透明度、开放，以及当国家的确想参与解决一场全球流行的疫情时，当他们的确想参与那些保障人类安全并让经济恢复的事情时，他们所做的那些事情。我们将继续就此努力，我们将继续得到更多的确定性，而且我希望——我希望我们得到一个答案。零号病人是从哪里来的，这确切而言始于哪里？我希望我们还能得到有关它来自哪里的更多的证据，而且当我们得到时，当然也会清楚地说明。谢谢各位。	05/06/2020 01:24 PM EDT Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State Washington, D.C. Press Briefing Room SECRETARY POMPEO: Good morning, everyone. It’s been 128 days since Chinese doctor Ai Fen – the director of the Wuhan Central Hospital’s emergency unit – shared information on the internet about a patient with a SARS-like virus. Her colleague, Dr. Li Wenliang, shared Dr. Ai’s report online with medical colleagues. The next day, December 31st, regional health officials in Wuhan indicated they were treating dozens of patients with an unknown viral pneumonia. And within days, Chinese officials detained Dr. Li and seven others for “spreading false statements on the internet.” China saw then that it had an emerging public health crisis on its hands. They knew. China could have prevented the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people worldwide. China could have spared the world a descent into global economic malaise. They had a choice. But instead, instead China covered up the outbreak in Wuhan. Its National Health Commission ordered virus samples destroyed on January 3rd. China “disappeared” brave Chinese citizens who raised alarms. It deployed its propaganda organs to denounce those who politely called for simple transparency. And that brings us to today, 120 days on. China is still refusing to share the information we need to keep people safe, such as viral isolates, clinical specimens, and details about the many COVID-19 patients in December 2019, not to mention “patient zero.” Our truth-telling and calls for transparency aren’t about politics. It’s not about bullying. It’s not about blame. It’s about the ongoing need to save American lives. This is an ongoing threat today. Ask medical professionals in New York City. I think they’ll agree with that. We need countries to share reliable data in a timely way – now, and the next time that a calamity like this hits. We need reliable partners. As a result of China’s choices, countries are starting to understand the risk of doing business with the Chinese Communist Party and taking action to protect their people. A few examples. In recent weeks, Nigeria, Kazakhstan, and France have demarched the Chinese Communist Party ambassadors for a whole host of lies and misdeeds. Spain has returned defective test kits made in China. That country, the Czech Republic, other nations have received shoddy PPE, as well. The Australians and the Swedes have called for an independent review into the outbreak. And my friend Dominic Raab has said that the United Kingdom can’t go back to, quote, “business as usual,” end of quote, with Beijing. Even the EU’s foreign affairs chief admitted that Brussels has been, quote, “a little naive,” end of quote, about China. I’m heartened by this newfound realism. The free nations of the world are starting to understand that China doesn’t share those democratic values that we hold dear, or their economic interests, and that this matters to the entire world. There’s no true “win-win” with a communist regime, unless you get to the fair terms that President Trump has talked about and the reciprocity that President Trump did in the phase one trade deal. Now countries have a chance to further insist on what’s right for their people. Today I want to call upon all nations, including those in Europe, to support Taiwan’s participation as an observer at the World Health Assembly and in other relevant United Nations venues. I also call upon WHO Director-General Tedros to invite Taiwan to observe this month’s WHA, as he has the power to do, and as his predecessors have done on multiple occasions. Turning to the subject of those who are trying to do good around the world. Today, the United States is committing an additional $130 million in global health and refugee assistance, bringing our total devoted to fighting COVID-19 to more than $900 million in more than 120 countries. Congress has provided $2.4 billion in total. This new tranche of funding provides more than more than $40 million in additional funds for countries in the Indo-Pacific, prioritizing places like India and Bangladesh and Indonesia. We’ll also provide more than $20 million in global health assistance to Africa, with major investments in South Africa as well as in South Sudan. We have allocated $11 million in contributions to the IAEA to support 83 member states in their fight. I’m also happy today to announce $225 million in additional emergency aid to the people of Yemen, separate from the COVID-19 assistance that I just mentioned. This assistance will provide the UN World Food Program’s emergency food operation in southern Yemen, as well as a reduced operation in northern Yemen, which the WFP was forced to scale down earlier this month because of ongoing interference of the Iran-backed Houthis. Whether it’s our work in countering diseases like HIV/AIDS, malaria, TB, and now COVID-19, the State Department is very focused on saving lives. And by implementing the Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance policy, President Trump’s administration has gone further than any in history in making sure that tax dollars do not subsidize the global abortion industry. We’ll continue to do that. A couple of quick items, and then I’ll take a handful of questions. First, I mentioned Hong Kong last week. Right now we are delaying our report to Congress that will assess Hong Kong’s autonomy, to allow us to account for any additional actions that Beijing may be contemplating in the run-up to the National People’s Congress that would further undermine the people of Hong Kong’s autonomy as promised by China when they entered the agreement with the people of Hong Kong. Also, I’m excited to report that negotiations on the U.S.-UK Free Trade Agreement are now underway, something President Trump has sought for a long time. A few matters related to the Islamic Republic of Iran. Last week, the United States sanctioned an individual and his company who were doing business with the IRG Qods Force for years, generating revenue and resources for their terror campaign. Anyone conducting business with Iranian entities should exercise extreme caution to ensure that they are not working with the IRGC. And I’d like to take this moment to commend our German friends for banning Hizballah and taking strong action against suspected Hizballah supporters. I hope that all other EU member states will follow. Our gratitude also goes out to Switzerland, the United States protecting power in Iran for now four decades, for its efforts to extend Michael White’s medical furlough seeking – and seeking humanitarian furloughs for Siamak Namazi and Morad Tahbaz and bringing home all U.S. citizens wrongfully detained. We welcome their assistance and we appreciate all that they’ve done. We are not the only nation whose citizens are subject to the Iranian regime’s brutality. I was appalled to see reports last week of Iranian guards on the border of Afghanistan’s Herat province abused, tortured, drowned Afghan migrants who dared to cross the border simply in search of food and work. We encourage the Afghan authorities to undertake a full investigation and to seek to hold those perpetrators accountable. Let me close on an upbeat note by mentioning two human rights victories. First, the United States was pleased to see the transitional government in Sudan take the first steps to ban female genital mutilation and cutting. It’s a big step, a bright step closer to a future in which all women and girls worldwide won’t have to suffer this barbaric practice. It would be great to see nations like Somalia, Equatorial Guinea, and Djibouti, where FGM is widely practiced, follow Sudan’s lead. Second, it’s only fitting that on the same weekend as International Press Freedom Day the family of Daniel Pearl successfully challenged a lower court ruling that overturned the conviction of four individuals responsible for Danny’s kidnapping and murder. We welcome the Government of Pakistan’s commitment to ensure that justice is done in this case, including by filing their own appeal. Finally, while on the topic of Southcentral Asia, I want to give a shout-out to one of my colleagues, Alice Wells, as she prepares to depart the State Department. She’s done remarkable work. I’ve worked closely with her. She is an exemplary diplomat who for more than now three decades has served the American people. I want to wish her all the best in her future endeavors. Happy to take a couple of questions. MS ORTAGUS: Okay. Nike. QUESTION: Good morning. Thank you. Good morning, Mr. Secretary. SECRETARY POMPEO: Good morning. QUESTION: How are you? SECRETARY POMPEO: I’m good. Hope you are well. QUESTION: On behalf of the press corps, we are very sorry for your recent loss. Our deepest condolence to you and your family. SECRETARY POMPEO: Oh, thank you. That’s very kind. Thank you. QUESTION: On China, what do you mean when you say there is enormous amount of evidence that the virus is from the Wuhan lab? The reason I ask is because Army General Mark Milley said yesterday that we don’t know if the virus emerged from the Wuhan lab. Separately, when the COVID-19 was gaining momentum in January and early February, did Chinese officials reassure American officials that it was under control and would be resolved on its own, maybe because of the warming weather? Do you feel they misled you? Is the administration pondering punitive measures on China? Thank you. SECRETARY POMPEO: So I’ll take the questions in sequence. So I saw General Milley’s statements. Entirely consistent with what I think everyone in the administration has said, including President Trump. The Intelligence Community is still figuring out precisely where this virus began. Here’s how this could get solved really quickly: The Chinese Community Party could do what they’re committed to do under their obligations to the World Health Organization, to be transparent, to be open, to do the simple things that nations all around the world do to make sure that pandemics like this don’t get out of control, and in fact, importantly, stay out of control. I mentioned the number of days. This is an ongoing challenge. We still don’t have the samples that we need. We still don’t have the access. We collectively, the world, don’t have the samples. It’s not even just that in the moment they couldn’t do the right thing; they continue to be opaque and they continue to deny access for this important information that our researchers, our epidemiologists need. And importantly, this could happen again. This – these are the kinds of risks. This is why – this is why when I see people say, well, America is bullying the Chinese – we’re demanding of them only what we demand of every nation, right. Be transparent. Be open. Be a reliable partner. The very things they say – the Chinese say they want to cooperate. Great. Cooperation is about action. It’s about opening up. It’s about sharing this information. So the details of where patient zero, where this began, are things that are knowledge that’s in the possession of only the Chinese Communist Party. They’re the ones that can help unlock that. If they need technical assistance, we’re happy to provide that assistance to them. We do need – the world needs answers to these questions for not only the current moment but so that we can make sure that we reduce the risk that something like this could ever happen again with thousands and thousands of lives lost and enormous economic cost to the entire world. As for the details, I think we’ve – the administration has laid out a timeline of what we’ve seen. It is pretty clear that at the front end of this the Chinese Communist Party misled the world. That is, they knew more and they didn’t share that, and they had an obligation to do so under the International Health Regulations that they are required to adhere to under World Health obligation– World Health Organization’s rules set. They didn’t do that. The World Health Organization also failed to do that. And it’s not only that they didn’t enforce, but the World Health Organization needs to still demand that there be an investigation. Dr. Tedros needs to be just as concerned as the United States and Australia and other countries are that we still don’t have access to the answers we need. These are important issues that are ongoing, real issues, and we need to get them resolved. MS ORTAGUS: Michel. QUESTION: Thank you. Mr. Secretary — SECRETARY POMPEO: Good morning. Yes, sir. QUESTION: — sorry for your loss, first. SECRETARY POMPEO: Thank you very much. QUESTION: On Israel, Israeli media has said that you are traveling to Israel next week. Can you confirm that? And on the other hand, Israeli defense officials said that Iranian forces are pulling out of Syria and closing military bases there. Can you confirm these reports? And since you mentioned Sudan, did you approve the nomination of Noureddine Sati as Sudan ambassador to Washington, and when are you planning to send a U.S. ambassador to Khartoum? Thank you. SECRETARY POMPEO: So the last question is we’re working to get each of those things done with respect to Sudan. We think what they’ve done is remarkable. We want to support that, and so whether it’s their ambassadors being credentialed here and accepted here and us being prepared to send an ambassador there, we’re working our way through that. We’re going to get it done just as quickly as we can. I don’t have any travel to confirm, but I think in the upcoming hours and days you will see an announcement. We’re hoping to get back out and be on the ground to do the things that the State Department needs to do that we physically need to be located in those places for. We’re hoping we can get that started up before too long. It’ll start off smaller, but we’re hoping to get back at it, just like we’re hoping that we can get the economy back open not only here in the United States but all across the world as well. I don’t have anything that I can add to with respect of what the Israeli defense – I think it was an Israeli defense official that said that. But we have been very clear to the Assad regime all along, and to the Russians in Syria: The Iranians need to leave. They need to leave not only the southwest corner that has a direct and real impact on Israel and risks to the Golan, but more broadly throughout the country. The very terror regime that we talk about in the Islamic Republic of Iran has got a campaign that supports what Assad has done that has brutalized and destroyed the lives of hundreds of thousands, caused six or seven million people to have to flee Syria. The Iranian regime is responsible for that in the same way that the Syrian regime is. We hope that they’ll rethink that and get back to doing what Iran needs to do, which is to take care of its own people in this very difficult time inside the Islamic Republic of Iran. We think those resources could be much better used to support the Iranian people. MS ORTAGUS: Rich. QUESTION: Mr. Secretary. SECRETARY POMPEO: Rich, how are you? QUESTION: Good, how are you? SECRETARY POMPEO: Way in the back today. QUESTION: Yeah, I know. (Laughter.) SECRETARY POMPEO: I know. QUESTION: Good thing I have my contacts in today. (Laughter.) Would you be able to tell us, or does the U.S. know who may have initiated or bankrolled this operation in Venezuela from over the weekend? And has the State Department started engaging the Maduro regime about the two Americans who are reportedly in custody there? SECRETARY POMPEO: So your first question, there – as I think the Secretary of Defense said, or maybe it was the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the President too, there was no U.S. Government direct involvement in this operation. If we had been involved, it would have gone differently. As for who bankrolled it, we’re not prepared to share any more information about what we know took place. We’ll unpack that at an appropriate time. We’ll share that information that makes good sense. What was your second question, Rich? QUESTION: Just the two American citizens there — SECRETARY POMPEO: Yeah, we’re going to work on this. It’s a consular matter in the sense of any time there are Americans that are detained someplace, we’ll work to get them back. We will start the process of trying to figure a way if in fact these are Americans that are there, that we can figure a path forward. We want to get every American back. If the Maduro regime decides to hold them, we’ll use every tool that we have available to try and get them back. It’s our responsibility to do so. MS ORTAGUS: Nick. QUESTION: Secretary, thank you very much. You mentioned Dr. Ai Fen right at the top. SECRETARY POMPEO: Yes. QUESTION: And I wanted to zoom in on something specifically you said about her. She’s discussed publicly in an interview that has since disappeared many of the facts you mentioned, except for one. You said that then National Health Commission ordered samples destroyed on the third; I believe that’s new. Is that based on evidence that you have or is that based on public reporting? And to zoom out a little bit on China, the U.S. and the EU, the EU has not joined your call to investigate China. At the beginning, as you know, the U.S. didn’t participate in the EU vaccine donors conference. Are the U.S. and the EU on the same page when it comes to China and COVID-19? SECRETARY POMPEO: Let me see what I can get you that supports the statement that I made, see if we can get you material. I’ll make sure the team does that. Second, so the EU held a donors conference. China was there. So the party that perpetrated this, right – this began in Wuhan, China – was there, and we regretted there wasn’t a call for transparency from them. I think that’s always appropriate. They – it turned out, as I understand it, the Chinese Communist Party didn’t show up with a dime either. I talked about all of the assistance that we’ve provided, we will continue to provide. If you look at the response around the world, who it is that’s actually leading the response to this global pandemic, it is not close. It is the United States of America, and it will continue to be so. We’ll continue to work with our partners all across the EU, not just the French, the Brits, and the Germans, who sometimes are conflated with “the EU.” We’re working with countries all across Europe. We think they are coming to see, just as the United States sees with great clarity, how this came to be, how it could have been different, and importantly, the things that need to change both now to prevent the ongoing crisis – the things I talked about in my opening remarks – and the things that need to change such that we reduce the risk that something like this ever happens again. I think the people all across Europe are seeing how this came to be, and they are not going to tolerate business as usual as we move forward. QUESTION: Sir, just to – just to follow up, why not show up to that donors conference, then? SECRETARY POMPEO: We are going to do everything we can in every form to provide both the resources, technical skills, and the leadership to deliver a response here. We’ll do that, and we’ll do that with our European partners. We’ll find the right forms to do that. MS ORTAGUS: Okay, last question. Barbara. SECRETARY POMPEO: Oh, hi, Barbara. QUESIOTN: Mr. Secretary, hello. I just want to go back to Nike’s question, because it’s kind of puzzling. You had all of these statements. General Milley, she mentioned about the – he doesn’t know. Dr. Fauci said there was evidence that strongly indicated the virus evolved in nature, not in a lab — SECRETARY POMPEO: Yeah, no, that’s all – that’s all consistent. That’s all — QUESTION: There are reports that intelligence-sharing among Five Eyes shows it’s very unlikely it came from a lab. SECRETARY POMPEO: Barbara, Barbara, we’ve been through it. Barbara — QUESTION: And so on. So I’m just wondering — SECRETARY POMPEO: Yeah. QUESTION: And also, the IC statement last week doesn’t sort of talk about any evidence. Are you basing your assertion on information — SECRETARY POMPEO: Barbara. QUESTION: That all of these parties do not have? And a second question about the — SECRETARY POMPEO: Barbara, Barbara. Let me just put this to bed. Your efforts to try and find, just, to spend your whole life trying to drive a little wedge between senior American officials, it’s just – it’s just — QUESTION: No, we’re wondering where this strong evidence you’re talking about – because you’re the only one who’s saying that. SECRETARY POMPEO: Barbara, every one of those statements is entirely consistent. Every one of them. Lay them down together, there’s no separation. We’re all trying to figure out the right answer, we’re all trying to get to clarity. There are different levels of certainty assessed at different places; that’s highly appropriate. People stare at data sets and come to different levels of confidence. Every one of us stares at this and knows the reality. The reality is this came from Wuhan. Every one of us stares at this situation and says, who can provide the answer to precisely where patient zero was from, where this actually came from? We all know who can unlock the keys to that. Every one of those leaders, whether it’s Dr. Fauci or General Milley, or myself, or the President, we all know how to get to this answer. That’s where the focus needs to be. It’s where our focus is. QUESTION: And have you made a formal request? Have you asked the CDC to make a formal request for data access to the Wuhan lab? SECRETARY POMPEO: Yeah, there have been many – there have been – that’s a great question. There have been many formal requests, and we will continue to make formal requests for this information. QUESTION: Did you get a formal response from Beijing? SECRETARY POMPEO: You should ask Ambassador Cui, who had a great op-ed this morning, and I can’t wait for my daily column in the China Daily News. MS ORTAGUS: Okay, thanks. QUESTION: (Off-mike.) MS ORTAGUS: No, he’s got to go. (Inaudible.) SECRETARY POMPEO: All right, go ahead. Go ahead. QUESTION: One more question? SECRETARY POMPEO: Go ahead. Yeah. QUESTION: Following up on my colleague’s question, I actually have your statements from last week where you did a lot of interviews with some of – conservative colleagues. Any time you want to come down and talk to us, by the way, feel free. SECRETARY POMPEO: Can hardly wait. QUESTION: (Laughter.) But seriously, but you said in multiple interviews on May 1st, April 30th, and other days some version of “We don’t know if the virus came from inside the lab in Wuhan.” And then on Sunday, you said there’s enormous evidence the virus came from inside the lab. SECRETARY POMPEO: Those are both true. QUESTION: So did the intelligence change over the weekend? SECRETARY POMPEO: Those statements are both true. They’re entirely consistent. We – they’re entirely consistent. QUESTION: So then — QUESTION: Why are you highlighting one and not the other? MS ORTAGUS: Wait, wait. Let’s not – it’s not (inaudible). SECRETARY POMPEO: This entire – I’ve now answered this question – I think it’s the 13th time. Happy to try to answer it again. I’m not sure what it is that – about the grammar that you can’t get. We don’t have certainty, and there is significant evidence that this came from the laboratory. Those statements can both be true. I’ve made them both. Administration officials have made them. They’re all true. QUESTION: But then why — SECRETARY POMPEO: Focus on the most important piece here. The most important piece here is that the American people remain at risk. The American people remain at risk because we do not know – to your point, we don’t have certainty about whether it began in the lab or whether it began someplace else. There’s an easy way to find out the answer to that: transparency, openness, the kinds of things that nations do when they really want to be part of solving a global pandemic, when they really want to participate in the things that keep human beings safe and get economies going back again. We’ll continue to work on that, we’ll continue to get more certainty, and I hope – I hope we get an answer. Where did patient zero begin, where precisely did this start? I hope we get even more evidence about where it came from, and when we do, we’ll certainly make that clear as well. So thanks, everybody. QUESTION: Is there a reason you (inaudible)? MS ORTAGUS: Just to correct the record, the Secretary’s done over 90 interviews in the past month, so – and he just did one with ABC, so – and he briefs here every week. So just want to correct what Christina said. Thank you.
尼古拉斯·伯恩斯大使谈中美关系（讲稿：芝加哥全球事务委员会线上活动） 2022年11月30日(北京时间) – (YouTube链接) Fay Hartog Levin Hello and welcome. My name is Fay Hartog Levin and I’m a member of the Board of Directors of the Chicago Council on Global Affairs. And I also serve as a distinguished fellow there. I served as ambassador of the United States to the Netherlands from 2009 to 2011. Thank you to everyone tuning in from around the world. And a special thanks to the live audience here in Chicago for joining us for this conversation with U.S. Ambassador to the People’s Republic of China, Nicolas Burns. Our conversation comes at a significant moment amid the recent protests in China, as well as Joe Biden and Xi Jinping’s first meeting as presidents at the G20 Summit. As a reminder, the Council is a nonprofit, independent, and nonpartisan platform. The views expressed by individuals we host are their own and do not represent institutional positions or views of the Council. Following this on the record discussion, we’ll have an off the record question and answer session with members in the room. I encourage you to visit the Council’s website to learn how to join the community. It’s now my great honor to introduce the U.S. Ambassador to the People’s Republic of China. Ambassador Burns’ distinguished career in American diplomacy includes service under six presidents and nine secretaries of state. Most recently he was a member of the Foreign Policy Advisory Board for Secretary of State John Kerry. He’s an internationally respected authority on foreign policy and is currently on a public service leave of absence from the [Harvard] Kennedy School of Government. Ambassador Burns served as United States Ambassador to NATO from 2001 to 2005 and led the U.S. efforts in Brussels on 9/11 when the Alliance invoked Article Five of the NATO Treaty for the first time in its history. Today he joins us as the U.S. Ambassador to China, leading a team of experienced, dedicated, and diverse public servants from 47 U.S. government agencies and sub agencies at the U.S. Mission in China. He oversees the Mission’s interaction with the PRC on a full range of political, security, economic, commercial, consular, and other issues that shape this critical relationship. Please welcome Ambassador Nicholas Burns to the Council. The Ambassador will first share a few words before we begin our conversation. Ambassador Burns Well Ambassador, good evening to everybody in Chicago. Good evening to you Ambassador, good evening to my very good friend Ambassador Ivo Daalder, who is your fearless leader of the Chicago Council, and Ambassador, I want to thank you for moderating, and thank you for your service as our Ambassador to the Netherlands. And by the way, it’s early [in] the morning here, Wednesday morning. I got up at four in the morning to watch the second half of the U.S. victory in the World Cup over Iran. And we’re playing the Netherlands next on Saturday evening. So we’re all going to tune in. And let’s go Team USA. Delighted to be here, looking forward to a good conversation. Obviously, we have a consequential relationship with the People’s Republic of China, it’s the most important bilateral relationship that the United States has, I think the most challenging relationship. And what we’re trying to do under President Biden’s leadership, is we’re competing with China, on trade issues, on technology issues, on security issues. We’re very vocal about our differences on human rights, and the rule of law. We’re also trying to work with the government here on climate change, on food security, on global health issues. And frankly, for an audience in the Midwest we’re working very closely with China on agriculture. So let’s talk about all those issues, both the competitive aspects of this relationship and the more cooperative ones. But I’m proud to lead our efforts here in China. We have a great group of public servants at our embassy in Beijing, our consulates in Shenyang in northern China, in Wuhan in central China, in Shanghai in eastern China, and in Guangzhou in southern China. And I’m really honored to work with those career professionals. So thank you. Fay Hartog Levin Thank you. In recent days protests over the zero-COVID policy have taken place in China and have gotten a lot of attention over here. Can you give us a sense of the scale and scope of these protests? Ambassador Burns Thank you very much. And obviously, that dominated the news here. And I know around the world, over the last several days, you saw these extraordinary protests, over the weekend in particular – on Saturday and Sunday. And we’ve been very clear publicly in the last few days. And what we’ve been saying, both from the White House and State Department as well as from our Embassy, we believe the Chinese people have a right to protest peacefully. They have a right to make their views known. They have a right to be heard. That’s a fundamental right around the world, it should be, and that right should not be hindered with, and it shouldn’t be interfered with. And I should also say, Ambassador, we support freedom of the press, as well as freedom of speech, of course. And there have been instances where journalists have been interfered with and even detained. And so that’s our view. We’re watching these protests along with everyone else. Fay Hartog Levin Can you tell us a little bit about how the Chinese government is responding to these protests? Ambassador Burns Well, you know, we haven’t seen many public statements by the government here in Beijing, but you’ve seen just in the last 48 hours, a very heavy security presence here in Beijing, and in the major cities of China. And you’ve seen varying degrees of reactions by the police over the weekend and security forces, in some cities, a heavy hand and other cities not so much. So we’ll just have to see how this plays out. It’s obviously a very important event for the people of China. And, we’re watching it, of course, with great care and great attention. Fay Hartog Levin Do you expect any meaningful change to come from these protests? Ambassador Burns It’s very hard to say at this point. This is a very, very big country. It’s also a critical time because the Chinese people and the government here are dealing with a spike in COVID infections. And that has really gripped the country here over the last couple of weeks, we’ve seen a dramatic rise in infections in Chongqing, which is the largest city in China by population. In Guangdong Province in southern China, Guangzhou, for several weeks now has been experiencing very high rates of infection. In Beijing, there is the highest rates of infection of any time in the last three years. Since the pandemic first broke out in Wuhan in late 2019, early 2020. And what that’s done, it’s really shut down normal life. I’ll give you an example. Here in Beijing, most of the stores are closed. Most of the restaurants are closed, if not all of them, the parks are closed, public transport is limited. It’s very difficult to go into government ministries. In fact, I expect to be having some virtual meetings this week with the government of China, because of these COVID restrictions. And China is practicing zero-COVID, which is the policy of the government here, and has been for three years, which is very different from what we’ve been doing in the United States. And it means that the lock downs are quite severe. It also constrains our ability for us to do our jobs. If I wanted to go to visit our consulate in Shenyang in northern China up near the North Korean border this week, I could probably get there. I’d likely get stuck there for about 10 days. Same with Shanghai or Guangzhou or Wuhan. So that makes it difficult. I’ll give you another practical example, and you’ll recognize this from your time as American Ambassador. We’re very much responsible for the safety and welfare of American prisoners here. And we have quite a number of Americans imprisoned in China. Our young consular officers’ job is to go out and visit them to make sure that their health is okay, that they’re being treated well, that their rights are being respected. We haven’t been able to get into to see most of the American prisoners here for the last three years. Because the government here has said that for COVID reasons, for precautionary reasons, they won’t let our diplomats into these prisons. And you know, I’ve fundamentally objected to that. We have a right under our 1980 consular agreement to see American prisoners. So, in almost all aspects of our work, but I think this is true for any Chinese business or government ministry, or private organization. Life here is difficult because the COVID restrictions are so severe, there are reasons for them, given by the government of China. I don’t want to debate those publicly, I want to be respectful. But you know, we have a different theory of the case. And so we’re living in a very different time, in a very different way, than people are in the United States. Fay Hartog Levin The restrictions you just described, the very severe restrictions of the last few weeks, how does that differ from what the COVID policy or the zero-COVID policy was when you arrived earlier this year? Ambassador Burns Well, there are very strict requirements here for quarantine, for instance. So I’ve been here nine months, I’ve quarantined already three times, I’ve had to leave the country twice to go to meetings with President Biden, Secretary Blinken. And I’ve now quarantined for a total of 40 days, in nine months. And that’s not unusual. So, you know, when you do travel into China, there is a quarantine right now of eight days. It was 21 days when I arrived nine months ago, when my wife and I did. And if you are a close contact or deemed to be a close contact of an infected person that can shut you down. For five to seven days, you have to isolate at home, quarantine at home. So we have quite a number of people from our Embassy, both our Chinese employees and our American colleagues or employees who’ve had to self-quarantine in their homes, not just because they’ve been infected, but because they’ve been deemed a close contact by the system here. And so if COVID is really dominating every aspect of life, you’ve seen the impact it’s had on the economy of China, if you look at the lower GDP growth rates forecast for 2022. Fay Hartog Levin Thank you. How has the attendance of your staff at the Embassy been since you arrived in terms of all of these quarantine restrictions. Have you ever had a full complement of your staff there? Ambassador Burns We have had, it’s been a difficult time. We’ve had to go to a series of government charters, to get our people into this country and to bring them out, whether it’s on home leave or R&R or they’re leaving post permanently. There are so few commercial airline routes into China these days, American airline routes, by the big three American carriers, they’ve been restricted by the government here. That is very difficult to run a big operation like this. And we’re one of the largest American embassies in the world, obviously, given the importance of this relationship. So we actually have government charters now on a monthly basis. We leave Washington, and we bring hundreds of people at a time into China, they all quarantine then, now for eight days in hotels, quarantine hotels, and they’re able to work to get people out. We’ve got to run the government charters out. There’s no other way to do business here. So it’s tested us. But I have to tell you, and you’ll recognize this from your time in government. I had been out of government for a while… I was a career Foreign Service officer from the early 80s until 2008. And I taught, as you indicated, as a professor at Harvard, and now I’m back in government. I have so much respect for our career professionals, and we have 47 U.S. government agencies here. They work extremely hard. They’re working under adverse conditions here. They’re working under restrictions of the type that I talked about from COVID. We are in a society that doesn’t always, or I should say, an environment where it’s difficult for Americans to be heard or move around the country, and so I’m really proud of the men and women here with whom I work, and I couldn’t have a better set of colleagues. Fay Hartog Levin That’s terrific. As you mentioned, the U.S.-Chinese relationship is one of the most consequential in the world right now. But it’s been mostly characterized by competition. What is your outlook for the U.S.-China relations in the immediate and long-term future? Ambassador Burns I was with President Biden in Bali two weeks ago for his meeting with President Xi Jinping, which ran for over three hours. And if you heard President Biden’s press conference that evening, and then look at what the statement that we put out, our government put out, after the meeting, this is a very important, vital relationship for us. I think it is characterized in the main by competition, I think it’s fair to say that we assume that that competitive side of the relationship is going to be with us for quite some time. Because of the structural, philosophical, ideological, national security differences that we have with China. As I explained, Ambassador, I referred to them at the very beginning, but I’ll just take a moment to say, you know, we have an obvious difference with China, with the government of China, on human rights issues and the rule of law. And we speak out about them, about the repression in Xinjiang, against the Uyghur population and the other Muslim Turkic populations of Xinjiang, about what’s happened in Tibet, to the rights of the people there, about Hong Kong. We speak out about our differences on trade, where American companies do not often have a level playing field because of discriminatory actions taken against them by the government here. Intellectual property rights violations are an example of that. We have differences on technology. And you’ve seen our administration and the United States take some very tough measures to restrict the ability of companies to export technologies to China that might strengthen the People’s Liberation Army. And we have no interest in doing that. In fact, we’ll make sure that we don’t do that, and our companies don’t do that. And the United States is very proud, and we have been since the close of the Second World War, with the role that we’re playing here as an agent of peace and stability in the Indo Pacific. If you think about our treaty alliances with Japan, with South Korea, with Australia, with the Philippines, with Thailand. Our new strategic partnership is not formally an alliance, obviously, with the Government of India and the people of India. So we want to safeguard that against the assertiveness, at times, in the South China Sea, in the East China Sea, in parts of the Indian Ocean, of the PLA – the People’s Liberation Army. So these are major competitive differences that will be here for a long time. And Secretary Blinken has given the major U.S. speech on China, Secretary Tony Blinken, back in May at Georgetown University. And he summed it up by saying our strategy can be summed up as “invest, align and compete.” On the invest part, we’re trying to invest in the American economy, in our technological base. And that’s everything from the Bipartisan Infrastructure [Law] of a year ago, rebuilding our airports, our bridges and ports. It’s the CHIPS and Science Act, which is going to put over $50 billion to stimulate innovation and productivity in our semiconductor industry here in the United States. It’s the Inflation Reduction Act, we’ll be putting $369 billion in the greatest ever American investment in clean energy technology. We believe we can reduce our carbon emissions by over 50% in the next eight years, because of that one Act, that $369 billion. So that’s the invest part to strengthen America. The align part is what I just referred to. Our great strategic advantage in the world, as a great power, is the fact that we have tested, long-term alliances. And I refer to our Indo Pacific alliances; we’re also working very closely in NATO. In fact, Secretary Blinken is in Romania today, at a NATO foreign ministers meeting. NATO has a position on China, and we’re working with the European Union. So those alliances in both the Indo Pacific here, where I am, and in Europe, make us stronger. That’s the align part. And the compete part we’ve talked about, and I describe how we’re competing in the four areas that we are. We think this strategy is a long-term strategy for the United States to respond to this challenge of a more assertive, more aggressive China in the world. Fay Hartog Levin Do you think all of these efforts on this side will affect the balance of trade with China? Ambassador Burns It’s very, it’s a very interesting question, Ambassador. We have a $718 billion annual two-way trade relationship with China – China’s our third largest trade partner. To give you an example, because I know you’re in the Midwest obviously, 1/5 of all U.S. agriculture exports in the world go to China, about $38 billion last year, we think it’ll be a higher number by the end of the 2022. So actually, agriculture is one of the areas where we’re working quite well with the Chinese. They need our wheat, and our sorghum, and other grains, and our pork, and our beef, and they’re buying it. We have a very experienced Secretary of Agriculture, Tom Vilsack, who’s in his second time as Secretary. So in terms of a Midwestern perspective, this is a very important market for us. There are areas where we differ in terms of China’s use of state subsidies, or dumping, or China’s actions to weaken American companies, competitors to Chinese companies, which we think are grossly unfair – violations of China’s World Trade Organization obligations. And we call, we talk about this, and we discuss it. And I’ve been very active here making that point to my counterparts in the government of China that they need to treat our firms in a more balanced way, in a more fair way. And so that’s a major issue for us on the economic side. I do think we’ll continue to have a very robust trade relationship with China. But there are some areas of concern. Obviously, we don’t want to see Chinese investments in American companies that would strengthen China’s, what we call the civil military fusion, their national security apparatus, or their military. And so through CFIUS, the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States – it has been around for a couple of decades – there are times when we restrict the ability of Chinese firms to acquire American firms in sensitive technology areas. And you know, as my advice to American businesses here, and I work very closely with the business community here and want to support them, is: we want you to trade, we want you to be successful. But we also don’t think you ought to be investing in parts of the Chinese economy that are critical to our national security. You hear that from Congress. I think there’s a very, very strong message from Congress, from both parties, about that. So there are some limits here. But I do expect we’ll continue to see a strong economic relationship between the two countries. Fay Hartog Levin We’re almost running out of time for our on-the-record portion. I just wanted to ask you one more question about Taiwan, and your view of the frequent, or the increased congressional delegations, most notably by Speaker Nancy Pelosi, and how that has affected the relationship. Ambassador Burns Well, we supported Speaker Pelosi’s right to visit Taiwan. I specifically did in countless meetings, including the evening she arrived when I was called into the Foreign Ministry, when they protested to me, and my response on behalf of our government was: we support Speaker Pelosi, she’s the co-equal head of a branch of the U.S. government, and she has a right to visit. And what you’ve seen is, you’ve seen many members of Congress visit since and members of the Japanese Diet, and the Canadian, and British, and European Parliaments. We believe the Chinese grossly overreacted to her visit. And our message since, our private message, as well as our public message, is that China should respect the status quo in the Taiwan Strait. Act peacefully, not disturb what has been a peaceful Taiwan Strait for the last 68 years, since the status quo was implemented in 1954. And that we should hold China to the standard that any resolution of this very, very difficult dispute (Cross-Strait) with Taiwan, should be done peacefully. That’s obviously an issue that we care a lot about. It’s an issue that’s at the center of our disagreements with the People’s Republic of China, it’s an issue that President Biden raised with President Xi Jinping when they were together in Bali. So I’m happy to take more questions on Taiwan. Because we’re short on time in this portion, I think, I really do want to say – in addition to the competitive aspects of this relationship, we’re trying to work with China, in a couple of big areas. Climate change, we’re the two largest carbon emitters. China has about 27% of all carbon global emissions; we’re 11%. So we have a self-interest, and frankly, we have an obligation to the rest of the world, as well as our own countries, to work together. And it’s good to see that John Kerry, our great negotiator, is now back negotiating. The Chinese are now negotiating with him again. They had been stonewalling us for four months on this. We want to work on agriculture. We want to work on global health issues, on infectious diseases, obviously. We want to work on food security, which has been such a major problem particularly since the brutal Russian invasion of Ukraine has disrupted the global grain trade. And so there are areas we need to work together. And a last one which is so important, really to every city and town in America: the fentanyl crisis, the opioid crisis, the more than 100,000 Americans who have died in the last 12 months in that crisis. The government of China is not involved in this. But illicit Chinese companies are shipping precursor chemicals from China, to the narco-trafficking rings in Mexico and Central America. And that’s how the fentanyl is produced. So we’re trying to work with the government of China here to say, please crack down on those illicit Chinese firms and help us to deal with this major problem in the United States and, frankly, in other countries of the world. So I did want to, I wanted to indicate to you that, in addition to competing with China, which we’re going to do with a great deal of determination, we do want to work with China, as President Biden has been saying. We’re going to be responsible about this, we do not want this relationship to end up in conflict; we want a peaceful relationship with China. Fay Hartog Levin Thank you so much. It’s clear, we’re very lucky to have you in that very important Embassy in Beijing. And thank you for joining us tonight. And before we turn off the on-the-record portion of this evening’s program, I’d like to thank all of those who tuned in online, and hope that you’ll join us again very soon. We’re so grateful for everyone including the people in the room and we look forward to seeing you again. And thank you for waiting for the off-the-record discussion. ON-THE-RECORD ADJOURNS HERE.	Ambassador Nicholas Burns on China-U.S. Relations (TRANSCRIPT: Chicago Council on Global Affairs Virtual Event) November 30, 2022 (Beijing time) – (YouTube link) Fay Hartog Levin Hello and welcome. My name is Fay Hartog Levin and I’m a member of the Board of Directors of the Chicago Council on Global Affairs. And I also serve as a distinguished fellow there. I served as ambassador of the United States to the Netherlands from 2009 to 2011. Thank you to everyone tuning in from around the world. And a special thanks to the live audience here in Chicago for joining us for this conversation with U.S. Ambassador to the People’s Republic of China, Nicolas Burns. Our conversation comes at a significant moment amid the recent protests in China, as well as Joe Biden and Xi Jinping’s first meeting as presidents at the G20 Summit. As a reminder, the Council is a nonprofit, independent, and nonpartisan platform. The views expressed by individuals we host are their own and do not represent institutional positions or views of the Council. Following this on the record discussion, we’ll have an off the record question and answer session with members in the room. I encourage you to visit the Council’s website to learn how to join the community. It’s now my great honor to introduce the U.S. Ambassador to the People’s Republic of China. Ambassador Burns’ distinguished career in American diplomacy includes service under six presidents and nine secretaries of state. Most recently he was a member of the Foreign Policy Advisory Board for Secretary of State John Kerry. He’s an internationally respected authority on foreign policy and is currently on a public service leave of absence from the [Harvard] Kennedy School of Government. Ambassador Burns served as United States Ambassador to NATO from 2001 to 2005 and led the U.S. efforts in Brussels on 9/11 when the Alliance invoked Article Five of the NATO Treaty for the first time in its history. Today he joins us as the U.S. Ambassador to China, leading a team of experienced, dedicated, and diverse public servants from 47 U.S. government agencies and sub agencies at the U.S. Mission in China. He oversees the Mission’s interaction with the PRC on a full range of political, security, economic, commercial, consular, and other issues that shape this critical relationship. Please welcome Ambassador Nicholas Burns to the Council. The Ambassador will first share a few words before we begin our conversation. Ambassador Burns Well Ambassador, good evening to everybody in Chicago. Good evening to you Ambassador, good evening to my very good friend Ambassador Ivo Daalder, who is your fearless leader of the Chicago Council, and Ambassador, I want to thank you for moderating, and thank you for your service as our Ambassador to the Netherlands. And by the way, it’s early [in] the morning here, Wednesday morning. I got up at four in the morning to watch the second half of the U.S. victory in the World Cup over Iran. And we’re playing the Netherlands next on Saturday evening. So we’re all going to tune in. And let’s go Team USA. Delighted to be here, looking forward to a good conversation. Obviously, we have a consequential relationship with the People’s Republic of China, it’s the most important bilateral relationship that the United States has, I think the most challenging relationship. And what we’re trying to do under President Biden’s leadership, is we’re competing with China, on trade issues, on technology issues, on security issues. We’re very vocal about our differences on human rights, and the rule of law. We’re also trying to work with the government here on climate change, on food security, on global health issues. And frankly, for an audience in the Midwest we’re working very closely with China on agriculture. So let’s talk about all those issues, both the competitive aspects of this relationship and the more cooperative ones. But I’m proud to lead our efforts here in China. We have a great group of public servants at our embassy in Beijing, our consulates in Shenyang in northern China, in Wuhan in central China, in Shanghai in eastern China, and in Guangzhou in southern China. And I’m really honored to work with those career professionals. So thank you. Fay Hartog Levin Thank you. In recent days protests over the zero-COVID policy have taken place in China and have gotten a lot of attention over here. Can you give us a sense of the scale and scope of these protests? Ambassador Burns Thank you very much. And obviously, that dominated the news here. And I know around the world, over the last several days, you saw these extraordinary protests, over the weekend in particular – on Saturday and Sunday. And we’ve been very clear publicly in the last few days. And what we’ve been saying, both from the White House and State Department as well as from our Embassy, we believe the Chinese people have a right to protest peacefully. They have a right to make their views known. They have a right to be heard. That’s a fundamental right around the world, it should be, and that right should not be hindered with, and it shouldn’t be interfered with. And I should also say, Ambassador, we support freedom of the press, as well as freedom of speech, of course. And there have been instances where journalists have been interfered with and even detained. And so that’s our view. We’re watching these protests along with everyone else. Fay Hartog Levin Can you tell us a little bit about how the Chinese government is responding to these protests? Ambassador Burns Well, you know, we haven’t seen many public statements by the government here in Beijing, but you’ve seen just in the last 48 hours, a very heavy security presence here in Beijing, and in the major cities of China. And you’ve seen varying degrees of reactions by the police over the weekend and security forces, in some cities, a heavy hand and other cities not so much. So we’ll just have to see how this plays out. It’s obviously a very important event for the people of China. And, we’re watching it, of course, with great care and great attention. Fay Hartog Levin Do you expect any meaningful change to come from these protests? Ambassador Burns It’s very hard to say at this point. This is a very, very big country. It’s also a critical time because the Chinese people and the government here are dealing with a spike in COVID infections. And that has really gripped the country here over the last couple of weeks, we’ve seen a dramatic rise in infections in Chongqing, which is the largest city in China by population. In Guangdong Province in southern China, Guangzhou, for several weeks now has been experiencing very high rates of infection. In Beijing, there is the highest rates of infection of any time in the last three years. Since the pandemic first broke out in Wuhan in late 2019, early 2020. And what that’s done, it’s really shut down normal life. I’ll give you an example. Here in Beijing, most of the stores are closed. Most of the restaurants are closed, if not all of them, the parks are closed, public transport is limited. It’s very difficult to go into government ministries. In fact, I expect to be having some virtual meetings this week with the government of China, because of these COVID restrictions. And China is practicing zero-COVID, which is the policy of the government here, and has been for three years, which is very different from what we’ve been doing in the United States. And it means that the lock downs are quite severe. It also constrains our ability for us to do our jobs. If I wanted to go to visit our consulate in Shenyang in northern China up near the North Korean border this week, I could probably get there. I’d likely get stuck there for about 10 days. Same with Shanghai or Guangzhou or Wuhan. So that makes it difficult. I’ll give you another practical example, and you’ll recognize this from your time as American Ambassador. We’re very much responsible for the safety and welfare of American prisoners here. And we have quite a number of Americans imprisoned in China. Our young consular officers’ job is to go out and visit them to make sure that their health is okay, that they’re being treated well, that their rights are being respected. We haven’t been able to get into to see most of the American prisoners here for the last three years. Because the government here has said that for COVID reasons, for precautionary reasons, they won’t let our diplomats into these prisons. And you know, I’ve fundamentally objected to that. We have a right under our 1980 consular agreement to see American prisoners. So, in almost all aspects of our work, but I think this is true for any Chinese business or government ministry, or private organization. Life here is difficult because the COVID restrictions are so severe, there are reasons for them, given by the government of China. I don’t want to debate those publicly, I want to be respectful. But you know, we have a different theory of the case. And so we’re living in a very different time, in a very different way, than people are in the United States. Fay Hartog Levin The restrictions you just described, the very severe restrictions of the last few weeks, how does that differ from what the COVID policy or the zero-COVID policy was when you arrived earlier this year? Ambassador Burns Well, there are very strict requirements here for quarantine, for instance. So I’ve been here nine months, I’ve quarantined already three times, I’ve had to leave the country twice to go to meetings with President Biden, Secretary Blinken. And I’ve now quarantined for a total of 40 days, in nine months. And that’s not unusual. So, you know, when you do travel into China, there is a quarantine right now of eight days. It was 21 days when I arrived nine months ago, when my wife and I did. And if you are a close contact or deemed to be a close contact of an infected person that can shut you down. For five to seven days, you have to isolate at home, quarantine at home. So we have quite a number of people from our Embassy, both our Chinese employees and our American colleagues or employees who’ve had to self-quarantine in their homes, not just because they’ve been infected, but because they’ve been deemed a close contact by the system here. And so if COVID is really dominating every aspect of life, you’ve seen the impact it’s had on the economy of China, if you look at the lower GDP growth rates forecast for 2022. Fay Hartog Levin Thank you. How has the attendance of your staff at the Embassy been since you arrived in terms of all of these quarantine restrictions. Have you ever had a full complement of your staff there? Ambassador Burns We have had, it’s been a difficult time. We’ve had to go to a series of government charters, to get our people into this country and to bring them out, whether it’s on home leave or R&R or they’re leaving post permanently. There are so few commercial airline routes into China these days, American airline routes, by the big three American carriers, they’ve been restricted by the government here. That is very difficult to run a big operation like this. And we’re one of the largest American embassies in the world, obviously, given the importance of this relationship. So we actually have government charters now on a monthly basis. We leave Washington, and we bring hundreds of people at a time into China, they all quarantine then, now for eight days in hotels, quarantine hotels, and they’re able to work to get people out. We’ve got to run the government charters out. There’s no other way to do business here. So it’s tested us. But I have to tell you, and you’ll recognize this from your time in government. I had been out of government for a while… I was a career Foreign Service officer from the early 80s until 2008. And I taught, as you indicated, as a professor at Harvard, and now I’m back in government. I have so much respect for our career professionals, and we have 47 U.S. government agencies here. They work extremely hard. They’re working under adverse conditions here. They’re working under restrictions of the type that I talked about from COVID. We are in a society that doesn’t always, or I should say, an environment where it’s difficult for Americans to be heard or move around the country, and so I’m really proud of the men and women here with whom I work, and I couldn’t have a better set of colleagues. Fay Hartog Levin That’s terrific. As you mentioned, the U.S.-Chinese relationship is one of the most consequential in the world right now. But it’s been mostly characterized by competition. What is your outlook for the U.S.-China relations in the immediate and long-term future? Ambassador Burns I was with President Biden in Bali two weeks ago for his meeting with President Xi Jinping, which ran for over three hours. And if you heard President Biden’s press conference that evening, and then look at what the statement that we put out, our government put out, after the meeting, this is a very important, vital relationship for us. I think it is characterized in the main by competition, I think it’s fair to say that we assume that that competitive side of the relationship is going to be with us for quite some time. Because of the structural, philosophical, ideological, national security differences that we have with China. As I explained, Ambassador, I referred to them at the very beginning, but I’ll just take a moment to say, you know, we have an obvious difference with China, with the government of China, on human rights issues and the rule of law. And we speak out about them, about the repression in Xinjiang, against the Uyghur population and the other Muslim Turkic populations of Xinjiang, about what’s happened in Tibet, to the rights of the people there, about Hong Kong. We speak out about our differences on trade, where American companies do not often have a level playing field because of discriminatory actions taken against them by the government here. Intellectual property rights violations are an example of that. We have differences on technology. And you’ve seen our administration and the United States take some very tough measures to restrict the ability of companies to export technologies to China that might strengthen the People’s Liberation Army. And we have no interest in doing that. In fact, we’ll make sure that we don’t do that, and our companies don’t do that. And the United States is very proud, and we have been since the close of the Second World War, with the role that we’re playing here as an agent of peace and stability in the Indo Pacific. If you think about our treaty alliances with Japan, with South Korea, with Australia, with the Philippines, with Thailand. Our new strategic partnership is not formally an alliance, obviously, with the Government of India and the people of India. So we want to safeguard that against the assertiveness, at times, in the South China Sea, in the East China Sea, in parts of the Indian Ocean, of the PLA – the People’s Liberation Army. So these are major competitive differences that will be here for a long time. And Secretary Blinken has given the major U.S. speech on China, Secretary Tony Blinken, back in May at Georgetown University. And he summed it up by saying our strategy can be summed up as “invest, align and compete.” On the invest part, we’re trying to invest in the American economy, in our technological base. And that’s everything from the Bipartisan Infrastructure [Law] of a year ago, rebuilding our airports, our bridges and ports. It’s the CHIPS and Science Act, which is going to put over $50 billion to stimulate innovation and productivity in our semiconductor industry here in the United States. It’s the Inflation Reduction Act, we’ll be putting $369 billion in the greatest ever American investment in clean energy technology. We believe we can reduce our carbon emissions by over 50% in the next eight years, because of that one Act, that $369 billion. So that’s the invest part to strengthen America. The align part is what I just referred to. Our great strategic advantage in the world, as a great power, is the fact that we have tested, long-term alliances. And I refer to our Indo Pacific alliances; we’re also working very closely in NATO. In fact, Secretary Blinken is in Romania today, at a NATO foreign ministers meeting. NATO has a position on China, and we’re working with the European Union. So those alliances in both the Indo Pacific here, where I am, and in Europe, make us stronger. That’s the align part. And the compete part we’ve talked about, and I describe how we’re competing in the four areas that we are. We think this strategy is a long-term strategy for the United States to respond to this challenge of a more assertive, more aggressive China in the world. Fay Hartog Levin Do you think all of these efforts on this side will affect the balance of trade with China? Ambassador Burns It’s very, it’s a very interesting question, Ambassador. We have a $718 billion annual two-way trade relationship with China – China’s our third largest trade partner. To give you an example, because I know you’re in the Midwest obviously, 1/5 of all U.S. agriculture exports in the world go to China, about $38 billion last year, we think it’ll be a higher number by the end of the 2022. So actually, agriculture is one of the areas where we’re working quite well with the Chinese. They need our wheat, and our sorghum, and other grains, and our pork, and our beef, and they’re buying it. We have a very experienced Secretary of Agriculture, Tom Vilsack, who’s in his second time as Secretary. So in terms of a Midwestern perspective, this is a very important market for us. There are areas where we differ in terms of China’s use of state subsidies, or dumping, or China’s actions to weaken American companies, competitors to Chinese companies, which we think are grossly unfair – violations of China’s World Trade Organization obligations. And we call, we talk about this, and we discuss it. And I’ve been very active here making that point to my counterparts in the government of China that they need to treat our firms in a more balanced way, in a more fair way. And so that’s a major issue for us on the economic side. I do think we’ll continue to have a very robust trade relationship with China. But there are some areas of concern. Obviously, we don’t want to see Chinese investments in American companies that would strengthen China’s, what we call the civil military fusion, their national security apparatus, or their military. And so through CFIUS, the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States – it has been around for a couple of decades – there are times when we restrict the ability of Chinese firms to acquire American firms in sensitive technology areas. And you know, as my advice to American businesses here, and I work very closely with the business community here and want to support them, is: we want you to trade, we want you to be successful. But we also don’t think you ought to be investing in parts of the Chinese economy that are critical to our national security. You hear that from Congress. I think there’s a very, very strong message from Congress, from both parties, about that. So there are some limits here. But I do expect we’ll continue to see a strong economic relationship between the two countries. Fay Hartog Levin We’re almost running out of time for our on-the-record portion. I just wanted to ask you one more question about Taiwan, and your view of the frequent, or the increased congressional delegations, most notably by Speaker Nancy Pelosi, and how that has affected the relationship. Ambassador Burns Well, we supported Speaker Pelosi’s right to visit Taiwan. I specifically did in countless meetings, including the evening she arrived when I was called into the Foreign Ministry, when they protested to me, and my response on behalf of our government was: we support Speaker Pelosi, she’s the co-equal head of a branch of the U.S. government, and she has a right to visit. And what you’ve seen is, you’ve seen many members of Congress visit since and members of the Japanese Diet, and the Canadian, and British, and European Parliaments. We believe the Chinese grossly overreacted to her visit. And our message since, our private message, as well as our public message, is that China should respect the status quo in the Taiwan Strait. Act peacefully, not disturb what has been a peaceful Taiwan Strait for the last 68 years, since the status quo was implemented in 1954. And that we should hold China to the standard that any resolution of this very, very difficult dispute (Cross-Strait) with Taiwan, should be done peacefully. That’s obviously an issue that we care a lot about. It’s an issue that’s at the center of our disagreements with the People’s Republic of China, it’s an issue that President Biden raised with President Xi Jinping when they were together in Bali. So I’m happy to take more questions on Taiwan. Because we’re short on time in this portion, I think, I really do want to say – in addition to the competitive aspects of this relationship, we’re trying to work with China, in a couple of big areas. Climate change, we’re the two largest carbon emitters. China has about 27% of all carbon global emissions; we’re 11%. So we have a self-interest, and frankly, we have an obligation to the rest of the world, as well as our own countries, to work together. And it’s good to see that John Kerry, our great negotiator, is now back negotiating. The Chinese are now negotiating with him again. They had been stonewalling us for four months on this. We want to work on agriculture. We want to work on global health issues, on infectious diseases, obviously. We want to work on food security, which has been such a major problem particularly since the brutal Russian invasion of Ukraine has disrupted the global grain trade. And so there are areas we need to work together. And a last one which is so important, really to every city and town in America: the fentanyl crisis, the opioid crisis, the more than 100,000 Americans who have died in the last 12 months in that crisis. The government of China is not involved in this. But illicit Chinese companies are shipping precursor chemicals from China, to the narco-trafficking rings in Mexico and Central America. And that’s how the fentanyl is produced. So we’re trying to work with the government of China here to say, please crack down on those illicit Chinese firms and help us to deal with this major problem in the United States and, frankly, in other countries of the world. So I did want to, I wanted to indicate to you that, in addition to competing with China, which we’re going to do with a great deal of determination, we do want to work with China, as President Biden has been saying. We’re going to be responsible about this, we do not want this relationship to end up in conflict; we want a peaceful relationship with China. Fay Hartog Levin Thank you so much. It’s clear, we’re very lucky to have you in that very important Embassy in Beijing. And thank you for joining us tonight. And before we turn off the on-the-record portion of this evening’s program, I’d like to thank all of those who tuned in online, and hope that you’ll join us again very soon. We’re so grateful for everyone including the people in the room and we look forward to seeing you again. And thank you for waiting for the off-the-record discussion. ON-THE-RECORD ADJOURNS HERE.
美国驻沈阳总领事馆给美国公民的安全信息提醒 06/05/2023 地点：沈阳市青年大街茂业百货事件：5月25日，一块玻璃从茂业购物中心中央中庭的天花板上掉下来，击中了下面的自动扶梯。美国驻沈阳总领事馆领事处位于该商场内。措施：在得到进一步通知前，避开购物中心室内玻璃天花板下方区域。请使用美国领事馆专用入口前来办理业务（入口位于商场1楼汉堡王餐厅旁)。如需帮助请联系: 电话: (86)-(24)-2335-5188 或 (86)-(24)-2322-1198 ext. 5188 电子邮件: ShenyangACS@state.gov https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/ 美国国务院领事事务局： 888-407-4747 or 202-501-4444 完成在线注册https://step.state.gov/ 以及时收到更多信息。	U.S. Consulate Shenyang Security Message for U.S. Citizens 06/05/2023 Location: Maoye Mall, Qing Nian Da Jie Street, Shenyang, China Event: On May 25, a glass panel fell from the ceiling of the central atrium in the Maoye Mall, striking an escalator below. The U.S. Consulate Shenyang’s Consular Section is located in the Maoye Mall. Actions to Take: Avoid walking through the central atrium part of the Maoye Mall until further notice. Please use the dedicated U.S. Consulate entrance (located next to the Burger King restaurant on the first floor) when visiting the Consular Section. Assistance: Tel: (86)-(24)-2335-5188 or (86)-(24)-2322-1198 ext. 5188 Email: ShenyangACS@state.gov https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/ State Department – Consular Affairs 888-407-4747 or 202-501-4444 Enroll in Smart Traveler Enrollment Program (STEP) to receive security updates
新闻稿国务卿迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥 2020年6月4日美国在过去逾半个世纪一直是全球卫生安全和人道援助的最大贡献者，在全球各地拯救生命。面对COVID-19疫情，我们作为一个国家，切实地动员起来在国内外抗击病毒，承诺了超过110亿美元，用于COVID-19的国际响应。今天，美国宣布对新的援助工作投入额外1.94亿美元，其中包括近1.8亿美元用于支持购买呼吸器。此外，美国将提供逾1400万美元用于新的人道救援工作，支持难民、弱势移民以及照顾受到COVID-19疫情影响的社群。美国人民不仅是发送呼吸器，也确保有恰当的培训、设备和配套措施，让各国能收到呼吸器也能有效地使用以拯救生命，这符合我们的价值观。我们优秀的团队正与各国卫生部和当地的伙伴合作，定下设施层面的配送计划，考虑到好比当地是否有电力等因素— 确保这些最先进的机器能为急需的人们提供救济。除了直接运送货物以外，我们继续鼓励我们的伙伴国家他们国内增产呼吸器、口罩和其他个人防护用品设备。在以色列，一所美国支持的医院已与私营部门合作，发明一种高流量的呼吸器— 重要的是，这个开放源的设计图供免费下载，世界各地都可以组装。在哥伦比亚，一所受美国资助的女性创业家学院的毕业生将她的生意转作制造口罩和其他防护用品，以供应她的社区使用。在埃及，一家美国资助的创业公司已转向为当地医疗工作人员制造防护面罩。美国创新和私营业界再度在全球各个角落带领着我们前进。	PRESS STATEMENT MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE JUNE 4, 2020 The United States has been the largest contributor to global health security and humanitarian assistance for more than a half century, saving lives all over the planet. In the face of the COVID-19 pandemic, we have truly mobilized as a nation to combat the virus, both at home and abroad, committing more than $11 billion for the international COVID-19 response. Today, the United States is announcing more than $194 million in new assistance, including nearly $180 million to support the purchase of ventilators. In addition, the United States is providing more than $14 million in new humanitarian assistance to support refugees, vulnerable migrants, and host communities affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. Consistent with our values, the American people are not just delivering ventilators, but ensuring proper training, equipment, and support measures are in place for countries to both receive and effectively use the ventilators to save lives. Our talented teams are working with Ministries of Health and in-country partners to create distribution plans at the facility level that consider factors such as the availability of electricity—ensuring these state-of-the-art machines will provide relief for people who critically need it. In addition to direct shipments, we continue to encourage our partner countries to increase their domestic production of ventilators, face masks, and other Personal Protective Equipment. In Israel, a U.S.-supported hospital has partnered with the private sector to invent a high-flow respirator – importantly, the open source designs can be downloaded for free for assembly anywhere in the world. In Colombia, a graduate of the U.S.-sponsored Academy for Women Entrepreneurs converted her business to make face masks and other protective gear available to her community. In Egypt, a U.S.-funded startup has pivoted to produce face shields for local medical workers. Once again, in each corner of the globe, American innovation and private enterprise is leading the way.
美国国务院发言人办公室华盛顿特区 2020年10月3日发言人摩根·奥特葛斯（Morgan Ortagus）就香港示威者遭逮捕发表声明我们对香港政府10月1日肆意逮捕80多人感到愤慨。一个稳定和繁荣的香港有赖于尊重集会、言论自由和其他基本自由权利。香港政府对和平的公众舆论的压制再次显示，它在与中国共产党联手扼杀香港的自治和香港人民的自由。我们谴责地方当局继续为政治目的动用执法力量，这一做法与保持法治和尊重人权，包括集会和自由表达的权利，背道而驰。这些逮捕再次突出显示，北京在彻底废除中华人民共和国所承诺的一国两制。	STATEMENT BY MORGAN ORTAGUS, SPOKESPERSON October 3, 2020 On the Arrests of Hong Kong Protestors We are outraged at the Hong Kong government’s arbitrary arrest of more than 80 people on October 1.  A stable and prosperous Hong Kong depends on honoring the rights of assembly, free speech, and other fundamental freedoms.  By repressing peaceful public opinion, the Hong Kong government once again shows its complicity with the Chinese Communist Party’s evisceration of Hong Kong’s autonomy and freedoms of its people. We deplore the local authorities’ continued use of law enforcement for political purposes, which is contrary to the preservation of the rule of law, and respect for human rights, including the rights to assembly and free expression. These arrests again underscore Beijing’s complete dismantlement of One Country Two Systems that the PRC promised to uphold.
美国国务院发言人办公室供即时发布迈克尔•R•蓬佩奥国务卿关于中国试图胁迫英国的声明 2020年6月9日美国与我们的盟友和伙伴一同反对中国共产党胁迫性的欺凌策略。最新例证既北京据称发出威胁，除非伦敦允许华为其建设5G网络，否则将惩罚英国汇丰银行并拒绝履行在英国建核电站的承诺。总部位于深圳的华为是中国共产党监视措施的延伸。中共对汇丰银行的恫吓尤应成为一种警示。就在上周，汇丰银行亚太区首席执行官、中国人民政治协商会议委员王冬胜在一份请愿书上签名，支持北京的一项灾难性决定，该决定破坏香港自治，违背了在联合国备案的条约中做出的承诺。这种表忠心的作秀似乎没有为汇丰赢得多少北京方面的尊重，北京继续利用该行在中国的业务作为对抗伦敦的政治杠杆。北京咄咄逼人的行为表明了为什么各国应该避免经济上对中国的过度依赖，并且应该保护自己的关键基础设施不受中共的影响。澳大利亚、丹麦和其他自由国家最近都面临着来自中共利益的压力，要求他们服从中国的政治意愿。美国随时准备为我们的英国朋友提供他们所需的任何帮助，从建造安全可靠的核电厂到开发能保护他们公民隐私的可信赖的5G解决方案。自由国家的相处之道是真正的友谊，他们渴望共同繁荣，而不是政治上和公司层面的卑躬屈膝。	U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE Office of the Spokesperson For Immediate Release STATEMENT BY SECRETARY MICHAEL R. POMPEO June 9, 2020 On China’s Attempted Coercion of the United Kingdom The United States stands with our allies and partners against the Chinese Communist Party’s coercive bullying tactics. In the latest example, Beijing has reportedly threatened to punish British bank HSBC and to break commitments to build nuclear power plants in the United Kingdom unless London allows Huawei to build its 5G network. Shenzhen-based Huawei is an extension of the Chinese Communist Party’s surveillance state. The CCP’s browbeating of HSBC, in particular, should serve as a cautionary tale. Just last week, the bank’s Asia-Pacific CEO, Peter Wong, a member of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, signed a petition supporting Beijing’s disastrous decision to destroy Hong Kong’s autonomy and to break commitments made in an U.N.-registered treaty. That show of fealty seems to have earned HSBC little respect in Beijing, which continues to use the bank’s business in China as political leverage against London. Beijing’s aggressive behavior shows why countries should avoid economic overreliance on China and should guard their critical infrastructure from CCP influence. Australia, Denmark, and other free nations have recently faced pressure from CCP interests to bow to China’s political wishes. The United States stands ready to assist our friends in the U.K. with any needs they have, from building secure and reliable nuclear power plants to developing trusted 5G solutions that protect their citizens’ privacy. Free nations deal in true friendship and desire mutual prosperity, not political and corporate kowtows.
媒体讲话国务卿迈克尔·R蓬佩奥新闻简报厅华盛顿D.C. 2020年8月5日 *** 我想首先，按我常做的那样，讲讲关于共产主义中国的几件事。自从我上次来这儿，世界已见证了中共胁迫和控制其公民的更多例子。其他国家和美国已发表了数份声明。我们看到在香港是如此，在那里，当局推迟了立法机构选举，逮捕了民主活动人士，发出了针对热爱自由的外国人——包括一名美国人——的通缉令。我敦请美国公民在前往或身处中国任何地方时要加倍谨慎。我们看到中共要去控制新疆穆斯林少数群体的持续的野心。我赞赏美国财政部在刚刚过去的这周针对那里的侵犯人权者行使其在全球马格尼茨基法案下的权力。而且我们还看到中共在世界其他地方的无法无天。我在周日发表了一项声明，是关于悬挂中国国旗的船只在加拉帕戈斯群岛周围的掠夺式捕捞行为，这引起了我们在厄瓜多尔的朋友们的警惕。看，这些不是个例。正如我上个月在尼克松图书馆所说，热爱自由的国家必须团结起来，直面中共咄咄逼人的行为。好消息是潮流绝对正在转向。“不信任然后并核实”这种中心思想，我想全世界正开始将其视为应对这些挑战的正确方式。我们在本届行政当局，特朗普行政当局，正在努力去保护美国人免于遭受这些威胁。四月，我宣布了我们团队的“干净路径倡议”，确保美国人的数据免受不受信任的供应商的伤害。今天，我很高兴地宣布推出五项新的努力以扩大“干净网络”。我来快速地介绍一下它们。首先，干净运营商。我们正在努力确保不受信任的中国电信公司不在美国和国外目的地之间提供国际电信服务。我与司法部长巴尔、国防部长埃斯珀和国土安全部代理部长沃尔夫一道，敦促美国联邦通信委员会（FCC）撤销并终止中国电信和其他三家提供与美国间双向服务的公司的授权。其次，我们所说的干净商店。我们希望看到不受信任的中国应用程序被从美国应用程序商店中移除。特朗普总统提到了对TikTok即将采取的行动，而且有充分理由这样做。有着总部位于中国的母公司，TikTok、微信等应用程序对美国公民的个人数据是重大威胁，更不用说是中共的内容审查工具。第三，干净应用。我们正在努力防止华为和其他不受信任的供应商预先安装最流行的美国应用程序或使其可以下载。我们不希望各公司在华为的侵犯人权行为或中共的监视机器中成为同谋。第四，干净云端。我们在保护美国人最敏感的个人信息和我们企业最宝贵的知识产权——包括新冠疫苗研究——免于在诸如阿里巴巴、百度、中国移动、中国电信和腾讯等公司所运营的基于云端的系统上受到访问。美国国务院将与美国商务部等机构一起密切工作，限制中国云服务提供商在美国这里收集、存储和处理大量数据和敏感信息的能力。第五也是最后一点，干净电缆。我们正在努力确保中共无法损害把我们国家和其他国家连接到全球互联网上的海底电缆所传输的信息。华为海洋网络公司在多项采购上以远低于其他公司的价格竞标，使用中国国家支持的海底技术把亚洲、太平洋、非洲和欧洲连接起来。我们不能允许这种情况继续下去。我们呼吁所有热爱自由的国家和公司加入“干净网络”。 *** 在此阅读英文全文：https://china-cn.edit.usembassy.gov/secretary-michael-r-pompeo-at-a-press-availability-08052020/	REMARKS TO THE PRESS MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE PRESS BRIEFING ROOM WASHINGTON, D.C. AUGUST 5, 2020 SECRETARY POMPEO: Well, good afternoon, everyone. On behalf of the United States, I want to extend our deepest condolences to all those who were affected by the massive explosion at the port of Beirut yesterday. We stand ready to assist the Government of Lebanon and its – as it grapples with this horrible tragedy. You’ll see the United States announce a number of things we intend to do to assist the people of Lebanon in the coming days. A quick logistical note: On Monday, I’ll leave for the Czech Republic, Slovenia, Austria, and Poland – all great friends of America. It’ll be a very important and productive trip, I expect. Now, turning to my remarks: I want to start, as I often do, with a few items on Communist China. Since I was last here, the world has witnessed more examples of CCP efforts to coerce and control its citizens. Other nations and the U.S. have put out a number of statements. We see it in Hong Kong, where authorities have delayed legislative elections, arrested pro-democracy activists, issued warrants for freedom-loving foreigners, including an American. I urge U.S. citizens to exercise increased caution while traveling to or in any place in China. We see the CCP’s continuing ambition to control Muslim minorities in Xinjiang. And I commend the Treasury Department for using its Global Magnitsky authorities against human-rights violators there just this past week. And we see, too, the CCP’s lawlessness elsewhere in the world. I issued a statement on Sunday about the Chinese-flagged vessels’ predatory fishing practices around the Galapagos Islands, which has alarmed our friends in Ecuador. Look, these aren’t one-offs. As I said at the Nixon Library this month, freedom-loving nations must come together to confront the CCP’s aggressive behavior. And the good news is the tide is absolutely turning. The central idea of distrust and then verify, I think the world is coming to see as the right approach to responding to these challenges. And we are working in this administration, the Trump administration, hard to protect Americans from those threats. In April, I announced our team’s Clean Path initiative to keep Americans’ data safe from untrusted vendors. Today, I’m pleased to announce the expansion of the Clean Network with the launch of five new lines of effort. I’ll walk through them quickly. First, Clean Carrier. We are working to ensure that untrusted Chinese telecom companies don’t provide international telecommunications services between the United States and foreign destinations. I join Attorney General Barr, Secretary Esper, and Acting Secretary Wolf in urging the FCC to revoke and terminate the authorizations of China Telecom and three other companies providing services to and from the United States. Second, we call Clean Store. We want to see untrusted Chinese apps removed from U.S. app stores. President Trump has mentioned impending action on TikTok, and for good reason. With parent companies based in China, apps like TikTok, WeChat, and others are significant threats to the personal data of American citizens, not to mention tools for CCP content censorship. Third, Clean Apps. We’re working to prevent Huawei and other untrusted vendors from pre-installing or making available for download the most popular U.S. apps. We don’t want companies to be complicit in Huawei’s human rights abuses or the CCP’s surveillance apparatus. Fourth, Clean Cloud. We’re protecting Americans’ most sensitive personal information and our businesses’ most valuable intellectual property – including COVID vaccine research – from being accessed on cloud-based systems run by companies such as Alibaba, Baidu, China Mobile, China Telecom, and Tencent. The State Department will work closely with Commerce and other agencies to limit the ability of Chinese cloud service providers to collect, to store, and to process vast amounts of data and sensitive information here in the United States. Fifth and finally, Clean Cable. We’re working to ensure that the CCP can’t compromise information carried by the undersea cables that connect our country and others to the global internet. Huawei Marine significantly underbids other companies on multiple procurements to connect Asia, the Pacific, Africa, and Europe using Chinese state-backed underseas technology. We can’t allow that to continue. We call on all freedom-loving nations and companies to join the Clean Network. The Trump administration’s work to secure our democracy continues in other ways as well: The Department of State’s Global Engagement Center is releasing a special report today on Russian disinformation and propaganda, focusing especially on proxy sites. Speaking of Russia and other malign actors: The State Department’s Rewards for Justice program is offering a reward of up to $10 million for information leading to the identification or location of any person who, acting at the direction or under the control of a foreign government, interferes with U.S. elections by engaging in certain criminal cyber activities. A few comments on the Middle East: We welcome the agreement between the Republic of Yemen Government and the Southern Transitional Council to advance the terms of the Riyadh Agreement, which will pave the way for a unified government that can counter Houthi aggression. We urge all the parties to implement the agreement’s terms, and support the UN special envoy’s efforts to broker a country-wide political settlement. Of course, the conflict in Yemen has raged in large part because of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s illegal arms transfers to the Houthis. And so next week the United States will put forward a resolution in the Security Council to extend the arms embargo on Iran. The Security Council’s mission is to maintain “international peace and security.” The Council would make an absolute mockery of that mission if it allowed the number-one state sponsor of terrorism to buy and sell weapons freely. The United States has conducted now a years-long diplomacy on this matter. We have a bipartisan consensus in Congress. We have a 13-year consensus on the Council. And the proposal we put forward is eminently reasonable. One way or another – one way or another, we will do the right thing. We will ensure that the arms embargo is extended. And staying on United Nations matters for just a moment, it’s outrageous that the Human Rights Council would offer to seat Cuba, a brutal dictatorship that traffic its own doctors under the guise of humanitarian missions. No country should vote Cuba onto the Council. Two quick items on religious freedom: First, on behalf of President Trump and the American people, I want to express our solidarity with the Yezidi people as we commemorate the sixth anniversary of the beginning of the ISIS genocide. Much has been done by our administration to help Iraqis recover, but much more work remains. And on a brighter note, I commend the progress that Sudan is making to protect religious freedom in its country as the country transitions away from radical Islamist rule. Last month, the civilian-led transitional government abolished apostasy as a crime – a solid step forward. Our global efforts to – as I close – to fight the pandemic continue. This week the State Department and USAID are releasing an incremental $53 million in new humanitarian and economic assistance to help vulnerable people and partners continue to fight this deadly virus, bringing our total to more than $1.6 billion. We will also be launching a $10 million COVID-19 Private Sector Engagement and Partnership Fund to invest that $10 million in promising new products, markets, and ideas for mitigating the economic impacts of the pandemic. And with that, I’m happy to take some questions. MR BROWN: Okay. For our first question we’ll go to the phone lines. And if we can go to the line of Matt Lee, please. QUESTION: Secretary, can you hear me? SECRETARY POMPEO: Matt, I can barely hear you. QUESTION: Barely? SECRETARY POMPEO: There you go. QUESTION: Let me take you off speaker and – how’s that? Better now? SECRETARY POMPEO: Yes, much better, Matt. QUESTION: Yeah, okay. Thank you. Two real quick ones. One on Iran: You said that one way or the other – one way or another we will ensure the embargo gets extended. Does that mean that in the highly likely event that your resolution fails, you will move to invoke snapback? And secondly, on the acting (inaudible), are you concerned at all that his departure – and particularly after such a short time – will further sideline the work of the inspector general office? Thank you. SECRETARY POMPEO: Matt, let me try to take the second one; you broke up a little bit. You asked a question I think about the departure of acting IG Steve Akard. He left to go back home. This happens; I don’t have anything more to add to that. As for Iran, we’ve made clear – and I don’t want to be too cute by half – our mission set is unambiguous. The President’s guidance is very, very clear: We’re not going to let the arms embargo expire on October 18th of this year. It’s one of the central failings of the JCPOA and a bad thing for the world to allow Iran to buy and sell – you’ve seen the comments in the press about a deal between Iran and China. There are nations lining up to sell weapons that will destabilize the Middle East, put Israel at risk, put Europe at risk, risk American lives as well. We’re not going to let it happen. And so we’re using every diplomatic tool we have in the toolkit. I don’t want to – as I said, I don’t want to be too cute. We’re deeply aware that snapback is an option that’s available to the United States, and we’re going to do everything within America’s power to ensure that that arms embargo is extended. And I’m confident that we will be successful. MR BROWN: Okay. Let’s go in the back to Kristina. QUESTION: Great. Thank you so much, Mr. Secretary. Can you talk a little bit about the decision to send Secretary Azar to Taiwan, what the message is behind this trip? And as you probably know, the Chinese Communist Government says the visit endangers peace and stability, and it’s sending the wrong signals, and is urging for the trip not to proceed. What is your response to that? SECRETARY POMPEO: I won’t say anything about the decision other than the cabinet members have traveled to Taiwan previously. This is consistent with policies of previous times. He’s going there with a deep and important purpose. We’re still in a global pandemic. He’s going to go there and talk about Taiwan has had some significant success in how they have handled this. We have wanted them to be part of the conversations at the World Health Assembly that – China has prevented that from happening. And so he’ll go there and talk to them about public health issues as they relate to how we all move forward with respect to how we handle COVID and the opportunity for therapeutics and a vaccine as we move forward. And we welcome the expertise that Taiwan brings to that and he’ll have, I think, important conversations with them about that. MR BROWN: Last question. Go ahead. QUESTION: Thank you. SECRETARY POMPEO: Yes, sir. QUESTION: So tomorrow and August 9th marks 75 years since the United States unleased the first atomic bomb attack on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. So could you tell us your opinion on nuclear arms control, including the future of the New START Treaty between U.S. and Russia? SECRETARY POMPEO: Yeah. So President Trump, literally since I first met him, first in my role as CIA director and now as Secretary of State, has made clear one of his top priorities is ensuring that we don’t have a really bad day in the world as a result of a nuclear weapon being used, and so we have worked along multiple fronts. For example, we left the INF Treaty because the Russians weren’t complying with that and that was – that had the risk of being destabilizing, because when you have an arms control agreement and only one of the two parties is complying, you have created strategic risk. But in the last handful of months, we’ve been working diligently to get the three nations that have the largest nuclear capabilities – the United States, Russia, and China – to have a strategic dialogue about how we move forward together to decrease the risk to the world that these massive weapons are used, and we’ve made progress with the Russians. We’ve had two good gatherings; I hope we’ll have one before too long. And we are hopeful that the Chinese will choose to participate. We think it’s in their best interest. We know it’s in the best interest of the world. And for nations that assert they want win-win solutions, that they want good outcomes, that they want to be a player on a global stage, they now have moved to a point where they need to, like the United States and Russia, be prepared to engage in conversations about how you create a strategic situation that reduces the risk that nuclear weapons will be used at any time or any place anywhere in the world. I hope they’ll participate in that. We hope the Russians will urge them to participate in that and we hope the whole world will come to understand that it’s very important that those three nuclear powers with significant resources and capabilities will all come together to create a more robust, more stable strategic situation with respect to the risks not only of the use of nuclear weapons, but on their proliferation as well. Great. Thank you, everyone. Have a great day. Thank you.
MIssion Logo 椭圆形办公室东部夏令时间下午4:31 特朗普总统：非常感谢你。很荣幸能与中国副总理，一位在世界各地备受尊敬的人，在一起。我们已经进行了大量的讨论。我们非常接近达成一份协议。这并不意味着一份协议已经达成，因为并没有，但是我们肯定是更加接近许多了。而且我会认为在——哦，在接下来四个周或者也许更少、也许更多的时间里——不管需要多少时间——非常重大的事情可能会被宣布。我们非常感谢习主席的来信——最近，就在刚刚，我收到了一封优美的信件。我对此表示感谢。而且我也，也许尤其是——我很高兴看到刚出来的这些头条：“中国禁止所有类型的芬太尼，减少向美国的致命药物供应并达成对特朗普总统的一项承诺。” “中国宣布打击芬太尼的新举措。”对美国来说是一大好事。我们了不起的大使泰里·布兰斯塔德的一封信正是这样写的：中国正在重新分类芬太尼，如果你卖芬太尼，将会受到刑事处罚。而如你所知，过去没有这种处罚。因此这是习主席和副总理非常、非常重大的一步，我们非常感谢。我们正在转弯。我们会看到将发生什么。我们还有一段路要走，但已经不远了。我们已经取得了很大的进展。我只想欢迎副总理。我们已经成为朋友。我们彼此了解。几个月前，你们中的许多人在同一间办公室——很棒的椭圆形办公室——得以见到副总理。	Oval Office 4:31 P.M. EDT
西方正在赢得胜利（The West Is Winning）迈克尔·蓬佩奥（MICHAEL R. POMPEO）国务卿在慕尼黑安全会议（MUNICH SECURITY CONFERENCE）上的讲话德国慕尼黑（MUNICH） [节选] * * * * ……我11月曾在柏林（Berlin）庆祝柏林墙倒塌30周年。这对我是一次非常特殊的旅程，对我个人来说，因为我有幸在1986到1989年间在自由世界的前沿服役，在冷战时期作为美国陆军一名年轻军官，在当时的东-西德边界巡逻。我那时候稍微年轻些，年轻得不很多。对我来说，那是个激动的时刻，我记得看到自由赢得胜利，看到人们在柏林墙上跳舞，因为我们都看到人们曾被多么残酷地分隔了几十年。那是对自由和主权的一个重大欢庆。东柏林的人民，东德的人民，知道罪恶帝国（Evil Empire）的占领行将结束。迄今，三十多年来，我们这些国家共同保持了我们的自由和主权。我们都应为此感到无比骄傲。我们是经历了极端伊斯兰分子的恐怖主义而做到这点，我们是经历了全球金融危机而做到这点，如今我们正面对着日益咄咄逼人的中国共产党而正在这样做。 * * * * 让我们首先来看一个简单的事实：自由的国家比人类文明史上尝试过的任何其他模式的国家都更为成功。我们的政府族尊重基本人权，促进经济繁荣，并且保障我们所有人的安全。正是因为这个原因，有如此之多的人冒险横渡地中海（the Mediterranean）前往希腊和意大利，而大家不会看到世界处境危难的人冒生命危险非法地大批前往像伊朗或古巴这样的国家。正是因为这个原因，人们力争到剑桥（Cambridge）而不是到加拉加斯（Caracas）留学。正是因为这个原因，人们争先恐后到硅谷（Silicon Valley）而不是到圣彼得堡（Saint Petersburg）创业。正是因为这个原因，亚洲国家从上世纪五、六十年代的赤贫状态变成了今天领先世界的经济体。你们都看到过地图呈现的灯火通明的韩国与一片漆黑的北韩的不同景象。 * * * * 西方正在赢得胜利。自由和民主正在赢得胜利。而我并不是仅指地域国家而言。西方不是以一个地方或一片土地意义上的国家来界定。它是任何国家——任何采取尊重个人自由、经营自由、国家主权模式的国家。它们都是这一西方概念的组成部分。我今早想用一点时间谈谈主权如何作为我们整体伟大力量的基础。你看，我们在边界巡逻，为的是保护我们人民的安全，让他们能继续不受干扰地敬拜，工作和让我们成为伟大的国家。我们尊重每个国家按其选择处理自身事务的权利，只要他们不试图干扰我们的主权或伤害我们的朋友。你看，我们敦促其他国家保护人的尊严，因为我们相信人具有不可剥夺的权利。我们支持独立的国家。我们的标志——我们的标志性的共同军事项目是一个防御联盟。我们尊重法治，我们尊重知识产权。我们不干涉其他国家的选举。 * * * * 中国。中国侵蚀越南、菲律宾和印度尼西亚的专属经济区。而且就这点而言，中国同几乎所有与它接壤的国家都有边界或海事争议。让我们稍谈一下另一个领域，网络安全。华为和其他由中国政府支持的技术公司是中国情报部门的特洛伊木马（Trojan horses）。俄罗斯的假新闻造势活动试图给我们的公民造成对立。伊朗的网络攻击干扰中东电脑网络。我们谈到人身安全。我们谈到网络安全。而同时还存在经济胁迫行为。俄罗斯要求中亚效忠它。中国要求对台湾和香港保持沉默，以便生意继续源源不断。当其他国家无法偿还其沉重的债务时，它索要那些国家以基础设施作支付。 * * * * 美国站出来与你们一道为主权和自由而战。我们应对我们的盟友有信心。自由的西方比不自由的其他地方有着光明得多的前景。我们正在赢得胜利——我们是在一起这样做。势头显然在我们这边。我们必须更加努力。不要上当。不要上那些非议之词的当。 * * * *	Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State Remarks at the Munich Security Conference SECRETARY POMPEO: … It was thrilling for me, I remember, to watch when freedom won, to watch people dancing on the Berlin Wall, as we all saw people who had been so cruelly separated for decades. It was an incredible celebration of freedom and of sovereignty. The people of East Berlin, and the people of East Germany, knew that the end of the Evil Empire’s occupation was at hand. And our countries together have maintained our freedoms and our sovereignty for the past 30-plus years now. We should all be incredibly proud of that. We’ve done it through the challenges of radical Islamist terrorism, we’ve done it through a global financial crisis, and we’re doing it now in the face of an increasingly aggressive Chinese Communist Party. … Let’s start with a simple fact: Free nations are simply more successful than any other model that’s been tried in the history of civilization. Our governments respect basic human rights, they foster economic prosperity, and they keep us all secure. It’s why so many people risk a dangerous journey across the Mediterranean to reach Greece and Italy, but you don’t see the world’s vulnerable people risking their lives to skip illegally en masse to countries like Iran or to Cuba. It’s why they compete to start businesses in Silicon Valley, but not in Saint Petersburg. It’s why countries in Asia went from abject poverty in the 1950s and ’60s to become world-leading economies today. You have all seen the map of the differences between South Korea, that light-studded map with North Korea in complete darkness. … The West is winning. Freedom and democracy are winning. And by that, I don’t mean just geographical nations. The West doesn’t define a space or a piece of real estate. It’s any nation – any nation that adopts a model of respect for individual freedom, free enterprise, national sovereignty. They’re part of this idea of the West. I want to talk for a minute this morning about how sovereignty underpins our greatness collectively. Look, we patrol our borders to keep our people safe, so that they can continue to worship, to work, and to make our countries great without disruption. We honor the right of every nation to carry on their affairs as they choose, so long as they don’t try to interfere with our sovereignty or do harm to our friends. Look, we urge other nations to protect human dignity, because we believe in unalienable rights. We support independent nations. Our signature – our signature military project together is a defensive alliance. We respect the rule of law and we honor intellectual property rights. We don’t interfere in other nations’ elections. … China. China encroaches on the exclusive economic zones of Vietnam, the Philippines, and Indonesia. And on that point, China has had a border or maritime dispute with nearly every nation bordering it. And let’s talk for a second about the other realm, cybersecurity. Huawei and other Chinese state-backed tech companies are Trojan horses for Chinese intelligence. Russia’s disinformation campaigns try to turn our citizens against one another. Iranian cyberattacks plague Middle East computer networks. We’ve talked about physical security. We’ve talked about cybersecurity. Economic coercion is at play as well. Russia demands fealty in Central Asia. China demands silence on Taiwan and Hong Kong so that deals will keep flowing. It exacts pieces of national infrastructure as payment when countries can’t meet its onerous loan terms. … The United States is out there fighting alongside you for sovereignty and freedom. We should have confidence in our alliances and our friends. The free West has a far brighter future than illiberal alternatives. We’re winning – and we’re doing it together. Momentum is clearly on our side. We’ve got to do more. Don’t be fooled. Don’t be fooled by those who say otherwise.
2023年6月3日发言人办公室负责东亚与太平洋事务的助理国务卿丹尼尔·克里滕布林克（Daniel Kritenbrink）将于6月4日至10日前往中华人民共和国和新西兰。在北京，克里滕布林克助理国务卿与国家安全委员会中国与台湾事务高级主任萨拉·贝兰（Sarah Beran）一道，将讨论双边关系的关键议题。在新西兰奥克兰，克里滕布林克助理国务卿将在新西兰国际事务学会大会上发表讲话。在惠灵顿，克里滕布林克助理国务卿将出席美国-新西兰战略对话，讨论影响两国的议题，如气候变化、技术、经济与安全合作以及我们对太平洋地区的共同承诺。	MEDIA NOTE OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON JUNE 3, 2023 Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Daniel J. Kritenbrink will travel to the People’s Republic of China and New Zealand from June 4–10. In Beijing, Assistant Secretary Kritenbrink, joined by National Security Council Senior Director for China and Taiwan Affairs Sarah Beran, will discuss key issues in the bilateral relationship. In Auckland, New Zealand, Assistant Secretary Kritenbrink will speak at the New Zealand Institute of International Affairs Conference. In Wellington, Assistant Secretary Kritenbrink will participate in the U.S.-New Zealand Strategic Dialogue to discuss issues affecting both countries like climate change, technology, economic and security cooperation, and our shared commitment to the Pacific.
中华人民共和国（PRC）是一个集权国家，中国共产党（CCP）拥有至高无上的权威。政府及安全机构的所有最高层职务几乎都由共产党员担任。最高权力掌握在由25人组成的中共中央政治局以及由7名成员组成的政治局常务委员会手中。习近平仍然身居三个最重要的职位，即中国共产党总书记、国家主席以及中央军委主席。文职政府保持对安全部队的控制。在该年度，政府明显加强了大规模拘捕新疆维吾尔自治区（新疆）穆斯林少数民族人员的行动。据报道，当局任意拘押了大约80万至200多万维吾尔、哈萨克以及其他穆斯林人士，将他们关押在旨在消除宗教和种族身份特征的再教育营内。政府官员声称，这些再教育营对于打击恐怖主义、分裂主义和极端主义是必要的。国际媒体、人权组织和曾被拘押过的人士报告说，这些再教育营内的保安官员虐待、拷打并杀害了一些被拘押者。人权问题包括政府任意或非法剥夺生命；被政府强迫失踪；被政府实施酷刑；被政府任意拘押；残酷和危及生命的监狱和拘留所条件；政治犯；任意侵犯个人隐私；对记者、律师、作家、博客作家、异议人士、上访人员和其他人士及其家人进行暴力攻击和刑事起诉；审查和屏蔽网站；干扰和平集会和结社自由的权利，包括用于外国和国内非政府组织（NGO）的过度限制性法律；对宗教自由的严厉限制；对自由迁徙（包括在国内和国际旅行）的严重限制；向朝鲜遣返有充分理由担心在那里遭受迫害而寻求庇护的人员；公民无法选择自己的政府；腐败；有时会导致绝育或流产的强制性的计划生育政策；人口贩运；严格限制劳工权益，包括禁止工人组织或参加他们自己选择的工会。官方对西藏自治区（TAR）和其他藏族区域以及新疆维吾尔自治区（XUAR）的维吾尔族和其他少数民族的言论、宗教、迁徙、结社和集会自由的压制更加恶化，并且比国内其他地区更为严厉。当局通过司法系统处理了一批滥用职权的案件，尤其是腐败案件；但是大多数情况下是由共产党先行调查，并通过不透明的党内纪律检查程序对官员进行处罚。共产党继续主宰司法系统，控制着对所有法官的任命权，并对某些案件的判决直接作出指示。当局骚扰、关押并逮捕独立倡导打击滥用职权的公民。第一节尊重人格的完整，包括不受以下行为的侵犯：有很多政府或其机构任意或非法杀人的报道。在许多情况下，这些案子极少或没有任何细节可循。有报告说，上海警察于4月13日开枪打死抗议强拆自己家的鞠海良。据说警方还打伤了鞠的姐姐和外甥。当局以“危害公共安全”的罪名指控鞠的姐姐、姐夫和儿子；其姐姐姐夫还因为对警察投掷砖石而受到“妨碍治安行为”罪的指控。有来自新疆的一些关于在扩大的再教育营中发生的死亡事件的报告。有些死亡发生在2018年之前，只是在被拘押者逃到外国以后才透露出来。维吾尔族商人阿布都热西提·塞列伊·哈基姆于5月或6月在被拘押在再教育营期间死亡。据接受自由亚洲电台采访的一些人说，他因头部遭钝器击打而亡。尽管近年来的法律改革减少了对死刑的使用并改善了复审程序，当局仍然在未经过正当程序和无合理上诉渠道的情况下在定罪后处决了一些被告。有多起报道称当局拘押了一些人并将他们长期关押在不明地点。政府在新疆对维吾尔人、哈萨克人和其它穆斯林人士进行大规模的任意拘押。“中国人权捍卫者”报告说，这些拘押相当于强制失踪，因为家庭成员得不到关于拘押时限或者地点的信息。人权律师高智晟于2017年失踪，2018年仍然下落不明。自由亚洲电台2017年9月报道，高的家人说，警方说他被关押在一个秘密地点，但当局没有透露任何相关细节。 11月，多次获奖的中国纪实摄影家卢广在去新疆主持摄影讲座后失踪。当局不理会卢广妻子以及国际组织提出的了解其状态和下落的请求。据7月的报道，被隔离监禁三年的王全璋律师仍然活着，被关押在天津拘留中心。12月26日，王有过一次不对外的法庭庭审。2015年7月的“709”大抓捕期间，当局拘押了300多名人权律师和法律助理，其中包括王全璋。政府仍然未就1989年对天安门示威游行进行暴力镇压时被杀害、失踪或被拘捕的人员提供全面、可信的说法。许多参与1989年示威游行的活动人士及其家属继续遭受官方骚扰。政府在防止、调查和惩戒这样的行为方面未做出任何努力。法律禁止从肉体上伤害或虐待囚犯，并且禁止监狱看守酷刑逼供、侮辱囚犯的尊严、殴打或教唆其他人殴打囚犯。针对部分类别的刑事案件，修订后的刑事诉讼法规定，通过酷刑及其他非法手段取得的包括口供在内的证据不得用于某些类型刑事案件的庭审，但这些法律保护措施仍未得到有力的执行。不计其数的前囚犯或被拘押者报告说，他们遭到殴打、强奸、电击、强制数小时坐板凳边、绑手腕吊起、剥夺睡眠、强制灌食、违背本人意愿强迫服药以及其他形式的身心虐待。尽管狱管当局也会虐待普通犯人，但据报道，他们尤其会给政治与宗教异议人士更为恶劣的对待。在“709”大抓捕中被拘押的律师、法律助理和活动人士继续遭受不同形式的酷刑、虐待或有辱人格的对待，与2017年人权报告中提到的对吴淦、李春富、谢阳和江天勇的待遇相似。许多人权倡导人士都对此表示关注。据自由亚洲电台9月报道，64天网人权中心的创始人黄琦因多次受审而受伤。黄于2016年在四川省绵阳市被捕，罪名是“非法向海外提供国家机密”。多个知情人都报告说，当局剥夺黄的睡眠和及时得到医疗照顾的权利，试图以此来强迫黄认罪。10月，当局又给黄琦增加了多个罪名，其中包括“泄漏国家机密”。绵阳中级人民法院在突然取消6月的庭审之后，至今尚未给黄确定新的庭审日期。黄琦的母亲蒲文清于10月向中央当局请愿，要求释放她儿子，因为她认为黄受到了虐待。她已经两年没有见到黄琦。蒲于12月7日在北京火车站遭到便衣安全人员抓捕，随后失踪。少数民族维吾尔族的一些人报告说，司法和再教育营中的执法人员和管教人员有系统地经常对他们施加酷刑和其他有辱人格的对待。幸存者说，当局对被拘押人员实施的刑罚包括电击、水刑、殴打、体位折磨、注射未知物质以及低温监号（另见第6节，少数族裔）。被取缔的法轮功的成员和全能神教会成员也报告在被关押期间受到系统化的酷刑。据媒体报道和非政府组织8月发布的一份报告（见第4节）称，在对待和虐待被拘押者方面，司法体系之外的用于调查腐败的新的“留置”制度保留了以前“双规”制度的许多特点，诸如长期单独监禁、剥夺睡眠、殴打、强制以令人难受的姿态连续站立或者坐数小时，有时是数日等手段。法律规定精神治疗与入院应当遵从“自愿原则”，但法律又允许当局和家庭成员违背当事人意愿把他们送入精神病院，而且没有为被收容入院人员提供有意义的法律保护。法律不提供聘请律师的权利，并且限制当事人与精神病院以外的人员沟通的权利。据《法制日报》（一份报道法律事务的官方报纸）报道，公安部直接管辖着23所用来关押精神病罪犯的保安严密的精神病院。尽管被关进精神病院的人中有很多人被判有谋杀和其他暴力犯罪，但也有报告说有不少活动人士、宗教和信仰信徒以及上访人员因政治原因被迫接受精神病治疗。公安人员可以将人送进精神病院，强迫他们接受治疗，尽管他们的“病情”与精神病无关。据关注人权的网站“民权与民生观察”2月报道，重庆地方安全官员第七次将异议人士刘刚送入精神病院。从2004年起刘经常批评中共，当局经常以“扰乱公共秩序”的罪名拘押他。一些活动人士和组织继续指控政府强制摘除政治犯的器官，尤其是法轮功成员的器官。政府否认有这种情况，已经从2015年开始正式停止长期以来实行的强制摘取死刑犯器官用于移植的做法。监狱和拘押中心的条件关押政治犯和刑事犯的惩戒设施通常条件恶劣，而且威胁生命安全或有辱人格。居住条件：当局经常将囚犯与在押人员关在拥挤不堪、卫生条件恶劣的环境中。食物往往量少质次，很多在押人员在被允许的情况下都要依赖亲属提供额外的食品、药品和保暖衣物。经常有报道说囚犯因没有床铺或被褥而不得不睡在地上。在很多情况下，卫生、通风、取暖、照明和饮用水等条件都不合要求。尽管官方保证囚犯有权得到及时治疗，但是，不能为囚犯提供及时、适当的医疗护理仍然是一个严重的问题。监狱当局有时拒绝为政治犯提供治疗。 5月，广东政府官员将徐琳送往广州武警医院急诊。徐是作曲家，于2017年9月因演唱有关诺贝尔和平奖得主、政治犯刘晓波的歌曲而被拘押。拘留所当局告诉徐的妻子，他的病是因为在拘留所吃的食物造成的。6月，徐琳被诊断为患有“乳腺增生”，即乳房组织增大，这经常发生在癌症早期。当局拒绝了徐的妻子和律师提出的让徐保外就医的请求。徐的妻子坚持说，徐琳在被拘押前没有任何健康问题。政治犯和普通犯人关在一起，据报狱警会教唆其他犯人殴打政治犯。有些人据说被与一些死刑犯关押在一起。当局不准一些异议人士从亲属处获得补充食物、药品以及保暖的衣物。行政拘留所的条件与监狱的条件相似。在行政拘留所发生过殴打致死的事件。被关押的人报告说曾遭到殴打、性侵、缺乏适当的食物以及只有有限的医疗服务或根本没有。新疆当局为维吾尔、哈萨克和其它穆斯林人士建造了新的再教育营。在有些情况下，当局用原来的学校、工厂和监狱改建。根据人权观察报道，这些再教育营注重“对被收容者进行军事化纪律约束和全面的政治灌输”。能够获得的信息很有限，但有些报道说，那些学不会汉语词汇和歌曲的人遭到克扣食物的惩罚。 10月，来自新疆的维吾尔妇女米娜•图尔松对媒体回忆了中国当局在她2015年回新疆之后数次任意拘押她的经历。图尔松报告说，在2018年她被拘押期间，有9名与她同监室的人死亡。那是一个地下监室，没有窗户，共关押了68名妇女。管理：法律规定囚犯写给监狱上级机关或司法机构的信件不需受到检查，但该法律在何种程度上得以执行尚不清楚。尽管当局偶尔会调查具有可信度的非人道待遇指控，但并不对外公布调查结果。许多囚犯和在押人员都得不到合理的探视，不能与家人联络。有些家庭成员不知道他们被监禁的亲属的下落。当局还禁止许多囚犯和被拘留人员从事宗教活动或获得宗教读物。独立监督：有关当局将与监狱以及其他各类行政和法外拘押设施有关的信息视为国家机密，政府一般不允许对这些设施进行独立监督。任意逮捕或关押的问题仍然非常严重。法律赋予警方广泛的行政拘留权以及在没有正式逮捕或刑事起诉的情况下延期拘留的权利。本年度内，律师、人权活动人士、记者、宗教领袖及其支持者、前政治犯及其家属等群体继续成为任意拘留或逮捕的对象。法律规定任何人都有权在法庭上质疑其被捕或羁押的合法性，但政府一般不履行这种规定。国内主要的安全机构包括国家安全部、公安部和人民武装警察。人民武装警察接受中国共产党中央委员会和中央军事委员会的双重领导。人民解放军主要负责对外安全，但也承担了部分国内安全责任。此外，地方政府还经常动用被称为“城管”的城市平民保安人员执行行政任务。对这些人员的监督责任主要是在地方上，并没有统一的做法。法律规定滥用职权的官员可受到刑事起诉，但除了腐败案件以外，很少追究这种案子。公安部负责协调民警部队，其行政组织划分成特别的部门以及地方、县级和省级警察机关。检察院对公安力量的监督有限。各级部门的腐败现象普遍。警察和城管人员曾参与法外拘留、勒索和袭击事件。根据法规，如果监狱管教人员被发现有殴打、体罚、虐待囚犯或挑起这种行为就会被开除，但是没有关于这些法规得到实施的报道。尽管文职当局保持对安全部队的有效控制，在缺乏可靠数据的情况下很难确认国内安全机构逍遥法外的确切程度。社交媒体上甚至在国家媒体报道中常会见到滥权的实例。通常在有关警察杀人的报道之后当局会宣布进行调查。但是并不清楚这些调查是否发现了警察渎职或采取了纪律处罚措施。很少见到政府采取行动以促使保安部队尊重人权的有关报道。 4月28日，广东汕尾的警察以实行法外惩戒、非法拘押和违法使用警用设备的罪名逮捕了一个安全官员。4月24日，该安全官员抓住了一名企图在附近道观偷钱的十几岁的少年，该官员用手铐将其铐在旗杆上，殴打并用警用电棍对他施暴，还将过程录像，然后上传到社交媒体。警方拘押若超过37天就必须由检察机关正式批捕，但对于涉及“国家安全、恐怖主义以及重大受贿”的案件，法律允许最高6个月的隔离拘押而无须正式逮捕。在正式逮捕嫌疑人之后，警方还有权在案件调查期间将嫌疑人再拘押7个月。在调查结束后，检察院在决定是否对其作出刑事指控时可将嫌疑人再拘押45天。一旦提出刑事指控，当局可以在司法程序开始之前再将嫌疑人拘押45天。有时候警方拘留嫌疑人的时间会超过法律允许的期限，在案件开审前嫌疑人被拘押一年甚至更久是很常见的现象。法律规定，在押人员在受到刑事起诉之前可以会见自己的辩护律师。《刑事诉讼法》规定，法院要为没有委托律师的、有盲、聋、哑或精神病等情况的、未成年的以及面临无期徒刑或死刑的被告指派一名律师。无论被告是否有经济能力，该法律都适用。法院也可以为其他无力支付律师费用的刑事被告人指派律师，但是法院往往不会这样做。一些律师报告说，他们很难会见被关押在拘留所里的委托人，尤其是被认为是政治敏感案件的委托人。刑事被告人在等候审理期间有权申请保释（也被称为“取保候审”），但该系统运作效率似乎不佳，当局很少让嫌疑人取保候审。法律要求在拘留后24小时内通知被拘留者的家属；然而，当局常常在将一些人关押了远超出此规定的时间后也不发出通知，尤其是在涉及政治敏感案件的时候。有些案件没有送过通知。根据一项笼统的例外规定，如果通知家属会“阻碍案件调查”，则警方不需要通知。修改后的《刑事诉讼法》将该例外情况局限于涉及国家安全或恐怖主义的案件，但公安人员对这些条款有着广泛的解释权。在某些情况下，法律允许监视居住，而不是拘押在正式的设施中。假如警方怀疑有危害国家安全、恐怖活动或情节严重的受贿等罪行，而且认为在家监视居住有可能妨碍调查，经由上一级部门批准后，警方可以对嫌疑人在指定地点（即嫌疑人住宅以外的其他地点）执行长达6个月的“监视居住”。在这一类案件中，当局也可能不准辩护律师与嫌疑人见面。人权组织和被拘押过的人士报告说，这样的做法使被拘押人面临遭受酷刑的高风险，因为被关在一个既不是自己家又不是正式拘押设施的地方减少了对被拘押人士待遇以及上诉机制的监管。当局使用行政拘留手段来恐吓政治与宗教维权人士并阻止公开示威。行政拘留的方式包括强制戒毒治疗（针对吸毒者）、 “拘留教养”（针对未成年罪犯），以及用于拘留政治活动人士和宗教信徒尤其是法轮功学员的“法制教育”中心。在强制戒毒康复中心停留的最长时间是两年，其中有6个月通常是在解毒中心。任意逮捕: 当局以泄漏国家机密罪、颠覆罪和其他罪名实施拘留和逮捕，以此镇压持不同政见者、压制公众诉求。但这些指控，包括何谓国家机密，都定义不清，而且任何信息都可以通过追溯方式被认定为国家机密。当局还广为使用语意不清的“寻衅滋事”罪名来对付许多维权人士。这个词至今语义不清。基于广义且模糊不清的国家机密法，公民和外国人士还会因泄露刑事审判、商业活动和政府活动信息等行为被拘留。反间谍法授权当局可要求个人和团体停止任何被视为威胁国家安全的活动。不遵守该要求可能会导致财产和资产被没收。有多起报告说，有些律师、宗教领袖或者信徒、上访人员和其他维权人士在被逮捕或拘押很长一段时间以后，其指控却因为证据不足而被驳回。当局将许多公民非法软禁、剥夺旅行权、或者送进包括“黑监狱”在内的各种非法拘留设施实施行政拘留。在有些案例中，公安人员会给学校施加压力，不准接收知名政治犯的孩子入学。受软禁人士的情况各有不同，但有人在警察的监视下在家中与世隔绝。安全官员经常会驻守在这些人家里。在外国高层官员来访、一年一度的全国人民代表大会、天安门广场屠杀纪念日，以及在藏区和新疆的敏感纪念日等敏感时期，当局都会软禁许多公民。公安当局还会将一些没有被软禁的人士送到很远的地方去“强制度假”。 2015年在泰国失踪的瑞典籍书商、香港居民桂敏海于2017年10月被中国当局释放，又于1月底乘火车旅行时被中国当局再次拘押。中国政府2月12日发表声明，称桂违反了中国法律，其案件将按照中国的法律来处理。媒体报道说桂仍在被拘押中，但他的下落不明。 7月当局释放了诺贝尔和平奖得主刘晓波的遗孀刘霞；刘霞曾被软禁在家达8年之久。当局扣押刘霞并没有经过任何刑事起诉或法律程序。据能够与刘霞联络的人士说，她的身心健康一直在恶化。刘霞的弟弟刘晖仍在中国保外就医，2013年他因欺诈罪被判11年徒刑。人权维权人士认为政府是将刘晖作为人质扣押，以防止刘霞公开批评当局。据媒体报道，自从浙江温州地下教会的“彼得”邵祝敏2016年被任命为主教以来，政府官员已经拘押了他五次。从2017年5月到2018年1月，邵被拘押了7个多月。在以前的拘押中，当局几次将邵送往青海接受“改造”，罪名是邵拒绝加入国家认可的中国天主教爱国会。审前拘押：审前拘押可能持续超过一年。据称，涉及“敏感案件”的被告在案件开审之前被拘押的时间更长。许多在“709”大抓捕中被当局拘留的人士遭到超过一年时间的审前拘押，无法接触他们的家人或律师。具体统计数字未见公布，公众也无法获得，但在政治犯的案件中，审前拘押尤为常见。 6月29日，沈阳铁西地区法院在经过两年的审前拘押之后给维护人权人士林明杰判刑，其罪名是2016年在北京公安部门前组织示威者抗议沈阳公安局长许文有滥用职权。林被判两年零6个月徒刑，刑期包括他已被拘押的时间。尽管法律规定法院应当独立行使司法权，不受行政机关、社会团体以及个人的干涉，但司法并不独立。法官常常就如何裁决待审案件，特别是政治敏感案件，接到来自政府和中共的政治指导。中共政法委员会有权审查和指导各级法院的审理活动。法院与检察院的所有任命都必须得到中共组织部的批准。由于防范司法腐败的措施模糊不清且执行不力，腐败常常会影响司法裁决。地方政府负责任命地方法官并支付他们的工资，从而经常对其辖区内法官的裁决施加影响。一个由中共控制的委员会在大多数重大案件中作出决定，而一审法院和上诉法院法官的任务只是为该委员会的决定撰写一份法理依据。法院无权裁决某项立法是否符合宪法。虽然法律允许团体和个人对法律法规是否符合宪法提出质疑，但是这些质疑只能向立法机构提出。因此，律师几乎没有机会在诉讼中就法律是否违宪进行辩护。3月，律师及其他人得到中央政府的指示，要避免讨论宪法修正案中有关取消国家主席和副主席任期限制的做法是否符合宪法。据媒体报道，公安部门通过电视播放律师、国外和国内博客作者、记者和企业高管认罪的镜头，以便在刑事审理开始之前将他们定罪。在有些案件中，这种认罪可能是释放的前提条件。非政府组织认为，这样的电视认罪很有可能是逼供甚至是使用酷刑的结果，而且一些曾经认罪的受押人在被释放之后撤回了自己的供词，并证实他们的认罪是被强迫的。法律并没有允许在审判前让犯罪嫌疑人通过电视认罪的规定。江天勇2017年在湖南长沙被判犯有煽动颠覆国家罪之后，现仍在狱中。一个法院判处他入狱两年。他的罪名源自他接受外国记者采访，以及在互联网上发布的文章，这些在海外广泛被认为是正常的专业行为。当局不准江自主选择辩护律师，很多分析家都认为对他的审判既不公平，也不公正。据报道，“司法独立”仍然是中共命令大学教授回避的课题之一（见第二节a.“学术自由和文化活动”）。审判程序尽管修订后的刑事诉讼法重申了无罪推定，但刑事司法系统依然倾向于有罪推定，那些受到高度关注或政治敏感的案件更是如此。不认罪的被告往往会受到法院的惩罚，得到比认罪的人更为严厉的判决。上诉程序极少推翻原判，也不能提供足够的复审途径；对侵犯被告权利的补偿不合理。最高人民法院规定，除了涉及国家机密、隐私、未成年人或由当事人请求保护商业机密的案件之外，所有的审判都应向公众公开。当局利用涉及国家机密案件的例外规定向公众甚至有时对家属都封锁政治敏感案件的进展情况，并且剥夺被告寻求辩护律师的权利。法院条例规定，持有有效证件的外籍人士同中国公民一样拥有获准旁听审判的权利，但事实上只有获得邀请的外籍人士才能旁听庭审。如同往年一样，在多个案件中，当局禁止驻中国的外交官和记者旁听庭审。有些案件被重新归类为“国家机密”，或者以其他理由不对公众公开。由政府经营的庭审公开网在互联网上播放庭审；其中大部分都是民事审判。法规要求，除了涉及国家机密和未成年嫌疑人的案件外，法院官员要在判决生效后的7天之内公布判决结果。法院并没有公布所有的判决。他们有广泛的决定权，如果认为公布判决书“不适当”就不公布。许多政治案件的判决都没有公布。对话基金会观察到，互联网上公布的判决书数量有所减少。受到行政拘留的人没有寻求法律咨询的权利。刑事被告有权接受法律援助，但绝大多数刑事被告在受审时没有律师为其辩护。律师按规定都必须是中共控制下的全国律师协会成员，而且司法部要求所有的律师在取得或每年更新其从业执照时都要宣誓效忠中共的领导。中共继续要求有3名或以上中共党员的律师事务所在所内成立党支部。尽管政府声言尽力改进让律师会见其委托人的做法，但是2017年全国律师协会的主席告诉《北京青年报》，辩护律师只参与了不到百分之三十的刑事案件。尤其是一些人权律师报告说，当局不允许他们为某些委托人做有效辩护，或者威胁他们如果选择做辩护就会受到惩罚。有些律师拒绝为政治敏感的案件辩护，而这类案件的当事人往往很难找到辩护律师。在有些情况下，当局不准当事人自选的律师接受委托，却用法院指定的律师取而代之。 1月18日，在广州著名人权律师付爱玲到江门市新会看守所会见她的委托人詹会东之后，广东省司法厅约谈了她。司法厅官员反复追问江，是什么人联系她寻求法律代理，是什么人聘用她做詹的辩护律师。詹会东是名民运活动人士，曾参加过纪念刘晓波的活动。政府暂停或吊销一些接受敏感案件的律师的营业执照或律师执照；敏感案件的当事人包括民主异议人士、家庭教会活动人士、法轮功学员或批评政府者。当局利用全国律师协会的年度执照审查程序来拒绝或延迟给专业律师颁发执照。政府用来恐吓或对人权律师施压的其他手段包括非法拘押、对法律办公室做不明不白的“调查”、取消律师资格、骚扰以及人身恐吓，还有阻挠律师取得证据或接触委托人。2月，一批中国律师写了一封公开信，抗议政府对接受人权案件律师的骚扰。 1月，广东省司法厅吊销了备受瞩目的人权律师隋木青的法律执照。4月，他要求对司法厅吊销其执照的决定进行行政复议，但直到8月也没有得到回复。接受政治敏感案件的律师们自己往往会成为被骚扰甚至拘押的对象。为“709”大抓捕中的人权律师辩护的北京律师李昱函仍然被关在沈阳，未经任何正式的审判程序；他只在7月和10月有过两次审前会议。当局于2017年10月拘押了他。 2015年，全国人大常务委员会修订了关于法律从业人员的立法。修订过的法律将律师“侮辱、诽谤或威胁司法官员”、“不服从法庭警告”或“严重扰乱法庭秩序”的行为确定为违法。该修订法案还把向媒体披露委托人或案件信息或者以抗议、媒体报道或其他方式影响法庭裁决的行为也确定为违法。违反者会面临罚款和3年以下有期徒刑。 2015年制定的法规还规定，拘留中心的官员应当允许辩护律师会见嫌疑人或被告，或者要说明为什么此时不能安排会面。按照规定，这样的会面应当在48小时内即行安排。检察院和法院应当允许辩护律师在三个工作日内取得并阅读案情文件。根据该法规，辩护律师阅卷的时间和次数不应当受到限制。有些敏感案件的律师在庭审前无法见到他们的委托人，查看证据的时间有限，在审判中被告和律师也不能相互交流。与这个法律相悖，在案件提交法庭之前刑事被告往往没有被指定律师。法律规定刑事诉讼使用的书面语及口语都应该是当地常用的语言，政府翻译员要为不熟悉当地语言的被告提供语言服务。消息来源称大部分审判都使用汉语普通话，即使是在少数民族地区也是如此，在被告不会讲普通话时提供翻译员。被告与原告当庭对质的机制不足。据报道只有一小部分案件有目击证人。在是否需要甚至是否允许证人当庭作证方面法官享有很大的自由裁量权。在大部分刑事审判中，证词都是由检察官宣读，被告及律师没有通过交叉询问进行反驳的机会。虽然法律规定预审期间的证人陈述不能作为定罪的唯一依据，但检察官高度依赖此类陈述。尽管辩护律师可以申请查看政府掌握的涉案证据，但无权强迫证人作证或要求进行证据开示。广东省珠海市当局以“国家安全”为由拒绝允许著名反审查活动人士甄江华与其律师任全牛见面。2017年，当局以“煽动颠覆国家政权”的罪名逮捕了甄，将其软禁在指定地点监视居住。甄，网名“GuestsZhen”，是一个名为“翻墙网”的反审查网站的执行编辑。这个网站在国外注册，提供有关审查的信息和进入中国边界以外的互联网的翻墙工具。依照法律，对于那些被判处死刑、在等候复核期间无经济能力聘请律师的囚犯要指派律师。执行死刑的官方数字被归类为国家机密。对话基金会称，自2007年死刑系统开始改革，执行死刑的人数连续数年持续下降，现在已经趋于稳定。对话基金会认为，对犯罪团伙头目和新疆地区被判为恐怖分子的处决人数可能抵消了其它死刑人数的减少。政治犯与被拘押者政府官员继续否认关押了任何政治犯，声称拘押那些人不是由于他们的政治或宗教观点，而是因为他们触犯了法律。但是，当局继续因政治和宗教原因将公民投入监狱。人权组织估计有成千上万名政治犯仍然被关押，大多数被关在监狱，有的被关在行政拘留设施。政府不准国际人道主义组织探望政治犯。政治犯获得提前释放的比例比其他犯人低。据对话基金会估计，仍有100多名犯人在因反革命罪和流氓罪服刑；这两项罪名已于1997年从刑法中废除。另有数千人因“危害国家安全”和“从事邪教活动”等政治和宗教罪服刑。政府并未复核所有在1997年前因反革命罪和流氓罪被起诉的案例，也没有释放那些因刑法己经撤销的非暴力罪名入狱的人士。直至本年底，许多政治犯仍然在狱中服刑或在其他形式的拘押中，其中包括作家杨茂东（郭飞雄）、维吾尔学者伊力哈木·土赫提和热依拉·达吾提、活动人士王炳章、活动人士刘贤斌、台湾民主活动人士李明哲、牧师张少杰、法轮功学员卞丽潮和马振宇、上海教区辅理主教马达钦、人权律师王全璋、夏霖、高智晟、唐荆陵、余文生和江天勇、博客作者吴淦、佛教僧侣徐志强（又名圣光法师），以及上海工运活动人士蒋存德。刑事处罚包括在获释后的一段固定时间内“剥夺政治权利”，在此期间获释者被剥夺言论、结社和出版自由。据前服刑人员说，其就业、出行、获得居住许可和护照、租房以及获得社会服务的能力受到严重限制。前政治犯及其家属常常受到当局的监视、电话窃听、搜查以及其他形式的骚扰或威胁。例如，公安人员跟踪去会见外国记者或外交人员的被拘留或囚禁的维权人士的家人，要求他们禁言，不许谈论案情。某些维权组织的成员被禁止会见来访的外宾。民事司法程序和赔偿法院审理民事案件时在司法独立方面面临与刑事案件相同的限制。《国家赔偿法》规定，给予权益受到政府机构或官员侵犯的原告行政与司法赔偿。该法律还允许对遭受错误拘押、精神创伤或由拘留所或狱管人员造成的身体伤害的人给予赔偿。过去很少有公民申请国家赔偿，原因是诉讼费用高、法院信誉低下以及很少有人意识到《国家赔偿法》的存在，但仍有法院推翻错误判罪的情况。7月，辽宁省的李金莲申请达4140万元人民币（610万美元）的国家赔偿；她因1998年被控用有毒糖果杀害两名儿童而被判死刑缓期执行。6月，江西省高级人民法院认定以前的判罪事实不清、证据不足，将李无罪释放。9月江西高级人民法院决定因错判赔偿李将近293万元人民币（43万1千美元）。10月最高人民法院接受了李关于重新考虑江西法院决定的要求，于11月19日就李申诉原始赔偿不足举行了听证，最终裁决到年底仍未决定。法律给予个人到政府部门上访以解决其不满的权利。大部分的不满都源于土地、住房、权益、环境或腐败，大部分上访者都试图将其问题投送到当地“信访”办公室。政府报告说每年收到大约600万份上访信；但是，上访者的集会和表达不满的权利继续受到限制。虽然有改善上访制度的努力，进展仍然不稳定。尽管中央政府重申禁止阻挠或限制“正常上访”，不准非法拘押上访人员，官方对上访人员的打击报复仍在继续。一些规定鼓励所有与诉讼有关的上访都在本地通过地方或省级法院得到解决，使地方官员防止访民到高层上访的鼓励机制得到强化。地方官员派人到北京将上访人员强制带回本省，以防止他们向中央政府投诉地方官员。这样的拘押都没有记录，上访者经常是被短暂关押在非法的“黑监狱”中。 6月3日，广东省广州市的警察拘押了活动人士杨素媛，她为被大型国有银行解雇的员工申请就业遣散福利。警方审问了杨，采集了她的指纹和DNA血样以及面部识别记录，并把她转送到家乡广东清远的派出所做进一步询问。 6月，因2017年6月非法拘押、捆绑和殴打一名来自江西省的上访人员，北京第二中级人民法院审判了12 名嫌疑人。这名来自江西省上犹的上访者叫陈裕咸，在北京被嫌疑人抓走8小时后死亡。据报道，该12名嫌疑人来自一个打着租车公司名义的非法犯罪团伙，该团伙与要求他们截访的地方政府官员有非常密切的联系。直至年底北京法院尚未公布判决。尽管法律规定“公民的通信自由和隐私受到法律保护”，但当局经常不尊重公民的隐私。法律要求执法人员在搜查房屋之前要获得搜查令，但执法人员往往对这一条款置若罔闻。公安局和检察官有权不经司法审查自行颁发搜查令。仍然不断有关于警察强行闯入的报道。当局监控私人之间的电话、短信、传真、电子邮件、即时通讯和其他数码通信。当局还拆开并审查国内和国际邮件。安全部门经常监视并进入民宅和办公室搜查电脑、电话和传真机。外国记者在离开中国的时候发现他们的一些个人物品被搜查。在有些情况下，如果发现了被认为是政治敏感的材料，记者要被迫签署文件说明他们是“自愿”将这些文件留在中国的。据媒体报道，公安部在全国设置了数以千万计的摄像头来监控一般民众。一些人权组织称，当局越来越依赖摄像头及其他一些手段来监视和恐吓政治异议人士、宗教领袖及其支持者、藏人以及维吾尔人。这其中包括面部特征识别和“步态识别”视频监控，使警察不但得以监控事态而且能够快速识别人群中的个体。对电话和互联网通讯的监控与干扰在新疆和西藏地区尤为普遍。政府在西藏自治区和自治区以外的藏区的寺庙中设置了监控摄像头（见“西藏”特别部分）。法律允许安全人员在发生“重大安全事件”时中断通讯联络。 “人权观察”称，国家安全部与信息技术公司合作创建一个“大规模自动化语音识别与监控系统”，这个系统与已经在新疆和安徽使用的系统相类似，用以帮助破解刑事案件。根据一个参与制造这个系统的公司所言，该系统的程序可以解读普通话以及包括藏语和维吾尔语在内的某些少数民族语言。在很多情况下其他与生物特征有关的数据，比如指纹和DNA，也都被储存起来。这个数据库中的信息不仅取自罪犯和犯罪嫌疑人，也包括全部的移民工以及所有申请护照的维吾尔人。因城市开发而强制搬迁的事件在一些地区继续发生。对搬迁条件或补偿不满而举行抗议的现象很普遍，当局起诉了一些组织抗议的领导者。农村地区的基础建设和商业开发项目导致了成千上万的村民被迫搬迁。公民与政府之间的房地产纠纷有时演变成暴力事件。造成这些纠纷的原因常常是当地官员与房地产开发商勾结，对拆迁居民赔偿很少甚至不予赔偿，而且对当地官员从事房地产交易又缺乏有效的政府或媒体监督，对被拆迁居民也没有提供法律救济或其他解决纠纷的机制。虽然中央政府声称已进一步加强了控制非法征地行为并制定赔偿标准，但问题仍然存在。政府继续推行“社会信用系统”，该系统收集大量信息用来为个体和公司评分，以解决“社会信任”缺失的问题，加强金融信贷工具，减少公共腐败。与西方的金融信用评分记录不同的是，社会信用系统还收集学术记录、交通违规、社交媒体使用、交友质量、遵守计划生育规定程度、工作表现、购物习惯以及其他方面的内容。这个系统意在促进自我审查，因为网民要为自己的言论、人际关系甚至在亲密社交圈中别人与自己分享的信息负责。通过监视公民的网上活动和人际关系，个人的“社会信用分”是可以用来量化其对政府忠诚度的标准之一。有迹象表明，该系统根据个人到访网站的“忠诚度”和与其互动网民的“忠诚度”来加减分数。该系统还建立了让公民互相监督的奖励机制。各种应用程序上组创聊天组的人要监督和报告任何违规内容，他们要对违规行为承担责任。尽管政府意在创建一个统一的社会信用系统，有数个中国技术公司创建了几个完全不同的系统，而且这些系统的具体应用在不同省或城市各不相同。在杭州，评分系统应用于18岁以上的居民，包括了个人的教育、就业、遵纪守法（比如纳税）、缴纳医疗费用、偿还贷款、信守合同、参加义务活动以及自愿献血等信息。个人的信用分数对其活动造成了具体的限制的案例有数起。社会信用分数低的用户面临不断增加的一系列后果，包括失去在国内社交平台交流的能力、旅行以及购置房产。有国家媒体4月报道说，社会信用系统“阻止”了一些人的1100万次飞机出行和400万次火车出行。据人权活动人士报告说，另外一种使用社交媒体审查的情况是，当局就有关他们参与和人权有关的聊天组事宜进行问询；这包括了微信和WhatsApp。当局通过监视这些聊天组来识别活动人士，致使微信用户越来越多进行自我审查，甚至导致多起聊天组组织人被逮捕的事件。政府在新疆施行了“双联户”制度，该制度从已在西藏实行了多年的制度发展而来。这个制度将居民每10户分为一组，互相监视并向政府报告“安全问题”和贫困问题，从而将普通公民变成了举报人。在新疆，政府还要求维吾尔族家庭接受“寄宿”者，由官员或志愿者强行入住维吾尔人家，以监控这些家庭，发现“极端主义”的线索。祷告、拥有宗教书籍、或戒用烟酒等，都被政府视为有“极端主义”迹象的行为，有这些行为的人都可能会被拘押在再教育营里。政府限制夫妇生育子女（见第六节，妇女）第二节尊重公民自由，包括：宪法阐明公民“享有言论、出版、集会、结社、游行和示威的自由”，但当局并不尊重这些权利，当它们不符合中共利益的时候尤为如此。当局继续严密控制所有平面、广播、电子和社交媒体，并经常利用它们宣传政府的观点和中共意识形态。当局审查和操控新闻媒体和互联网，在敏感的周年纪念日期间和议题上尤为如此。言论和表达自由：公民可以在私下小范围地讨论许多政治话题而不会受到官方惩罚。但是，当局经常对那些质疑中共合法性的公民采取严厉的行动。一些独立的智库、研究小组或研讨会报告称，曾被迫取消某些涉及敏感议题的会议。在公开演讲、学术讨论和媒体评论或在网上发表政治敏感言论的人仍会遭到惩罚。 7月，在全国都在强烈抗议儿童假疫苗事件时，警方到访了相关家长们的家，试图制止他们在网上讨论这个话题。他们向一些家长出示了一个文件，上面说警方会以“勾结外国媒体”的罪名起诉参加计划中的媒体见面会的家长。这些家长随后取消了记者会。 4月，回族诗人崔浩新在新疆的再教育营被关押了一周，他认为这是因为自己在诗歌和其它作品中表达的政治观点。8月16日，新疆警察威胁崔，试图阻止他在推特上发布关于这些再教育营的信息。出版和媒体自由：中共和政府继续对所有的出版物、网上及广播材料保持绝对控制权。只有官方媒体机构才能得到政府批准报道中共领导人的新闻或其他被认为是“敏感”的话题。尽管中共及政府没有对所有出版和广播的内容作出详尽指导，但却保有不受制约的权力来决定是否、何时以及如何报道某个问题，或者干脆下令禁止报道。在本年度中，官方媒体报道报道说，高层当局发布了共产党内部规定，详细列出对没有坚守意识形态规定的人的惩罚，命令进一步打击非法的互联网账号和平台，并指示媒体从事“以马克思主义为基础的新闻事业”。这些规定还计划针对大学生做更进一步的政治和意识形态的灌输。政府通过重新构建监管制度来收紧对媒体和公共话语空间的管控。中共宣传部直接控制国家新闻出版广播电影电视总局。当局于3月重组了国家新闻出版广播电影电视总局，重新安排部分职责，并将其改名为国家广播电视局。新的结构极大地扩大了中共对电影、新闻媒体、报纸、书籍和杂志的管控。直接管理互联网内容包括网上新闻媒体的中国网络空间管理局也为中共的宣传服务。 11月14日，中国网络空间管理局发布了一个说明，称作为正在进行的活动的一部分，已有9800多个互联网账号被“清除”。11月15日，中国网络空间管理局发布了一个通知，对在网上能够发表什么样的意见作进一步的限制，称中国网络空间管理局将开始要求互联网和媒体公司提供详细的用户记录；这是中国网络空间管理局针对网上异议意见和社会运动而采取的新政策的一部分。11月30日，中国网络空间管理局说，将要求那些可能被用于“社会动员”或导致“公众舆论重大变化”的互联网平台提交有关其活动的报告。政府进一步采取行动来构建其宣传工具。3月，它将中国中央电视台、中国国际广播电台和中国国家广播电台合并成一个被称为“中国之声”的新的超级媒体集团。国家媒体解释说，这一重组意在“加强党对重要舆论立场的集中建设与管理”。出版所有的图书和杂志仍旧需要国家颁发的出版号；出版号收费高昂，而且往往难以获得。与过去一样，几乎所有的平面媒体、广播媒体和图书出版商都隶属于党政机构。有为数不多的印刷出版企业有一些私人股权，但是没有民营性质的电视台或广播电台。中共指示国内媒体不要对某些议题进行报道，传统的广播电视节目都必须经过政府的批准。记者在被政府严格管控的环境中运作。尽管中国不断增长的互联网用户要求用最新技术来讲述有趣的故事，政府当局对那些新技术（例如网上直播）实施管控，压制新的数字媒体和社交媒体平台。由于中共不认为互联网新闻公司是“官方”媒体，这些公司都受制于会削弱其运行的法规，并且被禁止报道潜在的“敏感”消息。据全国记者协会2017年在国家新闻媒体上的最新报道，中国有23万1564名具有正式资格的记者。只有1406名从事网络新闻工作，其中大部分都任职于诸如新华网或中国日报网等国有媒体。这并不意味着网络媒体没有报道重要消息。事实上很多网络媒体都通过创造性手段来分享信息，但是他们必须限制自己的方式和话题，因为他们未获得官方批准。暴力与骚扰：政府经常妨碍媒体工作，包括阻挠公民记者。一些记者报告说，在报道敏感话题时会受到人身攻击、骚扰、监视和恐吓。政府官员使用刑事起诉、民事诉讼和包括暴力、拘押和其他形式的骚扰在内的其他惩罚手段来恐吓作者和记者，以阻止他们就广泛的话题发布未经批准的信息。海外记者的家人也面临骚扰，时有拘押发生，藉此来报复他们海外亲属所做的报道。2017年当局拘押了至少6名自由亚洲电台维吾尔语记者的几十名亲属。这些记者都是中国少数民族维吾尔族人，他们报道了新疆再教育营的情况（见第一节）。记者如果发表质疑政府的观点可能会面临降职或失业。在很多情况下可能的信息源会因为实际存在的政府压力或对政府压力的恐惧而拒绝与记者会面。尤其原本一向是信息来源的学术界人士越来越不愿意会见记者。该年度中，当局监禁了许多传统媒体和新媒体的记者。 6月26日，四川省的一个法院以“煽动颠覆国家政权”和“非法出境”的罪名判处政治漫画家姜野飞六年半徒刑。姜2008年画的批评2008四川地震和讽刺中国政府官员的漫画引起政府注意后，于同年逃往泰国。2015年他被迫返回中国，随即被隔离监禁，直到2018年6月被秘密审判。 8月1日，山东省济南的退休教授孙文广正在接受美国之音（VOA）采访的时候，当局进入他的家。听众听到孙教授抗议他们的入侵，警察随即终止了采访。政府将孙拘押了大约两个星期，然后将其释放，对其采取“严密监视”。孙被释放后，8月13日，两名美国之音记者叶兵和艾伦到访他家，随即被警方扣押了6个小时，毁坏了他们的手机，查看了他们的设备。 9月，新疆当局逮捕了国家允许出版的几份新疆报纸的4名工作人员，称他们在这些报纸的维文版发表了不适当的内容。新疆日报集团的代表确认了他们被逮捕的消息，称这4个人被指责为“两面人”；这个词用来描述那些公开支持中共统治，私下却不同意对少数民族文化、语言和宗教加以限制的人。中央和地方的中共宣传部门对外国记者仍然施加严格的限制，尤其是在敏感时期和周年纪念日。外国记者站报告称，外国新闻机构在当地聘用的员工也受到官方的骚扰和恐吓，这仍然是外国记者站一个主要的关注点。到新疆去的记者报告说，他们的工作受到非常严格的监视、监控、骚扰和干涉。外交部官员再次把特别约见用来作为大多数记者更新记者证手续的一部分。在这些约见中，官员对记者施加压力，要求他们少报道人权问题，提醒记者不得逾越的报道“红线”，在有些情况下还威胁他们不予更新签证。由于难以获得签证，许多外国新闻机构在中国国内扩大或保持其业务范围时继续遭遇麻烦。一些外国媒体越来越不愿公布这些问题，担心会引发政府进一步的反弹。当局继续对在外国媒体机构中供职的中国公民实行严格限制。外国媒体机构中国籍员工行为准则用开除或取消资格来威胁那些进行“独立报道”的中国员工。该准则还指示中国员工向其雇主提供有助于树立“中国良好形象”的信息。报道商业问题的传媒机构相对受到较少限制，但是宣传官员的事后审查体制鼓励编辑们做自我审查，以避免无意中刊登未经授权的内容而受到处罚带来的损失。中国境外的中文媒体机构报告说受到中国政府的恫吓与财务威胁。例如，位于澳大利亚的《看中国》的拥有者在2月的一个年会上谈到中国官员向在该报纸上刊登广告的客户施加压力，试图压制该媒体的观点。有些客户遭到中国驻澳大利亚领事馆官员的“盘问”，其它人在去中国时被到访，强迫他们停止与《看中国》做生意。审查或内容限制：中国国务院的《出版管理条例》授予各级政府宽泛的权力来根据内容限制出版，包括规定是否、何时以及如何报道特定问题。尽管外交部每日的例行新闻发布会基本上是对外开放的，国务院信息办公室也安排了其他政府机构的发布会，但记者不能自由地参加其他新闻活动。国防部继续有选择地允许外国媒体偶尔参加新闻发布会。供本国记者使用的官方指南通常语焉不详，宣传官员可随意修改，并可追溯执行。宣传部门强迫报社和网上媒体开除发表与官方政策不一致的文章的编辑和记者，并暂停或取缔出版物。记者、作者和编辑进行广泛的自我审查，尤其是因为宣传官员进行出版后审查并实施不同程度的责罚。 2月8日，广东省宣传部免除了《南方周末》主编段功伟的职务和官方头衔；段主持了两个关于海航集团的财务调查报道。这些报道显示，据称与中国高层领导有关的海南航空尽管已有大量债务，仍然在“疯狂采购”。中共中央宣传部命令媒体严格按照权威部门提供的信息报道，尤其是对敏感事件或重大事件的报道。这类指示往往还警告媒体不准报道与党和官员的声誉、健康和安全以及外交事务相关的内容。对公众对习主席描述的控制有所增加，审查员会迅速关闭任何与官方媒体表述不同的内容。社交媒体仍然继续阻止发布维尼熊卡通形象，因为互联网用户用维尼熊来代表习近平主席。HBO在6月里播放的一段《上周今夜》节目中，主持人约翰·奥利弗批评了习近平，导致当局一度对HBO网上内容实施封锁。外国记者要进入西藏自治区、其他藏区或者新疆从事报道而不受到严重的干扰极为困难。试图在其他敏感地区做报道的外国记者也遇到限制进入或受到干扰的问题；此类敏感地区包括朝鲜边境、与共产党成立有关的各历史重地、近期发生自然灾害的地区，以及包括北京在内的发生了社会动荡的地方。主要限于宾馆和外国人聚居区播放的外国电视新闻也会受到审查。外国报纸和杂志发表的文章如果被当局认为过于敏感，有关期目也会被禁。国际杂志中与敏感话题有关的文章被删除。电视广播中与敏感事件有关的部分被黑屏。就政治敏感事件的报道而言，对中文的审查最严格，其次是英文，然后才是其他语言。政府禁止一些被认为过于敏感的国内外电影在中国上映，或者会将有关部分删除才允许上映。根据政府规定，当局必须对在中国放映的每一部外国电影授权，每年放映总数不得超过50部。当局继续禁止出版他们认为内容与官方观点不同的图书。法律仅允许获得政府批准的出版社出版图书。未经国家新闻出版广播电影电视总局和有关省级出版机构批准的报纸、期刊、图书、音像制品或电子出版物不得出版发行。未经政府批准试图出版的个人面临监禁、罚款、没收图书和其他形式的处罚。中共控制出版行业的手段还包括事先将某些议题列为国家机密。政府颁布禁令禁止销售未获得进口许可的外国出版物。这包括网上销售平台也禁止销售未经政府批准的“海外出版物”，包括图书、电影和游戏。该禁令也适用于与出版物有关的服务。诺贝尔和平奖得主刘晓波于7月去世一年以后，政府仍继续审查公共媒体和社交媒体平台上大量的相关词汇和图像。除了刘的名字和形象以外，诸如“安息”、“灰色”、引用他文章的片段、蜡烛的图像、甚至蜡烛表情符号，无论是在网上还是在社交媒体上发布的私人信息，都被屏蔽。试图取得被审查内容的结果是得到一条信息，“根据相关法律、法规和政策”，该内容无法显示。政府的审查员还屏蔽了网上有关刘晓波遗孀刘霞的消息。政府严格控制并高度审查国内的互联网使用情况。根据中国互联网信息中心8月发布的正式报告，中国的互联网用户已达8亿零200万，占全国总人口的57.7%。国际电信联盟的数据显示，2017年占总人口54%的人使用了互联网。据主要媒体公司估计，有6亿2500万人通过社交媒体和网上媒体获取新闻。尽管互联网非常普及，其内容却受到当局严格的审查。政府在全国、各省和地方继续雇用成千上万的人来监督电子通讯和网上内容。据报政府雇用人员在各种网站上推广官方观点、反击网上出现的不同观点。互联网公司也自行雇用数以千计的审查员来执行中共和政府的禁令。一旦政府官员因其内容而批评或暂时屏蔽了一个网上平台，该平台的上级公司就必须雇用更多的内部审查员，致使每个公司要为此雇用成千上万以至数万人，极大地增加了员工需求量。 4月，审查员暂时关闭了著名新闻应用《头条》。在该应用的所有者为没有推广“社会主义核心价值观”道歉并承诺会雇用4000名新的内部审查员之后，得以重新开放，从而使内部审查员总数提高到了1万人。当局永久性地关闭了该公司的另外一个应用程序《内涵段子》。有2亿人使用这个应用程序分享笑话和网红事务。 3月19日，与政府有关联的中国生物多样性保护与绿色发展基金会向信宜市警方提交了信件之后，广东当局释放了被信宜警方拘押的环保人士雷萍；雷是在网上发布了揭发一个非法经营的采石场对当地水源影响的报告之后被捕的。政府继续发布一系列规定，用于实施2017年生效的《网络安全法》。该法允许政府“监督、保护和处理源自国内或国外的网络安全风险及威胁”。该法第12条将使用互联网“制造或传播虚假信息以干扰经济或社会秩序”确定为犯罪。例如，在广州麻醉师谭秦东对一个传统中医药酒的批评开始在微信中广泛传播之后，他被以“诋毁公司名誉”的罪名被关押了三个月。中国的新闻报道推测他的被捕是应药酒生产商的要求而发生的。当局在谭写了道歉书说自己“考虑不周”之后释放了他。该法还立法允许安全机构在“重大安全事件”发生时中断某个地理区域全部的通讯网络，尽管在该法通过之前当局已经采取过这种措施。中国网络空间管理局关于互联网新闻信息服务的规定要求网站、移动应用、论坛、博客、即时通讯服务和搜索引擎都要保证，对政治、经济、外交的新闻报道或评论都服从官方对“事实”的认定。这些规定将对传统媒体早已有之的控制扩展到了包括网络及社交媒体在内的新媒体，以保证这些新闻来源也服从共产党的指示。据国家媒体1月报道，2017年度当局关闭了12万8000个网站。这些网站因其不当内容而被认定是“有害”的，其中包括政治敏感材料以及色情和赌博内容。2018年当局保持着同样的步调，仅在第二和第三季度中，中国网络空间管理局就报告说关闭了3673个网站和120万个社交媒体账户。7月，中国网络空间管理局称仅在当月内便接到了672万个“有效的”关于网上“非法及有害”信息的报告。中国网络空间管理局还规定所有的直播平台、视频平台、商业网站、门户网站以及应用都向中国网络空间管理局登记。有执照的中央媒体及其附属机构的网上内容平台不需登记。4月，国家媒体宣布在短视频网站发布的违反社会主义核心价值的内容会被删除，而且中国网络空间管理局还宣布，已经与多个短视频网站“谈话”。随后不久，著名平台“抖音”的直播和评论部分停止了运作。去年一年，还有其它不少平台也因“不正当”或“非法”内容而面临被关闭。法规规定在诸如微博和微信等博客或即时通信平台上传送视听材料必须具备特别许可。平台管理者直接负责保证用户发布的内容符合其许可范围。这包括电视节目、电影、新闻节目以及纪录片，很多网民仅仅通过社交媒体渠道来消费这些内容。规定禁止上传任何业余人士制作的、符合新闻节目定义或关于“敏感”话题的内容。中国网络空间管理局2017年对网络安全法的修改还加强了在网站和社交媒体实行实名登记的规定。百度和新浪微博宣布，那些没有用实名登记的账户在使用一些网站功能（如对网贴的评论）方面会受到限制。邢台和上海的网吧也开始使用人脸识别来与用户身份证上的照片做比对。政府继续致力于限制使用虚拟专用网络（VPN）服务。对“未经授权”的VPN的禁令于3月31日生效。尽管包括国际公司在内的一些用户可以使用虚拟专用网络，小公司、学术界以及公民都无法使用经授权的VPN。不过新闻报道显示当局并未严格执行这个禁令。当局在诸如11月的商业与互联网展销会在内的重大事件前加强对VPN服务供应商的屏蔽。据政府主管的《人民法院报》报道，上海的一名软件工程师被判3年徒刑，因为自2016年以来他为数百名用户提供了非法的VPN。该戴姓男子还被判缓刑三年、罚款1万元人民币（$1400美元）。除了国际大赦和人权观察等人权组织的网站被屏蔽，许多国际媒体的网站，包括《纽约时报》、《华尔街日报》和彭博社等，仍然常年被屏蔽。8月，审查人员屏蔽了澳大利亚广播公司（ABC）的网站和手机应用程序。澳广于2017年启动了一个中文网站，2018年澳广关于中国在澳大利亚的影响的报道引起了中国官方媒体强烈的批评。政府审查人员继续屏蔽与敏感话题有关的网站或网上内容，诸如台湾、达赖喇嘛、西藏和1989天安门屠杀有关的内容。数千个社交媒体和其它网站仍然被屏蔽，包括脸书、推特、Instagram、谷歌和油管。尽管无数的新闻和社交媒体网站仍然被屏蔽，被审查的网站中有很大比例是赌博和色情网站。政府于年初对航空公司发布警告，不准在它们的网站上将台湾、香港和澳门列为不同的国家，并列出了违反此规定的航空公司。官方责成万豪酒店将其网站关闭一周并就将西藏、香港和澳门列为不同国家而公开道歉。梅赛德斯-奔驰公司同样被迫向政府道歉，原因是它在自己的官方Instagram账户发布了达赖喇嘛的这段语录：“从所有的角度来看情势，你会变得更加开放。”官方对此的反应包括在国有《人民日报》上将梅赛德斯-奔驰称为“人民的敌人”。在国家新闻出版广播电影电视总局2017年宣布同性行为/关系是“非正常的性关系”并禁止描述这些行为，在此之后，仍然禁止提及同性恋行为/同性关系和使用准确的科学术语描述生殖器。1月，国内的媒体报道称，一个北京法院同意就一位争取同性权利的人士就同性恋问题起诉国家新闻出版广播电影电视总局举行听证，但是直到12月仍然没有宣布任何裁定。与此同时，5月，一个全国知名的湖南的电视台将播出的欧洲电视网的部分内容黑屏，因为这个欧洲音乐演出中展现了同性关系，并遮蔽了一面同性恋骄傲彩虹旗的画面。在3月8日国际妇女节当天，审查人员关闭了一个知名的女权主义微博账号。该微博账号有18万粉丝，是中国最知名的争取女权的网上平台之一。在2017年的国际妇女节官员也关闭了这个账号，然后又让它重新运行，但这一次当局永久性地关闭了这个账号。本年度，当局开始操控个人推特账户的内容。有报告说当局强迫一些人让当局进入他们的推特账户，然后当局借此删除他们的推文。10月，人权维权人士吴淦的成千上万推文被删除。当局继续因和平表达政治观点而关押大量互联网写手。6月27日，当局将异议作家彭佩玉拘押两周。彭的批评文章包括一篇题为《讨习檄文》的文章，他被捕前不久将此文发布在网上。据彭的律师说，他以前就已经被拘押了“很多次”。此外，仍有针对外国网站、记者以及政府禁止互联网用户访问其信息的新闻机构进行网络攻击的报道。和过去一样，政府有选择地屏蔽由外国政府运营的网站，其中包括卫生组织、教育机构、非政府组织、社交网站以及搜索引擎等。尽管这种审查能够有效地使普通用户远离有敏感内容的网站，但许多用户通过各种技术手段绕过了审查。在中国国内能够获取境外代理服务器的信息和规避审查的软件，但很多时候会受到防火墙的限制。诸如Telegram和WhatsApp之类的加密通讯应用程序经常被中断，尤其是在一年中的那些“敏感”时期。《国家保密法》要求互联网公司全面配合对涉嫌泄露国家机密案件的调查，一经发现立即停止传输此类信息并向当局举报此类犯罪行为。此规定定义不清而且没有明确的限制。此外，这些公司还必须按照当局的指令从其网站上删除此类信息，否则将会受到警方和国家安全部等有关部门的惩罚。学术自由和文化活动政府继续限制学术自由和艺术自由，并在大专院校和研究机构限制讨论政治和社会课题。中宣部发布的限制规定和决定约束了人员和思想的交流。许多知识分子和学者都做自我审查，他们知道与政治话题有关的书籍和文章会被认为内容过于敏感而不得发行。对艺术作品的审查与自我审查也很常见，尤其是那些被认为含有政治敏感内容的艺术作品。当局常常拒绝西方音乐家在中国举办音乐会的申请，严查文化活动的内容，并施加压力促进讨论中的自我审查。政府和中共组织部继续控制着大学里大多数领导职位的任命，包括系主任。尽管是否共产党员并不总是取得终身教职的必要条件，但没有党籍的学者能够得到的晋升机会往往很少。被认为是政治敏感的学术领域（例如，民权、高层裙带关系、公民社会等等）继续被禁止。一些学者要对自己发表的内容做自我审查，面临要得出预设的研究结果的压力，或者在政治敏感时期无法召开有国际人士参加的会议。外国学者声称，政府用拒签签证、阻止查阅档案、不让做实地调查或访谈等方式来迫使他们对自己的工作做自我审查。在课堂上使用外国教科书仍然受到限制，而国内出版的教科书的编辑继续受到中共的控制。所有专业的本科生都要修习有关马克思、毛主义以及邓小平思想等政治意识形态课。7月，教育部宣布将要在所有级别的私立教育机构加强党的领导，包括从幼儿园到高中。多个媒体报道指出，大学校园里加强了对意识形态的控制，一些大学教授因表达与共产党思想不一致的观点而被辞退。8月，贵州大学的一位经济学教授在网上发布了批评共产党的文章，随后被大学开除。9月，厦门大学解聘了一位历史系助理教授，据该大学说，原因是他的网上评论“有损于党和国家的形象”。类似的控制也被用于学生。例如，重庆有一个项目，要求所有的高中生必须通过对他们的政治意识形态的审查才能参加大学高考。 6月，外国和国内的媒体都报道说，被学生举报的大学教授被停职或开除的事件有所增加，举报原因是他们的评论在政治上敏感或不当。在有些情况下，大学安排学生做线人。 11月，媒体机构报道，北京大学和人民大学校园里出现了针对学生中的劳工权利活动人士的打击。一些学生和最近的毕业生被抓并被隔离关押，其中有一人是在北京大学校园被绑架走的。现场的学生被殴打、被按倒在地，并被禁止拍照或对保安部队讲话。据说人民大学官员骚扰、威吓、使用监视手段针对学生活动人士，并阻挠他们的自由行动（见第7a节）。 8月，《金融时报》报道称，与中国国内的大学联合办学的外国大学必须在校内建立共产党的党委，赋予共产党官员更大的决策权，并收回了早前有关保证学术自由的承诺。7月，据《金融时报》报道，在中国第一个联合办学的大学里，一位外国学者因为批评共产党所支持的倡议而被逐出校管会。在若干情况下，当局阻止了被认为政治敏感的一些人入境，同时拒绝给一些应邀参加国际交流项目的中国公民发放护照，原因是当局认为他们“政治上不可靠”，尤其是藏人、维吾尔人以及其他一些少数民族地区的居民。另有多名应邀参加外国政府资助的交流活动并且已经有护照的人——包括一些学者——在申请出国参加项目时遭遇困难。一些学者报告说，他们必须经过批准才能够出国旅行；有些人说他们每年可以出国的次数受到限制。共产党的影响范围越来越广，超出了中国的国土边境。一个对海外500多名研究中国的学者的调查发现，在过去10年中有9%的学者曾经被中国政府有关当局“请喝茶”，被面谈并因其研究项目而受到警告；26%的从事档案研究的学者报告称被拒绝查阅资料；5%报告说难以取得签证。该调查发现，68%的外国学者说，在中国研究领域，自我审查是一个问题。中共积极推动对海外留学生的审查制度，媒体报道了一些自我审查以及利用金钱奖励来遏制外国校园里的反华言论的例子。和成千上万的新疆居民一样，新疆的学者学人失踪或死亡，而且极有可能发生在再教育营里。有些官员和学者被控为“两面人”，这是一种隐喻的说法，指的是那些在国家和党的工作岗位上工作，但具有“分裂主义”或“反对官方”倾向的少数民族人士，包括不同意官方限制少数民族的文化、语言和宗教。那些失踪了而且据信是被关在再教育营的人包括国际知名的民俗学者热依拉·达吾提、文学教授阿卜杜克里木·热合曼、新疆大学教授阿扎提·苏里坦、文学教授盖热提·奥斯曼、语言教授阿尔斯兰·阿卜杜拉、诗人阿卜杜拉迪尔·贾拉拉丁，以及作家亚力坤·茹孜。当局拘押了新疆教育督导局前局长沙塔尔·沙吾提，将喀什大学校长艾尔肯·乌买尔和副校长姆赫提· 阿布杜吾普尔撤职，他们在年底均已失踪。法院以“分裂主义”罪名判处前新疆医科大学医院院长哈木拉提·乌普尔和前新疆大学校长塔西普拉提·特依拜死刑，缓期执行。根据该年度的国际组织报道，宗教学者穆罕默德·萨利赫·阿吉和阿卜杜勒赫德·买合苏力在再教育营中死亡。政府限制和平集会和结社的自由。尽管宪法规定和平集会自由，但政府严格限制这一权利。法律规定这种活动不得挑战“党的领导”或侵犯“国家利益”。对政治体制或国家领导人的抗议遭到禁止。对于表达不同政治观点的示威，当局不予批准，并且迅速压制。全国各地的公民继续公开集结以抗议驱赶、强迫搬迁和不当补偿，经常会导致与当局的冲突或正式起诉。媒体报道，本年度在全国各地发生了数千起请愿。尽管和平请愿是合法的，公安官员却极少发放许可。尽管有限制，仍有很多示威发生，但当局会迅速驱散那些因各种政治不满或社会不满而起的示威，有时甚至过度使用武力。 3月20至30日，来自福建省龙岩市长汀县的一千多居民在地方政府办公室外抗议政府在距离居民区一公里（0.6英里）的地方建造垃圾焚烧炉的计划。3月30日，地方当局召集防暴警察来恢复秩序。当天晚些时候政府官员宣布取消了垃圾焚烧炉项目计划。所有超过200人参加的音乐会、健身班或其他集会都需要经过公安部门的批准。在北京和其他地方有大量的公众集会被临时取消，或政府拒绝为之发放许可，名义上是要确保公共安全。结社自由宪法规定有结社自由，但政府限制这项权利。中共的政策和政府法规要求所有的专业、社会和经济团体在政府正式注册并获得批准。这些法规阻止了成立自治的政治、人权、宗教、精神、劳工和其他政府认为有可能在任何领域挑战其权威的团体。政府依旧严密控制民间组织，有时会拘押或骚扰非政府组织的工作人员。对非政府组织的监管系统非常严格，但是具体的规定会因外国或国内的组织而不同。国内的非政府组织受到《慈善法》以及其他许多相关规定的管理。国内非政府组织可以注册为以下三个类别之一：社会团体、社会组织或者基金会。国内的非政府组织都要在民政部注册，而且要挂靠一个得到正式认可的、作为其“专业监督单位”的机构。寻找一个挂靠单位并非易事，因为挂靠单位要为挂靠的非政府组织的活动承担民事或法律责任。所有的团体组织都必须报告其资金来源，包括来自外国的资金。国内非政府组织在继续调整以适应这个新的监管框架。 2016年，中共中央委员会发布了一项指示，要求到2020年在所有非政府组织里建立党组织。当局称，这些在非政府组织内部运作的中共党组织能够对非政府组织在“为重要的项目、重要的专业活动、主要的开支和资金、接受大额捐款以及有外国人参与的活动等方面做决策时”“加强指导”。该指示还要求当局进行年度抽查以确认“意识形态政治工作、党建、财务和人员管理、研究学习、对外交流、接受外国捐助和帮助、以及按照该组织的章程运作”等方面是否合规。 2017年1月，《中华人民共和国境外非政府组织境内活动管理法》（简称《外国非政府组织管理法》）生效。该法要求外国非政府组织在公安部注册，而且要为其运作找到一个被国家认可的挂靠单位。未能符合该规定的非政府组织可能会面临民事或刑事处罚。该法不给没有得到批准注册的非政府组织申诉的机会，并且申明，被发现违反某些规定的非政府组织可以被禁止在中国运作。该法还称，与没有注册的外国非政府组织合作的国内团体会受到惩罚，并可能被取缔。一些国际非政府组织报告说，他们与大学、政府机关、国内非政府组织及其他机构的合作越来越困难，因为该法律反映了中共的观点，即认为外国非政府组织是对“国家安全”的一种威胁。对大多数外国非政府组织来说，寻找一个官方挂靠单位很困难，因为挂靠的单位要为非政府组织的行为负责，并且要按规定承担繁琐的报告工作。在公安部公布可挂靠机构的名单之后，非政府组织报告说，大多数政府机构仍然没有负责外国非政府组织挂靠事宜的部门。专业监督单位报告说，他们不理解应如何实施该法以及当局希望他们做些什么。什么是非政府组织以及哪些活动被视为“政治”活动因此属于非法，都定义模糊，从而让许多商业机构和校友团体都难以界定自己是否处于该法的管辖之下。政府缺少清晰的沟通，加上安全部门的骚扰，造成一些外国非政府组织暂停或终止了他们在中国的运作。截止到12月31日，官方估算的曾经在运行中的大约7000个外国非政府组织中，大约有439个已经按照《外国非政府组织管理法》的规定注册，其中大部分从事的都是贸易和商业活动。据民政部统计，截止于2017年底，有80多万个合法注册的社会团体、公共机构和基金会。许多专家认为，国内非政府组织的实际数目要多得多。国内非政府组织报告说，来自国外的资金继续减少，因为很多国内非政府组织都力图避免这样的资助，因为面对新法带来的越来越多的限制，他们担心会被贴上“颠覆”的标签。非政府组织以各种正式和非正式的名义存在着，包括由中国共产党创建并资助的全国性群众团体，即官办非政府组织。这样的组织被禁止拥有任何独立性。如果外国非政府组织要向国内团体捐款，《外国非政府组织管理法》要求外国非政府组织在中国必须拥有办公室或者使用本国非政府组织的银行账户才能为举办临时活动汇款。根据法律，禁止外国非政府组织用任何其他方式来汇出或接收资金，而且这样的资金必须向公安部报告。该法还禁止外国非政府组织募捐或进行“营利活动”。尽管所有的注册团体都在政府一定程度的控制之下，有些非政府组织，主要是以服务为目的的官办非营利组织，在运作中能够少一些例行检查。当局支持一些针对扶贫救灾等社会问题的非政府组织发展。法律法规明确禁止团体从事政治或宗教活动，拒绝服从的团体会面临刑事处罚。当局继续限制和取缔接受外国资助的本国非政府组织以及为西藏自治区和其他藏区的藏民社区提供帮助的国际非政府组织。由于旅行限制、官方对其工作人员的恐吓以及无法与当地的合作伙伴续签项目协议，几乎所有的团体都被迫减少其活动。请参见美国国务院发布的《国际宗教自由报告》： www.state.gov/religiousfreedomreport/。法律规定公民享有境内出行、出国旅行、移居国外和返国的自由，但政府有时不尊重这些权利。政府在严格限制其运作范围的情况下偶尔会与联合国难民事务高级专员公署（UNHCR）驻北京办事处合作。政府越来越多地通过不给与国际和国内出行许可或非正式软禁的形式来禁止活动人士发声。在有些情况下，政府对其他国家施加压力，要求强制遣返寻求庇护的人或者受到联合国难民事务署承认的难民。7月13日，自由亚洲电台报道，重庆一个法院于2017年7月以“煽动颠覆国家政权”和“非法偷越国境”的罪名秘密给人权活动人士姜野飞和董广平判刑。姜与董举家逃往泰国并取得了联合国难民事务署的难民身份，但2015年泰国被迫将他们从曼谷送还给中国。他们在电视上“认罪”的时候，可以看出在拘押期间曾受到酷刑。两人的家人没有得到官方关于审判的通知。据联络人称，在董的前律师2017年7月到访重庆第二监狱拘留所的时候，当局驳回了他要求会见委托人的请求。对移民、难民和无国籍人士的虐待：有报道说，朝鲜政府派出的人员在中国境内秘密运作，强行遣返朝鲜公民。此外，有些被中国当局拘押的朝鲜人面临遣返，除非他们能够通过贿赂来得到释放。朝鲜难民不是被关押在拘押设施中，就是被软禁在不明地点。想避免亲属被强制返回朝鲜的家人必须向中国当局付费，据称是支付在拘押期间的费用。被拘押的朝鲜人偶尔会被释放，但他们极少有人得到安全前往第三国所必需的许可。境内出行：当局继续严格限制出行自由，特别是在重要纪念日、外国政要来访或重大政治事件之前限制政治敏感人士的出行，并防范游行示威。在西藏自治区和其他藏区，藏人的出行自由仍受到严重限制（见西藏附件）。维吾尔人在新疆和新疆之外的地区也面临新的出行限制。尽管在前往其它地方旅行前要得到地方官员批准的“国内护照”已经于2016年停止使用，在进入或者离开城市时以及在公路上仍然还有证件检查站。在新疆，保安官员在诸如市场和清真寺等公共区域的入口设立检查站，要求维吾尔人扫描身份证，接受面部识别检查，并将所有的包袋放入机场式的安全检查机器。当地的汉人不受这些限制。9月26日，《乌鲁木齐晚报》宣布，新疆铁路管理局将于10月22日开始停止向所有的旅客出售离开新疆的车票。与此同时有报道称，当局将再教育营中200到500名一组的维吾尔和其他突厥穆斯林人士集体判刑，并送到中国的其它地区的监狱，如黑龙江省。虽然政府仍然限制更换工作地或居住地的自由，但是全国户籍登记制度（户口）继续发生变化，大部分公民去往全国各地工作和居住的能力继续提高。尽管许多农村居民继续迁入城市，城市人均可支配收入约为农村人均收入的三倍，但是他们不能更改他们在国内正式的居住地或工作地。大多数城市对每年可签发的新的暂住证实行配额管理制度，因此，所有的就业者，包括大学毕业生，都必须努力争取数目有限的暂住证。农村居民尤其难以在经济较发达的城市地区获得户口。户籍登记制度增加了农村居民在城市面临的困难，即使他们在那里安家并找到了工作。根据国家统计局2月发布的《中国人民共和国2017年国民经济和社会发展统计公报》，居住在其户口所在地以外的人口为2.91亿。农民工及其家人在工作条件和劳工权利方面面临重重阻碍。由于农民工不是合法登记的城市居民，许多人在其工作与生活的城市无法享受公共服务，如子女接受公共教育或社会保障服务。从4月到6月，非北京籍居民可以根据市政府新发布的积分系统来申请北京户口。根据这个新政策，未超过法定退休年龄、有北京暂住许可、在京连续七年缴纳社会保险、没有刑事犯罪的非京籍居民可以通过积分取得户口。据报道，那些“有稳定工作、稳定住所、良好教育背景、在京成功创新创业”的人更可能在积分竞争中取得高分。市政府在每年的第四季度宣布取得户口的新名单。 “留场就业”制度适用于被行政拘留的惯犯，当局据此不准某些服满刑期者回乡。一些获释人员或假释人员回家后不得自由出行。出国旅行：政府准许大多数公民合法移居海外和出国旅行。政府部门——尤其是军队——的雇员和退休人员的出国旅行继续受到限制。政府在机场及其他边境口岸扩大了对离境乘客实施的出境管制，籍此禁止持不同政见者和在政府任职的人出国旅行。一年来，许多律师、艺术家、作家及其他活动人士被禁止出境的情况时有发生。当局还阻止一些维权人士以及贪腐官员和商人的家属，包括外籍家庭成员的旅行。边境检查人员和警方以威胁“国家安全”作为不准离境的理由。此类人员中大部分人都是在出国旅行时被当局拦截在机场的。绝大多数公民都能获得护照，但是那些被政府视为有潜在政治威胁的人说，他们经常被拒发护照或被禁止出国旅行，这些人包括宗教领袖、持不同政见者、上访者和少数民族人士。维吾尔人——尤其是居住在新疆的维吾尔人——报告称，他们的护照申请很难获得地方当局批准。他们经常被拒发护照，无法去海外旅行，尤其是无法去沙特阿拉伯朝觐或去其他穆斯林国家，也无法因学术目的前往西方国家。2016年以来，当局命令新疆的居民交还护照，或者告诉居民没有新的护照。但是，召回护照的做法并不仅仅限于维吾尔地区。海外维吾尔活动人士的家人也被拒发签证，无法进入中国。本年度中，政府继续统一行动，迫使在海外学习的维吾人返回中国，常常是向他们在新疆的亲属施加压力，要求他们在海外的亲属回国。当局还拒绝给住在海外的维吾尔人续发护照，致使他们或者回中国，或者寻求在所在国保持合法身份的途径。一旦回去，很多维吾尔人或者与新疆居民有联系的人就被拘留或者失踪了。藏人申请护照面临重重困难，而对佛教僧尼来说则几乎是不可能的。当局不愿意给藏人发放或续发护照的做法对藏人而言等于是出国旅行禁令。藏区的汉族居民没有这样的困难。政府继续试图禁止许多藏人和维吾尔人离开中国，很多试图离开的人被拘押（见西藏附件）。有些维权活动人士的家属无法移民。流亡：法律没有规定公民的归国权，也没有涉及流亡问题。政府继续拒绝众多被视为持不同政见者、法轮功活动人士或“捣乱分子”的公民重新入境。尽管当局允许一些移居海外的持不同政见者回国，但因保外就医而获准出国的异议人士往往相当于被流放。难民保护遣返: 中国政府强制遣返弱势的难民和寻求庇护者，特别是来自朝鲜的难民。中国政府仍然认为朝鲜人都是“非法经济移民”而非难民或寻求庇护者，并将很多人强制送回朝鲜。人权组织报告说，相当多的被关押在辽宁省和吉林省、来自朝鲜的寻求庇护者有即将被遣返的危险。寻求庇护：没有授予难民或寻求庇护者身份的法律。政府没有制定难民保护制度，但是通常认可被联合国难民署记录在册的难民和寻求庇护者。这些人没有被政府正式承认为难民，他们在中国仍然是非法移民，不能工作，不能上学，并且随时都可能被政府递解出境。朝鲜难民和寻求庇护者，尤其是生活在中国社会边缘的年轻妇女，由于他们的地位不被承认，很容易遭受人口贩运和强迫婚姻的伤害。当局继续强行遣返朝鲜难民，包括人口贩运受害者，视他们为非法经济移民。政府拘押他们，并遣返回朝鲜，在朝鲜他们面临严厉的惩罚或死刑，包括被关入劳改营。政府没有为朝鲜人口贩运受害者提供除被遣返之外的合法途径。大量非政府组织报告称，中国政府仍然不允许联合国难民署在中国接触朝鲜难民和寻求庇护者。当局有时会拘留和起诉帮助朝鲜难民的中国公民以及那些协助非法越境的人。获得基本服务：在中国寻求经济机会的朝鲜寻求庇护者通常由于没有合法身份而无法享受卫生保健、公费教育或其他社会服务。持久解决办法：自越战时期以来，中国政府在重新安置来自越南和老挝的汉族及少数民族人员定居中国境内方面基本上与联合国难民署进行了合作。中国政府与联合国难民署继续就允许这些长期居民及其子女（许多人在中国出生）入籍的问题进行讨论。无国籍人士：国际媒体报道称，朝鲜妇女在中国生了3万名儿童，这些妇女大多与中国配偶结婚，但由于她们没有合法身份，生的孩子无法登记户口，从而事实上成为的无国籍人。这些孩子无法获得包括教育和医疗在内的公共服务，尽管有法律条文称，只要有一名家长是中国公民，孩子就可以成为公民。第三节自由参政的权利宪法声明“中华人民共和国的所有权力属于人民”，人民行使国家权力的机构是全国人民代表大会（NPC）以及省、地区和地方人民代表大会。事实上，中共决定人大的立法议程。尽管法律规定对县级或县级以下的人大代表进行选举，但公民并不能自由地选择统治他们的官员。中共控制了所有的选举，并继续掌控着政府官员的任命权。中共使用包括软禁在内的各种恐吓手段阻止独立候选人进入地方选举名单。 3月的全国人大取消了国家主席和副主席任期不得超过两届的限制，为习近平继续留任扫清了障碍。选举与参政近期的选举：3月4日，全国人大的2980位代表选出了主席和副主席、总理和副总理以及中央军委主席。由175名成员组成的全国人大常务委员会监督这些选举并决定全国人大的议程和议事规则。全国人大代表每5年选举一次，其过程由中共控制。全国人大常务委员会仍然在中共的直接管辖之下，所有重要的立法决定需要经中共的七人政治局常委会同意。虽然依照国家宪法全国人大拥有广泛的权力，但它未曾在不经中共批准的情况下独立制定政策或罢免政治领导人。根据民政部于2016年所做的统计，在中国60多万个村庄中，几乎所有的村庄都实行了对地方政府下属机构即村委会成员的直接选举。由普通公民直接选举官员仍然在很小的范围内进行，并被严格限制在最低的地方级别。仍然存在腐败、贿选以及乡镇官员和中共干部干涉选举问题。法律允许每位选民最多为其他三位选民代理投票。选举法管辖各级立法机关，然而对其遵守和执行的情况在全国各地各不相同。根据此法律，公民有机会每五年选举一次县级或县级以下的人大代表，但在大多数情况下，上级政府官员或中共干部在这些选举中控制了候选人的提名。在更高的级别，立法者在他们的同级别官员中选出人大代表。例如，省级人代会选出全国人大的代表。地方的中共书记一般同时在地方人代会的领导团队中担任职务，从而增强了中共对立法机构的控制。政党与参政：官方声称中国采取的政党体系是在中国共产党领导下的“多党合作与政治协商”。然而，中共保持了对政治权力的垄断，而且政府禁止成立新的政党。政府正式承认1949年之前成立的九个党派，中共之外的党派在全国人大中占有百分之30的席位。这些非中共代表并不构成政治反对派。他们在立法或决策中的没有什么影响力，而且只能在中共统一战线工作部的指导下运作。关于成立政党并没有具体的法律法规。中国民主党（CDP）仍然被取缔，政府继续监视、拘押和监禁现在以及前民主党党员。民主党创始人秦永敏和他的妻子赵素丽于2015年被拘押，秦仍在武汉第二拘留所等候审判，罪名是“颠覆国家政权”。妇女和少数民族的参与：法律对妇女和少数民族参与政治活动没有特别的限制，他们也确实有所参与。妇女在政府或中共部门中极少担任有重要影响的职位。该年度参加十三届全国人大的 2987 位代表中有742位（25%）是妇女。在第十九届党代会之后，25名成员的中共政治局中有1名女性。政治局常委中没有女性。选举法对妇女和少数民族代表的配额有一般性规定，但要达到这个配额，负责选举的机构经常不得不违反选举法。第十三届全国人大中有438名来自55个少数民族的代表，占代表总数的16%。所有被官方承认的少数民族都有代表。第十九届中共党代会上选出了15名少数民族人士进入有202名成员的中央委员会。在政治局中没有少数民族委员，只有一名省级党委书记是少数民族，但是有数名少数民族人士在省政府中担任领导职务。3月，蒙古族妇女布小林就任内蒙古自治区主席，相当于省长职务。回族妇女咸辉担任宁夏回族自治区主席。第四节政府腐败及缺乏透明度尽管官员腐败会受到刑事处罚，但政府和共产党执法并不一致，也不透明。腐败行为依然很普遍，许多腐败案件都出现在受政府高度监管的领域，比如土地使用权、房地产、矿产以及基础设施建设等，这些领域都容易发生欺诈、贿赂和回扣。法院的判决常常无法对特权部门执行，这些部门包括政府机关、国有企业、军方人员以及一些中共党员。 “透明国际”的分析显示，在中国腐败仍然是一个严重问题。该年度有大量的关于政府腐败以及相关审判和判决的报道。 3月20日，全国人大通过了《国家监察法》，立法规定国家监察委员会和中央纪律检查委员会（NSC-CCDI）合署办公。该委员会的职责是将腐败连根拔掉。国家监委-中纪委的调查可以针对任何公职人员，包括警察、法官和检察官，也可以调查和拘押与被调查公职人员有关联的人。建立国家监察委员会实际上赋予了中纪委这个中共内部的违纪调查单位以国家权力。对国家监委-中纪委调查、运作和拘押的管理规则不清。过去，作为党（而非国家）组织机构的中纪委在调查期间依靠非正式的“双规”制度来扣押被怀疑违反了党纪的党员。国家监委-中纪委的拘押被称为“留置”，被拘押人员指责说遭到虐待和酷刑。被留置人员遭到隔离监禁，没有就其拘押申诉的途径。尽管《国家监察法》禁止虐待在押人员，但在押人员向上报告受到虐待的机制不清。不过，根据赔偿法，被错误指控腐败的人员可以因其留置的时间获得赔偿。尽管留置是在司法系统之外运作，在留置期间所做的坦白交代在司法程序中一直被用作证据。根据媒体报道和非政府组织8月发布的一份报告，留置保留了“双规”的许多特点，诸如长期单独关押、剥夺睡眠、殴打以及被迫以不适的姿势站、坐数小时甚至数日。据报道，第一起留置期间在羁押设施死亡的事件发生在《国家监察法》生效几个星期以后。4月9日，福建省的国家监委-中纪委将原任建阳区政府司机的陈勇留置，以便当局采集有关副区长林强的信息；林被怀疑有腐败问题。5月5日，国家监委-中纪委官员告知陈的家人他被羁押，但家人到达时发现陈已死亡，被保存在太平间的冰箱里。陈的姐姐告诉《财新传媒》，陈的面部变形，胸部塌陷，腰部有淤青。有关官员阻止她查验陈的下半身。腐败：在许多案件中，政府的检察官就腐败问题调查了公务员和国企领导，这些人通常还兼任党内高级职务。虽然受到严密控制的国家媒体公布了一些值得关注的腐败案调查，但总体而言，对于党政官员因腐败接受调查的程序很少有细节披露。9月，中国第一位在法国里昂担任国际刑警组织主席并保留中国公安部副部长职务的孟宏伟在乘9月25日的航班到达北京之后失踪。媒体报道说孟因涉嫌贪腐在到达中国以后被“纪检部门”拘留。政府宣布，在国家监委-中纪委对孟及其同事们就有关受贿指控进行调查期间他受到监视；直到年底此案仍然没有结论。 8月，在廊坊城南骨科医院院长张毅高调自杀之后，河北廊坊的反腐机构惩罚了31个官员。在张的自杀遗书中，他指控前安次区人代会副主席杨玉忠参与贪腐活动，干涉医院的管理并挪用医院资金。河北纪检当局透露，政府和中共官员掩盖杨玉忠和他的犯罪团伙故意伤害、强迫交易、暴力拆迁和为犯罪利益假造公章等行为。在被惩罚的官员中有一名是前安次区政协主席，一名现任派出所长，几名村支部书记，还有区基建局的副局长。该调查是中央政府打击犯罪团伙及对其进行保护的官员行动的一部分。从2月至年底，河北共有427人受到与此行动相关的调查。财产公开：有规定要求县级或县级以上政府部门或国有企业中的官员申报个人财产，包括他们的配偶和子女名下的财产及其家庭的金融资产投资和企业投资。规定未要求公开申报，而是呈报上级和人事部门。对拒绝申报者有不同的处罚，包括接受法规培训、警示谈话、调动工作直至免职。规定还要求官员申报他们的所有收入，包括各类津贴、补助、奖金以及其他工作收入如演讲、写作、咨询、审稿、绘画及书法等。官员和配偶及与其共同居住的子女还要申报房产和金融投资状况，但这些申报也不对外公开。还规定他们报告他们的子女是否在国外居住以及子女和第三代的工作状况和职务（包括在国外居住者）。规定官员每年报告一次，个人身份发生改变后必须在30天以内报告。第五节政府对国际和非政府组织调查侵犯人权指控的态度政府试图继续保持对公民社会团体的控制，遏止独立非政府组织的出现，并阻挠公民社会团体及维权活动团体的活动。政府经常对国内非政府组织进行骚扰，在很多情况下不允许他们公开监督或评论人权状况。政府明确表示对独立组织持怀疑态度，对在经济或其他方面与海外有关联的非政府组织严加审查。本年度里政府采取明显的步骤，将国内所有的非政府组织置于其法规的直接管控之下，从而缩小了独立非政府组织的生存空间。大多数大的非政府组织都是半官方性质，所有正式的非政府组织都必须挂靠政府机构。联合国或其他国际组织：政府仍然不愿接受其他国家或国际组织对其人权状况提出的批评。政府严格限制联合国专家到访中国，而且很少就联合国人权机构的质询提供实质性回应。联合国专家提交的十多个访问中国的请求仍未得到回应。中国政府还利用它在联合国经济及社会理事会非政府组织委员会成员的身份来阻挠批评中国的团体取得联合国的认证，并阻挠有认证的活动人士参与联合国的活动。政府还报复与联合国合作的人权团体的行动，引起了联合国秘书长安东尼奥·古特雷斯的批评。5月，中国政府要求联合国非政府组织委员会取消德国非政府组织“为了受威胁的人民协会”的认证；该组织协助世界维吾尔人代表大会主席多里昆·艾沙参加了联合国原住民问题常设论坛。政府的人权机构：中国政府坚持认为每个国家对待人权的方式都受到其经济、社会、文化和历史条件的制约。政府声称，它对待嫌疑人的方式是符合国家法律的，而那些嫌疑人却被国际社会认为是政府侵犯人权的受害者。中国政府没有设置人权专员或人权委员会。第六节歧视、社会虐待和人口贩卖妇女强奸和家庭暴力：强奸妇女是非法的，可被判三年有期徒刑至死刑。法律不保护同性伴侣或婚内强奸受害人。另一个有关性侵犯的法律包括了男性受害人，但最高刑期只有5年徒刑。在被报道的案件中，大多数有关强奸的指控都通过私下和解而不是起诉来结案。有些被判强奸罪的人被处决。家庭暴力仍然是一个严重的问题。有些学者说，受害者往往被鼓励通过调解来解决家庭暴力问题。社会上往往将家庭暴力看作是家庭和个人的私事，从而造成妇女面对家庭暴力时不报告、当局不采取行动的情况。《反家庭暴力法》将家庭暴力归入民事而非刑事犯罪。网络出版物《第六声》报告称，25%的家庭中出现过家庭暴力。政府支持为家庭暴力受害者建立的收容所，有些法庭对受害者提供了保护，包括通过法院保护令来禁止家庭暴力施暴者接近受害者。但是，政府的帮助并不总是能够送达受害者，公安部门通常对家庭暴力视而不见。为家庭暴力受害者提供咨询和辩护的法律协助机构经常受到压力，要他们中断公共活动，停止任何形式的政策呼吁，因为那些都是只有政府资助的组织才能从事的活动。据妇女维权人士称，在起诉家暴案件的过程中反复出现的一个问题是当局采证不足，包括照片、医院病历、警察笔录或孩子的证词。目击者很少在法庭上作证。 3月18日，在《反家庭暴力法》两周年之际，广州市妇女联合会、广州律师协会和越秀区法院主办了一个街头演出，目的是提高民众对家庭暴力的认知。律师协会的法律顾问和法院在现场提供了免费咨询，指出保留关键证据在法律程序中的重要作用，这些证据包括就医记录和通讯记录。法院对家庭暴力的认识有所改善，使配偶虐待成为出于自卫而犯罪的辩护中的一个减罪因素。性骚扰：法律禁止对妇女进行性骚扰；但是，法律对性骚扰的定义不清。据北京公安局规定，对违法者可实施最多15天拘留。受害人仍然难以就性骚扰提出控告，法官对此类案件也难以作出判决。官方媒体称，很多妇女仍然不愿意投诉性骚扰事件，认为司法系统对此无能为力。有几起关于性骚扰的重大新闻报道在社交媒体上广为传播，有助于增强对这个问题的认识，尤其是在工作场所。 6月20日，甘肃省庆阳市一位19岁的李姓女子跳楼自杀，她曾指控遭到其吴姓教师的性骚扰。李的父亲称，庆阳人民法院5月18日驳回了她对吴姓教师性骚扰的指控，致使她自杀。6月25日，当地教育局宣布已经给吴以10天禁闭的行政处罚。据报道李的父亲拒绝了学校提出的以35万元（5万3200美元）来换取撤诉的建议，要求学校做出公开道歉，并要吴承担责任。吴后来被撤职并禁止再从事教学工作。尽管很多女性在工作场所遭到性骚扰，极少有人会提出报告。人权观察援引一个统计数字显示，有将近40%的妇女说她们在工作场所受到过性骚扰。一个广州记者发现，在她调查过的400个记者中，有80%说她们在工作场所遭受过性骚扰。《保护妇女权益法》使受害人能够向自己的雇主和当局投诉性骚扰问题。如果雇主不能采取有效措施防止性骚扰，可以被罚款。7月1日，江苏省颁布了一个新的法律，详细列出了雇主必须采取的具体措施，以保护雇员在工作场所不会受到性骚扰。根据这个新法，雇主必须制定反性骚扰的内部规定，对雇员们进行防止骚扰培训，为提出性骚扰指控的雇员建立投诉渠道，并及时解决投诉的问题。观察家注意到，该法并未规定合规时限，也没有说明不合规会受到的惩罚。一些寻求提高公众对性骚扰认识的妇女非政府组织报告说，曾受到公安的骚扰，在执行其项目时遭遇困难。 7月25日，一名前女实习生说，她向警方报告著名电视主持人朱军曾经强吻和抚摸她以后，警方强迫她撤诉。警方声称，在国家媒体主持年度春节晚会的朱“对社会有巨大的积极影响”。朱随后要求该女性及其在网上分享了此案信息的朋友在网上和国家级报纸上道歉，并赔偿65万5000元人民币（9万5260美元）以及支付此案的诉讼费用。作为回应，这位前实习生的朋友提出了她自己的针对朱的民事诉讼，理由是“侵犯人格权”。 8月，国家宗教事务管理局在其网上发布声明称，一项调查作出结论，北京郊区著名的龙泉寺方丈学诚通过短信对一些女弟子实施性骚扰。学诚是中国知名的和尚和作者之一，是中央政府一个有影响的政治顾问，负责中国佛教协会的工作。强迫计划生育：该年度中有强迫流产和绝育的报告，但没有强迫流产的官方统计数字与百分比。共产党限制父母选择生育子女数的权利，利用从省级到村级的计划生育单位来推行人口限制及分布。《人口与计划生育法》允许已婚夫妇生育两个孩子，并允许符合本地或本省相应规定条件的夫妇申请生育第三个孩子。国家媒体声称，近年来在宽松的法规之下，包括推行的二孩政策，强迫流产的数量已经有所减少。但是，违反法律的夫妇会受到巨额罚款，而只生一个孩子的夫妇则会获得一个证书，使他们每月得以获取奖励金及其他优惠；每个省的奖励额度从每月6到12元人民币（1-2美元）到3000元人民币（450美元）不等，给予贫困地区的农民或牧民。有些省份的夫妇需要得到批准并注册才能怀孕。据国际媒体报道，一名哈萨克妇女说，政府强迫她和其它新疆人将她们的第三个孩子堕胎。她说，警察于2017年12月进入她家，强迫她接受医疗检查，认定她已经怀孕6个星期。第二天当局命令她去堕胎。尽管她开始拒绝这样做，但是在他们威胁要将她弟弟送到再教育营之后，她服从了，可是当局在她堕胎后还是把她弟弟送去了再教育营。她的丈夫要求当局为失去的孩子作出补偿。在法律规定以及实际操作中，超出生育限制或违反规定的生育仍然会受到经济和行政处罚。实施的法律要求每个未经批准的孕妇做人工流产或者交付最高可达个人年度可支配收入10倍的社会抚养费。具体的罚金数量因省而异，大不相同。那些有经济能力的人往往会交付罚款，这样他们违规出生的孩子便可以得到广泛的社会服务和权利。有些家长为逃避罚款将违规出生的孩子藏在朋友或亲戚家中。在有大量流动工的地区，有关官员尤其注意流动妇女人口，以确保他们不会超过生育限制。但是一些省份的少数民族家庭可以生育更多孩子法律依旧表明，“公民有依照法律计划生育的义务”，还说“育龄夫妇自愿选择计划生育和避孕方法以避免和减少意外怀孕”。由于国家计划生育法只提到了已婚夫妇的权利，地方上对法规的实施并不一致，未婚人员避孕必须缴费。尽管《民事法》和《婚姻法》都规定，单身妇女的孩子与已婚夫妇的孩子们享有同样的权利，但事实上单身母亲和未婚同居者生的孩子被看作是“政策之外”的产物，需缴付社会抚养费，而且无法获得出生证和“户口”等法律文件。在孩子出生60天之内结婚的单身妇女可以避免这些惩罚。与往年一样，人口控制政策仍然依靠社会压力、教育、宣传和经济惩罚，也依靠诸如强制性孕检以及时有发生的强迫堕胎以及强迫结扎等手段。根据是否能够达到其行政区域规定的人口目标，各级官员会获得奖励或受到惩处。生育上限的提高，加上大部分人不希望有两个以上的孩子，要达到人口目标相对容易了，因而地方官员的压力也比以前大大减轻了。被发现违反计划生育政策而超生或帮助他人逃避国家控制的人会受到处罚，例如高额罚款或被开除。要求违反计划生育政策怀孕的妇女终止妊娠的规定在一些省份仍然存在并且在执行中，其中包括湖北、湖南和辽宁。其他的省份，例如贵州和云南，保留了要求采取“补救措施”（官方对于堕胎的委婉说法）的文字，以应对违规妊娠。尽管很多地方政府鼓励夫妇生育二胎，有三个或更多孩子的家庭仍然需要交付“社会抚养费”。在福建省福州市，一个区将拒绝交付社会抚养费的人放到一个“个人信用黑名单”上。这个黑名单会影响一个人申请贷款、乘坐公共交通、购物、孩子的教育以及参加旅游团的能力。法律要求计划生育委员会对已婚育龄妇女进行孕检，并向他们提供有关计划生育的基本知识和孕期服务。有些省份对没有定期按照国家规定做孕检的妇女罚款。在推行计划生育政策的过程中，如果负责计划生育的官员被发现侵犯了公民的人权或财产权、滥用权利、接受贿赂、挪用或侵占计划生育经费或者虚报计划生育统计数字，就会面临刑事指控或行政处分。强制堕胎并没有被专门列为被禁止的活动。法律还禁止医务人员提供非法手术、对胎儿做医学上不必要的超声波性别探查、性别选择性堕胎、虚假医学鉴定以及虚假的生育证明。根据法律，公民可以正式投诉越权实施计划生育政策的官员，其投诉会受到调查并得到及时的处理。歧视：宪法规定“妇女在所有方面享有与男子平等的权利”。法律赋予妇女平等的财产所有权、继承权、受教育机会以及同工同酬权利。但是，妇女们报告说，存在歧视、不公平解雇、降职和工资差别等严重问题。从事同样工作的妇女收入平均比男性少35%。在乡村地区这种工资差距更大。尽管女性参加工作的比例很高，但在领导岗位上任职的女性仍然很少。当局通常不能切实执行保护妇女权利的法律。法律专家认为，由于模糊的法律定义，提出性别歧视诉讼的难度很大。一些观察人士注意到，负责妇女权利保护的机构倾向于注重与产期有关的福利以及产假期间的不正当解雇问题，而不是性别歧视、对妇女的暴力侵害和性骚扰问题。有其他人士指出，全国妇联在新的反家庭暴力立法中扮演了积极的角色。妇女维权人士指出，在农村的离婚诉讼中，妇女往往会丧失土地和财产权利。农村土地承包法和其他保护妇女权益的法律规定，在土地管理方面妇女享有同等权利，但专家认为由于法律的复杂性和执行上的难度，实际情况很少如此。 10月，河北省唐山市的地方政府官员告知一名离婚妇女，她的土地所有权归入其前夫的户口。官员敦促她与前夫商讨如何分割土地，或者诉请地方法院分割这对离婚夫妇尚未划分的资产。出生登记：公民身份来自父母。父母必须在孩子出生后一个月内遵照全国户籍登记制度为其登记户口。没有户口的儿童无法获得公共服务，包括教育。教育：尽管法律规定儿童必须接受九年义务教育，但在经济落后的农村，许多儿童没有完成规定的教育年限，有些甚至从未上过学。虽然公立学校不准收学费，但由于地方与中央政府提供的经费不足，很多学校仍然收取各种杂费。这些费用以及上学需要的其他费用使贫困家庭和一些流动工人难以送子女上学。城乡青少年受教育的城乡差别仍然巨大，大多数外来务工人员的孩子只能在未获官方许可、设备条件差的学校就读。虐待儿童：对儿童进行身体虐待者可受到刑事起诉。《反家庭暴力法》也保护儿童。对儿童尤其是乡村儿童的性虐待是一个严重的问题。 10月，互联网上流传一个视频，据称是在中国东南地区的火车上有一名父亲在猥亵他的5岁女儿。视频显示，该男子让女孩坐在他的大腿上，不断掀开她的裙子，抚摸她的后背，并多次试图亲吻她的嘴。江西省南昌铁路警察作出结论，该父亲的行为不构成猥亵，因为这是父女关系，所以并不违法。这个发布在这个南昌的派出所微博上的说法引起了广泛的公众批评。童婚及强迫婚姻：法定最低结婚年龄为男性22周岁、女性20周岁。就所知信息而言，童婚不是一个问题。对儿童的性剥削：法律规定自愿性行为的最低年龄为14岁。强迫14岁以下幼女卖淫的人可被判处10年有期徒刑直至无期徒刑，并处以罚款或没收财产。对情节特别严重者，除没收财产外可判处无期徒刑或死刑。嫖宿14岁以下被迫卖淫的幼女者可被判处5年或以上有期徒刑，并处以罚款。包括儿童色情制品在内的所有色情制品都是非法的。《刑法》规定，以牟利为目的制作、复制、出版、贩卖、传播淫秽制品者，可处三年以下有期徒刑、刑事拘留或者管制，并处以罚款。情节严重者判处三到十年有期徒刑，并处以罚款。法律规定，向18岁以下未成年人播放或展示淫秽制品者会受到“严厉惩罚”。杀婴或杀害残疾婴儿：法律禁止杀害婴儿，不清楚这种做法是否仍在继续。残疾婴儿的父母通常会将孩子留在医院，主要原因是无法支付将来的医疗费用。基于性别而进行的堕胎以及遗弃或忽视女婴的情况据信在减少，但是在一些情况下仍然是个问题，主要原因是传统上对男孩的偏好以及计划生育政策。流浪儿童：在新疆，有大约80万到200万或更多的维吾尔人、哈萨克人及其他穆斯林人员被关押，导致很多儿童失去照管人。尽管很多这样的孩子有其他家庭愿意照看他们，政府开始将被拘押人士的孩子们送入孤儿院、寄宿学校，或“儿童福利指导中心”，在那里他们被迫呼喊爱国口号、学习汉语普通话，并回答有关他们父母宗教信仰和实际行动的问题。不清楚这样的儿童有多少，特别是因为很多这样的设施都接收孤儿和普通学生。政府政策的目标是为这些孩子提供由国家支持的照管，直到他们18岁。媒体报道显示，在2017和2018年，新建的孤儿院数量大大增加，用于收留家长被关入再教育营的成千上万的儿童。在和田，有些寄宿学校安装了铁丝网。福利院收容的儿童：7月，河南省新密市当局关闭了有合法执照的孤儿院“中美义务合作服务社（SANCS）慈善之家”，理由是按照《外国非政府组织参与法》，不再允许外国人参与非政府组织的活动。该孤儿院从1996年开始运行，由天主教会主持，拥有中外员工。被关闭时，该慈善之家收容了50个儿童，只有其中13个被确认有了新的家庭，其余的再次无家可归。跨国拐骗儿童：中国不是1980年《国际儿童拐骗民事问题海牙公约》的缔约国。请参见美国国务院的《国际父母掳拐儿童年报》，网址为：https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/International-Parental-Child-Abduction/for-providers/legal-reports-and-data.html 反犹太主义政府不承认犹太人的民族或宗教地位。该年度未见有反犹太主义行为的报告。人口贩运请参见美国国务院发布的《人口贩运问题报告》： www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/。残疾人法律保护残疾人的权利，禁止歧视。但是，在很多情况下残疾人的现实处境与法律要求相去甚远，政府对残疾人也没有提供获取意在帮助他们的项目的途径。法律规定，残疾人“在政治、经济、文化和社会领域中，在家庭生活和其他方面都享有与其他公民平等的权利”。禁止歧视、侮辱或侵犯残疾人士。法律禁止歧视有残疾的未成年人，并制定了一系列法律为青少年提供司法保护。据教育部报告，全国有2000余所专为残疾儿童设立的学校，但非政府组织的报告称，在2000万残疾儿童中，只有2%的孩子能够得到可以满足他们需求的教育。残疾人士接受高等教育也面临困难。大学常常不录取各方面合格但有残疾的考生。一项法规要求，必须给残疾学生参加高考提供特别照顾。成年残疾人失业仍然是一个严重问题，部分原因是对残疾人的歧视。法律规定地方政府必须为聘用残疾人的企业设立奖励机制。一些地方法规还规定，如果企业的残疾员工数量没能达到法定的最低比例，雇主要向全国残疾人基金缴款。《残疾人保障法》规定道路和建筑物应符合适于残疾人通行的标准，并要求“逐步”落实这些标准。但对该法律的执行非常有限。法律禁止患有某些精神疾病（如精神分裂症）的人结婚。如果医生发现一对夫妻有可能将先天缺陷遗传给孩子，这对夫妻只有在同意使用避孕措施或接受绝育手术的情况下才能结婚。在有些情况下，如果医生在产前检查中发现胎儿可能有残疾，官方仍会要求夫妻终止妊娠。法律规定地方政府必须采取这样的措施来提高非残疾儿童出生的比率。民族/种族/少数民族政府政策要求对获得承认的少数民族在计划生育、大学录取、申请贷款和就业等方面给予优惠待遇。然而少数民族政策的实质性内容及其实施仍然不足，歧视少数民族的现象仍旧普遍存在。政府的“汉化”运动造成了基于种族的行动限制，包括削弱维吾尔人自由旅行或取得旅行文件的能力；新疆当局加强了监控以及武装警察的布署；以及限制文化及宗教活动的法规。最近的2015年的政府人口普查显示，在新疆的正式居民中有950万（40%）是汉族人。维吾尔族、回族、哈萨克族、吉尔吉斯族和其他少数民族居民总共为1410万，占新疆总人口的60%。官方的统计数字少报了汉族人口，因为居住在准军事地区（兵团）的270多万汉族人和作为长期 “临时工”的汉族人都未被计算在内；按照新疆政府2015年的报告，这类人口比前一年增加了1.2%。政府鼓励汉人移居到少数民族地区的政策显著增加了新疆的汉族人口。汉族官员继续担任着少数民族自治地区的大部分权力最大的党的职务和许多政府职务，在新疆尤其如此。近几十年来在新疆急剧增长的汉族人口造成了维吾尔人的不满。据新华社报道，2017年新疆政府还实施了新的“去激进主义法规”，将“遏制和消除极端主义”的做法法律化。自2017年以来，对激进主义的宽泛定义造成了80万甚至可能超过200万的维吾尔人、哈萨克人和其它穆斯林人士被羁押在教育改造中心，或称再教育营。这种再教育营的目的是对被羁押人灌输爱国主义，消除他们的宗教和民族身份。被羁押人包括许多被命令回国的海外留学生或工人。国际媒体报道说，再教育营里的安全官员虐待、拷打并杀害了一些被羁押人。（见第1.a、1.b、1.c、1.d和2.d节。) 新疆官方加强了对政府认定的“三股邪恶势力”（即宗教极端主义、民族分裂主义和暴力恐怖主义）的打击力度，包括继续集中开展再教育运动。现任新疆党委书记陈全国是前西藏自治区的共产党领导人，将在西藏实行的政策照搬到新疆，增加了超过300%的安保预算，招募了9万零800个与安保有关的工作人员；那些措施被认为是在西藏有效地减少了反对共产党统治的情况。当局借口按照2016年新疆《反恐怖主义法》实施准则打一场“反恐怖主义的人民战争”，将监控手段升级，并加强了对旅行和民族以及宗教行为的限制。在再教育营以外，政府还严格限制表达少数民族文化、语言和宗教身份的行为，其中包括法规禁止诸如“不正常”的蓄须、在公共场所戴面纱以及突然戒除烟酒等，以及其他一些行为；政府认为这些行为是“极端主义”的标志。法规禁止在给孩子起名字的时候使用一些伊斯兰名字，教孩子宗教内容也会受到惩罚。当局实行“住户调查”和“落户”等措施，官员或志愿者强行入住维吾尔家庭并监视这些家庭中可能的“极端主义”迹象。 10月，新疆政府发布了新的“去激进主义法规”实施办法。法规的第17节称，县级政府“可以建立职业技能教育和培训中心以及其他类似的教育和改造机构以及管理系统，以便对受到激进主义影响的人进行教育和改造”。有些观察人员指出，尽管有这个新的地区法律，“再教育中心”仍然违反宪法。居住在边境地区和其他一些地区的少数民族受教育的机会比汉族人少，在就业方面与汉族移民相比也受到歧视，收入大大低于其他地区的水平。政府的发展项目和工作条款破坏了少数民族的传统生活方式，有时还包括强制性搬迁和强迫游牧民族定居。少数民族地区的汉人从政府项目和经济增长中受益的程度明显超过了少数民族。为了强调建设“和谐社会”、维持社会稳定，政府对种族歧视及针对少数民族的体制性歧视等问题轻描淡写，此类歧视仍然是新疆、内蒙古自治区、西藏自治区和其他藏区严重不满情绪的根源。法律规定，“以招收少数民族学生为主的学校(班和年级)和其他教育机构，在可能的情况下应当采用少数民族文字的课本，并用少数民族语言讲课”。尽管有保证这些文化和语言权利的条款，据国际媒体报道，在新疆普遍要求从幼儿园起全部使用普通话授课，并禁止在所有的教育活动和管理中使用维吾尔语。一些警方突袭、任意拘押和司法惩罚显然针对的是一些寻求和平表达其政治或宗教观点的团体或个人。拘押和惩罚扩展到了在互联网和社交媒体上表达意见，包括浏览、下载和传输被禁止的内容。有关官员继续以存在暴力威胁为借口对本地人、记者和来访的外国人采取极端的安全手段。据新华社报道，有关官员使用监视和面部识别软件、生物数据收集以及大数据等技术来建立一个新疆维吾尔人口数据库，目的是“预测、防范和制止社会动荡”。据官方媒体报道，安全部队经常在新疆各地举行有数千名武装警察参加的大规模阅兵。维吾尔人和其他宗教少数民族继续遭受长期监禁，有些人在未经正当程序的情况下被处决，罪名是分裂主义以及危害国家安全。有可靠消息来源称，政府在新疆建了一些新的监狱，目的是缓解已有设施的过度拥挤现象。国际媒体报道称，2016年和2017年，新疆地方政府公开招募了将近10万名安保人员。经济学家伊力哈木·土赫提仍在狱中；他于2014年因与分裂主义相关的罪名被判处无期徒刑。法律将在互联网上讨论分裂主义定性为刑事犯罪，并且禁止以任何方式利用互联网破坏民族团结。法律还禁止煽动民族分裂或“危害社会稳定”，要求互联网服务商和网络运营商建立监控系统来发现、报告并删除宗教内容，或强化现有监控系统，报告违法行为。据报道，当局在检查站以及在随机抽查维吾尔人住宅时查看手机内容，那些拥有所谓恐怖主义材料（包括具有一般宗教或文化意义的图像）的人会被逮捕并被控以刑事罪名。国际媒体报道称在警方设置的安全检查站，安全官员使用监控应用软件来下载和观看手机里的内容。据自由亚洲电台和其它国际媒体报道，中国的哈萨克族人也成为目标。8月，哈萨克族中国公民萨依拉古丽·萨吾提拜在哈萨克斯坦出庭作证，称她曾在一个关押了大约2500名哈萨克人的中心被强制劳动。她告诉法庭，她在再教育营受到“政治灌输”。哈萨克人还被禁止在中国和哈萨克斯坦之间自由来往，一些回到中国的人被关押到再教育营。中国政府给外国施加压力，要求遣返离开中国的维吾尔人或拒绝给他们发放签证，而被遣返的人回国后面临被监禁或虐待的危险。有些维吾尔人被遣返回中国后失踪。据国外媒体报道，在海外学习的维吾尔人的家人也受到压力，要他们说服学生回到中国，而回国的学生都遭到羁押或被迫参加再教育营。本年度，集会自由在新疆遭到严重限制。有关在新疆践踏宗教自由的信息，见国务院的《国际宗教自由报告》，网址是： www.state.gov/religiousfreedomreport/。关于西藏的具体信息，请见西藏附录。基于性取向和性别认同的暴力、歧视和其他虐待行为没有法律规定成年人私下发生自愿的同性性行为是犯罪。与其他接受海外资助的团体一样，为男女同性恋、双性恋、变性人和双性人（LGBTI）事务工作的活动人士和团体继续报告说，他们受到来自当局的歧视和骚扰。 LGBTI人士报告了暴力事件，包括家庭暴力；但他们在寻求法律赔偿时遇到困难，因为关于家庭暴力的法规以及《反家庭暴力法》都没有包括对同性关系的承认。赔偿的评估进一步受到社会歧视和传统规范的限制，这造成多数LGBTI人士避免公开讨论他们的性取向和性别认同。有关LGBTI的非政府组织报告说，尽管由于《外国非政府组织管理法》和《中国慈善法》，公共维权工作愈发困难，但他们仍然通过一些具体的反歧视案件在争取LBGTI权利方面取得了一些进展。 11月，国内和国际媒体报道，安徽省芜湖县法院因一位刘姓作家自己出版和销售一本描述同性性行为的色情小说而将其判处10年半徒刑。刘以笔名“天一”在2017年发表了她的小说《攻占》，在被当局查禁之前，她的书在热门的淘宝网站卖出了7000本。尽管制作和销售色情材料被严厉禁止，官方和社交媒体做出反应，将刘的刑期与对暴力罪犯判处的较短的刑期进行比较。刘对判决提出了上诉。在5月和6月，西南地区的当局干涉了几次庆祝LGBTI“骄傲月”的相关活动。有一次警方中断了一部电影的上映。在另一个事件中，他们对一个已经被预定的场所施压，让他们取消一个关于LGBTI获得医保的小组讨论。对艾滋病毒携带者和艾滋病患者的社会歧视对艾滋病毒携带者的歧视仍然是一个问题，影响到这些人的就业、教育以及住房机会，妨碍了他们获得医疗保健。在有些情况下，保护艾滋病毒携带者免受歧视的法律与限制他们权利的法律相互矛盾。本年度中，官方媒体报告说，一些艾滋病毒携带者或艾滋病患者因带有艾滋病毒而在住房、教育或就业等方面受到阻碍。 1月3日，海口的一所公立医院拒绝为一位他们确定携带艾滋病毒的患者做手术，并坚持把他转到另一家医院，称他们没有足够的消毒设备进行这种危险的手术。当地的非政府组织“红丝带”帮助这位病人找到了另一家医院。根据法律，公司不得要求进行艾滋病毒抗体检验，也不得因雇员携带艾滋病毒而将其解雇。4月28日，四川省的一名雇员在与雇主达成法律和解之后恢复了工作并得到赔偿。之前他因查出携带艾滋病毒而被解雇。其他社会暴力或社会歧视法律禁止针对传染病患者的歧视，并且允许这类人担任公职。尽管法律禁止歧视，但是在许多地区，歧视乙肝病毒携带者（包括2000万慢性乙肝病毒携带者）的现象在很多地区仍然非常普遍，地方政府有时也会试图限制他们的活动。尽管2010年的一项全国性规定禁止在招工、招生时强制进行乙肝病毒检测，很多企业仍然将检测乙肝病毒作为上岗前筛查的一部分。法律没有对就业方面常见的一些歧视类型作出规定，包括基于身高、外貌或民族的歧视。第七节劳工权利法律不保护结社自由，而且工人不能自由组织工会或加入自己选择的工会。独立工会是非法的，罢工权不受法律保护。中华全国总工会（简称“全总”）是仅有的一个得到法律承认的工会。独立的工会是非法的，法律不保护罢工的权利。法律允许各类企业的员工为薪酬进行集体谈判。法律还允许有行业性或地区性集体合同，全国各地的企业集体合同通常是强制性的。有关规章要求政府控制的工会在与管理层协商之前必须征求工人的意见，并将集体合同提交工人或其代表大会审批。雇主没有法律责任进行谈判或本着诚信原则讨价还价，有些雇主拒绝这么做。法律规定了保护，防止对官方批准的工会进行歧视，并且规定企业管理部门不得在工会代表的任期内将其调走或终止其工作。法律规定，因从事工会活动被解聘的工人必须复职，并且规定了对企业反工会活动的其他处罚。法律不保护在官方承认的工会之外独自向雇主提出要求或进行谈判的工人。在本年度报告的几起案件中，试图这样做的工人遭到报复，包括被迫辞职、解聘和关押。所有的工会活动必须由全总批准和组织。全总是中共的一个组织，由一名政治局委员任主席。全总及其省级和地方各级分支机构继续积极组建新的下属工会并增加新成员，特别是大型跨国企业里的外来务工人员。法律授予全总对其下属所有工会的财务和行政控制权。全总的下属工会可以代表职工与企业及事业单位进行协商并签订集体合同。法律没有要求全总在劳动争议中代表工人的利益。全总和中共通过多种机制来影响工会代表的挑选。虽然法律规定各级工会领导人必须通过选举产生，但全总下属的工会任命了大部分工厂层面的工会领导人，而且常常会与雇主协调产生。官方工会的领导人通常来自管理层。工人直接选举工会领导人的情况仍然罕见，仅仅发生于企业层面，并且受到上级工会或中共的监督。在直接选举工会领导人的企业中，全总地区官员和当地中共当局控制了对候选人的挑选和批准。即使在这些情况下，工人和非政府组织也对选举的公信力表示关切。法律没有明令禁止停工，而且也不禁止工人自发的罢工。尽管当局似乎对抗议拖欠工资和少付工资的罢工有较高的容忍度，在全年继续有警察镇压罢工的报告。例如，在5月27日，警察在安徽省六安镇压了一群要求根据1994年的《教师法》与当地公务员获得同等工资的教师。根据香港劳工权利非政府组织的《中国劳工通讯》记录，2015年到2017年之间的6694起罢工和集体抗议事件，有82%与工资问题有关。有时地方当局在对这种罢工的镇压中对罢工领袖控以模糊不清的刑事罪名，比如“寻衅滋事”、“聚众扰乱公共秩序”、“破坏生产”，或索性不提出任何指控即拘留他们。在罢工问题上，中华全国总工会的唯一法定角色是参加调查和协助人力资源及社会保障部解决纠纷。执行劳工法律通常不足以震慑普遍存在的违法行为。劳工检查员没有足够的授权和资源强迫雇主纠正违法行为。虽然法律规定了解决争议的一般性程序，但这些程序冗长且会被拖延。某些地区的地方当局着力限制独立民间团体和法律工作者的活动。有一些地区对调解未果而可以继续进行仲裁或者法庭审理的案件有非正式的限额。一些地方政府当局采取措施，增加调解或者仲裁。例如，3月6日茂名市中级法院和茂名市工会联合建立了劳工仲裁与和解协调办公室来协助更好的沟通并缓解纠纷。当地人大的一位官员称，日益增多的仲裁、冗长的诉讼和昂贵的官司成本无益于建立积极与和谐的劳资关系。虽然看起来有一个强有力的劳工运动，工会参加率也相对很高，但真正的结社自由和工人代表权并不存在。附属于全总的工会在代表和保护工人权益方面通常作用很小。工人通常不把全总当作自己权益的维权者，尤其是外来务工人员，他们与工会官员的接触微乎其微。《中国劳工通讯》报道了全国各地有工人举行自发性罢工、停工或其他抗议活动，并称工人们的行动表明全总无力防止违法行为和解决纠纷。媒体报道了一批在中国南方的工厂发生的抗议活动。政府在本年度逐渐加大了针对劳工活动人士、学生和其他维护工人权利的人士的行动。例如，从7月开始直到年底，政府拘押了数名工人、学生、非政府组织代表、律师和其他响应示威和网上帖子支持工人在佳士科技（Jasic Technology）建立工会的人士。佳士科技是深圳的一家生产工业焊接设备的工厂。据报工厂的工人试图针对低薪和恶劣工作条件建立一个工会。尽管这个工会的组织者据说得到了全总当地分支的一些信息和帮助来建立一个企业级别的工会，公司的管理部门最终选用管理方的代表作为工会的领导，建立了一个企业级别的工会，并解雇了试图建立工会的工人。据报在7月的工人抗议之后，主要组织者被殴打，引发了深圳和其他地方的抗议活动。广东的劳工活动人士、毛派组织乌有之乡、左派大学生和香港工会支持了这些抗议活动。据报深圳警方关押了大约30名工人和打工者工人中心的代表，他们被控与佳士的抗议有关。数名工人活动人士被指控为“聚众扰乱社会治安”。据报当局还突袭了“时代先锋”网站和设在北京的《红色参考》杂志社的办公室，并刑事拘留了一名《红色参考》的职员。8月24日，当局在广东、北京和国内其他地区拘押了数名工人和北京大学、人民大学和南京大学支持工人的学生。11月初，政府在北京、上海和深圳拘押了9名学生组织者和工厂工人，以及武汉的3名活动人士。政府还在11月拘押了2名深圳的地方“全总”官员。在12月，当局拘押并审问了其他的学生。尽管有对工人行动的限制，跨省的联合行动在其他几个部门也有发生。例如，5月1日，建筑业的起重机司机举行了一次遍及全国的罢工，组织者在许多城市要求增加工资，包括广西的玉林和崇左，以及福建的厦门。6月，卡车司机为停滞不涨的工资、高油价和任意罚款举行的抗议活动发生在山东、四川、重庆、安徽、贵州、江西、湖北、河南、浙江等省以及直辖市上海的不同地点。中央、省级和地方政府的联手行动包括骚扰、拘押和监禁劳工维权人士并限制其旅行，还限制非政府组织的资金来源，这些做法都干扰了劳工维权。劳工活动人士及1989年民主运动参与者刘少明仍然在关押中。广州中级人民法院于2017年因涉嫌“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”判处他四年半徒刑。法律禁止强迫或强制劳动。虽然国内媒体很少报道强迫劳动的案件和相关处罚，该法律规定了可酌情惩罚的范围，包括监禁、刑事拘留和罚款。这些惩罚是否足以威慑犯罪尚不清楚。当成人和儿童在私营部门被强迫劳动时，据报政府会执行该法律。尽管全国人大在2013年废除了劳改制度，即一个可不经司法审查任意行政拘留的体系，一些媒体和非政府组织报告说，强迫劳动继续在一些戒毒所中存在，其中有人未经司法程序而被拘押。有消息称，一些被关押在再教育营（见第6节）的人被强制劳动。12月一家媒体报道说，在一家新疆强制劳动营生产的服装被一家美国运动服装商进口。据报新疆和田地区的地方当局还强迫一些不在营地的维吾尔族妇女和儿童劳动。数起报道称，在小型作坊和工厂中患有精神残疾的人被强制劳动。另见美国国务院发布的《人口贩运问题报告》：www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/。法律禁止雇用16岁以下的儿童。16岁到18岁的工人称为“未成年工”，他们被禁止从事某些形式的危险工作，如采矿业工作。政府没有有效地执行该法律。法律具体规定，对于非法雇用童工的企业给予行政审查、罚款和吊销经营执照的处罚，并且规定一旦发现童工必须遣返原籍，交给父母或者监护人。对雇用16岁以下儿童从事危险劳动或过长工时的劳动的惩罚是判刑，但在立法与执法之间依然存在着明显的差距，尽管在全国每年都有地方当局开展的检查活动。尚不清楚惩罚是否足以威慑犯罪。在1月，两个法国的非政府组织对三星提出了法律诉讼，称该公司在中国的工厂雇用了童工并有其他的虐待行为。之前三星在东莞的供应商曾因雇用技术学校的童工而受到批评。滥用学生工制度的现象还在继续。如往年一样，有指控说学校和地方官员不适当地为使用学生工提供便利。例如，3月17日，桂林电工技校的学生家长向当局报告，有100多名实习生曾经作为学徒在一家空调机工厂的生产线工作。据报这些学生每天工作12小时，没有中间休息，没有工资，没有假期，也没有病假。3月30日，桂林市教育局对桂林电工技校发出了一份行政警告，责令该校从位于广东江门市的空调机厂召回所有的学生，并指示该校防止类似情况再次发生。法律为禁止基于民族、种族、性别、宗教信仰、残疾、年龄和传染病或职业病的就业歧视提供了法律保护的基础。政府没有有效地执行这些法律。执行条款包括通过法院寻求民事赔偿的权利。法院通常不愿受理歧视案件，各级当局强调通过协调解决劳动纠纷。因此，很少有执法行动导致最终法律裁决的案例。就业歧视普遍存在，包括在招募广告中基于性别、年龄、身高、出生地、外貌和健康状况的歧视（见第六节）。本年度内工作场所普遍存在对妇女的歧视。从事蓝领工作的女性的强制退休年龄为50岁，从事白领工作的女性为55岁，而所有男性的退休年龄是60岁。全国妇联2015年在高等学校进行的一项调查表明，80%的女毕业生报告在招工过程中遭受了歧视。歧视的案例包括招工广告中征求漂亮女性、优先雇用男性或者对同样的职位要求女性有比男性更高的学历。调查结果显示女性较少有机会接到面试或第二轮面试的邀请。在一些面试中女性被问到她们是否有孩子、有几个孩子以及是否有计划要孩子，如果她们已经有了孩子，是否会要更多的孩子。在3月5日，广州美赞臣（Mead Johnson）营养品集团的前销售经理袁女士因妊娠歧视对她的前雇主提出了法律诉讼。她在2016年9月的产假期间前往休斯顿生子，之后美赞臣因旷工将她开除。该公司还拒绝承认医院的医疗记录，称雇员仅应利用产假来治疗妊娠过程中发生的病情。户口制度仍然是最普遍的就业歧视的一种形式。它使外来务工人员不能得到与当地居民同等的全面社会福利，包括医疗保健、养老金和残疾福利等。没有全国通行的最低工资标准，但是法律一般要求地方和省级政府依据人力资源和社会保障部设立的标准制定本地区正式或非正式部门中的最低工资。根据法律，限制雇员每天工作8小时，每周工作40小时；超过这个标准的工作属于加班。法律还禁止每天加班超过3小时或每月加班时间超过36小时，并且规定加班必须付超过正常工资的加班费。在本年度政府建立了一个新的应急管理部，该部纳入了前国家安全生产监督管理总局的一部分，负责制定并执行职业健康和安全规章。法律要求雇主对在危险条件下工作的雇员提供免费健康检查并将结果告知他们。法律还规定，工人有权报告可能危及其健康的违法现象或离开此类工作场所，而不应当有因此被解雇的风险。法规声明，县级和县以上的劳动和社会保障部门负责劳动法的执法工作。违反职业、安全与卫生法规的公司面临多种处罚，包括停止营业或吊销商业证书和营业执照。政府没有有效地执行该法律。惩罚措施不足以威慑违规行为而且鲜有执行。监察员的数量不足以监视工作条件，而且其检查范围不涉及非正式经济部门。尽管国内工人的安全记录在过去的7年中有改善，本年度还是有一些工作场所发生事故。媒体和非政府组织将事故的原因归于缺乏安全检查、对法律法规执行不力、低效的监督和应急反应机制不足。拖欠工资在许多地区仍然是一个问题。各级政府继续努力防止拖欠并追回未付的工资和社保费。数十年以来，由于普遍雇用分包的低薪流动工人，拖欠工资一直是建筑业的一个严重问题。这种非正式的招工体系使得农民工容易被拖欠工资，促使他们参加讨薪行动。工人们有时采取激烈措施讨薪。在7月，人力资源和社会保障部称他们在上半年帮助100多万工人追回了总共108.8亿元人民币（16.2亿美元）的欠薪。例如，据广州法院报告，该市各个法院从2015年到2017年审理了111起拖欠工资纠纷的刑事案件，涉及4880名受害者和3062万元人民币（440万美元）的薪金。法院报告说，有116人因恶意拒绝支付其雇员的工资而被判罪。公司仍然会在搬迁或关闭前的很短时间内发出通知，这经常使职工无法追索应得的报酬。非正式经济部门的工人常常缺乏劳动合同所涵盖的保障；即使有合同，特别是外来务工人员，也比较难以获得福利，尤其是社保福利。非正式经济部门的工人工作时间较长，却比正式经济部门的工人得到更少的工资。在6月，数个城市的卡车司机对停滞不涨的的工资和恶劣的工作条件发起了抗议（见第七.a.节）。应急管理部在7月通报工伤事故数量有所降低，但没有提供具体的数字。该部还报告称，尽管事故和死亡率在多数部门都降低了，但从2016年以来这个比率在建筑业逐步上升，使它成为过去9年所有工商部门中事故和死亡率最高的部门。在1月、5月和7月，媒体报道了100多名患尘肺病的前建筑工人三次从湖南前往深圳为长期拖欠的工伤补助金请愿。他们是1990年代在该城市工作时染上尘肺病的。据本年度发表的官方文件，职业病普遍存在。病人来自许多行业，包括煤矿、化学工程和有色金属部门。尽管在本年度报道的煤矿事故较少，煤矿工业的死亡人数仍然很多。据应急管理部统计，在2017年发生了219起煤矿事故，造成375人死亡，过去两年分别下降了12%和28.7%。在5月9日，有5个人在湖南省中部一座煤矿的瓦斯爆炸中死亡。8月6日，贵州省一座煤矿的瓦斯爆炸造成了13名矿工的死亡。在10月，山东的一座煤矿塌方，导致21人死亡。工作事故也仍然在其他产业中普遍存在。例如6月5日，在辽宁省一座铁矿的爆炸中，11人丧生，9人受伤。8月12日，四川省的一所化工厂发生爆炸，造成19人丧生和12人受伤。	The People’s Republic of China (PRC) is an authoritarian state in which the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is the paramount authority. CCP members hold almost all top government and security apparatus positions. Ultimate authority rests with the CCP Central Committee’s 25-member Political Bureau (Politburo) and its seven-member Standing Committee. Xi Jinping continued to hold the three most powerful positions as CCP general secretary, state president, and chairman of the Central Military Commission. Civilian authorities maintained control of security forces. During the year the government significantly intensified its campaign of mass detention of members of Muslim minority groups in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (Xinjiang). Authorities were reported to have arbitrarily detained 800,000 to possibly more than two million Uighurs, ethnic Kazakhs, and other Muslims in internment camps designed to erase religious and ethnic identities. Government officials claimed the camps were needed to combat terrorism, separatism, and extremism. International media, human rights organizations, and former detainees reported security officials in the camps abused, tortured, and killed some detainees. Human rights issues included arbitrary or unlawful killings by the government; forced disappearances by the government; torture by the government; arbitrary detention by the government; harsh and life-threatening prison and detention conditions; political prisoners; arbitrary interference with privacy; physical attacks on and criminal prosecution of journalists, lawyers, writers, bloggers, dissidents, petitioners, and others as well as their family members; censorship and site blocking; interference with the rights of peaceful assembly and freedom of association, including overly restrictive laws that apply to foreign and domestic nongovernmental organizations (NGOs); severe restrictions of religious freedom; significant restrictions on freedom of movement (for travel within the country and overseas); refoulement of asylum seekers to North Korea, where they have a well-founded fear of persecution; the inability of citizens to choose their government; corruption; a coercive birth-limitation policy that in some cases included sterilization or abortions; trafficking in persons; and severe restrictions on labor rights, including a ban on workers organizing or joining unions of their own choosing. Official repression of the freedoms of speech, religion, movement, association, and assembly of Tibetans in the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) and other Tibetan areas and of Uighurs and other ethnic and religious minorities in Xinjiang worsened and was more severe than in other areas of the country. Authorities prosecuted a number of abuses of power through the court system, particularly with regard to corruption, but in most cases the CCP first investigated and punished officials using opaque internal party disciplinary procedures. The CCP continued to dominate the judiciary and controlled the appointment of all judges and in certain cases directly dictated the court’s ruling. Authorities harassed, detained, and arrested citizens who promoted independent efforts to combat abuses of power. There were numerous reports that the government or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings. In many instances few or no details were available. There were reports Shanghai police shot and killed Ju Hailiang on April 13, while he was protesting a decision to demolish his home. Police reportedly also injured Ju’s sister and his nephew. Authorities charged Ju’s sister, her husband, and their son with “endangering public safety.” His sister and her husband were also charged with “disorderly behavior” for throwing bricks and rocks at the police. In Xinjiang there were reports of custodial deaths related to detentions in the expanding internment camps. Some of these deaths occurred before 2018 and were reported only after detainees escaped to other countries. Abdulreshit Seley Hajim, a Uighur businessperson, died in May or June while being held in an internment camp. According to those interviewed by Radio Free Asia, he died from strikes to the head with a blunt object. Although legal reforms in recent years decreased the use of the death penalty and improved the review process, authorities executed some defendants in criminal proceedings following convictions that lacked due process and adequate channels for appeal. There were multiple reports authorities detained individuals and held them at undisclosed locations for extended periods. The government conducted mass arbitrary detention of Uighurs, ethnic Kazakhs, and other Muslims in Xinjiang. China Human Rights Defenders reported these detentions amounted to enforced disappearance, as families were not given information about the length or location of the detention. Human rights lawyer Gao Zhisheng, who went missing in 2017, remained missing throughout 2018. In September 2017 Radio Free Asia reported Gao’s family said they were told he was in police custody at an undisclosed location, although authorities did not release any details surrounding his detention. In November award-winning Chinese documentary photographer Lu Guang disappeared after traveling to Xinjiang to lead a photography workshop. Authorities did not respond to requests by Lu’s wife and international advocacy organizations to account for Lu’s status and whereabouts. Lawyer Wang Quanzhang was reported alive in the Tianjin Detention Center in July after being held in incommunicado detention for more than three years. Wang had a closed court hearing on the charges against him on December 26. Authorities detained Wang in the July 2015 “709” roundup of more than 300 human rights lawyers and legal associates. The government still had not provided a comprehensive, credible accounting of all those killed, missing, or detained in connection with the violent suppression of the 1989 Tiananmen demonstrations. Many activists who were involved in the 1989 demonstrations and their family members continued to suffer official harassment. The government made no efforts to prevent, investigate, or punish such acts. The law prohibits the physical abuse and mistreatment of detainees and forbids prison guards from coercing confessions, insulting prisoners’ dignity, and beating or encouraging others to beat prisoners. Amendments to the criminal procedure law exclude evidence obtained through illegal means, including coerced confessions, in certain categories of criminal cases. Enforcement of these legal protections continued to be lax. Numerous former prisoners and detainees reported they were beaten, raped, subjected to electric shock, forced to sit on stools for hours on end, hung by the wrists, deprived of sleep, force fed, forced to take medication against their will, and otherwise subjected to physical and psychological abuse. Although prison authorities abused ordinary prisoners, they reportedly singled out political and religious dissidents for particularly harsh treatment. Many human rights advocates expressed concern that lawyers, law associates, and activists detained in the “709” crackdown continued to suffer various forms of torture, abuse, or degrading treatment, similar to the 2017 reports of authorities’ treatment of Wu Gan, Li Chunfu, Xie Yang, and Jiang Tianyong. In September, according to Radio Free Asia, Huang Qi, founder and director of 64 Tianwang Human Rights Center, sustained injuries from multiple interrogation sessions. Huang was detained in the city of Mianyang, Sichuan Province, in 2016 for “illegally supplying state secrets overseas.” Multiple contacts reported detention officials deprived Huang of sleep and timely access to medical treatment in an attempt to force Huang to confess. In October prosecutors brought more charges against Huang, including “leaking national secrets.” The Mianyang Intermediate People’s Court had not set a new trial date for Huang since its sudden cancellation of his scheduled trial in June. Huang’s mother, Pu Wenqing, petitioned central authorities in October to release him because she believed her son was mistreated. She had not been able to see him in two years. Pu disappeared on December 7 after plainclothes security personnel detained her at the Beijing train station. Members of the minority Uighur ethnic group reported systematic torture and other degrading treatment by law enforcement officers and officials working within the penal system and the internment camps. Survivors stated authorities subjected individuals in custody to electrocution, waterboarding, beatings, stress positions, injection of unknown substances, and cold cells (see section 6, National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities). Practitioners of the banned Falun Gong spiritual movement and members of the Church of Almighty God also reported systematic torture in custody. The treatment and abuse of detainees under the new liuzhi detention system, which operates outside the judicial system to investigate corruption, retained many characteristics of the previous shuanggui system, such as extended solitary confinement, sleep deprivation, beatings, and forced standing or sitting in uncomfortable positions for hours and sometimes days, according to press reports and an NGO report released in August (see section 4). The law states psychiatric treatment and hospitalization should be “on a voluntary basis,” but the law also allows authorities and family members to commit persons to psychiatric facilities against their will and fails to provide meaningful legal protections for persons sent to psychiatric facilities. The law does not provide for the right to a lawyer and restricts a person’s right to communicate with those outside the psychiatric institution. According to the Legal Daily (a state-owned newspaper covering legal affairs), the Ministry of Public Security directly administered 23 high-security psychiatric hospitals for the criminally insane. While many of those committed to mental health facilities were convicted of murder and other violent crimes, there were also reports of activists, religious or spiritual adherents, and petitioners involuntarily subjected to psychiatric treatment for political reasons. Public security officials may commit individuals to psychiatric facilities and force treatment for “conditions” that have no basis in psychiatry. In February, according to Civil Rights and Livelihood Watch, a human rights oriented website, local security officers sent Chongqing dissident Liu Gang to a psychiatric hospital for the seventh time. Since 2004 Liu often criticized the Chinese Communist Party, and authorities regularly detained him on the charge of “disturbing public order.” Some activists and organizations continue to accuse the government of involuntarily harvesting organs from prisoners of conscience, especially members of Falun Gong. The government denied the claims, having officially ended the long-standing practice of involuntarily harvesting the organs of executed prisoners for use in transplants in 2015. Conditions in penal institutions for both political prisoners and criminal offenders were generally harsh and often life threatening or degrading. Physical Conditions: Authorities regularly held prisoners and detainees in overcrowded conditions with poor sanitation. Food often was inadequate and of poor quality, and many detainees relied on supplemental food, medicines, and warm clothing provided by relatives when allowed to receive them. Prisoners often reported sleeping on the floor because there were no beds or bedding. In many cases provisions for sanitation, ventilation, heating, lighting, and access to potable water were inadequate. Adequate, timely medical care for prisoners remained a serious problem, despite official assurances prisoners have the right to prompt medical treatment. Prison authorities at times withheld medical treatment from political prisoners. In May Guangdong government officials sent Xu Lin, a songwriter first detained in September 2017 for singing about the late Nobel Peace Prize Laureate and political prisoner Liu Xiaobo, to Guangzhou Armed Police Hospital with a medical emergency. Detention center authorities told Xu’s wife he was ill due to food he ate in detention. In June Xu Lin was diagnosed with “breast hyperplasia,” an enlargement of breast tissue that often occurs in the early stages of cancer. Authorities denied a request by Xu’s wife and lawyer for his release on medical bail. Xu’s wife maintained Xu Lin did not have any health problems before being detained. Political prisoners were sometimes held with the general prison population and reported being beaten by other prisoners at the instigation of guards. Some reported being held in the same cells as death row inmates. In some cases authorities did not allow dissidents to receive supplemental food, medicine, and warm clothing from relatives. Conditions in administrative detention facilities were similar to those in prisons. Deaths from beatings occurred in administrative detention facilities. Detainees reported beatings, sexual assaults, lack of proper food, and limited or no access to medical care. In Xinjiang authorities constructed new internment camps for Uighurs, ethnic Kazakhs, and other Muslims. In some cases authorities used repurposed schools, factories, and prisons. According to Human Rights Watch, these camps focused on “military-style discipline and pervasive political indoctrination of the detainees.” Available information was limited, but some reports described the withholding of food as punishment for those who could not learn Chinese phrases and songs. Mihrigul Tursun, a Uighur woman from Xinjiang, recounted to media in October how Chinese authorities arbitrarily detained her multiple times after she returned to Xinjiang in 2015. Tursun reported nine deaths in her cell, an underground, windowless room that held 68 women, occurred during her detention in 2018. Administration: The law states letters from a prisoner to higher authorities of the prison or to the judicial organs shall be free from examination; it was unclear to what extent the law was implemented. While authorities occasionally investigated credible allegations of inhumane conditions, their results were not documented in a publicly accessible manner. Authorities denied many prisoners and detainees reasonable access to visitors and correspondence with family members. Some family members did not know the whereabouts of their relatives in custody. Authorities also prevented many prisoners and detainees from engaging in religious practices or gaining access to religious materials. Independent Monitoring: Authorities considered information about prisons and various other types of administrative and extralegal detention facilities to be a state secret, and the government typically did not permit independent monitoring. Arbitrary arrest and detention remained serious problems. The law grants public security officers broad administrative detention powers and the ability to detain individuals for extended periods without formal arrest or criminal charges. Throughout the year lawyers, human rights activists, journalists, religious leaders and adherents, and former political prisoners and their family members continued to be targeted for arbitrary detention or arrest. The law provides for the right of any person to challenge the lawfulness of his or her arrest or detention in court, but the government generally did not observe this requirement. The main domestic security agencies include the Ministry of State Security, the Ministry of Public Security, and the People’s Armed Police. The People’s Armed Police is under the dual authority of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party and the Central Military Commission. The People’s Liberation Army is primarily responsible for external security but also has some domestic security responsibilities. Local jurisdictions also frequently used civilian municipal security forces, known as “urban management” officials, to enforce administrative measures. Oversight of these forces was localized and ad hoc. By law, officials can be criminally prosecuted for abuses of power, but, outside of anticorruption cases, such cases were rarely pursued. The Ministry of Public Security coordinates the civilian police force, which is organized into specialized agencies and local, county, and provincial jurisdictions. Procuratorate oversight of the public security forces was limited. Corruption at every level was widespread. Public security and urban management officials engaged in extrajudicial detention, extortion, and assault. By regulation, state officers in prisons face dismissal if found to have beaten, applied corporal punishment to, or abused inmates, or to have instigated such acts, but there were no reports these regulations were enforced. While civilian authorities maintained effective control of the security forces, in the absence of reliable data, it was difficult to ascertain the full extent of impunity for the domestic security apparatus. Anecdotal accounts of abuse were common on social media and appeared in state media reports as well. Authorities often announced investigations following cases of reported killings by police. It remained unclear, however, whether these investigations resulted in findings of police malfeasance or disciplinary action. There were few known government actions to increase respect for human rights by the security forces. On April 28, police in Shanwei, Guangdong, arrested a security official for administering extrajudicial punishment, illegal detention, and illegal use of police equipment. On April 24, the security official caught a teenager who tried to steal money from a nearby Taoist temple, handcuffed him to a flagpole, beat and tortured him with a police electric shock baton, filmed the process, and uploaded it to social media. Criminal detention beyond 37 days requires approval of a formal arrest by the procuratorate, but in cases pertaining to “national security, terrorism, and major bribery,” the law permits up to six months of incommunicado detention without formal arrest. After formally arresting a suspect, public security authorities are authorized to detain a suspect for up to an additional seven months while the case is investigated. After the completion of an investigation, the procuratorate can detain a suspect an additional 45 days while determining whether to file criminal charges. If charges are filed, authorities can detain a suspect for an additional 45 days before beginning judicial proceedings. Public security officials sometimes detained persons beyond the period allowed by law, and pretrial detention periods of a year or longer were common. The law stipulates detainees be allowed to meet with defense counsel before criminal charges are filed. The criminal procedure law requires a court to provide a lawyer to a defendant who has not already retained one; is blind, deaf, mute, or mentally ill; is a minor; or faces a life sentence or the death penalty. This law applies whether or not the defendant is indigent. Courts may also provide lawyers to other criminal defendants who cannot afford them, although courts often did not do so. Lawyers reported significant difficulties meeting their clients in detention centers, especially in cases considered politically sensitive. Criminal defendants are entitled to apply for bail (also translated as “a guarantor pending trial”) while awaiting trial, but the system did not appear to operate effectively, and authorities released few suspects on bail. The law requires notification of family members within 24 hours of detention, but authorities often held individuals without providing such notification for significantly longer periods, especially in politically sensitive cases. In some cases notification did not occur. Under a sweeping exception, officials are not required to provide notification if doing so would “hinder the investigation” of a case. The revised criminal procedure law limits this exception to cases involving state security or terrorism, but public security officials have broad discretion to interpret these provisions. Under certain circumstances the law allows for residential surveillance in the detainee’s home, rather than detention in a formal facility. With the approval of the next-higher-level authorities, officials also may place a suspect under “residential surveillance at a designated location” (RSDL) for up to six months when they suspect crimes of endangering state security, terrorism, or serious bribery and believe surveillance at the suspect’s home would impede the investigation. Authorities may also prevent defense lawyers from meeting with suspects in these categories of cases. Human rights organizations and detainees reported the practice of RSDL left detainees at a high risk for torture since being neither at home nor in a monitored detention facility reduced opportunities for oversight of detainee treatment and mechanisms for appeal. Authorities used administrative detention to intimidate political and religious advocates and to prevent public demonstrations. Forms of administrative detention included compulsory drug rehabilitation treatment (for drug users), “custody and training” (for minor criminal offenders), and “legal education” centers for political activists and religious adherents, particularly Falun Gong practitioners. The maximum stay in compulsory drug rehabilitation centers is two years, including commonly a six-month stay in a detoxification center. Arbitrary Arrest: Authorities detained or arrested persons on allegations of revealing state secrets, subversion, and other crimes as a means to suppress political dissent and public advocacy. These charges–including what constitutes a state secret–remained ill defined, and any piece of information could be retroactively designated a state secret. Authorities also used the vaguely worded charges of “picking quarrels and provoking trouble” broadly against many civil rights advocates. It remained unclear what this term means. Authorities also detained citizens and foreigners under broad and ambiguous state secret laws for, among other actions, disclosing information on criminal trials, commercial activity, and government activity. A counterespionage law grants authorities the power to require individuals and organizations to cease any activities deemed a threat to national security. Failure to comply could result in seizure of property and assets. There were multiple reports authorities arrested or detained lawyers, religious leaders or adherents, petitioners, and other rights advocates for lengthy periods, only to have the charges later dismissed for lack of evidence. Authorities subjected many of these citizens to extralegal house arrest, denial of travel rights, or administrative detention in different types of extralegal detention facilities, including “black jails.” In some cases public security officials put pressure on schools not to allow the children of prominent political detainees to enroll. Conditions faced by those under house arrest varied but sometimes included isolation in their homes under guard by security agents. Security officials were frequently stationed inside the homes. Authorities placed many citizens under house arrest during sensitive times, such as during the visits of senior foreign government officials, annual plenary sessions of the National People’s Congress (NPC), the anniversary of the Tiananmen massacre, and sensitive anniversaries in Tibetan areas and Xinjiang. Security agents took some of those not placed under house arrest to remote areas on so-called forced vacations. Swedish bookseller and Hong Kong resident Gui Minhai, who went missing from Thailand in 2015 and was released by Chinese authorities in October 2017, was detained again by Chinese authorities in late January while traveling on a train. The Chinese government issued a statement on February 12 stating Gui had violated Chinese law, and his case would be dealt with in accordance with Chinese law. The press reported Gui remained in detention, although his whereabouts were unclear. In July authorities released Liu Xia, widow of Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Liu Xiaobo, from eight years of home confinement. Authorities had held Liu Xia without a criminal charge or a judicial proceeding against her. Liu Xia suffered deteriorating physical and emotional health, according to those who could communicate with her. Liu Xia’s brother Liu Hui remained in the country on medical parole related to his 11-year sentence for a 2013 fraud conviction. Human rights advocates argued the government was holding Liu Hui as a hostage to restrict Liu Xia from publicly criticizing authorities. According to media reports, officials had detained Bishop “Peter” Shao Zhumin, the leader of the underground Catholic Church in Wenzhou, Zhejiang, five times since he was ordained in 2016. Shao spent more than seven months in custody from May 2017 to January 2018. Authorities sent Shao to Qinghai for “re-education” during some of his previous detentions for refusing to join the state-sponsored Chinese Catholic Patriotic Association. Pretrial Detention: Pretrial detention could last longer than one year. Defendants in “sensitive cases” reported being subjected to prolonged pretrial detention. Authorities held many of the “709” detainees in pretrial detention for more than a year without access to their families or their lawyers. Statistics were not published or made publicly available, but lengthy pretrial detentions were especially common in cases of political prisoners. On June 29, the Tiexi District Court in Shenyang sentenced human rights advocate Lin Mingjie, after two years of pretrial detention, for assembling a group of demonstrators in front of the Ministry of Public Security in Beijing to protest Shenyang Public Security Bureau Director Xu Wenyou’s abuse of power in 2016. Lin was sentenced to two years and six months in prison, including time served. Although the law states the courts shall exercise judicial power independently, without interference from administrative organs, social organizations, and individuals, the judiciary did not exercise judicial power independently. Judges regularly received political guidance on pending cases, including instructions on how to rule, from both the government and the CCP, particularly in politically sensitive cases. The CCP Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission has the authority to review and direct court operations at all levels of the judiciary. All judicial and procuratorate appointments require approval by the CCP Organization Department. Corruption often influenced court decisions, since safeguards against judicial corruption were vague and poorly enforced. Local governments appointed and paid local court judges and, as a result, often exerted influence over the rulings of those judges. A CCP-controlled committee decided most major cases, and the duty of trial and appellate court judges was to craft a legal justification for the committee’s decision. Courts are not authorized to rule on the constitutionality of legislation. The law permits organizations or individuals to question the constitutionality of laws and regulations, but a constitutional challenge may be directed only to the promulgating legislative body. Lawyers had little or no opportunity to rely on constitutional claims in litigation. In March lawyers and others received central government instructions to avoid discussion of the constitutionality of the constitutional amendments that removed term limits for the president and vice president. Media sources indicated public security authorities used televised confessions of lawyers, foreign and domestic bloggers, journalists, and business executives in an attempt to establish guilt before their criminal trial proceedings began. In some cases, these confessions were likely a precondition for release. NGOs asserted such statements were likely coerced, perhaps by torture, and some detainees who confessed recanted upon release and confirmed their confessions had been coerced. No provision in the law allows the pretrial broadcast of confessions by criminal suspects. Jiang Tianyong remained in prison following his 2017 conviction for inciting state subversion in Changsha, Hunan. A court sentenced him to two years in prison. The case against him was based on his interviews with foreign journalists and his publishing of articles on the internet, actions that, outside the country, were widely seen as normal for someone in his profession. Authorities prevented Jiang from selecting his own attorney to represent him at a trial that multiple analysts viewed as neither impartial nor fair. “Judicial independence” remained one of the reportedly off-limit subjects the CCP ordered university professors not to discuss (see section 2.a., Academic Freedom and Cultural Events). Although the amended criminal procedure law reaffirms the presumption of innocence, the criminal justice system remained biased toward a presumption of guilt, especially in high profile or politically sensitive cases. Courts often punished defendants who refused to acknowledge guilt with harsher sentences than those who confessed. The appeals process rarely reversed convictions, and it failed to provide sufficient avenues for review; remedies for violations of defendants’ rights were inadequate. Regulations of the Supreme People’s Court require trials to be open to the public, with the exception of cases involving state secrets, privacy issues, minors, or, on the application of a party to the proceedings, commercial secrets. Authorities used the state secrets provision to keep politically sensitive proceedings closed to the public, sometimes even to family members, and to withhold a defendant’s access to defense counsel. Court regulations state foreigners with valid identification should be allowed to observe trials under the same criteria as citizens, but foreigners were permitted to attend court proceedings only by invitation. As in past years, authorities barred foreign diplomats and journalists from attending a number of trials. In some instances authorities reclassified trials as “state secrets” cases or otherwise closed them to the public. The Open Trial Network (Tingshen Wang), a government-run website, broadcast trials online; the majority were civil trials. Regulations require the release of court judgments online and stipulate court officials should release judgments, with the exception of those involving state secrets and juvenile suspects, within seven days of their adoption. Courts did not post all judgments. They had wide discretion not to post if they found posting the judgment could be considered “inappropriate.” Many political cases did not have judgments posted. The Dui Hua Foundation observed a reduction in the number of judgments posted online. Individuals facing administrative detention do not have the right to seek legal counsel. Criminal defendants are eligible for legal assistance, although the vast majority of criminal defendants went to trial without a lawyer. Lawyers are required to be members of the CCP-controlled All China Lawyers Association, and the Ministry of Justice requires all lawyers to pledge their loyalty to the leadership of the CCP upon issuance or annual renewal of their license to practice law. The CCP continued to require law firms with three or more party members to form a CCP unit within the firm. Despite the government’s stated efforts to improve lawyers’ access to their clients, in 2017 the head of the All China Lawyers Association told China Youth Daily defense attorneys had taken part in less than 30 percent of criminal cases. In particular, human rights lawyers reported authorities did not permit them to defend certain clients effectively or threatened them with punishment if they chose to do so. Some lawyers declined to represent defendants in politically sensitive cases, and such defendants frequently found it difficult to find an attorney. In some instances authorities prevented attorneys selected by defendants from taking the case and appointed an attorney to the case instead. On January 18, the Guangdong Provincial Justice Department summoned prominent Guangzhou rights attorney Fu Ailing after visiting her client Zhan Huidong at the Xinhui Detention Center in Jiangmen municipality. Justice department officials repeatedly questioned her about who contacted her for legal assistance and who employed her as Zhan’s defense attorney. Zhan Huidong was a prodemocracy activist who attended a memorial event for Liu Xiaobo. The government suspended or revoked the business licenses or law licenses of some lawyers who took on sensitive cases, such as defending prodemocracy dissidents, house-church activists, Falun Gong practitioners, or government critics. Authorities used the annual licensing review process administered by the All China Lawyers Association to withhold or delay the renewal of professional lawyers’ licenses. Other government tactics to intimidate or otherwise pressure human rights lawyers included unlawful detentions, vague “investigations” of legal offices, disbarment, harassment and physical intimidation, and denial of access to evidence and to clients. In February a number of Chinese lawyers wrote an open letter protesting the government’s harassment of lawyers who took on human rights cases. In January the Guangdong Provincial Justice Department revoked the law license for high-profile human rights lawyer Sui Muqing. In April he requested administrative review of the department’s decision to revoke his license, but he had not received a response as of August. Lawyers who take on politically sensitive cases often become targets of harassment and detention themselves. Beijing-based lawyer Li Yuhan, who defended human rights lawyers during the “709” crackdown, remained in custody in Shenyang without formal trial proceedings, other than “pretrial meetings” in July and October. Authorities initially detained Li in October 2017. In 2015 the National People’s Congress’s Standing Committee amended legislation concerning the legal profession. The amendments criminalize attorneys’ actions that “insult, defame, or threaten judicial officers,” “do not heed the court’s admonition,” or “severely disrupt courtroom order.” The changes also criminalize disclosing client or case information to media outlets or using protests, media, or other means to influence court decisions. Violators face fines and up to three years in prison. Regulations adopted in 2015 also state detention center officials should either allow defense attorneys to meet suspects or defendants or explain why the meeting cannot be arranged at that time. The regulations specify that a meeting should be arranged within 48 hours. Procuratorates and courts should allow defense attorneys to access and read case files within three working days. The time and frequency of opportunities available for defense attorneys to read case files shall not be limited, according to the guidelines. In some sensitive cases, lawyers had no pretrial access to their clients and limited time to review evidence, and defendants and lawyers were not allowed to communicate with one another during trials. In contravention of the law, criminal defendants frequently were not assigned an attorney until a case was brought to court. The law stipulates the spoken and written language of criminal proceedings shall be conducted in the language common to the specific locality, with government interpreters providing language services for defendants not proficient in the local language. Sources noted trials were predominantly conducted in Mandarin Chinese, even in minority areas, with interpreters provided for defendants who did not speak the language. Mechanisms allowing defendants to confront their accusers were inadequate. Only a small percentage of trials reportedly involved witnesses. Judges retained significant discretion over whether live witness testimony was required or even allowed. In most criminal trials, prosecutors read witness statements, which neither the defendants nor their lawyers had an opportunity to rebut through cross-examination. Although the law states pretrial witness statements cannot serve as the sole basis for conviction, prosecutors relied heavily on such statements. Defense attorneys had no authority to compel witnesses to testify or to mandate discovery, although they could apply for access to government-held evidence relevant to their case. Zhuhai city authorities in Guangdong Province denied permission for prominent anticensorship campaigner Zhen Jianghua to meet with his lawyer, Ren Quanniu, on “national security” grounds. In 2017 authorities arrested Zhen, charged him with “incitement to subvert state power,” and held him in residential surveillance at an RSDL. Zhen, also known by his online moniker GuestsZhen, was the executive editor of the anticensorship website Across the Great Firewall, an overseas-registered site offering information about censorship and circumvention tools for accessing the internet beyond China’s borders. Under the law lawyers are assigned to convicted prisoners on death row who cannot afford one during the review of their sentences. Official figures on executions were classified as a state secret. According to the Dui Hua Foundation, the number of executions stabilized after years of decline following the reform of the capital punishment system initiated in 2007. Dui Hua believed an increase in the number of executions for bosses of criminal gangs and individuals convicted of “terrorism” in Xinjiang likely offset the drop in the number of other executions. Government officials continued to deny holding any political prisoners, asserting persons were detained not for their political or religious views but because they had violated the law. Authorities, however, continued to imprison citizens for reasons related to politics and religion. Human rights organizations estimated tens of thousands of political prisoners remained incarcerated, most in prisons and some in administrative detention. The government did not grant international humanitarian organizations access to political prisoners. Authorities granted political prisoners early release at lower rates than other prisoners. The Dui Hua Foundation estimated more than 100 prisoners were still serving sentences for counterrevolution and hooliganism, two crimes removed from the criminal code in 1997. Thousands of others were serving sentences for political and religious offenses, including for “endangering state security” and carrying out “cult activities.” The government neither reviewed the cases of those charged before 1997 with counterrevolution and hooliganism nor released persons jailed for nonviolent offenses under repealed provisions. Many political prisoners remained in prison or under other forms of detention at year’s end, including writer Yang Maodong (pen name: Guo Feixiong); Uighur scholars Ilham Tohti and Rahile Dawut; activist Wang Bingzhang; activist Liu Xianbin; Taiwan prodemocracy activist Lee Ming-Che; pastor Zhang Shaojie; Falun Gong practitioners Bian Lichao and Ma Zhenyu; Catholic Auxiliary Bishop of Shanghai Thaddeus Ma Daqin; rights lawyers Wang Quanzhang, Xia Lin, Gao Zhisheng, Tang Jingling, Yu Wensheng, and Jiang Tianyong; blogger Wu Gan; Buddhist monk Xu Zhiqiang (who also went by the name Master Shengguang); and Shanghai labor activist Jiang Cunde. Criminal punishments included “deprivation of political rights” for a fixed period after release from prison, during which an individual could be denied rights of free speech, association, and publication. Former prisoners reported their ability to find employment, travel, obtain residence permits and passports, rent residences, and access social services was severely restricted. Authorities frequently subjected former political prisoners and their families to surveillance, telephone wiretaps, searches, and other forms of harassment or threats. For example, security personnel followed the family members of detained or imprisoned rights activists to meetings with foreign reporters and diplomats and urged the family members to remain silent about the cases of their relatives. Authorities barred certain members of the rights community from meeting with visiting dignitaries. Courts deciding civil matters faced the same limitations on judicial independence as criminal courts. The State Compensation Law provides administrative and judicial remedies for plaintiffs whose rights or interests government agencies or officials have infringed. The law also allows compensation for wrongful detention, mental trauma, or physical injuries inflicted by detention center or prison officials. Although historically citizens seldom applied for state compensation because of the high cost of bringing lawsuits, low credibility of courts, and citizens’ general lack of awareness of the law, there were instances of courts overturning wrongful convictions. In July Li Jinlian in Jiangxi Province applied for state compensation of 41.4 million yuan ($6.1 million) for her wrongful conviction and subsequent death sentence with reprieve for the 1998 murder of two children with poisoned candy. In June the Jiangxi Provincial Higher People’s Court acquitted Li, ruling the previous conviction was based on unclear facts and insufficient evidence. In September the Jiangxi Higher People’s Court decided to award Li approximately 2.93 million yuan ($431,000) for his wrongful conviction. In October the Supreme People’s Court accepted Li’s request to reconsider the Jiangxi court decision, and on November 19, it heard Li’s claim that the amount of the original award was insufficient, and a final ruling was still pending at year’s end. The law provides for the right of an individual to petition the government for resolution of grievances. Most petitions address grievances about land, housing, entitlements, the environment, or corruption, and most petitioners sought to present their complaints at local “letters and visits” offices. The government reported approximately six million petitions were submitted every year; however, persons petitioning the government continued to face restrictions on their rights to assemble and raise grievances. Despite attempts at improving the petitioning system, progress was unsteady. While the central government reiterated prohibitions against blocking or restricting “normal petitioning” and against unlawfully detaining petitioners, official retaliation against petitioners continued. Regulations encourage all litigation-related petitions be handled at the local level through local or provincial courts, reinforcing a system of incentives for local officials to prevent petitioners from raising complaints to higher levels. Local officials sent security personnel to Beijing to force petitioners to return to their home provinces to prevent them from filing complaints against local officials with the central government. Such detentions often went unrecorded and often resulted in brief periods of incarceration in extralegal “black jails.” On June 3, police in Guangzhou, Guangdong, detained Yang Suyuan, an activist who petitioned for employment severance benefits for staff dismissed from big state-owned banks. The police interrogated Yang, collected her fingerprints, took a DNA blood sample and facial record, and transferred her to a police station in her hometown in Qingyuan, Guangdong, for further questioning. In June the Beijing Number 2 Intermediate People’s Court tried 12 suspects accused of illegally detaining, tying up, and beating a petitioner from Jiangxi Province in June 2017. The petitioner, Chen Yuxian from Shangyou, died in Beijing eight hours after the suspects took him away. The 12 suspects were reportedly from an illegal crime group under the guise of a car rental company that had close connections to local government officials, who had demanded the petition be intercepted. The Beijing court had not issued a verdict as of year’s end. The law states the “freedom and privacy of correspondence of citizens are protected by law,” but authorities often did not respect the privacy of citizens. Although the law requires warrants before officers can search premises, officials frequently ignored this requirement. The Public Security Bureau and prosecutors are authorized to issue search warrants on their own authority without judicial review. There continued to be reports of cases of forced entry by police officers. Authorities monitored telephone calls, text messages, faxes, email, instant messaging, and other digital communications intended to remain private. Authorities also opened and censored domestic and international mail. Security services routinely monitored and entered residences and offices to gain access to computers, telephones, and fax machines. Foreign journalists leaving the country found some of their personal belongings searched. In some cases, when material deemed politically sensitive was uncovered, the journalists had to sign a statement stating they would “voluntarily” leave these documents behind in China. According to media reports, the Ministry of Public Security used tens of millions of surveillance cameras throughout the country to monitor the general public. Human rights groups stated authorities increasingly relied on the cameras and other forms of surveillance to monitor and intimidate political dissidents, religious leaders and adherents, Tibetans, and Uighurs. These included facial recognition and “gait recognition” video surveillance, allowing police not only to monitor a situation but also to quickly identify individuals in crowds. The monitoring and disruption of telephone and internet communications were particularly widespread in Xinjiang and Tibetan areas. The government installed surveillance cameras in monasteries in the TAR and Tibetan areas outside the TAR (see Special Annex, Tibet). The law allows security agencies to cut communication networks during “major security incidents.” According to Human Rights Watch, the Ministry of State Security partnered with information technology firms to create a “mass automated voice recognition and monitoring system,” similar to ones already in use in Xinjiang and Anhui Province, to help with solving criminal cases. According to one company involved, the system was programmed to understand Mandarin Chinese and certain minority languages, including Tibetan and Uighur. In many cases other biometric data such as fingerprints and DNA profiles were being stored as well. This database included information obtained not just from criminals and criminal suspects but also from entire populations of migrant workers and all Uighurs applying for passports. Forced relocation because of urban development continued in some locations. Protests over relocation terms or compensation were common, and authorities prosecuted some protest leaders. In rural areas infrastructure and commercial development projects resulted in the forced relocation of thousands of persons. Property-related disputes between citizens and government authorities sometimes turned violent. These disputes frequently stemmed from local officials’ collusion with property developers to pay little or no compensation to displaced residents, combined with a lack of effective government oversight or media scrutiny of local officials’ involvement in property transactions, as well as a lack of legal remedies or other dispute resolution mechanisms for displaced residents. The problem persisted despite central government claims it had imposed stronger controls over illegal land seizures and taken steps to standardize compensation. The government continued implementing a “social credit system,” which collects vast amounts of data to create scores for individuals and companies in an effort to address deficiencies in “social trust,” strengthen access to financial credit instruments, and reduce public corruption. Unlike Western financial credit-rating systems, the social credit system also collected information on academic records, traffic violations, social media presence, quality of friendships, adherence to birth control regulations, employment performance, consumption habits, and other topics. This system is intended to promote self-censorship, as netizens would be liable for their statements, relationships, and even information others shared within closed social media groups. An individual’s “social credit score,” among other things, quantifies a person’s loyalty to the government by monitoring citizens’ online activity and relationships. There were indications the system awarded and deducted points based on the “loyalty” of sites visited, as well as the “loyalty” of other netizens with whom a person interacted. The system also created incentives for citizens to police each other. Organizers of chat groups on messaging apps were responsible for policing and reporting any posts with impermissible content, making them liable for violations. Although the government’s goal is to create a unified government social credit system, there were several disparate social credit systems under several Chinese technology companies, and the specific implementation of the system varied by province and city. In Hangzhou the scoring system, which applies to residents 18 years or older, included information on individuals’ education, employment, compliance with laws and regulations (such as tax payments), payment of medical bills, loan repayment, honoring contracts, participating in volunteer activities, and voluntary blood donations. There were several cases in which an individual’s credit score resulted in concrete limitations on that person’s activities. Users with low social credit scores faced an increasing series of consequences, including losing the ability to communicate on domestic social media platforms, travel, and buy property. In April state media reported the social credit system “blocked” individuals from taking 11 million flights and four million train trips. In a separate use of social media for censorship, human rights activists reported authorities questioned them about their participation in human rights-related chat groups, including WeChat and WhatsApp. Authorities monitored the groups to identify activists, which led to users’ increased self-censorship on WeChat, as well as several separate arrests of chat group administrators. The government instituted the “double-linked household” system in Xinjiang developed through many years of use in Tibet. This system divides towns and neighborhoods into units of 10 households each, with the households in each unit instructed to watch over each other and report on “security issues” and poverty problems to the government, thus turning average citizens into informers. In Xinjiang the government also required Uighur families to accept government “home stays,” in which officials or volunteers forcibly lived in Uighurs’ homes and monitored families for signs of “extremism.” Those who exhibited behaviors the government considered to be signs of “extremism,” such as praying, possessing religious texts, or abstaining from alcohol or tobacco, could be detained in re-education camps. The government restricted the rights of men and women to have children (see section 6, Women). The constitution states citizens “enjoy freedom of speech, of the press, of assembly, of association, of procession and of demonstration,” although authorities limited and did not respect these rights, especially when they conflicted with CCP interests. Authorities continued tight control of all print, broadcast, electronic, and social media and regularly used them to propagate government views and CCP ideology. Authorities censored and manipulated the press and the internet, particularly around sensitive anniversaries and topics. Freedom of Expression: Citizens could discuss many political topics privately and in small groups without official punishment. Authorities, however, routinely took harsh action against citizens who questioned the legitimacy of the CCP. Some independent think tanks, study groups, and seminars reported pressure to cancel sessions on sensitive topics. Those who made politically sensitive comments in public speeches, academic discussions, or in remarks to media, or posted sensitive comments online, remained subject to punitive measures. In July, in the midst of a national outcry over faulty children’s vaccines, police visited the homes of concerned parents to attempt to stop their online discussion of the issue. Some parents were shown a document that said police intended to charge parents who attended a planned media session with “colluding with foreign media.” The parents subsequently cancelled the press conference. In April Cui Haoxin, a Muslim poet, was detained in a Xinjiang internment camp for one week, which he attributed to the political views he expressed in his poetry and other writings. On August 16, police in Xinjiang threatened Cui in an attempt to stop him from posting information on Twitter about these camps. Press and Media Freedom: The CCP and government continued to maintain ultimate authority over all published, online, and broadcast material. Officially, only state-run media outlets have government approval to cover CCP leaders or other topics deemed “sensitive.” While it did not dictate all content to be published or broadcast, the CCP and the government had unchecked authority to mandate if, when, and how particular issues were reported or to order they not be reported at all. During the year state media reported senior authorities issued internal CCP rules detailing punishments for those who failed to hew to ideological regulations, ordering a further crackdown on illegal internet accounts and platforms, and instructing the media to engage in “journalism based on Marxism.” The rules also planned for greater political and ideological indoctrination efforts targeting at university students. The government tightened ideological control over media and public discourse by restructuring its regulatory system. The CCP’s propaganda department has direct control of the State Administration of Press, Publication, Radio, Film, and Television (SAPPRFT). Authorities also restructured SAPPRFT in March, relocating some of its responsibilities and renaming it the State Administration for Radio and Television Agency (SARFT). The new structure greatly expands CCP control of film, news media, newspapers, books, and magazines. The Cyberspace Administration of China (CAC), which directly manages internet content, including online news media, also promotes CCP propaganda. On November 14, the CAC issued a statement saying more than 9,800 internet accounts had been “cleaned up” as part of an ongoing campaign. On November 15, the CAC issued a notice that further restricted what opinions could be posted online and said the CAC would start to require detailed logs on users from internet and media firms as part of its new policy targeting dissenting opinion and social movements online. As of November 30, the CAC said it would require internet platforms that could be used to “socially mobilize” or that could lead to “major changes in public opinion” to submit reports on their activities. The government took further action to build its propaganda tools. In March it consolidated China Central Television, China Radio International, and China National Radio into a new super media group known as the “Voice of China.” State media explained the restructuring was meant to “strengthen the party’s concentrated development and management of important public opinion positions.” All books and magazines continued to require state-issued publication numbers, which were expensive and often difficult to obtain. As in the past, nearly all print and broadcast media as well as book publishers were affiliated with the CCP or the government. There were a small number of print publications with some private ownership interest but no privately owned television or radio stations. The CCP directed the domestic media to refrain from reporting on certain subjects, and traditional broadcast programming required government approval. Journalists operated in an environment tightly controlled by the government. While the country’s increasingly internet-literate population demanded interesting stories told with the latest technologies, government authorities asserted control over those new technologies (such as livestreaming) and clamped down on new digital outlets and social media platforms. Because the Communist Party does not consider internet news companies “official” media, they are subject to debilitating regulations and barred from reporting on potentially “sensitive” stories. According to the most recent All China Journalist Association report from 2017 on the nation’s news media, there were 231,564 officially credentialed reporters working in the country. Only 1,406 worked for news websites, with the majority working at state-run outlets such as XinhuaNet.com and ChinaDaily.com. This did not mean online outlets did not report on important issues. Instead, many used creative means to share content, but limited their tactics and topics since they were acting outside official approval. Violence and Harassment: The government frequently impeded the work of the press, including citizen journalists. Journalists reported being subjected to physical attack, harassment, monitoring, and intimidation when reporting on sensitive topics. Government officials used criminal prosecution, civil lawsuits, and other punishment, including violence, detention, and other forms of harassment, to intimidate authors and journalists and to prevent the dissemination of unsanctioned information on a wide range of topics. Family members of journalists based overseas also faced harassment, and in some cases detention, as retaliation for the reporting of their relatives abroad. In 2017 authorities detained dozens of relatives of at least six reporters for Radio Free Asia’s Uighur Service. The reporters, members of the country’s Uighur minority group, were reporting on the Xinjiang internment camps (see section 1). A journalist could face demotion or job loss for publishing views that challenged the government. In many cases potential sources refused to meet with journalists due to actual or feared government pressure. In particular academics–a traditional source of information–were increasingly unwilling to meet with journalists. During the year authorities imprisoned numerous journalists working in traditional and new media. On June 26, a Sichuan province court sentenced political cartoonist Jiang Yefei to six years and six months in prison on charges of “inciting subversion of state power” and “illegally crossing the border.” Jiang fled to Thailand in 2008 after his cartoons criticizing the 2008 Sichuan earthquakes and lampooning Chinese government officials attracted government attention. In 2015 he was forcibly returned to China and then held incommunicado until his June 2018 trial, which was held in secret. On August 1, authorities entered the house of retired professor Sun Wenguang in Jinan, Shandong, during an on-air telephone interview with Voice of America (VOA). Listeners heard the police stop the interview as the professor protested their incursion. The government held Sun for approximately two weeks and then released him under “strict supervision.” A pair of VOA journalists, Yibing Feng and Allen Ai, went to Sun’s home after his release on August 13, at which point the police detained them for six hours, destroyed their cell phones, and scanned their equipment. Authorities in Xinjiang arrested four employees of state-sanctioned Xinjiang newspapers in September and accused them of publishing inappropriate content in the Uighur-language versions of their papers. A representative for the Xinjiang Daily group confirmed the arrests and said the four were accused of being “two-faced,” a euphemism for individuals who outwardly support CCP rule while secretly disagreeing with restrictions on minority culture, language, and religion. Restrictions on foreign journalists by central and local CCP propaganda departments remained strict, especially during sensitive times and anniversaries. Foreign press outlets reported local employees of foreign news agencies were also subjected to official harassment and intimidation and this remained a major concern for foreign outlets. Journalists who traveled to Xinjiang reported very high levels of surveillance, monitoring, harassment, and interference in their work. Foreign ministry officials again subjected a majority of journalists to special interviews as part of their annual visa renewal process. During these interviews the officials pressured journalists to report less on human rights issues, referencing reporting “red lines” journalists should not cross, and in some cases threatened them with nonrenewal of visas. Many foreign media organizations continued to have trouble expanding or maintaining their operations in the country due to the difficulty of receiving visas. Some foreign media companies were increasingly unwilling to publicize such issues due to fear of provoking further backlash by the government. Authorities continued to enforce tight restrictions on citizens employed by foreign news organizations. The code of conduct for citizen employees of foreign media organizations threatens dismissal and loss of accreditation for those citizen employees who engage in independent reporting. It instructs them to provide their employers information that projects “a good image of the country.” Media outlets that reported on commercial issues enjoyed comparatively fewer restrictions, but the system of postpublication review by propaganda officials encouraged self-censorship by editors seeking to avoid the losses associated with penalties for inadvertently printing unauthorized content. Chinese-language media outlets outside the country reported intimidation and financial threats from the government. For example, the manager of Australia’s largest independent Chinese-language newspaper, Vision China Times, spoke at a conference in February about the pressure Chinese officials put on the newspaper’s advertising clients in an attempt to silence the media outlet’s views. Some clients were “grilled” by Chinese consulate officials in Australia, while others were visited during trips to China and pressured to stop doing business with Vision China Times. Censorship or Content Restrictions: The State Council’s Regulations on the Administration of Publishing grant broad authority to the government at all levels to restrict publications based on content, including mandating if, when, and how particular issues are reported. While the Ministry of Foreign Affairs daily press briefing was generally open, and the State Council Information Office organized some briefings by other government agencies, journalists did not have free access to other media events. The Ministry of Defense continued allowing select foreign media outlets to attend occasional press briefings. Official guidelines for domestic journalists were often vague, subject to change at the discretion of propaganda officials, and enforced retroactively. Propaganda authorities forced newspapers and online media providers to fire editors and journalists responsible for articles deemed inconsistent with official policy and suspended or closed publications. Self-censorship remained prevalent among journalists, authors, and editors, particularly with post facto government reviews carrying penalties of ranging severity. On February 8, the Guangdong Provincial Propaganda Department revoked the position and official title of Duan Gongwei, chief editor of the Southern Weekly, who oversaw two investigative financial reports about Hainan Airlines Group. The reports showed how the airline, which was reportedly linked to senior Chinese leaders, went on “acquisition sprees” despite operating with large debts. The CCP Central Propaganda Department ordered media outlets to adhere strictly to the information provided by authoritative official departments, especially with respect to sensitive or prominent situations. Directives often warned against reporting on issues related to party and official reputation, health and safety, and foreign affairs. Control over public depictions of President Xi increased, with censors aggressively shutting down any depiction that varied from official media storylines. Censors continued to block images of the Winnie the Pooh cartoon on social media because internet users used the symbol to represent President Xi Jinping. A June segment of John Oliver’s Last Week Tonight program on HBO criticizing Xi Jinping resulted in authorities temporarily blocking access to HBO’s online content. It was extremely difficult for foreign journalists to report from the TAR, other Tibetan areas, or Xinjiang without experiencing serious interference. Foreign reporters also experienced restricted access and interference when trying to report in other sensitive areas, including the North Korean border, at places of historical significance to the founding of the Communist party, sites of recent natural disasters, and areas–including in Beijing–experiencing social unrest. Overseas television newscasts, largely restricted to hotels and foreign residence compounds, were subject to censorship. Individual issues of foreign newspapers and magazines were occasionally banned when they contained articles deemed too sensitive. Articles on sensitive topics were removed from international magazines. Television newscasts were blacked out during segments on sensitive subjects. Politically sensitive coverage in Chinese, and to a lesser extent in English, was censored more than coverage in other languages. The government prohibited some foreign and domestic films deemed too sensitive or selectively censored parts of films before they were released. Under government regulations, authorities must authorize each foreign film released in the country, with a restriction on the total number that keeps annual distribution below 50 films. Authorities continued to ban books with content they deemed inconsistent with officially sanctioned views. The law permits only government-approved publishing houses to print books. Newspapers, periodicals, books, audio and video recordings, or electronic publications may not be printed or distributed without the approval of central authorities and relevant provincial publishing authorities. Individuals who attempted to publish without government approval faced imprisonment, fines, confiscation of their books, and other punishment. The CCP also exerted control over the publishing industry by preemptively classifying certain topics as state secrets. Government rules ban the sale of foreign publications without an import permit. This includes sales on online shopping platforms, which are banned from offering “overseas publications,” including books, movies, and games, that do not already have government approval. The ban also applies to services related to publications. One year after the death in July of Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Liu Xiaobo, the government continued to censor a broad array of related words and images across public media and on social media platforms. Besides his name and image, phrases such as “rest in peace,” “grey,” quotes from his writings, images of candles, and even candle emojis were blocked online and from private messages sent on social media. Attempts to access censored search results resulted in a message saying the result could not be displayed “according to relevant laws, regulations, and policies.” Government censors also blocked online access to news regarding Liu Xiaobo’s widow, Liu Xia. The government tightly controlled and highly censored domestic internet usage. According to an official report released in August by the China Internet Network Information Center, the country had more than 802 million internet users, accounting for 57.7 percent of its total population. According to International Telecommunication Union data, 54 percent of the population used the internet in 2017. Major media companies estimated more than 625 million persons obtained their news from social and online media sources. Although the internet was widely available, authorities heavily censored content. The government continued to employ tens of thousands of individuals at the national, provincial, and local levels to monitor electronic communications and online content. The government reportedly paid personnel to promote official views on various websites and social media and to combat alternative views posted online. Internet companies also independently employed thousands of censors to carry out CCP and government directives on censorship. When government officials criticized or temporarily blocked online platforms due to content, the parent corporations were required to hire additional in-house censors, creating substantial staffing demands well into the thousands and even tens of thousands per company. In April censors temporarily shut down prominent news app Toutiao. It reopened after its owner apologized for failing to promote “core socialist values” through the app and promised to hire 4,000 new in-house censors, bringing the total number to 10,000. Authorities permanently shuttered the company’s other app, Neihan Duanzi, which was used by its 200 million users to share jokes and memes. On March 19, Guangdong province authorities released environmental activist Lei Ping after the government-linked China Biodiversity Conservation and Green Development Foundation submitted a letter to Xinyi police, who had detained Lei after she posted online an investigative report uncovering illegal quarry operations and their effects on local water resources. The government continued to issue an array of regulations implementing the Cybersecurity Law, which took effect in 2017. The law allows the government to “monitor, defend, and handle cybersecurity risks and threats originating from within the country or overseas sources.” Article 12 of the law criminalizes using the internet to “creat[e] or disseminat[e] false information to disrupt the economic or social order.” For example, Guangzhou anesthesiologist Tan Qindong spent three months in jail for “damaging a company’s reputation” after his criticism of a traditional Chinese medicinal tonic began circulating widely on WeChat. Chinese news reports speculated the arrest most likely occurred at the behest of the tonic manufacturer. Authorities released Tan after he wrote an apology admitting he had “not thought clearly.” The law also codifies the authority of security agencies to cut communication networks across an entire geographic region during “major security incidents,” although the government had previously implemented such measures before the law’s passage. CAC regulations on Internet News Information Services require websites, mobile apps, forums, blogs, instant communications services, and search engines to ensure news coverage of a political, economic, diplomatic, or commentary nature conforms to official views of “facts.” These regulations extend longstanding traditional media controls to new media–including online and social media–to ensure these sources also adhere to the Communist Party directive. According to January state media reports, authorities closed 128,000 websites in 2017. These were deemed “harmful” due to inappropriate content, which includes politically sensitive materials, as well as pornography and gambling. The pace continued during the year, with the CAC reporting it shuttered 3,673 websites and 1.2 million social media accounts in just the second and third quarters of the year. In July the CAC reported receiving 6.72 million “valid” reports of online “illegal and harmful” information in that month alone. The CAC also required all live-streaming platforms, video platforms, commercial websites, web portals, and apps to register with the CAC. Online content platforms by licensed central media and their affiliates were not required to register. In April state media announced content on short video sites that violated core socialist values would be removed, and the CAC announced it had “talked” to several short video sites. Shortly thereafter, the live streaming and comment section of a prominent platform, Douyin, ceased to function. Various other platforms faced shutdowns for “illicit” or “illegal” content over the last year. Regulators required a special permit for transmission of audio and visual materials on blogging platforms such as Weibo and instant messaging platforms such as WeChat. Platform managers were made directly responsible for ensuring user-posted content complies with their permit’s scope. This includes television shows, movies, news programs, and documentaries, which many netizens consumed exclusively through social media channels. The rules prohibit the uploading of any amateur content that would fall under the definition of news programming or “sensitive” topics. The changes in cybersecurity law put in place by the CAC in 2017 also bolstered real-name registration requirements for websites and social media platforms, with Baidu and Sina Weibo announcing accounts without real name registration would have restricted access to certain website functions (e.g., commenting on posts). Cybercafes in Xingtai and Shanghai also began using facial recognition to match users with their photographs printed on national identification documents. The government continued efforts to limit virtual private network (VPN) service use. A new ban on “unauthorized” VPNs went into effect on March 31. While some users, including international companies, were permitted to use VPNs, smaller businesses, academics, and citizens did not have access to authorized VPNs. However, news reports indicated authorities were not strictly enforcing the ban. Authorities stepped up efforts to block VPN service providers ahead of major events such as November trade and internet shows. A software engineer in Shanghai was sentenced to three years in prison after providing illegal VPNs to hundreds of customers since 2016, reported the government-owned newspaper People’s Court Daily. The man, surnamed Dai, was also ordered to serve three years of probation and fined 10,000 yuan ($1,400). Many other websites for international media outlets, such as the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, and Bloomberg, in addition to those of human rights organizations, such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, remained perennially blocked. In August censors blocked the Australian Broadcast Corporation’s (ABC) website and phone app. ABC launched a Chinese-language site in 2017, and in 2018 ABC’s stories about Chinese influence in Australia drew strong criticism from official Chinese media. Government censors continued to block websites or online content related to topics deemed sensitive, such as Taiwan, the Dalai Lama, Tibet, and the 1989 Tiananmen Square Massacre. Thousands of social media and other websites remained blocked, including Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, Google, and YouTube. While countless news and social media sites remained blocked, a large percentage of censored websites were gambling or pornographic websites. Early in the year, the government warned airlines not to list Taiwan, Hong Kong, or Macau as separate countries on their websites, and it published a list of offending airlines. Officials obligated Marriott hotels to shut down its website for a week and publicly apologize for listing Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau as separate countries. Mercedes Benz was similarly forced to apologize to the government after a posting on its official Instagram account included this quotation, “‘Look at the situations from all angles, and you will become more open.’ — Dalai Lama.” Officials’ response to the posting included the state-run People’s Daily calling Mercedes Benz an “enemy of the people.” References to same-sex acts/same sex-relations and the scientifically accurate words for genitalia remained banned following SAPPRFT’s 2017 pronouncement listing same-sex acts/relations as an “abnormal sexual relation” and forbidding its depiction. In January domestic media reported a Beijing court agreed to hear a gay-rights activist’s lawsuit challenging SAPPRFT regarding homosexuality, although by December no ruling had been announced. Meanwhile, in May a nationally popular Hunan-based television broadcaster blacked out parts of Eurovision, a European music performance, that depicted gay relationships and pixelated an image of the gay-pride flag. Censors shut down a prominent feminist Weibo account on International Women’s Day, March 8. With 180,000 followers, the account was one of the country’s most prominent online feminist advocacy platforms. Officials had similarly shut down the account in 2017 on International Women’s Day, then allowed it to reopen, but this time they shuttered the account permanently. During the year authorities began manipulating the content of individual Twitter accounts. There were reports of authorities forcing individuals to give them access to their Twitter accounts, which authorities then used to delete their tweets. In October tens of thousands of postings from human rights advocate Wu Gan were deleted. Authorities continued to jail numerous internet writers for their peaceful expression of political views. On June 27, authorities subjected dissident author Peng Peiyu to a two-week detention. Peng’s critical writing included an essay entitled “On Xi: A Call to Arms,” which he posted online shortly before his arrest. According to his attorney, Peng had been detained “many times before.” In addition there continued to be reports of cyber operations against foreign websites, journalists, and media organizations carrying information that the government restricted internet users in the country from accessing. As in the past, the government selectively blocked access to sites operated by foreign governments, including the websites or social media platforms of health organizations, educational institutions, NGOs, social networking sites, and search engines. While such censorship was effective in keeping casual users away from websites hosting sensitive content, many users circumvented online censorship by using various technologies. Information on proxy servers outside the country and software for defeating official censorship were available, although frequently limited by the Great Firewall. Encrypted communication apps such as Telegram and WhatsApp and VPN services were regularly disrupted, especially during “sensitive” times of the year. The State Secrets Law obliges internet companies to cooperate fully with investigations of suspected leaks of state secrets, stop the transmission of such information once discovered, and report the crime to authorities. This was defined broadly and without clear limits. Furthermore, the companies must comply with authorities’ orders to delete such information from their websites; failure to do so is punishable by relevant departments, such as police and the Ministry of Public Security. The government continued restrictions on academic and artistic freedom and on political and social discourse at colleges, universities, and research institutes. Restrictive Central Propaganda Department regulations and decisions constrained the flow of ideas and persons. Many intellectuals and scholars exercised self-censorship, anticipating books or papers on political topics would be deemed too sensitive to be published. Censorship and self-censorship of artistic works was also common, particularly artworks deemed to involve politically sensitive subjects. Authorities frequently denied Western musicians permission to put on concerts, scrutinized the content of cultural events, and applied pressure to encourage self-censorship of discussions. The government and the CCP Organization Department continued to control appointments to most leadership positions at universities, including department heads. While CCP membership was not always a requirement to obtain a tenured faculty position, scholars without CCP affiliation often had fewer chances for promotion. Academic subject areas deemed politically sensitive (e.g., civil rights, elite cronyism, civil society, etc.) continued to be off-limits. Some academics self-censored their publications, faced pressure to reach predetermined research results, or were unable to hold conferences with international participants during politically sensitive periods. Foreign academics claimed the government used visa denials, along with blocking access to archives, fieldwork, or interviews, to pressure them to self-censor their work. The use of foreign textbooks in classrooms remained restricted, and domestically produced textbooks continued to be under the editorial control of the CCP. Undergraduate students, regardless of academic major, must complete political ideology coursework on subjects such as Marxism, Maoism, and Deng Xiaoping thought. In July the Ministry of Education announced its intention to strengthen party leadership at all levels of private education, including K-12. Multiple media reports cited a tightening of ideological controls on university campuses, with professors dismissed for expressing views not in line with party thought. In August an economics professor at Guizhou University was expelled from his university after posting online an article critical of the party. In September Xiamen University dismissed an assistant history professor for comments online that the university said “harmed the image of the party and the country.” Similar controls were applied to students. For example, a program in Chongqing required high school students to pass a review of their political ideology in order to take the national university entrance examination. In June both foreign and domestic media reported a growing incidence of university professors being suspended or fired after their students reported them for comments deemed politically sensitive or inappropriate. In some cases the university assigned the students to act as informants. In November media outlets reported crackdowns against student labor activists on Peking University and Renmin University campuses. Students and several recent graduates were detained and held incommunicado, one of whom was kidnapped from Peking University’s campus. Students on the scene were beaten, forced to the ground, and prevented from taking photographs or speaking by security forces. Renmin University officials allegedly harassed, threatened, employed surveillance against, and hindered the free movement of student activists (see section 7.a.). In August the Financial Times reported foreign universities establishing joint venture universities in the country must establish internal CCP committees, granting greater decision-making power to CCP officials and reversing an earlier promise to guarantee academic freedom. In July the Financial Times reported a foreign academic was removed from the management board of the first joint venture university in the country for being critical of CCP-backed initiatives. Authorities on some occasions blocked entry into the country of individuals deemed politically sensitive and, in some cases, refused to issue passports to citizens selected for international exchange programs who were considered “politically unreliable,” singling out Tibetans, Uighurs, and individuals from other minority areas. A number of other foreign government-sponsored exchange selectees who already had passports, including some academics, encountered difficulties gaining approval to travel to participate in their programs. Academics reported having to request permission to travel overseas and, in some cases, said they were limited in the number of foreign trips they could take per year. The CCP’s reach increasingly extended beyond the country’s physical borders. A survey of more than 500 China scholars outside the PRC found 9 percent of scholars reported having been “taken for tea” by Chinese government authorities in the past 10 years to be interviewed or warned about their research; 26 percent of scholars who conducted archival research reported being denied access; and 5 percent reported difficulties obtaining a visa. According to the survey, 68 percent of foreign scholars said self-censorship was a problem in the field of China studies. The CCP actively promoted censorship of Chinese students outside the country, with media reporting examples of self-censorship and the use of financial incentives to tamp down anti-Chinese speech on foreign campuses. Academics and intellectuals in Xinjiang, along with the hundreds of thousands of other Xinjiang residents, disappeared or died, most likely in internment camps. Some officials and academics were charged with being “two-faced,” a euphemism referring to members of minority groups serving state and party occupations who harbor “separatist” or “antiofficial” tendencies, including disagreeing with official restrictions on minority culture, language, and religion. Those disappeared and believed to be held in the camps included Rahile Dawut, an internationally known folklorist; Abdukerim Rahman, literature professor; Azat Sultan, Xinjiang University professor; Gheyretjan Osman, literature professor; Arslan Abdulla, language professor; Abdulqadir Jalaleddin, poet; and Yalqun Rozi, writer. Authorities detained former director of the Xinjiang Education Supervision Bureau Satar Sawut and removed Kashgar University president Erkin Omer and vice president Muhter Abdughopur; all were disappeared at year’s end. Courts delivered suspended death sentences for “separatism” to Halmurat Ghopur, former president of Xinjiang Medical University Hospital, and Tashpolat Tiyip, former president of Xinjiang University. Religious scholars Muhammad Salih Hajim and Abdulnehed Mehsum died in the camps, according to reports from international organizations during the year. The government restricted freedoms of peaceful assembly and association. While the constitution provides for freedom of peaceful assembly, the government severely restricted this right. The law stipulates such activities may not challenge “party leadership” or infringe upon the “interests of the state.” Protests against the political system or national leaders were prohibited. Authorities denied permits and quickly suppressed demonstrations involving expression of dissenting political views. Citizens throughout the country continued to gather publicly to protest evictions, forced relocations, and inadequate compensation, often resulting in conflict with authorities or formal charges. Media reported thousands of protests took place during the year across the country. Although peaceful protests are legal, public security officials rarely granted permits to demonstrate. Despite restrictions, many demonstrations occurred, but authorities quickly broke up those motivated by broad political or social grievances, sometimes with excessive force. On March 20-30, more than one thousand residents from Longyan’s Changting County in Fujian province protested outside the local government office against the government’s plan to construct a garbage incinerator one kilometer (0.6 mile) from the town’s residential areas. On March 30, local authorities called in riot police to restore order. Later that day government officials announced they were canceling the planned incinerator project. Concerts, sports events, exercise classes, or other meetings of more than 200 persons require approval from public security authorities. Large numbers of public gatherings in Beijing and elsewhere were canceled at the last minute or denied government permits, ostensibly to ensure public safety. The constitution provides for freedom of association, but the government restricted this right. CCP policy and government regulations require all professional, social, and economic organizations officially register with and receive approval from the government. These regulations prevented the formation of autonomous political, human rights, religious, spiritual, labor, and other organizations that the government believed might challenge its authority in any area. The government maintained tight controls over civil society organizations and in some cases detained or harassed NGO workers. The regulatory system for NGOs was highly restrictive, but specific requirements varied depending on whether an organization was foreign or domestic. Domestic NGOs were governed by the Charity Law and a host of related regulations. Domestic NGOs could register in one of three categories: a social group, a social organization, or a foundation. All domestic NGOs are required to register under the Ministry of Civil Affairs and find an officially sanctioned sponsor to serve as their “professional supervisory unit.” Finding a sponsor was often challenging, since the sponsor could be held civilly or criminally responsible for the NGO’s activities. All organizations are also required to report their sources of funding, including foreign funding. Domestic NGOs continued to adjust to this new regulatory framework. In 2016 the CCP Central Committee issued a directive mandating the establishment of CCP cells within all domestic NGOs by 2020. According to authorities, these CCP organizations operating inside domestic NGOs would “strengthen guidance” of NGOs in areas such as “decision making for important projects, important professional activities, major expenditures and funds, acceptance of large donations, and activities involving foreigners.” The directive also mandates authorities conduct annual “spot checks” to ensure compliance on “ideological political work, party building, financial and personnel management, study sessions, foreign exchange, acceptance of foreign donations and assistance, and conducting activities according to their charter.” In January 2017 the Law on the Management of Foreign NGOs’ Activities in Mainland China (Foreign NGO Management Law) came into effect. The law requires foreign NGOs to register with the Ministry of Public Security and to find a state-sanctioned sponsor for their operations. NGOs that fail to comply face possible civil or criminal penalties. The law provides no appeal process for NGOs denied registration, and it stipulates NGOs found to have violated certain provisions could be banned from operating in the country. The law also states domestic groups cooperating with unregistered foreign NGOs will be punished and possibly banned. Some international NGOs reported it was more difficult to work with local partners, including universities, government agencies, and other domestic NGOs, as the law codified the CCP’s perception that foreign NGOs were a “national security” threat. Finding an official sponsor was difficult for most foreign NGOs, as sponsors could be held responsible for the NGOs’ conduct and had to undertake burdensome reporting requirements. After the Ministry of Public Security published a list of sponsors, NGOs reported most government agencies still had no unit responsible for sponsoring foreign NGOs. Professional Supervisory Units reported they had little understanding of how to implement the law and what authorities would expect of them. The vague definition of an NGO, as well as of what activities constituted “political” and therefore illegal activities, left many business organizations and alumni associations uncertain whether they fell within the purview of the law. The lack of clear communication from the government, coupled with harassment by security authorities, caused some foreign NGOs to suspend or cease operations in the country. As of December 31, approximately 439 of the officially estimated 7,000 previously operational foreign NGOs had registered under the Foreign NGO Management Law, with most focusing on trade and commerce activities. According to the Ministry of Civil Affairs, by the end of 2017, there were more than 800,000 registered social organizations, public institutions, and foundations. Many experts believed the actual number of domestic NGOs to be much higher. Domestic NGOs reported foreign funding continued to drop, as many domestic NGOs sought to avoid such funding due to fear of being labeled as “subversive” in the face of growing restrictions imposed by new laws. NGOs existed under a variety of formal and informal guises, including national mass organizations created and funded by the CCP that are organizationally prohibited from exercising any independence, known as government-operated NGOs or GONGOs. For donations to a domestic organization from a foreign NGO, the Foreign NGO Management Law requires foreign NGOs to maintain a representative office in the country to send funds or to use the bank account of a domestic NGO when conducting temporary activities. By law foreign NGOs are prohibited from using any other method to send and receive funds, and such funding must be reported to the Ministry of Public Security. Foreign NGOs are prohibited from fundraising and “for-profit activities” under the law. Although all registered organizations came under some degree of government control, some NGOs, primarily service-oriented GONGOs, were able to operate with less day-to-day scrutiny. Authorities supported the growth of some NGOs that focused on social problems, such as poverty alleviation and disaster relief. Law and regulations explicitly prohibit organizations from conducting political or religious activities, and organizations that refused to comply faced criminal penalties. Authorities continued to restrict and evict local NGOs that received foreign funding and international NGOs that provided assistance to Tibetan communities in the TAR and other Tibetan areas. Almost all were forced to curtail their activities altogether due to travel restrictions, official intimidation of staff members, and the failure of local partners to renew project agreements. See the Department of State’s International Religious Freedom Report at www.state.gov/religiousfreedomreport/. The law provides for freedom of internal movement, foreign travel, emigration, and repatriation, but the government at times did not respect these rights. While seriously restricting its scope of operations, the government occasionally cooperated with the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which maintained an office in Beijing. The government increasingly silenced activists by denying them permission to travel, both internationally and domestically, or keeping them under unofficial house arrest. In some instances the government pressured other countries to return asylum seekers or UNHCR-recognized refugees forcibly. On July 13, Radio Free Asia reported a Chongqing court had secretly sentenced human rights activists Jiang Yefei and Dong Guangping in July 2017 for “inciting subversion of state power” and “illegally crossing a national border.” Jiang and Dong had fled to Thailand with their families and received refugee status from UNHCR, but Thailand then forcibly returned them from Bangkok in 2015. During their televised “confessions,” Jiang and Dong appeared to have sustained torture while in detention. The families received no notification from authorities concerning the trial. According to contacts, authorities denied Dong’s former lawyer permission to meet with his client when he visited the Chongqing Number 2 Detention Center in July 2017. Abuse of Migrants, Refugees, and Stateless Persons: There were reports North Korean agents operated clandestinely within the country to repatriate North Korean citizens against their will. In addition, North Koreans detained by government authorities faced repatriation unless they could pay bribes to secure their release. North Korean refugees were either detained in holding facilities or placed under house arrest at undisclosed locations. Family members wanting to prevent forced returns of their North Korean relatives were required to pay fees to Chinese authorities purportedly to cover expenses incurred while in detention. While detained North Koreans were occasionally released, they were rarely given the necessary permissions for safe passage to a third country. In-country Movement: Authorities continued to maintain tight restrictions on freedom of movement, particularly to curtail the movement of individuals deemed politically sensitive before key anniversaries, visits by foreign dignitaries, or major political events, as well as to forestall demonstrations. Freedom of movement for Tibetans continued to be very limited in the TAR and other Tibetan areas (see Tibet Addendum). Uighurs faced new restrictions on movement within Xinjiang and outside the region, as well. Although the use of “domestic passports” that called for local official approval before traveling to another area was discontinued in 2016, identification checks remained in place when entering or leaving cities and on public roads. In Xinjiang security officials set up checkpoints managing entry into public places, including markets and mosques, that required Uighurs to scan their national identity card, undergo a facial recognition check, and put any baggage through airport-style security screening. Such restrictions were not applied to Han Chinese in these areas. On September 26, the Urumqi Evening News announced Xinjiang railway administrative departments would stop selling tickets on all passenger services leaving Xinjiang starting on October 22. This occurred around the time reports surfaced about authorities criminally sentencing Uighurs and other Turkic Muslims en masse of groups of 200-500 persons from the internment camps to prisons in other parts of the country, such as Heilongjiang Province. Although the government maintained restrictions on the freedom to change one’s workplace or residence, the national household registration system (hukou) continued to change, and the ability of most citizens to move within the country to work and live continued to expand. While many rural residents migrated to the cities, where the per capita disposable income was approximately three times the rural per capita income, they often could not change their official residence or workplace within the country. Most cities had annual quotas for the number of new temporary residence permits they could issue, and all workers, including university graduates, had to compete for a limited number of such permits. It was particularly difficult for rural residents to obtain household registration in more economically developed urban areas. The household registration system added to the difficulties faced by rural residents, even after they relocated to urban areas and found employment. According to the Statistical Communique of the People’s Republic of China on 2017 National Economic and Social Development published in February by the National Bureau of Statistics of China, 291 million persons lived outside the jurisdiction of their household registration. Migrant workers and their families faced numerous obstacles with regard to working conditions and labor rights. Many were unable to access public services, such as public education for their children or social insurance, in the cities where they lived and worked because they were not legally registered urban residents. From April to June, non-Beijing residents could apply for a Beijing hukou under the special municipality’s new points-based system. Under the new policy, nonnatives of the city under the legal retirement age who have held a Beijing temporary residence permit with the city’s social insurance records for seven consecutive years and were without a criminal record were eligible to accumulate points for the hukou. Those with “good employment, stable homes in Beijing, strong educational background, and achievements in innovation and establishing start-ups in Beijing” were reportedly likely to obtain high scores in the point-based competition. The city was to announce the new hukou winners in the fourth quarter of the year. Under the “staying at prison employment” system applicable to recidivists incarcerated in administrative detention, authorities denied certain persons permission to return to their homes after serving their sentences. Some released or paroled prisoners returned home but did not have freedom of movement. Foreign Travel: The government permitted legal emigration and foreign travel for most citizens. Government employees and retirees, especially from the military, continued to face foreign travel restrictions. The government expanded the use of exit controls for departing passengers at airports and other border crossings to deny foreign travel to some dissidents and persons employed in government posts. Throughout the year many lawyers, artists, authors, and other activists were at times prevented from exiting the country. Authorities also blocked the travel of some family members of rights activists and of suspected corrupt officials and businesspersons, including foreign family members. Border officials and police cited threats to “national security” as the reason for refusing permission to leave the country. Authorities stopped most such persons at the airport at the time of their attempted travel. Most citizens could obtain passports, although individuals the government deemed potential political threats, including religious leaders, political dissidents, petitioners, and ethnic minorities, routinely reported being refused passports or otherwise prevented from traveling overseas. Uighurs, particularly those residing in Xinjiang, reported great difficulty in getting passport applications approved at the local level. They were frequently denied passports to travel abroad, particularly to Saudi Arabia for the Hajj, to other Muslim countries, or to Western countries for academic purposes. Since 2016 authorities ordered Xinjiang residents to turn in their passports or told residents no new passports were available. The passport recall, however, was not limited to Uighur areas. Foreign national family members of Uighur activists living overseas were also denied visas to enter the country. During the year the government continued its concerted efforts to compel Uighurs studying abroad to return to China, often pressuring relatives in Xinjiang to ask their overseas relatives to return. Authorities also refused to renew passports for Uighurs living abroad, leading them to either go home or pursue ways to maintain legal status in those countries. Upon return, many of these Uighurs, or persons connected with the Xinjiang residents, were detained or disappeared. Tibetans faced significant hurdles in acquiring passports, and for Buddhist monks and nuns, it was virtually impossible. Authorities’ unwillingness to issue or even renew old passports for Tibetans created, in effect, a ban on foreign travel for the Tibetan population. Han Chinese residents of Tibetan areas did not experience the same difficulties. The government continued to try to prevent many Tibetans and Uighurs from leaving the country and detained many while they attempted to leave (see Tibet Annex). Some family members of rights activists who tried to emigrate were unable to do so. Exile: The law neither provides for a citizen’s right to repatriate nor addresses exile. The government continued to refuse re-entry to numerous citizens considered dissidents, Falun Gong activists, or “troublemakers.” Although authorities allowed some dissidents living abroad to return, dissidents released on medical parole and allowed to leave the country often were effectively exiled. Refoulement: The government forcibly returned vulnerable asylum seekers, especially North Korean asylum seekers. The government continued to consider North Koreans as “illegal economic migrants” rather than refugees or asylum seekers and forcibly returned many of them to North Korea. Human rights groups reported a relatively large number of North Korean asylum seekers being held in detention in Liaoning Province and Jilin Province who were in danger of imminent refoulement. Access to Asylum: The law does not provide for the granting of refugee or asylee status. The government did not have a system for providing protection to refugees but generally recognized UNHCR-registered refugees and asylum seekers. The government did not officially recognize these individuals as refugees; they remained in the country as illegal immigrants unable to work, with no access to education, and subject to deportation at any time. North Korean refugees and asylum seekers, particularly young women living on the margins of Chinese society, were vulnerable to trafficking and forced marriages as a result of their unrecognized status. Authorities continued to repatriate North Korean refugees and asylum seekers forcibly, including trafficking victims, generally treating them as illegal economic migrants. The government detained and deported them to North Korea, where they faced severe punishment or death, including in North Korean forced-labor camps. The government did not provide North Korean trafficking victims with legal alternatives to repatriation. Numerous NGOs reported the government continued to deny UNHCR access to North Korean refugees and asylum seekers. Authorities sometimes detained and prosecuted citizens who assisted North Korean refugees, as well as those who facilitated illegal border crossings. Access to Basic Services: North Korean asylum seekers in the country seeking economic opportunities generally did not have access to health care, public education, or other social services due to lack of legal status. Durable Solutions: The government largely cooperated with UNHCR when dealing with the local settlement in China of Han Chinese or ethnic minorities from Vietnam and Laos living in the country since the Vietnam War era. The government and UNHCR continued discussions concerning the granting of citizenship to these long-term residents and their children, many of whom were born in China. Stateless Persons: International media reported as many as 30,000 children born to North Korean women in China, most of whom were married to Chinese spouses, had not been registered because their North Korean parent was undocumented, leaving the children de facto stateless. These children were denied access to public services, including education and health care, despite provisions in the law that provide citizenship to children with at least one PRC citizen parent. The constitution states “all power in the People’s Republic of China belongs to the people” and the organs through which citizens exercise state power are the NPC and the people’s congresses at provincial, district, and local levels. In practice the CCP dictated the legislative agenda to the NPC. While the law provides for elections of people’s congress delegates at the county level and below, citizens could not freely choose the officials who governed them. The CCP controlled all elections and continued to control appointments to positions of political power. The CCP used various intimidation tactics, including house arrest, to block independent candidates from standing for local elections. In March the National People’s Congress removed the two-term limit for the positions of president and vice president, clearing the way for Xi Jinping to remain in office. Recent Elections: On March 4, the NPC’s 2,980 delegates elected the president and vice president, the premier and vice premiers, and the chairman of the Central Military Commission. The NPC Standing Committee, which consisted of 175 members, oversaw the elections and determined the agenda and procedures for the NPC. The selection of NPC members takes place every five years, and the process is controlled by the CCP. The NPC Standing Committee remained under the direct authority of the CCP, and all important legislative decisions required the concurrence of the CCP’s seven-member Politburo Standing Committee. Despite its broad authority under the state constitution, the NPC did not set policy independently or remove political leaders without the CCP’s approval. According to Ministry of Civil Affairs’ 2016 statistics, almost all of the country’s more than 600,000 villages had implemented direct elections for members of local subgovernmental organizations known as village committees. The direct election of officials by ordinary citizens remained narrow in scope and strictly confined to the lowest rungs of local governance. Corruption, vote buying, and interference by township-level and CCP officials continued to be problems. The law permits each voter to cast proxy votes for up to three other voters. The election law governs legislative bodies at all levels, although compliance and enforcement varied across the country. Under the law citizens have the opportunity every five years to vote for local people’s congress representatives at the county level and below, although in most cases higher-level government officials or CCP cadres controlled the nomination of candidates. At higher levels legislators selected people’s congress delegates from among their ranks. For example, provincial-level people’s congresses selected delegates to the NPC. Local CCP secretaries generally served concurrently within the leadership team of the local people’s congress, thus strengthening CCP control over legislatures. Political Parties and Political Participation: Official statements asserted “the political party system [that] China has adopted is multiparty cooperation and political consultation” under CCP leadership. The CCP, however, retained a monopoly on political power, and the government forbade the creation of new political parties. The government officially recognized nine parties founded prior to 1949, and parties other than the CCP held 30 percent of the seats in the NPC. These non-CCP members did not function as a political opposition. They exercised very little influence on legislation or policymaking and were allowed to operate only under the direction of the CCP United Front Work Department. No laws or regulations specifically govern the formation of political parties. The China Democracy Party (CDP) remained banned, and the government continued to monitor, detain, and imprison current and former CDP members. CDP founder Qin Yongmin, detained with his wife Zhao Suli in 2015, remained at the Wuhan Number 2 Detention Center awaiting trial for “subversion of state power.” Participation of Women and Minorities: No laws limit participation of women or members of minorities in the political process, and they did participate. Women and members of minority groups held few positions of significant influence in the government or CCP structure. Among the 2,987 appointed delegates to the 13th NPC in the year, 742 (25 percent) were women. Following the 19th Party Congress, one member of the CCP Central Committee’s 25-member Politburo was a woman. There were no women in the Politburo Standing Committee. The election law provides a general mandate for quotas for female and ethnic minority representatives, but achieving these quotas often required election authorities to violate the election law. A total of 438 delegates from 55 ethnic minorities were members of the 13th NPC, accounting for 16 percent of the total number of delegates. All of the country’s officially recognized minority groups were represented. The 19th Party Congress elected 15 members of ethnic minority groups as members of the 202-person Central Committee. There was no ethnic minority member of the Politburo, and only one ethnic minority was serving as a party secretary of a provincial-level jurisdiction, although a handful of ethnic minority members were serving as leaders in provincial governments. An ethnic Mongolian woman, Bu Xiaolin, served as chair of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region, equivalent to a provincial governor. An ethnic Hui woman, Xian Hui, also served as chair of the Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region. Although officials faced criminal penalties for corruption, the government and the CCP did not implement the law consistently or transparently. Corruption remained rampant, and many cases of corruption involved areas heavily regulated by the government, such as land-usage rights, real estate, mining, and infrastructure development, which were susceptible to fraud, bribery, and kickbacks. Court judgments often could not be enforced against powerful special entities, including government departments, state-owned enterprises, military personnel, and some members of the CCP. Transparency International’s analysis indicated corruption remained a significant problem in the country. There were numerous reports of government corruption–and subsequent trials and sentences–during the year. On March 20, the NPC adopted the National Supervision Law, which codifies the joint National Supervisory Commission-Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (NSC-CCDI). The NSC-CCDI is charged with rooting out corruption. NSC-CCDI investigations can target any public official, including police, judges, and prosecutors, and can investigate and detain individuals connected to targeted public officials. The creation of the NSC essentially vested the CCDI, the CCP’s internal discipline investigation unit that sits outside of the judicial system, with powers of the state. Rules governing NSC-CCDI investigations, operations, and detentions remained unclear. Formerly, the CCDI, a party (not state) organ, relied on an informal detention system–known as shuanggui–to hold party members suspected of party rule violations while a discipline investigation was underway. NSC-CCDI detention, known as liuzhi, faced allegations of detainee abuse and torture. Liuzhi detainees are held incommunicado and have no recourse to appeal their detention. While detainee abuse is proscribed by the National Supervision Law, the mechanism for detainees to report abuse is unclear. According to the compensation law, however, suspects wrongly accused of corruption can receive compensation for time spent in liuzhi. Although liuzhi operates outside the judicial system, confessions given while in liuzhi have been used as evidence in judicial proceedings. According to press reports and an NGO report released in August, liuzhi retained many characteristics of shuanggui, such as extended solitary confinement, sleep deprivation, beatings, and forced standing or sitting in uncomfortable positions for hours and sometimes days. The first reported death inside a liuzhi detention facility occurred several weeks after the enactment of the National Supervision Law. On April 9, the Fujian provincial NSC-CCDI took Chen Yong, a former government driver in Jianyang District, into liuzhi so authorities could gather information into Lin Qiang, a vice director of the district, who was suspected of corruption. On May 5, NSC-CCDI officials notified Chen’s family he was in detention and when they arrived, they found him deceased in a morgue refrigerator. His sister told Caixin Media his face was “disfigured” and his chest was caved in with black and blue bruises on his waist. Officials stopped her from examining his lower body. Corruption: In numerous cases, government prosecutors investigated public officials and leaders of state-owned enterprises, who generally held high CCP ranks, for corruption. While the tightly controlled state media apparatus publicized some notable corruption investigations, as a general matter, very few details were made public regarding the process by which CCP and government officials were investigated for corruption. In September Meng Hongwei, serving as the country’s first Interpol president in Lyon, France, while retaining his position as a Chinese Ministry of Public Security vice minister, disappeared after arriving in China on a September 25 flight. Media outlets reported Meng was taken into custody by “discipline authorities” upon his arrival into China for suspected corruption. The government announced Meng was being monitored while the NSC-CCDI investigated him and his associates for allegedly taking bribes, and at year’s end the case remained unresolved. In August anticorruption bodies punished 31 officials in Langfang, Hebei, following the high-profile suicide of Zhang Yi, president of the Langfang Chengnan Orthopedic Hospital. In his suicide note, Zhang alleged Yang Yuzhong, a former deputy at the Anci District People’s Congress, had engaged in corrupt practices and had interfered in the hospital’s management and misappropriated hospital funds. Hebei investigative authorities revealed government and CCP officials shielded Yang Yuzhong and his criminal organization that used intentional injury, forced transactions, violent demolition, and forged seals for illegal interests. Among the officials punished were a former chairman of the Anci District Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, a current police station chief, village party secretaries, and the deputy head of the district’s construction bureau. The investigation was part of a central government campaign against criminal organizations and officials who protect them. From February to year’s end, 427 persons throughout Hebei had been investigated in connection with this campaign. Financial Disclosure: A regulation requires officials in government agencies or state-owned enterprises at the county level or above to report their ownership of property, including that in their spouses’ or children’s names, as well as their families’ investments in financial assets and enterprises. The regulations do not require declarations be made public. Instead, they are submitted to a higher administrative level and a human resource department. Punishments for not declaring information vary from training on the regulations, warning talks, and adjusting one’s work position to being relieved of one’s position. Regulations further state officials should report all income, including allowances, subsidies, and bonuses, as well as income from other jobs, such as giving lectures, writing, consulting, reviewing articles, painting, and calligraphy. Officials, their spouses, and the children who live with them also are required to report their real estate properties and financial investments, although these reports are not made public. They are required to report whether their children live abroad as well as the work status of their children and grandchildren (including those who live abroad). Officials are required to file reports annually and are required to report changes of personal status within 30 days. The government sought to maintain control over civil society groups, halt the emergence of independent NGOs, and hinder activities of civil society and human rights groups. The government frequently harassed independent domestic NGOs and in many cases did not permit them to openly monitor or comment on human rights conditions. The government made statements expressing suspicion of independent organizations and closely scrutinized NGOs with financial and other links overseas. The government took significant steps during the year to bring all domestic NGOs under its direct regulatory control, thereby curtailing the space for independent NGOs to exist. Most large NGOs were quasigovernmental, and government agencies had to sponsor all official NGOs. The United Nations or Other International Bodies: The government remained reluctant to accept criticism of its human rights record by other nations or international organizations. The government sharply limited the visits of UN experts to the country and rarely provided substantive answers to queries by UN human rights bodies. A dozen requests for visits to the country by UN experts remained outstanding. The government used its membership on the UN Economic and Social Council’s Committee on NGOs to block groups critical of China from obtaining UN accreditation and barring accredited activists from participating in UN events. The government also retaliated against human rights groups working with the United Nations, eliciting the criticism of UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres. In May the government requested the UN NGO Committee remove the accreditation of the German NGO the Society for Threatened Peoples after it assisted Dolkun Isa, the president of the World Uyghur Congress, in attending the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues. Government Human Rights Bodies: The government maintained each country’s economic, social, cultural, and historical conditions determined its approach to human rights. The government claimed its treatment of suspects, considered to be victims of human rights abuses by the international community, was in accordance with national law. The government did not have a human rights ombudsman or commission. Rape and Domestic Violence: Rape of women is illegal and carries a sentence of three years in prison to death. The law does not safeguard same-sex couples or victims of marital rape. The separate law on sexual assault includes male victims, but it has a maximum penalty of five years in prison. Of the reported cases, most allegations of rape were closed through private settlement rather than prosecution. Some persons convicted of rape were executed. Domestic violence remained a significant problem. Some scholars said victims were encouraged to attempt to resolve domestic violence through mediation. Societal sentiment that domestic violence was a personal, private matter contributed to underreporting and inaction by authorities when women faced violence at home. The Family Violence Law defines domestic violence as a civil, rather than a criminal, offense. Web publication Sixth Tone reported 25 percent of families had experienced domestic violence. The government supported shelters for victims of domestic violence, and some courts provided protections to victims, including through court protective orders prohibiting a perpetrator of domestic violence from coming near a victim. Nonetheless, official assistance did not always reach victims, and public security forces often ignored domestic violence. Legal aid institutions working to provide counseling and defense to victims of domestic violence were often pressured to suspend public activities and cease all forms of policy advocacy, an area that was reserved only for government-sponsored organizations. According to women’s rights activists, a recurring problem in the prosecution of domestic violence cases was a failure by authorities to collect evidence–including photographs, hospital records, police records, or children’s testimony. Witnesses seldom testified in court. On March 18, the Guangzhou Municipal Women’s Association, the Guangzhou Bar Association, and the Yuexiu District Court hosted a public roadshow aimed at raising awareness about domestic violence on the second anniversary of the Anti-Domestic Violence Law. Legal advisors from the Bar Association and the court provided free consultations at the event and noted keeping key evidence, such as hospital records or communication history, is crucial in legal proceedings. Courts’ recognition of domestic violence improved, making spousal abuse a mitigating factor in crimes committed in self-defense. Sexual Harassment: The law prohibits sexual harassment against women; however, there is no clear definition of sexual harassment under the law. Offenders are subject to a penalty of up to 15 days in detention, according to the Beijing Public Security Bureau. It remained difficult for victims to file a sexual harassment complaint and for judges to reach a ruling on such cases. Many women remained unwilling to report incidents of sexual harassment, believing the justice system was ineffectual, according to official media. Several prominent media reports of sexual harassment went viral on social media, helping to raise awareness of the problem, particularly in the workplace. On June 20 in Qingyang, Gansu Province, a 19-year-old woman surnamed Li jumped to her death after allegedly suffering sexual harassment by her teacher, surnamed Wu. According to Li’s father, the Qingyang People’s Court May 18 decision to dismiss her sexual harassment case against Wu triggered her suicide. On June 25, the local bureau of education announced it had administratively punished Wu by giving him 10 days of detention. Li’s father reportedly refused an offer from the school of 350,000 yuan ($53,200) in exchange for dropping the case, instead demanding a public apology from the school and for Wu to be held accountable. Wu was later terminated from his post and barred from teaching. Although many women experienced workplace sexual harassment, very few reported it. Human Rights Watch cited one statistic showing nearly 40 percent of women said they experienced sexual harassment in the workplace. A Guangzhou journalist found among 400 journalists she polled, more than 80 percent said they had suffered workplace sexual harassment. The Law on the Protection of Women’s Rights and Interests empowers victims to file a sexual harassment complaint with their employer, authorities, or both. Employers who failed to take effective measures to prevent sexual harassment could be fined. On July 1, Jiangsu Province enacted new legislation that details specific measures employers must take to protect employees against sexual harassment in the workplace. Under the new law, employers are required to establish internal regulations against harassment, provide training to employees to prevent harassment, create a complaint channel for employees who allege harassment, and address the complaints in a timely manner. Observers noted the law did not specify a timeline for compliance, nor did it spell out penalties for noncompliance. Some women’s NGOs that sought to increase public awareness of sexual harassment reported harassment by public security and faced challenges executing their programs. On July 25, a former female intern said, after she reported to police that prominent television host Zhu Jun had forcibly kissed and groped her, police forced her to withdraw the complaint. The police claimed Zhu, as host of the annual Spring Festive gala on state media, had “enormous ‘positive influence’ on society.” Zhu then demanded the woman and her friend who shared the case online apologize online and in a national newspaper, pay compensation of 655,000 yuan ($95,260), and cover the costs of legal fees for the case. In response the former intern’s friend applied to file her own civil suit against Zhu for “infringement of personality rights.” In August an investigation concluded Xuecheng, abbot of the well-known Longquan Temple on the outskirts of Beijing, had sexually harassed female disciples via text messages, according to a statement posted on the website of the National Religious Affairs Administration. One of the country’s best-known monks and authors, Xuecheng was an influential political adviser to the central government while heading the national Buddhist association. Coercion in Population Control: There were reports of coerced abortions and sterilizations, although government statistics on the percentage of abortions that were coerced during the year was not available. The CCP restricts the rights of parents to choose the number of children they have and utilizes family planning units from the provincial to the village level to enforce population limits and distributions. The Population and Family Planning Law permits married couples to have two children and allows couples to apply for permission to have a third child if they meet conditions stipulated in local and provincial regulations. State media claimed the number of coerced abortions had declined in recent years in the wake of loosened regulations, including the implementation of the two-child policy. Nevertheless, citizens were subject to hefty fines for violating the law, while couples who had only one child received a certificate entitling them to collect a monthly incentive payment and other benefits that vary by province–from approximately six to 12 yuan (one to two dollars) per month up to 3,000 yuan ($450) for farmers and herders in poor areas. Couples in some provinces were required to seek approval and register before a child was conceived. According to international press reports, an ethnic Kazakh reported the government forced her and others in Xinjiang to abort their third child. She said in December 2017 police entered her home, forced her to undergo a medical check, and determined she was six weeks’ pregnant. The next day those authorities ordered her to get an abortion. Although initially refusing, she consented when they threatened to send her brother to an internment camp, which authorities did anyway after the abortion was completed. Her husband demanded compensation for their lost child. Under the law and in practice, there are financial and administrative penalties for births that exceed birth limits or otherwise violate regulations. The law, as implemented, requires each woman with an unauthorized pregnancy to abort or pay the social compensation fee, which can reach 10 times a person’s annual disposable income. The exact amount of the fee varied widely from province to province. Those with financial means often paid the fee so that their children born in violation of the birth restrictions would have access to a wide array of government-provided social services and rights. Some parents avoided the fee by hiding children born in violation of the law with friends or relatives. In localities with large populations of migrant workers, officials specifically targeted migrant women to ensure they did not exceed birth limitations. Minorities in some provinces, however, were entitled to higher limits on their family size. The law maintains “citizens have an obligation to practice birth planning in accordance with the law” and also states “couples of child-bearing age shall voluntarily choose birth planning contraceptive and birth control measures to prevent and reduce unwanted pregnancies.” Since the national family planning law mentions only the rights of married couples, local implementation was inconsistent, and unmarried persons must pay for contraception. Although under both the Civil Law and Marriage Law the children of single women are entitled to the same rights as those born to married parents, in practice children born to single mothers or unmarried couples are considered “outside of the policy” and subject to the social compensation fee and the denial of legal documents, such as birth documents and the hukou residence permit. Single women could avoid those penalties by marrying within 60 days of the baby’s birth. As in prior years, population control policy continued to rely on social pressure, education, propaganda, and economic penalties, as well as on measures such as mandatory pregnancy examinations and, less frequently, coerced abortions and sterilizations. Officials at all levels could receive rewards or penalties based on whether or not they met the population targets set by their administrative region. With the higher birth limit, and since most persons wanted to have no more than two children, it was easier to achieve population targets, and the pressure on local officials was considerably less than before. Those found to have a pregnancy in violation of the law or those who helped another to evade state controls could face punitive measures, such as onerous fines or job loss. Regulations requiring women who violate the family planning policy to terminate their pregnancies still exist and were enforced in some provinces, such as Hubei, Hunan, and Liaoning. Other provinces, such as Guizhou and Yunnan, maintained provisions that require “remedial measures,” an official euphemism for abortion, to deal with pregnancies that violate the policy. Although many local governments encouraged couples to have a second child, families with three or more children still must pay a “social compensation fee.” In Fuzhou City, Fujian Province, one local district added the names of those who refused to pay social compensation fees to a “personal credit black list.” This listing affects one’s ability to request loans, take public transportation, purchase items, educating their children, and joining tours. The law mandates family planning bureaus administer pregnancy tests to married women of childbearing age and provide them with basic knowledge of family planning and prenatal services. Some provinces fined women who did not undergo periodic state-mandated pregnancy tests. Family-planning officials face criminal charges and administrative sanction if they are found to violate citizens’ human or property rights, abuse their power, accept bribes, misappropriate or embezzle family planning funds, or falsely report family planning statistics in the enforcement of birth limitation policy. Forced abortion is not specifically listed as a prohibited activity. The law also prohibits health-care providers from providing illegal surgeries, ultrasounds to determine the sex of the fetus that are not medically necessary, sex-selective abortions, fake medical identification, and fake birth certificates. By law, citizens could submit formal complaints about officials who exceed their authority in implementing birth-planning policy, and complaints are to be investigated and dealt with in a timely manner. Discrimination: The constitution states “women enjoy equal rights with men in all spheres of life.” The law provides for equality in ownership of property, inheritance rights, access to education, and equal pay for equal work. Nonetheless, women reported discrimination, unfair dismissal, demotion, and wage discrepancies were significant problems. On average, women earned 35 percent less than men who did similar work. This wage gap was greater in rural areas. Women also continued to be underrepresented in leadership positions, despite their high rate of participation in the labor force. Authorities often did not enforce laws protecting the rights of women; according to legal experts, it was difficult to litigate sex discrimination suits because of vague legal definitions. Some observers noted the agencies tasked with protecting women’s rights tended to focus on maternity-related benefits and wrongful termination during maternity leave rather than on sex discrimination, violence against women, and sexual harassment; others pointed to the active role played by the All China Women’s Federation in passing the new domestic violence legislation. Women’s rights advocates indicated in rural areas women often forfeited land and property rights to their husbands in divorce proceedings. Rural contract law and laws protecting women’s rights stipulate women enjoy equal rights in cases of land management, but experts asserted this was rarely the case due to the complexity of the law and difficulties in its implementation. In October local government officials in Tangshan, Hebei Province, informed a woman that her land rights had been conferred to her ex-husband’s hukou after their divorce. Officials urged her to negotiate with her ex-husband to divide the land interests or petition the local court to divide up the former couple’s unsettled assets. Birth Registration: Citizenship is derived from parents. Parents must register their children in compliance with the national household registration system within one month of birth. Unregistered children could not access public services, including education. Education: Although the law provides for nine years of compulsory education for children, many children did not attend school for the required period in economically disadvantaged rural areas, and some never attended. Public schools were not allowed to charge tuition, but many schools continued to charge miscellaneous fees because they received insufficient local and central government funding. Such fees and other school-related expenses made it difficult for poorer families and some migrant workers to send their children to school. The gap in education quality for rural and urban youth remained extensive, with many children of migrant workers attending unlicensed and poorly equipped schools. Child Abuse: The physical abuse of children is ground for criminal prosecution. The Domestic Violence Law also protects children. Sexual abuse of minors, particularly of rural children, was a significant problem. In October video circulated online of a father allegedly molesting his five-year-old daughter on a train in southeastern China. The video showed a man with the child on his lap, repeatedly lifting her shirt, caressing her back, and trying to kiss her several times on the mouth. Nanchang Railway Police, Jiangxi Province, concluded the father’s actions did not constitute molestation, as it was a father-daughter relationship, and thus could not be deemed illegal. The incident incited widespread public criticism on the Nanchang police station’s Weibo post of its statement. Early and Forced Marriage: The legal minimum age for marriage is 22 for men and 20 for women. Child marriage was not known to be a problem. Sexual Exploitation of Children: The minimum legal age for consensual sex is 14. Persons who forced girls younger than 14 into prostitution could be sentenced to 10 years to life in prison in addition to a fine or confiscation of property. In especially serious cases, violators could receive a life sentence or death sentence, in addition to having their property confiscated. Those who visited girls forced into prostitution younger than 14 were subject to five years or more in prison in addition to paying a fine. Pornography of any kind, including child pornography, is illegal. Under the criminal code, those producing, reproducing, publishing, selling, or disseminating obscene materials with the purpose of making a profit could be sentenced to up to three years in prison or put under criminal detention or surveillance in addition to paying a fine. Offenders in serious cases could receive prison sentences of three to 10 years in addition to paying a fine. The law provides persons broadcasting or showing obscene materials to minors younger than 18 are to be “severely punished.” Infanticide or Infanticide of Children with Disabilities: The law forbids infanticide; it was unknown if the practice continued. Parents of children with disabilities frequently left infants at hospitals, primarily because of the anticipated cost of medical care. Gender-biased abortions and the abandonment and neglect of baby girls were believed to be in decline but continued to be a problem in some circumstances, due to the traditional preference for sons and the birth-limitation policy. Displaced Children: The detention of an estimated 800,000 to two million or more Uighurs, ethnic Kazakhs, and other Muslims in Xinjiang left many children without caregivers. While many of these children had other family willing to care for them, the government began placing the children of detainees in orphanages, boarding schools, or “child welfare guidance centers,” where they were forced to shout patriotic slogans, learn Mandarin Chinese, and answer questions about their parents’ religious beliefs and practices. The total number of such children was unknown, especially as many of these facilities were also used for orphans and regular students. Government policy aims to provide such children with state-sponsored care until they reach age 18. Media reports showed new construction for orphanages in Xinjiang greatly escalated in 2017 and 2018 to house thousands of children of parents being held in internment camps. In Hotan some boarding schools were topped with barbed wire. Institutionalized Children: In July authorities in Henan Province’s Xinmi City shuttered legally licensed orphanage Sino-American Nonprofit Cooperative Services (SANCS) House of Mercy under the Law on Foreign Involvement in Nongovernment Organizations on the grounds that foreigners were no longer allowed to be involved in the NGO space. The orphanage, which had been operating since 1996, was run by both foreign and Chinese staff and sponsored by the Catholic Church. At the time of closing, SANCS housed more than 50 children, only 13 of whom had been confirmed to have a new home; others previously housed at the facility once again became homeless. International Child Abductions: The country is not a party to the 1980 Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction. See the Department of State’s Annual Report on International Parental Child Abduction at https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/International-Parental-Child-Abduction/for-providers/legal-reports-and-data.html. The government does not recognize Judaism as an ethnicity or religion. There were no reports of anti-Semitic acts during the year. See the Department of State’s Trafficking in Persons Report at www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/. The law protects the rights of persons with disabilities and prohibits discrimination, but in many instances conditions for such persons lagged behind legal requirements, and the government failed to provide persons with disabilities access to programs intended to assist them. According to the law, persons with disabilities “are entitled to enjoyment of equal rights as other citizens in political, economic, cultural, and social fields, in family life, and in other aspects.” Discrimination against, insult of, and infringement upon persons with disabilities is prohibited. The law prohibits discrimination against minors with disabilities and codifies a variety of judicial protections for juveniles. The Ministry of Education reported there were more than 2,000 separate education schools for children with disabilities, but NGOs reported only 2 percent of the 20 million children with disabilities had access to education that met their needs. Individuals with disabilities faced difficulties accessing higher education. Universities often excluded candidates with disabilities who would otherwise be qualified. A regulation mandates accommodations for students with disabilities when taking the national university entrance exam. Unemployment among adults with disabilities, in part due to discrimination, remained a serious problem. The law requires local governments to offer incentives to enterprises that hire persons with disabilities. Regulations in some parts of the country also require employers to pay into a national fund for persons with disabilities when employees with disabilities do not make up a statutory minimum percentage of the total workforce. Standards adopted for making roads and buildings accessible to persons with disabilities are subject to the Law on the Handicapped, which calls for their “gradual” implementation; compliance was limited. The law forbids the marriage of persons with certain mental disabilities, such as schizophrenia. If doctors find a couple is at risk of transmitting congenital disabilities to their children, the couple may marry only if they agree to use birth control or undergo sterilization. In some instances officials continued to require couples to abort pregnancies when doctors discovered possible disabilities during prenatal examinations. The law stipulates local governments are to employ such practices to raise the percentage of births of children without disabilities. Government policy called for members of recognized minorities to receive preferential treatment in birth planning, university admission, access to loans, and employment. The substance and implementation of ethnic minority policies nonetheless remained poor, and discrimination against minorities remained widespread. The government “sinicization” campaign resulted in ethnically based restrictions on movement, including curtailed ability of ethnic Uighurs to travel freely or obtain travel documents; greater surveillance and presence of armed police in Xinjiang; and legislative restrictions on cultural and religious practices. According to a 2015 government census, the most recent, 9.5 million, or 40 percent, of the Xinjiang’s official residents were Han Chinese. Uighur, Hui, ethnic Kazakh, Kyrgyz, and other ethnic minorities constituted 14.1 million Xinjiang residents, or 60 percent of the total population. Official statistics understated the Han Chinese population because they did not count the more than 2.7 million Han residents on paramilitary compounds (bingtuan) and those who were long-term “temporary workers,” an increase of 1.2 percent over the previous year, according to a 2015 government of Xinjiang report. The government’s policy to encourage Han Chinese migration into minority areas significantly increased the population of Han in Xinjiang. Han Chinese officials continued to hold the majority of the most powerful CCP and many government positions in minority autonomous regions, particularly Xinjiang. The rapid influx of Han Chinese into Xinjiang in recent decades has provoked Uighur resentment. In 2017 the Xinjiang government also implemented new “Deradicalization Regulations,” codifying efforts to “contain and eradicate extremism,” according to Xinhua. The broad definition of extremism resulted in the reported detention since 2017 of 800,000 to possibly more than two million Uighurs, ethnic Kazakhs, and other Muslims in “transformation through education” centers, or internment camps, designed to instill patriotism and erase their religious and ethnic identities. This included many of those ordered to return to China from studying or working abroad. International media reported security officials in the centers abused, tortured, and killed some detainees (see sections 1.a, 1.b, 1.c, 1.d, and 2.d.). Officials in Xinjiang intensified efforts to crack down on the government-designated “three evil forces” of religious extremism, ethnic separatism, and violent terrorism, including by continuing the concentrated re-education campaign. Xinjiang Communist Party Secretary Chen Quanguo, former Communist leader in the TAR, replicated in Xinjiang policies similar to those credited with reducing opposition to CCP rule in Tibet, increasing the security budget by more than 300 percent and advertising more than 90,800 security-related jobs. Authorities cited the 2016 Xinjiang guidelines for the implementation of the national Counterterrorism Law and a “people’s war on terrorism” in its increased surveillance efforts and enhanced restrictions on movement and ethnic and religious practices. Outside of the internment camps, the government implemented severe restrictions on expressions of minorities’ culture, language, and religious identity, including regulations prohibiting behaviors the government considered signs of “extremism” such as growing “abnormal” beards, wearing of veils in public places, and suddenly stopping smoking and drinking alcohol, among other behaviors. The regulations banned the use of some Islamic names when naming children and set punishments for the teaching of religion to children. Authorities conducted “household surveys” and “home stays” in which officials or volunteers forcibly lived in Uighurs’ homes and monitored families for signs of “extremism.” In October the Xinjiang government released new implementing regulations on “de-extremification.” Article 17 of the regulations states county-level governments “may establish occupational skills education and training centers and other such education and transformation bodies and management departments to conduct education and transformation for persons influenced by extremism.” Some observers noted, despite this new regional law, the “re-education centers” were still illegal under the constitution. Minority groups in border and other regions had less access to education than their Han Chinese counterparts, faced job discrimination in favor of Han Chinese migrants, and earned incomes well below those in other parts of the country. Government development programs and job provisions disrupted traditional living patterns of minority groups and in some cases included the forced relocation of persons and the forced settlement of nomads. Han Chinese benefited disproportionately from government programs and economic growth in minority areas. As part of its emphasis on building a “harmonious society” and maintaining social stability, the government downplayed racism and institutional discrimination against minorities, which remained a source of deep resentment in Xinjiang, the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region, the TAR, and other Tibetan areas. The law states “schools (classes and grades) and other institutions of education where most of the students come from minority nationalities shall, whenever possible, use textbooks in their own languages and use their languages as the medium of instruction.” Despite provisions to ensure cultural and linguistic rights, measures requiring full instruction in Mandarin beginning in preschool and banning the use of Uighur in all educational activities and management were implemented throughout Xinjiang, according to international media. Some security raids, arbitrary detentions, and judicial punishments appeared to target groups or individuals peacefully seeking to express their political or religious views. Detention and punishment extended to expression on the internet and social media, including the browsing, downloading, and transmitting of banned content. Officials continued to use the threat of violence as justification for extreme security measures directed at the local population, journalists, and visiting foreigners. According to Xinhua, officials used surveillance and facial recognition software, biodata collection, and big data technology to create a database of Uighurs in Xinjiang for the purpose of conducting “social-instability forecasting, prevention, and containment.” Security forces frequently staged large-scale parades involving thousands of armed police in cities across Xinjiang, according to state media. Uighurs and other religious minorities continued to be sentenced to long prison terms and in some cases executed without due process on charges of separatism and endangering state security. The government constructed new prisons in Xinjiang to alleviate the overcapacity of existing facilities, according to credible sources. In 2016 and 2017, the Xinjiang regional government posted advertisements to recruit nearly 100,000 security personnel, international media reported. Economist Ilham Tohti remained in prison, where he was serving a life sentence after his conviction on separatism-related charges in 2014. The law criminalizes discussion of “separatism” on the internet and prohibits use of the internet in any way that undermines national unity. It further bans inciting ethnic separatism or “harming social stability” and requires internet service providers and network operators to set up monitoring systems to detect, report, and delete religious content or to strengthen existing systems and report violations of the law. Authorities searched cell phones at checkpoints and during random inspections of Uighur households, and persons in possession of alleged terrorist material, including pictures of general religious or cultural importance, could be arrested and charged with crimes. International media reported security officials at police checkpoints used a surveillance application to download and view content on mobile phones. Ethnic Kazakh Chinese were also targeted, Radio Free Asia and other international media reported. In August Sayragul Sauytbay, an ethnic Kazakh Chinese citizen, testified in a Kazakhstan court that she was forced to work in a center where an estimated 2,500 ethnic Kazakhs were detained. She told the court she had to undergo “political indoctrination” at the camp. Kazakhs were also prevented from moving freely between China and neighboring Kazakhstan, and some were detained in re-education centers when returning to China. The government pressured foreign countries to repatriate or deny visas to Uighurs who had left the country, and repatriated Uighurs faced the risk of imprisonment and mistreatment upon return. Some Uighurs who were forcibly repatriated disappeared after arriving in China. Family members of Uighurs studying overseas were also pressured to convince students to return to China, and returning students were detained or forced to attend re-education camps, according to overseas media. Freedom of assembly was severely limited during the year in Xinjiang. For information about abuse of religious freedom in Xinjiang, see the Department of State’s International Religious Freedom Report at www.state.gov/religiousfreedomreport/. For specific information on Tibet, see the Tibet Annex. No laws criminalize private consensual same-sex activities between adults. Individuals and organizations working on lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) issues continued to report discrimination and harassment from authorities similar to that experienced by other organizations that accept funding from overseas. LGBTI individuals reported incidents of violence, including domestic violence; however, they encountered difficulties in seeking legal redress, since regulations on domestic violence, including the Family Violence Law, do not include recognition of same-sex relations. Accessing redress was further limited by societal discrimination and traditional norms, resulting in most LGBTI persons refraining to publicly discuss their sexual orientation or gender identity. NGOs working on LGBTI issues reported that although public advocacy work became more difficult for them in light of the Foreign NGO Management Law and the Domestic Charity Law, they made some progress in advocating for LGBTI rights through specific antidiscrimination cases. In November domestic and international media reported the Wuhu County Court in Anhui Province sentenced a novelist, surnamed Liu, to 10 years and six months’ imprisonment for self-publishing and selling an erotic novel that described same-sex acts. Liu, who wrote under the alias Tianyi, published her novel Occupy in 2017 and sold 7,000 copies on the popular Taobao platform before authorities banned it. Although the production and sale of pornography is strictly prohibited, official and social media reaction contrasted this sentence with lesser sentences given to violent offenders. Liu filed an appeal of the ruling. In May and June, authorities in the southwest interfered in several public LGBTI-related activities in honor of Pride Month. In one case police interrupted a film screening. In another case they pressured a reserved venue to cancel a panel discussion on LGBTI access to health care. Discrimination against persons with HIV remained a problem, impacting individuals’ employment, educational, and housing opportunities and impeding access to health care. In some instances laws protecting persons with HIV from discrimination contradict laws restricting the rights of persons with HIV. During the year state media outlets reported instances of persons with HIV/AIDS who were barred from housing, education, or employment due to their HIV status. On January 3, a public hospital in Haikou refused to operate on a patient it determined was HIV positive and insisted on transferring him to another hospital, citing they did not have adequate sterilization equipment for such a risky surgery. Local NGO Red Ribbon helped the patient find another hospital. According to the law, companies may not demand HIV antibody tests nor dismiss employees for having HIV. On April 28, an employee in Sichuan Province was reinstated at work and received additional compensation after he reached a legal settlement with his employer, which had previously terminated his employment after he was diagnosed HIV-positive. The law prohibits discrimination against persons carrying infectious diseases and allows such persons to work as civil servants. Despite provisions in the law, discrimination against hepatitis B carriers (including 20 million chronic carriers) remained widespread in many areas, and local governments sometimes tried to suppress their activities. Despite a 2010 nationwide rule banning mandatory hepatitis B virus tests in job and school admissions applications, many companies continued to use hepatitis B testing as part of their pre-employment screening. The law does not address some common types of discrimination in employment, including discrimination based on height, physical appearance, or ethnic identity. The law does not provide for freedom of association, and workers are not free to organize or join unions of their own choosing. The All China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU) is the only union recognized under the law. Independent unions are illegal, and the law does not protect the right to strike. The law allows for collective wage bargaining for workers in all types of enterprises. The law further provides for industrial sector-wide or regional collective contracts, and enterprise-level collective contracts were generally compulsory throughout the country. Regulations require the government-controlled union to gather input from workers prior to consultation with management and to submit collective contracts to workers or their congress for approval. There is no legal obligation for employers to negotiate or to bargain in good faith, and some employers refused to do so. The law provides for legal protections against discrimination against the officially sanctioned union and specifies union representatives may not be transferred or terminated by enterprise management during their term of office. The law provides for the reinstatement of workers dismissed for official union activity as well as for other penalties for enterprises that engage in antiunion activities. The law does not protect workers who request or take part in collective negotiations with their employers independent of the officially recognized union. In several cases reported during the year, workers attempting to do so faced reprisals including forced resignation, firing, and detention. All union activity must be approved by and organized under the ACFTU, a CCP organ chaired by a member of the Politburo. The ACFTU and its provincial and local branches continued to establish new constituent unions and add new members, especially among migrant workers, in large, multinational enterprises. The law gives the ACFTU financial and administrative control over constituent unions empowered to represent employees in negotiating and signing collective contracts with enterprises and public institutions. The law does not mandate the ACFTU to represent the interests of workers in disputes. The ACFTU and the CCP used a variety of mechanisms to influence the selection of trade union representatives. Although the law states trade union officers at each level should be elected, ACFTU-affiliated unions appointed most factory-level officers, often in coordination with employers. Official union leaders were often drawn from the ranks of management. Direct election by workers of union leaders continued to be rare, occurred only at the enterprise level, and was subject to supervision by higher levels of the union or the CCP. In enterprises where direct election of union officers took place, regional ACFTU officers and local CCP authorities retained control over the selection and approval of candidates. Even in these cases, workers and NGOs expressed concern about the credibility of elections. The law does not expressly prohibit work stoppages and does not prohibit workers from striking spontaneously. Although authorities appeared more tolerant of strikes protesting unpaid or underpaid wages, reports of police crackdowns on strikes continued throughout the year. For example, on May 27, police in Lu’an, Anhui Province, suppressed a group of teachers calling for wage parity with local civil servants, as mandated in the 1994 Teachers Law. Wage-related issues constituted 82 percent of the 6,694 strikes and collective protests recorded during 2015-17 by the Hong Kong-based labor rights NGO China Labor Bulletin. In cases where local authorities cracked down on strikes, they sometimes charged leaders with vague criminal offenses, such as “picking quarrels and provoking trouble,” “gathering a crowd to disturb public order,” or “damaging production operations,” or detained them without any charges. The only legally specified roles for the ACFTU in strikes are to participate in investigations and to assist the Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security in resolving disputes. Enforcement was generally insufficient to deter wide-scale violations. Labor inspectors lacked authority and resources to compel employers to correct violations. While the law outlines general procedures for resolving disputes, procedures were lengthy and subject to delays. Local authorities in some areas actively sought to limit efforts by independent civil society organizations and legal practitioners. Some areas maintained informal quotas on the number of cases allowed to proceed beyond mediation to arbitration or the courts. Some local government authorities took steps to increase mediation or arbitration. For example, on March 6, the Maoming Municipal Intermediate Court and Maoming Municipal Trade Union jointly established the Labor Arbitration and Mediation Coordination Office to facilitate better communication and ease tensions in labor disputes. An official from the local People’s Congress noted the increasing number of arbitrations, lengthy legal proceedings, and high litigation costs were not helpful in constructing positive and harmonious labor-capital relations. Despite the appearances of a strong labor movement and relatively high levels of union registration, genuine freedom of association and worker representation did not exist. The ACFTU constituent unions were generally ineffective in representing and protecting the rights and interests of workers. Workers generally did not view the ACFTU as an advocate, especially migrant workers who had the least interaction with union officials. China Labor Bulletin reported workers throughout the country engaged in wildcat strikes, work stoppages, and other protest actions and claimed the workers’ actions were indicative of the ACFTU’s inability to prevent violations and resolve disputes. Media reported a number of protests at factories in the southern part of the country. The government increasingly targeted labor activists, students, and others advocating for worker rights during the year. For example, beginning in July and continuing through the end of the year, the government detained multiple workers, students, NGO representatives, lawyers, and others in response to demonstrations and online posts in support of workers attempting to form a union at Jasic Technology, a manufacturer of industrial welding equipment in Shenzhen. Workers at the factory reportedly tried to establish a trade union in response to complaints of low pay and poor working conditions. Although the lead organizers of the union reportedly received some information and assistance to set up an enterprise-level union from the local ACFTU branch, company management subsequently set up an enterprise union, selected management representatives to serve as union leaders, and fired the workers who had attempted to organize a union. Following protests by the workers in July, the lead organizers were reportedly physically attacked, inciting protests in Shenzhen and elsewhere. Guangdong labor activists, the Maoist organization Wu-You-Zhi-Xiang, leftist university students, and Hong Kong trade unions supported the protests. Shenzhen police reportedly detained approximately 30 workers and representatives from the Dagongzhe Worker’s Center for their alleged connection with the Jasic protests. Several of the worker activists were charged with “gathering a crowd to disrupt social order.” Authorities also reportedly raided the offices of “Pioneers of the Times” and a Beijing-based publisher “Red Reference,” and criminally detained a staff member of “Red Reference.” On August 24, authorities in Guangdong, Beijing, and other parts of the country detained multiple workers and students from Peking, Renmin, and Nanjing Universities who had been supporting the workers. In early November the government detained nine student organizers and factory workers in Beijing, Shanghai, and Shenzhen and three activists in Wuhan. The government also detained two local ACFTU officials in Shenzhen in November. Authorities detained and questioned additional students in December. Despite restrictions on worker action, joint action across provinces took place in several other sectors. For example, on May 1, a strike by crane drivers in the construction industry spread nationwide as operators demanded pay raises in a number of cities, including Yulin and Chongzuo in Guangxi, and Xiamen, Fujian Province. In June protests by truck drivers over stagnant pay, high fuel costs, and arbitrary fines took place at various locations in Shandong, Sichuan, Chongqing, Anhui, Guizhou, Jiangxi, Hubei, Henan, and Zhejiang Provinces, as well as in the Shanghai Special Municipality. Coordinated efforts by governments at the central, provincial, and local levels, including harassment, detention, and the imposition of travel restrictions on labor rights defenders and restrictions on funding sources for NGOs, disrupted labor rights advocacy. Labor activist and 1989 prodemocracy movement veteran Liu Shaoming remained in custody after the Guangzhou Intermediate People’s Court sentenced him to four and one-half years’ imprisonment in 2017 for “inciting subversion of state power.” The law prohibits forced and compulsory labor. Although domestic media rarely reported forced labor cases and the penalties imposed, the law provides a range of penalties depending on the circumstances, including imprisonment, criminal detention, and fines. It was unclear whether the penalties were sufficient to deter violations. Where there were reports forced labor of adults and children occurred in the private sector, the government reportedly enforced the law. Although in 2013 the NPC officially abolished the re-education through labor system, an arbitrary system of administrative detention without judicial review, some media outlets and NGOs reported forced labor continued in some drug rehabilitation facilities where individuals continued to be detained without judicial process. There were anecdotal reports some persons detained in the internment camps (see section 6) were subjected to forced labor. In December a press report stated apparel made at a forced labor camp in Xinjiang was imported by a U.S. athletic gear provider. Local authorities in Hotan prefecture, Xinjiang, also reportedly required some Uighur women and children not in the camps to perform forced labor. There were several reports small workshops and factories subjected persons with mental disabilities to forced labor. Also see the Department of State’s Trafficking in Persons Report at www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/. The law prohibits the employment of children under the age of 16. It refers to workers between the ages of 16 and 18 as “juvenile workers” and prohibits them from engaging in certain forms of dangerous work, including in mines. The government did not effectively enforce the law. The law specifies administrative review, fines, and revocation of business licenses of enterprises that illegally hire minors and provides underage working children be returned to their parents or other custodians in their original place of residence. The penalty is imprisonment for employing children younger than age 16 in hazardous labor or for excessively long hours, but a gap remained between legislation and implementation despite annual inspection campaigns launched by local authorities across the country. It was unclear whether the penalties were sufficient to deter violations. In January two French NGOs filed legal cases against Samsung for the company’s alleged use of child labor and other abuses at its manufacturing plants in China. Samsung’s suppliers in Dongguan had previously been criticized for using child labor from vocational schools. Abuse of the student-worker system continued; as in past years, there were allegations that schools and local officials improperly facilitated the supply of student laborers. On March 17, for example, parents of students at the Guilin Electronic Vocational School reported to the authorities that more than 100 student interns had been working at an air conditioning manufacturer’s production line as apprentices. The students reportedly worked 12 hours a day with no breaks, no pay, no holidays, and no sick leave. On March 30, the Guilin Municipal Education Bureau issued an administrative warning to the Guilin Electronic Vocational School, ordering the school to recall all students from the air conditioning manufacturer, located in Guangdong’s Jiangmen Municipality, and instructed the school to prevent the situation from recurring. The law provides some basis for legal protection against employment discrimination on the grounds of ethnicity, race, gender, religious belief, disability, age, and infectious or occupational diseases. The government did not effectively implement the laws. Enforcement clauses include the right to pursue civil damages through the courts. Courts were generally reluctant to accept discrimination cases, and authorities at all levels emphasized negotiated settlements to labor disputes. As a result there were few examples of enforcement actions that resulted in final legal decisions. Discrimination in employment was widespread, including in recruitment advertisements that discriminated based on gender, age, height, birthplace, and physical appearance and health status (see section 6). Workplace discrimination against women was common during the year. The mandatory retirement age for women was 50 for those in blue-collar jobs and 55 for those in white-collar jobs. The retirement age for men was 60 across the board. A 2015 All China Federation of Women survey in institutions for higher education revealed more than 80 percent of women graduates reported they had suffered discrimination in the recruitment process. Examples of discrimination included job advertisements seeking pretty women, or preferring men, or requiring higher education qualifications from women compared to men for the same job. Survey results showed women were less likely to be invited for interviews or called back for a second round of interviews. In interviews some women were asked whether they had children, how many children they had, and whether they planned to have children or more children if they had a child already. On March 5, Yuan, a former sales manager of Mead Johnson Nutrition Corporation in Guangzhou, filed a lawsuit against her former employer alleging pregnancy discrimination. Mead Johnson fired Yuan for absenteeism after she traveled and gave birth to a baby in Houston during her maternity leave in September 2016. The company also refused to recognize the hospital’s medical records, citing employees should use maternity leave only to cover medical situations during pregnancy. The hukou system remained the most pervasive form of employment-related discrimination, denying migrant workers access to the full range of social benefits, including health care, pensions, and disability programs, on an equal basis with local residents. There is no national minimum wage, but the law generally requires local and provincial governments to set their own minimum wage rates for both the formal and informal sectors according to standards promulgated by the Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security. By law employees are limited to working eight hours a day and 40 hours per week; work beyond this standard is considered overtime. It also prohibits overtime work in excess of three hours per day or 36 hours per month and mandates premium pay for overtime work. During the year the government established a new Ministry of Emergency Management that incorporated parts of the former State Administration for Work Safety; the ministry sets and enforces occupational health and safety regulations. The law requires employers to provide free health checkups for employees working in hazardous conditions and to inform them of the results. The law also provides workers the right to report violations or remove themselves from workplace situations that could endanger their health without jeopardy to their employment. Regulations state labor and social security bureaus at or above the county level are responsible for enforcement of labor laws. Companies that violate occupational, safety, and health regulations face various penalties, including suspension of business operations or rescission of business certificates and licenses. The government did not effectively enforce the law. Penalties were not adequate to deter violations and were seldom enforced. The number of inspectors was insufficient to monitor working conditions and did not operate in the informal sector. Although the country’s worker safety record improved over the past seven years, there were a number of workplace accidents during the year. Media and NGO reports attributed them to a lack of safety checks, weak enforcement of laws and regulations, ineffective supervision, and inadequate emergency responses. Nonpayment of wages remained a problem in many areas. Governments at various levels continued efforts to prevent arrears and to recover payment of unpaid wages and insurance contributions. Unpaid wages have been an acute problem in the construction sector for decades due to the prevalence of hiring subcontracted low-wage migrant workers. This informal hiring scheme made rural laborers susceptible to delayed payment or nonpayment for their work, prompting them to join in collective action. Workers occasionally took drastic measures to demand payment. In July the Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security claimed it had helped more than one million workers recover a total of 10.88 billion yuan ($1.62 billion) in unpaid wages owed in the first half of the year. According to the Guangzhou Court, for example, from 2015 to 2017 the city’s courts tried 111 criminal cases for wage arrears disputes involving 4,880 victims and 30.62 million yuan ($4.4 million) in wages. The court reported 116 persons were convicted for malintent refusal to pay their employees’ wages. Companies continued to relocate or close on short notice, often leaving employees without adequate recourse for due compensation. Workers in the informal sector often lacked coverage under labor contracts, and even with contracts, migrant workers in particular had less access to benefits, especially social insurance. Workers in the informal sector worked longer hours and earned less than comparable workers in the formal sector. In June truck drivers in multiple cities protested stagnant pay and poor working conditions (also see section 7.a.). Without providing exact numbers, the Ministry of Emergency Management announced in July the number of workplace accidents fell. The ministry also reported while accident and death rates in most sectors were declining, in the construction sector these rates had steadily increased since 2016, making the sector the one with the highest number of accidents and deaths of any industrial and commercial sector for the last nine years. In January, May, and July, media reported more than 100 former construction workers affected by pneumoconiosis from Hunan made three trips to Shenzhen to petition for long overdue compensation for the occupational illness they contracted while working in the city during the 1990s. According to several official documents published during the year, occupational diseases were prevalent. Patients came from many industries, including coal, chemical engineering, and nonferrous metals. Although there were fewer news reports on coal mine accidents during the year, the coal mining industry remained extremely deadly. According to the Ministry of Emergency Management, there were 219 coal mine accidents in 2017, causing 375 deaths, which represented a drop of 12 percent and 28.7 percent year-on-year, respectively. On May 9, five persons died when methane gas exploded in a coal mine in central Hunan Province. On August 6, a coal mine gas explosion in Guizhou Province killed 13 miners. In October a coal mine collapse in Shandong Province left 21 dead. Work accidents also remained widespread in other industries. On June 5, for example, 11 persons were killed and nine injured in an iron mine blast in Liaoning Province. On August 12, a chemical plant blast in Sichuan Province killed 19 and injured 12.
美国国务院发言人办公室媒体通报 2023年7月19日美国总统气候问题特使约翰·克里（John Kerry）今天会晤了中华人民共和国副主席韩正，以讨论应对气候危机的切实行动。克里特使强调，中华人民共和国和美国是全世界最大的两个温室气体排放国，没有两国的全面参与及承诺，世界就无法解决气候危机。他进一步强调，要将升温控制在1.5摄氏度以内，中华人民共和国就必须做出重大努力，减少二氧化碳以及如甲烷等非二氧化碳的排放，并为消除非法毁林的全球努力做出贡献。他还强调了在这个关键的十年以及今年11 月在迪拜（Dubai）举行第28届联合国气候变化大会（COP28）之前，所有国家都要加快行动的必要性。媒体垂询请联系ClimateComms@state.gov。欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/special-presidential-envoy-for-climate-kerry-meets-with-the-peoples-republic-of-china-prc-vice-president-han-zheng/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。	MEDIA NOTE OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON JULY 19, 2023 U.S. Special Presidential Envoy for Climate John Kerry met today with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) Vice President Han Zheng to discuss concrete action to address the climate crisis. Secretary Kerry underscored that the world cannot solve the climate crisis without the full engagement and commitment of the PRC and the U.S., as the two largest emitters of greenhouse gases. He further stressed that limiting warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius requires significant efforts by the PRC to reduce CO2 and non CO2 emissions, such as methane, and to contribute to global efforts to eliminate illegal deforestation. He also emphasized the need for all nations to accelerate action in this critical decade and ahead of COP28 in Dubai in November. For media inquiries, please contact ClimateComms@state.gov.
卫生与公众服务部（Department of Health and Human Services）疾病控制与预防中心（Centers for Disease Control and Prevention）佐治亚州亚特兰大（Atlanta, Georgia） 2020年3月3日新闻发布联系方式：CDC Media Relations (404) 639-3286 疾病控制与预防中心宣布新型冠状病毒感染病例增加疾病控制与预防中心（以下简称CDC）3月3日星期二中午报告，在12个州出现60例新型冠状病毒（COVID-19）病例。其中22例与旅行有关；11例被认为来自人际传播；其余27例的接触史尚在调查中。近日值得注意的动向包括：报告出现病例的12个州是：亚利桑那州（Arizona），加利福尼亚州（California），佛罗里达州，佐治亚州，伊利诺伊州（Illinois），马萨诸塞州（Massachusetts），新罕布什尔州，纽约州，俄勒冈州（Oregon），罗得岛州，华盛顿州，以及威斯康星州（Wisconsin）。随着新冠病毒继续扩散和美国检测能力增加，CDC预计全国将会发现更多病例，包括在更多州出现更多人际传播病例。虽然迄今的情况显示，大多数新冠病毒病症较轻，但来自中国的一项报告显示，重症比例为16%。年龄较大的人和有某些基础病——如心脏病，肺病和糖尿病的人，似乎有更大的重症风险。联邦政府一直在与州、地方、部落和属地的合作伙伴以及公共健康合作伙伴密切共同努力，防备和应对这一公共健康紧急状况。CDC预计在未来数日和数周内将出现更多人际传播病例。向CDC报告的病例包括得到CDC确诊的病例，也包括州所报告的推断阳性病例。推断阳性结果是指，由公共健康实验室检验出的结果呈阳性，但尚待得到CDC确诊。出于对公共健康的考虑，采用CDC检测方法得出的推断阳性结果被视为阳性病例对待。 CDC将在每个工作日的中午时间报告推断和确诊病例总数。这个数字是基于各州前一天下午4时前的报告。CDC不再报告正在接受调查的人数（PUI）以及调查结果呈阴性的人数，原因是，鉴于现在各州在检测和报告各自的结果，上述数字将不能反映全国的检测情况。各州的结果报告非常迅速，当CDC与州的病例统计数字出现差异时，应将州的统计结果视为最新数字。有关新型冠状病毒的更多信息请见www.cdc.gov/covid19。	At noon on Tuesday, March 3 the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) reported 60 cases of COVID-19 from 12 states. Twenty-two of these cases are travel-related; 11 are believed to be person-to-person spread; and for the remaining 27 the source of exposure is still under investigation. Noteworthy developments in recent days include: The 12 states that have reported cases include: Arizona, California, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New York, Oregon, Rhode Island, Washington, and Wisconsin. As the outbreak of COVID-19 continues to expand and as testing capacity in the U.S. increases, CDC expects more cases to be detected across the country, including more instances of person-to-person spread in more states. While information so far suggests that most COVID-19 illness is mild, a report out of China suggests serious illness occurs in 16% of cases. Older people and people with certain underlying health conditions like heart disease, lung disease and diabetes, for example, seem to be at greater risk of serious illness. The federal government has been working closely with state, local, tribal, and territorial partners, as well as public health partners, to prepare for and respond to this public health emergency. CDC expects additional instances of person-to-person spread in the coming days and weeks. Cases reported to CDC include those confirmed by CDC as well as presumptive positive cases reported by states. A presumptive positive result is when a patient has tested positive by a public health laboratory, but results are pending confirmation at CDC. For public health purposes, a presumptive positive result using the CDC test is treated as a positive. CDC will report total presumptive and confirmed cases weekdays at noon. This number is based on all state reports received by 4 p.m. the previous day. CDC is no longer reporting number of persons-under-investigation (PUIs) nor those PUIs that test negative because now that states are testing and reporting their own results, these numbers would not be representative of the testing being done nationally. States are reporting results quickly and in the event of a discrepancy between CDC and state case counts, the state case counts should always be considered more up-to-date. For more information about COVID-19 visit www.cdc.gov/covid19.
白宫华盛顿哥伦比亚特区 2021年7月19日长期以来，美国对中华人民共和国在网络空间采取不负责和破坏稳定的行为一贯表示关注。今天，美国与我们的各盟国和伙伴进一步详细揭露中华人民共和国采取恶意网络活动的惯用模式，并采取进一步行动予以抵制，因为这类活动对美国和盟国的经济和国家安全构成了重大威胁。各盟国和伙伴——包括欧洲联盟（European Union）、英国和北约（NATO）——前所未有地共同加入美国的行列，对中华人民共和国的恶意网络活动进行揭露和批评。中华人民共和国在网络空间采取不负责的行为模式不符合其声称在全世界展现为负责任的领导者的表示。今天，世界各国都明确表示，对中华人民共和国恶意网络活动的关注促使各国一致揭露这些活动，促进网络保护和网络安全，并采取行动制止对我们经济和国家安全造成的威胁。我们的各盟国和伙伴是力量的巨大来源，成为美国一项独特的优势。我们对网络威胁一致采取共享信息、防范和缓解措施有助于追究中国等国的责任。协同努力可以提高并增进与公共和民间利益相关方的信息共享，包括涉及网络威胁的情报和网络防护的信息，同时为加强我们共同的网络应变能力和安全合作拓展外交联系。今天宣布的事项以总统第一次外访取得的进展为基础。从7国集团（G7）和欧盟在勒索软件问题上坚持的立场到北约7年来第一次采取新的网络防护政策，总统与我们的盟国采取共同的网络措施，就负责任的国家在网络空间的行为如何达到期待的状态提出明确的要求和标志。今天，拜登（Biden）政府与我们的盟国协同一致采取以下行动：揭露中华人民共和国利用犯罪的合同黑客进行未经授权的全球作业，包括为其一己私利。美国高度关注中华人民共和国培植的包括合同黑客在内的情报机器。这些黑客也在全世界从事未经授权的网络作业，其中包括为自己个人牟利。2018年10月及2020年7月和9月发布的公诉文件详细指出，曾为中华人民共和国国家安全部工作的黑客参与针对世界各地受害者的勒索软件攻击、网络敲诈、网络劫持和军人身份盗窃等活动，目的都在于获取钱财。在某些案例中，我们了解到隶属中华人民共和国政府的网络操作人员对民营公司采取勒索软件行动，索求千百万美元的赎金。中华人民共和国不愿意解决合同黑客的罪恶活动问题，致使各地政府、工商业和重要的基础设施运营者遭到伤害，在知识产权、所有权信息、支付赎金和降低危害等方面承受高达数十亿美元的损失。 [美国司法部（United States Department of Justice）]对4名国家安全部的黑客进行惩罚并宣布提起刑事指控美国司法部宣布对国家安全部黑客提起刑事指控，要求审查其以外国政府和关键部门实体为目标多年从事的涉案活动，其中至少涉及10多个国家的海事、航空、国防、教育和卫生领域。司法部的文件陈述了国家安全部黑客如何企图盗窃埃博拉（Ebola）病毒疫苗的研究，说明中华人民共和国盗窃知识产权、商业秘密和工商业机密信息的活动已扩展到重要的公共卫生领域。司法部指控国家安全部从事的众多活动完全背离了中华人民共和国关于不为获得商业优势参与网络盗窃知识产权活动的双边和多边承诺。高度确信隶属中华人民共和国国家安全部的恶意网络行动人员利用2021年3月初披露的微软交换服务组件Microsoft Exchange Server零时差漏洞从事网络间谍活动。在微软发布安全更新前，隶属国家安全部的网络操作人员利用其中的漏洞导致世界各地成千上万的电脑和网络受损，其中大多数是民间部门的受害者，需要为采取补救措施承担高昂的代价。我们已就上述事件和中华人民共和国更广泛的恶意网络活动向中华人民共和国政府高级官员提出我方的关注，明确指出中华人民共和国的行动对网络空间的安全、信心和稳定构成了威胁。拜登政府对Microsoft Exchange事件的反应增强了美国政府的网络防护。过去几个月，我们重点要求从公共和民间网络中驱逐隶属国家安全部的恶意网络行动人员，使漏洞得到弥补和缓解，防止恶意行动人员卷土重来或造成更大的损失。拜登政府正在夜以继日地努力使联邦网络现代化，并改善全国的网络安全，其中包括关键性基础设施的安全。 o国家标准与技术研究院（National Institute of Standards and Technology）召集了一次研讨会，有来自产业界、学术界和政府的近1,000名参与者，以获得开发安全软件的最佳做法的建议。 o国家标准与技术研究院发布了应被供应商用于检测他们的软件安全的最基本的标准指南。这显示出我们如何借助于联邦采购工作来提高不仅是联邦政府所使用的，而且是公司企业、州和地方政府以及个人所使用的软件的安全。 o国家电信和信息管理局（National Telecommunications and Information Administration）发布了软件物料清单（Software Bill of Materials）的最基本元素，作为提高美国公众所使用的软件的透明度的第一步。 o网络安全和基础设施安全局（Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency）确立了一个管理联邦文职机构如何安全地使用云服务的框架。通过揭示中华人民共和国的恶意活动，我们正在继续本届政府向系统所有者和运营者提供信息并赋权以采取行动的努力。我们敦促民营部门的公司企业效仿联邦政府的领导作用，采取有魄力的举措，本着最大限度地减少今后的安全事件的目标增强网络安全投资，并与该目标保持一致。 ________________________________________ 欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2021/07/19/the-united-states-joined-by-allies-and-partners-attributes-malicious-cyber-activity-and-irresponsible-state-behavior-to-the-peoples-republic-of-china/	The United States, Joined by Allies and Partners, Attributes Malicious Cyber Activity and Irresponsible State Behavior to the People’s Republic of China JULY 19, 2021 The United States has long been concerned about the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) irresponsible and destabilizing behavior in cyberspace. Today, the United States and our allies and partners are exposing further details of the PRC’s pattern of malicious cyber activity and taking further action to counter it, as it poses a major threat to U.S. and allies’ economic and national security. An unprecedented group of allies and partners – including the European Union, the United Kingdom, and NATO – are joining the United States in exposing and criticizing the PRC’s malicious cyber activities. The PRC’s pattern of irresponsible behavior in cyberspace is inconsistent with its stated objective of being seen as a responsible leader in the world. Today, countries around the world are making it clear that concerns regarding the PRC’s malicious cyber activities is bringing them together to call out those activities, promote network defense and cybersecurity, and act to disrupt threats to our economies and national security. Our allies and partners are a tremendous source of strength and a unique American advantage, and our collective approach to cyber threat information sharing, defense, and mitigation helps hold countries like China to account. Working collectively enhances and increases information sharing, including cyber threat intelligence and network defense information, with public and private stakeholders and expand diplomatic engagement to strengthen our collective cyber resilience and security cooperation. Today’s announcement builds on the progress made from the President’s first foreign trip. From the G7 and EU commitments around ransomware to NATO adopting a new cyber defense policy for the first time in seven years, the President is putting forward a common cyber approach with our allies and laying down clear expectations and markers on how responsible nations behave in cyberspace. Today, in coordination with our allies, the Biden administration is: Exposing the PRC’s use of criminal contract hackers to conduct unsanctioned cyber operations globally, including for their own personal profit. The United States is deeply concerned that the PRC has fostered an intelligence enterprise that includes contract hackers who also conduct unsanctioned cyber operations worldwide, including for their own personal profit. As detailed in public charging documents unsealed in October 2018 and July and September 2020, hackers with a history of working for the PRC Ministry of State Security (MSS) have engaged in ransomware attacks, cyber enabled extortion, crypto-jacking, and rank theft from victims around the world, all for financial gain. In some cases, we are aware that PRC government-affiliated cyber operators have conducted ransomware operations against private companies that have included ransom demands of millions of dollars. The PRC’s unwillingness to address criminal activity by contract hackers harms governments, businesses, and critical infrastructure operators through billions of dollars in lost intellectual property, proprietary information, ransom payments, and mitigation efforts. [United States Department of Justice] imposing costs and announcing criminal charges against four MSS hackers. The US Department of Justice is announcing criminal charges against four MSS hackers addressing activities concerning a multiyear campaign targeting foreign governments and entities in key sectors, including maritime, aviation, defense, education, and healthcare in a least a dozen countries. DOJ documents outline how MSS hackers pursued the theft of Ebola virus vaccine research and demonstrate that the PRC’s theft of intellectual property, trade secrets, and confidential business information extends to critical public health information. Much of the MSS activity alleged in the Department of Justice’s charges stands in stark contrast to the PRC’s bilateral and multilateral commitments to refrain from engaging in cyber-enabled theft of intellectual property for commercial advantage. Attributing with a high degree of confidence that malicious cyber actors affiliated with PRC’s MSS conducted cyber espionage operations utilizing the zero-day vulnerabilities in Microsoft Exchange Server disclosed in early March 2021. Before Microsoft released its security updates, MSS-affiliated cyber operators exploited these vulnerabilities to compromise tens of thousands of computers and networks worldwide in a massive operation that resulted in significant remediation costs for its mostly private sector victims. We have raised our concerns about both this incident and the PRC’s broader malicious cyber activity with senior PRC Government officials, making clear that the PRC’s actions threaten security, confidence, and stability in cyberspace. The Biden Administration’s response to the Microsoft Exchange incident has strengthened the USG’s Cyber Defenses. In the past few months, we have focused on ensuring the MSS-affiliated malicious cyber actors were expelled from public and private sector networks and the vulnerability was patched and mitigated to prevent the malicious cyber actors from returning or causing additional damage. As announced in April, the U.S. Government conducted cyber operations and pursued proactive network defense actions to prevent systems compromised through the Exchange Server vulnerabilities from being used for ransomware attacks or other malicious purposes. The United States will continue to take all appropriate steps to protect the American people from cyber threats. Following Microsoft’s original disclosure in early March 2021, the United States Government also identified other vulnerabilities in the Exchange Server software. Rather than withholding them, the United States Government recognized that these vulnerabilities could pose systemic risk and the National Security Agency notified Microsoft to ensure patches were developed and released to the private sector. We will continue to prioritize sharing vulnerability information with the private sector to secure the nation’s networks and infrastructure. The U.S. Government announced and operated under a new model for cyber incident response by including private companies in the Cyber Unified Coordination Group (UCG) to address the Exchange Server vulnerabilities. The UCG is a whole-of-government coordination element stood up in response to a significant cyber incident. We credit those companies for being willing to collaborate with the United States Government in the face of a significant cyber incident that could have been substantially worse without key partnership of the private sector. We will build on this model to bolster public-private collaboration and information sharing between the United States Government and the private sector on cybersecurity. Today, the National Security Agency, the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Agency, and the Federal Bureau of Investigation released a cybersecurity advisory to detail additional PRC state-sponsored cyber techniques used to target U.S. and allied networks, including those used when targeting the Exchange Server vulnerabilities. By exposing these techniques and providing actionable guidance to mitigate them, the U.S. Government continues to empower network defenders around the world to take action against cybersecurity threats. We will continue to provide such advisories to ensure companies and government agencies have actionable information to quickly defend their networks and protect their data. The Biden Administration is working around the clock to modernize Federal networks and improve the nation’s cybersecurity, including of critical infrastructure. The Administration has funded five cybersecurity modernization efforts across the Federal government to modernize network defenses to meet the threat. These include state-of-the-art endpoint security, improving logging practices, moving to a secure cloud environment, upgrading security operations centers, and deploying multi-factor authentication and encryption technologies. The Administration is implementing President Biden’s Executive Order to improve the nation’s cybersecurity and protect Federal government networks. The E.O. contains aggressive but achievable implementation milestones, and to date we have met every milestone on time including: The National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST) convened a workshop with almost 1000 participants from industry, academia, and government to obtain input on best practices for building secure software. NIST issued guidelines for the minimum standards that should be used by vendors to test the security of their software. This shows how we are leveraging federal procurement to improve the security of software not only used by the federal government but also used by companies, state and local governments, and individuals. The National Telecommunications and Information Administration (NTIA) published minimum elements for a Software Bill of Materials, as a first step to improve transparency of software used by the American public. The Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) established a framework to govern how Federal civilian agencies can securely use cloud services. We continue to work closely with the private sector to address cybersecurity vulnerabilities of critical infrastructure. The Administration announced an Industrial Control System Cybersecurity Initiative in April and launched the Electricity Subsector Action Plan as a pilot. Under this pilot, we have already seen over 145 of 255 priority electricity entities that service over 76 million American customers adopt ICS cybersecurity monitoring technologies to date, and that number keeps growing. The Electricity Subsector pilot will be followed by similar pilots for pipelines, water, and chemical. The Transportation Security Administration (TSA) issued Security Directive 1 to require critical pipeline owners and operators to adhere to cybersecurity standards. Under this directive, those owners and operators are required to report confirmed and potential cybersecurity incidents to CISA and to designate a Cybersecurity Coordinator, to be available 24 hours a day, seven days a week. The directive also requires critical pipeline owners and operators to review their current practices as well as to identify any gaps and related remediation measures to address cyber-related risks and report the results to TSA and CISA within 30 days. In days to come, TSA will issue Security Directive 2 to further support the pipeline industry in enhancing its cybersecurity and that strengthen the public-private partnership so critical to the cybersecurity of our homeland. By exposing the PRC’s malicious activity, we are continuing the Administration’s efforts to inform and empower system owners and operators to act. We call on private sector companies to follow the Federal government’s lead and take ambitious measures to augment and align cybersecurity investments with the goal of minimizing future incidents. ###
Secretary Michael R. Pompeo At a Press Availability 美国国务院发言人办公室华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年4月29日国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥（Michael R. Pompeo）出席新闻发布会并发表讲话新闻简报室 [摘译] 国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥：…… * * * * ……我们在抗击疫情之际，本届政府——特朗普总统（President Trump）希望确保我们执行我们的对外政策使命。即使我们面临病毒的挑战，我们仍高度集中精力从事这项工作。这就是我今天将花时间与诸位所谈的内容。 * * * * ……我们继续注视北京对香港的治理越来越多的干预行动，对此日益表示关注。香港自由受到的侵蚀不符合中国共产党对“一国两制”的承诺。对香港强加任何严酷的国家安全立法不符合北京做出的承诺，并对美国在那里的利益产生影响。 * * * * ……美国方面已认捐65亿美元政府和非政府援款，帮助各国抗击COVID-19冠状病毒疾病——65亿美元，无可比拟地是全世界捐助总额最多的国家，是中国捐款总额的12倍以上。我对我们在印度-太平洋（Indo-Pacific）地区完成的工作感到特别自豪。美国政府已经提供3,200多万美元援款支持太平洋诸岛国家抗击COVID-19。我们正与缅甸政府、联合国（United Nations）、非政府组织和其他方面合作，防止COVID-19在缅甸传播，包括保护弱势群体。我们正与澳大利亚、印度、日本、新西兰、大韩民国和越南的朋友们合作，相互交流信息和最佳实践，开始推动全球经济。 * * * * 问：国务卿先生，多谢你做了这些工作。有一个问题涉及中国及——世界卫生组织（WHO）。对于中国，你知道，从中国环球电视网（CGTN）到外交部的发布会，我们都听到同样的说法，在预警方面，美国浪费了几个月的时间。我们注意到外交部新发布的推文说，美国参与一项阴谋。你能否告诉我们，我们所谈到的论战是否已经停火，如同总统所说的那样？关于世界卫生组织，你们因为冻结供款受到批评。为世界卫生组织供款排名第二的比尔·盖茨（Bill Gates）提出了批评。你也知道，中国提供了更多的款项。全世界没有其他方面做世界卫生组织所做的工作。例如你知道的，抗击麻疹的行动。你究竟是否关心冻结将降低对世界卫生组织的影响，降低你们期待进行改革的能力？国务卿蓬佩奥：对于你的第一个问题，我们所做的是道出真相，据实说明对美国人民造成的危险。我们国务院的既定使命是保护美国人民防范来自世界各地的威胁。所以，我们提供有关病毒始于武汉什么地方的信息是恰当的做法。你说中国外交部和中国环球电视网等中国媒体机构也谈到同样的问题。我暂且不谈。足以说明问题的是，当有些国家参与散布谣言的时候，就会制造危险。我们——中国共产党告诉我们他们希望成为我们的伙伴，他们希望保持透明。我们需要我们可以依赖的伙伴，他们需要告诉我们一些情况，准确的情况，让我们相信他们没有隐瞒任何情况。现在，我们仍然不了解——全世界尚不了解有关武汉病毒所的情况。我们无法准确地了解这种病毒的发源地。有很多实验室正在继续从事这方面的工作，我们认为——继续追踪今天中国境内的传染性病原体，我们不知道他们的操作是否达到一定的安全程度，可以防止类似事件重演。不要忘记，这并不是我们第一次发现从中国传来的病毒。所以作为可靠的伙伴，需要有持续性的义务，与全世界分享有关信息（听不清）。我们在核保障的问题上一贯重视这个问题，各国都应该允许其他有关方面进入，了解他们的体系，确保问题得到妥善处理，安全水平没有问题，技术能力没有问题，检查制度没有问题，能够做到防止意外的核泄露。对于生物系统和生物实验室，我们需要有同样的程序。所以，我们需要呼吁每一个国家，我们所有的伙伴，都要求得到答案，了解那里发生的情况，但是我们还继续要求——我们能够得到透明度，得到必要的透明度，保证从事复杂病毒和病原体科学研究的人员进行的工作不造成危险，恰恰是因为这种来源于中国武汉的病毒导致我们遭受了经济灾难和巨大的生命损失。问：那世卫组织呢？国务卿蓬佩奥：世卫组织？关于世卫组织，我们将采取正确举措。我们是世界卫生组织的最大的供款方。它没有完成这个使命，因此我们正在进行一次审核，找到如何最好地利用美国纳税人的钱来取得切实成果的方式。特朗普政府一直都很明确。我就此发表过讲话。我们在全世界各地都参与多边工作。我们正在这么做。就在今天上午，我还在电话上同世界各国讨论我们有关委内瑞拉的工作。我们建立了一个90多个国家组成的击溃“伊斯兰国”组织（ISIS）的联盟。我们乐于同全世界各国合作以取得切实成果，为美国人民提供安全。我们不应当以为有些组织因为在其名称里有“卫生”两字就的确能取得我们所需要的成果。我思考这个问题时想到了国际刑事法院（International Criminal Court）。它是一个政治化的组织，而不是一个法院。我们想要确保采取正确举措，以使我们能为美国人民取得成效，在这个问题上也是如此。我们将进行我们的审核，我们将对此评估。如果有一种职能只有世卫组织能做到，而且我们认为这对于美国国家安全具有重要意义，或者因为我们是全世界的人道主义好伙伴，我相信我们将找到一种取得这种成果的途径。因此，我只想敦促各位——有些私人捐赠方向世卫组织供款——始终要问一问，这是最好的模式吗？这确是应有的结果吗？当你们看到中国共产党在今年1月就如何处理这种病毒进行辩论时的影响力，当你们想到那些事情及其对世界构成的风险，就有责任重新思考这个机构是否适于为全世界提供全球性疫情应对机制。 * * * * 问：你好。鉴于在医疗用品方面依赖中国，供应链，那些用品显然是美国现在迫切需要的，特朗普政府一定要等到美国的健康危机过去后，才能像这届政府一再所说的确实谈让中国承担代价的具体内容吗？国务卿蓬佩奥：我们的首要重点，毫无疑问，是处理这场危机，我们这场危机是来自中国武汉的这个病毒的直接结果。它是副总统的特别工作组的重点，它一直是我们国务院的双重重点，一个是尽我们的最大努力了解那里发生的情况，还有一个是将美国人撤回国。这是一个时刻。我们必须正确把握。我们然后必须让经济重新振作起来。将会有充分时间评估如何要那些造成迄今成千上万美国人丧生和巨大财富损失的人承担责任——不仅是美国的财富，还有因这个病毒导致的对全球经济的严重破坏。将有时间做这件事。我们将在合适的时间。正如特朗普总统在就职时所说，我们将不再容忍中国政府非互利的行为。我们首先在贸易上看到这点。我们表示，我们要贸易自由，我们要贸易充足，我们要贸易互利。他朝那方面推动，他取得了第一阶段贸易协议。我们当时希望能够推进第二阶段。最终那将由中国共产党决定：他们准备以公平和互利的方式进行贸易吗？我要说的最后一件事是，昨晚我看到中国外交部的评论，谈到与澳大利亚有关的胁迫做法，竟还冒然要求调查。世上谁不想调查世界怎么会发生了这种情况？我设想中国人民——他们是良好的人民。那里有医生、科学家。想象一下，如果那些科学家和医生是在我们的体制下工作，在一个自由的体制下，可以提出假设，受到挑战，但你有自由说话和发表文章，其他人可以评论——这是民主制度做得最好的一点。解决这场危机的办法将来自全球热爱自由的人。我非常坚信这点。专制政权糟糕的体制不能应对这场大流行疫情带来的危机。在民主体制下，我们能够自由发表批评和评论，你可以向国务卿提尖锐的问题——在这些体制下科学家以及自由思想和记者都能自由运作。这些社会将带来正确的结果，将带来治疗方法，将带来疫苗，将取得正确的结果让我们的经济重新运转。我对此有高度信心。这是我们看到自由和自由权利真正好处的地方，在未来数日、数周和数个月里，我相信世界也将看到这点。 * * * *	Press Briefing Room Washington, D.C. SECRETARY POMPEO: But as we battle the pandemic, the administration – President Trump wants to make sure we execute our foreign policy mission. We are very focused on that even when the virus challenge confronts us all. That’s what I’ll spend my time talking to you about today. … We continue to monitor with growing concern Beijing’s increasing efforts to interfere with Hong Kong’s governance. The erosion of Hong Kong’s freedoms is inconsistent with the promises that the Chinese Communist Party itself made under One Country, Two Systems. Any effort to impose draconian national security legislation on Hong Kong would be inconsistent with Beijing’s promises, and would impact American interests there. Americans have devoted nearly $6.5 billion in government and nongovernment contributions to help countries fight COVID-19 — $6.5 billion. This is by far the largest country total in the world, and more than 12 times that of China’s combined contributions.I’m especially proud of the work that we’ve done in the Indo-Pacific region. The United States Government has provided more than $32 million in funding to support the COVID-19 response in Pacific island countries. And we’re working with the Burmese Government, United Nations, NGOs, and others to prevent the spread of COVID-19 in Burma, including among vulnerable populations. And we’re working with our friends in Australia, in India, in Japan, New Zealand, Republic of Korea, and Vietnam to share information and best practices as we begin to move the global economy forward. …QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, thank you very much for doing this. A question about China and – the WHO. So on China, we’ve heard a similar talking point, as you know, from CGTN to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs podium that the U.S. had months of warning that it squandered. We noticed a new tweet from MOFA that suggests the U.S. is engaged in a conspiracy. So could you tell us, is the rhetorical ceasefire, as we’ve been talking about, that the President declared over? And on WHO, you’ve been criticized on the freeze. Number two funder of WHO Bill Gates has criticized it. China, as you know, has inserted more money. WHO does things that no one else does around the world, as you know – measles campaigns, for example. Are you concerned at all that the freeze will reduce influence over the WHO and reduce your ability to conduct the reforms that you’re looking for? SECRETARY POMPEO: So your first question, what we do is speak the truth about risks to the American people. Our mission set at the State Department is to protect the American people from threats around the world. So the information we provide about where this virus began in Wuhan is just data. You suggested that the MF – the Chinese MFA and CGTN and other Chinese media outlets are saying the same thing. I’ll leave it at that. Suffice it to say is that when countries engage in disinformation it creates risk. We – the Chinese Communist Party tells us they want to be our partner, they want to be transparent. We need partners we can rely on that when they tell us something, it is accurate and that we don’t think they’re hiding anything. Look, we still haven’t gained access – the world hasn’t gained access to the WIV, the virology institute there. We don’t know precisely where this virus originated from. There are multiple labs that are continuing to conduct work, we think – continue on contagious pathogens inside of China today and we don’t know if they are operating at a level of security to prevent this from happening again. Remember, this isn’t the first time that we’ve had a virus come out of China. And so there is a continuing obligation on the part of reliable partners to share this information (inaudible) the world, and we talk about this in the context of nuclear assurance all the time where countries permit others to come in and see their systems to make sure that the locks and keys are right, that the security levels are right, that the technological capability is right, that the checks are right so that you can prevent an accidental nuclear release. We need the same kinds of processes for biosystems and biolaboratories as well. And so we would urge every country, all of our partners, to demand that we get answers for what happened here, but also that we continue to have – we get the transparency, that the world gets the transparency it needs to make sure that those who are conducting scientific research on complex viruses and pathogens are doing so in a way that doesn’t create the risk that we get precisely the economic devastation and the enormous loss of life that we have all suffered as a result of this virus that came out of Wuhan, China. QUESTION: And the WHO? SECRETARY POMPEO: WHO? So with the WHO, we’re going to get this right. We’re the biggest contributor to the World Health Organization. It failed in its mission here, and so we’re conducting a review to figure out how best to use American taxpayer money to deliver real outcomes. The Trump administration’s been clear. I’ve given speeches about this. We engage in multilateral work all across the world. We’re doing so. Even this morning I was on the phone talking about our work with countries around the world on Venezuela. We built out a defeat ISIS coalition of 90-plus countries. We’re happy to work with countries around the world to deliver real outcomes that deliver security for the American people. We shouldn’t pretend that because some organization has “health” in its title that it’s actually capable of delivering the outcomes that we need. I think about this in the context of the ICC, the International Criminal Court. It is a politicized organization, not a court. We want to make sure that we’re getting it right so that we can deliver outcomes for the American people, and the same holds true here. We’ll conduct our review, we’ll evaluate this. If there is a function that only the WHO can do and we think it is important for American national security or because we are good humanitarian partners around the world, I’m confident we’ll find a way to deliver that outcome. So I’d just urge everyone – there’s private donors who contribute to the WHO – always ask, is this the best model? Is this really the right outcome? When you see the influence that the Chinese Communist Party had as they were debating how to handle this virus in January of this year, when you think about those things and the risks that those pose to the world, it is an obligation to reconsider whether that vehicle is the right one to deliver pandemic response systems for the world. QUESTION: Hi. Given the reliance on China when it comes to medical supplies and that supply chain, which obviously those supplies are desperately needed in the U.S. right now, does the Trump administration have to wait until this health care crisis in the United States is over before you can actually talk about the specifics of inflicting a price on China as you have repeatedly said this administration will do? SECRETARY POMPEO: Our first priority, unambiguously, is to address the crisis in which we find ourselves as a direct result of this virus that came out of Wuhan, China. That’s been the Vice President’s task force focus, it’s been our State Department’s focus on both the side of doing our best to understand what happened there as well as getting the American people back. This is a moment. We’ve got to get it right. We’ve then got to get the economy cranked back up. There’ll be ample time to evaluate how it is we hold accountable those responsible for loss of what is now tens of thousands of American lives and enormous amount of wealth – not only American wealth, but the global economy’s devastation as a result of this virus. There’ll be a time for this. We’ll get that timing right. And as President Trump said when he took office, we’re no longer going to tolerate a non-reciprocal behavior from the Chinese Government. We saw it first in trade. We said we want it free, we want it abundant, and we want it reciprocal. He drove towards that, he got a phase one trade deal. We were hopeful we could move out on the second part of that as well. And that’ll ultimately be the decision of the Chinese Communist Party: Are they prepared to engage in trade in a way that is fair and reciprocal? The last thing I’ll say is overnight. I saw comments from the Chinese foreign ministry talking about coercive activity with respect to Australia, who had the temerity to ask for an investigation. Who in the world wouldn’t want an investigation of how this happened to the world? I assume the people of China – they’re good people. There are doctors, scientists there. Imagine if those scientists and doctors were working in our system, in a free system where you put a hypothesis forward and it was challenged but you had the freedom to talk and publish papers and others could comment and – this is what democracies do best. The solution to this crisis will come from freedom-loving people around the world. I am very confident of that. Authoritarian regimes are poorly designed to deal with the kind of crisis that this pandemic has engendered. Democracies, where we’re free to critique and comment and you can ask the Secretary of State a hard question – these are the kinds of places where scientists and freedom and thought and journalists can all operate freely. These are the societies that will deliver the right outcome, will deliver the therapeutics, will deliver the vaccines, will get the right outcome to get our economies back going again. I am highly confident of that. This is where we see the true benefit of freedom and liberty, and in the days and weeks and months ahead I am confident that the world will see that as well.
助理国务卿史达伟参加东亚峰会2020年高级官员会议 2020年7月23日东部夏令时间下午04:29 发言人办公室阅读原文： https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/assistant-secretary-david-r-stilwells-participation-in-the-east-asia-summit-2020-senior-officials-meeting/	Assistant Secretary David R. Stilwell’s Participation in the East Asia Summit 2020 Senior Officials Meeting 07/23/2020 04:29 PM EDT Office of the Spokesperson Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs David R. Stilwell participated in the East Asia Summit (EAS) 2020 Senior Officials Meeting that was held via videoconference on July 20, 2020. The Assistant Secretary reaffirmed U.S. commitment to the Indo-Pacific and support for sovereignty and a rules-based international order during the virtual meeting. He highlighted ASEAN’s role at the heart of the U.S. vision for the Indo-Pacific and our commitment to work with partners and allies. Assistant Secretary Stilwell noted that the United States has provided close to $85 million in emergency health and humanitarian assistance to ASEAN countries to combat COVID-19 this year. He also stressed that the United States stands resolutely with our friends in Southeast Asia, including to uphold the rule of law and oppose the PRC’s unlawful effort to bully and steal the offshore resources of its neighbors in the South China Sea. Finally, Assistant Secretary Stilwell encouraged EAS countries to address pressing regional security challenges. These include Beijing’s imposition of draconian national security legislation in Hong Kong, which flouts PRC commitments under the Sino-British Joint Declaration of 1984; the Rohingya crisis and escalating violence in Rakhine state; and the DPRK, which must abide by UN Security Council Resolutions and return to diplomatic engagement.
DOS Seal 助理国务卿戴维∙R∙史迪威将于2019年8月27日至9月7日访问东帝汶、印度尼西亚、文莱和新加坡，这是他履任新职后首次返问上述各国。助理国务卿史迪威将于8月29日至31日前往帝力，在那里他将与东帝汶总统弗朗西斯科·古特雷斯·卢奥洛阁下、东帝汶外交与合作部长迪奥尼西奥·巴博·苏亚雷斯阁下、国防部长兼代理内政部长菲洛梅诺·派尚·德·热苏斯阁下以及海洋边界谈判特别代表夏纳纳·古斯芒阁下举行会晤，加强我们的伙伴关系并鼓励东帝汶的民主体制发展、法治以及经济发展。8月30日，他将代表美国出席纪念全民公投20周年的官方仪式。全民公投是在联合国监督下进行的投票，使东帝汶脱离印度尼西亚并最终于2002年独立。 9月1日至3日，助理国务卿史迪威将前往雅加达，与外交部和海洋事务部高级官员以及总统和副总统办公室代表举行会晤，讨论一系列问题，反映我们两国70年来关于多样性、伙伴关系和繁荣的共同价值观。在雅加达期间，助理国务卿史迪威将会见区域“东南亚青年领袖倡议”（YSEALI）的参与者，并就东盟的未来及其在自由开放的印太地区核心位置的地位进行相关讨论。 9月3日至4日，在斯里巴加湾市，助理国务卿史迪威将会见包括外交部第二部长艾瑞万在内的文莱政府高级官员，讨论我们广泛和不断发展的双边关系。助理国务卿还将讨论美国–文莱安全合作，并探索加强经济联系和进一步加强文化和教育联系的途径。最后，9月5日至6日，助理国务卿将前往新加坡并与李显龙总理、外交部长维维安·巴拉克里希南和其他高级官员举行会晤，讨论立足于我们不可或缺的安全合作中的两国关系、充满活力的经济关系和维持一个基于规则的世界的共同价值观。	Assistant Secretary David R. Stilwell Travels to Timor-Leste, Indonesia, Brunei, and Singapore Assistant Secretary David R. Stilwell will visit Timor-Leste, Indonesia, Brunei, and Singapore, August 27 to September 7, 2019 in his first visit to each of these countries in his new role. Assistant Secretary Stilwell will be in Dili August 29 to 31, where he will meet with Timor-Leste President of the Republic H.E. Francisco Guterres Lu-Olo, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation H.E. Dionisio Babo Soares, Minister of Defense and Interim Minister of Interior H.E. Filomeno Paixão de Jesus, and Chief Negotiator for Maritime Boundaries H.E. Xanana Gusmão to strengthen our partnership and encourage development of democratic institutions, rule of law, and economic development within Timor-Leste. On August 30 he will represent the United States at official ceremonies commemorating the 20th Anniversary of the Popular Referendum, the United Nations-supervised vote that led to Timor-Leste’s separation from Indonesia and eventual independence in 2002. From September 1 to 3, Assistant Secretary Stilwell will be in Jakarta to meet with senior officials from the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Maritime Affairs, as well as representatives from the offices of the President and the Vice President, to discuss a range of issues reflecting our nations’ 70 years of shared values of diversity, partnership, and prosperity. While in Jakarta, Assistant Secretary Stilwell will meet with participants in the regional Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative (YSEALI), as well as have ASEAN-related discussions regarding the future of ASEAN and its place at the heart of the free and open Indo-Pacific region. In Bandar Seri Begawan from September 3 to 4, Assistant Secretary Stilwell will meet with senior officials from the Bruneian government, including Minister of Foreign Affairs II Dato Seri Paduka Erywan Yusof, to discuss our broad and growing bilateral relationship. The Assistant Secretary will also discuss U.S.-Brunei security cooperation and explore ways to enhance economic ties and further cultural and educational connections. Finally, from September 5 to 6, the Assistant Secretary will be in Singapore and will meet with Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, Foreign Minister Vivian Balakrishnan, and other senior officials to discuss our countries’ relationship anchored in our indispensable security cooperation, vibrant economic ties, and shared values for sustaining a rules-based world.
白宫华盛顿特区 2022年3月11日罗斯福厅美东标准时间上午10时31分总统：上午好。抱歉让你们久等了。我刚同乌克兰总统泽连斯基交谈了一段时间。我告诉他，正如我们每次通话时我都会告诉他的，美国在乌克兰人民英勇奋战以保卫自己的国家时，同他们站在一起。他们正在这样做。在普京继续发动凶残的进攻时，美国以及我们的盟友和合作伙伴继续步调一致地努力增强对普京施加的经济压力，并进一步让俄罗斯在国际舞台上处于孤立地位。今天稍后，我们将同其他北约盟国和七国集团——加拿大、法国、德国、意大利、日本和英国——以及欧盟——共同宣布几项新举措，以孤立普京并进一步对他入侵乌克兰的行径追究责任。今天，我想谈谈其中的几点。首先，我们每个国家都将采取步骤取消俄罗斯的最惠国待遇。确立最惠国待遇指的是两个国家同意在可能做到的最惠条件下进行贸易——低关税、极少的贸易壁垒以及允许达到的最高的进口量。在美国，我们称之为“永久性正常贸易关系”（PNTR），但这是一回事。取消俄罗斯的永久性正常贸易关系待遇将使俄罗斯更难以同美国进行商贸。而且同占全球经济一半以上的国家同步采取这一举措将使已在我们的制裁下受到重创的俄罗斯经济遭受又一次致命打击。我要感谢佩洛西议长、（众议院共和党）领袖麦卡锡、（参议院民主党）领袖舒默和（参议院共和党）领袖麦康纳尔，以及参议员怀登（Wyden）和克拉波（Crapo），还有众议员尼尔（Neal）和布雷迪（Brady）在国会就这个问题发挥的跨党派领导作用。我要特别感谢佩洛西议长，她一直大力倡导取消永久性正常贸易关系待遇，但同意暂缓在众议院采取行动，直到我能够协调好我们所有的关键盟友以保持步调一致。我们盟友的团结一致极其重要，正如你们所知，至少在我看来是这样。在华盛顿有很多问题造成我们意见相左，但捍卫乌克兰的民主并惩治俄罗斯的侵略行径不应当成为其中之一。整个自由世界都团结起来抗击普京。我们国内的两党正在引领前行。有了这种跨党派合作，我期待着签署取消永久性正常贸易关系的法案，并使之成为法律。再说明一下，大多数人称之为“最惠国”待遇。我们还在进一步采取措施禁止进口俄罗斯经济的几大特色部门的产品，其中包括海产、伏特加酒和钻石。而且我们还将继续孤立普京。七国集团将寻求取消俄罗斯从国际货币基金组织和世界银行等主要的多国机构贷款的能力。普京是一名侵略者——就是侵略者。而且普京必须付出代价。他不能发动一场威胁国际和平与稳定的根本基础的战争——而他正在这样做——随后还要求国际社会提供金融帮助。七国集团还在对腐败的俄罗斯亿万富翁进一步施压。我们正在补充我们所针对的寡头及其家庭成员的名单。而且我们正在七国集团中增强协作，以针对并追缴他们的不义之财。他们支持普京。他们盗取俄罗斯人民的财富。他们还寻求在我们各国藏匿他们的金钱。他们是存在于莫斯科的盗贼统治的一部分。而且他们必须承担受到这些制裁的痛苦。我们在追查这些——他们价值数百万美元的豪华游艇和度假别墅的同时，还要让他们更难以购买在我们国家生产的高档产品。我们正在禁止向俄罗斯出口奢侈商品。这也是我们正在采取的最新步骤，但不是我们将要采取的最后步骤。正如我在开始采取所有这些步骤时所言，我们将更沉重地打击普京，因为美国以及我们最亲密的盟友和合作伙伴正在步调一致地采取行动。我们的所有制裁措施及出口管制正在合力碾压俄罗斯的经济。卢布已经贬值一半以上。我获悉现在大约需要 200 卢布才能兑换 1 美元。莫斯科证券交易所已经关闭了整整两周，因为他们知道一旦恢复交易，就可能崩盘。信用评级机构已经将俄罗斯政府降为“垃圾”级——其债券降为“垃圾”级。撤离俄罗斯的企业和跨国公司的数目与日俱增。我们还将继续与盟国和合作伙伴密切合作，确保这种密切合作继续下去，使乌克兰人民能够保卫自己的国家。去年，美国向乌克兰提供了超过 10 亿美元的安全援助，包括反装甲和防空能力——用于摧毁坦克、飞机和直升机——每天都有新的物资运抵。美国也在为我们的盟国和合作伙伴向乌克兰运送大量安全援助提供便利。在人道主义援助方面，我们正在与联合国和人道主义组织密切合作，为因遭受暴力而流离失所的乌克兰人民提供援助。我们正在提供——我们正在提供成千上万吨的人道主义物资——食物、水、药品——每天都在通过卡车和火车运送。昨天，哈里斯副总统在波兰宣布为乌克兰追加 5300 万美元的人道主义援助。这使人道主义援助总额在短短两周内达到 1.07 亿美元。我们与其他三十多个国家共同参与这项工作，这些国家正在提供数亿美元的援助。昨晚，值得称赞的是，国会通过了一项两党共同支持的支出法案，其中包括向乌克兰人民提供136亿美元的追加援助。我期待立即签署该法案。不过我也要申明：我们将确保乌克兰拥有抵御俄罗斯侵略军的武器。我们将——我们将提供资金、食物和援助来救助乌克兰人民。我将欢迎乌克兰难民。如果他们需要来美国，我们应该张开双臂欢迎他们。我们将为乌克兰提供更多支持。我们将继续与我们的欧洲盟友站在一起，发出一个明确的信息：一个团结、奋起的北约将以其强大的力量不遗余力地保卫其成员的每一寸领土。我们不会在乌克兰与俄罗斯开战。北约与俄罗斯之间的直接对抗将意味着第三次世界大战，我们必须努力防止。但是，我们已经知道，普京永远不会在他对乌克兰发动的这场战争中获胜。他想要不战而胜，统治乌克兰。他失败了。他想要摧垮欧洲的决心。他失败了。他想要削弱跨大西洋联盟。他失败了。他想要分裂美国的民主体制，分化我们的立场。他失败了。美国人民团结一致。全世界团结一致。我们与乌克兰人民站在一起。我们不会让独裁者和幻想做帝王的人左右世界的方向。民主国家临危不惧，正在应对这一挑战，呼吁全世界站在和平与安全这一边。我们正在展示我们的力量，我们不会动摇。愿上帝保佑你们所有的人。愿上帝保佑乌克兰。愿上帝保佑我们的军队。问：拜登总统，您手下的白宫官员曾经说过，俄罗斯可能会使用化学武器或制造假旗行动来使用化学武器。您有什么证据能够证明这一点？如果普京发动化学武器袭击，美国会做出军事回应吗？总统：我不打算谈论情报。但如果俄罗斯使用化学武器，他们将付出沉重的代价。美东标准时间上午 10时40分欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2022/03/11/remarks-by-president-biden-announcing-actions-to-continue-to-hold-russia-accountable/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。	Remarks by President Biden Announcing Actions to Continue to Hold Russia Accountable MARCH 11, 2022•SPEECHES AND REMARKS Roosevelt Room 10:31 A.M. EST THE PRESIDENT: Good morning. I’m sorry to keep you waiting. I’ve just spoken for some time with President Zelenskyy of Ukraine. I told him, as I have each and every time we’ve spoken, the United States stands with the people of Ukraine and their bravely — as they bravely fight to defend their country. And they are doing that. And as Putin continues his merciless assault, the United States and our Allies and partners continue to work in lockstep to ramp up the economic pressure on Putin and to further isolate Russia on the global stage. Later today, together with other NATO Allies and the G7 — Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom — as well as the European Union — we’re going to jointly announce several new steps to squeeze Putin and hold him more — even more accountable for his aggression against Ukraine. And I want to speak to a few of those points today. First, each of our nations is going to take steps to deny most-favored-nation status to Russia. A most-favored-nation status designation means two countries have agreed to trade with each other under the best possible terms — low tariffs, few barriers to trade, and the highest possible imports allowed. In the United States, we call this “permanent normal trade relations” — PNTR — but it’s the same thing. Revoking PNTR for Russia is going to make it harder for Russia to do business with the United States. And doing it in unison with other nations that make up half of the global economy will be another crushing blow to the Russian economy that’s already suffering very badly from our sanctions. And I want to thank Speaker Pelosi, Leader McCarthy, Leader Schumer and McConnell, and Senators Wyden and Crapo, Representatives Neal and Brady for their bipartisan leadership on this in the Congress. I would like to offer a special thanks to Speaker Pelosi who has been a strong advocate for revoking PNTR and who agreed to hold off on that in the House until I could line up all of our key allies to keep us in complete unison. Unity among our allies is critically important, as you all know, from my perspective, at least. Many issues divide us in Washington, but standing for democracy in Ukraine, pushing [punishing] Russia’s aggression should not be one of those issues. The free world is coming together to confront Putin. Our two parties here at home are leading the way. And with that bipartisan cooperation, I’m looking forward to signing into law the bill revoking PNTR — which is, again, most people think of it as “most-favored-nations” status. We’re also taking a further step of banning imports of goods from several signature sectors of the Russian economy, including seafoods, vodka, and diamonds. And we’re going to continue to squeeze Putin. The G7 will seek to deny Russia the ability to borrow from leading multinational institutions, such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Putin is an aggressor — is the aggressor. And Putin must pay the price. He cannot pursue a war that threatens the very foundations — which he’s doing — the very foundations of international peace and stability and then ask for financial help from the international community. The G7 is also stepping up pressure on corrupt Russian billionaires. We’re adding new names to the list of oligarchs and their families that we’re targeting. And we’re increasing coordination among the G7 countries to target and capture their ill-begotten gains. They support Putin. They steal from the Russian people. And they seek to hide their money in our countries. They’re part of a — that kleptocracy that exists in Moscow. And they must share in the pain of these sanctions. And while we’re going after these — their superyachts and their vacation homes worth hundreds of milli- — millions of dollars, we’re also going to make it harder for them to buy high-end products manufactured in our country. We’re banning the export of luxu- — luxury goods to Russia. They’re also the latest steps we’re taking, but they’re not the last steps we’re going to take. And as I said at the beginning of all of these steps, we’re going to hit Putin harder because the United States and our closest Allies and partners are acting in unison. The totality of our sanctions and export controls is crushing the Russian economy. The ruble has lost more than half its value. They tell me it takes about 200 rubles to equal 1 dollar these days. The Moscow stock exchange has been closed for fully — for two weeks because they know the moment it opens, it will probably collapse. Credit rating agencies has downgraded Russia’s government to “junk” status — its economy to “junk” status. The list of businesses and international corporations leaving Russia is growing by the day. We’re also continuing the close corporations [cooperation] with Allies and partners to make sure that the close cooperation we continue to have, the Ukrainian people are — are able to defend their own nation. The United States has sent more than $1 billion in security assistance to Ukraine over the last year, including anti-armor and anti-air capabilities — taking out tanks and planes and helicopters — with new shipments arriving every day. We, the United States, are also facilitating significant shipments of security assistance from our Allies and partners to Ukraine. On the humanitarian front, we’re working closely with the U.N. and humanitarian organizations to support the people of Ukraine who have been displaced by the violence in Ukraine. We’re providing — we’re providing tens of thousands of tons of human supplies — excuse me, humanitarian supplies — food, water, medicines — coming via truck and train every single day. Yesterday in Poland, Vice President Harrins — Harris announced an additional $53 million in additional humanitarian support to Ukraine. That brings the total humanitarian assistance to $107 million in just two weeks. We’ve joined in this effort by more — with more than 30 other countries who are providing hundreds of millions more. And last night, to their great credit, the Congress passed a bipartisan spending bill that included an additional $13.6 billion in new assistance to the Ukrainian people. And I look forward to signing that immediately. And I also want to be clear though: We will make sure Ukraine has weapons to defend against an invading Russian force. We will — we will send money and food and aid to save the Ukrainian people. And I will welcome the Ukrainian refugees. We should welcome them here with open arms if they need access. And we’re going to provide more support for Ukraine. We’re going to continue to stand together with our Allies in Europe and send an unmistakable message: We will defend every single inch of NATO territory with the full might of a united and galvanized NATO. We will not fight a war against Russia in Ukraine. Direct confrontation between NATO and Russia is World War Three, something we must strive to prevent. But we already know Putin’s war against Ukraine will never be a victory. He hoped to dominate Ukraine without a fight. He failed. He hoped to fracture European resolve. He failed. He hoped to weaken the transatlantic alliance. He failed. He hoped to split apart American democracies, in terms of our positions. He failed. The American people are united. The world is united. And we stand with the people of Ukraine. We will not let autocrats and would-be emperors dictate the direction of the world. Democracies are rising to meet this moment, rallying the world to the side of peace and the side of security. We’re showing our strength, and we will not falter. May God bless all of you. God bless Ukraine. And God bless our troops. Q President Biden, your White House has said that Russia may use chemical weapons or create a false-flag operation to use them. What evidence have you seen showing that? And would the U.S. have a military response if Putin does launch a chemical weapons attack? THE PRESIDENT: I’m not going to speak about the intelligence. But Russia would pay a severe price if they used chemical weapons. 10:40 A.M. EST
会后汇报发言人办公室 2022年9月23日以下内容来自发言人内德·普赖斯: 今天，美国国务卿安东尼·J·布林肯在于纽约市举行的第77届联合国大会期间会晤了中华人民共和国国务委员兼外交部长王毅。国务卿讨论了保持开放的沟通渠道和负责任地管理美中关系的必要性，尤其是在紧张时期。他强调，美国致力于维护台海和平稳定，这与我们长期以来的一个中国政策相一致。国务卿强调保持台海和平稳定对地区和全球的安全与繁荣至关重要。他还重申了美国谴责俄罗斯对乌克兰的战争，并强调了中华人民共和国若为莫斯科入侵一个主权国家提供支持将产生的影响。他强调，美国对与中华人民共和国在双方利益交汇的领域开展合作仍持开放态度。	READOUT OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON SEPTEMBER 23, 2022 The following is attributable to Spokesperson Ned Price: Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken met today with PRC State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi on the margins of the 77th UN General Assembly in New York City. The Secretary discussed the need to maintain open lines of communication and responsibly manage the U.S.-PRC relationship, especially during times of tension. He emphasized that the United States is committed to maintaining peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait, consistent with our longstanding one China policy. The Secretary stressed that preserving peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait is critical to regional and global security and prosperity. He also reiterated the United States’ condemnation of Russia’s war against Ukraine and highlighted the implications if the PRC were to provide support to Moscow’s invasion of a sovereign state. He underscored that the United States remains open to cooperating with the PRC where our interests intersect.
美国国务院发言人办公室华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年 7月 13日国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥（MICHAEL R. POMPEO）发表声明关于美国对中国在南中国海海事索求的立场美国历来倡导印度-太平洋（Indo-Pacific）的自由和开放。今天，我们正在加强美国对该地区一个重要的、存在争议的地区——南中国海（South China Sea）的政策。我们明确表示：北京对南中国海大多数地区离岸资源的索求完全不合法，与其为控制这些资源采取的霸道行为如出一辙。在南中国海，我们要求维护和平与稳定，坚持按照国际法实现海上自由，保障商业往来不受阻碍，反对任何采取胁迫或强制手段解决争端的意图。我们与我们众多的盟国和伙伴长期坚持有章可循的国际秩序，共同维护这些深远和永恒的利益。这些共同利益已受到来自中华人民共和国前所未有的威胁。北京采取恐吓手段破坏东南亚地区南中国海沿岸国家的主权，逼迫他们放弃离岸资源，单方面声称拥有管辖权，以“强权即公理”的法则代替国际法。北京多年来采取的手段已昭然若揭。2010年，时任中华人民共和国外交部长的杨洁篪对东盟（ASEAN）有关官员说，“中国是大国，其他国家是小国。这只是一个事实。” 在21世纪，中华人民共和国掠夺性的世界观已毫无立足之地。中华人民共和国没有任何合法的理由对该地区单方面强加自己的意志。北京自2009年正式宣布南中国海 “九段线”的主张以来，始终未提出任何明确的法律依据。2016年7月12日，根据1982年海洋法公约（Law of the Sea Convention）成立的仲裁法庭（Arbitral Tribunal）——中华人民共和国也是缔约国之一——一致裁决，中华人民共和国提出的海事索求没有任何国际法依据，应予以否决。冲裁法庭明确支持作为诉方的菲律宾提交的几乎所有的诉案。美国曾发表声明，且如公约特定条款之规定，仲裁法庭的裁决属最终裁决，对当事双方均具有法律约束力。今天，对于中华人民共和国在南中国海的海事索求，美国采取与仲裁法庭的裁决一致的立场。具体如下：全世界不允许北京将南中国海作为其海洋帝国。美国支持我们的东南亚盟国和伙伴保护各自对离岸资源拥有的主权，尊重他们根据国际法拥有的权利和义务。我们支持国际社会捍卫海上自由和尊重主权，拒不接受在南中国海或更广泛的地区推行“强权即公理”的任何行为。	U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE Office of the Spokesperson For Immediate Release July 13, 2020 STATEMENT BY SECRETARY MICHAEL R. POMPEO U.S. Position on Maritime Claims in the South China Sea The United States champions a free and open Indo-Pacific. Today we are strengthening U.S. policy in a vital, contentious part of that region — the South China Sea. We are making clear: Beijing’s claims to offshore resources across most of the South China Sea are completely unlawful, as is its campaign of bullying to control them. In the South China Sea, we seek to preserve peace and stability, uphold freedom of the seas in a manner consistent with international law, maintain the unimpeded flow of commerce, and oppose any attempt to use coercion or force to settle disputes. We share these deep and abiding interests with our many allies and partners who have long endorsed a rules-based international order. These shared interests have come under unprecedented threat from the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Beijing uses intimidation to undermine the sovereign rights of Southeast Asian coastal states in the South China Sea, bully them out of offshore resources, assert unilateral dominion, and replace international law with “might makes right.” Beijing’s approach has been clear for years. In 2010, then-PRC Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi told his ASEAN counterparts that “China is a big country and other countries are small countries and that is just a fact.” The PRC’s predatory world view has no place in the 21st century. The PRC has no legal grounds to unilaterally impose its will on the region. Beijing has offered no coherent legal basis for its “Nine-Dashed Line” claim in the South China Sea since formally announcing it in 2009. In a unanimous decision on July 12, 2016, an Arbitral Tribunal constituted under the 1982 Law of the Sea Convention – to which the PRC is a state party – rejected the PRC’s maritime claims as having no basis in international law. The Tribunal sided squarely with the Philippines, which brought the arbitration case, on almost all claims. As the United States has previously stated, and as specifically provided in the Convention, the Arbitral Tribunal’s decision is final and legally binding on both parties. Today we are aligning the U.S. position on the PRC’s maritime claims in the SCS with the Tribunal’s decision. Specifically: The world will not allow Beijing to treat the South China Sea as its maritime empire. America stands with our Southeast Asian allies and partners in protecting their sovereign rights to offshore resources, consistent with their rights and obligations under international law. We stand with the international community in defense of freedom of the seas and respect for sovereignty and reject any push to impose “might makes right” in the South China Sea or the wider region.
Mission Logo 副发言人罗伯特·帕拉迪诺声明 2019年1月29日对王全璋的判决 1月28日，人权律师王全璋在中国天津因“颠覆国家政权”的指控被判处四年半监禁，美国对此深为关切。王是中国政府2015年7月9日（“709”）镇压倡导法治的法律倡导者及人权卫士期间最先被拘押的个人之一，也是最后被审判的一位。中国令王先生遭受为期三年半的审前拘押、与外界隔绝、被剥夺自主选择律师的权利，并且他选择的律师遭到报复，我们对此感到担忧。我们呼吁中国立即释放王先生，并允许他和他的家人团聚。我们对中国的法治、人权和基本自由逐渐恶化的形势保持关切，同时继续敦促中国遵守其国际人权承诺并尊重法治。	STATEMENT BY ROBERT PALLADINO, DEPUTY SPOKESPERSON January 29, 2019 Sentencing of Wang Quanzhang The United States is deeply concerned by the sentencing of human rights lawyer Wang Quanzhang in Tianjin, China on January 28 to four-and-a-half years in prison on charges of “subverting state power.” Wang was among the first individuals detained during the Chinese government’s July 9, 2015 (“709”) crackdown on legal advocates for rule of law and human rights defenders, and the last to be tried. We are troubled that China has subjected Mr. Wang to a three-and-a-half-year period of pre-trial detention, and has been held incommunicado, has been deprived of legal counsel of his choosing, and that his chosen lawyer has been subjected to reprisals. We call on China to release Mr. Wang immediately and allow him to reunite with his family. We remain concerned by the deteriorating situation for the rule of law, human rights, and fundamental freedoms in China, and continue to urge China to uphold its international human rights commitments and to respect the rule of law. STATEMENT BY ROBERT PALLADINO, DEPUTY SPOKESPERSON January 29, 2019 Sentencing of Wang Quanzhang The United States is deeply concerned by the sentencing of human rights lawyer Wang Quanzhang in Tianjin, China on January 28 to four-and-a-half years in prison on charges of “subverting state power.” Wang was among the first individuals detained during the Chinese government’s July 9, 2015 (“709”) crackdown on legal advocates for rule of law and human rights defenders, and the last to be tried. We are troubled that China has subjected Mr. Wang to a three-and-a-half-year period of pre-trial detention, and has been held incommunicado, has been deprived of legal counsel of his choosing, and that his chosen lawyer has been subjected to reprisals. We call on China to release Mr. Wang immediately and allow him to reunite with his family. We remain concerned by the deteriorating situation for the rule of law, human rights, and fundamental freedoms in China, and continue to urge China to uphold its international human rights commitments and to respect the rule of law.
白宫新闻秘书珍·莎琪关于美国主办2023年APEC的声明 2022年2月10日我们很自豪美国将成为2023年亚太经济合作组织（APEC）会议的主办国，这凸显我们致力于推进公平开放的贸易和投资、加强美国竞争力、并确保一个自由开放的印太地区。拜登总统和哈里斯副总统提出主办明年的APEC，因为我们聚焦于扩大并深化在该地区的经济关系。我们也感谢其他APEC经济体支持美国主办。拜登-哈里斯政府一个最重要的优先事项是作为APEC经济体有力、可靠的伙伴，并找到为我们所有人释放经济机会、繁荣和增长的共同方式。美国商务部长雷蒙多、美国贸易代表戴琪、还有我们的团队，正努力与我们的伙伴一起制定一个印太经济框架，围绕对我们的未来至关重要的问题定义我们的共同目标，包括贸易便利化、数字经济和技术标准、供应链复原力、脱碳和清洁能源、基础设施以及劳工标准。布林肯国务卿本周也在该地区，继续强化关键的外交关系，推进我们的共同优先事项。美国期待与2022年APEC主办国泰国、2024年APEC主办国秘鲁以及所有APEC经济体就一个让所有人受益的议程密切努力。 ### https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/02/10/statement-by-press-secretary-jen-psaki-on-the-united-states-hosting-apec-in-2023/	Statement by Press Secretary Jen Psaki on the United States Hosting APEC in 2023 FEBRUARY 10, 2022•STATEMENTS AND RELEASES We’re proud that the United States will be the host of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) in 2023, underscoring our commitment to advance fair and open trade and investment, bolster American competitiveness, and ensure a free and open Indo-Pacific. President Biden and Vice President Harris offered to host APEC next year because of our focus on expanding and deepening economic ties in the region – and we thank our fellow APEC economies for supporting the U.S. offer to host. It is a top priority for the Biden-Harris Administration to serve as a strong, reliable partner to APEC economies and identify common ways to unleash economic opportunity, prosperity, and growth for us all. Secretary of Commerce Raimondo, United States Trade Representative Ambassador Tai, and our team are working to develop with our partners an Indo-Pacific economic framework that will define our shared objectives around issues vital to our future, including trade facilitation, standards for the digital economy and technology, supply chain resiliency, decarbonization and clean energy, infrastructure, and worker standards. Secretary of State Blinken is also in the region this week to continue strengthening key diplomatic relationships and advancing our shared priorities. The United States looks forward to working closely with Thailand, the 2022 APEC host, Peru, the 2024 APEC host, and all of the APEC economies on an agenda that benefits all our people. ###
值此“全国性侵犯意识与预防月”，我们重申我们致力于支持性侵犯幸存者，致力于鼓励对此类犯罪采取强有力的刑事司法措施，并在我们的家庭和社区消除性暴力的祸害。我们全国与勇敢的男性、女性及儿童性侵幸存者站在一起，同时承诺利用我们掌握的一切工具来预防美国人受到任何性侵带来的创伤。详情请见： https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/proclamation-national-sexual-assault-awareness-prevention-month-2020/	Sexual Assault Awareness Month During National Sexual Assault Awareness and Prevention Month, we reaffirm our commitment to supporting survivors of sexual assault, encouraging strong criminal justice responses to these crimes, and ending the scourge of sexual violence in our homes and communities. As a Nation, we stand with the courageous men, women, and children who have survived sexual assault and pledge to use every tool at our disposal to help prevent Americans from ever enduring the trauma of sexual assault. Link: https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/proclamation-national-sexual-assault-awareness-prevention-month-2020/
即时发布 2020年10月23日联系：美国贸易代表办公室公共和媒体事务media@ustr.eop.gov >美国贸易代表办公室和美国农业部发布关于中美农产品贸易的报告华盛顿特区 — 美国贸易代表办公室和美国农业部今天发布了一份报告，着重强调了迄今为止在执行《中美第一阶段经济贸易协议》中的农业条款方面取得的进展，这为美国农业带来了历史性成果。自该协议生效以来，中国和美国解决了许多阻碍美国食品和农产品出口的结构性壁垒。迄今为止，中国已经履行了第一阶段协议规定的57项技术承诺中的至少50项。这些结构性变化将使美国农民在接下来的数十年中受益。中国还大幅增加了对美国农产品的购买。迄今为止，中国已购买了超过230亿美元的农产品，约占第一阶段协议目标的71％。报告概述的重点包括：除这些产品外，美国农业部预计其他许多农产品2020年对中国的销售额也将达到创纪录水平或接近创纪录水平，其中包括宠物食品、苜蓿干草、碧根果、花生和预制食品。 “这项中国第一阶段协议证明了特朗普总统的谈判战略正在奏效。尽管中国花了很长时间才意识到特朗普总统是认真的，但这笔交易对整个经济都是巨大的成功。该协议最终为美国农业创造了一个公平的竞争环境，对美国的农场主、牧场主和生产者来说都是一大笔财富。”美国农业部部长桑尼·珀杜说道， “能够以更加公平和公正的方式参与这个市场，已经促成了更多的销售，这些销售支持了更高的价格并增强了农村经济。” “特朗普总统兑现了他的承诺，即通过第一阶段协议来对抗中国不公平的贸易做法，并扩大美国农业的市场机会。自该协议八个月前生效以来，我们已经看到与中国的农业贸易关系有了显著改善，这将使我们的农场主和牧场主在接下来的几年中受益。” 美国贸易代表罗伯特·莱特希泽说道。美国贸易代表办公室和美国农业部继续与中国政府密切合作，以确保第一阶段协议得到充分和适当的执行，从而使美国食品和农产品进入中国市场的机会可以继续扩大。该报告可以在这里查看英文版(PDF, 1.3 MB)或中文版(PDF 783 KB)。	Press Release Release No. 0431.20 Contact: USDA Press Email: press@oc.usda.gov Washington, DC – The Office of the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR) and the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) today issued a report highlighting the progress made to date in implementing the agricultural provisions in the U.S.-China Phase One Economic and Trade Agreement, which is delivering historic results for American agriculture. Since the Agreement entered into force, the United States and China have addressed a multitude of structural barriers in China that had been impeding exports of U.S. food and agricultural products. To date, China has implemented at least 50 of the 57 technical commitments under the Phase One Agreement. These structural changes will benefit American farmers for decades to come. China also has substantially ramped up its purchases of U.S. agricultural products. To date, China has purchased over $23 billion in agricultural products, approximately 71% of its target under the Phase One Agreement. Highlights outlined in the report include: In addition to these products, USDA expects 2020 sales to China to hit record or near-record levels for numerous other U.S. agricultural products including pet food, alfalfa hay, pecans, peanuts, and prepared foods. “This China Phase One Agreement is proof President Trump’s negotiating strategy is working. While it took China a long time to realize President Trump was serious, this deal is a huge success for the entire economy. This agreement finally levels the playing field for U.S. agriculture and is a bonanza for America’s farmers, ranchers, and producers,” said U.S. Secretary of Agriculture Sonny Perdue. “Being able to participate in this market in a more fair and equitable way has generated more sales that are supporting higher prices and strengthening the rural economy.” “President Trump delivered on his promise to confront China’s unfair trade practices and expand market opportunities for U.S. agriculture through the Phase One Agreement. Since the Agreement entered into force eight months ago, we have seen remarkable improvements in our agricultural trade relationship with China, which will benefit our farmers and ranchers for years to come,” said U.S. Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer. USTR and USDA continue to work closely with the Chinese government to ensure that the Phase One Agreement is fully and properly implemented, so that access for U.S. food and agricultural products into the Chinese market can continue to expand moving forward. For more information, please read the Interim Report on the Economic and Trade Agreement between the U.S. and China in English (PDF, 1.3 MB) or Chinese (PDF, 783 KB).
Ambassador Terry Branstad 作者：布兰斯塔德大使新闻中的图像和文字吸引我们的注意，塑造我们对世界的认知。从事开创性研究的科学家的照片；阐释突发新闻措辞敏锐的头条；两位总统会面握手的时刻通过全世界的电视荧屏传送出去，让他们的公民见证。优秀的新闻像阳光，澄清、照亮，并让社会知晓。在新闻自由日这天，我们思考为使所有人受益而保护这项基本权利的重要性。作为驻中国大使，我因美国和中国记者的尽职尽责而受益。我喜欢与在北京和世界各地的新闻工作者互动。他们时常要在困难的条件下辛勤工作。他们报道美中关系这一全世界最重要的双边关系，工作至关重要。美国人重视新闻工作者。约瑟夫·普利策是美国著名的媒体领袖，设立了普利策奖。他将新闻工作形容为“一份崇高的职业，因其对人们思想和道德的影响而无比重要。” 正因认识到新闻工作的重要性，美国的开国元勋们决定保护其免受干预。我们宪法的《权利法案》的第一句就是禁止政府限制新闻自由。此举收效极佳。二百多年来，在美国和世界大多数地方，新闻工作者让社会有了展开激烈辩论的渠道，而这些辩论最终赢家永远是人民。当然，任何辩论当中——尤其是一个包含如此多声音的辩论——分歧与不满必然存在。重要的是：只要公众对话保持开放，公民就能全面了解一件事，可以自行对其加以评估和判断。 20世纪早期，调查性报道的诞生提供了这一原则如何贯彻到底的绝佳范例。1902年，一位年轻的女性新闻工作者艾达·塔贝尔撰写了一系列杂志文章，揭露老约翰·D·洛克菲勒——当时最富有且最具权势的美国人之一——在数十年间采用非法的垄断业务手段。他的公司将汽油和其他常见商品以过高价格贩售给上百万的美国消费者。艾达的报道揭露了这些对公众的侵害，导致该公司被政府监管者拆分。在报道过程中，许多人警告过艾拉不要触怒有权有势的洛克菲勒家族，但是这位新闻工作者勇敢地做了她的工作，调查真相并将其公之于众，从而帮助她的美国同胞们发掘并解决了一个严重的社会问题。像艾拉一样，一代代的新闻工作者薪火相传，努力帮助公民理解我们面临的问题。新闻工作的作用要在社会中得以发挥，就必须让新闻工作者免受不当影响，并且能像艾达那样报道事实。在新闻自由日这天，让我们在这里赞扬美中两国的新闻工作者所做的努力。	Author Ambassador Branstad Images and words in the news capture our attention and shape our understanding of the world. The photo of a scientist engaged in groundbreaking research. The sharply-worded headline explaining a breaking news story. The moment two presidents meet and shake hands, beamed around the world for their citizens to witness. Like sunlight, good journalism clarifies, illuminates, and informs society. On Press Freedom Day, we reflect on how important it is to protect this fundamental right for the benefit of all. As Ambassador to China, I benefit from the dedication of journalists, both American and Chinese. I have enjoyed my interactions with journalists in Beijing and across the country. They work hard, often under difficult conditions. Their task is critical, reporting on the U.S.-China relationship, the most important bilateral relationship in the world. Americans value journalists. Joseph Pulitzer, the famous American media leader who created the Pulitzer prize, called journalism, “A noble profession and one of unequaled importance for its influence upon the minds and morals of the people.” America’s founding fathers recognized the power of journalism. So they decided to protect it against interference. The very first line of our Constitution’s bill of rights forbids the government from limiting freedom of the press. The results have been remarkable. For over two hundred years, journalists have channeled society’s robust debates in America and in most parts of the world. The winner of these debates is always the people. Of course, as with any debate—especially one with so many voices—there is bound to be disagreement and dissatisfaction. The important point is this: as long as the public conversation stays open, the citizens get a full picture of the story, which they can evaluate and judge for themselves. The birth of investigative journalism in the early 20th century provides a fascinating example of how this principle plays out. In 1902, Ira Tarbell, a young female journalists, wrote a set of magazine articles revealing that John D. Rockefeller Sr.—one of the wealthiest and most powerful Americans of his age—had engaged in decades of illegal monopolistic business practices. His company overcharged millions of American consumers for gasoline and other common goods. Ira’s reporting unveiled these abuses to the public, leading to the breakup of the company by government regulators. Along the way, many people warned Ira against raising the ire of the powerful Rockefeller family, yet this journalist bravely did her job, researching and publishing the truth, thereby helping her fellow Americans root out and resolve a serious social problem. Like Ira, generations of journalists have continued to help citizens understand the issues we face. For journalism’s role in society to function, it is imperative for journalists to be free from undue influence, and, like Ira, report the facts. On Press Freedom Day, let us all take a moment to commend the efforts of journalists in both the United States and China.
以下内容来自美国国务院某发言人：美国总统气候问题特使约翰·克里从中国天津与中华人民共和国副总理韩正举行线上会议，讨论美中合作在全球努力减排和解决气候危机中的重要性。克里特使强调如果没有PRC全面参与和承诺，其占全球排放量27%，世界是不可能解决气候危机的。如果没有PRC大幅减排的努力，我们将不可能实现目标把温升限制在摄氏1.5度。克里特使强调全世界在这关键十年中认真严肃地采取气候行动，以及在第26届联合国气候变化大会于苏格兰格拉斯哥召开之前，加强全球气候雄心的重要性。克里特使到访中国天津，继四月份于上海举行的会议后，继续讨论《美中应对气候危机联合声明》中所列的气候危机重要内容。更多有关克里特使出访的信息请见本媒体简报。	For attribution to a State Department spokesperson: U.S. Special Presidential Envoy for Climate John Kerry met virtually today from Tianjin, China with People’s Republic of China Vice Premier Han Zheng to discuss the importance of U.S.-China cooperation in the global effort to reduce emissions and tackle the climate crisis. Secretary Kerry underscored there is no way for the world to solve the climate crisis without the full engagement and commitment of the PRC, which produces 27 percent of global emissions. Without significant reduction efforts by the PRC, we cannot meet the goal to limit warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius. Secretary Kerry emphasized the importance of the world taking serious climate actions in this critical decade and strengthening global climate ambition ahead of COP26 in Glasgow, Scotland. Secretary Kerry is on travel to Tianjin, China to continue discussions following meetings in April in Shanghai, China on key aspects of the climate crisis, as outlined in the U.S.-China Joint Statement Addressing the Climate Crisis. Additional information on Secretary Kerry’s travel is available in this Media Note.
第一批到达北美的欧洲人是冰岛维京人，他们于1000年左右在莱夫·埃里克松的率领下抵达。他们的足迹可以在加拿大的纽芬兰省寻到，但维京人没有建立一个永久据点，并很快失去了与新大陆的联系。五个世纪后，在对亚洲香料、纺织品和染料的需求的刺激下，欧洲航海家梦想找到联系东西方的捷径。1492年，意大利航海家克里斯托弗·哥伦布代表西班牙王室从欧洲向西航行，登陆了加勒比海巴哈马群岛的一座岛屿。此后40年间，西班牙冒险家在中美洲和南美洲开辟出一个巨大的帝国。16世纪和17世纪，北欧人定居在现在的美国东北海岸，这个地方很快落入英国皇室名下成为英国殖民地直到18世纪末的革命战争。请参阅以下链接，了解美国历史概要及节选的几个重点领域。其他链接： Historians on America (published by Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 3.56 MB) Outline of U.S. History (published by Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 4.38 MB) Portrait of the USA: Toward the City on a Hill (published by Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 48 KB) USA History in Brief (published by Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 1.64 MB)	The first Europeans to reach North America were Icelandic Vikings, led by Leif Ericson, about the year 1000. Traces of their visit have been found in the Canadian province of Newfoundland, but the Vikings failed to establish a permanent settlement and soon lost contact with the new continent. Five centuries later, the demand for Asian spices, textiles, and dyes spurred European navigators to dream of shorter routes between East and West. Acting on behalf of the Spanish crown, in 1492 the Italian navigator Christopher Columbus sailed west from Europe and landed on one of the Bahama Islands in the Caribbean Sea. Within 40 years, Spanish adventurers had carved out a huge empire in Central and South America. In the 16th and 17th Century, Northern Europeans settled in what is now the North East Coast of the United States, which soon fell under the British Crown and stayed an English Colony till the Revolutionary Wars in the late 18th Century. Please see links below for an outline of the history of the United States, with a few selected focus areas. Additional Resources： Historians on America (published by Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 3.56 MB) Outline of U.S. History (published by Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 4.38 MB) Portrait of the USA: Toward the City on a Hill (published by Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 48 KB) USA History in Brief (published by Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 1.64 MB)
白宫华盛顿特区 2022年1月14日 2022年马丁·路德·金联邦假日美利坚合众国总统公告 1963年夏末的一天，牧师马丁·路德·金（Martin Luther King, Jr.）博士站在国家大草坪，面向为争取自由、公正和平等而聚集在这里的几十万游行示威者。金博士在那一天与人们分享了至今仍在激励这个国家的梦想：让不公正的地方实现公正，让受压迫的地方获得自由，给暴力的地方带来和平，使贫困的地方获得机会。今天，来自各种背景的人正在继续那天的游行——他们对滥权行为大声疾呼，向仇恨和歧视发出挑战，保护投票权利以及有质量的就业和医疗、住房及受教育机会。今天，我们要缅怀这位向我们国家和世界良知发乎呼吁的人的业绩。金博士促使我们对彼此建立同理心，认识到我们“注定互为一体，命运相系与共”。他提醒人们，我们有责任维护建国的理想和为完善这个国家而努力。通过罢乘、餐厅静坐、自由乘车和游行活动，金博士帮助带领进行了以非暴力示威和文明抵制方式争取正义的运动。虽然他的这些努力使他几十次身陷囹圄，但他的决心从未动摇。他在伯明翰狱中提醒我们，“人类的进步从来不是一种必然的车轮滚动……根除不公正必须靠有力、不懈和坚定的行动”。继承金博士的业绩以及他对我们国家可以实现的目标的信念不仅需要通过反思，而且需要通过行动。我们必须保护他帮助经过艰苦奋斗而取得的成就，并继续他未竟的事业。正是基于这个原因，国会必须批准联邦立法，保护投票权利——这项权利正在受到压制选民和颠覆选举这两股势力的险恶联合攻击。我们必须对抗种族主义和白人至上主义的祸害——这是我国的一个污点——并且不让仇恨在美国有安身之地。我们必须努力不仅实现政治平等，而且实现经济平等，从而让劳工能够挣得体面的生活，学生能够平安地学习，病患能够得到医护，贫困人能够走出贫困，老年人能够有有尊严地度过晚年，美国的所有人都能够不受歧视和没有恐惧地生活。正如在金博士的时代一样，现在有些人认为，变化会带来太大震荡，这些迫切的需要可以等待。但是，我们必须拒绝满足现状，必须唤起新的决心，把自由和机会的事业向前推进，为使人间道德之弧伸向公正而尽我们的努力。这是我们这个时代的事业。我们正位于历史的转折点——处于事关国家灵魂本色的斗争中。我们所有人都必须拿出勇气把我们的斗争向前推进，力争实现金博士所梦想的一个更自由、更公平和更公正的社会。我们必须继续坚持对那项正义的事业——以及对彼此——的信念。为此，我，美利坚合众国总统约瑟夫·拜登（JOSEPH R. BIDEN JR.），谨以美国宪法和法律赋予我的权力特此宣告，2022年1月17日星期一为马丁·路德·金联邦假日（Martin Luther King, Jr., Federal Holiday）。我鼓励所有美国人在这一天以适当的公民、社区和服务项目纪念金博士，并到www.MLKDay.gov网站了解全国各地的马丁·路德·金服务纪念日（Martin Luther King, Jr., Day of Service）项目。我谨于公元两千零二十二年，即美利坚合众国独立二百四十六年之一月十四日，亲笔在此签名为证。约瑟夫·R·拜登	A Proclamation on Martin Luther King, Jr., Federal Holiday, 2022 JANUARY 14, 2022•PRESIDENTIAL ACTIONS On a late summer day in 1963, Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., stood on the National Mall before hundreds of thousands of demonstrators who had gathered to march for freedom, justice, and equality. On that day, Dr. King shared a dream that has continued to inspire a Nation: To bring justice where there is injustice, freedom where there is oppression, peace where there is violence, and opportunity where there is poverty. Today, people of all backgrounds continue that march — raising their voices to confront abuses of power, challenge hate and discrimination, protect the right to vote, and access quality jobs, health care, housing, and education. On this day, we reflect on the legacy of a man who issued a call to the conscience of our Nation and our world. Dr. King pushed us to see ourselves in one another, recognizing that we are “caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny.” He reminded us that we have a duty to uphold our founding ideals and work to perfect our Union. Through bus boycotts, restaurant sit-ins, freedom rides, and marches, the movement that Dr. King helped lead used non-violent protest and civil disobedience to advance the call for justice. He was jailed dozens of times for his efforts, but Dr. King’s commitment to justice never wavered. From a Birmingham jail, he reminded us that “human progress never rolls in on wheels of inevitability…injustice must be rooted out by strong, persistent, and determined action.” Living up to his legacy, and what Dr. King believed our Nation could become requires more than just reflection — it requires action. We must protect the hard-fought gains he helped achieve and continue his unfinished struggle. That is why the Congress must pass Federal legislation to protect the right to vote — a right that is under attack by a sinister combination of voter suppression and election subversion. We must confront the scourge of racism and white supremacy — a stain on our Nation — and give hate no safe harbor in America. We must strive to achieve not just political equality but also economic justice so that workers can earn a decent living, students can learn safely, the sick can access health care, the poor can climb out of poverty, the elderly can age with dignity, and everyone in America can live without discrimination or fear. Just as in Dr. King’s time, there are those who now say that change would be too disruptive and that these urgent needs can wait. But we must resist complacency, summon new resolve to advance the cause of freedom and opportunity, and do our part to bend the arc of the moral universe toward justice. This is the cause of our time. We are at an inflection point in our history — in the midst of a battle for the very soul of our Nation. We all must find the courage to keep pushing forward in our struggle to realize Dr. King’s dream for a freer, fairer, and more just society. We must keep the faith in that righteous cause — and in each other. NOW, THEREFORE, I, JOSEPH R. BIDEN JR., President of the United States of America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the laws of the United States, do hereby proclaim Monday, January 17, 2022, as the Martin Luther King, Jr., Federal Holiday. I encourage all Americans to observe this day with appropriate civic, community, and service projects in honor of Dr. King and to visit www.MLKDay.gov to find Martin Luther King, Jr., Day of Service projects across our country. IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this fourteenth day of January, in the year of our Lord two thousand twenty-two, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and forty-sixth. JOSEPH R. BIDEN JR.
美国国务院发言人办公室即时发布华盛顿特区 2022年7月12日简报根据拜登–哈里斯政府对在多边机构中强有力地重新参与和发挥领导作用的承诺，美国在联合国人权理事会 (HRC) 第 50 届例会期间积极促进对人权和基本自由的尊重和保护。这也是美国重返该机构之后所参加的第二届会议。美国支持理事会发挥作用，将焦点放在值得关注的国家，促进对践踏人权的政府和行为者的问责，解决全球人权问题。捍卫性别多样性群体（LGBTQI+）的人权：美国坚决支持延长防止基于性取向和性别认同的暴力和歧视问题独立专家 (IE) 的任务期限。作为该决议的共同提案人，美国与伙伴国协力争取广泛的支持，成功地把此项任务期限延长三年，并促进理事会采纳了关于以下各项的新语言：交叉性；成年人自愿同性行为合法化；不歧视的重要性。美方欢迎独立专家在 8 月对美国进行正式访问。支持妇女和女童的权利：在多项决议、联合声明、互动对话和会外活动中，美国强烈主张更多地尊重妇女和女童的人权和健康及其多样性。作为共同提案人，美国提出的决议侧重于消除对妇女和女童的歧视以及延长暴力侵害妇女和女童行为及其因果问题特别报告员的任务期限。拜登-哈里斯政府继续坚定地致力于在国内外推进和保护生殖健康和性健康及相关权利 (SRHR)——此等权利对健康、性别平等和公平以及可持续发展至关重要，是美国外交政策的一个核心优先事项。通过紧急辩论重点关注阿富汗的人权问题：美国与国际社会共同支持一项紧急辩论和一项以阿富汗妇女和女童为重点的人权决议。我们对阿富汗境内的侵犯人权行为（常常归咎于塔利班）感到震惊，并对阿富汗妇女和女童在享有人权和基本自由方面受到的广泛限制感到不安。该决议将使阿富汗公民社会组织能够在 9 月的会议期间直接向人权理事会报告情况。反对针对以色列的不限成员名额调查委员会（COI）：美国牵头发表了一份联合声明，代表 22 个国家（涵盖联合国所有区域集团）对COI就以色列、西岸和加沙地带局势进行调查这一没有先例的做法深表关切。谴责中华人民共和国（PRC）的人权状况：美国自豪地成为创纪录的 47 个国家之一，通过荷兰牵头的联合声明公开谴责北京的国内人权记录，该声明对在新疆、西藏和香港发生的侵犯人权行为表达了深切的担忧。应对俄罗斯日益恶化的人权状况：美国是由欧盟 (EU) 牵头的针对俄罗斯境内日益恶化的人权状况的联合声明的 47 个签署国之一。该声明强调了对逮捕和平抗议者、包括阿列克谢·纳瓦尔尼在内的政治犯、关闭公民社会组织和媒体机构、车臣共和国特别令人担忧的局势（包括法外处决和强迫失踪）、以及针对性别多样性群体和宗教少数群体的歧视性法律、政策和做法的严重关切。维护和平集会和结社自由 (FOAA)：美国参加的一个核心小组起草了延长 FOAA 问题特别报告员任务期限的决议。作为共同提案人，美国成功地进行了游说，使该决议采纳了有关下列各项的语言：鼓励各国支持各种公民社会组织参与联合国论坛；强调确保互联网普及到每个人的重要性；呼吁各国建立和保持一个安全的、允许公民社会组织自由运作的环境。促进和保护和平抗议：作为共同提案人，美国提出了关于在和平抗议中促进和保护人权的决议。该决议敦促各国为和平抗议提供便利，在其目标受众的视线和听力可及范围内为抗议者提供公共空间，并为个人行使其和平集会、言论和结社自由的权利营造一个安全和有利的环境（包括网络空间）。揭露白俄罗斯侵犯和践踏人权的行为：作为共同提案人，美国参加了由欧盟牵头的一项决议，延长白俄罗斯问题特别报告员的任务期限，以便他们能够继续揭露卢卡申科政权系统性和有组织的侵犯和践踏人权的行为，包括限制媒体和言论自由以及干涉记者和公民社会组织的工作。应对叙利亚持续存在的侵犯和践踏人权问题：作为核心小组成员，美国支持一项决议，旨在应对叙利亚境内持续存在的一系列侵犯和践踏人权的行为，特别是针对妇女和女童的行为，包括任意拘留和人员失踪问题。延长利比亚问题独立实况调查团的任务期限：美国与利比亚密切合作，延长了利比亚问题独立实况调查团 (FFM) 的任务期限。 FFM 将于 2023 年 3 月发布最终报告。呼吁就厄立特里亚局势开展合作：作为共同提案人，美国参加了由欧盟牵头的一项决议，成功地延长了厄立特里亚人权状况特别报告员的任务期限。该决议呼吁政府与特别报告员充分合作。确保继续报告苏丹局势：作为核心小组成员，美国帮助起草并共同提出了有关苏丹局势的决议，确保继续支持苏丹局势独立专家（Independent Expert on Sudan），并确保独立专家的任务以及有关人权形势的报告要求得以保持，直到在苏丹恢复由文职官员领导的政府。共同提出的决议：本届理事会所采纳的全部决议的半数以上是由美国共同提出的，其中包括有关性取向和性别认同（SOGI）、集会和结社自由（FOAA）、表达和见解自由（Freedom of Expression and Opinion）、和平抗议（Peaceful Protest）、消除对妇女和女童一切形式的歧视（Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women and Girls）、对妇女和女童的暴力问题（Violence Against Women and Girls）、国内流离失所者（Internally Displaced Persons）、着重于妇女参与的司法独立和公正（Independence and Impartiality of the Judiciary）、阿富汗的妇女和女童的状况以及白俄罗斯、厄立特里亚、利比亚、苏丹和叙利亚的人权形势的各项决议。联合声明：美国牵头起草了有关以色列以及西岸和加沙局势的调查委员会的联合声明，并签署了有关中华人民共和国和俄罗斯的联合声明；此外，美国还参与了有关斯里兰卡和乌克兰（特别着重于马里乌波尔）的联合声明。美国也支持了着重于以下议题的联合声明：性取向和性别认同、粮食安全、特别程序、移民、在暴行情况下保护妇女和女童的责任、在各项人权理事会活动中确保有关性别平等的更有力的措辞的重要性、水资源以及极端贫困。在各项决议、联合声明以及互动对话中，美国倡导增加了有关语言以提倡平等和包容，其中涉及具有各种多样性的妇女和女童、国内流离失所者、LGBTQI+人士、残障人士、原住民、少数民族和宗教群体成员以及其他被边缘化的、弱势群体的成员。此外，美国还参与了同乌克兰的人权状况有关的多个互动对话。我们也高兴地参与了同种族主义问题特别报告员的互动对话，强调了本届政府对种族正义的承诺。会外活动：欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/outcomes-of-the-50th-session-of-the-un-human-rights-council/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。	FACT SHEET OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON JULY 12, 2022 In line with the Biden-Harris Administration’s commitment to robust re-engagement and leadership in multilateral institutions, the United States marked its second session back on the UN Human Rights Council (HRC) by actively advancing respect for and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms during the body’s 50th regular session. The United States supported the Council’s role of shining a spotlight on countries of concern, promoting accountability for governments and actors that abuse human rights, and addressing human rights issues across the globe. Defending the Human Rights of LGBTQI+ Persons: The United States strongly supported the mandate renewal of the UN Independent Expert (IE) on protection against violence and discrimination based on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity (SOGI). As a co-sponsor of the resolution, the United States successfully worked with partners to galvanize support to renew the mandate for the next three years and to secure inclusion of new language on intersectionality; decriminalization of consensual adult, same-sex conduct; and the importance of non-discrimination. The United States welcomes the SOGI IE’s official visit to the United States in August. Supporting the Rights of Women and Girls: Across several resolutions, joint statements, interactive dialogues, and side events, the United States strongly advocated for greater respect for the human rights and health of women and girls in all their diversity. The United States co-sponsored resolutions focused on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women and Girls and the mandate renewal of the Special Rapporteur on violence against women and girls, its causes and its consequences. The Biden-Harris Administration remains resolutely committed to advancing and protecting sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) at home and abroad—SRHR are essential to health, gender equality and equity, and sustainable development and are a central U.S. foreign policy priority. Highlighting Human Rights Concerns in Afghanistan with an Urgent Debate: The United States, with the international community, supported an Urgent Debate and a resolution focused on the human rights of women and girls in Afghanistan. We are alarmed by human rights abuses in Afghanistan, often attributed to the Taliban, and are disturbed by the extensive restrictions on the enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms by Afghan women and girls. The resolution will enable Afghan civil society to address the HRC directly during its September session. Opposing the Open-Ended Commission of Inquiry (COI) on Israel: The United States led a joint statement on behalf of 22 countries (representing all UN regional groups) expressing deep concern about the unprecedented and open-ended COI on the situation in Israel and the West Bank and Gaza. Condemning the Human Rights Situation in the People’s Republic of China (PRC): The United States was proud to be one of the record-breaking 47 countries to publicly condemn Beijing’s domestic human rights record via a Netherlands-led joint statement that expressed deep concern over human rights abuses in Xinjiang, Tibet, and Hong Kong. Addressing the Deteriorating Human Rights Situation in Russia: The United States was one of 47 signatories to a strong European Union (EU)-led joint statement addressing the deteriorating human rights situation inside Russia. This statement highlighted serious concerns about the arrest of peaceful protestors, political prisoners including Alexei Navalny, the closure of civil society and media outlets, the particularly concerning situation in the Chechen Republic up to and including extrajudicial executions and enforced disappearances, and discriminatory laws, policies, and practices against LGBTI persons and members of religious minority groups. Upholding Freedoms of Peaceful Assembly and of Association (FOAA): The United States was a member of the Core Group that drafted the resolution renewing the mandate for the Special Rapporteur on FOAA. As a co-sponsor, the United States successfully lobbied for the resolution to include language encouraging States to support diverse civil society participation in UN fora, stressing the importance of ensuring internet access extends to everyone, and calling upon States to establish and maintain a safe environment in which civil society can operate freely. Promoting and Protecting Peaceful Protest: The United States co-sponsored the resolution on the promotion and protection of human rights in the context of peaceful protests. This resolution urges States to facilitate peaceful protests by providing protesters with access to public space within sight and sound of their intended target audience and to promote a safe and enabling environment for individuals to exercise their rights to freedoms of peaceful assembly, expression, and association, both online and offline. Exposing Violations and Abuses in Belarus: The United States co-sponsored the EU-led resolution to extend the mandate for the Special Rapporteur on Belarus so they can continue to expose the Lukashenka regime’s systemic and systematic human rights violations and abuses, including restrictions on the media and freedom of expression and interference with the work of journalists and civil society. Addressing Ongoing Violations and Abuses in Syria: As part of the Core Group, the United States supported a resolution addressing a range of ongoing human rights violations and abuses in Syria, particularly against women and girls and including the issues of arbitrarily detained and missing persons. Renewing the Independent Fact-Finding Mission on Libya: The United States worked closely with Libya to renew the mandate for the Independent Fact-Finding Mission (FFM) on Libya. The FFM will release its final report in March 2023. Calling for Cooperation on the Situation in Eritrea: The United States co-sponsored the EU-led resolution that successfully extended the mandate for the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea. The resolution calls for the government to fully cooperate with the Special Rapporteur. Ensuring Continued Reporting on Sudan: As part of the Core Group, the United States helped draft and co-sponsored the resolution on the situation in Sudan, ensuring continued support for the Independent Expert (IE) on Sudan and ensuring the IE’s mandate remains, along with reporting requirements on the human rights situation, until the restoration of Sudan’s civilian-led government. Co-sponsored Resolutions: The United States co-sponsored more than half of the resolutions adopted this session, including the resolutions on SOGI, FOAA, Freedom of Expression and Opinion, Peaceful Protest, Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women and Girls, Violence Against Women and Girls, Internally Displaced Persons, the Independence and Impartiality of the Judiciary with a focus on women’s participation, the situation of women and girls in Afghanistan, as well as the human rights situations in Belarus, Eritrea, Libya, Sudan, and Syria. Joint Statements: Besides leading the joint statement on the COI on the situation in Israel and the West Bank and Gaza and signing onto the joint statements on the PRC and Russia, the United States also joined the joint statements on Sri Lanka and Ukraine (with a specific focus on Mariupol). The United States also supported thematic joint statements focused on SOGI, food security, special procedures, migrants, responsibility to protect, women and girls in the context of atrocities, the importance of ensuring stronger language on gender equality across HRC activity, water, and extreme poverty. Across resolutions, joint statements, and interactive dialogues, the United States advanced language to promote equity and inclusion, including regarding women and girls in all their diversity, internally displaced persons, LGBTQI+ persons, persons with disabilities, indigenous persons, members of ethnic and religious minority groups, and members of other marginalized and vulnerable groups. Additionally, the United States participated in multiple interactive dialogues related to the human rights situation in Ukraine. We were also pleased to participate in the interactive dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on racism, highlighting the Administration’s commitment to racial justice. Side Events:
2020年8月5日美国东部夏令时间下午4:30 国务卿迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥美国继续引领世界抗击COVID-19，整个美国政府现已拨款205亿美元以造福全球应对行动。慷慨的美国纳税人让这一令人难以置信的努力得以实现，其中包括为疫苗、治疗和诊断提供资金；准备工作；以及美国国务院和美国国际发展署的对外援助资金。我很高兴地宣布，美国国务院和美国国际发展署将新增近5300万美元的人道主义和经济援助，以此帮助弱势人群和伙伴国家继续在全球与COVID-19作斗争。算上这笔新的资金，仅来自美国国务院和美国国际发展署的资金就超过了16亿美元，进一步巩固了美国在全球应对大流行病中的领导地位。阅读原文： https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/u-s-economic-and-humanitarian-assistance-boost-u-s-leadership/	PRESS STATEMENT MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE AUGUST 5, 2020 The United States continues to lead the world in the fight against COVID-19, with $20.5 billion now allocated from across the U.S. Government to benefit the global response. This incredible effort, made possible by the generous American taxpayers, includes funding for vaccines, therapeutics, and diagnostics; preparedness efforts; and State Department and USAID foreign assistance funding. I am pleased to announce nearly $53 million in new State Department and USAID humanitarian and economic assistance to help vulnerable people and partner countries alike continue to fight COVID-19 across the globe. This new funding brings funding from the State Department and USAID alone to more than $1.6 billion, further cementing U.S. leadership in the global response to the pandemic. Of this new assistance, nearly $33 million in humanitarian assistance will enhance the ability of our international and non-governmental organization partners to provide water, sanitation and hygiene supplies, enhance livelihood support, and increase access to protection, health services, and information for refugees, internally displaced persons, conflict victims, and host communities. With this new humanitarian funding, the Department has fully committed the $350 million in Migration and Refugee Assistance funds appropriated by Congress for the international COVID-19 response. This announcement also includes $20 million in economic assistance that will enable partner countries in Asia, Africa, and beyond to address some of the second order effects of the pandemic on a variety of sectors, including democracy, human rights, trade, and agriculture. In addition to direct U.S. government funding, American private businesses, non-profits, charitable and faith-based organizations, and individuals have now provided more than $4.9 billion in donations and assistance globally for the COVID-19 response. Continued U.S. efforts in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic build upon decades of American foreign assistance leadership. Our investments in health and humanitarian assistance over the past 20 years total in excess of $140 billion, more than any other nation.
美国国务院发言人办公室华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.）国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥（MICHAEL R. POMPEO）发表声明美国就委内瑞拉和平民主过渡的框架提出建议 3月31日，美国建议采取和平、民主过渡的方式解决委内瑞拉危机的方案。这个框架要求建立获得广泛接受的过渡政府，负责管理自由和公正的总统选举，同时为解除美国涉及委内瑞拉的制裁规划一条道路。该框架基于以胡安·瓜伊多（Juan Guaido）为首的委内瑞拉临时政府首脑提出的建议。美国和国际社会施加的压力是这项战略的重要组成部分。我们实施的制裁将仍然有效，并会得到加强，直至马杜罗（Maduro）政权接受真正的政治过渡。美国长期以来始终坚持为委内瑞拉人为的危机寻求解决方案。鉴于马杜罗政权无法充分地为抗击全球性冠状病毒疾病（COVID-19）的疫情做好准备和应对工作，问题的紧迫性已更为严峻。这个框架表明我们决心帮助委内瑞拉全面复元，确保委内瑞拉人民的呼声得到尊重和接纳。我们呼吁委内瑞拉全体人民，不论军人还是平民、不论年轻人还是老年人，包括所有的意识形态倾向和党派归属，都能认真严肃地考虑这个框架。我们相信这个框架可以保护全体委内瑞拉人民的利益和权益。委内瑞拉人民迫切要求为他们面临的严重的政治、经济和人道主义危机寻求解决方案，并且认识到委内瑞拉人可以得到更好的结果。这个框架可以提供一条使委内瑞拉结束苦难和走向更美好的未来的道路。	link: https://www.state.gov/the-united-states-proposes-a-framework-for-a-peaceful-democratic-transition-in-venezuela/ Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State On March 31, the United States proposed a pathway to resolving Venezuela’s crisis by means of a peaceful, democratic transition. This framework calls for the establishment of broadly acceptable transitional government to administer free and fair presidential elections and a pathway to lifting Venezuela-related U.S. sanctions. It builds on the proposals put forward by the interim Government of Venezuela headed by Juan Guaido. U.S. and international pressure are important parts of the strategy. Our sanctions will remain in effect, and increase, until the Maduro regime accepts a genuine political transition. The United States has long been committed to finding a solution to the man-made crisis in Venezuela. The urgency for this has become all the more serious in light of the Maduro regime’s failure to adequately prepare for and address the global COVID-19 pandemic. This framework demonstrates our commitment to helping Venezuela fully recover and ensures that the voice of the Venezuelan people is respected and included. We call on all Venezuelans, whether military or civilian, young or old, of all ideological tendencies and party affiliations, to consider this framework carefully and seriously. We believe this framework protects the interests and equities of all Venezuelan people who desperately seek a resolution to their dire political, economic, and humanitarian crisis, and who know Venezuelans can have something better. This framework can provide a path that ends the suffering and opens the path to a brighter future for Venezuela.
Secretary Pompeo’s Meeting with Canadian Foreign Minister Chrystia Freeland 美国国务院发言人办公室华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2019年4月4日国务卿蓬佩奥（Pompeo）会见加拿大外长方慧兰（Chrystia Freeland）纪要以下是副发言人罗伯特·帕拉迪诺（Robert Palladino）的声明昨天，国务卿迈克·蓬佩奥（Michael R. Pompeo）在华盛顿哥伦比亚特区会见加拿大外长方慧兰。国务卿与加拿大外长讨论了坚持对北约（NATO）的承诺的重要性，其中包括分担份额的问题。他们还谈到，他们对加拿大公民被中国拘留一事继续表示关注。他们回顾了委内瑞拉的局势发展。国务卿对加拿大一贯支持临时总统胡安·瓜伊多（Juan Guaido）表示赞赏。国务卿和加拿大外长同意继续共同努力，就伊朗政府破坏地区稳定的行动增加对其施加的压力。国务卿还就加拿大一贯支持对朝鲜民主主义人民共和国（DPRK）持续施加压力的国际行动对方慧兰外长表示感谢。	U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE Office of the Spokesperson Washington, D.C. April 4, 2019 READOUT Secretary Pompeo’s Meeting with Canadian Foreign Minister Chrystia Freeland The below is attributable to Deputy Spokesperson Robert Palladino:‎ Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo met yesterday with Canadian Foreign Minister Chrystia Freeland in Washington, D.C. The Secretary and the Foreign Minister discussed the importance of supporting NATO commitments, including on burden sharing. They also discussed their continued concern over the detention of Canadian citizens in China. They reviewed developments in Venezuela, and the Secretary expressed appreciation for Canada’s ongoing support to Interim President Juan Guaido. The Secretary and the Minister agreed to continue working together to increase pressure on the Iranian government for its destabilizing actions in the region. The Secretary also thanked Minister Freeland for Canada’s consistent support to international efforts to maintain pressure on the DPRK.
DOS Seal 国务院发言人办公室增进全世界男女同性恋、双性恋、跨性别者、酷儿及间性人群体的人权的新闻声明美国国务卿（Secretary of State）安东尼·布林肯（Antony J. Blinken） 2021年2月4日今天，拜登总统（President Biden）签署了一项总统备忘录（Presidential Memorandum），指示所有在国外工作的美国政府部门和机构确保美国的外交和对外援助倡导并保护全世界男女同性恋、双性恋、跨性别者、酷儿、间性人及其他群体（LGBTQI+）的人权。终止针对LGBTQI+群体的暴力、歧视、定罪和羞辱是一个全球性挑战，依然是我们致力于倡导所有人的人权和基本自由的承诺的核心。在拜登—哈里斯（Biden-Harris）政府内，美国将以我们的榜样力量来引领，奉行一项终止基于性取向、性别认同或表达、或性别特征的暴力和歧视行径的政策。拜登总统今天的行动显示出美国政府推进这个目标的坚定承诺。依据拜登总统的备忘录，国务院协同有关联邦机构将利用范围广泛的外交及项目工具和资源，来保护弱势的LGBTQI+难民和寻求避难者；抗击基于LGBTQI+身份或行为将个人定罪的行径；确保我们的外交和对外援助倡导、保护LGBTQI+群体的人权并增进不歧视；以及让美国能够迅速应对侵犯及践踏LGBTQI+群体的人权的行径。国务院同国会（Congress）共同努力，正在采取必要步骤在2021财政年度（Fiscal Year 2021）的款项中为全球平等基金（Global Equality Fund）提供1000万美元。全球平等基金向人权卫士提供紧急援助，并向基层的LGBTQI+组织提供人权项目支持，以催化积极的改变，并从一个由志同道合的政府、企业和基金会组成的国际联盟的支持及伙伴关系中汲取力量。在拜登总统的领导下，美国将与志同道合的政府合作并增强公民社会的倡导努力，以全面支持并推动LGBTQI+群体的人权。我们的国际伙伴可以确信，增进所有人的人权，毫无例外或条件，是美国对外政策的一项要务。	U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE Office of the Spokesperson For Immediate Release STATEMENT BY SECRETARY ANTONY J. BLINKEN February 4, 2021 Advancing the Human Rights of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer, and Intersex Persons Around the World Today, President Biden signed a Presidential Memorandum directing all U.S. government departments and agencies engaged abroad to ensure that U.S. diplomacy and foreign assistance promote and protect the human rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and intersex (LGBTQI+) persons around the world. The struggle to end violence, discrimination, criminalization, and stigma against LGBTQI+ persons is a global challenge that remains central to our commitment to promote human rights and fundamental freedoms for all individuals.  In the Biden-Harris administration, the United States will lead by the power of our example and pursue a policy to end violence and discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation, gender identity or expression, or sex characteristics.  Today’s action by President Biden demonstrates the U.S. government’s firm commitment to advance this goal. Pursuant to President Biden’s memorandum, the Department of State in coordination with relevant federal agencies will use a broad range of diplomatic and programmatic tools and resources to protect vulnerable LGBTQI+ refugees and asylum seekers; combat criminalization of individuals on the basis of LGBTQI+ status or conduct; ensure that our diplomacy and foreign assistance promote and protect the human rights of LGBTQI+ persons and advance nondiscrimination; and allow swift U.S. responses to human rights violations and abuses of LGBTQI+ persons. Working with Congress, the State Department is taking the necessary steps to provide $10 million in Fiscal Year 2021 funds for the Global Equality Fund (GEF). The GEF provides emergency assistance to human rights defenders and human rights programming support to grassroots LGBTQI+ organizations to catalyze positive change and draws its strength from the support and partnership of an international coalition of like-minded governments, businesses, and foundations. Under President Biden’s leadership, the United States will work with like-minded governments and strengthen civil society advocacy to fully support and advance the human rights of LGBTQI+ persons.  Our international partners can be assured that advancing human rights for all individuals, with no exception or caveat, is a U.S. foreign policy priority.
立陶宛维尔纽斯维尔纽斯大学（Vilnius University） 2023年7月12日东欧夏令时间晚7:51 总统：立陶宛你好！（掌声）我母亲会说“上帝爱你”。没有座位，天哪。（笑声）很高兴回到维尔纽斯，这个国家和这个地区比任何人都更懂得自由的变革力量。（掌声）要知道，你们向世界表明，一国人民团结起来的力量是不可抗拒的。你们与爱沙尼亚和拉脱维亚的兄弟姐妹一道，用连接的力量帮助结束了一个分隔的时代。波罗的海之路（Baltic Way），而不是柏林墙（Berlin Wall），成为了欧洲未来的象征。后来，当苏联的坦克试图又一次剥夺你们的独立时，维尔纽斯人民说“不”。不，不，不。1991年1月，成千上万公民，手无寸铁而不屈不挠，自动挺身而出，众志成城，保卫电视塔，保护最高议会，捍卫自由。 14位英雄不幸失去了生命。数百人受伤。但是，全世界看到，数十年的压制丝毫未能扑灭自由的火焰。（掌声）我的话是认真的。这很有意义。立陶宛之光：你们保持了它的强大，你们保持了它的明亮。你们继续使它在维尔纽斯这里和在华盛顿闪闪发光，你们的黄绿红旗帜每天在华盛顿飘扬。过去一年，我们庆祝了美国与波罗的海国家未间断的外交关系100周年。美国——美国从来没有承认苏联对波罗的海国家的占领。总统先生，从来没有、从来没有、从来没有。（掌声）此外，你们有一位伟大的总统。（掌声）请站起来，不，请站起来。诚如你们的总统可以对你们说，立陶宛人民和美国人民之间的纽带从来没有动摇。在那场血腥的一月镇压过后仅仅7个月，持有你们重新再生国家的签证、护照在维尔纽斯这里盖了章的第一批外国来访者，是一飞机满载的来自美国伊利诺伊州芝加哥的立陶宛裔美国人。（掌声）哦。（笑声）他们的家人对此仍然感到骄傲。一名听众：来自洛杉矶。总统：而后有洛杉矶。（笑声）而后有许许多多。那班飞机上的许多人是在苏联压制的早期逃离立陶宛的，回到这个独立的国家令他们感到惊叹。其中一个人对记者说，我引述：“这天对我们就像一个复活日”。“这天，神父，对我们就像一个复活日”。这是原话，确确实实的。那就是当时的感觉。而且它是——复活日很快变为启示日。这个国家今天是自由与机会的堡垒，是欧洲联盟和北约中的一名骄傲的成员。（掌声）我作为美国参议员，非常荣幸曾在2004年力主立陶宛和其他波罗的海国家加入北约。我这样做是不是很高明？（笑声）但是玩笑放在一边，想想看——事情有了怎样的变化。想想都发生了什么。过去几天来，作为美国总统，我荣幸地出席了由立陶宛主持的有历史意义的北约峰会，我们将北约最新盟国芬兰迎接进来，并就尽快使瑞典加入联盟达成协议。（掌声）埃尔多安总统信守诺言。我目睹了你们的历史性历程。我骄傲地称立陶宛为朋友、伙伴和盟友。盟友。盟友。（掌声）不久，北约将有32个独立 ——33，32个独立成员——（笑声）站在一起，保护我们的人民，我们的领土——超越所有其他，将我们团结在一起的是使我们强大的民主价值观，是神圣的誓言——对一个成员的攻击就是对所有成员的攻击。因为每一个北约成员国都知道，我们人民的力量和我们团结的力量不容否认。（掌声）如果我的话听起来乐观，那是因为我感到乐观。今天，我们的联盟继续是全球安全与稳定的堡垒，它70多年来一贯如此。北约现在更加强大，更有活力，而且，是的，比它有史以来任何时候都更加团结。的确，对我们的共同未来更加重要。这一切并非是偶然的。也并非必然。当普京和他懦夫般的土地和权力欲望使他对乌克兰发动残酷战争时，他指望着北约分裂。他以为我们的团结一受到考验就会瓦解。他以为民主领导人是软弱的。但是他想错了。（掌声）面对威胁——（掌声）——面对对世界和平与稳定，对我们珍视的民主价值观，对自由本身的威胁，我们的做法一如既往：美国挺身而出。北约挺身而出。我们在欧洲，还有在印太地区的伙伴挺身而出。他们在世界各地挺身而出。我们做好了准备——我们做好了准备，因为我们团结一致。在临近战争爆发的数个月里，当普京在乌克兰边境集结重兵，为残酷入侵行动布阵时，我一直在与七国集团、欧洲联盟和北约领导人保持联系。我们就普京正在进行的策划向世界发出警告。甚至一些在乌克兰的人都不相信我们在——我们有——我们情报机构的发现。我们确保北约做好准备遏制针对任何成员国的进犯。我们致力同俄罗斯进行了密集的外交，力求避免这场可怕的战争。而当俄罗斯开始扔下炸弹时，我们毫不犹豫地采取了行动。我们团结了全世界，以支持乌克兰勇敢的人民以极大的尊严捍卫他们的自由和主权。（掌声）这是我的肺腑之言。想想这些。想想他们正在做的事情。在俄罗斯军队犯下了包括危害人类罪在内的残忍暴行将近一年半之后，乌克兰人民依然坚强不屈。坚强不屈。（掌声）乌克兰依然独立。乌克兰依然自由。而且美国已经建立起一个由50多个国家组成的联盟，以确保乌克兰现在能够保卫自己，并且将来也能这样做。自从这场战争爆发以来，我曾与泽连斯基总统（President Zelenskyy）一起站在——我刚刚同他交谈了大约一个小时——在华盛顿、在基辅（Kyiv）、在广岛（Hiroshima），以及今天在维尔纽斯，并向全世界宣告我今天要再次重申的：我们不会动摇。我们不会动摇。（掌声）我强调这一点。我们对乌克兰的承诺不会削弱。我们今天、明天而且不论需要多长时间都将捍卫自主和自由。（掌声）我们都希望这场战争以公正的条件结束——这些条件将维护《联合国宪章》（United Nations Charter）最基本的原则，而这是我们所有人都签字赞同的：主权和领土完整。这是国家间和平关系的两大支柱。不能允许任何一个国家通过武力夺取其邻国的领土。俄罗斯通过从乌克兰撤军、承认这些国际边界并停止俄罗斯对乌克兰妇女和儿童以及乌克兰军队的毫无人性的攻击，明天就可以结束这场战争。但令人遗憾的是，俄罗斯迄今对外交解决方案没有表现出任何兴趣。普京仍然错误地以为他可以拖垮乌克兰。他不相信这是他们的土地、他们的国家、他们的未来。即使经过这么长的时间，普京仍然怀疑我们的持久力量。他仍然在下错误的赌注，认定美国与我们的盟友和伙伴的信念和团结将会瓦解。他仍然不理解我们对这些价值观的承诺，对自由的承诺是我们永远不会、绝对不会背离的。这是我们的本质。（掌声）我再次强调——这是我们的本质。这是我们的本质。在这场令人发指的战争中，立陶宛人民与我们的波罗的海兄弟们一起，一直最坚决地捍卫着乌克兰选择自己的未来的权利：一个自由的未来。因为你们曾长期生活在自由被剥夺的境遇中，你们之中很多年长的人比任何人都更了解决定自己未来的权利有多么宝贵——对每个地方的人——每个地方的人而言都是宝贵的——不仅仅是在乌克兰，还有白俄罗斯、摩尔多瓦和格鲁吉亚——以及在全世界各个地方，那里的人们为了让自己的声音被听见而正在继续奋斗。因此，我今晚对你们所有人要说的话是——继续努力。继续前进。继续向世界展示立陶宛所代表的希望。而这正是你们所代表的：这个国家的希望。（掌声）我的话的确是认真的。我没开玩笑。这是我的肺腑之言。我们绝不能忘记这有多重要，而且永远、永远不能放弃追求更美好的明天。捍卫自由不是一天或一年就能完成的任务。这是我们毕生的使命，也是永恒的使命。我们已为前面的斗争坚定地做好准备。我们的团结不会动摇。我可以向你们保证。（掌声）各位，当我环顾世界的今天，在这个战争和危机的时刻，在这个存在竞争和不确定性的时刻，我也看到了前所未有的机遇——前所未有的机遇——向一个更加和平、更加繁荣和自由以及更有尊严的世界切实大步迈进的机遇，那里有法律之下的司法平等以及作为全体人类的福祉及与生俱来的权利的人权和基本自由。这就是美国正在努力寻求的世界。而这个世界，我们只有共同努力才能实现——必须共同努力。我们需要发扬我们在应对俄罗斯对乌克兰的侵略中所展现的团结一致、共同目标和坚定决心的精神，并让更多的伙伴加入，继续努力建设一个我们想要生活在其中的世界以及一个我们想要给我们的子孙后代留下的世界。朋友们，我们在最基本的层面上面临着一个选择——这并非夸大其词——我们面临着一个选择：在一个强权即公理的以胁迫和剥削为特征的世界，还是一个我们认识到我们自身的成功与他人的成功息息相关的世界之间做出选择。当别人做得更好时，我们自己也会做得更好——而且我们明白，我们今天所面临的挑战——从气候变化对生存构成的威胁，到建设一个不让任何人掉队的全球经济——都极其重大，任何一个国家单独应对都将是力不从心的，而且我们必须共同努力，才能实现我们的目标并应对这个时代的挑战。这是我的肺腑之言：这个世界正在改变。我们有机会来改变态势。这就是为什么作为总统，我如此专注于重建和振兴联盟，这是美国在世界上的领导力的基石。在过去的几年里，我们将跨大西洋伙伴关系（Transatlantic Partnership）提升到了新的高度，重申了欧洲与美国之间的关系作为全球稳定的一个锚点的重要性。我们还提升了——（听众鼓掌）——这绝非玩笑。（掌声）我有时——好的——我们还提升并加深了美国在印太地区的联盟关系——与日本、韩国、澳大利亚和菲律宾的联盟在那个至关重要的地区提供了关键的安全和威慑。通过我们的四方（Quad）伙伴关系——即澳大利亚、印度、日本和美国的伙伴关系，我们正在将该地区的主要民主国家团结在一起，合作维护印太地区的自由、开放、繁荣和安全。我们在这次北约峰会上展示出，有了印太地区的合作伙伴连续第二年加入我们，我们正在努力加深大西洋地区和太平洋地区民主国家之间的联系，以便我们能更好地共同努力，实现我们所有人共同寻求的价值观：强大的联盟、多样化的伙伴关系、共同的目标以及为应对共同挑战而采取集体行动。这个世界变小了。这就是我们建设我们都希望看到的未来的方式。但我们共有而且知道我们有共同的挑战并共同努力。我们必须共同加紧努力，建立最广泛、最强大的联盟，以增强并捍卫基本的行路规则，以维护源于以法治为根基的国际体系所带来的巨大的惠益。我们必须团结一致，以保护支撑着思想和商贸的流通的权利和自由，这使全球多年的增长成为可能。是的，领土完整和主权，但还有像航行和飞越自由这样的原则，保持我们共同的海洋和空域开放，以使每个国家都有平等的途径进入我们的全球共同领域。在我们继续探索这个充满新的可能性的时代之时，这个由创新的快速进展推动的时代，我们必须团结一致，以确保我们未来的共同领域能够反映出我们对自己和他人所抱有的最崇高的愿望—— 正如我父亲说过的，每个人都得到有尊严的待遇——以确保人工智能、工程学、生物学和其他新兴技术不会被用做压制的武器，而是被作为机遇的工具。我们正在与盟友和伙伴合作，建设更具韧性和安全性的供应链，以免再次面临像在疫情期间那样无法获得日常生活所需的关键商品的情况。你们知道，我们都必须鼓起共同的意志——以切实应对日益加剧的气候危机对生存构成的威胁。这是真真切切的。这是严重的。我们的时间不多了。这是人类所面临的最严重的一种威胁。而且只有通过共同努力，我们才能防止气候变化的最恶劣的后果对我们的未来以及我们子孙后代的未来造成严重破坏。我们还必须认识到我们共同的责任，去帮助发挥世界各地低收入和中等收入国家所具有的巨大潜力——不是出于慈善，而是因为这符合我们自身的利益。当更多的伙伴共同努力，朝着共同的目标前进时，我们所有人都会受益。当人们更加健康和繁荣时，我们所有人都会受益。我要重申，这并非夸大其词。事实如此。当更多的企业家和创新者能够为更美好的明天追求他们的梦想时，我们所有人都会受益。你们知道，因此，我们需要更新我们的一系列工具，以更好地应对当今这个互联互通的世界的需求。这是一个气候灾难、疫情和冲突跨越边界的世界，使得应对贫困和不稳定所带来的挑战变得更加困难，而这些挑战阻碍了太多人的发展。这就是为什么美国正在领导一项努力来改革多边发展银行，例如世界银行（World Bank），以帮助它们更好地应对全球挑战，同时加强它们减轻贫困及促进共同繁荣的核心使命。我们还与七国集团伙伴合作，共同满足世界各地对高标准基础设施的巨大需求，尤其是在非洲、拉丁美洲和东南亚地区的低收入和中等收入国家。这是关于我们希望共同构建的世界的宣言。女士们、先生们，我们正处在一个拐点，历史上的一个拐点。我们现在所做的选择将打造我们的世界未来几十年的走向。这个世界已经改变。我们是否能在今天击退赤裸裸的、肆无忌惮的侵略行径，以遏制明天可能出现的其他侵略者？我们是否能遏制气候危机，以免为时太晚？我们是会利用新技术推进自由，还是削弱自由？我们是会在更多地方增进机遇，还是听任不稳定和不平等顽固存在？我们如何回答这些至关重要的问题将切实决定我们留给子孙后代的是什么样的未来。再次重申，这并非夸大其词，而是实事求是。这需要我们所有人共同来回答。我们所有人。我相信，怀着雄心壮志、怀着对自己和彼此的信心以及各国为了共同的事业携手努力，我们就能回答这些问题。我们可以确保我们共同的愿景以及我们所珍视的自由不是动荡时期的空洞言辞，而是一张路线图——的确如此——一张路线图和一份紧急行动计划，朝着我们能够实现的未来迈进，一个只要我们共同努力就将能实现的未来。各位，我们前面的道路是艰难的。它将考验我们，激发我们拿出最佳面貌，彼此保有信心，而且永不放弃。永不丧失希望。永远不会。每一天，我们都必须做出选择。每一天，我们都必须鼓足力量，以维护正义、维护真理、维护自由，并齐心协力地站在一起。朋友们，这正是我们从历史中、从立陶宛的历程中汲取的教诲。你们知道，这是我们每天都从中得到的教诲，而且它将决定——它将决定乌克兰的前景。我们正将以这种方式努力——以这种方式为全世界所有人民重新书写未来，一个充满和平与希望、正义与光明、自由与种种可能性的未来。各位，有些人已经听我对我的国家说过很多遍：在我的整个职业生涯中，我对于未来前景从未比现在更乐观。从来没有比现在更加乐观。请允许我感谢你们抽出时间莅临聆听。愿上帝保佑你们大家，愿上帝保护在乌克兰、在这里以及在世界各国和各个地方捍卫自由的人们。愿上帝保护我们的军人。谢谢大家。（掌声）东欧夏令时间晚8:12 欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2023/07/12/remarks-by-president-biden-on-supporting-ukraine-defending-democratic-values-and-taking-action-to-address-global-challenges-vilnius-lithuania/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。	Remarks by President Biden on Supporting Ukraine, Defending Democratic Values, and Taking Action to Address Global Challenges \| Vilnius, Lithuania JULY 12, 2023 Vilnius University Vilnius, Lithuania 7:51 P.M. EEST THE PRESIDENT: Hello, Lithuania! (Applause.) As my mother would say, “God love ya.” No seats. Holy mackerel. (Laughter.) It’s good to be back in Vilnius, a nation and a region that knows better than anyone the transformational power of freedom. (Applause.) You know, you showed the world that the strength of a people united cannot be denied. And together, with your brothers and sisters in Estonia and Latvia, you helped end the era of division through the power of connection. The Baltic Way, not the Berlin Wall, became the symbol for Europe’s future. And later, when Soviet tanks sought once more to deny your independence, the people of Vilnius said, “No.” No, no, no. And in January of 1991, tens of thousands of citizens, unarmed and unyielding, came for their own — of their own accord, standing as one to protect the TV Tower, to shield the Supreme Council, and to defend freedom. Fourteen heroes tragically lost their lives. Hundreds were wounded. But the whole world saw that decades of oppression had done nothing to dim the flame of liberty in this country. (Applause.) I mean it. It’s consequential. The light of Lithuania: You kept it strong. You kept it bright. And you kept the light shining here in Vilnius and in Washington, D.C., where the yellow, green, and red of your flag flew every day. This past year, we have celebrated 100 years of unbroken diplomatic relationship between the United States and the Baltic states. America — America never recognized the Soviet occupation of the Baltics. Never, never, never, Mr. President. (Applause.) And besides, you’ve got a great president. (Applause.) Stand up. No, stand up. As your president can yell you, the bonds between Lithuanian and the American people have never faltered. And just — just seven months after the bloody January crackdown, the first foreign vivistor [sic] — first foreign visitor to have their passports stamped here in Lithuania with visas of this — to this new, reborn state were a planeload of Lithuanian Americans from Chicago, Illinois. (Applause.) Oh. (Laughs.) And their families are still proud of that. AUDIENCE MEMBER: From Los Angeles. THE PRESIDENT: Los Angeles came after that. (Laughter.) A lot came after. Look, many aboard that plane had fled Lithuania during the early years of Soviet oppression and marveled — marveled at their return to this independent state. One of them told reporters, quote, “This day is like a resurrection for us.” “This day, Father, is like a resurrection for us.” That’s what the quote was, for real. That’s the feeling. And it was — a resurrection that quickly became a revelation. And a nation which stands today as a stronghold of liberty and opportunity, a proud member of the European Union and of NATO. (Applause.) I had the great honor as a United States senator of championing Lithuania and other Baltic states to join NATO in 2004. Wasn’t I brilliant doing that? (Laughter.) But all kidding aside, think about what it — how it’s changed things. Think about what’s happened. Now, over the last few days, as President of the United States, I had the honor of participating in a historic NATO Summit hosted by Lithuania, where we welcomed NATO’s newest Ally, Finland, and reached agreement to bring Sweden into the Alliance as soon as possible. (Applause.) And President Erdoğan kept his word. We have witnessed your historic journey. And I’m proud to call Lithuania a friend, partner, and Ally. Ally. Ally. (Applause.) Soon, NATO will be the 32nd freestanding — have free- — 33 — 32 freestanding members — (laughter) — standing together to defend our people and our territory, beyond — beyond all the rest, bound by democratic values to make us strong and by our sacred oath that an attack against — it is a sacred oath — attack against one is an attack against all. Because each member of NATO knows that the strength of our people and the power of our unity cannot be denied. (Applause.) If I sound optimistic, it’s because I am. Today, our Alliance remains a bulwark of global security and stability as it’s been for more than seven decades. NATO is stronger, more energized, and, yes, more united than ever in its history. Indeed, more vital to our shared future. It didn’t happen by accident. It wasn’t inevitable. When Putin, and his craven lust for land and power, unleashed his brutal war on Ukraine, he was betting NATO would break apart. He was betting NATO would break. He thought our unity would shatter at the first testing. He thought democratic leaders would be weak. But he thought wrong. (Applause.) Faced with a threat — (applause) — faced with a threat to the peace and stability of the world, to democratic values we hold dear, to freedom itself, we did what we always do: The United States stepped up. NATO stepped up. Our partners in Europe, in the In- — and then the Indo-Pacific stepped up. All across the world they stepped up. And we’re ready — we were ready because we stood together. In the months leading up to the war, as Putin amassed his forces on the Ukrainian border and laid the groundwork for his brutal invasion, it wa- — I was in constant contact with my fellow leaders of the G7 and the European Union and NATO, constantly. We warned the world what Putin was planning. Even some in Ukraine didn’t believe we were — what we had — our intelligence community found. We made sure NATO was prepared to deter any aggression against any member state. We pursued intense diplomacy with Russia, seeking to avert this terrible war. And when Russian bombs began to fall, we did not hesitate to act. We rallied the world to support the brave people of Ukraine as they defend their liberty and their sovereignty with incredible dignity. (Applause.) I mean that from the bottom of my heart. Think about it. Think about what they’re doing. After nearly a year and a half of Russia’s forces committing terrible atrocities, including crimes against humanity, the people of Ukraine remain unbroken. Unbroken. (Applause.) Ukraine remains independent. It remains free. And the United States has built a coalition of more than 50 nations to make sure Ukraine defends itself both now and is able to do it in the future as well. Since this war began, I’ve stood with President Zelenskyy — as I just spent about an hour with him — both in Washington, in Kyiv, in Hi- — in Hiroshima, and now in Vilnius, to declare to the world what I say again: We will not waver. We will not waver. (Applause.) I mean that. Our commitment to Ukraine will not weaken. We will stand for liberty and freedom today, tomorrow, and for as long as it takes. (Applause.) We all want this war to end on just terms — terms that uphold the basic principles of the United Nations Charter that we all signed up to: sovereignty, territorial integrity. These are two pillars of peaceful relations among nations. One country cannot be allowed to seize its neighbor’s territory by force. Russia could end this war tomorrow by withdrawing its forces from Ukraine, recognize these international borders, and ceasing its attacks on its — inhumane attacks on Russia — I mean, by Russia on Ukraine, against its children — women and children; its military. Unfortunately, Russia has shown thus far no interest in a diplomatic outcome. Putin still wrongly believes that he can outlast Ukraine. He can’t believe it’s their land, their country, and their future. And even after all this time, Putin still doubts our staying power. He’s still making a bad bet that the conviction and the unity among the United States and our Allies and partners will break down. He still doesn’t understand that our commitment to our values, our freedom is something he [we] can never, never, ever, ever walk away from. It’s who we are. (Applause.) I mean it — it’s who we are. It’s who we are. Throughout this horrific war, the people of Lithuania, together with our Baltic brethren, have been among the fiercest champ- — most fiercest champions of Ukraine’s right to a future of its own choosing: one that is free. Because you lived so long with freedom denied, many of you who are older know better than anyone how precious the right to determine your own future is, precious to people everywhere — everywhere — not just in Ukraine, but Belarus, Moldova, Georgia — in all the places around the world where people continue to fight to make their voices heard. So, my message — my message to all of you tonight is: Keep it up. Keep it going. Keep reminding the world of hope that Lithuania embodies. And that’s what you embody: hope in this country. (Applause.) No, I really mean it. I’m not joking. I mean this sincerely. We must never forget how much this matters and never, never give up on a better tomorrow. The defense of freedom is not the work of a day or a year. It’s the calling of our lifetime, of all time. We are steeled for the struggle ahead. Our unity will not falter. I promise you. (Applause.) Folks, as I look around the world today, at a moment of war and peril, a moment of competition and uncertainty, I also see a moment of unprecedented opportunity — unprecedented opportunity — opportunity to make real strides toward a world of greater peace and greater prosperity, liberty and dignity, equal justice under the law, human rights and fundamental freedoms which are the blessing and birthright of all of humanity. That — that is the world the United States is working toward. And it’s one we’ll only reach if we do it together — and I mean together. We need to take the same spirit of unity, common purpose, determination that we have demonstrated in our response to Russian aggression in Ukraine and bring more partners along as we continue working to build a world we want to live in and a world we want for our children. My friends, at the most fundamental level, we face a choice — it’s not a hyperbole — we face a choice: a choice between a world defined by coercion and exploitation, where might makes right, or a world where we recognize that our own success is bound to the success of others. When others do better, we do better as well — where we understand that the challenges we face today, from the existential threat of climate change to building a global economy where no one gets left behind, are too great for any one nation to solve on their own, and that to achieve our goals and meet the challenges of this age, we have to work together. And I mean this sincerely: The world is changing. We have a chance to change the dynamic. That’s why I’ve been so focused as president on rebuilding and revitalizing the alliances that are the cornerstone of American leadership in the world. These past years, we have brought the Transatlantic Partnership to new heights, reaffirming the importance of the relationship between Europe and the United States as an anchor to global stability. The idea that the United States could prosper without a secure Europe is not reasonable. We’ve also elevated — (audience members clap) — that’s — it really isn’t. Not a joke. (Applause.) I sometimes — well — we also elevated and deepened America’s alliance in the Indo-Pacific with Japan, the Republic of Korea, Australia, and the Philippines, which provide critical security and deterrence in that vital region of the world. Through our Quad partnership — it’s a fancy way of saying our partnership with Australia, India, Japan, and the United States — we’re bringing major democracies of the region together to cooperate, keeping the Indo-Pacific free and open, prosperous, and secure. We’ve demonstrated during this NATO Summit, with In- — with Indo-Pacific partners joining us for the second year in a row, we’re working to deepen connections between the Atlantic and Pacific democracies so they can better work together toward the shared values we all seek: strong alliances, versatile partnerships, common purpose, collective action to meet our shared challenges. The world has shrunk. That’s how we build a future to see. But we share and know we share challenges and work together. We have to step up together, building the broadest and deepest coalition to strengthen and defend the basic rules of the road, to preserve all the extraordinary benefits that stem from the international system grounded in the rule of law. We have to come together to protect the rights and freedoms that underwrite the flow of ideas and commerce and which have enabled decades of global growth. Yes, territorial integrity and sovereignty, but also principles like freedom of navigation and overflight, keeping our shared seas and skies open so that every nation has equal access to our global common space. And as we continue to explore this age of new possibilities, an age enabled by rapid advances in innovation, we have to stand together to ensure that the common spaces of our future reflect our highest ras- — aspirations for ourselves and for others — as my dad would say, that everybody has — is treated with some dignity — so that artificial intelligence, engineering, biology, and other engineering techno- — emerging technologies are not made into weapons of oppression but rather are used as tools of opportunity. We’re working with our allies and partners to build a supply chains that are more resilient, more secure, so we never again face a situation like we had during the pandemic where we couldn’t get critical goods we needed for our daily lives. You know, we all must summon the common will to — to actually address the existential threat of accelerating climate change. It’s real. It’s serious. We don’t have a lot of time. It is the — the single greatest threat to humanity. And it’s only by working together that we’ll prevent the worst consequences of climate change from ravaging our future and that of our children and grandchildren. We also have to recognize our shared responsibility to help unlock the enormous potential that exists in low- and middle-income companies [countries] around the world — not out of charity, because it’s in our own self-interest. We all benefit when more partners stand together, working toward shared goals. We all benefit when people are healthier and more prosperous. And that’s not, again, hyperbole. It’s true. We all benefit when more entrepreneurs and innovators are able to pursue their dreams for a better tomorrow. You know, so we need to update our toolset to better address the needs of today in this interconnected world. A world where climate disasters, pandemics, conflicts spill over borders and make it harder to address the challenges of poverty and instability that hold so many people back. That’s why the United States is leading an effort to transform the multilateral development banks, like the World Bank, to help them better address the global challenges while enhancing their core mission of reducing poverty and boost shared prosperity. We’re all working together with our partners in the G7 to address the enormous needs for high-standard infrastructure around the world, especially in low- and middle-income countries in Africa, Latin America, and Southeast Asia. It’s a statement about the world we want to build together. Ladies and gentlemen, we stand at an inflection point, an inflection point in history, where the choices we make now are going to shape the direction of our world for decades to come. The world has changed. Will we turn back naked, unchecked aggression today to deter other world — would-be aggressors tomorrow? Will we staunch the climate crisis before it’s too late? Will we harness the new technologies to advance freedom or will we diminish it? Will we advance opportunity in more places or allow instability and inequality to persist? How we answer these essential questions is literally going to determine the kind of future our children and grandchildren have. And, again, that’s not an exaggeration; that’s a fact. It’s going to take all of us. All of us. I believe that with ambition, with confidence in ourselves and one another, with nations working together for common cause, we can answer these questions. We can ensure the vision we share and the freedoms we cherish are not just empty words in a troubled time, but a roadmap — and I mean this literally — a roadmap, a plan of urgent action toward a future we can reach, and we’ll reach if we work together. Folks, the road that lies before us is hard. It will challenge us, summon the best of ourselves to hold faith in one another and never give up, never lose hope. Never. Every day, we have to make the choice. Every day, we must summon the strength to stand for what is right, to stand for what is true, to stand for freedom, to stand together. And that, my friends, is the lesson we learn from history and the history of Lithuania’s story. You know, it’s the lesson we see demonstrated each day, and it will determine — it will determine what Ukraine looks like. And it is now — it’s how we’re going to work — how we rewrite the future of peace and hope, justice and light, liberty, possibilities for everyone — everyone everywhere. Folks, some have heard me say to my country many times: Never ever in my entire career I’ve been more optimistic about the prospects of the future. Never. Never. So let me just say thank you for taking the time to be here to listen. God bless you all, and may God protect the freedoms of the — the protectors of freedom in Ukraine, here, in every nation in the world, everywhere. God protect our troops. Thank you, thank you, thank you. (Applause.) 8:12 P.M. EEST
美国向乌克兰新增1亿美元安全援助安东尼·布林肯国务卿的声明美国国务院发言人办公室华盛顿特区 2022年4月5日俄罗斯军队在布查（Bucha）及乌克兰各地的暴行令人发指，让全世界感到震惊。乌克兰军队继续英勇地保卫他们的国家和他们的自由，而且美国协同我们的盟友及合作伙伴，坚定地支持乌克兰的主权及领土完整。我已授权，根据总统今天早些时候的一项委托，立即调拨价值最高可达1亿美元的安全援助，以满足乌克兰迫切需要更多的反装甲系统的需求。这项授权是自2021年8月以来第六次为乌克兰调拨国防部的武器、装备和物资。连同国防部于4月1日根据《乌克兰安全援助计划》（Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative）宣布提供的3亿美元援助，此次新增援助使美国对乌克兰的安全援助承诺总额自本届政府就职以来已超过24亿美元，自俄罗斯于2月24日对乌克兰发动凶残攻击以来已超过17亿美元。除了我们所提供的援助，30多个国家已同我们一道在俄罗斯发动入侵后向乌克兰提供安全援助。我们齐心协力，每天都在提供安全援助，而且我们正在加速运送乃至更多的乌克兰正在用来保卫自己的武器和防卫装备。我们在增强乌克兰在战场上的实力及其在谈判桌前的地位时，还将同我们的盟友及合作伙伴共同努力收集信息，以记录接报的侵害行径，并将其提供给适当的机构，以便追究那些应负责任者的罪责。我们将同我们的盟友及合作伙伴团结一致，继续提供安全援助以支持乌克兰的防御，同时向遭受俄罗斯惨无人道的暴行的严重侵害的社区提供经济支持和人道主义援助。 ### 欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/100-million-in-additional-u-s-security-assistance-for-ukraine/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。	$100 Million in Additional U.S. Security Assistance for Ukraine PRESS STATEMENT ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE APRIL 5, 2022 The world has been shocked and appalled by the atrocities committed by Russia’s forces in Bucha and across Ukraine. Ukraine’s forces bravely continue to defend their country and their freedom, and the United States, along with our Allies and partners, stand steadfast in support of Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. I have authorized, pursuant to a delegation from the President earlier today, the immediate drawdown of security assistance valued at up to $100 million to meet Ukraine’s urgent need for additional anti-armor systems.  This authorization is the sixth drawdown of arms, equipment, and supplies from Department of Defense inventories for Ukraine since August 2021.  Combined with $300 million in assistance announced by the Department of Defense on April 1 under the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative, this additional drawdown brings the total U.S. security assistance commitment to Ukraine to more than $2.4 billion since the beginning of this Administration, and more than $1.7 billion* *since the beginning of Russia’s brutal assault against Ukraine began on February 24. In addition to what we have provided, more than 30 countries have joined us to deliver security assistance to Ukraine since Russia’s invasion began. Together, we are delivering security assistance every day, and we are expediting shipments of even more of the arms and defense equipment Ukraine is using to defend itself. As we strengthen Ukraine’s position on the battlefield and at the negotiating table, we will also work with our Allies and partners to gather information to document reported abuses and make it available to the appropriate bodies to hold those responsible to account. United with our Allies and partners, we will continue to provide security assistance in support of Ukraine’s defense, as well as economic support, and humanitarian aid for communities devastated by Russia’s ruthless brutality.
美国国务院发言人办公室华盛顿特区 2020年12月7日迈克尔·蓬佩奥国务卿（MICHAEL R. POMPEO）声明将削弱香港自治的全国人民代表大会官员列入名单北京对香港民主程序的无情打击掏空了香港立法会，使之沦为没有真正反对派的橡皮图章机构。打击之一来自全国人民代表大会常务委员会，它的行动有效扼杀了香港人民根据《联合声明》和《基本法》所享有的选举他们的民选代表的能力。这些行动再次说明北京完全无视它在联合国注册的《中英联合声明》（Sino-British Joint Declaration）条约中作出的国际承诺。今天，国务院要让那些对这些公然违约行动负有责任者承担责任。我们将全国人大常委会14名副委员长定为与制定、通过或实施《中华人民共和国香港特别行政区维护国家安全法》相关的人。全国人大常委会一致投票通过国家安全法，该法一再被北京用来压制不同意见和逮捕抗议北京压制性政策的人士。这14个人是王晨，曹建明，张春贤，沈跃跃，吉炳轩，艾力更·依明巴海，万鄂湘，陈竺，王东明，白马赤林，丁仲礼，郝明金，蔡达峰，武维华。对以上这些人的定性基于《第13936号行政命令（Executive Order）》第4(a)(iii)(A)条款。此外，上述所有人还将根据《第13936号行政命令13936号》第7条款受签证限制。这些个人和他们的直系亲属将被禁止进入美国。他们在美国辖区内或在美国人控制下的财产将被封，美国人一般被禁止与他们交往。我们今天的行动突出表明，美国将继续与我们的盟国和伙伴共同努力，要求北京对损害香港得到承诺的自治承担责任。美国再次敦促北京履行其国际承诺，并听取许多国家发出的声音，这些国家谴责它的行动。	U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE Office of the Spokesperson STATEMENT BY SECRETARY MICHAEL R. POMPEO December 7, 2020 Designations of National People’s Congress Officials Undermining the Autonomy of Hong Kong Beijing’s unrelenting assault against Hong Kong’s democratic processes has gutted its Legislative Council, rendering the body a rubber stamp devoid of meaningful opposition. One aspect of that assault has been the actions of the National People’s Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC), which have effectively neutered the ability of the people of Hong Kong to choose their elected representatives in keeping with the Joint Declaration and Basic Law. These actions demonstrate once again Beijing’s complete disregard for its international commitments under the Sino-British Joint Declaration, a U.N.-registered treaty. Today, the Department of State is holding accountable those responsible for these brazen acts. We are designating 14 Vice-Chairpersons of the NPCSC in connection with developing, adopting, or implementing the Law of the People’s Republic of China on Safeguarding National Security in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. The NPCSC voted unanimously to adopt the National Security Law that Beijing has used repeatedly to stifle dissent and arrest those who protest Beijing’s oppressive policies. These 14 individuals are Wang Chen, Cao Jianming, Zhang Chunxian, Shen Yueyue, Ji Bingxuan, Arken Imirbaki, Wan Exiang, Chen Zhu, Wang Dongming, Padma Choling, Ding Zhongli, Hao Mingjin, Cai Dafeng, and Wu Weihua. These designations are pursuant to section 4 (a)(iii)(A) of Executive Order (E.O.) 13936. Additionally, these individuals will also be subject to visa restrictions, pursuant to Section 7 of E.O. 13936. These individuals and their immediate family members will be barred from travelling to the United States. Their assets within the jurisdiction of the United States or in the possession or control of U.S. persons will be blocked and U.S. persons are generally prohibited from dealing with them. Our actions today underscore that the United States will continue to work with our allies and partners to hold Beijing accountable for undermining Hong Kong’s promised autonomy. The United States again urges Beijing to abide by its international commitments and to heed the voices of many countries, which have condemned its actions.
美国国务院发言人办公室华盛顿特区 2021年12月14日国务卿安东尼·布林肯在记者见面会上的谈话印度尼西亚雅加达（Jakarta）费尔蒙（酒店）（ [Hotel] Fairmont）布林肯国务卿：各位下午好。非常高兴与你们大家见面。你们好，你们好。那么就像我今天早些时候所说，回到雅加达令人非常、非常愉快。我对佐科（Jokowi）总统、蕾特诺（Retno）外长、马卡里姆（Makarim）文教与科技部长，以及印度尼西亚政府和人民今天给予我们的如此热情欢迎深表感激。雅加达是我的东南亚三国之行的第一站，因为这个地区发生的事情对全球产生影响，也因为我们同东南亚国家的关系与我们的几乎所有外交政策重点极为攸关，并且对我们的人民生活具有直接影响。而这是从印度尼西亚开始，它是世界上最大的民主国家之一，是二十国集团（G20）中增长速度最快的经济体之一，是美国的战略伙伴。我们看到印度尼西亚发挥国际领导作用，仅在过去几周，在格拉斯哥（Glasgow）举行的关于气候的联合国COP26峰会上，印度尼西亚作为世界最大的甲烷排放国之一，加入全球甲烷承诺，致力于在本年代结束时，共同将甲烷排放量减少30%；就在本周的民主峰会（Summit of Democracy）上，佐科总统是第一位发言人，对印度尼西亚支持世界各地民主作出承诺；还有巴厘民主论坛（Bali Democracy Forum），迄今印度尼西亚已经主办这个论坛14年。我们期待着在下一年支持印度尼西亚担任二十国集团会议东道主，今天外长和我对此进行了深入交谈，也包括印尼作为主席的重点事项。在拜登总统和佐科总统几周前在格拉斯哥卓有成效的会晤后，拜登总统要我到这里来共同推进我们在一些关键问题上的努力。这包括制止COVID-19新冠疫情。美国向印度尼西亚捐送了2500多万剂疫苗——今天运抵了最新一批，我们也提供了7700万美元的疫情救援援助。我们还在与印度尼西亚共同努力，促进新冠疫情后的有力经济复元。如同我今早在大学讲话时谈到的，根据拜登总统的指示，我们正在制定一个全面的印太地区（Indo-Pacific）经济框架，它包括贸易、数字经济、技术、有韧力的供应链、脱碳和清洁能源、基础设施投资、劳工标准，以及其他一些共同感兴趣的领域。我们两国将携手合作，共同对抗气候危机，捍卫民主、人权和基于规则的国际秩序，包括在海事领域，并且通过东盟（ASEAN）这样的机构加强地区合作，东盟秘书处就位于雅加达。今天早上，我更多地谈到了我们对自由开放、互联、繁荣、坚韧和安全的印太地区的承诺，因为我们相信，这些是一个广泛共享经济发展惠益、有效助理危机、人民被赋予权能驾驭自身未来、各国在相互尊重的基础上合作并维护我们所建立和共同维持多年的基于规则的秩序的地区的关键特质。我想强调的是，这不仅仅是美国的愿景，也是印太地区人民和国家的愿景，包括印度尼西亚人民，他们几十年来一直努力加强本国的民主制度，发展经济，在地区和全球事务中发挥更大的作用。我们的方针与《东盟印太展望》的原则也是一致的，印度尼西亚在该文件的制定和实施中发挥了主导作用。美国将与印度尼西亚、其他伙伴和盟国以及东盟等地区机构密切合作，以实现这一愿景。雷特诺外长和我刚刚签署了三份谅解备忘录，用我们的行话来说，这是把我们两国的合作提升到另一个层次：首先，海上合作，包括海军联合演习、打击非法捕鱼、恢复珊瑚礁等活动；其次，继续执行和平队计划，该计划在中断 44 年后于 2009 年重新建立，如今印度尼西亚人和美国人正在并肩努力，教授英语、培训教师、学习彼此的文化；第三，扩大教育联系，多年来数千名美国人和数万名印度尼西亚人参与了两国之间在教育领域的领导交流活动。这些项目不仅丰富了人们的生活，还使两国人民建立了持久的联系，尤其是在年轻的一代。我们将在这里与这些交流计划的参与者和年轻领导人交谈。他们中有好几位是美国项目的校友。他们都为印度尼西亚抗击2019冠状病毒病的努力做出了非凡的贡献，这将是我们在对话中关注的内容。所有这些协议、这些合作、这些对话都反映了连接印度尼西亚和美国的纽带的广度和强度。我谨代表美国在此表达我们对印度尼西亚政府和印度尼西亚人民的诚挚谢意，我们对我们之间的长期友谊、日益有效的伙伴关系以及我们对价值观和理想的共同承诺而心存感激。这种友谊、关系和承诺不仅为我们自己的国家带来了巨大的进步，也为印太地区乃至世界各地的许多其他国家带来了巨大的进步。在我回答你们的问题之前，我想再说明一点。在印度尼西亚，我们很幸运有一位已经获得批准并正式就职的大使，他就是金成（Sung Kim），他是我们最好的大使之一。但在太多国家，我们仍在等待。截至上周，我们只有 16% 的大使得到参议院批准，而在过去三届政府中的同一时间，这一数字在 70% 到 90% 之间。一些极其重要的职位——包括驻北京大使——仍然空缺。这是一个巨大的问题。在我们面临的几乎每一项挑战中，包括与俄罗斯、中国和非国家行为者打交道时，我们都因为没有一个完整的驻外国家安全和外交政策团队而受到阻碍。昨晚我与舒默（Schumer）参议员谈到了这件事。我会继续公开和私下提出这个问题。为了我们的国家安全，参议院必须采取行动。欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/secretary-antony-j-blinken-at-a-press-availability-8/	Secretary Antony J. Blinken at a Press Availability REMARKS ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE FAIRMONT JAKARTA, INDONESIA DECEMBER 14, 2021 SECRETARY BLINKEN: Good afternoon, everyone. So good to see you all. Hello, hello. So it is, as I’ve said earlier today, very, very good to be back in Jakarta. I’m grateful to President Jokowi, to Foreign Minister Retno, to the Minister of Education, Culture, Research, and Technology Makarim, and the government and the people of Indonesia for welcoming us so warmly today. I’m in Jakarta on the first stop of a three-country tour of Southeast Asia because what happens in this region shapes global events, and because our relationships with countries of Southeast Asia are vital across virtually all of the foreign policy priorities that we have, and that have direct impacts on the lives of our people. And that starts with Indonesia, one of the world’s largest democracies, one of the fastest growing economies in the G20, and a strategic partner for the United States. We’ve seen Indonesia’s global leadership, even in just the past few weeks at the COP26 summit in Glasgow on climate, where Indonesia, one of the world’s biggest methane emitters, joined the global methane pledge to collectively cut methane emissions by 30 percent by the end of the decade; then just this week at the Summit of Democracy, where President Jokowi was the first speaker and pledged Indonesia’s support for democracy worldwide; and at the Bali Democracy Forum, which Indonesia has now hosted for 14 years. We’re looking forward to supporting Indonesia as the host of the G20 over the next year, something the foreign minister and I spoke extensively about today, including the priorities that Indonesia has for its presidency. After President Biden and President Jokowi’s very productive meeting a few weeks ago in Glasgow, President Biden asked me to come here to advance our work together on a number of critical issues. That includes stopping the COVID-19 pandemic. The United States has donated more than 25 million vaccines to Indonesia – the latest shipment arriving today, and we’re providing $77 million in pandemic relief assistance, as well. We’re also working with Indonesia to boost a strong post-COVID economic recovery. As I spoke about this morning at the university, at President Biden’s direction we’re developing a comprehensive Indo-Pacific economic framework that includes trade, the digital economy, technology, resilient supply chains, decarbonization and clean energy, infrastructure investment, worker standards, and other areas of shared interest. Together our countries will collaborate to fight the climate crisis, to defend democracy, human rights, and the rules-based international order, including in the maritime domain, and to strengthen regional cooperation through institutions like ASEAN, which has its secretariat here in Jakarta. I spoke this morning at greater length about our commitment to a free and open, interconnected, prosperous, resilient, and secure Indo-Pacific, because we believe these attributes are key to a region where the benefits of economic growth are broadly shared, crises are addressed effectively, people are empowered to chart their own futures, countries work together on the basis of mutual respect, and we preserve the rules-based order that we’ve built and maintained together for so many years. And what I want to emphasize is this is not only an American vision. It’s one that people and countries across the Indo-Pacific hold, including the Indonesian people, who have worked hard over the decades to strengthen their own democracy, to grow their economy, to play a greater role in regional and global affairs. Our approach also shares the principles of the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific, which Indonesia played a leading role in developing and now in implementing. The United States will work closely with Indonesia, other partners and allies, and regional institutions like ASEAN to make the vision real. Just a short while ago, Foreign Minister Retno and I signed three Memoranda of Understanding, as we call them in the lingo, to bring our countries’ work together to another level: first, in maritime cooperation, which includes activities like joint naval exercises, combatting illegal fishing, restoring coral reefs; second, to continue the Peace Corps program that was re-established in 2009 after a 44-year hiatus, and today Indonesians and Americans are working together teaching English, training teachers, learning each other’s cultures; and third, to expand our educational ties. Over the years, we’ve had thousands of Americans and tens of thousands of Indonesians participating in educational leadership exchanges between our countries. These programs don’t only enrich people’s lives, they also build lasting connections between our people, especially rising generations. From here, we’ll be talking to young leaders, participants in these exchange programs. Several are alumnae of the programs of the United States. All are making extraordinary contributions to Indonesia’s COVID response, which is what we’re going to focus on in our conversation. All of these agreements, these collaborations, these conversations reflect the breadth and strength of ties that connect Indonesia and the United States. And on behalf of the United States, let me say how grateful we are to the Indonesian Government and to the Indonesian people for our long friendship, for an increasingly effective partnership, and our shared commitment to the values and ideals that have made so much progress possible for our own countries, but also for many others across the Indo-Pacific and increasingly around the world. One more point that I wanted to make before I turn to your questions. Here in Indonesia, we are very fortunate to have a confirmed ambassador on the job, and one of our best ambassadors, Sung Kim. But in too many countries we’re still waiting. As of last week, only 16 percent of our ambassadors have been confirmed. At this point in the last three administrations, the number was between 70 and 90 percent. Crucial posts, including Beijing, are still vacant. This is a huge problem. On virtually every challenge we face, including dealing with Russia, with China, with non-state actors, we’re hampered by the fact that we don’t have our full national security and foreign policy team on the field. I spoke to Senator Schumer about this last night. I’ll keep raising the issue publicly and privately. For the sake of our national security, the Senate must act. QUESTION: With that, I’m happy to take some questions. Thank you. MR PRICE: We have time for a few questions. We’ll start with Peter Martin of Bloomberg. Peter, one second. QUESTION: Thanks for doing this. So in your speech this morning you talked about the importance of democracy and of anticorruption, but I guess the next few stops on this trip kind of illustrate some of the difficulties of pursuing that theme in the region. And so I wondered, would the Biden administration welcome the return of Najib in Malaysia if voters pick him next year? And in Thailand, would you encourage pro-democracy groups to keep pressing for the reforms of the monarchy? And then just finally, I wondered why hasn’t the administration’s full Indo-Pacific strategy been briefed yet? SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you. We’ll have an opportunity in both places to address questions, particularly those places when we’re there. I look forward to doing that. But let me say generally that we see combatting corruption as central to our work and the work of other countries to build and defend resilient democracies. What we see around the world is corruption being extraordinarily corrosive of democracies and, in fact, of stability because if you look at virtually every major social movement of recent years in countries around the world, whether it’s Tahrir Square, whether it’s the fruit vendor in Tunisia, whether it’s the Maidan in Ukraine – and I could go down the list – you’ typically find that one of the reasons for people standing up and speaking out is a revulsion to corruption in its many forms. We’ll be doing and having more to say about our efforts to combat corruption in the days and weeks ahead, but it is central to our efforts in supporting democracy and in building a more resilient one. With regard to the strategy, stay tuned. Coming to an inbox near you in the not-too-distant future. But having said that, the remarks that I made this morning I think touched on the main pillars of that strategy. The strategy itself, of course, we’ll go into far more detail. But we wanted to begin to talk about the major building blocks of that strategy, and the detail will follow very shortly. Thanks. MR PRICE: Miss Yara from the Antara News Agency. QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, Indonesia has previously expressed its concerns regarding the tension that may rise following the trilateral security cooperation between the United States, the UK, and Australia. How do you respond to Indonesia’s concerns, especially in the context of the U.S. relations with Indonesia? SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you. A few things. First, I think it’s very important to note that the AUKUS agreement with Australia and with the United Kingdom is additive, complementary to the other arrangements, partnerships, alliances that we have in the Indo-Pacific, as well as beyond. All of these things, whether it is ASEAN, whether it’ the Quad, whether it’s APEC in a different way, whether it’s AUKUS, are complementary to each other. And a lot of attention has been focused on the aspect of AUKUS that deals with the development of nuclear power, as opposed to nuclear-armed submarines, a distinction that sometimes gets lost. But the agreement involves many more things, including collaboration and cooperation on science and technology, supply chains, cyber, artificial intelligence. And what we’re doing throughout the Indo-Pacific and beyond the Indo-Pacific is building coalitions, building partnerships, where different countries may participate in different arrangements, and then knitting those together in different ways. For example, AUKUS itself is certainly open to the participation of others, and also to working with other groups of countries, other organizations, other institutions. But all of these share certain basic principles, a certain basic approach to the issues that we have to contend with. So I think what we have is, again, a focus on how we can most effectively work together with coalitions of countries to meet the challenges that we have before us and actually deal effectively with the issues that are having an impact on the lives of our people. MR PRICE: Francesco Fontemaggi of AFP. QUESTION: Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Secretary. I would ask you about Iran. The E3, the Europeans, have said last night that the negotiations in Vienna are basically going nowhere. Do you agree with Liz Truss, as you said on Sunday, that this week, this round of talks is the last chance to save the nuclear deal? And are you prepared to leave the table if there is no progress? And of course, what would be the Plan B, should that happen? And, if I may, you happen to be in Jakarta at the same time as President Putin’s top security advisor. Since you have put a priority on preventing a crisis and a conflict in Ukraine – with Ukraine and Russia, why have you not taken the opportunity to speak with him while here? Thank you. SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you. Two things. First, with regard to Iran, I would refer you to the statement that I saw published by the E3, by the United Kingdom, Germany, and France, and it made a few points. It said very clearly time is running out, that Iran has still not engaged in real negotiations. Unless there is swift progress, the E3 said, the Iran nuclear agreement will become an empty shell. And what we’ve seen so far is Iran losing precious time by advancing totally new positions that are inconsistent with a return to the JCPOA. We continue in this hour, on this day, to pursue diplomacy because it remains, at this moment, the best option. But we are actively engaging with allies and partners on alternatives. Second, with regard to – apparently, Mr. Patrushev was here. Yes, I noticed his plane on the runway next to ours when we landed. I can’t – nor would I – speak to why anyone else might be here and what they’re doing. But I can say that we have a senior State Department official, Assistant Secretary of State Karen Donfried, who is now in Ukraine consulting with our Ukrainian partners. She’ll be going on to Moscow to pursue the conversation that President Biden had with President Putin and to test, in particular whether Russia is serious about actually implementing its commitments under the Minsk agreement, which is the diplomatic way to resolve the crisis in eastern Ukraine, and we’ll see what results from that. Thank you. MR PRICE: Thank you very much, everyone. SECRETARY BLINKEN: All right. Thanks, everyone. See you later.
2021年3月18日安克雷奇，阿拉斯加州（Anchorage, Alaska）国务卿布林肯：下午好，欢迎。我代表国家安全顾问沙利文和我本人，欢迎杨主任和王国务委员来到阿拉斯加，多谢你们前来与我们会谈。我曾与国防部长奥斯汀（Austin）一起会见我国两个最密切的盟国日本和韩国的官员，会谈结束后刚刚回来。他们对我们今明两天在这里进行的讨论很感兴趣，因为我们将提出的各种问题不仅关系到中国和美国，也关系到整个地区其他各方，实际上也关系到全世界。我国政府承诺通过外交主导全局，促进美国的利益，加强有规可循的国际秩序。这个体系并非抽象的存在，而是有助于各国和平解决分歧，有效地协调多边努力，并在保证各方都遵守同样规则的条件下参与全球商务。与有规可循的秩序背道而驰的世界可能出现持强凌弱的现象，使我们所有的人都面临远远更为严重的暴力和不稳定。今天，我们有机会讨论一些重大的关键问题，包括国内和全球性问题，使中国能够更好地了解我国政府的意图和做法。我们还将讨论我方对中国采取的行动表示高度关注的各种问题，包括对新疆、香港、台湾、对美国的网络攻击和对我方盟国的经济胁迫。上述每一个行动都对维护全球稳定的有规可循的秩序构成了威胁。正是因为如此，这些问题不仅仅属于内部事务，我们感到今天有义务提出这些问题。我曾说过，美国与中国的关系将在需要竞争的情况下相互竞争，在可以合作的方面相互合作，在事在必行的情况下互为对手。我认为，我们在阿拉斯加这里的讨论将包罗万象。我方的意图是对我们的关注直言不讳，对我们的重点开诚布公，目的在于为我们两国今后发展相互关系得到一个清晰明了的认识。感谢你们的到来。主任先生，在你发表讲话前，我想请国家安全顾问沙利文讲几句话。国家安全顾问沙利文：谢谢，国务卿先生。欢迎杨主任和王国务委员。我们在阿拉斯加这里举行会谈很恰当。我们尽管距美国大陆很远，但很少有像这里一样具备美国典型特征的地点：大度、坚毅、顽强。这的确是适合我们主办这次会谈的地点。国务卿布林肯和我感到自豪的是，我们能够在这里介绍在拜登总统（President Biden）领导下，我们美国为控制疫情，为挽救我国经济并维护我国民主的强盛和持久的力量取得的重大进展。我们特别感到骄傲的是，我们为振兴作为我国对外政策基础的联盟和伙伴关系已经完成的工作。就在上星期，拜登总统主持了四方领导人峰会，体现了全世界民主政体敢做敢为的精神，坚持要求实现印度-太平洋（Indo-Pacific）自由和开放的目标。正是通过这类伙伴关系，我们各方才能为我们的人民实现进步和繁荣。国务卿布林肯阐述了众多需要关注的领域，从经济、军事胁迫到对基本价值的攻击等。在今天和以后的日子，我们将与你们讨论这些事项。我们将开诚布公、直抒己见，做到条理清晰。这些是美国人民头脑中受到关注的问题，但不限于此。我们在过去两个月举行密集磋商期间听到世界各地，从我们的盟国和伙伴到广泛的国际社会，对其中的每一个问题都表示关注。今天我们将明确表示，我们美国方面压倒一切的重点是，保证我们在全世界的做法和我们对中国的做法有利于美国人民，有利于保护我们的盟国和伙伴的利益。我们不要求冲突，但我们欢迎激烈的竞争，我们将一贯坚持我们的原则，为了我国人民，为了我们的朋友。我们期待今后几个小时与你们讨论这些问题。谢谢你们。 * * * * 国务卿布林肯：主任先生，国务委员，鉴于你很长的发言，请允许我在我们的工作开始前再稍加说几句，我知道沙利文先生也许也有话要说。我必须告诉你们，在我就任国务卿的短短时间里，我已经同全球各地我想是近100位对等官员进行了谈话。就像我提到的，我刚刚进行了第一次对日本和韩国的访问。我必须告诉你们，我所听到的与你所描述的非常不同。我听到的是对美国重新返回，对我们重新与盟国和伙伴接触互动的深为满意。我也听到对贵国政府采取的一些行动的深切担忧。待我们开始工作时，我们将有机会讨论这些。我们的领导作用，我们与世界交往的一个特征，是我们的联盟和我们的伙伴关系，它们是建立在完全自愿的基础上。拜登总统致力于重新振作这些关系。我们的领导作用还有一个特征是在国内，这就是，始终追求形成我们所说的一个更完美的联邦。追求，顾名思义，就是认识到我们有不完美，承认我们的不完美，我们犯错误，我们有回头，我们有倒退。但是，我们在历史上一贯所做的是，开放地，公开地，透明地对抗那些挑战，而不是试图无视它们，不是试图假装它们不存在，不是试图掩盖它们。这在有时候是痛苦的，有时候是令人不快的，但每一次的结果是我们变得更强大，更好，国家更团结。我很清楚地记得拜登总统担任副总统时我们对中国的访问。那是在金融危机过后。当时进行了很多讨论，包括与时任副主席习近平。拜登副总统当时说，下赌注与美国对抗永远不是好的赌注，这在今天仍然如此。 * * * * 国家安全顾问沙利文：只是对布林肯国务卿的话做一简单补充——因为我其实也是要说同样一点，我们甚至并没有商量——一个有信心的国家能够严格正视自身的不足，不断争取改进。这是美国的秘诀。另一个美国的秘诀是，我们的人民是解决问题的人民，我们相信当我们与全球的盟国和伙伴一道努力时，能够最好地解决问题。就在几星期前，美国又有一台探测车在火星着陆，它不仅仅是美国的项目。它的技术来自欧洲和世界其他地方的多个国家。它还将给火星留下一批材料，美国和欧洲将建造一个能够飞到那里的装置将它们收集和带回来。这是一个不断自我创新、与他国密切合作和不断寻求进步使之有益于我们所有人的国家，一个根植于人类尊严和世界男女老少都可望的真正普世人权理念的国家所能够取得的成就。所以我们期待今天的对话，但我的确希望这是双方都抱着信心进行的对话。而且它不是说教或者是冗长的声明；它让我们有机会解释我们的出发点，听取你们的出发点，并表示最终什么是我们的原则，我们的优先重点，我们的长期战略。这是我们所希望的接下来的对话内容，这是我们对待它的精神，我们期待继续今天的讨论。谢谢各位。 * * * *	ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE ANCHORAGE, ALASKA SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, good afternoon, and welcome. On behalf of National Security Advisor Sullivan and myself, I want to welcome Director Yang and State Councilor Wang to Alaska, and to thank you very much for making the journey to be with us. I just returned myself from meetings with Secretary of Defense Austin and our counterparts in Japan and the Republic of Korea, two of our nation’s closest allies. They were very interested in the discussions that we’ll have here today and tomorrow because the issues that we’ll raise are relevant not only to China and the United States, but to others across the region and indeed around the world. Our administration is committed to leading with diplomacy to advance the interests of the United States and to strengthen the rules-based international order. That system is not an abstraction. It helps countries resolve differences peacefully, coordinate multilateral efforts effectively, and participate in global commerce with the assurance that everyone is following the same rules. The alternative to a rules-based order is a world in which might makes right and winners take all, and that would be a far more violent and unstable world for all of us. Today, we’ll have an opportunity to discuss key priorities, both domestic and global, so that China can better understand our administration’s intentions and approach. We’ll also discuss our deep concerns with actions by China, including in Xinjiang, Hong Kong, Taiwan, cyber attacks on the United States, and economic coercion toward our allies. Each of these actions threaten the rules-based order that maintains global stability. That’s why they’re not merely internal matters and why we feel an obligation to raise these issues here today. I said that the United States relationship with China will be competitive where it should be, collaborative where it can be, adversarial where it must be. Our discussions here in Alaska, I suspect, will run the gamut. Our intent is to be direct about our concerns, direct about our priorities, with the goal of a more clear-eyed relationship between our countries moving forward. Thank you for being here. And before turning to you, Mr. Director, I’d like to invite National Security Advisor Sullivan to say a few words. NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISOR SULLIVAN: Thank you, Mr. Secretary, and welcome to Director Yang and State Councilor Wang. It’s fitting that we’re meeting here in Alaska. We may be far from the continental United States, but there are few places that are as quintessentially American: big-hearted, resilient, intrepid. This is truly a fitting place for us to host this meeting. Secretary Blinken and I are proud of the story about America we’re able to tell here about a country that, under President Biden’s leadership, has made major strides to control the pandemic, to rescue our economy, and to affirm the strength and staying power of our democracy. We’re particularly proud of the work that we’ve done to revitalize our alliances and partnerships, the foundation of our foreign policy. Just last week, President Biden hosted the Quad leaders’ summit that spoke to the can-do spirit of the world’s democracies and committed to realize the vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific. It is through partnerships like these that all of us can deliver progress and prosperity for our peoples. Secretary Blinken laid out many of the areas of concern, from economic and military coercion to assaults on basic values, that we’ll discuss with you today and in the days ahead. We’ll do so frankly, directly, and with clarity. These are the concerns that are on the minds of the American people, but it goes beyond that. We’ve heard each of these concerns posed from around the world – from our allies and partners to the broader international community during the intensive consultations we’ve undertaken in the last two months. We’ll make clear today that our overriding priority from the United States’ side is to ensure that our approach in the world and our approach to China benefits the American people and protects the interests of our allies and partners. We do not seek conflict, but we welcome stiff competition and we will always stand up for our principles, for our people, and for our friends. We look forward to discussing all of these matters with you in the hours ahead. Thank you. DIRECTOR YANG: (In Mandarin.) PARTICIPANT: It’s a test for the interpreter. SECRETARY BLINKEN: We’re going to give the translator a raise. (Laughter.) DIRECTOR YANG: (Via interpreter) Secretary Blinken and Mr. Sullivan, the State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi and I have come to Anchorage, the United States to have this strategic dialogue with the United States. We hope that this dialogue will be a sincere and candid one. Both China and the United States are major countries in the world, and together we shoulder important responsibilities to the peace, stability, and development of the world and the region. In China, we have just concluded the Lianghui, or the two sessions of the National People’s Congress and the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference. During the sessions, we adopted the outline for the 14th five-year economic and social development plan and the long-range objectives through the year 2035. For China, we are now in a historic year where we will move from finishing the first centenary goal to the second centenary goal, and by the year 2035 China will surely achieve basic modernization. And by the year 2050, China will achieve full modernization. China has made decisive achievements and important strategic gains in fighting COVID-19, and we have achieved a full victory in ending absolute poverty in China. China’s per capita GDP is only one-fifth of that of the United States, but we have managed to end absolute poverty for all people in China. And we hope that other countries, especially the advanced countries, will make similar efforts in this regard. And China has also made historic achievements in building the country into a moderately prosperous one in all respects. The Chinese people are wholly rallying around the Communist Party of China. Our values are the same as the common values of humanity. Those are: peace, development, fairness, justice, freedom, and democracy. What China and the international community follow or uphold is the United Nations-centered international system and the international order underpinned by international law, not what is advocated by a small number of countries of the so-called “rules-based” international order. And the United States has its style – United States-style democracy – and China has the Chinese-style democracy. It is not just up to the American people, but also the people of the world to evaluate how the United States has done in advancing its own democracy. In China’s case, after decades of reform and opening up, we have come a long way in various fields. In particular, we have engaged in tireless efforts to contribute to the peace and development of the world, and to upholding the purposes and principles of the UN Charter. The wars in this world are launched by some other countries, which have resulted in massive casualties. But for China, what we have asked for, for other countries, is to follow a path of peaceful development, and this is the purpose of our foreign policy. We do not believe in invading through the use of force, or to topple other regimes through various means, or to massacre the people of other countries, because all of those would only cause turmoil and instability in this world. And at the end of the day, all of those would not serve the United States well. So we believe that it is important for the United States to change its own image and to stop advancing its own democracy in the rest of the world. Many people within the United States actually have little confidence in the democracy of the United States, and they have various views regarding the Government of the United States. In China, according to opinion polls, the leaders of China have the wide support of the Chinese people. So no attempt to – the opinion polls conducted in the United States show that the leaders of China have the support of the Chinese people. No attempt to smear China’s social system would get anywhere. Facts have shown that such practices would only lead the Chinese people to rally more closely around the Communist Party of China and work steadily towards the goals that we have set for ourselves. In 1952, China adopted its first five-year development plan, and now we are into the first year of the 14th five-year development plan. We will continue along this path, step by step. China’s development is not just about delivering benefits for the people of China, but also about contributing to the development of the world in the 21st century. China and the United States are both major countries and both shoulder important responsibilities. We must both contribute to the peace, stability, and development of the world in areas such as COVID-19, restoring economic activities in the world, and responding to climate change. There are many things that we can do together and where our interests converge. So what we need to do is to abandon the Cold War mentality and the zero-sum game approach. We must change the way we think and make sure that in this century, the 21st century, countries big or small, particularly the big countries, should come united together to contribute to the future of humanity and build a community with a shared future for humankind. It’s also important for all of us to come together to build a new type of international relations, ensuring fairness, justice, and mutual respect. And on some regional issues, I think the problem is that the United States has exercised long-arm jurisdiction and suppression and overstretched the national security through the use of force or financial hegemony, and this has created obstacles for normal trade activities, and the United States has also been persuading some countries to launch attacks on China. And as for China, we believe and we have handled import- and export-related issues according to scientific and technological standards. Secretary Blinken, you said you just came back from Japan and the ROK. Those two countries are China’s second and the third largest trading partners. ASEAN has now become China’s largest trading partner, overtaking the European Union and the United States. So we do hope that the United States will develop sound relations with all countries in the Asia-Pacific. We should have many mutual friends. This is the right way forward in the 21st century. On the eve of the Chinese Lunar New Year, President Xi Jinping and President Joe Biden had a phone conversation. The two presidents agreed to step up communication, manage differences, and expand cooperation between our two countries. We are having this dialogue today to follow up on the common understanding of the two presidents reached during their phone conversation. And having this dialogue is, in fact, a decision made by the two presidents. So for the people of the two countries and the world, they’re hoping to see practical outcomes coming out of our dialogue. And with Xinjiang, Tibet, and Taiwan, they are an inalienable part of China’s territory. China is firmly opposed to U.S. interference in China’s internal affairs. We have expressed our staunch opposition to such interference and we will take firm actions in response. On human rights, we hope that the United States will do better on human rights. China has made steady progress in human rights and the fact is that there are many problems within the United States regarding human rights, which is admitted by the U.S. itself as well. The United States has also said that countries can’t rely on force in today’s world to resolve the challenges we face. And it is a failure to use various means to topple the so-called “authoritarian” states. And the challenges facing the United States in human rights are deep-seated. They did not just emerge over the past four years, such as Black Lives Matter. It did not come up only recently. So we do hope that for our two countries, it’s important that we manage our respective affairs well instead of deflecting the blame on somebody else in this world. And for China, we will manage our own affairs well, and we hope to deliver a better life for our 1.4 billion Chinese people. This is the goal of China’s diplomacy. And also, we will make our contribution to the peace and stability of the world. Since breaking the ice between our two countries in our engagement several decades ago, China and the United States have achieved a lot together. This is the result of the concerted efforts of the people with vision of both countries, and this past is a part of our achievements. Although so much has changed in this world, it is important that our two countries think about how we can work together and expand our cooperation under the new circumstances. If there is competition between our two countries, I think the competition focuses on the economic aspect, and in this area, as I have said just now, for frictions in our economic engagement, it is important to respond to them in a rational way and seek win-win results. And China-U.S. trade has already achieved a lot, and we should do even better. The overwhelming majority of American businesses in China have said that China’s business environment is good and nobody has forced them to stay in China. They see a profit coming from their presence in China and they see immense opportunities in China. That’s why they are staying in China. And I believe that for our two countries, under the new circumstances, we need to enhance communication, properly manage our differences, and expand our cooperation instead of engaging in confrontation. But between our two countries we’ve had confrontation in the past, and the result did not serve the United States well. What did the United States gain from that confrontation? I didn’t see any, and the only result was damages done to United States. And China will pull through and has pulled through such confrontation. So the way we see the relationship with the United States is as President Xi Jinping has said – that is, we hope to see no confrontation, no conflict, mutual respect, and win-win cooperation with the United States. And actually, during the phone call between the presidents, President Biden himself also talked about the importance of having no conflict or confrontation between our two countries. So at our level, I think it’s vital that we do everything we can to fully and faithfully follow up and implement the understandings reached between our two presidents and bring back the China-U.S. relationship to the track of sound and steady growth. On cyber attacks, let me say that whether it’s the ability to launch cyber attacks or the technologies that could be deployed, the United States is the champion in this regard. You can’t blame this problem on somebody else. The United States itself does not represent international public opinion, and neither does the Western world. Whether judged by population scale or the trend of the world, the Western world does not represent the global public opinion. So we hope that when talking about universal values or international public opinion on the part of the United States, we hope the U.S. side will think about whether it feels reassured in saying those things, because the U.S. does not represent the world. It only represents the Government of the United States. I don’t think the overwhelming majority of countries in the world would recognize that the universal values advocated by the United States or that the opinion of the United States could represent international public opinion, and those countries would not recognize that the rules made by a small number of people would serve as the basis for the international order. Because, Mr. Secretary and NSA Sullivan, you have delivered some quite different opening remarks, mine will be slightly different as well. STATE COUNCILOR WANG: (Via interpreter) Well, I will stay quite brief compared with Director Yang. Secretary Blinken, NSA Sullivan, you have been involved in the relationship with China for many years, so you’re also true friends for the Chinese people. And I would say that I am pleased to meet you today, and China – the Chinese delegation – is here at the invitation of the United States. And as NSA Sullivan said, Anchorage is the midpoint of the air route connecting our two countries, and it is fair to say that this place is a refueling station for China-U.S. exchanges and also a place that China and the United States can meet each other halfway. And China certainly in the past has not and in the future will not accept the unwarranted accusations from the U.S. side. In the past several years, China’s legitimate rights and interests have come under outright suppression, plunging the China-U.S. relationship into a period of unprecedented difficulty. This has damaged the interests of our two peoples and taken its toll on world stability and development, and this situation must no longer continue. China urges the U.S. side to fully abandon the hegemonic practice of willfully interfering in China’s internal affairs. This has been a longstanding issue and it should be changed. It is time for it to change. And in particular, on the 17th of March, the United States escalated its so-called sanctions on China regarding Hong Kong, and the Chinese people are outraged by this gross interference in China’s internal affairs and the Chinese side is firmly opposed to it. Anchorage is a midpoint between China and the United States, but after all, it’s still the United States territory, and I accept that the Chinese delegation has come here at the invitation of the United States. However, just the other day, before our departure, the United States passed these new sanctions. This is not supposed to be the way one should welcome his guests, and we wonder if this is a decision made by the United States to try to gain some advantage in dealing with China, but certainly this is miscalculated and only reflects the vulnerability and weakness inside the United States. And this will not shake China’s position or resolve on those issues. And let me also say that the phone conversation that President Xi Jinping and President Biden had on the eve of the Chinese New Year is a very important one, and during this phone conversation they agreed to some common understandings that have pointed the way forward for us to bring back the China-U.S. relationship onto the right track. And the international community is following very closely our dialogue for today and tomorrow. They’re watching whether our two sides will each demonstrate goodwill and sincerity, and they are watching whether this dialogue will send out a positive signal to the world. So we will be watching what will happen today and tomorrow, and if United States is willing, I think our two sides should step up to this responsibility and deliver on this task that we are given. I will stop here. Thank you. SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you very much. (Break.) SECRETARY BLINKEN: Mr. Director, State Councilor, given your extended remarks, permit me, please, to add just a few of my own before we get down to work, and I know Mr. Sullivan may have things to say as well. I have to tell you, in my short time as Secretary of State, I have spoken to I think nearly a hundred counterparts from around the world, and I just made my first trip, as I noted, to Japan and South Korea. I have to tell you, what I’m hearing is very different from what you described. I’m hearing deep satisfaction that the United States is back, that we’re re-engaged with our allies and partners. I’m also hearing deep concern about some of the actions your government has taken, and we’ll have an opportunity to discuss those when we get down to work. A hallmark of our leadership, of our engagement in the world is our alliances and our partnerships that have been built on a totally voluntary basis. And it is something that President Biden is committed to reinvigorating. And there’s one more hallmark of our leadership here at home, and that’s a constant quest to, as we say, form a more perfect union. And that quest, by definition, acknowledges our imperfections, acknowledges that we’re not perfect, we make mistakes, we have reversals, we take steps back. But what we’ve done throughout our history is to confront those challenges openly, publicly, transparently, not trying to ignore them, not trying to pretend they don’t exist, not trying to sweep them under a rug. And sometimes it’s painful, sometimes it’s ugly, but each and every time, we have come out stronger, better, more united as a country. I recall well when President Biden was vice president and we were visiting China. This was in the wake of the financial crisis. There was much discussion then, including with then-Vice President Xi Jinping. And Vice President Biden at the time said it’s never a good bet to bet against America, and it’s true today. STAFF: Thank you, press. NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISOR SULLIVAN: Just briefly, to add to what Secretary Blinken has said – because I was actually going to make the same point without us even consulting – a confident country is able to look hard at its own shortcomings and constantly seek to improve. And that is the secret sauce of America. The other secret sauce of America is that our people are a problem-solving people, and we believe we solve problems best when we work together with allies and partners around the world. Just a couple of weeks ago, the United States landed another rover on Mars, and it wasn’t just an American project. It had technology from multiple countries from Europe and other parts of the world. It is also going to leave behind a collection of material for Mars that the United States and Europe will build a device that can fly there to pick it up and bring it back. That is what can be accomplished by a country that is constantly reinventing itself, working closely with others, and seeking constantly to produce the kind of progress that benefits all of us, and is rooted in a concept of human dignity and human rights that is truly universal that every man, woman, and child in this world aspires to. So we will look forward to the conversation today, but I do hope this conversation will be one carried out with confidence on both sides. So it’s not lectures or long, winding statements; it’s the opportunity for us to explain where we’re coming from, to hear where you are coming from, and to indicate, at bottom, what our principles, our priorities, and our long-term strategies are. That’s what we hope for in the dialogue that lies ahead, that is the spirit with which we approach this, and we look forward to continuing the discussion today. Thank you, everybody. STAFF: Thank you very much, everyone. (Break.) QUESTION: (Off-mike.) DIRECTOR YANG: (Via interpreter) Well, it was my bad. When I entered this room, I should have reminded the U.S. side of paying attention to its tone in our respective opening remarks, but I didn’t. The Chinese side felt compelled to make this speech because of the tone of the U.S. side. Well, isn’t this the intention of United States, judging from what – or the way that you have made your opening remarks, that it wants to speak to China in a condescending way from a position of strength? So was this carefully all planned and was it carefully orchestrated with all the preparations in place? Is that the way that you had hoped to conduct this dialogue? Well, I think we thought too well of the United States. We thought that the U.S. side will follow the necessary diplomatic protocols. So for China it was necessary that we made our position clear. So let me say here that, in front of the Chinese side, the United States does not have the qualification to say that it wants to speak to China from a position of strength. The U.S. side was not even qualified to say such things even 20 years or 30 years back, because this is not the way to deal with the Chinese people. If the United States wants to deal properly with the Chinese side, then let’s follow the necessary protocols and do things the right way. Cooperation benefits both sides. In particular, this is the expectation of the people of the world. Well, the American people are certainly a great people, but so are the Chinese people. So have the Chinese people not suffered enough in the past from the foreign countries? Well, at times I have not been sure since China started being encircled by the foreign countries. Well, as long as China’s system is right with the wisdom of the Chinese people, there is no way to strangle China. Our history will show that one can only cause damages to himself if he wants to strangle or suppress the Chinese people. While the United States has talked about its cooperation to land on some other planet with the European side, well, China would welcome it if there is a will to carry out similar cooperation from the United States with us. I’ll stop here. Would the State Councilor wish to add? STATE COUNCILOR WANG: (Via interpreter) Secretary Blinken and NSA Sullivan, you mentioned that during your engagements and the visit that Mr. Secretary had just recently, the two countries you visited mentioned coercion from China. We don’t know if this is a direct complaint coming from those countries that you visited, or is it just the United States’ own view? Well, I think for those relationships, it brings in China’s relationship with the United States, with Japan, and with Australia. I don’t think we could know from all being together because for all of those instances, they each have their own set of issues and different positions are involved. So to accuse China of coercion even before sharing the relevant views with China, is this the right act to do? Of course not. If the United States would indiscriminately protest and speak up for those countries just because they are your allies or partners, we believe for the long term (inaudible), then it will be very difficult for international relations to develop properly. So we don’t think one should be so testy as to accuse some other country of coercion. Who is coercing whom? I think history and the international community will come to their own conclusions. But if the United States is interested in having those discussions with China, then we are ready to have those discussions with the U.S. side, but based on mutual respect so that we can increase our mutual understanding on those issues.
2024-2025年度的休伯特•汉弗莱奖学金项目，目前正在接受申请。汉弗莱奖学金项目创立于1978年，以纪念已故美国参议员和副总统休伯特•汉弗莱先生的毕生成就。1984年以来，来自政府、学术界、媒体、非政府组织以及其他社会机构的160多名中国专业人士参加了该项目。汉弗莱项目邀请年轻有为、且具领袖潜质的中层专业人员赴美，进行为期一年非学位研究生水平、与其专业需求和兴趣领域直接相关的学习、领导力发展和与美国同行实质性的专业合作。汉弗莱学者按课题分组, 被安排在美国不同大学学习，每组大约十人。在完成专业课程的学习后，汉弗莱学者还将在地方、州、全国或驻美国际组织中进行至少六周的专业发展实习。汉弗莱奖学金项目由美国国务院出资，并由国际教育协会与来自工商、教育和政府部门的代表组成的全国顾问委员会协商进行管理。由总统授权任命的美国威廉•富布赖特外国奖学金委员会在美国全面负责汉弗莱学者的最终选拔。汉弗莱奖学金提供国际旅费及所需的美国国内旅费、学杂费、书本费、每月生活津贴，并为参加会议、进行实地考察和加入专业团体等专业发展活动提供数额不多的费用。在中国，汉弗莱项目由美国驻华大使馆负责。如想了解汉弗莱项目的更多信息，请访问该项目网站： https://www.humphreyfellowship.org 2024-2025的候选人必须是处于领导岗位，并致力于以下公共服务领域的中层专业人员：人力和机构能力：权利和自由：可持续发展：繁荣社区：候选人还须符合以下条件：特别鼓励女性、残障人士、少数民族、弱势群体以及欠发达地区的人员申请汉弗莱项目。对本项目感兴趣并符合条件的申请者，请于2023年6月20日17:00时（北京时间）前提交申请。根据对申请表的初审，美国大使馆将邀请最符合条件的候选人，于2023年8月（具体日期、时间和地点待定），自费到北京参加面试。中国地区将挑选15位候选人，报送华盛顿，在那里作最终选拔，结果将于2024年2月公布。竞争非常激烈。填写汉弗莱项目在线申请表请登录： https://apply.iie.org/huberthhumphrey 如果您想了解更多的信息，请访问汉弗莱项目网站: https://humphreyfellowship.org/ 和美国大使馆网站： https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/zh/humphrey-fellowships-zh/ 美国使馆项目联系人：美国驻华使馆文化处北京交流项目组电话: 010-8531-3046 电子邮箱: beijingexchangeprog@state.gov 如果您想了解更多的信息，请访问汉弗莱项目的网站: Humphrey Fellowship	The 2024-2025 Hubert H. Humphrey Fellowship Program is currently open for recruitment. The Hubert H. Humphrey Fellowship Program was initiated in 1978 to honor the memory and accomplishments of the late United States Senator and Vice President Hubert H. Humphrey. Since 1984, more than 160 Chinese fellows from government, academic field, media, NGO and other social organizations have participated in the program. The Humphrey Program brings accomplished young and mid-career professionals with demonstrated leadership potential to the United States for a year of non-degree graduate-level study, leadership development, and substantive professional collaboration with U.S. counterparts directly related to their professional needs and fields of interest. Humphrey Fellows are placed in theme-based clusters of approximately ten persons at U.S. universities. Following their academic study program, Humphrey Fellows also participate in a professional development internship for at least six weeks with local, state, national, or international organizations located in the United States. The Humphrey Fellowship Program is sponsored by the United States Department of State and administered by the Institute of International Education (IIE) in consultation with a national advisory committee composed of representatives from business, education, and government. The J. William Fulbright Foreign Scholarship Board (FFSB) in the United States, appointed by presidential authority, has overall responsibility for the final selection of Humphrey Fellows. Humphrey Fellowships provide for international travel and travel within the United States as required, tuition and fees, books, a monthly maintenance stipend, and limited funds for professional development activities such as attendance at conferences, field trips, and professional affiliations. In China, the U.S. Embassy is the sponsor of the Humphrey Program. For more information about the Humphrey program, please visit the program website: https://www.humphreyfellowship.org/ Candidates for 2024-2025 Must be mid-career professionals in leadership positions with a commitment to public service in the following fields: Human and Institutional Capacity: Rights and Freedoms: Sustainable Lands: Thriving Communities: Candidates must also meet the following qualifications: Women, people with disabilities, members of ethnic minority groups, individuals from under-represented groups, and those from less-developed regions are encouraged to apply. 2024-2025 Humphrey Fellowship Application Procedure Interested applicants who meet the application criteria should submit applications by 5:00 p.m. (Beijing time) on June 20, 2023. Based on an initial review of these applications, the U.S. Embassy will invite those candidates deemed most highly qualified to appear for a personal interview at their own expense in Beijing, in August 2023 (the date, time and place to be determined). 15 candidates from China will be submitted to Washington, D.C., where the final selections are made. Announcements of the final selections will be made in February 2024. Selection is highly competitive. The online application may be accessed at: https://apply.iie.org/huberthhumphrey For additional information, please visit the Humphrey Program website: https://humphreyfellowship.org/ and the U.S. Embassy website: https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/humphrey-fellowships/#Administered U.S. Embassy Program Contact: Beijing Exchange Program Public Affairs Section U.S. Embassy, Beijing Tel: 010-8531-3046 Email: beijingexchangeprog@state.gov For additional information please visit the Humphrey Program website: Humphrey Fellowship
关于香港的联合声明 2021年1月9日美国东部标准时间下午06:07 发言人办公室以下声明之文本由美国、澳大利亚、加拿大和英国政府发布。正文：我们——澳大利亚外交部长、加拿大外交部长和英国外交大臣以及美国国务卿——强调我们对于因国家安全法下的颠覆罪在香港大规模逮捕55名政界人士和活动人士的严重关切。国家安全法明显违反《中英联合声明》，破坏“一国两制”框架。该法限制了香港人民的权利和自由。很明显，国家安全法正在被用来消除异见和对立的政治观点。我们呼吁香港政府和中国中央政府尊重香港人民受到法律保障的权利和自由，而不必担心遭到逮捕和拘留。被推迟的九月立法会选举应以公平的方式进行，让代表各种政治观点的候选人参加，这是至关重要的。	Joint Statement on Hong Kong 01/09/2021 06:07 PM EST Office of the Spokesperson The text of the following statement was released by the Governments of the United States of America, Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom. Begin Text: We, the Foreign Ministers of Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom, and the United States Secretary of State, underscore our serious concern at the mass arrests of 55 politicians and activists in Hong Kong for subversion under the National Security Law. The National Security Law is a clear breach of the Sino-British Joint Declaration and undermines the ‘One Country, Two Systems’ framework. It has curtailed the rights and freedoms of the people of Hong Kong. It is clear that the National Security Law is being used to eliminate dissent and opposing political views. We call on the Hong Kong and Chinese central authorities to respect the legally guaranteed rights and freedoms of the people of Hong Kong without fear of arrest and detention. It is crucial that the postponed Legislative Council elections in September proceed in a fair way that includes candidates representing a range of political opinions.
美国东部夏令时间2020年8月14日晚06:08 迈克尔∙R∙蓬佩奥国务卿联合国安理会负有维护国际和平与安全的责任。今天，它未能维护其一系列根本使命。它拒绝了延长已生效十三年的对伊朗武器禁运这一合理决议，同时十多年来第一次为这个全球主要支持恐怖主义的国家买卖常规武器而不受联合国特别限制铺平了道路。安理会未能果断行动捍卫国际和平与安全是没有借口可言的。安理会拒绝了许多被伊朗的暴力所威胁的中东国家发出的直接呼吁。阿拉伯国家和以色列强烈支持延长禁运。上周末，海湾合作委员会的六个成员国集体要求安理会延长该禁运。以色列也要求安理会这样做，以阻止伊朗扩大其武器库并实现武器库的现代化。这些国家知道，如果武器禁运到期，伊朗将会传播更严重的混乱和破坏，但安理会却对此选择忽视。美国永远不会抛弃我们在这一地区的朋友，他们对安理会有更多期待。我们将继续努力确保这个政教合一的恐怖政权没有自由去买卖那些威胁到欧洲心脏、中东以及更广泛地区的武器。	08/14/2020 06:08 PM EDT Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State The United Nations Security Council is charged with the responsibility of maintaining international peace and security. It failed today to uphold its fundamental mission set. It rejected a reasonable resolution to extend the 13-year old arms embargo on Iran and paved the way for the world’s leading state sponsor of terrorism to buy and sell conventional weapons without specific UN restrictions in place for the first time in over a decade. The Security Council’s failure to act decisively in defense of international peace and security is inexcusable. The Security Council rejected direct appeals to extend the arms embargo from numerous countries in the Middle East endangered by Iran’s violence. Arab nations and Israel strongly supported extending the embargo. Last weekend, the six members of the Gulf Cooperation Council came together to ask the Security Council to extend the embargo. Israel also asked the Council to do the same to prevent Iran from expanding and modernizing its arsenal. These countries know Iran will spread even greater chaos and destruction if the embargo expires, but the Security Council chose to ignore them. The United States will never abandon our friends in the region who expected more from the Security Council. We will continue to work to ensure that the theocratic terror regime does not have the freedom to purchase and sell weapons that threaten the heart of Europe, the Middle East and beyond.
G7应对COVID-19高级别交通运输原则 2020年7月29日东部夏令时间下午7:05 发言人办公室 G7轮值主席国美利坚合众国政府在与G7伙伴讨论如何恢复对交通运输和旅行的信心后发表如下声明。阅读原文：https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/g7-high-level-transportation-principles-in-response-to-covid-19/	MEDIA NOTE OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON JULY 29, 2020 The text of the following statement was released by the Government of the United States of America, as President of the G7, on the conclusion of discussions with G7 partners on restoring confidence in transportation and travel. Begin Text: Recognizing the ongoing challenges presented by the COVID-19 pandemic and acting in response to the G7 Leaders’ Statement issued on March 16, 2020, G7 experts launched an initiative to reinvigorate the global interconnected transportation system. The G7 set forth key objectives to address all modes of transportation– air, land, and sea. They noted the importance of working together in a transparent way, communicating collective efforts, and helping to restore confidence in travel and tourism. They stressed the need for coordination between governments, industries, and international organizations to: To support global coordination, the G7 will share this document with the G20, other key international partners, and relevant international organizations, including the International Civil Aviation Organization and the International Maritime Organization. The G7 endorsed the following high-level principles to: Transportation Safety, Security, and Health Economic Growth and Recovery of the Interconnected Transportation Systems International Coordination and Transparency Protection and Treatment of Air Crews Protection and Treatment of Seafarers End text.
美国驻联合国使团新闻与公共外交办公室即时发布 2023年4月17日（以下是琳达·托马斯-格林菲尔德大使代表阿尔巴尼亚、安道尔、澳大利亚、奥地利、比利时、波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那、保加利亚、加拿大、克罗地亚、塞浦路斯、捷克、丹麦、爱沙尼亚、芬兰、法国、德国、希腊、洪都拉斯、冰岛、爱尔兰、以色列、意大利、日本、拉脱维亚、列支敦士登、立陶宛、卢森堡、北马其顿、马耳他、马绍尔群岛、摩纳哥、黑山、荷兰、新西兰、挪威、帕劳、波兰、葡萄牙、大韩民国、罗马尼亚、圣马力诺、斯洛伐克、斯洛文尼亚、瑞典、瑞士、乌克兰、英国和她的祖国——美国发表的联合声明。）在世界新闻自由日于下个月到来之前，我们对世界各地的新闻和媒体工作者表达声援和钦佩，他们常常冒着生命危险为我们所有人提供信息。我们对俄罗斯宣布拘押《华尔街日报》的一名记者深感关切。我们抗议俄罗斯限制和恐吓媒体的行径。自由、独立和多元的媒体在为世界各地的人们提供信息方面发挥着不可或缺的作用。《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》第19条规定的表达自由的权利包括寻求、接收和传递信息的自由。获得信息的自由以及新闻工作者和媒体的工作是《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》的根本。我们注意到俄罗斯和国际新闻工作者对最近这次逮捕发出的广泛的反对声音，包括一封由俄罗斯数十位知名独立媒体人签署的公开信，称针对他的案件“荒谬和不公正”。我们将继续倡导世界各地的新闻自由和新闻工作者的安全。我们敦促俄罗斯联邦当局释放那些因政治原因被拘押的人，并结束对表达自由的严厉镇压，包括对媒体成员。	Joint Statement Delivered by Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield at the UN Security Council Stakeout on Russia’s Crackdown on Media Freedom United States Mission to the United Nations Office of Press and Public Diplomacy For Immediate Release April 17, 2023 Joint Statement Delivered by Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield at the UN Security Council Stakeout on Russia’s Crackdown on Media Freedom (The following is a joint statement delivered by Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield on behalf of Albania, Andorra, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Canada, Croatia, Cyprus, Czechia, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Honduras, Iceland, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Japan, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, North Macedonia, Malta, Marshall Islands, Monaco, Montenegro, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Palau, Poland, Portugal, Republic of Korea, Romania, San Marino, Slovakia, Slovenia, Sweden, Switzerland, Ukraine, the United Kingdom, and my own country, the United States.) In advance of World Press Freedom Day next month, we express our solidarity and admiration for the journalists and media workers around the world who often risk their lives to inform us all. We are deeply concerned over Russia’s announcement that it has detained a Wall Street Journal reporter. We protest Russian efforts to limit and intimidate the media. Free, independent, and pluralistic media play an indispensable role in informing people around the world. The right to freedom of expression, as set forth in Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, includes the freedom to seek, receive, and impart information. The freedom of access to information and the work of journalists and media is fundamental to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. We note the widespread outcry from both Russian and international journalists in response to this recent arrest, including an open letter signed by dozens of prominent independent media figures from Russia that calls the case against him “preposterous and unjust.” We will continue to advocate for press freedom and the safety of journalists worldwide. We urge Russian Federation authorities to release those they hold on political grounds, and to end the draconian crackdown on freedom of expression, including against members of the media. ###
拜登总统在记者会上发表讲话[摘译] 白宫华盛顿哥伦比亚特区 2021年6月13日拜登总统在记者会上发表讲话康沃尔纽基机场（Cornwall Airport Newquay）英国康沃尔(Cornwall, United Kingdom) [摘译] 2:52 P.M. BST 英国夏令时间下午2:52 总统：下午好。请允许我首先感谢约翰逊首相（Prime Minister Johnson）给予我们所有7国集团（G7）人员极其热情的款待和欢迎。我希望——感谢我国大使馆临时代办耶尔·伦帕特（Yael Lempert）代行大使之职——作为一位大使；我们很快就会有一位大使。她为支持整个团队完成了出色的工作。耶尔为继续顺利推进英国–美国的伙伴关系，如同目前的状态，做出了重要贡献。我们刚刚结束了7国集团不同寻常、相互合作和建设性的会议。与会各方都一贯认识到我们面前局势的严重性和各种挑战，以及我们自豪的民主政体为世界其他地区加强努力谋利益的职责。这就是7国集团的基本使命。团结全世界民主政体迎接世界面临的各种挑战，为我们的人民，很坦白地说，也为任何地方的人民谋利益。结束这场疫情，积极支持公平、广泛的全球经济复苏是需要我们各国共襄盛举的首要事务。我们知道，我们不能只顾一方面，而不顾另一方面；换言之，我们必须应对疫情，同时——也为了能够实现经济复苏，——我们正在美国这样做，但是我们承诺我们也将为世界其他地方做出更多的贡献。实际情况是，我们——美国做出的贡献是基础，——是我们将如何帮助这100个国家的基础。这些国家处于贫困状态，难以获得疫苗，即使条件曾经还不错，但恢复国民经济仍然有困难。我们——我承诺我们将提供5亿剂疫苗——除我们已提供8,000万剂以外的5亿剂——5亿剂辉瑞（Pfizer）疫苗，我们已订立支付合同，除了我们为疫苗全球公平获取机制（COVAX）项目提供的款项以外，这里指的是疫苗全球公平获取机制——我知道诸位都有耳闻，但是很多人可能还不了解疫苗全球公平获取机制的作用——这是一个可以为各国提供资金，使本身也能获得疫苗的一个制度。但是最重要的是，我们7国集团的其他成员为此做出承诺，愿提供另外5亿剂疫苗。所以，我们将提供10亿剂疫苗。在我们这方面，其中包括不仅分享——不仅提供总计10亿剂疫苗，而且我们将在年底前提供2亿剂疫苗，另外3亿剂在明年上半年完成。所以——此事激发了人们的一些热情。我们已经同意共同努力，使世界能够更好地为监测和应对今后的疫情做好准备，因为今后仍然会爆发疫情。我们已经——我可以确定，你们已经看到；如果没有看到的话，你们会看到——我们公布的7国集团联合声明。你们已经看到了，我可以确定。我们承诺再接再厉开展一些重要的工作，不仅包括我们如何处理发放事宜，帮助世界其他地区的人们在手臂上接种，也涉及我们如何确立一项机制，预先为下一场——在下一场疫情到来的时候，做好准备和应对工作，对此有所认识。还会有其他问题发生。我们还同意采取重要步骤，支持全球经济复苏，为公平的全球经济打下基础。重要的问题是，7国领导人确定了全球15%的最低税率。如此众多的公司已参与基本上属于避税港的活动，设法支付大大低于其他方面——世界其他环境下的税款——但这项工作将保证按最低税率支付税款，——我也将在国内继续推进这方面的事务——为公司制定最低税率，对从世界任何地方获得的利润付税。这项协议将有助于制止各国为吸引公司投资进行恶性竞争。这种恶性竞争往往以牺牲保护我们的工人和基础设施投资的重要工作为代价。我们还在7国集团会议上做出重大承诺，要求满足发展中世界基础设施40多万亿美元的需求。我提出一个被称为——我们称之为“更好地重建世界伙伴关系”（Build Back Better World Partnership）的方案——我们称之为“B3W”。问题在于，中国实施一带一路计划，但我们认为有一个远远更为公平的方式可以满足世界各国的需要。为此——我们将以价值观驱动、高质量、透明的筹资机制满足和支持4个关键领域的工程需求——关键领域是：气候、卫生、数字技术和性别平等。我们相信，这不仅有利于各国，而且有利于整个世界，体现了我们民主政体代表的价值观，这些都是专制所缺乏的价值观。通过发挥相关机制的全部潜力，我们将努力使情况得到改观。这就是全部的设想。但这个方案要求：我们将保证我们能够聚集力量，通过发展筹资机构和其他发展工具，今后多年为中低收入国家进行有胆略的新的基础设施投资，其中很大一部分来自民营部门，从而推动资本投入；并大大促使民营部门投入更多的资本。我们还做出具有历史意义的承诺，要求永久取消利用我们的公共财政支持世界各地有增无减的煤炭工程，停止——在今年停止进行这些活动。7国集团对此表示同意。还有不属于集团成员的各方，即应邀出席7国集团会议的方面，各自拥有煤炭设施，也都同意朝这个方向努力。为此，使全世界向更清洁的能源过渡迫在眉睫，对于我们解决气候问题至关重要。还有一件事——其中一件事——在我那里的时候，我的一些同事对我说，“那么，美国——他们的领导层承认存在全球暖化问题。”我知道，这听上去有些令人尴尬。但是你们知道，我们以前有一位总统——基本上表示这不是问题——全球变暖化。这是人类面临的生死攸关的问题，目前人们正以同样的态度对待这个问题。所以，我们将提供多达20亿美元支持发展中公司[原文如此] ——国家转型，改变有增无减的煤炭发电方式。此外，我们还就着手解决腐败达成共识，腐败对各个地方的社会都构成了威胁。我在同——同其中一位领导人——其实是同中国——的谈话中已经指出了。那是——它是要求我不试图——当我被问及当选之后会做些什么时，我说我们将重新确立美国的各项关系的实力，以使我们可以再次受到信赖——各个联盟——还有人表示，“你们也许不应当举行四方会谈（Quad）……”——意即印度、日本、澳大利亚和美国——“……共同努力，而且你们可能不应当推动增强欧洲联盟（European Union）以应对西方不仅是要……”——等等。我表示，为使一位美国总统——每一位总统得以持久，或是总理，就必须要代表他们国家的价值观。而且我指出——我还真诚地希望：我们作为一个国家是独一无二的。我们建立在——我们的独特意义在于我们并非基于族裔或地理位置或宗教；我们是一个阐明我们建立在一个理念上的国家：“我们认为下述真理是不言而喻的，即人人生而平等。”这听似老生常谈，但却是真真切切的。任何一位总统如果采取的行动不符合这些——以国家利益为重的理由都不能持久得到——那个国家的支持。因此，我们能够做到的是：我们知道腐败损害对政府的信任，抽取公共资源，导致经济体大大丧失竞争力，并对我们的安全构成威胁。因此，我们将共同努力应对滥用空壳公司以及通过房地产交易洗钱等问题。而且我们都同意我们将共同努力应对来自国家行为者以及勒索软件犯罪网络等非国家行为者的网络威胁，并追究——对藏匿勒索软件犯罪行为者以及不让他们承担罪责的国家追究责任。近几周来，7国集团成员国申明了支撑着我们希望在我们共同的未来中实现的一切的民主价值观，以及我们致力于让它们发挥效力：第一，发送疫苗并结束疫情。第二，在全世界推动实质性的、包容性的经济复苏。第三，在最迫切需要的地方助推基础设施的发展。第四，抗击气候变化。我们将能应对种种全球威胁的唯一途径——是通过同我们的伙伴和我们的联盟共同努力。我向每一位7国集团对等官员都表达了美国将尽我们的一份力。美国已回到桌前。这是——美国已回到桌前。过去的缺乏参与以及[现在的]全面接触得到了极大地关注，不仅是这些国家的领导人，而且还有7国集团成员国的人民。美国已回到与我们深深秉持共同价值观的国家一道引领全世界的努力之中。因此，最根本的是：我对这个——这个会议的成果感到高兴。而且，你们都知道，我注意到有很多关于我的同仁们做出的我们如何全都齐心协力的我的每条谈话的报道。而事实是：我们做到了。这不是——我感到这不关乎我，而是关乎美国。我感到对于美国已回到桌前而且全面地、全面地参与有一种真切的充满热情之感。现在我将前往——前往布鲁塞尔（Brussels），前往北约（NATO）。同样的——很多同样是这些人士也将出席，而且——在北约——也要说明我们已经回归。我们不将北约视为某种收取保护费的组织。我们相信北约对于我们为接下来——接下来——在本世纪以后的年代保障美国的安全的能力至关重要。我阐明了——我也指出了——而且我感谢了他们——你们知道，第5条款是，“对一个成员国的攻击就是对全体成员国的攻击”。而美国人有时——不会忘记——会记得在9/11发生的事情。我们当时遭受了攻击。北约立即支持了我们。北约支持了我们。北约行动了，直到我们拿下本·拉登（bin Laden）。北约是那个进程的一部分。而且我想让他们知道，不同于——不论他们是否有疑虑——我们相信北约以及第5章节[条款]是一项神圣的义务。归根结底，我认为——我认为我们为在我们最亲密的朋友中重新建立美国的信誉和我们的——我们的价值观——取得了一些进展。 * * * * 欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2021/06/13/remarks-by-president-biden-in-press-conference-2/	Remarks by President Biden in Press Conference JUNE 13, 2021 Tregenna Castle Resort Cornwall, United Kingdom 6:28 P.M. BST PRESIDENT BIDEN: Good evening, everyone. First, I want to express our condolences on behalf of Jill and I to Her Majesty, Queen Elizabeth II, the entire Royal Family, and the people of the United Kingdom. Today would have been Prince Philip’s 100th birthday, and I know there are a lot of people feeling his absence today. In addition, I’d like to point out that the — the greet from the British government has been exemplary. We’ve had a good first full day here in the UK. Prime Minister Johnson and I had a very productive meeting. We discharged and discussed a broad range of issues on which the United Kingdom and the United States are working in very close cooperation. We affirmed the Special Relationship — and it’s not said lightly — the Special Relationship between our people, and we renewed our commitment to defending the enduring democratic values that both our nations share — (clears throat) — that are the strong — excuse me — the strong foundation of our partnership. Eighty years ago, Prime Minister Winston Churchill and President Franklin Roosevelt signed an agreement known as the Atlantic Charter. It was a statement of first principles — a promise that the United Kingdom and the United States would meet the challenges of their age and they would meet it together. Today, we’ve built on that commitment with a revitalized Atlantic Charter updated to reaffirm that promise while speaking directly to the key challenges of this century: cybersecurity, emerging technologies, global health, and climate change. We discussed our common goals for driving ambitious global action to address the climate crisis. The Climate Leaders Summit that I hosted in April was, in part, about helping drive forward the momentum toward the critical COP 26 that the UK will host in Glasgow later this year. We talked about the shared sacrifices our service members have made, bravely serving side by side in Afghanistan for close to 20 years. The UK was with us from the start, as they always are, equally committed to rooting out the terrorist threat, and now we’re coordinating our withdrawal together. And, of course, we talked about how our two nations can, together, lead the global fight against COVID-19. That’s been a major focus of the G7 under British leadership, particularly in focusing and coordinating our resources to help vaccinate the world. And tonight, I’m making a historic announcement regarding America’s leadership in the fight against COVID-19. America knows firsthand the tragedies of this pandemic. We’ve had — we’ve had more people die in the United States than anywhere in the world: nearly 600,000 of our fellow Americans — moms, dads, sons, daughters, brothers, sisters, grandparents. More deaths from COVID-19 in the United States than from World War One, World War Two, the Vietnam War, and 9/11 combined — combined. We know the tragedy. But we also know the path to recovery. The United States has now vaccinated 64 percent of our adults with at least one shot. Just four and half months ago, we were at only 5 percent with one shot. It took a herculean effort on the part of our government to manage one of the biggest and, I would say, most complicated logistical challenges in our history. It took the ingenuity of scientists, building on decades of research, to develop a vaccine. It took the full capacity of American companies manufacturing and delivering the vaccines around the clock. And as a result, we have the lowest number of daily deaths since the first day of this pandemic. Our economy is rebounding. Our vaccination program has already saved tens of thousands of lives, with that count growing each day. And it has allowed millions — millions of Americans to get back to living their lives. And from the beginning of my presidency, we have been clear-eyed that we need to attack this virus globally as well. This is about our responsibility — our humanitarian obligation to save as many lives as we can — and our responsibility to our values. We value the inherent dignity of all people. In times of trouble, Americans reach out to offer help and to offer a helping hand. That’s who we are. And when we see people hurting and suffering anywhere around the world, we seek to help as best we can. That’s why, under both Republican and Democratic Presidents, the United States has made transformative commitments to bolster global health — commitments under President Bush, like PEPFAR, which changed the global fight against HIV/AIDS. And in this moment, our values call on us to do everything that we can to vaccinate the world against COVID-19. It’s also in America’s self-interest. As long as the virus rages elsewhere, there is a risk of new mutations that could threaten our people. We know that raging COVID-19 in other countries holds back global growth, raises instability, and weakens governments. And as we’ve seen in the United States, with the evidence clearer day by the day, the key to reopening and growing economies is to vaccinate your people. Our vaccination program has helped the American economy begin to recover from the worst economic crisis in a century. Over 2 million new jobs created just in the last four months since I’ve become President. A historic decline in long-term unemployment. Businesses reopening and a projected economic growth of nine point — excuse me, 6.9 percent — the fastest in nearly four decades in America. Just as the American economy is recovering, it is in all of our interests to have the global economy begin to recover as well. And that won’t happen unless we can get the pandemic under control worldwide. That’s why, as I said in my address to the joint session of Congress in April, America will be the arsenal of vaccines in our fight against COVID- — COVID-19, just as America was the arsenal of democracy during World War Two. Over the past four months, we have taken a number of steps toward this historic effort. We have contributed more than any nation to COVAX — a collective global effort that is delivering COVID-19 vaccines across the world. We have supported manufacturing efforts abroad through our partnerships with Japan, India, and Australia — known as the “Quad.” We’ve shared doses with our neighbors Canada and Mexico. And in addition, three weeks ago, with America’s vaccines — America’s vaccine supply secured and with confidence we have enough vaccines to cover every American who wants one, we announced that we would donate 80 million doses of our own vaccine — in house now — to supply the world by the end of June. Many of these doses are shipping to countries around the world as we speak. And today, we’re taking a major step that will supercharge the global fight against this pandemic. At my direction, the United States will purchase an additional half billion doses from Pfizer — the Pfizer vaccine — that we’ll donate nearly 100 low- and lower-middle-income countries. They will be the beneficiaries. Let me say that again: The United States will purchase a half a billion doses of Pfizer COVID-19 vaccine to donate to nearly 100 nations that are in dire need in the fight against this pandemic. That’s a historic step. The largest single purchase and donation of COVID-19 vaccines by any single country ever. Importantly, this is an mRNA vaccine, which is proven to be extremely effective against COVID-19 and every known variant of that virus thus far. These half a billion vaccines will start to be shipped in August as quickly as they roll off the manufacturing line. Two hundred million of these doses will be delivered this year, in 2021, and 300 million more will be delivered in the first half of 2022. Let me be clear: Just as with the 80 million doses we previously announced, the United States is providing these half million [billion] doses with no strings attached. Let me say it again: with no strings attached. Our vaccine donations don’t include pressure for favors or potential conce- — concessions. We’re doing this to save lives, to end this pandemic. That’s it. Period. I also want thank Albert Bourla, Pfizer’s CEO and Chairman, for joining me today. We’ve gotten to know each other over the last few months. He and I and his entire team have really — he’s really stepped up at this critical stage in our fight against the pandemic. And the plan is for a half a billion doses that we’ll be sending around the world to be produced in the United States, including at Pfizer’s manufacturing plant in Kalamazoo, Michigan. Eighty years ago, not too far from that plant in Kalamazoo in the Detroit area, American workers built tanks and planes and vehicles that helped defeat the global threat of fascism in World War Two. They built what became known as the “arsenal of democracy.” Now, a new generation of American men and women, working with the day’s — working with today’s latest technology, is going to build a new arsenal to defeat the current enemy of world peace, health, and stability: COVID-19. Albert was gracious enough to welcome me to Kalamazoo plant back in February. It’s incredible the ingenuity, the care, the safety that goes into every single dose as I toured the entire plant. Most of all, when you’re there, you feel the pride every worker there feels, how — the pride they feel in what they are doing. I’ve been to a lot of plants. I have worked — I’m a big union guy. I’ve been doing it my whole career. But you could see the looks on their faces; they were proud. I mean it sincerely, they were proud of what they were doing. They knew what they were doing. American workers will now produce vaccines to save lives of people in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Caribbean. People they will never meet and have never met in places they’ve never visited and probably won’t have an opportunity to, but lives saved all the same thanks to American leadership and American workers’ hard work and values. Let me close with this: This is a monumental commitment by the American people. As I said, we’re a nation full of people who step up at times of need to help our fellow human beings, both at home and abroad. We’re not perfect, but we step up. But we’re not alone in this endeavor, that’s the point I want to make. We’re going to help lead the world out of this pandemic, working alongside our global partners. Under the UK chairmanship of the G7, democracies of the world are posed to deliver as well. This U.S. contribution is the foundation for additional coordinated efforts to help vaccine the world — vaccinate the world. The British government, the Prime Minister has led a strong campaign to get people vaccinated across the UK, and I’m grateful they’re making their own generous donation. Tomorrow, the G7 nations will be announcing the full scope of our commitment — “our,” meaning the G7. And I want to thank all of my G7 partners for stepping up to recognize our responsibility to meet the moment. I’m looking forward to working with my counterparts on these efforts in the coming days and much more. One final point I want to make clear: This is not the end of our efforts to fight COVID-19 or vaccinate the world. We have to turn manufacturing — we have to turn manufactured doses into shots in arms to protect people and communities. That’s why the United States is already providing hundreds of millions in funding to support last-minute vaccination efforts, including new funding from Congress as part of the American Rescue Plan and working with programs in Latin America, Asia, and Africa. We’re going to keep manufacturing doses, donating doses, getting “jabs” — as they say here in the UK — in arms, until the world has beaten this virus. I want to thank you all. Now, I’d like to turn it over to my friend, the CEO and Chairman of Pfizer, Aver- — Al- — Albert Bourla. Albert, it’s all yours. And, again, personally, thank you for stepping up. MR. BOURLA: Thank you, Mr. President. THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. MR. BOURLA: Thank you very much. Thank you, Mr. President. And it is, of course, a great honor to be with you today for this historic announcement. As the G7 countries come together for this critical summit, the eyes of the world are on the leaders of these powerful nations to help solve the ongoing COVID-19 crisis. While great progress has been made in many developed nations, the world is now asking the G7 leaders to shoulder the responsibility to help vaccinate people in all countries. Mr. President, I know from our conversations that we agree that every man, woman, and child on the planet, regardless of financial condition, race, religion, or geography deserve access to lifesaving COVID-19 vaccines. And once again, the United States has answered the call, and we are grateful to you and your administration for your leadership in this front. Today, we are providing 500 million doses of the Pfizer–BioNTech vaccine to the world’s poorest nations. This will significantly enhance our ability to meet our goal of providing 2 billion doses of the vaccine to low- and middle-income countries over the next 18 months. Thanks to the ingenuity of so many scientists and the dedication of so many manufacturing workers, today we can see clearly the light at the end of the tunnel. But we still have work to do. And I can assure you, Mr. President, that we will be relentless in pursuing more services to end the pandemic. Just this week, we began dosing participants aged 5 to 11 years old in a global Phase 2/3 study. In this respect, we continue our studies in pregnant women. We are also closely monitoring and addressing the emerging variants, we are testing our vaccine’s response to newly arising variants, and we are coordinating with public health authorities around the world on surveillance efforts. So far, data saw that none of the existing variant strains has escaped the protection provided by our vaccine. I repeat: none. Not one. Still, we have built a process to develop, within 100 days, a new vaccine if needed. God forbid. Our scientists are also pursuing an oral treatment against COVID-19. Initial indications are promising. And if things goes well, we could apply for approval before the end of this year. But I wanted to finish my — by coming back to the importance of your announcement today, Mr. President. In a pandemic, everyone is only as protected as their neighbors — their neighbors down the street, as well as their global neighbors around the world. Today’s announcement with the U.S. government gets us closer to our goal and significantly enhances our ability to save even more lives across the globe. Mr. President, I want to thank you for your leadership, vision, and partnership. We look forward to continue to work with your administration to ensure that science wins the battle against COVID-19. Thank you. PRESIDENT BIDEN: Thank you. MR. BOURLA: Thank you. PRESIDENT BIDEN: Thank you all. 6:46 P.M. BST
美国驻联合国使团新闻和公共外交办公室纽约州纽约市 2022年3月4日琳达·托马斯–格林菲尔德大使在联合国安理会紧急会议上就乌克兰扎波罗热核电厂情况发表讲话谢谢你，主席女士。承蒙上帝恩典，昨夜全世界侥幸躲过了一场核灾难。当我们实时目睹这一骇人的局势发展时，我们都屏住了呼吸。我赞赏乌克兰运营人员能够在遭受攻击的情况下保障所有六座反应堆的安全，并在能够通报时向他们的核监管人员报告情况。此外，我们感谢乌克兰国家核管制监察局（State Nuclear Regulatory Inspectorate of Ukraine）持续向国际原子能机构（IAEA）及国际社会通报最新情况。我们对于乌克兰运营人员目前正在极端的胁迫之下从事他们的工作表示严重关切。俄罗斯昨夜的进攻将欧洲最大的核电厂置于重大的风险之中。这是全然不计后果和极其危险的，而且威胁着俄罗斯、乌克兰和欧洲各地的民众的安全。作为第一个步骤，我们要求俄罗斯从该核电厂撤出其军队，允许受伤人员接受治疗，确保运营人员全面进入整个场址并能同核监管人员沟通，还要允许运营人员换班工作，以确保该核电厂继续安全运转。乌克兰消防员及核工程师必须能够全面进入这个核设施，以评估受损情况，特别是进水管道的受损情况，并在必要时减轻情况进一步恶化。核设施不应当成为这场冲突的一部分。可靠的供电，以及备用柴油发电机和燃料，对于核设施至关重要。必须保障安全的传输走廊。俄罗斯必须停止任何进一步使用武力的行径，不得将乌克兰各地全部15座可运营的反应堆置于更大的风险之中，也不得干扰乌克兰保障其37座核设施及周边人口的安全和安保的能力。美国继续高度关切控制切尔诺贝利设施的俄罗斯军队自上周以来一直不允许那里的运营人员换班的情况。这是极其不负责任的行为，并对两处设施持续的安全运营造成严重关切。我们敦促所有国家都支持国际原子能机构总干事格罗西（IAEA Director-General Grossi）为今后寻求有关安排的努力，以确保核安全，并避免在乌克兰发生核灾难。过去九天来，我们目睹了普京总统选择的战争给乌克兰人民带来的灾难。昨天，联合国报告说，俄罗斯的入侵已经导致50万儿童沦为难民。俄罗斯打死了数以千计乌克兰人——同时牺牲了数以千计俄罗斯士兵的生命。俄罗斯正在摧毁关键的基础设施，进而让人们得到不维持生命所需的饮水和在深冬不被冻僵所需要的天然气。这场破坏造成的人道影响将十分严重。世界141个国家已经响亮和明确地要求普京总统停止这一残忍的、无理由和无端的进攻。他不仅充耳不闻，而且我们刚刚目睹了一个新的危险升级，对整个欧洲和世界构成可怕的威胁。对与我同在这里的俄罗斯代表：本理事会需要得到回答。我们需要听到你们说这将不会再次发生，就像我们的英国代表刚所陈述的。我们要求你们从乌克兰撤走你们的军队和武器。我们要求你们尊重乌克兰的边界、它的人民和《联合国宪章》。我们要求你们对你们自己的军队有足够的尊重，不将他们派去打一场非正义的战争——或进行针对核电厂的自杀使命。我们要求俄罗斯遵守其国际法义务。世界要求俄罗斯遵守国际人道法律，即禁止有意攻击平民和平民基础设施，并允许人道主义机构有充分和安全的通道到达需要帮助的人。美国和我们的伙伴已要求在本周一就乌克兰人道局势举行通报会。我们支持让人道主义机构利用一个人道主义的暂停展开紧急工作，让人道物资得以安全通过和运送。普京总统必须停止这场战争和对乌克兰人民丧尽天良的攻击，结束这场人道灾难。普京先生必须停止这种疯狂，他必须现在就停止。必须让更冷静的头脑占上风。俄罗斯军队现在距离乌克兰第二大核设施20英里，且在步步逼近。因此，这一迫在眉睫的危险在继续。昨晚我们侥幸避免了一场灾难。国际社会必须一致要求俄罗斯军队停止其危险的攻击行动。如我此前所说，乌克兰人民在仰仗我们，我们绝不能让他们失望。谢谢。 ### 欲查看原稿内容: https://usun.usmission.gov/remarks-by-ambassador-linda-thomas-greenfield-at-a-un-security-council-emergency-meeting-on-ukraines-zaporizhzhia-nuclear-power-plant/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。	Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield U.S. Representative to the United Nations New York, New York March 4, 2022 AS DELIVERED Thank you, Madam President. By the grace of God, the world narrowly averted a nuclear catastrophe last night. We all waited to exhale as we watched the horrific situation unfold in real time. I applaud the ability of the Ukrainian operators to keep all six reactors in safe conditions while under attack and to report, as they were able to, to their nuclear regulator. Moreover, we appreciate the State Nuclear Regulatory Inspectorate of Ukraine for its continuous updates to the IAEA and to the international community. We are gravely concerned that the Ukrainian operators are now doing their jobs under extreme duress. Russia’s attack last night put Europe’s largest nuclear power plant at grave risk. It was incredibly reckless and dangerous. And it threatened the safety of civilians across Russia, Ukraine, and Europe. As a first step, we call on Russia to withdraw its troops from the plant to permit medical treatment for injured personnel, to ensure operators have full access to the site and are able to communicate with nuclear regulators, and to allow the operators to conduct shift changes to ensure the continued safe operation of the plant. Ukrainian firefighters and nuclear engineers must have full access to the nuclear facility to assess damage, particularly to water intake piping, and mitigate a further deterioration of the situation if needed. Nuclear facilities cannot become part of this conflict. Reliable electricity is vital for the nuclear facility, as are back-up diesel generators and fuel. Safe transit corridors must be maintained. Russia must halt any further use of force that might put at further risk all 15 operable reactors across Ukraine – or interfere with Ukraine’s ability to maintain the safety and security of its 37 nuclear facilities and their surrounding populations. The United States remains highly concerned that Russian military forces controlling the Chornobyl site have not permitted operators there to have a shift change since last week. This is highly irresponsible behavior and causes grave concerns for continued safe operations of both sites. And we call on all countries to support IAEA Director-General Grossi in his efforts to find arrangements going forward to ensure nuclear safety and prevent a nuclear catastrophe in Ukraine. Over the past nine days, we have witnessed the devastating impacts of President Putin’s war of choice on the Ukrainian people. Yesterday, the UN reported that Russia’s invasion had turned half a million children into refugees. Russia has killed thousands of Ukrainians – and sacrificed thousands more Russian soldiers’ lives in the process. Russia is destroying critical infrastructure which is denying people drinking water to stay alive and gas to keep people from freezing to death in the middle of winter. The humanitarian impact of this destruction will be significant. A hundred forty-one nations across the world have called loudly and clearly on President Putin to stop this brutal, unjustified, unprovoked attack. Not only has he not listened, we’ve just witnessed a dangerous new escalation that represents a dire threat to all of Europe and the world. To my Russian counterpart: this Council needs answers. We need to hear you say this won’t happen again, as our UK colleague just stated. We call on you to withdraw your troops and weaponry from Ukraine. We call on you to respect Ukraine’s borders, its people, and the UN Charter. We call on you to respect your own troops enough not to send them into an unjust war – or on a suicide mission against a nuclear power plant. We call on Russia to abide by its international law obligations. The world demands that Russia abide by international humanitarian law, which prohibits intentionally targeting civilians and civilian infrastructure, and allow humanitarian agencies full and secure access to people in need of aid. The United States and our partners have called for a briefing this Monday on the humanitarian situation in Ukraine. We support the urgent work by humanitarian organizations on a humanitarian pause to allow for safe passage and the delivery of humanitarian supplies. President Putin must stop this humanitarian catastrophe by ending this war and ceasing these unconscionable attacks against the people of Ukraine. Mr. Putin must stop this madness and he must stop it now. Cooler heads must prevail. Russian forces are now 20 miles, and closing, from Ukraine’s second largest nuclear facility. So, this imminent danger continues. We narrowly avoided a disaster last night. The international community must be unanimous in demanding Russia’s forces stop their dangerous assault. And as I’ve said before, the people of Ukraine are counting on us and we must not let them down. Thank you. ###
美国国务院发言人办公室 2023年5月30日美国引领全球努力来制止非法芬太尼和其他合成药品的非法制造和贩运，它们是导致美国18至45岁成年人死亡的主要原因。今天，美国财政部（Department of the Treasury）对17个参与非法药品生产的个人和实体进行了制裁，其中13个在中华人民共和国，4个在墨西哥。这项行动是在美国政府各部门与墨西哥政府密切协调下进行的，针对的是参与犯罪活动的实体和个人，而不是特定国家。这些被指认的个人和实体参与了制造假冒药片，将其贴上合法药品标记，这些假药通常掺有芬太尼，并可能被运往美国市场。今天的行动进一步加强了拜登-哈里斯（Biden-Harris）政府此前所采取的行动，是举全政府之力的打击行动的一环，旨在通过切断全球非法芬太尼供应链来拯救生命。迄今为止，本届政府已经帮助2000多万美国人获得康复，加强了与世界各地执法部门的合作伙伴关系，以瓦解及摧毁跨国犯罪组织，并通过“打击毒品和跨国有组织犯罪奖励计划”（Narcotics and Transnational Organized Crime Rewards Programs）设立了30多项奖励，奖金总额超过7500万美元，以获得信息，协助将非法芬太尼贩运者绳之以法。为了应对合成毒品的威胁，国务院正在调动一个全球联盟，以加强国际参与并推动创新行动。我期待与全世界所有有意愿的国家合作，应对这一共同威胁。本届政府始终致力于切断从生产到走私和分销的非法合成药品供应链。我期待与全世界所有有意愿的国家合作，应对这一共同威胁。欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/sanctioning-prc-and-mexico-based-individuals-and-entities-for-enabling-illicit-drug-production/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。	PRESS STATEMENT ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE MAY 30, 2023 The United States is a leader in the global effort to stop the illicit manufacture and trafficking of illicit fentanyl and other synthetic drugs, a major cause of death among adults ages 18 to 45 in the United States. Today, the Department of the Treasury sanctioned 17 individuals and entities involved in the production of illicit drugs, 13 of which are based in the People’s Republic of China (PRC), and four of which are based in Mexico. This action was coordinated closely across the U.S. government with the Government of Mexico and targets entities and individuals involved in criminal activities, not specific countries. These designated individuals and entities were involved in creating counterfeit pills with false markings of legitimate pharmaceuticals, often laced with fentanyl, and likely bound for U.S. markets. Today’s actions further bolster those previously taken by the Biden-Harris administration as part of a whole-of-government offensive to save lives by disrupting illicit fentanyl supply chains around the globe. To date, the Administration has supported more than 20 million Americans in recovery, strengthened partnerships with law enforcement around the world to disrupt and dismantle transnational criminal organizations, and issued over 30 reward offers totaling over $75 million for information to help bring illicit fentanyl traffickers to justice through the Narcotics and Transnational Organized Crime Rewards Programs. To address synthetic drug threats, the Department of State is mobilizing a global coalition that will strengthen international engagement and drive innovative actions. This Administration remains committed to disrupting the illicit synthetic drugs supply chain, from production to smuggling to distribution. I look forward to working with all willing countries around the world to address this shared threat.
国务卿蓬佩奥在会见新闻记者时发表的讲话美国国务院发言人办公室华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2019年4月4日国务卿迈克·蓬佩奥（Michael R. Pompeo）在会见新闻记者时发表的讲话迪安·艾奇逊大厅（Dean Acheson Auditorium）国务卿蓬佩奥：诸位下午好。70年前的今天，12个勇敢的国家聚集在一起缔结了一个联盟。至今这个联盟仍然是西方安全和民主解放的基本保障。今天，我们的29个国家坚持我们初定盟约时的使命。我们坚信可以通过遏制维持和平。我们坚信我们的条约第5款确定的共同防御。我们坚信西方民主观念必须得到捍卫——我们将坚守不渝。我们各国继承了一个强大的联盟，因为我们的先辈们运用自己的智慧持续抗击了面临的各种挑战。现在我们应该为抗击各种挑战履行自己的职责，例如激进的伊斯兰恐怖主义、网络攻击、毫无控制的移民、中国的战略竞争等，而且仍然存在俄罗斯的侵略。 * * * * 70年前，伟人迪安·艾奇逊（Dean Acheson）曾说过，北约（NATO）联盟是“一份阐明现实和历史教训的声明”。他很清楚，自由的国家如果不团结一致，就将被各个击破。今天也同样如此。对美国而言，我们将够继续承担我们应该承担的公平份额。我们将够继续在北约发挥主导作用，与此同时我们将捍卫美国人民和盟国人民的自由。我很高兴回答几个问题。 * * * * 问：……我有另外一个关于中国的问题。北约盟国并没有应美国的要求拒绝华为。你是否认为这可能对联盟未来的情报分享和军事通讯构成危险？ * * * * 国务卿蓬佩奥：…… 关于在与安全有关的系统内安装中国技术涉及的危险，毫无疑问有这样的危险，因为与在这些网络内部，在这些功能内部不存在中国的系统相比较，北约或美国将无法按照同样的方式分享情报。我们已经在美国进行了风险分析工作；现在我们已经与我们的北约伙伴和世界各地的国家分享了有关情况。他们认识到其中的问题——并非是我们提出的问题，而是很现实的问题，其中涉及与他们本国政府联系如此深厚的公司将以他们政府的马首是瞻，从而对信息管理构成了危险。我们已经明确指出，如果危险超过了美国的门槛，我们只能不再分享有关信息。另外，我们的任务是进行劝导，确定他们有所了解——每一个主权国家都需要自行做出决策，然后美国将采取自己的对策。 * * * * 问：…… 意大利与中国签署了一带一路协议。你认为是否会对北约的操作互通性构成威胁？国务卿蓬佩奥：……我刚才在回答前一个问题时已经谈到，每一个国家都必须就如何对中国的债务陷阱式外交或中国以低于市场价格出售商品的问题自行做出决策。他们在交易中显然需要考虑安全因素。但是，每一个国家都需要做出自己的抉择。然后，其他每一个国家都需要进行观察，如果他们开始参与这些系统，参与相关的基础设施，参与相关的信息技术基础设施或运输基础设施，他们会面临哪些风险，并对这种威胁采取对策。 * * * * 国务卿蓬佩奥：我还需要补充一点。以开放、公平、透明的方式进行竞争是一回事。美国准备与北约盟国、与中国、与任何提出商业交易的国家进行竞争—— 制造更好的捕鼠器，有更好的创意——为公平、合理、透明的交易进行竞争。然而，涉及国家安全问题的交易完全是另外一回事。当一个国家提出，向你出售的商品大大低于市场，人们就应该想一想，其中还涉及其他什么问题，为什么这个实体提出的交易好得令人难以置信。	U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE Office of the Spokesperson Washington, D.C. April 4, 2019 REMARKS Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo at a Press Availability Dean Acheson Auditorium SECRETARY POMPEO: So good afternoon, everyone. Seventy years ago today, 12 courageous nations came together to form an alliance that to this day remains the bedrock guarantor of Western security and democratic liberties. Today, our 29 nations believe in our founding mission. We believe in deterrence to keep the peace. We believe in our common defense, as captured in Article 5 of the treaty. We believe that Western democratic ideals are worth defending – and defend them we will. Our nations have inherited a strong alliance because our predecessors had the wisdom to continue to adapt to the challenges at hand. And now it’s our duty to adapt to the challenges like radical Islamic terrorism, cyber attacks, uncontrolled migration, Chinese strategic competition, and indeed, still, Russian aggression. * * * * Seventy years ago, the great Dean Acheson said that the NATO alliance was, quote, “a statement of the facts and lessons of history,” end of quote. He knew that if free nations do not stand together, they will fall one by one. The same is true today. As for the United States, we will continue to bear our fair share. We will continue to lead within NATO, and by doing so we will defend the freedoms of the American people and the people of our allies. I’m happy to take a few questions. * * * * QUESTION: … . And then I have another question about China. NATO allies have not followed U.S. requests to cut off Huawei. So do you think that that could become a risk for intelligence sharing and military communications in the alliance in the future? * * * * SECRETARY POMPEO: … . As for the risks associated with the installation of Chinese technology in systems related to security, there is undoubtedly the risk that NATO or the United States will not be able to share information in the same way it could if there were not Chinese systems inside of those networks, inside of those capabilities. We’ve done our risk analysis in the United States; we have now shared that with our NATO partners, with countries all around the world. They understand the concerns – not our concerns, but the factual concerns associated with companies so deeply connected to their own government who would be willing to act at the behest of their government, the risk that that presents to information management. And we have made clear that if the risk exceeds the threshold for the United States, we simply won’t be able to share that information any longer. And our task is to do education, make sure they understand – every sovereign nation that will make its own decision, and then the United States will make its decision. * * * * QUESTION: … . Italy signed BRI Initiative with China. Do you consider that to be a threat to the interoperability of NATO? SECRETARY POMPEO: … . [A]s I said in response to the previous question, every country has to make its own decisions about how it wants to respond to Chinese debt-trap diplomacy or Chinese efforts to sell goods at below market. They clearly have a security component to the transaction. But each nation will make its own choices. Then the task falls to every other country to observe that, see what risk it presents to them if they begin to engage in those systems, in that infrastructure, that IT infrastructure or transportation infrastructure, and respond to that threat. * * * * SECRETARY POMPEO: Let me just add one thing to that. It is one thing to compete in an open, fair, transparent way. The United States is prepared to compete with our NATO allies, with China, with any country that shows up with a commercial transaction – a better mousetrap, a better idea – and compete with fair, reasonable, transparent transactions. It is a very different thing to engage in transactions that have a national security component to them. When a nation shows up and offers you goods that are well below market, one ought to ask what else is at play, why it was that that entity showed up with a deal that is literally too good to be true.
美国国务院发言人办公室 2023年7月12日以下是由加拿大、法国、德国、意大利、日本、英国和美利坚合众国七国集团（G7）领导人以及欧洲理事会和欧洲委员会主席发布的声明全文。以下各国要求联名签署这项声明并与七国集团共同支持乌克兰：捷克共和国、丹麦、荷兰、挪威、西班牙和瑞典。全文开始：我们，七国集团领导人，重申我们对乌克兰战略目标的坚定承诺，即在国际公认边界内实现一个自由、独立、民主、享有主权、能够自卫并吓阻未来侵略的乌克兰。我们确认乌克兰的安全与欧洲–大西洋地区的安全密不可分。我们认为俄罗斯对乌克兰的非法和无端入侵是对国际和平与安全的威胁，公然违反了包括《联合国宪章》（UN Charter）在内的国际法，与我们的安全利益不相容。我们将与乌克兰站在一起，支持其抵御俄罗斯的侵略，无论需要多长时间。我们团结一致，持久地支持乌克兰，这一支持植根于我们共同的民主价值观和利益，其中最重要的是尊重《联合国宪章》以及领土完整和主权原则。今天，我们正在开启与乌克兰的谈判——通过符合这一多边框架的双边安全承诺和安排，根据我们各自的法律和宪法要求——正式确立我们对乌克兰的持久支持，以帮助其捍卫主权和领土完整，重建经济，保护公民，推进其融入欧洲–大西洋共同体的进程。我们将指示我们的团队立即开始这些讨论。我们各国将与乌克兰就具体、双边、长期的安全承诺和安排展开合作，以实现以下目标：未来在俄罗斯发动武装攻击的情况下，我们准备立即与乌克兰磋商以确定适当的下一步行动。根据各自的法律和宪法要求，我们计划向乌克兰提供快速和持续的安全援助、海陆空现代化军事装备和经济援助，使俄罗斯承担经济和其他代价，并就乌克兰行使《联合国宪章》第51条确立的自卫权的需求进行磋商。为此，我们将与乌克兰合作，制定一套更加完善的安全承诺和安排，在未来若遭到侵略，使乌克兰能够捍卫其领土和主权。除了上述阐明的事项外，我们仍将致力于通过追究俄罗斯的责任来支持乌克兰。这包括通过制裁和出口控制等措施确保持续加大俄罗斯侵略行为的代价，以及支持追究那些在乌克兰境内及针对乌克兰犯下战争罪和其他国际罪行的人的责任，包括涉及攻击关键民用基础设施的人。战争罪行和其他暴行不能有罪不罚。在此背景下，我们重申依据国际法追究责任者罪责的承诺，包括支持国际刑事法院（ICC）等国际机制所做的努力。我们重申，根据我们各自的法律制度，我们将继续冻结俄罗斯在我们管辖范围内的主权资产，直到俄罗斯为其对乌克兰造成的损害支付赔偿。我们认识到有必要建立一个国际机制，用于赔偿俄罗斯侵略所造成的损害、损失或伤害；并表示愿意探讨建立适当机制的各种方案。乌克兰方面做出的承诺如下：欧盟及其成员国随时准备为这一努力做出贡献，并将迅速考虑这种贡献的具体方式。在乌克兰寻求未来成为欧洲-大西洋共同体成员的道路上，我们将继续推进这一工作。其他愿意为确保乌克兰的自由、强大、独立和主权做出贡献的国家可随时加入本《联合声明》（Joint Declaration）。全文完。欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/joint-declaration-of-support-for-ukraine/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。	MEDIA NOTE OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON JULY 12, 2023 The text of the following statement was released by the G7 leaders of Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America, and the Presidents of the European Council and the European Commission. The following countries have asked to be added as signatories to this statement, joining the G7 in its support for Ukraine: The Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, the Netherlands, Norway, Spain, and Sweden. Begin text: We, the Leaders of the Group of Seven (G7), reaffirm our unwavering commitment to the strategic objective of a free, independent, democratic, and sovereign Ukraine, within its internationally recognized borders, capable of defending itself and deterring future aggression. We affirm that the security of Ukraine is integral to the security of the Euro-Atlantic region. We consider Russia’s illegal and unprovoked invasion of Ukraine to be a threat to international peace and security, a flagrant violation of international law, including the UN Charter, and incompatible with our security interests. We will stand with Ukraine as it defends itself against Russian aggression, for as long as it takes. We stand united in our enduring support for Ukraine, rooted in our shared democratic values and interests, above all, respect for the UN Charter and the principles of territorial integrity and sovereignty. Today we are launching negotiations with Ukraine to formalize — through bilateral security commitments and arrangements aligned with this multilateral framework, in accordance with our respective legal and constitutional requirements — our enduring support to Ukraine as it defends its sovereignty and territorial integrity, rebuilds its economy, protects its citizens, and pursues integration into the Euro-Atlantic community. We will direct our teams to begin these discussions immediately. We will each work with Ukraine on specific, bilateral, long-term security commitments and arrangements towards: a) Ensuring a sustainable force capable of defending Ukraine now and deterring Russian aggression in the future, through the continued provision of: b) Strengthening Ukraine’s economic stability and resilience, including through reconstruction and recovery efforts, to create the conditions conducive to promoting Ukraine’s economic prosperity, including its energy security. c) Providing technical and financial support for Ukraine’s immediate needs stemming from Russia’s war as well as to enable Ukraine to continue implementing the effective reform agenda that will support the good governance necessary to advance towards its Euro-Atlantic aspirations. In the event of future Russian armed attack, we intend to immediately consult with Ukraine to determine appropriate next steps. We intend, in accordance with our respective legal and constitutional requirements, to provide Ukraine with swift and sustained security assistance, modern military equipment across land, sea and air domains, and economic assistance, to impose economic and other costs on Russia, and to consult with Ukraine on its needs as it exercises its right of self-defense enshrined in Article 51 of the UN Charter. To this end, we will work with Ukraine on an enhanced package of security commitments and arrangements in case of future aggression to enable Ukraine to defend its territory and sovereignty. In addition to the elements articulated above, we remain committed to supporting Ukraine by holding Russia accountable. This includes working to ensure that the costs to Russia of its aggression continue to rise, including through sanctions and export controls, as well as supporting efforts to hold to account those responsible for war crimes and other international crimes committed in and against Ukraine, including those involving attacks on critical civilian infrastructure. There must be no impunity for war crimes and other atrocities. In this context, we reiterate our commitment to holding those responsible to account, consistent with international law, including by supporting the efforts of international mechanisms, such as the International Criminal Court (ICC). We reaffirm that, consistent with our respective legal systems, Russia’s sovereign assets in our jurisdictions will remain immobilized until Russia pays for the damage it has caused to Ukraine. We recognize the need for the establishment of an international mechanism for reparation of damages, loss or injury caused by Russian aggression and express our readiness to explore options for the development of appropriate mechanisms. For its part, Ukraine is committed to: a) Contributing positively to partner security and to strengthen transparency and accountability measures with regard to partner assistance; b) continuing implementation of the law enforcement, judiciary, anti-corruption, corporate governance, economic, security sector, and state management reforms that underscore its commitments to democracy, the rule of law, respect for human rights and media freedoms, and put its economy on a sustainable path; c) Advancing defense reforms and modernization including by strengthening democratic civilian control of the military and improving efficiency and transparency across Ukraine’s defense institutions and industry. The EU and its Member States stand ready to contribute to this effort and will swiftly consider the modalities of such contribution. This effort will be taken forward while Ukraine pursues a pathway toward future membership in the Euro-Atlantic community. Other countries that wish to contribute to this effort to ensure a free, strong, independent, and sovereign Ukraine may join this Joint Declaration at any time. End text.
2020年8月21日东部夏令时间下午1:45 发言人办公室美国正在通过对外援助资金领导全球应对COVID-19。美国政府已为开发疫苗和药物研发、准备应对工作以及其他对外援助拨款205亿美元。我们的全球努力基于美国数十年来对于挽救生命的卫生健康和人道主义援助的投入，我们继续确保美国在这方面的大量资金与科研努力仍然是全世界为抗击这一致命病毒所做工作关键且协调的一部分。我们正在取得真正的成就，帮助世界各国应对COVID-19，并通过这样来保护美国。自COVID-19疫情爆发以来，美国政府已宣布了超过16亿美元的美国国务院和美国国际发展署（USAID）紧急卫生健康、人道主义、经济和发展援助，专门用于帮助政府、国际组织和非政府组织（NGO）抗击这场大流行。这笔来自美国纳税人的资金将在120多个国家改善公共卫生教育，保护健康医疗设施，并提高实验室、疾病监测以及快速响应能力，从而挽救生命。阅读英文版完整版声明： https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/update-the-united-states-continues-to-lead-the-global-response-to-covid-19-08242020	FACT SHEET OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON AUGUST 21, 2020 The United States is leading the global response to COVID-19 with foreign assistance funding. The U.S. Government (USG) has allocated $20.5 billion for the development of vaccines and therapeutics, preparedness efforts, and other foreign assistance. Our global efforts build upon decades of U.S. investment in life-saving health and humanitarian assistance, and we continue to ensure that the substantial U.S. funding and scientific efforts remain a central and coordinated part of the worldwide effort against this deadly virus. We are achieving real results, helping nations around the world respond to COVID-19 and therein protecting the United States. Since the outbreak of COVID-19, the USG has also announced more than $1.6 billion in State Department and U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) emergency health, humanitarian, economic, and development assistance aimed at helping governments, international organizations, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) fight the pandemic. This funding, provided by U.S. taxpayers, will save lives by improving public health education; protecting healthcare facilities; and increasing laboratory, disease-surveillance, and rapid-response capacity in more than 120 countries. The United States has mobilized as a nation to make this an impressive global effort. Working with the private sector, we are actively fulfilling President Trump’s commitment to provide ventilators to our partners and allies worldwide. Our foreign assistance funding to date for the response to the COVID-19 pandemic includes more than $250 million specifically for ventilators and related support. The COVID-19 assistance to-date from the State Department and USAID includes the following: $350 million in humanitarian assistance from the Migration and Refugee Assistance (MRA) account, provided through the State Department’s Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration. These funds help international organizations and NGO partners address the increased vulnerability created by the pandemic of refugees and host communities as well as among migrants and other vulnerable and conflict-affected people. This includes strengthening local health responses and provision of emergency relief items to vulnerable families. The State Department has now fully committed the $350 million in MRA funds appropriated by Congress for the international COVID-19 response. More than $238 million from the Economic Support Fund (ESF). These funds promote American foreign-policy interests by financing shorter-term mitigation efforts and addressing the second-order impacts of the pandemic in the long term, across a variety of sectors. ESF funding is also being used to provide ventilators. This new COVID-19 foreign assistance is provided in addition to the more than $100 billion in global health funding and nearly $70 billion in overseas humanitarian assistance provided by the United States in the last decade alone. These new amounts do not include assistance being provided by other USG Departments and Agencies, including the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) within the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) and the Department of Defense (DoD). In addition to this direct funding from the U.S. Government, our All-of-America approach is helping people around the world to confront the ongoing pandemic. Through the generosity of American private businesses, non-profit groups, charitable organizations, faith-based organizations, and individuals, Americans have now provided more than $4.9 billion in donations and assistance globally for COVID-19 response, more than any other nation. To meet the most urgent needs, U.S. Government Departments and Agencies are coordinating efforts to prioritize foreign assistance to maximize the potential for impact. The United States is providing the following assistance through the State Department and USAID: Africa: Asia: Europe and Eurasia: Latin America and the Caribbean: Middle East and North Africa: Global: For more information on the U.S. Government’s holistic funding in response to this crisis, please contact F-Press@state.gov. For details on specific in-country response activities, please contact USAID at press@usaid.gov. For details on MRA humanitarian assistance contributions to the COVID-19 response, please contact the State Department’s Bureau for Population, Refugees, and Migration at PRM-Press@state.gov.
美国国务院发言人办公室供即时发布媒体讲话 2020年7月28 国务卿迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥与国防部长马克·埃斯珀（Mark Esper）、澳大利亚外交部长玛丽斯·佩恩（Marise Payne）和澳大利亚国防部长琳达·雷诺兹（Linda Reynolds）共同出席的记者会（摘译） 2020年7月28日迪安·艾奇逊大厅美国国务院华盛顿DC 蓬佩奥国务卿：……我们有幸在所有这些事中能把澳大利亚当做一个密切的伙伴。我去年8月在悉尼时，我记得我将我们的关系称为“坚不可摧的联盟”。这在今天更是如此。今早一开始，我们详尽讨论了中国共产党在印太地区，还有实际上是世界各地的恶意活动。尽管中国共产党强力、持续、胁迫式地施压，要求屈服于北京的意愿，但莫里森政府坚定捍卫民主价值观以及法治。美国对此表示赞赏。北京把出口或学费作为打击澳大利亚的大棒是不可接受的。我们与我们澳大利亚的朋友站在一起。我们还讨论了COVID-19大流行。澳大利亚公开谴责中国的虚假信息行动，并坚持对这种病毒的来源开展独立评估，美国对此表示赞赏。我还想要称赞你们为了将台湾纳入世界卫生大会所做的努力，这样全世界可以受益于这个蓬勃民主政体在应对这次疫情中的智慧。我们期待一起努力，让我们国家的经济持续从这次完全可以避免的大流行中恢复。今天我们再次确认了我们对于加强供应链的集体承诺，以便供应链有适应能力抵御未来的大流行和中共的报复，并抵制强制劳动的使用。再来讲香港，我们的国家都谴责了中共违反它自己的条约承诺并镇压香港人民自由的行径。美国称赞澳大利亚终止其引渡协议并为在澳大利亚的香港居民延长签证的果断应对举措。我们还谈到了中共要称霸技术空间的企图。实际上，我们在这一问题上花了很多时间。澳大利亚先于我们意识到像华为和中兴这样的不受信任的供应商带来的威胁。我们期待各国一起成为“不受污染的国家”。最后，我们将继续与我们的澳大利亚伙伴一起努力，在南中国海重新主张法治。美国和澳大利亚都在最近的重要声明中强调了这一点。我会请埃斯珀部长进一步谈谈我们在南中国海和其他地方的军事合作。各位部长，正如我上周刚刚在尼克松图书馆所说，澳大利亚为维护民主价值观所承担起的担子并非由你们独自担负。美国了解你们还有自由世界的其他地方所面临的威胁。在我们坚不可摧的联盟中，美国与你们站在一起。 …… 埃斯珀部长：……今天我们探讨了一系列有关该地区未来的问题，包括全球大流行的影响以及具体到南中国海还有印太这一更广范围内的安全形势。我们赞赏澳大利亚对COVID-19应对举措的重要贡献，我们还详细谈了中国共产党破坏稳定的活动以及北京正愈发诉诸胁迫与恐吓，以他国为代价推进其战略目标这一事实。美国寻求与中华人民共和国有建设性、重结果的关系，但是我们将坚定地维护基于规则的国际秩序。我们赞赏澳大利亚抵抗中共明目张胆的经济威胁和胁迫行为，以及澳大利亚抵抗中共与日俱增的进行报复的风险。我们还探讨了中华人民共和国如何通过不太显眼的方式借由受国家支持的技术主导地位扩大其影响力。我们赞赏澳大利亚在其5G网络中拒绝华为和中兴的决定，此举保护了我们情报合作的完整性以及我们防务关系的许多其他方面。 …… 问题：……国务卿先生，在你的民主联盟演讲之后，你受到部分人士的一些批评，他们称这一联盟是行不通的，尤其对于欧洲盟友来说，因为特朗普政府对于欧洲奉行一种对抗性贸易政策，并且没有批评包括维克多·欧尔班（Viktor Orban）在内的其他独裁者。对此，你怎么处理呢？佩恩部长，那次演讲的另一个方面是劝诫中国人民改变中国政府。你认为这是可能的以及/或者是明智的吗？ …… 蓬佩奥国务卿：你的第一个问题是问我的，我先回答，然后佩恩外长可以回答第二个问题。不是的，这一联盟完全可行。就像我在那一系列讲话里说的，这不是选美国还是选中国的问题。这是选择自由和民主来反对暴政和威权主义政权的问题。而我相信这些民主政体，也就是我们的跨大西洋联盟——所有这些伟大的国家都很清楚自己想加入辩论的哪一方，他们知道其人民利益之所在——在于其人民享有自由、民主，以及持续的经济繁荣。这些无法通过与威胁他们的威权政权结成伙伴或共事来实现，而是要与澳大利亚、美国这样像他们一样珍视自由和人权的国家一起努力。你评论说我们在人权问题上并非始终如一。对此我有完全不同的看法。我们一直高度专注于确保我们为美国，以及与我们站在一起的澳大利亚高度注重的那一套价值观体系而奋斗。几周前我在费城发表过一次讲话，谈到了这一点，并且专门将其作为焦点，探讨了对世界如此重要的不可剥夺的权利。我们将在所有地方捍卫它们。我相信我们在全欧洲的伙伴，以及，坦率讲，在全世界的民主政体朋友——无论是在印度、日本，还是韩国，抑或今天在场的我们的澳大利亚伙伴——都理解，我们这个时代的挑战是确保那些确实珍视自由、确实想要基于法治的经济繁荣的国家将携手为我们的人民实现这一点。最后：你第二个问题是提给她的。我要回应一下，因为你又误解了我的话。回过去看看我说了什么。我们需要确保我们能和世界各地的所有人对话。当中国人来这里时，他们和民主党对话，对吧——他们去国会山，在那里游说民主党。美国外交官应该有同样的机会，让我们能和所有属于中华人民共和国的人对话。这看起来再恰当不过。这看起来很必要。事实上，我会认为北京政府应该想要这样。我们鼓励要有言论自由、开放，以及与美国内部那些并非总与本届美国政府意见一致的要素合作的能力。民主政体——经济增长是就是这么来的。这些都是正确的事情，而我们的目标是通过我们的外交努力，确保全世界所有人都有一切机会与被限制在中华人民共和国内部的各种观点对话。 …… 问题：蓬佩奥国务卿，先请问你，对于美国政府和中国之间与日俱增的裂痕，在澳大利亚有很多担忧。如你所知，澳大利亚非常依赖中国。澳大利亚人是否应该担心你们两国关系破裂会对我们的地区安全造成的长期后果？ …… 蓬佩奥国务卿：这不是美中关系破裂的问题。这是中国共产党的非法不当行为和胁迫行为的问题。坦率讲，大多数西方国家允许这种行为持续已经太久。特朗普总统很早就明确表示，我们不再允许这种情况发生。我们将重新平衡两国关系，以期在美国和中国之间建立更加公平、对等的关系。我们已经在多个方面这样做了。我们在贸易中看到这一点，非常公开。我们已经看到——为确保我们拥有安全、有保障的基础设施我们都做了些什么。在确保澳大利亚人的信息——他们的个人信息——不会落入中国共产党手中方面，澳大利亚人做得非常好。每个国家及其人民都需要意识到中国共产党对他们构成的威胁。而我相信，就像美国政府一样，澳大利亚政府也会以维护其主权、保障其人民自身自由的方式来行动。	Secretary Michael R. Pompeo At a Press Availability with Secretary of Defense Mark Esper, Australian Foreign Minister Marise Payne, and Australian Defence Minister Linda Reynolds REMARKS TO THE PRESS MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE DEAN ACHESON AUDITORIUM, DEPARTMENT OF STATE WASHINGTON, D.C. JULY 28, 2020 SECRETARY POMPEO: Good afternoon, everyone. We have had a lively and productive set of conversations this morning and last night as well. I’ll get to that in just a bit. First, though, I want to personally thank Ministers Payne and Reynolds for traveling all this way, halfway around the world, to be with us today. That is a tough trip in ordinary times. And your entire delegation will be quarantining when you get back. Not many partners will do that for us, and so thank you to each of you and your teams for being with us here in person. It was very important that we all be together to have this important conversation. Before she left Australia, Minister Payne called this year’s AUSMIN meetings, quote, the “most significant,” end of quote, in her time “for Australia’s short, medium, and long-term interests.” The same could be said for our side as well. Our two great democracies face immediate crises like the COVID-19 pandemic and longer-term challenges like the Chinese Communist Party’s ambitions. We need to deal with each of these challenges simultaneously. We are lucky to count Australia as a close partner throughout all of this. When I was in Sydney last August, I recall naming our relationship as the “Unbreakable Alliance.” It’s even more true today. We started this morning by talking at length about the Chinese Communist Party’s malign activity in the Indo-Pacific region, and indeed all around the world. The United States commends the Morrison government for standing up for democratic values and the rule of law, despite intense, continued, coercive pressure from the Chinese Communist Party to bow to Beijing’s wishes. It is unacceptable for Beijing to use exports or student fees as a cudgel against Australia. We stand with our Australian friends. We also discussed the COVID-19 pandemic. The United States commends Australia for publicly condemning China’s disinformation campaign and insisting on an independent review into this virus’s origin. I also want to applaud your efforts to include Taiwan in the World Health Assembly, so that the world might benefit from that vigorous democracy’s wisdom in dealing with the outbreak. We look forward to working together on our nations’ ongoing economic recovery from this entirely preventable pandemic. Today we reaffirmed our collective commitment to strengthening supply chains, so that they are resilient against future pandemics, CCP retaliation, and the use of forced labor. Turning to Hong Kong, our nations have both denounced the CCP’s violation of its own treaty promises and the crushing of the Hong Kong’s people’s freedoms. The U.S. applauds Australia’s decisive response to suspend its extradition agreement and extend visas for residents of Hong Kong in Australia. We also addressed the CCP’s attempts to dominate the technology space. We, in fact, spent a great deal of time on this issue. Australia was ahead of us in awakening to the threat of untrusted vendors like Huawei and ZTE. We look forward to nations becoming “Clean Countries” together. And finally, we’ll keep working with our Australian partners to reassert the rule of law in the South China Sea, which the United States and Australia have both underscored in recent, important statements. I’ll let Secretary Esper address more about our military cooperation both there and elsewhere. Ministers, as I said just last week at the Nixon Library, the burden Australia has undertaken to uphold democratic values is not yours to bear alone. The United States knows the threats that you and the rest of the free world face. And the United States stands with you in our unbreakable alliance. Thank you, again, for being here today. Minister Payne. FOREIGN MINISTER PAYNE: Thank you very much, Mike. And to our secretary colleagues, Mike Pompeo and Mark Esper, it is a great pleasure to be here today. Both Minister Linda Reynolds and I are very pleased that AUSMIN was able to take place in person today. We know that we’re living a very constrained set of circumstances, so we particularly appreciate the effort made by the United States to host us here by the teams who have put together an AUSMIN in these constrained circumstances. And I want to thank all of those involved. I want to thank Ambassador Arthur Sinodinos and his team, acknowledge Ambassador A.B. Culvahouse, who’s also made the trip from Canberra, and our Secretaries Frances Adamson and Greg Moriarty, and the Chief of the Australian Defense Force General Angus Campbell. This year marks 80 years of diplomatic relations between Australia and the United States. This is the 30th AUSMIN talks and indeed as Mike referred to it is my fifth in two incarnations at least. It’s hard to believe that it’s a year since we were in Sydney, because so much has happened in the last 12 months. And I want to particularly convey my condolences, my sympathies to those amongst the American people who have lost loved ones, particularly during the COVID-19 pandemic. These are difficult times for all of us. As both Secretary Pompeo and I have said at various times, Australia and the United States’ strong and enduring relationship is built on our shared values. It’s built on our resolute belief in the rule of law, a respect for human rights, our promotion of gender equality, our protection of freedoms of religion and belief. It’s built on the fact that we are both strong, liberal democracies that cherish freedom of expression and diversity of opinion. And it’s built on our confidence in making decisions in our interests. At AUSMIN today we discussed and reached agreement on a wide range of issues. We agreed it’s essential that the alliance remains well-positioned to respond to both the immediate impacts of COVID-19 as well as the longer-term economic and security challenges that have emerged, not just in the past six months but in recent years. Australia and the United States are deeply committed to strengthening health security efforts in the Indo-Pacific to help states combat COVID-19 and to prevent the emergence of future pandemics. So I’m pleased that as part of our talks today we have agreed to expand cooperation under our Health Security Partnership to explore opportunities to prevent and respond – to detect and respond to infectious disease threats, including ensuring access to vital vaccines. COVID-19 has, without doubt, exacerbated the security challenges in our region. Some countries are using the pandemic to undermine liberal democracy. The role of multilateral institutions is more important now than ever in supporting our values and our strategic objectives as the world responds to the health and economic challenges of COVID-19. We’re therefore pleased also to be able to announce a new working group between Australia’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and the United States Department of State to monitor and respond to harmful disinformation. The rules-based global order is a constant, notwithstanding or perhaps even more so given the impact of the pandemic. We reiterated our commitment to holding states to account when they breach international norms and laws, as we have done and will continue to do so in relation to China’s erosion of freedoms in Hong Kong. We also recognize the importance of international leadership and cooperation, which for both of us involves helping other countries through the COVID-19 crisis. We will step up and ensure that we support our mates further afield. That means working together to strengthen the capacity of states in our region to recover economically from COVID-19, including by supporting infrastructure development. Our work together, for example, along with the Government of Palau and other partners, including Japan on the Palau marine cable to provide fast and affordable internet to our Pacific neighbor is a really good example of this, and I’m glad we’ve been able to progress our discussions on these today. We will use the Australian-U.S. alliance as the basis to deepen our friendship with others. We already do. We’ll work more closely with existing partnerships such as the Five Eyes, the ASEAN, the Quad, the Trilateral Infrastructure Partnership, the East Asia Summit. And as we have through COVID-19, we will build new groupings, cementing friendships, improving our security through a network of nations that share our vision of an open, prosperous, and secure Indo-Pacific. I am very proud to be here this week. I’m very proud that the enduring Australia-U.S. alliance will be at the very heart of this vision. Mike, thank you and Mark again for your hospitality. SECRETARY ESPER: Well, thank you Minister Payne and Minister Reynolds, Maurice, Linda, for coming all this way to be here in person, particularly in the time of COVID. Your presence reflects the strength of the U.S.-Australian alliance and signifies our ever-increasing convergence on the most important strategic issues of our time. The United States and Australia share a deep and enduring bond, united by common values and forged through decades of shared sacrifice, having fought shoulder-to-shoulder in every major conflict since World War I. Today our alliance remains strong and resilient and is vital to stability, to security, and prosperity around the globe and in the United States’ priority theater, the Indo-Pacific. Together we share a common vision for a free and open Indo-Pacific where all nations, big and small, can enjoy the benefits of sovereignty; where free, fair, and reciprocal trade are the norm; where states adhere to international rules and norms; and where international disputes are resolved peacefully. Today we discussed a range of issues regarding the future of the region, including the impact of the global pandemic as well as the security situation in the South China Sea specifically and the Indo-Pacific more generally. We appreciate Australia’s significant contributions to COVID-19 response efforts, and we spoke in detail about the Chinese Communist Party’s destabilizing activities and the fact that Beijing is increasingly resorting to coercion and intimidation to advance its strategic objectives at the expense of other nations. The United States seeks a constructive, results-oriented relationship with the PRC, but we will stand firm in upholding the international rules-based order. And we applaud Australia for pushing back against the CCP’s brazen economic threats and coercive behavior and increasing risk of retaliation. We also discussed the PRC’s less conspicuous means of extending its influence through state-sponsored tech dominance. And we commend Australia for its decision to reject Huawei and ZTE in its 5G network, thus protecting the integrity of our intelligence cooperation and the many other aspects of our defense relationship. In this regard, I want to thank Australia for its continued support of the Marine Rotational Force at Darwin. Our significant presence there enables excellent combined training between the U.S. and Australian troops, and this year’s rotation is an important example of how we can meet our strategic interests as an alliance while adapting to health concerns posed by the coronavirus. We owe it to our partners to make sure that we deploy responsible – responsibly, as I assured Minister Reynolds of our preventative measures. Additionally, last week, five Australian warships joined the USS Ronald Reagan carrier strike group and a Japanese destroyer in conducting a trilateral naval exercise in the Philippine Sea ahead of the upcoming RIMPAC exercise in Hawaii. These exercises not only bolster interoperability, but also send a clear signal to Beijing that we will fly, we will sail, and we will operate wherever international law allows and defend the rights of our allies and partners to do the same. Amid these challenging and uncertain times, the U.S.-Australia alliance remains a powerful force for stability and prosperity in our region and the world, and we thank you once again, Minister Payne and Minister Reynolds, for your participation here today. Thank you. DEFENSE MINISTER REYNOLDS: Well, thank you very much, Secretary Esper, to Mark, and to both of you, Mike. Thank you very much for your hospitality and also for the very productive discussions that we’ve had today. I’m delighted that we’re able to come here in person, because there really is no substitute for face-to-face meetings that we’ve had here today. Since its beginning, AUSMIN has steered our alliance through a rapidly changing world, from the Cold War to confronting extremism and most recently focusing the alliance activities in the Indo-Pacific. But today, we are both experiencing a profound change in the geopolitical framework that underpins our security but also our prosperity. So now more than ever, we must put a premium on ensuring the alliance continues to serve both our nations’ interests. And today we have done just that, focusing to ensure our alliance cooperation is best placed to respond to our shared challenges. We have a great and ambitious set of defense outcomes, ones that advance our cooperation in support of our shared vision, a vision for a region that is secure, that is open, and is also prosperous. Secretary Esper and I signed a statement of principles on alliance defense cooperation and on force posture priorities in the Indo-Pacific. This builds on our successful force posture cooperation over the past 10 years, and it will drive the next decade of our defense cooperation in the Indo-Pacific. It will also strengthen our shared ability to contribute to regional security and to deter malign behavior in our region. We intend to establish a U.S.-funded, commercially operated strategic military fuel reserve in Darwin. We agreed to further deepen our defense science technology and also our industrial cooperation. This includes hypersonics, electronic warfare, and space-based capabilities. This will ensure the alliance maintains its capability edge in a rapidly modernizing environment. Further reducing barriers to industrial base integration will also strengthen our interoperability and also our shared resilience. When we released Australia’s defense strategic update earlier this month, my prime minister noted that we now face a world that is poorer, that is more dangerous, and that is more disorderly. The Australian Government’s $270 billion investment in defense capability over the next decade will build capability, resilience, and further agility for the Australian Defense Forces. It will also allow Australia to make its strongest contribution to our shared alliance security interests right across the Indo-Pacific. And today, we reaffirmed the importance of working with partners to strengthen sovereignty and also resilience to coercion. Our alliance is in great shape, but we cannot ever take it for granted. And this is why the substantial outcomes and agreements we have reached today are so important for us both. Thank you. MR BROWN: Okay. For our first question, let’s go to Nick Schifrin from PBS Newshour. QUESTION: Thank you very much. Mr. Secretary, Minister Payne, if I could ask you both about China and Mr. Secretary a more local question. Mr. Secretary, after your alliance of democracies speech, you received some criticism by some people who called it unworkable especially for European allies, as the Trump administration pursues a confrontational trade policy on Europe and doesn’t criticize other autocrats, including Viktor Orban. How do you work through that? And Minister Payne, another aspect of that speech was the admonition to help the Chinese people change the Chinese Government. Do you think that is possible and/or wise? Mr. Secretary, if I could quickly, more locally — SECRETARY POMPEO: You want three questions? QUESTION: If — SECRETARY POMPEO: Yeah, good try. QUESTION: Just quickly — SECRETARY POMPEO: Let me just take your first question to me and then Minister Payne can take the second one. No, it’s completely workable. As I said in that same set of remarks, this isn’t about picking America versus China. This is about choosing freedom and democracy against tyranny and authoritarian regime, and I am confident that the democracies, our transatlantic alliance – all of those great nations know precisely which side of that debate they want to be on. They know where their peoples’ interests lie. They lie with freedom and democracy and continued economic prosperity for their people. That doesn’t come from partnering with or working with authoritarian regimes that threaten them, but rather working with countries like Australia and America that value freedom and human rights in the same way that they do. You made a comment about the fact that we have not been consistent on human rights. I have a fundamentally different view of that. We have been intensely focused on making sure that we stand for the very value set that the United States and Australia alongside of us care so deeply about. I gave a set of remarks in Philadelphia now a couple weeks back that talked about this and put it in sharp focus and talked about the unalienable rights that matter so much to the world, and we’ll defend them everywhere. And I’m confident that our partners all across Europe and, frankly, democratic friends all across the world, whether that’s in India or Japan or South Korea – our Australian partners are here today – understand that the challenge of our times is to make sure that those nations that do value freedom and do want economic prosperity based on the rule of law will join together to deliver that for our people. Last thing: You asked a second question to her. I’m going to take a swing because you mischaracterized again what I said. Go back and look what I said. We need to make sure we’re talking to everyone all across the world. The Chinese, when they come here, they talk to Democrats, right – they go to Capitol Hill and lobby Democrats on Capitol Hill. American diplomats ought to have that same opportunity so that we can speak to all people that are part of the People’s Republic of China. It seems only appropriate that we do that. It seems quite necessary. Indeed, I would think that the government in Beijing would want that. We encourage there to be freedom of speech, openness, the capacity to work with elements inside the United States that don’t always agree with the administration. That’s how democracies – that’s how economic growth takes place. Those kinds of things are the right thing to do, and we’re aiming through our diplomatic efforts to make sure that there’s every opportunity for people all across the world to speak to all of the various views that are contained inside of the People’s Republic of China. FOREIGN MINISTER PAYNE: Thanks very much, Mike, and rather than I think make individual comments on the Secretary’s speech – Secretary’s speeches are his own; Australia’s positions are our own. And we operate, as you would expect, on the basis of our shared values, actually, which are reflected in both the approach of the United States and the approach of Australia. But most importantly from our perspective, we make our own decisions, our own judgments in the Australian national interest and about upholding our security, our prosperity, and our values. So we deal with China in the same way. We have a strong economic engagement, other engagement, and it works in the interests of both countries. That said, of course, we don’t agree on everything. We are very different countries. We are very different systems, and it’s the points on which we disagree that we should be able to articulate in a mature and sensible way and advance, as I said, our interests and our values. As my prime minister put it recently, the relationship that we have with China is important, and we have no intention of injuring it, but nor do we intend to do things that are contrary to our interests, and that is the premise from which we begin. MR BROWN: Next, can we go to Sarah Blake from Newscorp? QUESTION: Thank you. I have a question for both Secretary Pompeo and for Minister Payne. Secretary Pompeo, there are currently dozens of Australian citizens in Syria who are the wives and children of captured Islamic State fighters. Do you think that Australia should bring these people home? And if so, why, and if so, why not? You know what I mean. SECRETARY POMPEO: If you have a question for Minister Payne, you can go ahead and put that — QUESTION: Minister Payne, did the question of the ISIS wives and children arise in your talks with Secretary Pompeo, and will Australia bring these people home? And if so, why or why not? SECRETARY POMPEO: Maybe I’ll let you go first since this is the same question and they’re Australian people about which we speak. FOREIGN MINISTER PAYNE: Well, we’ve broadly discussed a number of issues relating to counterterrorism more broadly. And in relation to Syria, it’s important to note that Australia has repatriated some orphans from Syria. But these are pretty complex challenges, and I don’t think that should be underestimated. The priority of the Australian Government is the protection of Australia and the Australian community. We’re a good international citizen. We don’t shy away from our responsibilities, and those also of course include our responsibilities to citizens at home, to our diplomats and officials who would be required to travel into what are very dangerous situations. And as the government has repeatedly said – the prime minister, the minister for home affairs, and I have repeatedly said – we will not put Australian lives at risk to try and to extract people. It’s important to note I think that COVID-19 has further complicated this picture extensively. We have seen closed borders, significant travel restrictions, significant international travel bans put in place, including of course in Australia itself. Movement in Syria and in the region is now more complex than ever. And at home, we see our states and territories very stretched, as an understatement in some cases, because of the impact of COVID-19 infections. So any assessment of the sorts of resources that would be needed to reintegrate, to monitor, to secure, to deradicalize people who are brought home are under significantly more pressure than they usually would be. And we will not put our communities at home at risk, nor our officials abroad, to extract people from Syria under current conditions. We will always take a case-by-case approach to returns of individuals, but at this point in time it’s an extremely complex situation, and that remains the government’s position. SECRETARY POMPEO: And we’ve made very clear our expectation is that the places that these fighters are being detained may not be sustainable and that we need to work with each host country to bring those people back and bring them to justice back in their home. We think that’s important. We’ve been consistent with that all across all the nations that have fighters that are there inside of Syria. MR BROWN: Third question. We’ll go to Katie Bo Williams from Defense One. QUESTION: Thank you all for doing this. First to Secretary Esper: Did the U.S. and Australia discuss deploying either additional U.S. troops or intermediate-range missiles on Australian soil? And can you give us any details on the outcome of those conversations? And secondly, can you tell us what are your concerns about military-style uniforms being worn by federal officers conducting civilian law enforcement in Portland? And then to Minister Reynolds: During your meetings this week, did the U.S. side press you to conduct freedom of navigation operations closer to the disputed island chains in the South China Sea than Australia has previously been willing? And do you plan on honoring that request, and if so, what has changed Australia’s calculation? SECRETARY ESPER: So I’ll go first, and I’ll take your first question since it involves our Australian partners who have traveled 22 hours to be here today and face a 14-day quarantine on the back end. Let me just say we had a very wide-ranging discussion about the capabilities that the United States possesses and the capabilities that Australia possesses, and our desire to advance them, whether they are hypersonics or any other type of capability. And I think it’s important as we think forward about how do we deter bad behavior in the Indo-Pacific and how we defend the international rules-based order – in this case specifically with regard to China. I would like also to take this moment to commend Australia. They recently announced a bold new defense strategy that is far-reaching, and I think really puts them at the forefront as a really extremely capable partner to the United States and a very capable partner in terms of defending that international rules-based order. And that will involve the full suite of capabilities and strategies we intend to roll out together in the years ahead. DEFENSE MINISTER REYNOLDS: Well, thank you very much, Mark. And Katie, in relation to transiting through the region, and also freedom of navigation and overflight, as you would expect it was a subject of discussion. For those of you who know, Australia has a long history of transiting through the region – unilaterally, bilaterally – with regional friends, and also multilaterally. For example, the ADF Joint Task Group recently transited through the South China Sea on its way to RIMPAC, and as the Secretary observed, we did a trilateral transit through the Philippine Sea. Our approach remains consistent, and we will continue to transit through the region in accordance with international law. MR BROWN: Okay. Last question to Amelia Adams with Nine Network. QUESTION: Secretary Pompeo, if I could start with you, there’s a lot of concern in Australia about the growing rift between your administration and China. As you know, Australia is very dependent on China. Should Australians be concerned about the long-term consequences of the breakdown in relations between your two countries for our regional security? And perhaps, Minister Payne, if you could talk to the same question after the Secretary. SECRETARY POMPEO: This isn’t about a breakdown in relations between the United States and China. This is about unlawful misconduct by the Chinese Communist Party, coercive behavior, that frankly most Western nations have permitted to go on for far too long. President Trump made very clear as far back as his campaign that we were no longer going to permit that to happen. We were going to rebalance the relationship with the objective of getting a much more fair, reciprocal relationship between the United States and China. We’ve done it on multiple fronts. We’ve seen it very publicly on trade. We’ve seen it – the things we’ve done to make sure that we have a safe and secure infrastructure. The Australians have been fantastic at making sure that Australians’ information, their private information, didn’t end up in the hands of the Chinese Communist Party. So every nation and its people needs to be aware of the threat that is posed by the Chinese Communist Party to them, and I am confident that the Australian Government, just like the American Government, will act in ways that preserve their sovereignty and secure freedoms for their own people. FOREIGN MINISTER PAYNE: Amelia, I think in part I answered the question in response to the question from our first representative this afternoon, but from Australia’s perspective, let me reiterate that we make our own decisions. We do that based on our values – many of which are shared values, overwhelmingly – but most importantly, in Australia’s national interest. We do often hold common positions with the United States because we do share so many of those fundamental values, and we both want the same kind of region: We want it to be secure, we want it to be stable, we want it to be free, we want it to be prosperous. And what this meeting is all about, what AUSMIN is all about – and has been, in fact, for its 30 iterations – is the alignment of the broad perspectives of Australia and the United States on global and regional issues. That includes our discussions in relation to China. It includes our discussions in relation to COVID-19 response and recovery. We have, I think, a demonstrable track record of making decisions based on our own interests. The number of those have been mentioned today in terms of protecting Australia and Australians in the interests of national security, whether they are around countering foreign interference, whether they are ensuring that our 5G network is protected from high-risk vendors, whether they are about the sorts of initiatives that we’ve taken more recently around our foreign investment rules. We don’t agree on everything, though, and that’s part of a respectful relationship. It’s part of a relationship that has endured over a hundred years of mateship, to re-coin that phrase, and will endure, I am absolutely confident, based on our fundamental shared values, for centuries into the future. SECRETARY POMPEO: Great. Thanks, everyone.
有人认为两者都是，有人认为两者皆不是，但有一点是肯定的：街头涂鸦(graffiti)已经存在了有数千年了。古罗马人和希腊人在建筑物上写上他们的名字和抗议诗。不过，现代街头艺术的根源始于20世纪六七十年代的纽约和费城的城市街头文化。早期的街头涂鸦通常来自于没有机会接触主流媒体的边缘人群，他们希望在公共场所大声说出和展示他们的观点。最开始，这是非法的，街头涂鸦（又称为“标签”）在纽约市地铁等一些地方造成了破坏公物的问题。从纽约市的街头涂鸦，蔓延到美国各地，蔓延到有空白墙壁和建筑物的任何城市，用颜料和坚定的信念覆盖。街头涂鸦起初是一种基于文字的城市传播形式，并发展出自己的网络。早期的街头涂鸦作者没有屈服于制度化的艺术世界所秉持的评价标准，他们根据自己的标准发展出一个全新、独立的艺术世界。到20世界70年代末80年代初，很多涂鸦作者开始由文字涂鸦转向包括图像的作品。这种特殊的审美，最常见的是使用大胆的颜色，涉及被称为“野性风格”的风格鲜明和抽象的字体，以及/或漫画式的形象，这些逐渐发展成今天被广泛接受的街头艺术。 20世纪80年代，街头涂鸦开始被认可为一项合法的艺术形式，一些最早的涂鸦艺术展在纽约市的画廊中展出。街头艺术反映了它创作的时间和地点。美国驻华大使馆东门外展示的Pony Wave的壁画表现了两个带着口罩的人在接吻。它被命名为“保重”(Stay safe)，最早是在疫情初期，在加州威尼斯海滩上画的。 (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。)	Some argue it is both, some argue it is neither, but one thing is for sure: graffiti has been around for thousands of years. Ancient Romans and Greeks wrote their names and protest poems on buildings. But the roots of modern day Street Art begin with New York and Philadelphia urban street culture from the 1960s and 70s. Early graffiti often came from marginalized people with no access to mainstream media who wanted to speak up and show their viewpoints in public locations. At first it was illegal and graffiti (also known as “tagging”) became a vandalism problem in some places like the New York City subway. From NYC graffiti spread across the U.S. and to any cities that had blank walls and buildings to cover with paint and convictions. Graffiti started as a form of text-based urban communication that developed its own networks. Rather than submit to the criteria of valuation upheld by the institutionalized art world, early graffiti writers developed an entirely new and separate art world based on their own standards. By the late 1970s and early 1980s, many graffiti writers began to shift away from text-based works to include imagery. This particular aesthetic, most often utilizing bold color choices, involving highly stylized and abstract lettering known as “wildstyle,” and/or including cartoon-like characters, is what evolved into today’s widespread acceptance of street art. In the 1980s graffiti began to be recognized as a legitimate art form and some of the first exhibitions of graffiti as art were held in New York City galleries. Street art reflects the time and place it was created. Artist Pony Wave’s mural outside the U.S. Embassy Beijing’s east gate features two masked figures kissing. It is entitled “Stay Safe” and was first painted in Venice Beach California during the early days of the pandemic. (Bio as provided by the artist to explain their works and background. Artists’ views are their own and do not represent the United States government.)
2020年9月11日东部夏令时间下午6:17 迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥国务卿两周前在香港临近海域逮捕的12名香港民主活动人士被剥夺了和他们选择的律师接触的机会，美国对此深表关切。当地政府部门还未提供有关他们的待遇状况或针对他们的指控信息。我们质疑行政长官林郑月娥所声称的保护香港居民权利的承诺，并呼吁当局确保正当程序。	09/11/2020 06:17 PM EDT Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State The United States is deeply concerned that twelve Hong Kong democracy activists, arrested two weeks ago off the coast of Hong Kong by Guangdong Maritime Police, have been denied access to lawyers of their choice. Local authorities have yet to provide information regarding their welfare, or the charges against them. We question Chief Executive Lam’s stated commitment to protecting the rights of Hong Kong residents, and call on authorities to ensure due process.
演讲稿 2023年8月28日星期一公共事务办公室 publicaffairs@doc.gov 美国商务部长吉娜·M·雷蒙多在与中华人民共和国商务部长王文涛举行双边会谈前发表了以下讲话。 “早上好，谢谢您，王部长。很高兴在北京与您一起工作，并再次见到您。我要感谢您，您的团队为这次访问做了出色的准备，我很高兴有这个机会与您坦诚直接地讨论我们两国的关系以及我们可以共同开展的工作。如您所知，我们的团队在这个夏天一直紧密合作，以建立新的信息交换机制和工作组，使我们能够在我们的关系中更加稳定地互动。美国和中国之间的经济关系是世界上最重要的关系之一。我们的贸易额达7000亿美元，我同意您的观点，即我们之间稳定的经济关系极为重要，这对我们两国都有利，事实上也是世界对我们的期待。这是一种复杂的关系；这是一种具有挑战性的关系。当然，我们在某些问题上会有分歧，但我相信，只要我们直接、开放和务实，就能取得进展。当然，在国家安全问题上，没有妥协或谈判的余地。正如您所说，美中贸易和投资关系的绝大部分不涉及国家安全关切，在这方面，我们致力于在最符合双方利益的领域促进贸易与投资。在拜登总统的领导下，美国正在经历一个历史性的投资时期，对我们的基础设施、我们的人民、我们的制造业和我们的供应链进行投资。因此，我们的经济非常强劲。我想说明的是，投资是其战略的核心，这将继续下去。它旨在降低我们供应链中的风险，旨在加强我们的国家和我们的基础设施，并创造就业机会。然而，这并不是为了阻碍中国的经济发展。我们相信一个强劲的中国经济是件好事。拜登总统已多次清楚表明这一点；我们寻求与中国的良性竞争。一个持续发展并遵守规则的中国经济符合我们双方的利益。尽管如此，我们必须确保有一个公平的竞争环境，我们将始终做我们该做的来保护我们的劳动者。与您一样，我担任过州长，也是一名务实的领导者，我是本着务实的精神来到这里的，希望找到与你们一起努力的具体方法。我看到我们两国有大量机会可以一起努力来服务我们的共同利益，包括在气候变化、医疗卫生和人民间关系等方面。谢谢您。” 各局及办事处国际贸易管理局领导吉娜·M·雷蒙多	U.S. Secretary of Commerce Gina M. Raimondo U.S. Secretary of Commerce Gina M. Raimondo delivered the following remarks ahead of her bilateral meeting with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) Minister of Commerce Wang Wentao “Good morning, thank you, Minister Wang. It’s great for me to be here with you in Beijing and to work with you and to see you again. I want to thank you, your team has been wonderful in preparing for this visit and I am pleased to have this opportunity to talk to you honestly and directly about our relationship and the work we can do together. “As you know, our teams have been working closely over the summer to establish new information exchanges and working groups that will enable us to have more consistent engagement in our relationship. “The economic relationship between the U.S. and China is one of the most significant in the world. We share $700 billion dollars of trade and I concur with you that it is profoundly important that we have a stable economic relationship which is to the benefit of both of our countries and in fact what the world expects of us. “It’s a complicated relationship; it’s a challenging relationship. We will of course disagree on certain issues, but I believe we can make progress if we are direct, open, and practical. “Of course in matters of national security, there is no room to compromise or negotiate. And as you say, the vast majority of our trade and investment relationship does not involve national security concerns and in this regard, we are committed to promoting trade and investment in those areas that are in our mutual best interest. “Under President Biden’s leadership, the United States now is undertaking a period of historic investment in our infrastructure, in our people, in our manufacturing, and in our supply chain. And as a result, we have a very strong economy. And I want to be clear, that investment is core to his strategy and it will continue. It’s intended to reduce risk in our supply chain, it is intended to strengthening our country and our infrastructure and create jobs. “However, it is not intended to hinder China’s economic progress. We believe a strong Chinese economy is a good thing. And President Biden has been crystal clear repeatedly on this point; we seek healthy competition with China. A growing Chinese economy that plays by the rules is in both of our interests. That said, we have to make sure there is a level playing field and we will at all times do what we need to do to protect our workers. “Like you, I am a former Governor, I am a practical leader, I’ve come here in the spirit of being practical and finding concrete ways to work together with you. And I see a wealth of opportunity for our two countries to work together to address our mutual interests, including climate change, health care, and people-to-people ties. Thank you.”
克里姆林宫关于在乌克兰的化学和生物武器实验室的指控 2022年3月9日美国东部标准时间下午 05:40 美国国务院发言人内德·普赖斯克里姆林宫在蓄意散布美国和乌克兰在乌克兰进行化学和生物武器活动的彻头彻尾的谎言。我们还看到中华人民共和国官员附和这些阴谋论。这种俄罗斯虚假信息完全是一派胡言，这也不是俄罗斯第一次炮制这样的针对另一个国家的谬论。而且多年来，这些说法已经以确凿的方式被反复戳穿。正如我们一直以来所说，俄罗斯在炮制虚假借口，试图为其在乌克兰骇人听闻的行径进行辩护。美国在乌克兰并未拥有或运营任何化学或生物实验室，完全遵守其在《禁止化学武器公约》以及《禁止生物武器公约》之下的义务，并且没有在任何地方开发或持有此类武器。是俄罗斯有活跃的化学和生物武器项目，并且违反《禁止化学武器公约》和《禁止生物武器公约》。最后，俄罗斯过去的记录显示，它指责西方国家所犯的罪行正是它自己正在犯的罪行。这些策略显然是俄罗斯的一种伎俩，试图为进一步对乌克兰进行有预谋的、无端和无理的攻击进行辩护。我们完全可以预计俄罗斯会继续以进一步毫无根据的指控在这类主张上变本加厉。	The Kremlin’s Allegations of Chemical and Biological Weapons Laboratories in Ukraine PRESS STATEMENT NED PRICE, DEPARTMENT SPOKESPERSON MARCH 9, 2022 The Kremlin is intentionally spreading outright lies that the United States and Ukraine are conducting chemical and biological weapons activities in Ukraine. We have also seen PRC officials echo these conspiracy theories. This Russian disinformation is total nonsense and not the first time Russia has invented such false claims against another country. Also, these claims have been debunked conclusively and repeatedly over many years. As we have said all along, Russia is inventing false pretexts in an attempt to justify its own horrific actions in Ukraine. The United States does not own or operate any chemical or biological laboratories in Ukraine, it is in full compliance with its obligations under the Chemical Weapons Convention and Biological Weapons Convention, and it does not develop or possess such weapons anywhere. It is Russia that has active chemical and biological weapons programs and is in violation of the Chemical Weapons Convention and Biological Weapons Convention. Finally, Russia has a track record of accusing the West of the very crimes that Russia itself is perpetrating. These tactics are an obvious ploy by Russia to try to justify further premeditated, unprovoked, and unjustified attacks on Ukraine. We fully expect Russia to continue to double down on these sorts of claims with further unfounded allegations.
2022年12月14日星期三，美国商务部长吉娜·雷蒙多在华盛顿特区沃尔特·E·华盛顿会议中心举行的美国-非洲领导人峰会的美国-非洲商务论坛上发表讲话。简报：非洲数字化转型新倡议 12月14日，在华盛顿特区举行的美国-非洲商业论坛（U.S.-Africa Business Forum）上，作为美国-非洲领导人峰会（U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit）的部分内容，拜登总统宣布启动一项新的“非洲数字化转型”（Digital Transformation with Africa，简称DTA）倡议。DTA是拜登-哈里斯政府的一项标志性举措，它将在整个非洲大陆扩大数字连网和扫盲，并加强数字赋能环境。根据非洲联盟的“数字转型战略”（African Union’s Digital Transformation Strategy）和“美国对撒哈拉以南非洲战略”（U.S. Strategy Toward Sub-Saharan Africa），在与国会合作之下，该倡议拟为非洲投资3.5亿美元以上并协助融资超过4.5亿美元。非洲的数字生态系统在刺激经济复苏、扩大机会、推动社会平等和性别平等以及创造就业方面具有巨大潜力。非洲的数字化转型为美国的出口和服务开辟了新市场，深化了非洲各国政府、美国私营部门、教育机构和非洲侨民之间的伙伴关系，提高了生产力、竞争力和电子政务服务的使用。随着新技术对非洲人的生活和工作方式的改变，DTA将促进一个由非洲社区领导并建立在一个具有开放性、可互操作性、可靠性和安全性的互联网之上的具有包容性和适应能力的非洲数字生态系统。该倡议还将寻求通过数字生态系统并在数字生态系统内增进妇女和其他边缘化民众的权能。DTA旨在帮助各国重建遭受新冠病毒疫情影响的经济，同时推进美国国家安全、外交、商业和发展的优先事项。倡议还将在“全球基础设施和投资伙伴关系”（Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment）下推进投资全球基础设施的投资承诺，包括数字联通。该倡议将通过三个核心支柱实现其目标：支柱1：数字经济和基础设施支柱 2：人力资本开发支柱 3：数字化赋能环境 DTA是一项利用美国政府各种工具和能力的政府整体工作，包括以下部门和机构进行的项目： ### 欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/12/14/fact-sheet-new-initiative-on-digital-transformation-with-africa-dta/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。	At the U.S.-Africa Business Forum on December 14 in Washington, DC, as part of the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit, President Biden announced the launch of a new Digital Transformation with Africa (DTA) initiative. A signature initiative of the Biden-Harris Administration, DTA will expand digital access and literacy and strengthen digital enabling environments across the continent. Working with Congress, this initiative intends to invest over $350 million and facilitate over $450 million in financing for Africa in line with the African Union’s Digital Transformation Strategy and the U.S. Strategy Toward Sub-Saharan Africa. Africa’s digital ecosystem offers massive potential to spur economic recovery, promote opportunity, advance social equality and gender equality, and create jobs. Africa’s digital transformation has opened new markets for U.S. exports and services; deepened partnership among African governments, the U.S. private sector, educational institutions, and the African diaspora; and increased productivity, competitiveness, and e-government service delivery. With new technologies transforming the way Africans live and work, DTA will foster an inclusive and resilient African digital ecosystem, led by African communities and built on an open, interoperable, reliable, and secure internet. This initiative will also seek to empower women and other marginalized people through and within the digital ecosystem. DTA aims to help countries rebuild economies impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic and advance U.S. national security, diplomatic, commercial, and development priorities. It will also advance commitments to invest in global infrastructure, including digital connectivity, under the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment. The initiative will achieve its objectives along three core pillars: Pillar 1: Digital Economy and Infrastructure Pillar 2: Human Capital Development Pillar 3: Digital Enabling Environment As a whole-of-government effort that harnesses the diverse tools and capabilities of the U.S. Government, DTA will include initiatives by the following departments and agencies: ###
跨性别现身日 2021年3月31日美国东部夏令时间上午08:12 安东尼·J·布林肯国务卿在跨性别现身日之际，美国自豪地认可跨性别者和性别表现不一致者，以及他们为平等、安全和有尊严地生活所做的持续斗争。在全世界，跨性别者和性别表现不一致者社群成员为推进人人平等大踏步地向前迈进。他们正越来越多地现身，勇敢地分享他们的故事，为无数只因为做自己而生活在恐惧中的人们带来希望和启发。尽管做出了这些成就，跨性别者和性别表现不一致者仍面对着前所未有的暴力、虐待和歧视。仅仅因为他们的性别认同或表达，就剥夺他们人权的情况屡见不鲜。美国支持赋权跨性别者和性别表现不一致者社群。我们将继续与公民社会、志同道合的政府以及其他人权捍卫者共同努力，打击将男女同性恋、双性恋、跨性别者、酷儿和间性者等(LGBTQI+)群体的地位定为刑事犯罪，保护易受伤害的LGBTQI+难民和寻求庇护者，促进非歧视，并对侵犯LGBTQI+群体的人权的行为作出有意义的回应。LGBTQI +社群在美国有盟友。《世界人权宣言》明确表明：所有人的人权都应得到充分保护。在全世界庆祝跨性别者和性别表现不一致者的贡献时，美国申明，人人都应有尊严地生活。人人都应现身。	On Transgender Day of Visibility 03/31/2021 08:12 AM EDT Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State On the occasion of Transgender Day of Visibility, the United States proudly recognizes transgender and gender non-conforming persons and their continued struggle for a life of equality, security, and dignity. Across the globe, members of the transgender and gender non-conforming community are making significant strides towards advancing equality for all people. They are becoming more visible and bravely sharing their stories, providing hope and inspiration to countless people who live in fear for simply being who they are. Despite these achievements, transgender and gender non-conforming individuals continue to face unprecedented levels of violence, abuse, and discrimination. They are far too often denied their human rights simply because of their gender identity or expression. The United States supports the empowerment of the transgender and gender non-conforming community. We will continue to work with civil society, like-minded governments, and other human rights defenders to combat the criminalization of LGBTQI+ status, protect vulnerable LGBTQI+ refugees and asylum seekers, advance non-discrimination, and provide meaningful responses to human rights abuses of LGBTQI+ persons. The LGBTQI+ community has an ally in the United States. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights is clear: All human beings deserve the full protection of their human rights. In celebrating the contributions of transgender and gender non-conforming persons worldwide, the United States affirms that everyone deserves to live in dignity. Everyone deserves to be visible.
全球四级健康警示—不要出国旅行美国国务院发言人办公室供立即发布媒体声明 2020年3月19日由于COVID-19在全球带来的影响，美国国务院建议美国公民避免所有国际旅行。在民航出境班机仍在运作的国家，住在美国的美国公民应安排立即返美，除非他们已做好在国外无限期滞留的准备。住在国外的美国公民应避免所有国际旅行。许多国家正在经历COVID-19疫情大爆发，正在实施旅行限制和强制隔离，关闭边境，突然告知情况下限制非本国公民入境。航空公司取消了许多国际航班，一些邮轮公司也暂停运营或取消了行程。如果你选择出国旅行，你的旅行计划可能会被严重打乱，你可能会被迫无限期地滞留在美国境外。位于世界各地的美国外交或领事人员与其家属，若判定他们如曝露于COVID-19会有更严重后果的较高风险，或是基于同等理由提出撤离要求的，美国国务院于3月14日授权其撤离。这些人员的撤离可能限制美国使领馆为美国公民提供服务的能力。欲了解关于COVID-19的最新信息，请访问美国疾控中心网站：Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s (CDC) 我们鼓励您访问travel.state.gov，参阅个别最紧急的治安和安全旅行警示。也请您访问相关美国使领馆的网站，参阅入境限制、外国人入境隔离政策，以及由当地政府提供的紧急健康信息。我们敦促旅客加入“智能旅行者计划”Smart Traveler Enrollment Program (STEP)，获取警示，并在发生紧急情况时让我们更容易找到你。美国国务院通过这些警示传达关于恐怖攻击威胁的信息、安全事件、原定的示威游行、自然灾害等信息。紧急事件发生时，请联系最近的美国使馆或领馆，或拨打以下电话：1(888) 407-4747 (在美国或加拿大免费) 或 1 (202) 501-4444 （从其他国家或区域免费）。如果你决定要出国或你已经在国外：访问“保持职场、家里、学校或商业设施安全“网站：Keeping workplaces, homes, schools, or commercial establishments safe.	Global Level 4 Health Advisory – Do Not Travel U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE Office of the Spokesperson For Immediate Release MEDIA NOTE March 19, 2020 The Department of State advises U.S. citizens to avoid all international travel due to the global impact of COVID-19. In countries where commercial departure options remain available, U.S. citizens who live in the United States should arrange for immediate return to the United States, unless they are prepared to remain abroad for an indefinite period. U.S. citizens who live abroad should avoid all international travel. Many countries are experiencing COVID-19 outbreaks and implementing travel restrictions and mandatory quarantines, closing borders, and prohibiting non-citizens from entry with little advance notice. Airlines have cancelled many international flights and several cruise operators have suspended operations or cancelled trips. If you choose to travel internationally, your travel plans may be severely disrupted, and you may be forced to remain outside of the United States for an indefinite timeframe. On March 14, the Department of State authorized the departure of U.S. personnel and family members from any diplomatic or consular post in the world who have determined they are at higher risk of a poor outcome if exposed to COVID-19 or who have requested departure based on a commensurate justification. These departures may limit the ability of U.S. Embassies and consulates to provide services to U.S. citizens. For the latest information regarding COVID-19, please visit the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s (CDC) website. You are encouraged to visit travel.state.gov to view individual Travel Advisories for the most urgent threats to safety and security. Please also visit the website of the relevant U.S. embassy or consulate to see information on entry restrictions, foreign quarantine policies, and urgent health information provided by local governments. Travelers are urged to enroll in the Smart Traveler Enrollment Program (STEP) to receive Alerts and make it easier to locate you in an emergency. The Department uses these Alerts to convey information about terrorist threats, security incidents, planned demonstrations, natural disasters, etc. In an emergency, please contact the nearest U.S. Embassy or Consulate or call the following numbers: 1(888) 407-4747 (toll-free in the United States and Canada) or 1 (202) 501-4444 from other countries or jurisdictions. If you decide to travel abroad or are already outside the United States: Visit Keeping workplaces, homes, schools, or commercial establishments safe.
美国国务院发言人办公室华盛顿特区 2020年9月2日国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥（MICHAEL R. POMPEO）声明多年来，中华人民共和国对在该国工作的美国外交人员设置了严重障碍，远远超出外交常规。中华人民共和国当局实行一套不透明的批准程序制度，旨在不让美国外交人员开展正常业务和与中国人民建立联系。美国外交人员在主办文化活动、安排官方会晤以及访问大学校园方面经常受阻。与此相反，在美国，中华人民共和国的外交人员享有开放的接触美国社会的渠道，但却不理睬美国不断提出的使做法更加平衡的要求。鉴于中华人民共和国长期以来对美国外交人员实行的限制，并且拒绝针对有关对等和相互尊重的一些根本事宜进行有诚意的努力，国务院必须对中华人民共和国的外交人员实行某些新规定。国务院现在将要求在美国的中华人民共和国高级外交人员在访问美国大学校园和与地方政府官员会晤前获得批准。中华人民共和国大使馆和领事馆在使领馆范围以外主办50人以上的文化活动也必须得到国务院批准。鉴于美国大使馆不被允许畅通无阻地进入中华人民共和国社交媒体，而且中华人民共和国公民不准使用推特（Twitter）和脸书（Facebook）以及其他社交媒体平台，国务院还将采取行动，促使将中华人民共和国使领馆的所有官方社交媒体账户被恰如其分地标明是中华人民共和国政府账户。美国坚持要求在全球各地的美国外交人员享有接触教育和文化机构的对等机会。这些针对中华人民共和国外交人员的新规定，是基于中华人民共和国对我国外交人员已实行的过度限制作出的直接回应，并旨在使中华人民共和国政府的做法更加透明。如果中华人民共和国取消对美国外交人员实行的限制，我们随时准备作出相应回响。	09/02/2020 10:21 AM EDT Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State For years, the PRC has imposed significant barriers on American diplomats working in the PRC that are far beyond diplomatic norms. PRC authorities implement a system of opaque approval processes designed to prevent American diplomats from conducting regular business and connecting with the Chinese people. U.S. diplomats’ attempts to host cultural events, secure official meetings, and visit university campuses are regularly obstructed. In the United States, by contrast, PRC diplomats have enjoyed open access to American society, while ignoring sustained U.S. entreaties to improve the balance. In response to the PRC’s longstanding restrictions on U.S. diplomats and refusal to engage in good faith on fundamental matters of reciprocity and mutual respect, the Department of State is compelled to impose certain new requirements on PRC diplomats. The Department of State will now require senior PRC diplomats in the United States to receive approval to visit U.S. university campuses and to meet with local government officials. Cultural events with an audience larger than 50 people hosted by the PRC embassy and consular posts outside of mission properties will also require Department of State approval. The Department of State will also take action to help ensure that all official PRC embassy and consular social media accounts are properly identified as PRC government accounts, since the U.S. Embassy is denied unfettered access to PRC social media and PRC citizens are blocked from using Twitter and Facebook, amongst other social media platforms. The United States insists on reciprocal access to educational and cultural institutions for U.S. diplomats around the world. These new requirements on PRC diplomats are a direct response to the excessive restraints already placed on our diplomats by the PRC, and they aim to provide further transparency on the practices of the PRC government. Should the PRC eliminate the restrictions imposed on U.S. diplomats, we stand ready to reciprocate.
U.S. Department of State Seal 发言人办公室 2019年11月4日，来自美国、澳大利亚、印度和日本的高级官员在曼谷会晤，为共同努力推进自由、开放和包容的印太地区进行了磋商。四个国家重申了他们支持在该地区以规则为基础的秩序，以促进稳定、增长和经济繁荣。在9月26日四方部长级会议上，官员们继续进行了富有成果的讨论，推进在反恐、网络、发展融资、海事安全、人道主义援助和救灾方面的务实合作。他们探索了基于国际标准（如二十国集团高质量基础设施投资原则）以加强高质量基础设施协调的方法，并讨论了以现有的区域框架加强伙伴关系。官员们重申了他们的国家对东盟的中心地位、东盟领导的区域架构以及东盟采纳“东盟印太愿景” 的强有力支持。他们还探索了在湄公河次区域和整个印太地区一起工作的方式。官员们赞扬了泰国担任2019年东盟主席国，并期待着越南担任2020年主席国。这四个国家强调了他们继续定期磋商的意愿，包括部长级别的磋商，并同意在2020年春季举行下一次高级官员会议。	Office of the Spokesperson Senior officials from the United States, Australia, India, and Japan met in Bangkok on November 4, 2019, for consultations on collective efforts to advance a free, open, and inclusive Indo-Pacific. The four nations reaffirmed their support for a rules-based order in the region that promotes stability, growth, and economic prosperity. The officials continued productive discussions held at the September 26 Quad Ministerial, advancing practical collaboration on counter-terrorism, cyber, development finance, maritime security, humanitarian assistance, and disaster response. They explored ways to enhance coordination on quality infrastructure based upon international standards such as the G20 Principles for Quality Infrastructure Investment, and discussed strengthening partnerships with existing regional frameworks. The officials reaffirmed their countries’ strong support for ASEAN centrality, ASEAN-led regional architecture, and ASEAN’s adoption of its Indo-Pacific Outlook. They also explored ways to work together in the Mekong sub-region and across the Indo-Pacific. The officials commended Thailand’s chairmanship of ASEAN in 2019 and looked forward to Vietnam’s chairmanship in 2020. The four countries underscored their intent to continue regular consultations, including at the Ministerial level, and agreed to hold the next senior officials’ meeting in spring 2020.
Remarks Michael R. Pompeo 美国国务院发言人办公室华盛顿特区（Washington, D.C.）国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥（Michael R. Pompeo）讲话（摘要）欧弗兰德帕克希尔顿酒店（Sheraton Overland Park Hotel）堪萨斯州欧弗兰德帕克（Overland Park, Kansas） 2019年3月18日我知道今天这里在座的有荷兰代表团，是由贸易大臣西格里德·卡格（Sigrid Kaag）率领。…… [美国]骄傲地与荷兰一道于6月4日和5日在海牙（The Hague）共同主持全球创业峰会（Global Entrepreneurship Summit）。 * * * * 首先，总统的外交政策。人们不常把创业与外交政策放在一起，但是我要说，作为小工商业者让我学到的一点是，如果你按照过去的方式行事，你会失败。你必须对旧有的做事方式作重新思考。特朗普总统（President Trump）无疑就是这样做的。 * * * * 北韩是一个好例子。我们上任时，导弹在飞，核试验在进行。过去二十年来采用的每一种方式都失败了。前几届政府尝试了许多方式。我们决定另辟蹊径：我们协调了一项全球努力，一个全球经济制裁声势，让该政权要面对更大代价，但与此同时，伸出外交之手，谋求与北韩取得和平进展。我们尚未完成。还有艰巨的工作。总统和我数周前在河内（Hanoi）旨在进一步发展新加坡峰会的成果，但是我们已经让朝鲜半岛（Korean Peninsula）出现有了前所未有的局面。我们目前既在实施历史上最严厉的制裁，也在展开历史上最富希望的外交声势。我们希望这种双管齐下将会使东南亚地区和整个世界变得更加平安，更加安全。我作为实业家学到的另一点是，打造强大合作关系的重要性。 * * * * 我每天在外交领域看到这点。美国不可能独自进行在世界各地所需要的一切。我们必须把多方伙伴汇聚到一个使命，让各方都有能力带来结果。 * * * * ……从伊朗到北韩，从我们为加强北约（NATO）所作的努力，到我们为对应中国对世界的威胁而正在印度-太平洋（Indo-Pacific）建立的联盟，特朗普政府正在认真打造合作关系，就像你们所有人在商务生活中每天所做的一样。我们把能力赋予那些伙伴，让它们能够自己为其人民带来成果，并且有为整个世界带来成果的一系列共同目标。 * * * * ……我通过全球旅行和观察各种体制看到，[自由创业体制]是唯一一个能够让从宿舍动手的生意最终颠覆几十亿美元行业的体制，能够让敢冒风险的人——只要勤奋努力和设想精明，得以脱颖而出的体制。各行各业的人都会运用自己的才能，勤奋努力，取得成功。值得用它与我在其他地方看到的情况做一比较——那些没有这种模式的国家，用它与社会主义做一比较，社会主义让政府官僚控制经济，在每一个尝试它的地方都一败涂地。 * * * *	U.S. Department of State Office of the Spokesperson Washington, D.C. Excerpts of Remarks Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State Sheraton Overland Park Hotel Overland Park, Kansas March 18, 2019 I know we have a delegation here from the Netherlands in the audience with us. It’s led by Trade Minister Sigrid Kaag. …. [The United States is] proud to cohost, along with the Netherlands, the Global Entrepreneurship Summit alongside you in The Hague on June 4th and 5th. * * * * First, the President’s foreign policy. You don’t put entrepreneurship and foreign policy in the same buckets all the time, but I must say one of the things I learned as a small businessman is if you do the things the way they were done before, you’ll fail. You have to rethink the old ways of doing things. And President Trump has certainly done that. * * * * A good example is North Korea. We came into the administration with missiles being fired and nuclear tests being conducted. Every approach taken over the past two decades had failed. Previous administrations had tried many approaches. We decided we would do something different: We coordinated a global effort, a global economic sanctions campaign to raise the stakes for the regime to impose cost on them, but to do so at the same time by extending a diplomatic hand in pursuit of peaceful progress with North Korea. We’re not done. Hard work remains. The President and I were in Hanoi now a couple weeks back to build on what had happened in the Singapore summit, but we’ve brought about a situation that has never occurred with respect to the Korean Peninsula. We currently have both the toughest sanctions in history as well as the most promising diplomatic campaign in history too. We hope this combination will lead to a safer, more secure region in Southeast Asia and around the world. Another lesson I learned as an entrepreneur was the importance of forging strong partnerships. * * * * I see this every day in diplomacy. America cannot do what it needs to do around the world alone. We have to bring together multiple partners under a single mission, and empower each of those partners to deliver those results. * * * * …. From Iran to North Korea, from the work that we’ve done to strengthen NATO, the coalition we’re building out in the Indo-Pacific to counter the threat that China presents to the world, the Trump administration is working diligently to build the partnerships that you all do each and every day in your business life. We’re empowering those partners to deliver on their own for their people and to have a shared set of – a set of shared objectives that deliver for the entire world. * * * * … [A]s I travel the world and see all the others, [the free enterprise system] is the only system where a business started in a dorm room can disrupt a billion-dollar industry, and where risk-takers can rise from the crowd if they’ll work hard and have a good idea. People from all walks of life will use their talent and work hard and be successful. It’s worthy of comparing what I see elsewhere – countries that don’t have that model – comparing it to socialism, which puts government bureaucrats in control of the economy, and which failed spectacularly every single place it has been tried. * * * *
美国-非洲伙伴关系愿景声明白宫华盛顿特区 2022年12月15日在美国–非洲领导人峰会（U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit）于华盛顿特区召开之际，美国和非洲联盟（African Union）在约瑟夫·拜登（Joseph R. Biden, Jr.）总统以及塞内加尔总统兼非洲联盟主席马基·萨勒（Macky Sall）和非洲联盟委员会（African Union Commission）主席穆萨·法基·马哈马特（Moussa Faki Mahamat）的领导下，重申我们致力于巩固长期合作领域并扩大我们的伙伴关系，以更好地应对我们这个不断变化的时代的共同挑战和机遇。美国和非洲国家认识到我们的世界正在迅速变化，而且本次峰会体现出我们的关系如何随之演变。我们将深化合作以解决全球性问题，并制定技术、空间、网络安全、贸易、环境保护和经济方面的行路规则。我们的伙伴关系基于这样一种信念，即非洲各国政府和人民将帮助界定国际秩序的未来，以应对我们的世界的最迫切的挑战。美国将尽己之力，支持并努力实现非洲在国际机构中更大的——而且早就应该拥有的——代表性，包括那些影响全球治理的机构在内。美国宣布了一项改革联合国安理会（United Nations Security Council）的计划，包括支持非洲、拉美和加勒比地区国家获得常任理事国席位，并表示支持非盟作为正式成员加入20国集团（G20）。我们将继续以我们共同的价值观为引领，其中包括对《联合国宪章》（United Nations Charter）的承诺以及捍卫所有国家的主权和领土完整。在此次峰会上，我们宣布了新的投资和行动计划，使美国及非洲的机构和公民能够应对日益城市化和互联互通的世界中出现的新机遇和挑战。我们得到更新及扩展的伙伴关系对于应对粮食安全和气候危机、加强卫生系统并防范下一次疫情、建设强大及包容的全球经济、支持良治和尊重人权以及促进和平与安全至关重要。我们致力于应对当前的粮食安全危机以及加强有复原力和可持续性的粮食系统。认识到乌克兰战争加剧了当今迫切的粮食安全需求，我们计划继续展开伙伴合作，为弱势社区提供人道主义援助。但仅仅应对紧急情况是不够的；我们宣布了一项新的战略伙伴关系，旨在深化我们的合作，以提高粮食生产能力，实现多样化并加强粮食供应链的复原力。我们认识到，世界上许多最易于受到气候变化影响的国家都在非洲。在第27届联合国气候变化大会（COP27）所取得的进展的基础上，我们共同强调减少温室气体排放以及寻求公正的能源转型的紧迫性和重要性，同时合作建设对气候危害的抗御力。我们致力于支持气候适应力和复原力的工作，并将努力促进我们各自政府、其他国际伙伴、教育和研究机构以及私营部门之间加强合作以从事这项工作。我们重申我们对预防、检测及应对传染病威胁的共同承诺。作为这项工作的一部分，我们将扩大提供支持，以加强该地区的卫生人力资源、地区生产能力及卫生基础设施。我们深化了美国和非洲疾控中心（Africa CDC）之间的伙伴关系，以实现我们共同的全球卫生目标。我们决心加强合作，以促进包容性增长和可持续发展。我们将汇集商界和政府领导人，以推动双向贸易，并加快对优质基础设施的投资。除了加强扶持环境外，我们还将利用我们的机构和项目来实现这一共同愿望。这将包括扩大美国与非洲国家之间的接触与合作，以支持实现《建立非洲大陆自由贸易区协定》（Agreement Establishing the African Continental Free Trade Area）的目标。我们正在加强合作，以解决不安全、犯罪和恐怖主义问题。我们申明，以地方为主导的方式对于促进我们在一个和平与安全的非洲的共同利益至关重要。我们知道，经济不平等、政治边缘化及滥用权力都是导致冲突的因素。我们将采取更全面的方针来解决不安全问题，并促进透明度、问责制以及对人权的尊重。我们将加强对民主、法治和人权的承诺。重要的是，我们将着重于在正在过渡转型的国家恢复文职政府，并展示民主造福于整个地区。与所有合作伙伴一样，我们有时会意见不一致。但我们不会让这些差异来分裂或界定这种伙伴关系，而是会将存在分歧的领域纳入议程，并欢迎以尊重的态度展开辩论，以此作为我们的关系的实力和成熟度的标志。通过我们的伙伴关系，我们将借助非洲和美国人民的活力来促进大西洋两岸的繁荣。我们生机勃勃的商业、公民社会和人与人之间的联系是力量的源泉，我们将比以往更有目的性地予以发挥利用。我们将优先考虑与非洲侨民的接触，他们的声音在美国和世界各地都很重要。要实现我们的共同愿望，还有更多的工作要做。我们认识到履行本次峰会所讨论的各项承诺的重要意义，计划加速高层来往，并让高级别外交官员全力以赴地落实我们对21世纪伙伴关系的共同愿景。非洲和美国的未来取决于我们能够共同完成的工作。我们将加倍努力，确保我们的伙伴关系为我们的人民及全世界取得成果。 ### 欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/12/15/vision-statement-for-the-u-s-africa-partnership/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。	Vision Statement for the U.S.-Africa Partnership The White House Washington, D.C. December 15, 2022 On the occasion of the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit in Washington, D.C., the United States and the African Union, under the leadership of President Joseph R. Biden, Jr., President of Senegal and Chair of the African Union Macky Sall, and African Union Commission Chair Moussa Faki Mahamat, affirm our commitment to reinforce longstanding areas of cooperation and expand our partnership to better meet the shared challenges – and opportunities – of our dynamic era. The United States and African nations recognize that our world is quickly changing, and this Summit reflected how our relationship is evolving with it. We will deepen our collaboration to solve global problems and shape the rules of the road for technology, space, cybersecurity, trade, environmental protection, and economics. Our partnership is based on a conviction that Africa’s governments and peoples will help define the future of the international order to address our world’s most pressing challenges. The United States, for its part, will support and work to realize greater – and long overdue – African representation in international institutions, including those that shape global governance. The United States has announced a plan to reform the United Nations Security Council, including support for permanent seats for countries in Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean, and voiced support for the African Union to join the G20 as a permanent member. We will continue to lead with our shared values, including a commitment to the United Nations Charter and to defending the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states. At the Summit, we announced new investments and initiatives that will equip American and African institutions and citizens to respond to emerging opportunities and challenges in an increasingly urban and connected world. Our renewed and expanded partnership is critical to tackling the food security and climate crises, strengthening health systems and preparing for the next pandemic, building a strong and inclusive global economy, supporting good governance and respect for human rights, and advancing peace and security. We are dedicated to responding to the current food security crisis and bolstering resilient and sustainable food systems. Recognizing today’s acute food security needs, which have been heightened by the war in Ukraine, we plan to continue to partner to supply humanitarian assistance to vulnerable communities. But responding to emergencies is not enough; we announced a new strategic partnership that seeks to deepen our collaboration to increase food production capacity and diversify and strengthen the resilience of food supply chains. We recognize that many of the world’s countries that are most vulnerable to the impacts of climate change are in Africa. Building on the progress made at COP27, we jointly stress the urgency and importance of reducing greenhouse gas emissions and pursuing a just energy transition, while partnering to build resilience to climate hazards. We are committed to supporting climate adaptation and resilience efforts and will work to facilitate enhanced collaboration among our respective governments, other international partners, education and research institutions, and private sectors to do so. We reaffirm our shared commitment to prevent, detect, and respond to infectious disease threats. As part of this effort, we will expand our support to strengthen the region’s health workforce, regional manufacturing capacity, and health infrastructure. We have deepened the partnership between the United States and Africa CDC to achieve our shared global health goals. We are resolved to enhance our collaboration to promote inclusive growth and sustainable development. We will bring together business and government leaders to advance two-way trade and accelerate investment in quality infrastructure. We will leverage our institutions and programs, in addition to strengthening enabling environments, to realize this shared aspiration. This will include expanded engagement and cooperation between the United States and African countries to support the aims of the Agreement Establishing the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). We are increasing our cooperation to tackle insecurity, criminality, and terrorism. We affirm that locally led approaches are essential to advancing our mutual interest in a peaceful and secure Africa. We understand that economic inequality, political marginalization, and abuse of power are drivers of conflict. We will adopt a more holistic approach to address insecurity, and promote transparency, accountability, and respect for human rights. We will reinforce our commitment to democracy, the rule of law, and human rights. Importantly, we will focus on restoring civilian rule in countries currently in transition and demonstrate that democracy delivers across the region. Like all partners, we will sometimes disagree. Rather than allow these differences to divide or define the partnership, we will include areas of divergence on the agenda and welcome respectful debate as a sign of the strength and maturity of our relationships. Through our partnership, we will harness the dynamism of the African and American peoples to enhance prosperity on both sides of the Atlantic. Our vibrant business, civil society, and people-to-people ties are sources of strength that we will leverage with greater purpose than before. We will prioritize engagement with members of the African Diaspora, whose voices are critical in the United States and around the world. More work remains to realize our shared aspirations. Recognizing the importance of implementing the commitments discussed at the Summit, we intend to accelerate high-level exchanges and dedicate senior diplomats to carry out our joint vision for a 21st century partnership. The future of Africa and the United States depends on what we can achieve together. We will redouble our efforts to ensure our partnership delivers results for our peoples and the world. ###
妇女地位即民主地位：在第二届民主峰会上提升妇女的政治和公民参与度及领导力白宫华盛顿特区 2023年3月28日正如哈里斯副总统所说：“妇女的地位即民主的地位。”妇女和女童拥有安全、自由和平等地参与政治生活和参与社会的能力是民主的一个重要特征，但这一来之不易的进展却愈发脆弱。凡是在妇女和女童受到威胁的地方，民主、和平和稳定也会受到威胁——从伊朗到乌克兰再到阿富汗莫不如此：伊朗妇女面对压迫勇敢地要求尊重她们的人权和基本自由，而在乌克兰我们再次看到强奸被当作俄罗斯残酷和无理战争的武器使用，阿富汗的妇女和女童则被塔利班禁止上学和充分参与社会。面对前所未有的全球挑战，我们必须发挥妇女和女童的全部潜力、参与作用和领导能力。在主办第二届民主峰会（Summit for Democracy）期间，拜登-哈里斯政府将致力于提升妇女的政治和公民参与以及领导力，确保她们在制定决策的每一张桌前都占有一席之地。研究表明，妇女地位和国家稳定密不可分，那些助长性别歧视并让压迫性性别规则甚嚣尘上的社会更有可能出现不稳定。今天，在第二届民主峰会上，拜登-哈里斯政府要重点强调在其间的行动年中所采取的主要行动以及取得的进展。根据“民主复兴总统倡议”加快提升妇女和女童的公民和政治领导力。在第一届峰会上，拜登总统提出了总统民主复兴倡议（Presidential Initiative for Democratic Renewal），这是一整套具有里程碑意义的政策和对外援助举措，旨在增强政府在全球范围内进行的支持民主和捍卫人权的工作。今天，我们将在这些努力基础上，通过以下方式继续推进这一工作：推进妇女参与维和与安全工作。妇女作为维和人员、领导人以及国防和安全部门的成员，参与和平与安全进程，对全球安全、稳定和民主至关重要。为了推动妇女切实参与这些工作，拜登-哈里斯政府采取了以下行动：针对基于性别的网上骚扰和欺凌行径的全球行动伙伴关系（简称全球伙伴关系）。全球伙伴关系是第一届民主峰会在第66届联合国妇女地位委员会（United Nations Commission on the Status of Women）上发起的一项承诺，目前有12个政府参与，汇集了国际组织、公民社会和私营部门，以优先应对、了解、预防和解决日益严重的技术所助长的基于性别的暴力祸患，这种暴力对女性以及LGBTQI+政治和公众人物、领导人、新闻记者和活动人士的影响尤为严重。今天，随着全球伙伴关系2023年路线图（2023 Roadmap）的发布，拜登-哈里斯政府将宣布关键的行动和投资，其中包括美国国际发展署和国务院各部门的1300万美元定向资金，以防止和应对技术所助长的基于性别的暴力，并抵御其对女性领导者和民主参与的寒蝉效应。主要行动包括以下几项： o转变数字空间行动计划（简称转变计划）。美国国际发展署正在启动转变计划，计划在三年内投资高达600万美元，以防止和解决技术所助长的基于性别的暴力行径，尤其是在政治和公共生活中对女性实施的暴力行径。转变计划在三个国家开展的试点项目将整合由女性领导的公民社会组织的专长，这些组织致力于解决基于性别的暴力、女性的政治和公民参与以及数字民主问题。转变计划将综合并分享从这些试点中汲取的实用的、比较性的知识，为解决这一问题的全球性努力提供信息。 o促进信息完整性和韧性行动计划（简称ProInfo）。本周，美国国际发展署将宣布促进信息完整性和韧性行动计划，该计划将以民主峰会信息完整性小组（Information Integrity Cohort）的工作为基础，并扩大美国国际发展署和美国国务院的努力，以在全球范围内加强信息完整性和韧性，努力解决不成比例地更多针对女性和 LGBTQI+ 领导人、活动人士和公众人物的问题。 o开展能力建设，以在全球范围内预防及应对技术所助长的基于性别的暴力，包括为幸存者提供服务。国务院将与国会合作，并视资金情况，继续投资超过700万美元的项目，侧重于记录、减轻、预防和应对技术所助长的基于性别的暴力，并整合解决网上骚扰和欺凌问题的方案，包括通过以下方式支持女性在政治和媒体中担任面向公众的角色：为认知、预防和数字安全研讨班提供小额赠款；让幸存者获得法律和社会心理服务；以及鼓励公民社会组织之间开展合作的计划，侧重于应对基于性别的暴力行径和数字权利，以支持促进体制变革的联盟。 o深化性别化虚假信息的证据基础。今天，国务院全球参与中心（Global Engagement Center）发布了一份关于性别化虚假信息的联合研究报告的公开执行摘要（Executive Summary）。这项开创性的全球研究与加拿大、欧洲对外行动署（European External Action Service）、德国、斯洛伐克和英国一起进行，发现国家和非国家行为者使用性别化虚假信息来压制女性、阻止在线政治言论以及左右对性别和女性在民主制度中的作用的看法，报告还强调需要进行更多的研究来消除这一祸患。 o通过人口与健康调查衡量技术所助长的基于性别的暴力行径（简称DHS）。2023年，美国国际发展署将在两个互联网普及率高的国家试行DHS家庭暴力部分的问卷，以衡量技术所助长的基于性别的暴力行径。 o制定行动蓝图，以防止和应对技术所助长的基于性别的暴力行径。为了在美国消除这一祸患，拜登总统成立了一个工作组，其任务是在蓝图中确定具体行动，以防止网上骚扰和欺凌，为幸存者提供支持，加强问责，并扩大研究。上个月，白宫发布了最初的工作组蓝图的执行摘要，其中包括各联邦机构的一系列新的及扩大的承诺，以通过四方面的努力解决技术所助长的基于性别的暴力：预防、支持幸存者、问责和研究。 o将性别视角纳入国家网络安全战略（National Cybersecurity Strategy）。本月早些时候，本届政府发布了国家网络安全战略，该战略将性别视角纳入关键的重点要务，以确保网络空间和我们的数字生态系统的安全，其中包括必须增加女性和LGBTQI+群体参与网络安全工作队伍；认识到技术如何被不当地用于大肆进行网上骚扰、剥削和欺凌；优先发展全球伙伴关系和自由在线联盟（Freedom Online Coalition）等合作伙伴关系，以促进共同的网络安全利益。 o在美国在全球预防和应对基于性别的暴力的战略中重点应对技术所助长的基于性别的暴力行径。2022年12月，本届政府发布了经过更新的美国在全球预防和应对基于性别的暴力的战略（U.S. Strategy to Prevent and Respond to Gender-Based Violence Globally），该战略加强了美国预防和应对这一全球祸患的承诺，其中包括预防和应对技术所助长的基于性别的暴力行径的具体目标。欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2023/03/28/the-status-of-women-is-the-status-of-democracy-advancing-womens-political-and-civic-participation-and-leadership-at-the-second-summit-for-democracy/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。	The Status of Women is the Status of Democracy: Advancing Women’s Political and Civic Participation and Leadership at the Second Summit for Democracy MARCH 28, 2023 As Vice President Harris has said, “the status of women is the status of democracy.” The ability of women and girls to participate safely, freely, and equally in political life and in society is a defining feature of democracy, but this hard-won progress is increasingly fragile. Wherever women and girls are under threat, so, too, is democracy, peace, and stability—from Iran, where women are courageously demanding respect for their human rights and fundamental freedoms in the face of oppression; to Ukraine, where we are once more seeing rape used as a weapon in Russia’s brutal and unjust war; to Afghanistan, where the Taliban bars women and girls from attending school and fully participating in society. As we face unprecedented global challenges, we must harness the full potential, participation, and leadership of women and girls. In hosting the second Summit for Democracy, the Biden-Harris Administration is committed to advancing women’s political and civic participation and leadership and ensuring that they are at every table where decisions are being made. Research shows that the status of women and the stability of nations are inextricably linked, and that societies that foster gender discrimination and allow oppressive gender norms to flourish are more likely to be unstable. Today, at the second Summit for Democracy, the Biden-Harris Administration is highlighting key actions and progress made during the intervening Year of Action. Accelerating Women’s and Girls’ Civic and Political Leadership under the Presidential Initiative for Democratic Renewal. At the first Summit, President Biden established the Presidential Initiative for Democratic Renewal, a landmark set of policy and foreign assistance initiatives that increase the Administration’s ongoing work to bolster democracy and defend human rights globally. Today, we are building on those efforts by: Advancing Women’s Involvement in Peace and Security Efforts. Women’s participation in peace and security processes—as peacekeepers, leaders, and members of the defense and security sector—is essential to global security, stability and democracy. To advance women’s meaningful participation, the Biden-Harris Administration has taken the following actions: TheGlobal Partnership for Action on Gender-Based Online Harassment and Abuse (Global Partnership). A commitment from the first Summit for Democracy and launched at the 66th United Nations Commission on the Status of Women, the Global Partnership, which currently has 12 participating governments, brings together international organizations, civil society, and the private sector to prioritize, understand, prevent, and address the growing scourge of technology-facilitated gender-based violence, which disproportionately impacts women and LGBTQI+ political and public figures, leaders, journalists and activists. Today, alongside the release of the Global Partnership’s 2023 Roadmap, the Biden-Harris Administration is announcing key actions and investments to prevent and respond to technology-facilitated gender-based violence and counter its chilling effects on women leaders and democratic participation, including more than $13 million in targeted funding across USAID and the Department of State. Key actions include:
白宫华盛顿特区 2022年7月14日以色列耶路撒冷耶路撒冷华尔道夫酒店（Waldorf Astoria Jerusalem） [摘译] 以色列夏令时间下午1时35分 * * * * 拜登总统：拉皮德（Lapid）总理，非常感谢你首次在领导人层级召集这个集团开会。莫迪（Modi）总理、本·扎耶德（bin Zayed）总统，感谢你们正在从事的工作，加深中东地区和印太地区的关键合作伙伴之间的联系和协调合作，以便为我们的全体人民实现重要的——非常重要的项目。简单明了的事实是：我们在这个世界、在我们的世界、在21世纪所面临的挑战要求我们必须寻找新的方式共同努力，不论是日益加速的气候危机——应对日益加速的气候危机，在中东地区每天都能感受到这一危机；还是日益加剧的粮食不安全和波动的能源市场，俄罗斯对其邻国乌克兰发动的残酷、无端的攻击已使其进一步恶化；亦或是，正如我们所有人在过去两年来都亲身经历过的，应对一场全球性流行病疫情的卫生安全需求以及经济后果。所有这些问题——所有这些问题都需要合作和协调。我们任何人——我们任何人都无法自行发起一场全面的应对行动。我们合作得越多，就越将看到惠益成倍增加并增长，以增进我们对和平、稳定和日益繁荣的共同承诺。它们全都相辅相成。当我们的各位外长于去年10月首次以这种形式集会时，我认为我们都立即认识到推动一项共同议程的潜力。这在于显示出利用这些值得信赖的伙伴关系来建设以色列的正常化及经济一体化，以抗击共同挑战的实际影响的重要意义。我们各国代表着地球上一些最有创新力、技术能力和创业精神的人民。每走一步——每走一步，我们都应当问一问，“我们同心协力能够实现什么？” 我们首先共同进行的两项任务事关粮食安全和清洁能源，旨在应对影响到全球人民的两个最迫切的危机：粮食不安全。阿联酋为在印度各地建设综合农业园区的投资得到了美国和以色列私营部门专家的支持，有潜力在短短五年期间以可持续方式将印度在该地区的粮食产量提高三倍。印度是全世界一个主要的、主要的粮食生产国。想一想这将给印度的农民以及该地区遭受饥荒和营养不良的民众带来的有惠益的影响。同样地，美国已经出资进行了一项可行的——可行性研究，以便在印度展开一个混合型可再生能源项目，开发300兆瓦的风能和太阳能以及蓄电池容量。有了我们四国、我们四国共同努力以结合我们的专长并推动私营部门的投资，将能帮助印度达到其气候和能源目标，即非化石燃料能力到2030年达到500兆瓦[千兆瓦]。我们的挑战——我们共同的挑战是取得切实的成效，让人们都能在日常生活中感受得到。我们能够实现重大改变的另外一个关键领域是基础设施。全世界都对基础设施——以正确方式建成的基础设施——存在着巨大需求，即采取透明的方式，并同其服务的社区结成伙伴。目前存在着一个真空。因此，在今后几年，这个集团将努力确定我们能够共同投资并开发的新的基础设施工程。共同努力。这次会议仅仅是第一步，是展示我们四国间合作的这种新形式的价值的一个机会。在我们拓展I2U2的范围并为每个人而共同努力的过程中，我期待着在领导人层级保持密切联系和接触。如果我们齐心协力，就能取得重大成果。因此，我想感谢你们大家举行这次——同意以这种方式推进。我认为我们能做成一些了不起的事情。谢谢你们。 * * * * 以色列夏令时间下午1时55分欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2022/07/14/remarks-by-president-biden-prime-minister-lapid-president-bin-zayed-al-nahyan-and-prime-minister-modi-at-i2u2-virtual-event/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。	Remarks by President Biden, Prime Minister Lapid, President bin Zayed Al Nahyan, and Prime Minister Modi at I2U2 Virtual Event JULY 14, 2022•SPEECHES AND REMARKS Waldorf Astoria Jerusalem Jerusalem, Israel 1:35 P.M. IDT MODERATOR: (In progress) — welcome the President of the United States of America, the Honorable Joseph R. Biden, Jr, and joining us virtually: the Honorable President of the United Arab Emirates, His Royal Highness Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan; the Prime Minister of the Republic of India, His Excellency Narendra Modi. We will begin today’s ITU2 Summit with opening statements from each of the distinguished leaders followed by closed dialogue. It is my honor to invite the Honorable President of the United Arab Emirates, His Royal Highness Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan to deliver his opening statement. PRIME MINISTER LAPID: We can’t hear him. MODERATOR: We seem to be having a technical difficulty. Please bear with us. PRESIDENT BIN ZAYED AL NAHYAN: (As interpreted.) Your Excellency, Prime Minister of the State of Israel; (inaudible) the United States of America; Your Excellency, Prime Minister of the Republic of India: Greetings to you all. Let me begin by thanking the State of Israel for hosting this first I2U2 Leaders’ Summit. I also thank the leadership of the United States and India for their participation in the summit and their continued support for the success of the group’s work (inaudible). This summit is a clear evidence of the great opportunity for cooperation between countries and economies with shared value and goals centered around peace, tolerance, and prosperity. Our countries do not share geographical border, yet they converge (inaudible) for peace, and their joint action to achieve wellbeing and prosperity. We, in the UAE, believe that equality offer the best way to achieve peace, security, and progress, especially when governments and people have the will and courage to build partnership and face challenges. We also believe that only partnership can overcome today’s conflicts and overlapping challenges, the most important of which are food and energy security, climate change, and healthcare. This is important in the first project of our (inaudible) team, which have focused on food, climate-smart agriculture, solar and wind energy, and energy storage. As I extend my appreciation to the leaders of the group and the (inaudible) team of the four countries for what has been achieved, I would like to emphasize the importance of giving priority during the coming period to research and development, healthcare and space. I also call for building on the strength that each of our countries (inaudible) and lead (inaudible). Dear leader, I look forward today to a fruitful summit and, subsequently, to work with you within the I2U2 group at the bilateral level and within other international platform, the most important of which are the G20 Summit and the Conference of the Party that the UAE will host at its 28th session next year. I also hope that our whole team will be a model for those who desire peace and prosperity, and will provide evidence for the great opportunity (inaudible) and squandered by blind extremism at the expense of people eager to live a good life. Thank you. MODERATOR: Thank you, President. It is my honor to invite the Prime Minister of the State of Israel, His Excellency Yair Lapid, to deliver his opening statement. PRIME MINISTER LAPID: Thank you, the Honorable President of the United States, Joe Biden; the Honorable President of the United Arab Emirates, His Royal Highness Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan; the Honorable Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi. Friends, this group was born several months ago during a dinner at the home of the UAE ambassador in Washington, D.C. We sat around the table and spoke about how, after we get control over the pandemic, anyone trying to go back to how things used to be would fail. Anyone who understands that we live in a new world with new challenges would succeed and flourish. That dinner was on a Wednesday evening. A few days later, in what might be a world record in the field of international relations, my friend, Dr. Jaishankar, the Minister of External Affairs of India, was already in my office in Jerusalem; Tony Blinken and Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed were on Zoom. And we held the first summit of this quad — the I2U2 forum. Our starting point was that, in the new world we live in, we need to improve our ability to cooperate quickly to make the most of our comparative advantages to put the right advanced tech together with the right resources. We need to think in new terms when it comes to energy, food security and water, tech, defense, and trade. Each one of our countries brings very different challenges and very different qualities to the table. But that is what makes our potential even greater. In the 21st century, challenges are local but solutions are global. Let me give you two quick examples. The entire world is dealing with issues relating to food security. The combination of the climate crisis, the war in Europe, and the COVID-19 pandemic has created global food insecurity. Food security is going to be the main issue in Africa, in Latin America, in East Asia, and, of course, in the Middle East. An initiative like the food corridor between India and the UAE, which was put together by this group, is a clear example of a creative solution to a problem we’re all — we are all facing. The fast transportation of food and preservation technologies, the ability to connect relative advantages together — this is the solution to the problem. Another example is the solar and wind energy storage project. In this case, as well, the idea is to make the most of technological capabilities, some of which are still being developed, in order to deal with an energy market that is facing a serious crisis. Since the war in Ukraine broke out, each one of us has had to deal with the crisis on the local level. Its effects on cost of living has been immediate and dramatic. And, of course, this has political implications. Real solutions will only come through cooperation between countries that know how to put together brainpower, knowledge, and resources on the same table. I would like to emphasize: This is not a philanthropic group. We want to change the world for the better, but we are also creating relative advantages for our countries, for our businesses, for our science sector. In both projects that I mentioned, lists of local companies, relevant technologies have been already — have already been shared. Our goal is for the private market to be a full partner in this initiative. This group is interesting because we are four very different countries, but when we started talking, it became clear we all want the same things: for our children to be warm in the winter, for them to have food on the table and clean water from the tap, for them to enjoy a quality education and advanced healthcare and transportation infrastructure. We also want to reduce the damage our generation inflicted on climate and the environment. These are big challenges. No single country, no matter how big or how rich, can deal with them alone. On the other hand, I also believe — and this is part of the idea behind this meeting — that groups that are too big may end up being ineffective. This quad is, in my view, the correct model. Our advantages are clear to one another, and so are all our needs. We can create enough flexibility and a mechanism that can make fast and smart decisions. At the same time, we can always find ways to create ad hoc connections with countries that want to advance projects with us. The projects I mentioned are just be- — are just the beginning; the list is ongoing. Our role as leaders is to push our teams as hard as possible, to research the fields in which real change can be made, to examine new projects, to bring them to the table, to connect them with the scientific and business communities. The world is watching this meeting. This shows that something special is happening here — a new kind of economic and regional cooperation — cooperation that is more flexible and better adapted to the problems we face. The diplomatic and economic results that we all emerge from — that will emerge from this meeting will highlight our commitment to a new kind of cooperation. In this partnership, each country and each partner brings their own strength so that the whole is greater than the sum of its parts. This is just the beginning. Thank you. MODERATOR: Thank you, Prime Minister. It is my honor to invite the President of the United States of America, the Honorable Joseph R. Biden, Jr., to deliver his opening statement. PRESIDENT BIDEN: Thank you very much, Prime Minister Lapid, for convening this group for the first time at a leaders level. Prime Minister Modi, President bin Zayed, thank you for the work you’re doing deepening the linkage and the muscle cooperation between critical partners in the Middle East and Indo-Pacific to deliver important — very important projects for all our peoples. The simple truth is this: The challenge we face in the world, in our world, in the 21st century demand that we find new ways of working together, whether it’s accelerating climate crisis — dealing with the accelerating climate crisis, which is being felt here in the Middle East every single day; or growing food insecurity and volatile energy markets made worse by Russia’s brutal and unprovoked attack against its neighbor, Ukraine; or, as we’ve all experienced firsthand over the past two years, tackling the health security needs and economic fallout from a global pandemic. All these issues — all these issues require cooperation and coordination. And none of us — none of us can mount a comprehensive response on our own. The more we work together, the more we’ll see the benefits multiply and grow to advance our shared commitment to peace, stability, and growing prosperity. They all go together. When our foreign ministers first got together in this format last October, I think we all immediately understood the potential to advance a common agenda. It’s about demonstrating the importance of practical impacts of building Israel’s normalization and economic integration using these trusted partnerships to crack down on common challenges. Our nations represent some of the most innovative, technologically capable, and entrepreneurial people on the planet. At every step — at every step, we should be asking, “What can we achieve together?” The first two projects that we’re tackling together on food security and clean energy are designed to take on two of the most urgent crises affecting people around the globe: food insecurity. The UAE’s investment to develop integrated agricultural parks across India with the support of the American and Israeli private sector experts has the potential to sustainably increase India’s food yields in the region threefold in just five years. India is a major, major food producer in the world. Think of the beneficial impacts this will have on India’s farmers and the people suffering from hunger and malnutrition in the region. Similarly, the United States has already funded a feasible — a feasibility study for a hybrid renewable energy project in India to develop 300 megawatts of wind and solar capacity as well as battery storage. With our four nations, our four nations working together to unite our expertise and drive private sector investment, this is going to help India reach its climate and energy goal of 500 megawatts [gigawatts] of non-fossil fuel capacity by 2030. Our challenge — our challenge together is to deliver real results that people can feel in their everyday lives. Another ker- — key area where we can make big differences is infrastructure. There’s an enormous need around the world for infrastructure — infrastructure done the right way: transparently, in partnership with the communities that are being served. Right now, there’s a vacuum. So over the next few years, this group is going to work to identify new infrastructure projects that we can invest in and develop together. Together. This meeting is just a first step, a chance to demonstrate the value of this new format for cooperation between our four nations. And I’m looking forward to staying closely connected and engaged at the leaders’ level as we build out the scope of the I2U2 and work together for everyone. We can do a great deal if we stick together. So, I want to thank you all for having this — agreeing to proceed this way. I think we can do some great things. Thank you. MODERATOR: Thank you, Mr. President. It is my honor to invite the Prime Minister of the Republic of India, His Excellency Narendra Modi, to deliver his opening statement. PRIME MINISTER MODI: (As interpreted.) Your Excellency Prime Minister Lapid, your Highness Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, Your Excellency President Biden: First of all, my warmest congratulations and best wishes to Prime Minister Lapid on assuming the office of Prime Minister. My heartfelt thanks to him as well for hosting today’s summit. This truly is a meeting of strategic partners. We are all good friends as well, and there are a lot of similarities in our approach and in our interests. Excellencies, Your Highness: The I2U2 has established a positive agenda from its very first summit today. We have identified joint projects in several areas and have also made a roadmap to take them forward. In the I2U2 framework, we have agreed to increase joint investment in six important areas: water, energy, transport, space, health, and food security. It is clear that both the vision and agenda of I2U2 are progressive and practical. We can give an impetus to our agenda by mobilizing the mutual strengths of our countries that is capital expertise and markets, and we can make an important contribution in this way to the global economy. In the midst of increasing global uncertainties, our cooperative framework is also a good model for practical cooperation. I am sure that with the I2U2, we will make an important contribution at a global level in the areas of energy security, food security, and economic growth. Thank you. MODERATOR: Thank you to the distinguished leaders. We will now continue to the closed dialogue between the leaders. The live broadcast will end here. Thank you to the press. Please kindly make your way out. 1:55 P.M. IDT
供即时发布 2023年8月29日，星期二公共事务办公室 publicaffairs@doc.gov 美国商务部长吉娜·雷蒙多与中华人民共和国副总理何立峰举行会晤，讨论影响美中经济关系的商务议题。雷蒙多部长强调，美国致力于为美国国家安全采取必要行动。她提出了美国企业和劳动者关切的关键议题，包括对美国企业和劳动者公平的竞争环境，中华人民共和国的产业补贴，以及知识产权保护不足。雷蒙多部长和副总理还讨论了加强保护在中国运营的美国企业的商业机密的重要性，并同意美中双方相关领域的专家将就此议题进行技术讨论。双方讨论的话题包括气候变化、太空商业、人工智能和医疗卫生。 https://www.commerce.gov/news/press-releases/2023/08/readout-secretary-raimondos-meeting-vice-premier-peoples-republic-china	FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Tuesday, August 29, 2023 Office of Public Affairs publicaffairs@doc.gov U.S. Secretary of Commerce Gina Raimondo met with Vice Premier of the People’s Republic of China He Lifeng to engage on commercial issues impacting the U.S.-China economic relationship. The Secretary underscored the U.S. commitment to taking actions necessary to U.S. national security. She raised key issues of concern for U.S. businesses and workers, including the level playing field for U.S. companies and workers, PRC subsidization of industry, and underdeveloped intellectual property protections. The Secretary and Vice Premier also discussed the importance of strengthening the protection of trade secrets for U.S. businesses operating in China and agreed that subject matter experts from both the U.S. and China will hold technical discussions on the issue. They discussed topics including climate change, space commerce, AI, and healthcare. https://www.commerce.gov/news/press-releases/2023/08/readout-secretary-raimondos-meeting-vice-premier-peoples-republic-china
拜登总统发表讲话谈俄罗斯和乌克兰局势的最新情况即时发布 2022 年 2 月 18 日罗斯福厅（Roosevelt Room）美国东部标准时间下午4点54分总统：下午好。今天我打了两个重要电话，就像几个月以来一直在做的一样——两个有关俄罗斯和乌克兰局势的重要电话。第一个是打给目前同副总统哈里斯一道代表美国出席慕尼黑安全会议 (Munich Security Conference) 的一组国会两党议员。第二个电话是打给我们的北约盟国和欧盟首脑，这是好几个月以来一直进行的一系列电话通话的最新一次，目的是让他们知道美国对当前事态的一些看法以及未来几天内乌克兰很可能发生的情况，以确保我们持续与欧盟和北约保持步调一致。尽管俄罗斯企图在国内外给我们制造分裂，但我可以肯定他们并未得逞。这两个电话所传达的强有力信息都是团结、决意和决心。我与所有参加电话会议的人士分享了我们所知的乌克兰危机迅速升级的情况。在过去的几天里，我们看到一些报道说，俄罗斯支持的武装力量在顿巴斯 (Donbas) 地区违反停火协议的行动大幅度增加，试图对乌克兰进行挑衅。例如，就在昨天，乌克兰的一所幼儿园遭到炮击，俄罗斯谎称这是乌克兰所为。我们还不断看到，向俄罗斯公众（包括俄罗斯支持的分离主义分子在内）散布的虚假信息日益增多，声称乌克兰计划在顿巴斯地区发动大规模进攻。但是，这些指称根本毫无任何证据，而且这违背——相信乌克兰会选择在这样一个边境遭陈兵15万以上的时刻把长达一年之久的冲突升级——这是违背基本逻辑的。俄罗斯官方媒体还继续散布虚假指控，说顿巴斯地区发生了种族灭绝事件，并且毫无证据地发出捏造的有关乌克兰要袭击俄罗斯的警告。我确信这正是乌克兰想要做的——攻击俄罗斯。所有这一切都与俄罗斯以前使用的伎俩如出一辙：为对乌克兰采取行动寻找借口。这也与美国及其盟国和合作伙伴数周来一直就俄罗斯可能使用的借口所发出的警告完全一致。在这些紧张时刻，乌克兰军队表现出了绝佳的判断力，我还要加上一点，克制力。他们拒绝上俄罗斯人的开战圈套。但事实仍然是，俄罗斯军队目前已对乌克兰形成包围之势，从白俄罗斯，沿着俄罗斯与乌克兰的边界，到南部黑海——整个边界。你们知道，我们有理由相信俄罗斯军队正计划并想要在接下来的一周——在未来几天内对乌克兰发动攻击。我们相信他们将把乌克兰首都基辅 (Kyiv) 作为攻击目标，这是一座拥有 280 万无辜百性的城市。我们一再公开指明俄罗斯的计划，并非因为我们想要冲突，而是因为我们在竭尽全力消除俄罗斯可能用来入侵乌克兰的任何理由，阻止他们采取行动。毋庸置疑，如果俄罗斯实施它的计划，它将为一场灾难性的、不必要的选择性战争 (war of choice) 承担责任。美国及其盟国已准备好保卫北约的每一寸领土，并使其免受对我们集体安全的任何威胁。我们不会派兵到乌克兰作战，但我们会继续支持乌克兰人民。去年，美国为加强乌克兰的防御力量向它提供了创纪录的安全援助—— 6.5 亿美元，包括标枪导弹 (Javelin missile) 和弹药等。另外，我们之前还提供了 5 亿美元，用于对乌克兰的人道援助和经济支持。本周早些时候，我们还宣布提供多达 10 亿美元的额外主权贷款担保，以增强乌克兰的经济弹性。但归根结底的一点是：美国及其盟国和合作伙伴将支持乌克兰人民。我们将对俄罗斯的行动追究责任。西方国家是团结一致和有决心的。如果俄罗斯进一步入侵乌克兰，我们随时将对俄罗斯实施严厉制裁。但我再强调一遍：俄罗斯仍然可以选择外交途径。现在缓解局势和重返谈判桌还为时不晚。昨晚，俄罗斯同意国务卿布林肯和拉夫罗夫外长于2月24日在欧洲会晤。但是，如果俄罗斯在这一日期之前采取军事行动，那显然他们关闭了外交的大门。他们将选择战争，他们将为此付出高昂的代价。这一代价不仅仅是来自我们和我们的盟友将对俄罗斯实施的制裁，而且来自世界其它国家对他们的道义谴责。要知道，我们国家和世界各国之间在很多问题上存在分歧，但是，在抵制俄罗斯侵略这个问题上是没有分歧的。美国人民是团结的。欧洲是团结的。跨大西洋共同体是团结的。我们国家的政党是团结的。整个自由世界是团结的。是要战争及其招致的一切苦难，还是要外交及其带来的全体更安全的未来，俄罗斯要做出选择。现在我将高兴回答几个问题。来自彭博社 (Bloomberg) 的南希，您请。问：非常感谢您，先生。如果像美国所说的那样入侵已经迫在眉睫，您认为泽连斯基总统离开乌克兰是否是一个明智之举？总统：这需要他自己做出判断，也要由他自己断定。我与泽连斯基交谈过十几次，也许更多，我不知道。而且，在寻求外交解决方案的过程中，这可能不是错——这可能是一个明智的选择。但这是他的决定。问：有无任何迹象可以表明普京总统已经做出入侵决定？您确信他还没有做出决定吗？总统：到目前为止，我确信他已经做出了决定。我们有理由相信这一点。问：似乎有一种共识，一种精神——在美国和欧洲之间——要实施某些制裁，全面的制裁。但是，是否每个国家都想实施与您想的完全一样的制裁？总统：是的。会有一些细微的差异。但是没有——将只会有增加，不会有减少。问：普京总统将于本周末监督一些核武演习。您如何看待这一情况？先生，您对此有何反应？谢谢。总统：我不认为他有可能在考虑使用核武器。但我确实认为，我认为他所关注的是力图让世界相信他有能力改变欧洲的态势，而他是不可能的。但是，我不——“我们只是进行演习”的说法有多少是为了掩饰，它不止于此，我不能——很难琢磨他的心思。（交叉谈话）问：需要澄清一点，澄清一点，您确信—— 总统：我将——我将再回答几个问题。问：您确信——您确信普京总统会入侵乌克兰吗？您刚才是不是这样说的？总统：是的，我是这样说的。是的。问：那么，外交手段是否已被搁置？总统：不。总是有——直到他发动攻击，外交总是一种可能性。问：您有什么理由相信他会对这个选择作任何考虑？总统：我们拥有强大的情报收集能力。非常感谢各位。美国东部标准时间下午 5点03分欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2022/02/18/remarks-by-president-biden-providing-an-update-on-russia-and-ukraine-2/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。	Remarks by President Biden Providing an Update on Russia and Ukraine FEBRUARY 18, 2022•SPEECHES AND REMARKS Roosevelt Room 4:54 P.M. EST THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon. Today, I made two vital calls, as I’ve been making for some months now — two vital calls that — on the situation in Russia and Ukraine. The first was to a bipartisan group of members of Congress who are currently representing the United States, along with Vice President Harris at the Munich Security Conference. The second was the latest in a series of calls over the past many months with the heads of state of our NATO Allies and the European Union to bring them up to date on what the United States thinks is the current state of affairs, and what’s likely to happen in Ukraine in the coming days, to ensure that we continue to remain in lockstep — that is the European Union and NATO. Despite Russia’s efforts to divide us at home and abroad, I can affirm that has not happened. The overwhelming message of both — on both calls was one of unity, determination, and resolve. I shared with all of those on the calls what we know about a rapidly escalating crisis in Ukraine. Over the last few days, we’ve seen reports of a major uptick in violations of the ceasefire by Russian-backed fighters attempting to provoke Ukraine in the Donbas. For example, a shelling of a Ukrainian kindergarten yesterday, which Russia has falsely asserted was carried out by Ukraine. We also continue to see more and more disinformation being pushed out by — to the Russian public, including the Russian-backed separatists, claiming that Ukraine is planning to launch a massive offensive attack in the Donbas. Well, look, there is simply no evidence of these assertions, and it and devies [sic] — it defies basic logic to believe the Ukrainians would choose this moment, with well over 150,000 troops arrayed on its borders, to escalate a year-long conflict. Russia state media also continues to make phony allegations of a genocide taking place in the Donbas and push fabricated claims warning about Ukraine’s attack on Russia without any evidence. That’s just what I’m sure Ukraine is thinking of doing — attacking Russia. All these are consistent with the playbook the Russians have used before: to set up a false justification to act against Ukraine. This is also in line with the pretext scenarios that the United States and our Allies and partners have been warning about for weeks. Throughout these tense moments, the Ukrainian forces have shown great judgment and, I might add, restraint. They’ve refused to allow the Russians to bait them into war. But the fact remains: Russian troops currently have Ukraine surrounded — from Belarus, along the Russian border with Ukraine, to the Black Sea in the south — and all of its border. You know, look, we have reason to believe the Russian forces are planning to and intend to attack Ukraine in the coming week — in the coming days. We believe that they will target Ukraine’s capital, Kyiv, a city of 2.8 million innocent people. We’re calling out Russia’s plans loudly and repeatedly, not because we want a conflict, but because we’re doing everything in our power to remove any reason that Russia may give to justify invading Ukraine and prevent them from moving. Make no mistake: If Russia pursues its plans, it will be responsible for a catastrophic and needless war of choice. The United States and our Allies are prepared to defend every inch of NATO territory from any threat to our collective security as well. We also will not send troops in to fight in Ukraine, but we will continue to support the Ukrainian people. This past year, the United States provided a record amount of security assistance to Ukraine to bolster its defensive — $650 million, from Javelin missiles to ammunition. And we also previously provided $500 million in Ukrai- — in humanitarian aid and economic support for Ukraine. And earlier this week, we also announced an additional sovereign loan guarantee of up to $1 billion to strengthen Ukraine’s economic resilience. But the bottom line is this: The United States and our Allies and partners will support the Ukrainian people. We will hold Russia accountable for its actions. The West is united and resolved. We’re ready to impose severe sanctions on Russia if it further invades Ukraine. But I say again: Russia can still choose diplomacy. It is not too late to de-escalate and return to the negotiating table. Last night, Russia agreed that Secretary of State Blinken and Foreign Minister Lavrov should meet on Feb- — on February 24th — February 24th in Europe. But if Russia takes military action before that date, it will be clear that they have slammed the door shut on diplomacy. They will have — they will have chosen war, and they will pay a steep price for doing so — not only from the sanctions that we and our allies will impose on Russia, but the moral outrage that the rest of the world will visit upon them. You know, there are many issues that divide our nation and our world, but standing up to Russian aggression is not one of them. The American people are united. Europe is united. The transatlantic community is united. Our political parties in this country are united. The entire free world is united. Russia has a choice between war and all the suffering it will bring or diplomacy that will make a future safer for everyone. Now I’m happy to take a few questions. Nancy from Bloomberg. Q Thank you so much, sir. Do you think that it is wise for President Zelenskyy to leave Ukraine if an invasion is as imminent as the U.S. says it is? THE PRESIDENT: That’s a judgment for him to make and a determination as to whether or not. I’ve spoken with Zelenskyy a dozen times — maybe more, I don’t know. And — and it’s — and in the pursuit of a diplomatic solution, it may not be fal- — it may be the wise choice. But it’s his decision. Q And do you have any indication about whether President Putin has made a decision on whether to invade? Do you feel confident that he — that he hasn’t made that decision already? THE PRESIDENT: As of this moment, I’m convinced he’s made the decision. We have reason to believe that. Q There seems to be a unanimity, a spirit to do — between the United States and Europe to do some sanctions — comprehensive sanctions. But are — is everyone on board with the exact same sanctions that you want to do? THE PRESIDENT: Yes. There will be some slight differences, but none — there will be more add-ons than subtractions. Q And President Putin is going to oversee some nuclear drills this weekend. How do you see that happening? What’s your reaction to that, sir? Thank you. THE PRESIDENT: Well, I don’t think he is remotely contemplating nuclear — using nuclear weapons. But I do think it’s — I think he is focused on trying to convince the world that he has the ability to change the dynamics in Europe in a way that he cannot. But I don’t — how much of it is a cover for just saying, “We’re just doing exercises” and there’s more than that, I just can’t — it’s hard to read his mind. (Cross-talk.) Q To be clear — to be clear, you are convinced — THE PRESIDENT: I’ll — I’ll take some. Q — you are convinced — you are convinced that President Putin is going to invade Ukraine? Is that what you just said a few moments ago? THE PRESIDENT: Yes, I did. Yes. Q So, is diplomacy off the table then? THE PRESIDENT: No. There’s always — until he does, diplomacy is always a possibility. Q What reason do you have to believe he is considering that option at all? THE PRESIDENT: We have a significant intelligence capability. Thank you very much. 5:03 P.M. EST
拜登总统与乌克兰泽连斯基总统的通话内容汇报 2月13日，约瑟夫·R·拜登总统与乌克兰总统弗拉基米尔·泽连斯基（Volodymyr Zelenskyy）通话。拜登总统重申美国致力于乌克兰主权和领土完整的决心。拜登总统明确表示，如果俄罗斯对乌克兰有任何进一步进犯，美国将与其盟友和伙伴一道迅速作出果断回应。两位领导人就继续寻求通过外交和威慑应对俄罗斯在乌克兰边境的军事集结的重要性达成一致意见。 ###	Readout of President Biden’s Call with President Zelenskyy of Ukraine FEBRUARY 13, 2022•STATEMENTS AND RELEASES President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. spoke today with President Volodymyr Zelenskyy of Ukraine. President Biden reaffirmed the commitment of the United States to Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. President Biden made clear that the United States would respond swiftly and decisively, together with its Allies and partners, to any further Russian aggression against Ukraine. The two leaders agreed on the importance of continuing to pursue diplomacy and deterrence in response to Russia’s military build-up on Ukraine’s borders. ###
Whitehouse Image 新闻秘书办公室即时发布 2019年2月18日新闻秘书声明今天，唐纳德·J·特朗普总统宣布，美国将欢迎中国官方代表团参加于2019年2月19日开始的一系列会议，以讨论两国之间的贸易关系。部长级会议将于2019年2月21日开始。对于美国而言，这些会议将由美国贸易代表罗伯特·莱特海泽领头，并将包括财政部长斯蒂芬·马努钦、商务部长威尔伯·罗斯、总统经济政策助理拉里·库德洛以及总统贸易与制造业政策助理彼得·纳瓦罗。在这些会议前，由美国副贸易代表杰弗里·格里什领头的副部长级会议将于2019年2月19日开始。这些会议是特朗普总统和习近平主席于2018年12月1日在布宜诺斯艾利斯达成的协议的一部分，协议内容是进行为期90天的谈判，以期在中国实现所需的影响美中贸易的结构性改变。双方还将讨论中国从美国购买数量可观的货物和服务的承诺。会议将在美国贸易代表办公室和白宫艾森豪威尔行政办公楼举行。	Office of the Press Secretary FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE February 18, 2019 Statement from the Press Secretary Today, President Donald J. Trump announced that the United States will welcome an official delegation from China for a series of meetings starting on February 19, 2019, to discuss the trade relationship between the two countries. Principal-level meetings will begin on February 21, 2019. For the United States, these meetings will be led by United States Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer and will include Secretary of the Treasury Steven Mnuchin, Secretary of Commerce Wilbur Ross, Assistant to the President for Economic Policy Larry Kudlow, and Assistant to the President for Trade and Manufacturing Policy Peter Navarro. These meetings will be preceded by deputy-level meetings that will begin on February 19, 2019, led by Deputy United States Trade Representative Jeffrey Gerrish. The meetings are a part of the agreement reached by President Trump and President Xi Jinping in Buenos Aires on December 1, 2018, to engage in 90 days of negotiations with a view to achieving needed structural changes in China that affect trade between the United States and China. The two sides will also discuss China’s pledge to purchase a substantial amount of goods and services from the United States. The meetings will take place in the Office of the United States Trade Representative and the Eisenhower Executive Office Building at the White House.
美国国务院发言人办公室 2023年7月29日澳大利亚和美利坚合众国政府在第33届澳美部长级磋商会议（AUSMIN）上发布以下声明：外交部长黄英贤（Penny Wong）和副总理兼国防部长理查德·马尔斯（Richard Marles）于2023年7月29日在布里斯班主持了由美国国务卿安东尼·布林肯（Antony J. Blinken）和国防部长劳埃德·奥斯汀（Lloyd J. Austin III）出席的会议，旨在推进澳美联盟及其在印太地区和全球范围内的合作。在加强领导人和部长之间密集交往的基础上，包括2023年5月澳大利亚总理阿尔巴尼斯（Albanese）和美国总统拜登之间的会晤，三位部长和国务卿（以下简称“双方负责人”）确认澳美联盟从未如此强大。这依然是一个建立在共同价值观之上、以我们维护稳定、繁荣及和平的共同决心为前提的战略利益伙伴关系。双方四位负责人向AUSMIN举行地点的土地传统守护者表示敬意，并强调了澳大利亚第一民族（First Nations）原住民与国家之间的历史悠长而持久的联系。他们承诺确保原住民能在国际上发声，并利用其知识和经验来应对诸如气候变化等共同挑战。他们承诺共同努力提升原住民的商业利益，包括通过亚太经济合作组织（APEC）、印太经济框架（IPEF）和双边举措来实现这一目标。共同打造开放、稳定和繁荣的印太地区双方负责人承诺扩大合作，包括双边合作以及与地区伙伴和机构（主要是东盟和太平洋岛国论坛）的合作，以确保印太地区的开放、稳定、和平、繁荣，并尊重主权、人权和国际法。他们承诺进一步加强在印太地区的参与，着重关注地区伙伴的优先事项，如经济社会发展、气候变化合作、安全、互联互通、良好治理、及时有效的人道主义援助和救灾、卫生安全以及加强复原能力的措施。双方负责人强调，至关重要是，所有国家在符合国际法的前提下应该能够自由行使权利和自由，包括《联合国海洋法公约》规定的航行和飞越自由以及管理和开发海洋资源的权利。他们重申坚决反对在南中国海地区的破坏稳定的行为，如海上和空中的不安全相遇、有争议岛礁的军事化、海岸警卫队船只和海上民兵的危险使用，以及扰乱其他国家近海资源开发的行为。双方负责人承诺依据国际法，并与东南亚及其他国家合作，维持澳大利亚和美国飞机和舰艇的稳定和长期存在，以促进包括南中国海在内的该地区重要国际水道的稳定与安全。他们还承诺加强支持东南亚伙伴管理海事领域的能力建设。双方负责人进一步表达了对中华人民共和国与国际法不符的过度海洋主张及其加剧地区紧张局势的单方面行动的关切。双方负责人重申2016年南中国海仲裁裁决（South China Sea Arbitral Award）为最终裁决，并对当事方具有拘束力。双方负责人还对东中国海局势表示严重关切，均有意就东中国海局势保持密切沟通，强烈反对任何加剧地区紧张局势、破坏和平与稳定的行为或单方面的胁迫行动。双方负责人重申维护台湾海峡的和平与稳定的重要性，共同反对单方面改变现状。他们呼吁通过对话和平解决两岸问题，而不是进行威胁或使用武力或胁迫。他们强调台湾作为印太地区的领先经济体和民主体的重要作用，重申致力于共同努力支持台湾实质性地参与国际组织，深化经贸和人文关系，并承诺在太平洋地区加强与台湾的发展协作。双方负责人强调，所有国家都必须负责任地处理战略竞争。澳大利亚表示支持美国重新努力与中华人民共和国建立可靠和开放的沟通渠道，以管理战略竞争并防范冲突。双方负责人鼓励中华人民共和国与美国进行建设性接触，采取措施增进稳定和透明度。他们肯定了与中华人民共和国合作解决全球问题以及共同关心的问题的重要性，其中包括气候变化、全球粮食和营养安全、贸易和宏观经济稳定等。双方负责人指出东南亚对地区稳定至关重要，强调致力于与志同道合的伙伴共同努力，支持东南亚的经济、发展和安全优先事项。他们重申对东盟中心地位和东盟主导的地区架构的承诺，包括对东亚峰会（East Asia Summit)、东盟地区论坛（ASEAN Regional Forum）和东盟防长扩大会议（ASEAN Defence Ministers’Meeting-Plus）的承诺。他们强调东亚峰会作为该地区主要领导人应对战略挑战的高峰论坛的作用，表示将继续支持落实《东盟展望》的行动。他们表示支持印尼担任2023年东盟轮值主席国的优先事项，并承诺支持老挝担任2024年东盟主席国。他们重申对东帝汶加入东盟的支持，承诺落实各自与东盟的全面战略伙伴关系。双方负责人重申支持东盟主导的应对缅甸持续危机的努力，对局势不断恶化深表关切。他们再次敦促缅甸军政府落实《东盟五点共识》的承诺，停止暴力行为，释放所有被不公正拘押的人，允许不受阻碍地运送人道主义援助。他们呼吁国际社会继续对该政权施加国际压力，敦促所有国家在该政权继续对缅甸人民施以暴行之时避免向其提供信誉或军事支持。双方负责人强调，他们承诺通过现有的区域架构与太平洋岛国开展合作，承认太平洋岛国论坛（Pacific Islands Forum）的中心地位，支持《蓝色太平洋大陆2050年战略》的目标。他们将继续同太平洋岛国咨商，并以其优先事项为指导，鼓励其他合作伙伴以同样方式寻求透明的、将太平洋利益放在首位的最佳接触实践。双方负责人重申他们坚信“蓝色太平洋伙伴”（Partners in the Blue Pacific）正在增强志同道合的国家的协调和整合资源的能力，以支持太平洋岛国的优先事项和需求。他们同意与蓝色太平洋伙伴密切合作，推动气候行动、网络能力建设和人道主义救援物质储备等举措的落实。双方负责人承诺在该地区进一步共同筹措资金，用于可持续、有韧性的基础设施建设。澳大利亚对美国承诺为太平洋地区基础设施项目寻求提供新的基金以及有意进一步发展主权融资能力以满足该地区关键基础设施需求表示欢迎。他们强调了对《蓝点网络》（Blue Dot Network）的承诺，认证符合全球优质基础设施开发标准的项目，帮助发展中国家更好地吸引私营部门投资，缩小其基础设施差距。双方负责人承诺在与太平洋岛国协商的基础上，充分利用计划于2024年年初在太平洋部署一艘美国海岸警卫队巡逻舰的机会，进一步加强该地区的海域意识和培训，应对包括非法、未报告、无管制的捕捞活动（简称IUU）在内的海上安全优先事项。双方负责人重申他们共同致力于扩大对太平洋执法和司法部门行为者的支持，以确保海上边界安全，打击跨国犯罪，并根据《关于地区安全的博埃宣言》(Boe Declaration on Regional Security)和太平洋岛国论坛的《蓝色太平洋大陆2050战略》促进法治。他们欢迎澳大利亚、太平洋岛国和美国执法机构之间深化合作，改善海上执法和领域意识、执法能力建设、边境安全以及提高打击跨国有组织犯罪、网络犯罪、洗钱、腐败和贩运的能力。双方负责人重申他们致力于增强与太平洋地区军队的互操作性，包括通过在斐济举行的“珊瑚勇士”（CORAL WARRIOR）和“车轮”（CARTWHEEL）以及在巴布亚新几内亚举行的“普克普克”（PUKPUK）军演实现这一目标。他们对斐济、印度尼西亚、巴布亚新几内亚和汤加首次参加“护身军刀2023”（TALISMAN SABRE 2023）军演，以及印度、新加坡、泰国和菲律宾作为澳大利亚和美国之间最大规模的双边军事训练活动的观察员表示欢迎。双方负责人讨论了深化澳大利亚、美国、印度和日本之间的四方合作，以支持开放、稳定和繁荣的印太地区。他们欢迎澳大利亚在广岛主办了2023年四方领导人峰会，四方领导人在会上宣布了针对气候变化和清洁能源、基础设施和互联互通、关键和新兴技术以及卫生安全等领域的实际举措来应对区域优先事项。他们对目前处于试点阶段的印太区域海洋领域意识合作伙伴关系（Indo-Pacific Partnership for Maritime Domain Awareness）不断取得进展表示欢迎。这一合作伙伴关系有助于更准确地掌握海上活动情况，推动应对非法、未报告、无管制的捕捞活动，从而提高该地区透明度。美国对澳大利亚在2023年四方伙伴关系中发挥的领导作用表示感谢，双方负责人确认支持印度主办2024年四方领导人峰会。双方负责人对两国各体系在印太地区和全球范围内日益增长的发展合作表示欢迎，包括发展规划、气候和发展融资、基础设施和卫生安全等领域的合作。他们欢迎澳大利亚外交和贸易部与美国国际发展署签署谅解备忘录，以促进澳大利亚和巴布亚新几内亚联合预先部署人道主义救援物资，从而能在该地区开展更有效的人道主义救援应对行动。双方负责人重申致力于在全球范围内以及在印太地区采取各项举措实现性别平等并促进所有各种背景的全体妇女和女童的人权。他们对2023年6月举行的首届年度《澳美性别平等战略对话》（Australia-U.S. Strategic Dialogue on Gender Equality）表示欢迎，承诺合作推进妇女、和平与安全议程，结束一切形式的性暴力和性别暴力，推进贸易中的性别平等，促进妇女的经济赋权。双方负责人对新疆的严重人权侵犯和践踏、对西藏宗教、文化、教育和语言权利和自由遭受的侵蚀，以及对香港自治和民主机制的系统性侵蚀，包括出台《国家安全法》以及香港当局决定通缉居住港外的民主活动人士，表示持续的严重关切。他们强烈谴责伊朗持续侵犯和践踏人权，包括针对妇女和女童的迫害，对公民社会的大肆镇压，以及对少数民族和宗教少数群体的歧视。他们还强烈谴责塔利班对人权严重侵犯，特别是系统性及全面剥夺妇女和女童行使她们的人权。他们共同承诺与伊朗和阿富汗人民，特别是妇女和女童站在一起。推动气候行动和向清洁能源过渡双方负责人承诺深化合作，通过实施阿尔巴尼斯总理和拜登总统在2023年5月宣布的《澳大利亚-美国气候、关键矿产和清洁能源转型契约》（Australia-United States Climate, Critical Minerals and Clean Energy Transformation Compact），应对气候危机。他们重申气候变化构成的生存威胁，并强调通过共同努力来减缓气候变化对全球的影响的重要性。这与将全球平均气温升幅控制在1.5摄氏度以内的共同目标是一致的。双方负责人认识到清洁能源转型对全球气候行动至关重要，并重申了《契约》对加强澳大利亚与美国清洁能源和关键矿产产业的融合，从而促进经济增长、减少排放和建立地区能源安全的重要作用。他们认识到《四方清洁能源供应链原则声明》（Quad Statement of Principles on Clean Energy Supply Chains）和《四方清洁能源供应链多样化计划》（Quad Clean Energy Supply Chains Diversification Program）对促进印太地区以协调的方式进行清洁能源转型的重要性。美国欢迎澳大利亚正在争取与太平洋地区合作伙伴共同主办第31届联合国气候变化大会（COP31）。双方负责人重申，他们坚定不移地支持太平洋地区应对气候变化的影响——气候变化对该地区的社区和政府每天都构成挑战，对这一地区具有格外大的影响。基于这一认识，他们一致认为必须尽快落实《契约》，包括支持太平洋复原力基金（Pacific Resilience Facility）的筹备工作。在成立了气候安全风险高级官员工作组（Senior Officials’Working Group on Climate Security Risk）的基础上，双方负责人承诺围绕气候安全倡议加强协调，例如加强信息共享、气候风险评估合作，以及将气候因素纳入现行军事演习和规划。双方负责人重申，他们致力于加强与区域合作伙伴在减缓气候影响和加强适应性及抵御力方面的协调，尤其要考虑到那些最容易受到气候变化影响的群体，包括妇女、女童和原住民。他们将继续分享气候融资和清洁能源投资方面的专长，包括开发潜在的新型和有创意的金融方法，以增加对该地区向净零过渡和建立抵御能力所需要的私人投资。双方负责人还一致认为，有必要为原住民提供更多机会，使他们能够为清洁能源转型做出贡献并从中受益，并指出原住民对管理环境具有独特经验。防务与安全合作双方负责人重申，他们共同致力于联盟的运作化，包括通过“加强军力部署合作”（Enhanced Force Posture Cooperation）。他们强调，双方的合作是基于信任、长期以来的成就以及对维护开放和稳定的国际秩序的共同愿景。他们回顾了《军力部署协议》（Force Posture Agreement），该协议表明，美国武装部队进入澳大利亚的设施和地区对澳大利亚和美国互益互利，它以双方确定的轮换为实施基础，由澳大利亚发出邀请，并且对澳大利亚和美国的主权予以充分尊重和遵守。双方负责人重申，他们致力于完成在陆海空三军以及后勤、保障和维修联合设施（Combined Logistics, Sustainment and Maintenance Enterprise，CoLSME）之间的“加强军力部署合作”（Enhanced Force Posture Cooperation）的宏伟目标。他们宣布将“加强太空合作”（Enhanced Space Cooperation）作为一项新的“兵力部署计划”（Force Posture Initiative），以便在这一关键行动领域开展更密切的合作。他们还宣布了在现有行动和演习中加强空间整合与合作的意向。双方负责人确认有意继续推进澳大利亚北部主要基地的升级工作，包括澳大利亚皇家空军达尔文和廷德尔基地（RAAF Bases Darwin and Tindal），并基于实地勘查确定新地点——澳大利亚皇家空军谢尔格和柯廷基地（RAAF Bases Scherger and Curtin）——的升级规模。通过“加强空中合作”（Enhanced Air Cooperation），他们宣布有意在澳大利亚进行美国海军海上巡逻和侦察机（U.S. Navy Maritime Patrol and Reconnaissance Aircraft）轮调，以提高地区海域意识，并计划邀请志同道合的合作伙伴参与未来的合作。通过“加强海事合作”（Enhanced Maritime Cooperation），双方负责人指出，有意从2023年开始让美国核动力潜艇对澳大利亚进行更定期和时间更长的访问，重点在斯特灵海军基地（HMAS Stirling）。这些访问将有助于澳大利亚进行能力建设，为西部潜艇轮换部队（Submarine Rotational Force-West）做准备，这是最早可于2027年开始的“澳英美三边安全伙伴关系最佳途径”（AUKUS Optimal Pathway）的一个重要里程碑。双方负责人确认了从本月“护身军刀”演习开始在澳大利亚定期轮换美国陆军水上舰船（U.S. Army Watercraft）的意向，并指出了它对互操作性和区域参与的益处。澳大利亚和美国通过CoLSME宣布，有意在2023年“护身军刀”演习后，在澳大利亚班迪亚纳（Bandiana）对美国陆军仓储和物资进行原则性前置部署检验。这是在昆士兰（Queensland）长期建立持久后勤保障区的前奏，旨在加强互操作性和加快应对地区危机的能力。双方负责人欢迎澳大利亚、日本和美国三边国防部长会议（Australia, Japan and U.S. Trilateral Defense Ministers’Meeting）6月做出的承诺，为在澳大利亚增进三边合作制定路线图。路线图将为三边合作提出具体建议，增加日本对在澳大利亚的演习和训练相关活动的参与，包括 F-35 联合攻击战斗机（F-35 Joint Strike Fighter）的训练与合作。加强三边互操作性是对可靠、有效的威慑力的重要投资。在今年三边国防部长会议共同达成的意向的基础上，双方负责人同意加强与日本的三边综合防空与导弹防御（Integrated Air and Missile Defence, IAMD）合作，包括酌情让所有三国出席者参与他们各自的双边IAMD政策讨论。随着美国在关岛和印太地区其他地方建立更完善的综合防空与导弹防御架构，双方负责人确认有意进行密切合作，以便确定可以扩大双边合作的领域和活动，包括加强IAMD相关军事演习的行动合作。双方负责人承诺探讨与包括日本、印度、印度尼西亚、菲律宾和大韩民国在内的合作伙伴进一步深化合作的机会，并指出印太地区安全与稳定带来的惠益。双方负责人同意到2024年在澳大利亚国防情报组织（Australia’s Defence Intelligence Organisation）内建立澳大利亚联合情报中心（Combined Intelligence Centre – Australia）。该中心将进一步加强澳大利亚国防情报组织与美国国防情报局（U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency）之间的长期情报合作，重点分析印太地区的共同战略关切问题。对全球安全的共同承诺双方负责人承诺维护以国际法为基础的全球秩序，其中包括主权和领土完整的基本原则。他们谴责俄罗斯对乌克兰的非法和不道德的战争，并再次呼吁俄罗斯立即、完全、无条件地从国际公认的乌克兰边界内撤军。双方负责人强调俄罗斯的战争导致了巨大的人道主义灾难，并加剧了全球经济中已存在的脆弱性。他们谴责俄罗斯将粮食武器化的行径，包括其终止参与《黑海谷物倡议》（Black Sea Grain Initiative ）以及对乌克兰农业和出口基础设施的持续攻击。双方负责人呼吁所有对俄罗斯有影响力的国家，特别是中国，立即行使其影响力来结束战争。他们指出俄罗斯的核威胁对国际和平与安全构成严重且不可接受的危害，并且国际社会将对使用核武器予以坚决回应。双方负责人谴责伊朗破坏稳定的行为，包括对外国和双重国籍公民的不当拘押，针对海外异见人士的打击、恐吓和骚扰，以及其核相关的扩张、弹道导弹的扩散、对武装代理的支持以及对在海湾地区（Gulf）航运和航行自由的威胁。他们还谴责伊朗向俄罗斯提供无人机用于俄罗斯对乌克兰的战争。双方负责人强烈谴责朝鲜民主主义人民共和国自2022年以来所进行的前所未有的一系列非法弹道导弹发射，及其持续发展违反多项联合国安理会决议的弹道导弹和核武器计划。他们对朝鲜持续出现的严重侵犯人权的报告表示严重关切。他们关切地指出有关朝鲜正在对金融机构和加密货币交易所进行日益复杂的网络攻击，以此为上述计划筹集非法资金的报告。他们呼吁根据联合国安理会决议，全面实现朝鲜半岛无核化。他们进一步鼓励朝鲜立即回到建设性的对话中。双方负责人承诺加强合作，防止核武器和其他大规模毁灭性武器的扩散，并加强全球多边防扩散架构，其中包括将《不扩散核武器条约》（Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons）作为全球防扩散和裁军制度的基石，以及加强国际原子能机构保障体系，包括通过努力推动普遍采纳《附加议定书》（Additional Protocol）。双方负责人再次强调对恶意网络活动的规模及严重性加剧的共同关切，并承诺追究那些在网络空间从事不可接受的行为的人的责任。双方负责人重申对联合国开放式工作组（UN Open Ended Working Group）及联合国行动纲领（UN Programme of Action）的支持，以推进网络空间负责任的国家行为并维护以国际法和规范为基础的开放、安全、稳定、可访问及和平的网络空间。他们还强调了对联合国关于通过负责任行为的规范、规则和原则来减少太空威胁的开放式工作组（UN Open-Ended Working Group on Reducing Space Threats through Norms, Rules, and Principles of Responsible Behaviours ）所抱的雄心，并期待在八月份的最后一次会议上产生成果和建议，以增强外太空的安全、透明度、稳定性、可预见性和信任。双方负责人再次重申对人工智能和量子等关键技术以安全及符合伦理道德的方式得到开发的共同承诺。澳大利亚祝贺拜登-哈里斯政府获得产业界做出的八项自愿承诺，以管控人工智能带来的风险，并指出澳大利亚目前正在审查对人工智能的监管框架。确保我们的技术优势双方负责人重申了在战略竞争日益加剧的时代，通过结合实力及整合资源，最大限度地发挥联盟的战略和技术优势的重要性。他们高度评价了自2022年12月上届澳美部长级磋商以来在精简两国之间的国防贸易管制和信息共享方面所取得的进展。双方负责人再次强调了他们共同致力于安全标准，以保护敏感技术和信息。澳大利亚和美国政府正在审视他们的出口管制体系，以精简国防贸易流程。双方负责人承诺在关键技术和创新方面展开合作，以确保联盟的非对称能力优势，并探索与协商确定的能力优先事项相一致的区域共同开发、共同生产和共同维持的机会。他们欢迎未来澳大利亚先进战略能力加速器（Advanced Strategic Capabilities Accelerator）与美国国防高级研究计划局（U.S. Defence Advanced Research Projects Agency）和战略能力办公室（Strategic Capabilities Office）之间的合作机会，其中包括有关计划中的能力项目的协同效应。双方负责人同意就澳大利亚的制导武器和爆炸物军工企业（Guided Weapons and Explosive Ordnance Enterprise）深化合作，通过在澳大利亚合作建立灵活的制导武器生产能力，首先着眼于到2025年可能进行制导多管火箭系统（Guided Multiple Launch Rocket System）的共同生产。这对于扩大联盟的综合产业实力以及建设澳大利亚的产业基础设施和熟练劳动力至关重要。双方负责人重申了他们解决全球供应链受到的限制以及为支持未来在澳大利亚生产M795型155毫米炮弹转移技术数据的承诺。他们重申了在澳大利亚推进优先级弹药的维护、维修、全面检修和升级的承诺，并指出这将增强供应链的韧性，首先着眼于MK-48重型鱼雷和SM-2型导弹。双方负责人对澳英美伙伴关系为澳大利亚获取装备常规武器的核动力潜艇能力以及发展先进能力以维护印太地区的稳定与安全所取得的进展表示欢迎。他们重申了对透明度的承诺，并敦促其他国家采取类似的能力建设方式。双方负责人重申了他们对确立最高核不扩散标准的承诺。美国重申了相信澳大利亚正在与国际原子能机构（International Atomic Energy Agency ）协商制定的核不扩散方针将为澳大利亚获得核动力潜艇能力设立最强有力的先例。双方负责人认识到自澳英美三边安全伙伴关系最佳途径宣布以来所取得的强有力进展，其中包括于2023年7月1日成立澳大利亚潜艇局（Australian Submarine Agency）。他们欢迎澳大利亚政府人员派驻美国潜艇产业基地，以及澳大利亚人员在美国潜艇上部署，以作为澳大利亚根据澳英美三边安全伙伴关系最佳途径逐步发展操作、维护和管理核动力潜艇所需的技能、知识和专长的方式。发展可信赖的区域贸易基础设施和有韧性的供应链，以建设经济韧性双方负责人重申了他们对以规则为基础的国际贸易体系的承诺。他们反对一切形式的经济胁迫，并认识到促进自由、公平和开放的国际贸易的多边机构和规范的重要性。双方负责人期待着就剩余的印太经济框架贸易、清洁经济和公平经济协议的谈判取得实质性的成果，以支持印太经济框架对印太地区自由开放、互联互通、繁荣富强、韧性强大、包容共享和安全有保障的愿景。澳大利亚和美国与其他12个印太经济框架伙伴共同努力，寻求应对经济挑战和机遇，包括通过与贸易、供应链、清洁能源、反腐败和税收有关的高标准承诺。他们确认致力于确保印太经济框架造福于所有人。他们赞赏印太经济框架供应链协议（IPEF Supply Chains Agreement ）谈判的实质性结束，并重申了各自做出的迅速实施的承诺，以尽快提供实质性惠益。双方负责人对美国APEC主办年期间的合作和进展表示欢迎，其中包括APEC贸易部长会议（APEC Ministers Responsible for Trade Meeting）和运输部长会议（Transportation Ministerial Meeting）。他们强调并认可APEC作为该地区主要经济论坛的重要性，旨在通过推进自由、公平和开放的贸易和投资环境、可持续经济增长、妇女经济赋权，以及构建更加互联互通、创新和包容的APEC地区等努力，为该地区人民创造更大的繁荣。他们还同意继续合作，共同努力确保APEC主办年圆满成功，包括定于今年11月举行的APEC部长会议（APEC Ministerial Meeting）和APEC经济领导人会议（APEC Economic Leaders’Meeting）的成功。双方负责人强调了他们在竞争日益加剧的时期继续合作，以建设共同经济安全和经济韧性的重要性。他们认识到一年一度的澳大利亚-美国战略商务对话（Australia-U.S. Strategic Commercial Dialogue）的重要性，以推进我们共同的地缘经济和商业利益，涵盖经济、外交和国家安全政策的紧密交融。美国期待着在2024年主办下一届澳美部长级磋商。欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/joint-statement-on-australia-u-s-ministerial-consultations-ausmin-2023/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。	MEDIA NOTE OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON JULY 29, 2023 The Governments of Australia and the United States of America released the following statement on the occasion of the 33rd Australia-United States Ministerial Consultations (AUSMIN). Minister for Foreign Affairs Penny Wong and Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Defence Richard Marles hosted the U.S. Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken and Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III on 29 July in Brisbane to advance the Australia-U.S. Alliance and their cooperation in the Indo-Pacific and globally. Building on the high tempo of engagement between leaders and ministers, including the meeting between Prime Minister Albanese and President Biden in May 2023, the Ministers and Secretaries (the principals) determined that the Alliance has never been stronger. Based on a bond of shared values, it remains a partnership of strategic interest – premised on a common determination to preserve stability, prosperity, and peace. All four principals acknowledged the traditional custodians of the land upon which AUSMIN took place and highlighted the ancient and enduring links between Australia’s First Nations people and Country. They committed to ensuring the voices of First Nations people are heard at the international level, and to draw on their knowledge and experience to address shared challenges, such as climate change. They committed to work together to elevate Indigenous People’s business interests, including through the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) and bilateral initiatives. Shaping an open, stable and prosperous Indo-Pacific, together The principals committed to expand collaboration—bilaterally and with regional partners and institutions, principally ASEAN and the Pacific Islands Forum—to ensure an Indo-Pacific that is open, stable, peaceful, prosperous, and respectful of sovereignty, human rights, and international law. They committed to further enhance engagement in the Indo-Pacific – underpinned by regional partner priorities such as economic and social development, climate change cooperation, security, connectivity, good governance, timely and effective humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, health security, and resilience initiatives. The principals underscored the vital importance of all states being free to exercise rights and freedoms consistent with international law, including the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, including freedom of navigation and overflight and rights to manage and develop marine resources. They reiterated their strong opposition to destabilising actions in the South China Sea, such as unsafe encounters at sea and in the air, the militarisation of disputed features, the dangerous use of coast guard vessels and maritime militia, and efforts to disrupt other countries’ offshore resource development. The principals committed to maintaining the steady and long-term presence of Australian and U.S. aircraft and vessels, consistent with international law and in partnership with Southeast Asian and other states, to promote stability and security in the region’s vital international waterways, including the South China Sea. They also committed to strengthen their support in building the capability of Southeast Asian partners to manage their maritime domains. The principals further expressed concern about the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) excessive maritime claims that are inconsistent with international law and unilateral actions that have raised tensions in the region. The principals reaffirmed the 2016 South China Sea Arbitral Award as final and binding on the parties. The principals also expressed serious concerns about the situation in the East China Sea – they shared an intention to remain in close communication about the situation there and expressed strong opposition to any destabilising or coercive unilateral actions that increase tensions in the area, undermining peace and stability. The principals reaffirmed the importance of maintaining peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait and their shared opposition to unilateral changes to the status quo. They called for the peaceful resolution of cross-Strait issues through dialogue, without the threat or use of force or coercion. They emphasised Taiwan’s important role as a leading Indo-Pacific economy and democracy and reiterated their commitment to work together to support Taiwan’s meaningful participation in international organisations, to deepen economic, trade, and people-to-people ties and committed to enhance development coordination with Taiwan in the Pacific. The principals emphasised the imperative for all countries to manage strategic competition responsibly. Australia expressed support for renewed U.S. efforts to establish reliable and open channels of communication with the PRC to manage strategic competition and guard against conflict. The principals encouraged the PRC to engage constructively with the United States and to take steps to promote stability and transparency. They affirmed the importance of cooperating with the PRC to address issues of global and shared interest including climate change, global food and nutrition security, trade, and macroeconomic stability. The principals noted that Southeast Asia was critical to regional stability and underscored their commitment to work together and with likeminded partners to support Southeast Asia’s economic, development and security priorities. They reaffirmed their commitment to ASEAN centrality and ASEAN-led regional architecture including the East Asia Summit (EAS), the ASEAN Regional Forum, and the ASEAN Defence Ministers’ Meeting-Plus. They emphasised the role of the EAS as the region’s premier leaders’ forum for addressing strategic challenges and expressed their ongoing support for the practical implementation of the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific. They expressed support for Indonesia’s priorities as 2023 ASEAN chair and extended their support to Laos as the ASEAN chair in 2024. They repeated their support for Timor-Leste’s accession to ASEAN and committed to implement their respective Comprehensive Strategic Partnerships with ASEAN. The principals reiterated their support for ASEAN-led efforts to respond to the ongoing crisis in Myanmar, and their deep concern for the deteriorating situation. They again urged the Myanmar military regime to implement its commitments under the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus, refrain from violence, release all those unjustly detained, and allow unimpeded humanitarian access. They called for the international community to sustain international pressure on the regime, and urged all countries to avoid lending credibility or military support to the regime as it continues its brutality against the people of Myanmar. The principals emphasised their commitment to working with Pacific Island Countries through existing regional architecture, recognising the centrality of the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF), and to support the objectives of the 2050 Strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent. They would continue to consult and be guided by Pacific priorities and encouraged other partners to similarly pursue best practice engagement that is transparent and places Pacific interests first. The principals reaffirmed their confidence that Partners in the Blue Pacific (PBP) is enhancing capacity for likeminded countries to coordinate and pool resources in support of the priorities and needs of Pacific Island Countries. They agreed to work closely with PBP partners towards delivering initiatives on climate action, cyber capacity-building, and humanitarian warehousing. The principals committed to pursue further joint financing for sustainable, resilient infrastructure in the region. Australia welcomed U.S. commitment to explore new grant funding for infrastructure projects in the Pacific, and its intent to further develop sovereign financing capacity to meet critical infrastructure needs in the region. They noted their commitment to the Blue Dot Network (BDN) to certify projects that have met global standards for quality infrastructure development, assisting developing countries to better attract private sector investment and close the infrastructure gap. The principals committed to leverage—in consultation with Pacific Island Countries – the planned deployment of a USCG Cutter to the Pacific in early 2024 to further maritime domain awareness and training in the region and to address maritime security priorities including illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing. The principals affirmed their commitment to jointly expand support for Pacific law enforcement and justice sector actors to secure maritime borders, combat transnational crime, and promote the rule of law in accordance with the Boe Declaration on Regional Security and the PIF’s 2050 Strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent. They welcomed deepened cooperation between Australian, Pacific and U.S. law enforcement agencies to improve maritime law enforcement and domain awareness, law enforcement capacity building, border security, and capacity to combat transnational organised crime, cybercrime, money laundering, corruption, and trafficking. The principals reaffirmed their commitment to enhance interoperability with the militaries of the Pacific, including through Exercises CORAL WARRIOR and CARTWHEEL in Fiji, and Exercise PUKPUK in Papua New Guinea (PNG). They welcomed Fiji, Indonesia, PNG, and Tonga’s participation in Exercise TALISMAN SABRE 2023 for the first time, as well as India, Singapore, Thailand, and the Philippines as observers of the largest bilateral military training activity between Australia and the United States. The principals discussed deepening Quad cooperation between Australia, the United States, India and Japan, in support of an open, stable, and prosperous Indo-Pacific. They welcomed Australia’s hosting of the 2023 Quad Leaders’ Summit in Hiroshima, where Quad Leaders announced practical initiatives on climate change and clean energy, infrastructure and connectivity, critical and emerging technology, and health security in response to regional priorities. They welcomed the continued progress of the Indo-Pacific Partnership for Maritime Domain Awareness—now in its pilot phase—which is helping to build a more accurate picture of maritime activities and enable responses to IUU fishing, bringing increased transparency to the region. The United States thanked Australia for its leadership in the Quad in 2023, and the principals affirmed their support for India’s hosting of the 2024 Quad Leaders’ Summit. The principals welcomed the growing development cooperation across their two systems in the Indo-Pacific and globally, including on development programming, climate and development financing, infrastructure, and health security. The principals welcomed the signing of an MOU between Australia’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and the U.S. Agency for International Development to facilitate joint pre-positioning of humanitarian supplies in Australia and PNG, enabling more effective humanitarian responses in the region. The principals reiterated their commitment to achieving gender equality and advancing the human rights of all women and girls, in all their diversity, globally and through initiatives in the Indo-Pacific. They welcomed the inaugural annual Australia-U.S. Strategic Dialogue on Gender Equality held in June 2023, and their commitment to collaborate on implementing the Women, Peace and Security agenda, ending all forms of sexual and gender-based violence, advancing gender equality in trade and progressing women’s economic empowerment. The principals expressed their continued grave concern about severe human rights violations and abuses in Xinjiang, the erosion of religious, cultural, educational and linguistic rights and freedoms in Tibet, and the systematic erosion of Hong Kong’s autonomy and democratic institutions, including through the introduction of the National Security Law and the decision of Hong Kong authorities to issue arrest warrants for democracy advocates who no longer live in Hong Kong. They strongly condemned ongoing human rights violations and abuses in Iran, including the persecution of women and girls, aggressive suppression of civil society and discriminatory treatment of ethnic and religious minorities. They also strongly condemned the Taliban for their egregious human rights abuses, particularly the systemic and all-encompassing denial of women and girls exercising their human rights. They expressed a shared commitment to standing with the people of Iran and Afghanistan, particularly women and girls. Driving climate action and the transition to clean energy The principals committed to deepening cooperation to address the climate crisis through the implementation of the Australia-United States Climate, Critical Minerals and Clean Energy Transformation Compact announced by Prime Minister Albanese and President Biden in May 2023. They reaffirmed the existential threat posed by climate change and underscored the importance of working together to mitigate its global impacts. This aligns with the shared goal of keeping a global average temperature rise of 1.5 degrees Celsius within reach. The principals acknowledged clean energy transformation as fundamental to global climate action and reaffirmed the important role of the Compact in enhancing integration between Australia and U.S. clean energy and critical minerals industries to unlock economic growth, drive down emissions, and build regional energy security. They recognised the importance of the Quad Statement of Principles on Clean Energy Supply Chains and Quad Clean Energy Supply Chains Diversification Program in facilitating a coordinated approach to the clean energy transition in the Indo-Pacific. The United States welcomed Australia’s bid to host COP31 with Pacific partners. The principals reiterated their unwavering support for the Pacific in dealing with the impacts of climate change – which present daily challenges for, and have a disproportionate impact on, communities and governments in the region. Recognising this, they agreed it was vital to accelerate implementation of the Compact as soon as possible, including by supporting the preparatory work for the Pacific Resilience Facility. Building on the establishment of the Senior Officials’ Working Group on Climate Security Risk, the principals committed to strengthening coordination on climate security initiatives, such as enhanced information sharing, collaboration on climate risk assessments, and the integration of climate considerations into existing military exercises and planning. The principals reiterated their commitment to strengthen coordination with regional partners on climate mitigation, adaptation, and resilience, especially in consideration of those most vulnerable to the effects of climate change, including women, girls, and First Nations people. They will continue to share expertise on climate finance and clean energy investment, including development of potential new and innovative financial approaches to increase private investment into the region’s net zero transition and resilience needs. The principals also agreed on the need to provide greater opportunities for First Nations people to contribute to and benefit from the clean energy transition, noting their unique expertise in environmental management. Defence and Security Cooperation The principals reaffirmed their shared commitment to operationalise the Alliance, including through Enhanced Force Posture Cooperation. They underscored that their cooperation was based on a foundation of trust, a long record of achievement and a shared vision for upholding an open and stable international order. They recalled the Force Posture Agreement, which recognises the mutual benefits to Australia and the United States from access to facilities and areas in Australia by the United States Armed Forces and that such access and use is on a rotational basis, as mutually determined, and at the invitation of Australia, with full respect and observance of both Australia and U.S. sovereignty. The principals reaffirmed their commitment to deliver the ambitious trajectory of Enhanced Force Posture Cooperation across land, maritime, and air domains, as well as the Combined Logistics, Sustainment and Maintenance Enterprise (CoLSME). They declared Enhanced Space Cooperation as a new Force Posture Initiative to enable closer cooperation in this critical operational domain. They also announced their intent to increase space integration and cooperation in existing operations and exercises. The principals affirmed their intention to continue to progress upgrades at key Australian bases in the north, including RAAF Bases Darwin and Tindal, supported by site surveys to scope additional upgrades at new locations, RAAF Bases Scherger and Curtin. Through Enhanced Air Cooperation, they announced their intent to rotate U.S. Navy Maritime Patrol and Reconnaissance Aircraft in Australia to enhance regional maritime domain awareness, with an ambition of inviting likeminded partners to participate in the future. Through Enhanced Maritime Cooperation, the principals noted their intention to conduct more regular and longer visits of U.S. SSNs from 2023 to Australia, with a focus on HMAS Stirling. These visits would help build Australia’s capacity in preparation for Submarine Rotational Force-West, an important milestone for the AUKUS Optimal Pathway that would commence as early as 2027. The principals affirmed their intent to enable a regular rotation of U.S. Army Watercraft in Australia, commencing with participation in Exercise TALISMAN SABRE this month, and noted the benefits for interoperability and regional engagement. Through the CoLSME, Australia and the United States announced their intent to conduct a proof of principle prepositioning of U.S. Army stores and materiel in Bandiana, Australia following Exercise TALISMAN SABRE 2023. This is a precursor to the longer-term establishment of an enduring Logistics Support Area in Queensland—designed to enhance interoperability and accelerate the ability to respond to regional crises. The principals welcomed the commitment at the Australia, Japan and U.S. Trilateral Defense Ministers’ Meeting in June to develop a roadmap for enhanced trilateral cooperation in Australia. The roadmap will develop concrete proposals for trilateral cooperation that will increase Japanese participation in exercises and training related activities in Australia including F-35 Joint Strike Fighter training and cooperation. Enhancing trilateral interoperability is an important investment in credible, effective deterrence. Building upon intent shared at this year’s Trilateral Defense Ministerial Meeting, the principals agreed to enhance trilateral Integrated Air and Missile Defence (IAMD) cooperation with Japan, including through involvement of attendees from all three countries in their respective bilateral IAMD policy discussions, where appropriate. As the United States develops its enhanced IAMD architecture on Guam and elsewhere in the Indo-Pacific region, the principals affirmed their intent to work together closely to identify areas and activities where bilateral cooperation can be expanded, including strengthened operational collaboration on IAMD-related military exercises. The principals committed to explore opportunities to further deepen cooperation with partners, including Japan, India, Indonesia, the Philippines, and the Republic of Korea, noting the dividend for security and stability in the Indo-Pacific. The principals agreed to establish Combined Intelligence Centre – Australia within Australia’s Defence Intelligence Organisation by 2024. The Centre would further enhance the long-standing intelligence cooperation between the Australian Defence Intelligence Organisation and the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency, focused on analysing issues of shared strategic concern in the Indo-Pacific. Shared commitment to global security The principals committed to upholding a global order based on international law, including the fundamental principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity. They condemned Russia’s unlawful and immoral war against Ukraine, and again called on Russia to immediately, completely, and unconditionally withdraw its forces from within the internationally recognised borders of Ukraine. The principals emphasised that Russia’s war is causing immense human suffering and exacerbating existing fragilities in the global economy. They condemned Russia’s weaponisation of food, including its decision to end its participation in the Black Sea Grain Initiative and its continued attacks on Ukrainian agriculture and export infrastructure. The principals called on all those with influence on Russia, particularly China, to exert it now to end the war. They noted Russia’s nuclear threats were a serious and unacceptable menace to international peace and security, and that the use of nuclear weapons would be met with resolute responses by the international community. The principals denounced Iran’s destabilising behaviour, including its wrongful detention of foreign and dual nationals and targeting, intimidation, and harassment of dissidents overseas, its nuclear-related expansions, proliferation of ballistic missiles, support for armed proxies, and threats to shipping and freedom of navigation in the Gulf. They also condemned Iran’s provision of drones to Russia for use in Russia’s war against Ukraine. The principals strongly condemned the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s (DPRK) unprecedented series of unlawful ballistic missile launches since 2022 and continued development of its ballistic missile and nuclear weapons programs which are prohibited by multiple UN Security Council resolutions. They noted with grave concern continuing reports of severe violations of human rights in the DPRK. They noted with concern reports that the DPRK was conducting increasingly sophisticated cyber-attacks against financial institutions and cryptocurrency exchanges to raise illicit funds for these programs and called for the complete denuclearisation of the Korean Peninsula consistent with UN Security Council resolutions. They further encouraged the DPRK to immediately return to constructive dialogue. The principals committed to enhance cooperation to prevent proliferation of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction, and to strengthen the global multilateral non-proliferation architecture, including the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons as the cornerstone of the global non-proliferation and disarmament regime and the IAEA safeguards system, including through working to promote universal adoption of the Additional Protocol. The principals reiterated shared concerns about the increased scale and severity of malicious cyber activity and committed to hold to account those that engage in unacceptable behaviour in cyberspace. The principals reiterated their support for the UN Open Ended Working Group and the UN Programme of Action to advance responsible state behaviour in cyberspace and protect an open, secure, stable, accessible and peaceful cyberspace founded upon international law and norms. They also underscored their ambition for the UN Open-Ended Working Group on Reducing Space Threats through Norms, Rules, and Principles of Responsible Behaviours to produce outcomes and recommendations in its final session in August that will bolster security, transparency, stability, predictability, and trust in outer space. The principals reiterated their shared commitment to the safe and ethical development of critical technologies such as Artificial Intelligence (AI) and quantum. Australia congratulated the Biden-Harris Administration for securing the eight voluntary commitments from industry to manage the risks posed by AI and noted that it is currently reviewing its regulatory framework for AI. Securing our technological edge The principals reaffirmed the importance of maximising the strategic and technological advantage of the Alliance by combining strengths and pooling resources in an age of heightened strategic competition. They lauded the progress made since the last AUSMIN in December 2022 to streamline defence trade controls and information sharing between the two countries. The principals reiterated their joint commitment to security standards to safeguard sensitive technology and information. The Governments of Australia and the United States are examining their export control regimes to streamline the flow of defence trade. The principals committed to collaborate on critical technologies and innovation to ensure the Alliance’s asymmetrical capability edge and to explore opportunities for regional co-development, co-production, and co-sustainment aligned to agreed capability priorities. They welcomed opportunities for future collaboration between Australia’s Advanced Strategic Capabilities Accelerator and the U.S. Defence Advanced Research Projects Agency and Strategic Capabilities Office including on synergies for planned capability programs. The principals agreed to deepen cooperation on Australia’s Guided Weapons and Explosive Ordnance Enterprise by collaborating on a flexible guided weapons production capability in Australia, with an initial focus on the potential for co-production of Guided Multiple Launch Rocket Systems by 2025. This is key to expanding the combined industrial power of the Alliance and to building Australia’s industrial infrastructure and skilled workforce. The principals reaffirmed their commitment to address global supply chain constraints and to transfer technical data for the M795 155mm artillery shell in support of future production in Australia. They reaffirmed their commitment to progress the maintenance, repair, overhaul, and upgrade of priority munitions in Australia, noting this would enhance supply chain resilience, with an initial focus on MK-48 heavyweight torpedoes and SM-2 missiles. The principals welcomed progress under the AUKUS partnership towards Australia’s acquisition of a conventionally armed, nuclear-powered submarine capability and the development of advanced capabilities to safeguard stability and security in the Indo-Pacific. They reaffirmed their commitment to transparency and urged others to take a similar approach to their capability development. The principals reaffirmed their commitment to set the highest nuclear non-proliferation standard. The United States reiterated its confidence that the non-proliferation approach Australia is developing in consultation with the International Atomic Energy Agency would set the strongest precedent for the acquisition of a nuclear-powered submarine capability. The principals recognised the strong progress made to implementing the AUKUS Optimal Pathway since it was announced, including the establishment of the Australian Submarine Agency on 1 July 2023. They welcomed the embedding of Australian Government personnel within the U.S. submarine industrial base and Australians deployed on U.S. submarines as a way for Australia to progressively develop the skills, knowledge, and expertise required to operate, maintain, and steward nuclear-powered submarines under the AUKUS Optimal Pathway. Developing trusted regional trade infrastructure and resilient supply chains to build economic resilience The principals reiterated their commitment to a rules-based international trading system. They opposed economic coercion in all its forms and recognised the importance of multilateral institutions and norms which promote free, fair, and open international trade. The principals look forward to the substantial conclusion of negotiations for the remaining IPEF agreements on trade, clean economy, and fair economy, in support of IPEF’s vision for a free and open, connected, prosperous, resilient, inclusive, and secure Indo-Pacific region. Working together with 12 other IPEF partners, Australia and the United States seek to address economic challenges and opportunities, including through high-standard commitments related to trade, supply chains, clean energy, and anti-corruption and tax. They affirmed their commitment to ensuring that IPEF delivers for everyone. They commended the substantial conclusion of negotiations for the IPEF Supply Chains Agreement and reaffirmed their respective commitment to quick implementation in order to deliver concrete benefits as soon as possible. The principals welcomed the collaboration and progress made during the United States’ APEC host year, including at the APEC Ministers Responsible for Trade Meeting and the Transportation Ministerial Meeting. They highlighted and acknowledged the importance of APEC as the premier economic forum in the region, which aims to create greater prosperity for the people of the region including by advancing a free, fair, and open trade and investment environment, sustainable economic growth, and women’s economic empowerment, and building a more interconnected, innovative, and inclusive APEC region. They also agreed to continue to work cooperatively toward the successful conclusion of the APEC year, including at the APEC Ministerial Meeting and the APEC Economic Leaders’ Meeting this November. The principals highlighted their ongoing cooperation to build their shared economic security and economic resilience in a time of heighted competition. They recognised the value of the annual Australia-U.S. Strategic Commercial Dialogue to advance our shared geoeconomic and commercial interests across the nexus of economic, foreign, and national security policy. The United States looks forward to hosting the next AUSMIN in 2024.
布林肯国务卿关于萨尔曼∙拉什迪遭受袭击的声明 2022年8月14日在这次令人发指的袭击之后，我们与全国和世界各地的人们一道关心萨尔曼·拉什迪（Salman Rushdie）。拉什迪不仅仅是一位文学巨匠，还始终坚持表达自由、宗教或信仰自由以及新闻自由等普遍权利。在执法人员继续调查袭击事件的同时，我想起了试图破坏这些权利的险恶势力，包括通过仇恨言论和煽动暴力。具体而言，几代人以来，伊朗国家机构都在煽动针对拉什迪的暴力，而国家附属的媒体最近对企图谋杀他的行为幸灾乐祸。这很卑鄙。美国和伙伴们不会动摇我们抵制这些威胁的决心，并使用我们掌握的一切适当工具。拉什迪的力量——以及世界各地所有忍受这种威胁的人们的力量——坚定了我们的决心，并强调了国际社会有必要团结一致地反对那些会挑战这些普遍权利的人。	PRESS STATEMENT ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE AUGUST 14, 2022 We join those across the country and around the world who are keeping Salman Rushdie in our thoughts in the aftermath of this heinous attack. More than a literary giant, Rushdie has consistently stood up for the universal rights of freedom of expression, freedom of religion or belief, and freedom of the press. While law enforcement officials continue to investigate the attack, I am reminded of the pernicious forces that seek to undermine these rights, including through hate speech and incitement to violence Specifically, Iranian state institutions have incited violence against Rushdie for generations, and state-affiliated media recently gloated about the attempt on his life. This is despicable. The United States and partners will not waver in our determination to stand up to these threats, using every appropriate tool at our disposal. The strength of Rushdie — and that of all of those around the world who have endured such threats — steels our resolve and underscores the imperative of standing united as an international community against those who would challenge these universal rights.
Department of Commerce Seal 供即时发布 2019年10月7日，星期一美国商务部将28家中国机构加入其实体名单华盛顿 – 今日，商务部工业与安全局宣布它将把28家中国政府机构和商业机构加入实体名单，因为它们从事或纵容与美国外交政策利益相背离的活动。中国针对新疆维吾尔自治区（XUAR）的维吾尔人和其他以穆斯林为主的少数民族群体开展的运动中存在违反和侵犯人权的行径，对于牵涉其中的实体，这一行动限制向这些实体出口受《出口管理条例》（EAR）管辖的物项。 “美国政府和商务部不能也不会容忍对中国境内少数民族群体的残忍压迫。”商务部长威尔伯∙罗斯表示，“本行动将确保我们在个人自由和自由企业制度的环境下培养的技术不被用于打压手无寸铁的少数群体。” 本次名单增列包括新疆维吾尔自治区人民政府公安厅、19个下设局和8个商业实体。这些实体位于新疆维吾尔自治区和全中国各地，均牵涉执行中国的施压、大规模任意拘押和高科技监控运动。根据《出口管理条例》第744.11（b）条款，本实体名单识别出被合理认为涉及或具有重大风险涉及或会涉及与美国国家安全或外交政策利益相背离的活动的个人或组织。《出口管理条例》对向所列实体出口、再出口和（境内）转移施加额外的许可证要求，并限制大多数许可证例外的可获得性。 ###	FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Monday, October 7, 2019 News Media Contact: Office of Public Affairs U.S. Department of Commerce Adds 28 Chinese Organizations to its Entity List WASHINGTON – Today, the Bureau of Industry and Security of the Department of Commerce announced that it will add 28 Chinese governmental and commercial organizations to the Entity List for engaging in or enabling activities contrary to the foreign policy interests of the United States. This action constricts the export of items subject to the Export Administration Regulations (EAR) to entities that have been implicated in human rights violations and abuses in China’s campaign targeting Uighurs and other predominantly Muslim ethnic minorities in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (XUAR). “The U.S. Government and Department of Commerce cannot and will not tolerate the brutal suppression of ethnic minorities within China,” said Secretary of Commerce Wilbur Ross. “This action will ensure that our technologies, fostered in an environment of individual liberty and free enterprise, are not used to repress defenseless minority populations.” The additions include the XUAR People’s Government Public Security Bureau, 19 subordinate elements, and eight commercial entities. Located in XUAR and throughout China, these entities have all been implicated in the implementation of China’s campaign of repression, mass arbitrary detention, and high-technology surveillance. Pursuant to Section 744.11(b) of the EAR, the Entity List identifies persons or organizations reasonably believed to be involved, or to pose a significant risk of being or becoming involved, in activities contrary to the national security or foreign policy interests of the United States. The EAR imposes additional license requirements on, and limits the availability of most license exceptions for, exports, re-exports, and transfers (in-country) to listed entities. ###
拜登总统关于美国世界地位的讲话白宫华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2021年2月4日美国国务院总部哈里·杜鲁门大楼（Harry S. Truman Building）华盛顿哥伦比亚特区东部标准时间下午2:45 总统：国务卿先生，很高兴在这里见到你。长时期以来我始终期待能称你为“国务卿先生”。诸位下午好。很荣幸能够在美国第一任首席外交官本杰明·富兰克林（Benjamin Franklin）的注视下再次来到国务院。顺便说一句，我希望新闻界诸位都知道，我曾在宾夕法尼亚大学担任总统政治学本杰明·富兰克林教授（Benjamin Franklin Professor）。我想他们这样做是因为我和他都一样老。但我猜想不会是如此。不开玩笑了，很高兴来到这里，与我们最近上任的高级外交官国务卿托尼·布林肯（Tony Blinken）站在一起。国务卿先生，感谢你今天接待我们。我们已经一起工作了20多年。你的外交能力受到我们世界各地的朋友和竞争对手同等的尊重。他们知道，当你发表讲话的时候，你是在代表我。所以，今天我想让全世界都收到这个信息：美国已经回归。美国已经回归。外交已经回归我们对外政策的中心。我在我的就职演说中谈到，我们将修补我们的联盟，再次与世界发展联系，不仅应对昨天的挑战，而且应对今天和明天的挑战。美国的领导作用必须适应当前的新局势。目前专制主义日益坐大，包括中国与美国对抗的野心愈益膨胀，俄罗斯处心积虑地想破坏和摧毁我们的民主。我们必须适应全球挑战逐步加剧的新局势，从疫情爆发、气候危机到核扩散，对意志构成了挑战，只能通过各国齐心协力才能得到解决。我们无法单枪匹马完成使命。我们必须以根植于美国最崇高的民主价值的外交为起点：捍卫自由，倡导机会，保护各项普遍的权利，尊重法治，维护每一个人的尊严。这是我们的全球政策——我们全球实力的基本点。这是我们的力量取之不尽的源泉。这是美国永不衰竭的优势。近几年来，其中众多的价值受到强大的压力，前几个星期甚至被推到了危险的边缘，但美国人民冲破迷雾重新崛起，更强壮、更坚定、更有能力团结全世界捍卫民主，因为我们本身已经为之进行了奋斗。过去几天来，我们与我们的盟友和伙伴密切合作，汇聚国际社会的力量解决缅甸的军事政变问题。我还与领袖麦康奈尔（McConnell）讨论我们对缅甸局势的共同关注。我们达成了一致的意志。毫无疑问，在民主制度下，武力永远不可凌驾于人民的意志之上，也不应该抹杀正当选举的结果。缅甸军人应该放弃他们夺走的权力，释放他们拘押的维权人士、社会活动分子和官员，取消对电讯施加的限制并避免采取暴力。我曾在本星期早些时候说过，我们将与我们的伙伴一起支持恢复民主和法治，让应该对事态负责的人员承担后果。过去两个星期，我与加拿大、墨西哥、英国、德国、法国、北约（NATO）、日本、韩国、澳大利亚等众多最密切的友邦的领导人进行了交谈，努力恢复相互合作的模式，重振民主联盟的威力。过去几年，民主联盟因受到忽视，且我认为因受到践踏已气势渐衰。美国缔结的联盟是我们最宝贵的财富。通过外交发挥领导作用意味着与我们的盟国和重要伙伴再次并肩站在一起。通过外交发挥领导作用，我们必须与我们的敌方和我们的竞争对手进行外交接触。这符合我们的利益，有利于促进美国人民的安全。为此，昨天美国和俄罗斯同意新削减战略武器条约（New START Treaty）延长5年，保留我们两国之间现存唯一保障核稳定的条约。与此同时，我以完全不同于前任的方式向普京（Putin）总统明确表示，对于俄罗斯采取的侵略性行动——干涉我国选举、网络攻击、毒杀其本国公民等行为，美国不闻不问的日子已经过去。我们毫不犹豫地要求俄罗斯为此付出更高的代价，努力捍卫我们的重要利益和我们的人民。我们与其他志同道合的伙伴联合行动，同心协力，将会更有力地对付俄罗斯。出于政治动机监禁阿列克谢·纳瓦利内（Alexei Navalny）和俄罗斯力图压制表达自由及和平集会自由的行为是我们和国际社会高度关注的问题。纳瓦利内先生与俄罗斯全体公民一样享有俄罗斯宪法规定的各项权力。他成为受攻击的目标——因揭露腐败受到攻击。他应该立即无条件得到释放。我们也将直接迎战我们的最大竞争对手中国对我们繁荣、安全和民主价值观的挑战。我们将对抗中国的经济弊行；反击它咄咄逼人的高压行动；遏制中国对人权、知识产权和全球管理规则的攻击。但是，在符合美国利益的时候，美国有准备与北京合作。通过将国内建设得更好，与盟国友邦进行合作，恢复我们在国际机构中的作用，重新取得我们被大量丧失的信誉和道德权威，我们将在强有力的基础上展开竞争。正因为这样，我们迅速采取了行动，恢复美国的国际参与，重新赢得我们的领导地位，激发针对共同挑战的国际行动。我在第一天便签署了重新加入《巴黎气候协议》（Paris Climate Agreement）的文件。我们正在拿出行动，将气候目标纳入我们各项外交努力就是一个代表，而且提出了更宏大的气候目标。这样我们能够要求其他国家，其他排放大国，也加大——将他们的承诺加大。我将在今年的地球日（Earth Day）主持气候领导人——一个气候领导人峰会（Climate Leaders’ Summit），谈解决气候危机问题。面对这个存亡威胁美国必须一马当先。同疫情一样，这需要有全球合作。我们也在重新与世界卫生组织（World Health Organization）携手。这样将能让我们为抗击2019冠状病毒病（COVID-19）和在未来发现和预防疫情作出更好的全球防范，因为这种情况还会出现。我们在政府内部提高了网络问题的地位，包括任命了首位国家的——负责网络和新型技术事务的副国家安全顾问（Deputy National Security Advisor for Cyber and Emerging Technology）。我们即将启动一个紧急行动计划，增进我们在网络空间的能力、防备性和抵抗力。今天，我宣布采取进一步举措，纠正我们的外交政策路线，使我们的民主价值观与我们的外交领导作用更好地结合起来。首先，国防部长奥斯汀（Austin）将主持我军的全球态势评审（Global Posture Review），以便让我们的军事足迹与我们的外交方针和国家安全重点相一致。它将由国家安全的所有部门协作进行，奥斯汀部长和布林肯国务卿将密切合作。在评审期间，我们将停止一切从德国撤军的计划。我们也将加强外交努力，结束也门的战争——这场战争造成了人道和战略灾难。我已经要求我的中东团队确保支持以联合国为首的行动计划，实行停火，开放人道援助渠道，恢复长期搁置的和平谈判。今天早上，布林肯国务卿任命职业外交政策官员蒂姆·伦德金（Tim Lenderking）担任也门冲突问题特使，我感谢他这样做。蒂姆是毕生——在那个地区投入了毕生精力，他将与联合国特使和冲突各方共同推动找到外交解决方案。蒂姆的外交努力也将得到美国国际发展署（USAID）的加持，努力确保人道援助将被送到正在经历不堪忍受的摧残的也门人民手中。这场战争必须结束。为突出表明我们的决心，美国将停止对也门战争中攻击性行动的一切支持，包括相关军售。与此同时，沙特阿拉伯面临导弹攻击，无人机袭击以及其他来自伊朗支持的多国武装势力的威胁。我们将继续支持和帮助沙特阿拉伯捍卫它的主权和领土完整，保护它的人民。我们还面临着全球各地8,000多万人流离失所的危机。在我来到这里的几十年中，美国在难民问题上的道义领导作用一直是两党共识。我们曾为受压迫人民点亮了一盏自由的明灯。我们为那些逃避暴力或迫害的人提供了安身之地。我们的榜样推动其他国家也敞开了大门。因此，今天我批准一项行政命令，启动恢复我国难民接收项目的艰难工作，以便帮助满足全球前所未有的需要。重建遭到如此重创的项目需要时间，但这是我们将要做的。这项行政命令将使我们可以在拜登–哈里斯（Biden-Harris）政府的第一个完整的财政年度里，将接收难民的人数重新提升到最多12.5万人。我正在指示国务院与国会磋商，尽快为这项承诺拨款。为进一步恢复我们的道德领导力，我还将向各部门颁布总统备忘录，重振我们在男女同性恋者、双性恋者、跨性别者、酷儿和间性者（LGBTQI）问题上的带头作用，并且在国际上这样做。你们知道，通过同将男女同性恋者、双性恋者、跨性别者、酷儿和间性者视为罪犯的情况作斗争，并且保护身为男女同性恋者、双性恋者、跨性别者、酷儿和间性者的难民和寻求避难者，我们将使外交和国际援助促进被包含进来的人的权利。最后，为成功展现我们的外交力量并维护美国人民的安全、繁荣和自由，我们必须恢复我国外交政策机构的健康和士气。我要让在这座大楼和我们在世界各地使领馆工作的人知道：我珍惜你们专业能力，尊重你们，我将做你们的后盾。本届政府将赋予你们完成工作的权能，不会让你们成为靶子或将你们政治化。我们希望有一种热烈的辩论，纳入各种视角并为不同意见创造空间。这是我们将尽可能获得最佳政策成果的方式。因此，在你们的帮助下，美国将再度引领，不仅仅以我们的力量为榜样，而是以我们的榜样为力量。这就是我的政府已经采取重要步骤在国内践行我们的国内价值观——在国内践行我们的民主价值观的原因。在就职几小时内，我签署了一项推翻带有仇恨的歧视性的穆斯林禁令的行政命令；逆转了禁止跨性别者在我们的军队中服务的禁令。而且作为我们对真理、透明度和问责制的承诺的一部分，我们从第一天开始——我们从第一天开始就在白宫举行每日新闻简报会。我们已经重新恢复——我们已经在国务院这里和五角大楼（Pentagon）重新恢复了例行简报会。我们相信自由媒体不是敌人；而是必不可少的。一个自由媒体对于一个民主制度的健全是必不可少的。我们已经恢复了我们对科学以及对制定基于事实和实证的政策的承诺。我觉得本·富兰克林（Ben Franklin）一定会表示赞同。我们已经采取步骤承认并应对我们自己的国家中系统性的种族主义以及白人至上主义（White Supremacy）的祸患。种族平等将不仅仅是我们的政府中某一个部门的问题，而必须成为整个政府以及我们所有的联邦政策和机构的要务。所有这些都事关对外政策，因为当我们在我的政府初期主办民主峰会（Summit of Democracy）以联合全世界各国在全球捍卫民主，并击退专制主义的进犯时，我们将成为可信得多的合作伙伴，因为有了这些支持我们自己的根基的努力。在对外政策和国内政策之间不再有一条鲜明的界线。我们在国外行事时采取的每一项行动，我们在行动时都必须谨记美国的工作家庭。推动一项有利于中产阶级的对外政策要求我们必须迫切地着重于我们的国内经济复兴。因此，我立即提出了美国救援计划（American Rescue Plan），以便让我们走出这场经济危机。这就是我上周签署一项行政命令来增进我们的购买美国产品（Buy American）的政策的原因。这也是我同国会共同努力对研究和开发可转换的——可转换的技术进行影响深远的投资的原因。这些投资将创造就业机会，保持美国在全球的竞争优势，并确保所有美国人都享有这些收益。如果我们投资于我们自己和我们的人民，如果我们奋力确保美国公司有能力在全球舞台上竞争并胜出，如果国际贸易规则不会对我们不利，如果我们的劳动者和知识产权得到保护，那么地球上就没有一个国家——中国或地球上的其他任何国家都不能——与我们比肩。投入于我们的外交并不是我们仅仅因为这是对于世界的正确之举就去做的事情。我们这么做是为了生活在和平、安全和繁荣之中。我们这么做是因为这符合我们自己直白的自身利益。当我们增强我们的同盟时，我们就扩大了我们的力量，以及我们在威胁能够达及我们的国土前就挫败它们的能力。当我们投资于各国的经济发展时，我们就能为我们的产品开辟新的市场，并减少不稳定、暴力和大规模迁移的可能性。当我们增强全世界偏远地区的医卫系统时，我们就能减轻今后出现可能威胁我们的人民和我们的经济的流行疫情的风险。当我们在全世界捍卫人们的平等权利——妇女和女童，男女同性恋、双性恋、跨性别者及酷儿（LGBTQ），原住民社区，残障人士，以及所有族裔背景和宗教群体的权利——我们也在为我们自己在美国的子孙后代确保这些权利得到保护。美国不能在世界舞台上继续缺席了。我今天来到国务院，这个机构如同我们的国家一样悠久、一样传奇，因为外交对于美国人——美国如何谱写自己的命运一直是至关重要的。因为本·富兰克林的外交帮助确保了我们的革命的胜利。马歇尔计划（Marshall Plan）的构想帮助防止了世界被掩埋在战争的残垣之中。还有埃莉诺·罗斯福（Eleanor Roosevelt）的热情宣告了属于所有人的普世权利的宏大理念。正是各类外交人员的领导作用，通过从事日常的交往工作，开创了一个自由的、互联互通的世界的理念。我们是一个做大事的国家。美国的外交使之得以实现。而且本届政府准备好再接再厉并再次引领。谢谢大家。愿上帝保佑你们并保护我们的军队、我们的外交人员以及我们的发展专家，还有所有置身于险境为国服务的美国人员。从这边走。谢谢大家。讲话结束东部标准时间下午3:04	Remarks by President Biden on America’s Place in the World U.S. Department of State Headquarters Harry S. Truman Building Washington, D.C. 2:45 P.M. EST THE PRESIDENT: Mr. Secretary, it’s great to be here with you. And I’ve been looking forward a long time to be able to call you “Mr. Secretary.” Good afternoon, everyone. It’s an honor to be back at the State Department under the eyes of the first American chief diplomat, Benjamin Franklin. And, by the way, I want you all to know in the press I was the Benjamin Franklin Professor of Presidential Politics at Penn. And I thought they did that because I was as old as he was, but I guess not. Anyway, all kidding aside, it’s great to be here and stand alongside our most recent and senior diplomat, Secretary Tony Blinken. Mr. Secretary, thank you for welcoming us today. We’ve worked together for over 20 years. Your diplomatic skills are respected equally by your friends and our competitors around the world. And they know when you speak, you speak for me. And so — so is the message I want the world to hear today: America is back. America is back. Diplomacy is back at the center of our foreign policy. As I said in my inaugural address, we will repair our alliances and engage with the world once again, not to meet yesterday’s challenges, but today’s and tomorrow’s. American leadership must meet this new moment of advancing authoritarianism, including the growing ambitions of China to rival the United States and the determination of Russia to damage and disrupt our democracy. We must meet the new moment accelerating glo- — accelerating global challenges — from the pandemic to the climate crisis to nuclear proliferation — challenging the will only to be solved by nations working together and in common. We can’t do it alone. That must be this — we must start with diplomacy rooted in America’s most cherished democratic values: defending freedom, championing opportunity, upholding universal rights, respecting the rule of law, and treating every person with dignity. That’s the grounding wire of our global policy — our global power. That’s our inexhaustible source of strength. That’s America’s abiding advantage. Though many of these values have come under intense pressure in recent years, even pushed to the brink in the last few weeks, the American people are going to emerge from this moment stronger, more determined, and better equipped to unite the world in fighting to defend democracy, because we have fought for it ourselves. Over the past few days, we’ve been in close cooperation with our allies and partners to bring together the international community to address the military coup in Burma. I’ve also been in touch with Leader McConnell to discuss our shared concerns about the situation in Burma, and we are united in our resolve. There can be no doubt: In a democracy, force should never seek to overrule the will of the people or attempt to erase the outcome of a credible election. The Burmese military should relinquish power they have seized, release the advocates and activists and officials they have detained, lift the restrictions on telecommunications, and refrain from violence. As I said earlier this week, we will work with our partners to support restoration of democracy and the rule of law, and impose consequences on those responsible. Over the past two weeks, I’ve spoken with the leaders of many of our closest friends — Canada, Mexico, the UK, Germany, France, NATO, Japan, South Korea, Australia — to being [begin] reforming the habits of cooperation and rebuilding the muscle of democratic alliances that have atrophied over the past few years of neglect and, I would argue, abuse. America’s alliances are our greatest asset, and leading with diplomacy means standing shoulder-to-shoulder with our allies and key partners once again. By leading with diplomacy, we must also mean engaging our adversaries and our competitors diplomatically, where it’s in our interest, and advance the security of the American people. That’s why, yesterday, the United States and Russia agreed to extend the New START Treaty for five years to preserve the only remaining treaty between our countries safeguarding nuclear stability. At the same time, I made it clear to President Putin, in a manner very different from my predecessor, that the days of the United States rolling over in the face of Russia’s aggressive actions — interfering with our elections, cyberattacks, poisoning its citizens — are over. We will not hesitate to raise the cost on Russia and defend our vital interests and our people. And we will be more effective in dealing with Russia when we work in coalition and coordination with other like-minded partners. The politically motivated jailing of Alexei Navalny and the Russian efforts to suppress freedom of expression and peaceful assembly are a matter of deep concern to us and the international community. Mr. Navalny, like all Russian citizens, is entitled to his rights under the Russian constitution. He’s been targeted — targeted for exposing corruption. He should be released immediately and without condition. And we’ll also take on directly the challenges posed by our prosperity, security, and democratic values by our most serious competitor, China. We’ll confront China’s economic abuses; counter its aggressive, coercive action; to push back on China’s attack on human rights, intellectual property, and global governance. But we are ready to work with Beijing when it’s in America’s interest to do so. We will compete from a position of strength by building back better at home, working with our allies and partners, renewing our role in international institutions, and reclaiming our credibility and moral authority, much of which has been lost. That’s why we’ve moved quickly to begin restoring American engagement internationally and earn back our leadership position, to catalyze global action on shared challenges. On day one, I signed the paperwork to rejoin the Paris Climate Agreement. We’re taking steps led by the example of integrating climate objectives across all of our diplomacy and raise the ambition of our climate targets. That way, we can challenge other nations, other major emitters, up to — to up the ante on their own commitments. I’ll be hosting climate leaders — a climate leaders’ summit to address the climate crisis on Earth Day of this year. America must lead in the face of this existential threat. And just as with the pandemic, it requires global cooperation. We’ve also reengaged with the World Health Organization. That way, we can build better global preparedness to counter COVID-19, as well as detect and prevent future pandemics, because there will be more. We’ve elevated the status of cyber issues within our government, including appointing the first national — Deputy National Security Advisor for Cyber and Emerging Technology. We’re launching an urgent initiative to improve our capability, readiness, and resilience in cyberspace. Today, I’m announcing additional steps to course-correct our foreign policy and better unite our democratic values with our diplomatic leadership. To begin, Defense Secretary Austin will be leading a Global Posture Review of our forces so that our military footprint is appropriately aligned with our foreign policy and national security priorities. It will be coordinated across all elements of our national security, with Secretary Austin and Secretary Blinken working in close cooperation. And while this review is taking place, we’ll be stopping any planned troop withdrawals from Germany. We’re also stepping up our diplomacy to end the war in Yemen — a war which has created a humanitarian and strategic catastrophe. I’ve asked my Middle East team to ensure our support for the United Nations-led initiative to impose a ceasefire, open humanitarian channels, and restore long-dormant peace talks. This morning, Secretary Blinken appointed Tim Lenderking, a career foreign policy officer, as our special envoy to the Yemen conflict. And I appreciate his doing this. Tim is a life — has lifelong experience in the region, and he’ll work with the U.N. envoy and all parties of the conflict to push for a diplomatic resolution. And Tim’s diplomacy will be bolstered by USI- — USAID, working to ensure that humanitarian aid is reaching the Yemeni people who are suffering un- — an undurable [sic] — unendurable devastation. This war has to end. And to underscore our commitment, we are ending all American support for offensive operations in the war in Yemen, including relevant arms sales. At the same time, Saudi Arabia faces missile attacks, UAV strikes, and other threats from Iranian-supplied forces in multiple countries. We’re going to continue to support and help Saudi Arabia defend its sovereignty and its territorial integrity and its people. We also face a crisis of more than 80 million displaced people suffering all around the world. The United States’ moral leadership on refugee issues was a point of bipartisan consensus for so many decades when I first got here. We shined the light of lamp on — of liberty on oppressed people. We offered safe havens for those fleeing violence or persecution. And our example pushed other nations to open wide their doors as well. So today, I’m approving an executive order to begin the hard work of restoring our refugee admissions program to help meet the unprecedented global need. It’s going to take time to rebuild what has been so badly damaged, but that’s precisely what we’re going to do. This executive order will position us to be able to raise the refugee admissions back up to 125,000 persons for the first full fiscal year of the Biden-Harris administration. And I’m directing the State Department to consult with Congress about making a down payment on that commitment as soon as possible. And to further repair our moral leadership, I’m also issuing a presidential memo to agencies to reinvigorate our leadership on the LGBTQI issues and do it internationally. You know, we’ll ensure diplomacy and foreign assistance are working to promote the rights of those individuals, included by combatting criminalization and protecting LGBTQ refugees and asylum-seekers. And finally, to successfully reassert our diplomacy and keep Americans safe, prosperous, and free, we must restore the health and morale of our foreign policy institutions. I want the people who work in this building and our embassies and consulates around the world to know: I value your expertise and I respect you, and I will have your back. This administration is going to empower you to do your jobs, not target or politicize you. We want a rigorous debate that brings all perspectives and makes room for dissent. That’s how we’ll get the best possible policy outcomes. So, with your help, the United States will again lead not just by the example of our power but the power of our example. That’s why my administration has already taken the important step to live our domestic values at home — our democratic values at home. Within hours of taking office, I signed an executive order overturning the hateful, discriminatory Muslim ban; reversed the ban on transgender individuals serving in our military. And as part of our commitment to truth, transparency, and accountability, we stated on day one — we started on day one with daily briefings of the press from the White House. We’ve reinstate- — we’ve reinstituted regular briefings here at State and at the Pentagon. We believe a free press isn’t an adversary; rather, it’s essential. A free press is essential to the health of a democracy. We’ve restored our commitment to science and to create policies grounded in facts and evidence. I suspect Ben Franklin would approve. We’ve taken steps to acknowledge and address systemic racism and the scourge of white supremacy in our own country. Racial equity will not just be an issue for one department in our administration, it has to be the business of the whole of government in all our federal policies and institutions. All this matters to foreign policy, because when we host the Summit of Democracy early in my administration to rally the nations of the world to defend democracy globally, to push back the authoritarianism’s advance, we’ll be a much more credible partner because of these efforts to shore up our own foundations. There’s no longer a bright line between foreign and domestic policy. Every action we take in our conduct abroad, we must take with American working families in mind. Advancing a foreign policy for the middle class demands urgent focus on our domestic econog- — economic renewal. And that’s why I immediately put forth the American Rescue Plan to pull us out of this economic crisis. That’s why I signed an executive order strengthening our Buy American policies last week. And it’s also why I’ll work with Congress to make far-reaching investments in research and development of transformable — in transformable technologies. These investments are going to create jobs, maintain America’s competitive edge globally, and ensure all Americans share in the dividends. If we invest in ourselves and our people, if we fight to ensure that American businesses are positioned to compete and win on the global stage, if the rules of international trade aren’t stacked against us, if our workers and intellectual property are protected, then there’s no country on Earth — not China or any other country on Earth — that can match us. Investing in our diplomacy isn’t something we do just because it’s the right thing to do for the world. We do it in order to live in peace, security, and prosperity. We do it because it’s in our own naked self-interest. When we strengthen our alliances, we amplify our power as well as our ability to disrupt threats before they can reach our shores. When we invest in economic development of countries, we create new markets for our products and reduce the likelihood of instability, violence, and mass migrations. When we strengthen health systems in far regions of the world, we reduce the risk of future pandemics that can threaten our people and our economy. When we defend equal rights of people the world over — of women and girls, LGBTQ individuals, indigenous communities, and people with disabilities, the people of every ethnic background and religion — we also ensure that those rights are protected for our own children here in America. America cannot afford to be absent any longer on the world stage. I come today to the State Department, an agency as old and as storied as the nation itself, because diplomacy has always been essential to how American — America writes its own destiny. For the diplomacy of Ben Franklin helped assure the success of our revolution. The vision of the Marshall Plan helped prevent the world from foundering on the wreckage of war. And the passions of Eleanor Roosevelt declared the audacious idea of universal rights that belong to all. The leadership of diplomats of every stripe, doing the daily work of engagement, created the very idea of a free and interconnected world. We are a country that does big things. American diplomacy makes it happen. And our administration is ready to take up the mantle and lead once again. Thank you all. And may God bless you and protect our troops, our diplomats, and our development experts, and all Americans serving in harm’s way. Going this way. Thank you all. 3:04 P.M. EST
致美国各高等教育机构及分部主席的联名信关于中华人民共和国美国国务院发言人办公室华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年 10月14 日国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥（MICHAEL R. POMPEO）教育部长贝琪·德沃斯（Betsy DeVos）尊敬的美国各高等教育机构及分部主席：在美国国务院和美国教育部（U.S. Department of Education），我们共同承担促进美国价值观的使命，其中包括重要的学术自由原则。美国各高等教育机构都是这项使命无可估量的重要伙伴。我们秉持这项共同使命的精神给诸位写这封信，涉及的是一个切实和日益增长的威胁：中华人民共和国专制政府在我国校园的恶意影响。近几个星期以来，这方面的威胁以及美国学术界对此事严重性的认识已有目共睹。鉴于自由世界的学生显然无法在不担心违反新的香港国家安全法（Hong Kong National Security Law）的情况下学习和讨论现代中国的问题，某些美国教授主动隐藏自己学生的身份或允许他们“退出”涉及中国的课程和课堂讨论。他们担心中华人民共和国会因为他们的学生在美国课堂上发表的言论对他们进行迫害。这类因受中华人民共和国的钳制在美国校园对言论自由产生的恐惧完全可以理解。至少已有一名美国人因在美国发表的言论在香港被起诉。另外至少有一名来自中华人民共和国的学生因在美国逗留期间发表的言论在中国被监禁。这类迫害并不是新现象。多年来，来自中华人民共和国的学生因在美国学习期间的行动遭到迫害，在某些案例中他们的家人在中国受到骚扰。实际上，从中国来访的学生、中国少数语言和族裔的成员，以及与中国有其他联系的人员，如发出对中华人民共和国的专制行动表示异议的声音，在中华人民共和国日益咄咄逼人的态势下都处于最危险的境地。在我们的校园里存在这种专制制度的影响引发了前所未有的关注，其重大的后果也前所未见。中华人民共和国在香港压制人权和自由；在西藏、内蒙古所谓的“自治区”和其他地区对少数民族和少数民族语言加强了长期的打压；据信在新疆“自治区”建立了自第二次世界大战以来全世界最大规模的宗教少数派拘押营。随信附上美国国务院最近致美国各高等教育机构董事会的信件，其中罗列了对保障学术自由、尊重人权、保护大学捐赠基金和保护知识产权等问题产生的广泛影响。中华人民共和国不仅试图控制在任何地方对其各项政策发表的任何批评意见，而且有大量证据表明中华人民共和国在美国招募中国国民盗窃知识产权，并监视其他中国学生和学者的行动和活动，确保他们继续默认其专制主义原则。这只能说明教育部根据高等教育法（Higher Education Act）117款履行报告制度和有关公众透明度的工作具有重要意义。初步的报告为这些受到关注的问题提供了进一步支持。中华人民共和国试图管控校园对话的行为有时由以孔子学院为形式的在校园的一种有形存在为支持。今天，在大约60所美国学院和大学的校园中或校园附近都有孔子学院。孔子学院以中国语言和文化学习中心为名，但有越来越多的证据证实，它们也是在美国校园中的中华人民共和国的恶意影响以及散布中国共产党的宣传的工具。孔子学院的存在，以及随之而来的来自北京的资金，能为一所院校提供避免批评中华人民共和国的政策的金融及其他奖励手段，而且可能对院校教学人员施加自我审查的压力。美国大学教授协会（American Association of University Professors）在2014年的一份报告中指出，“孔子学院作为中国的一个国家分支发挥作用，而且被允许无视学术自由”。很多教育工作者惊讶地得知，有些美国学院和大学使用由一个专制政府编制并由同一个政府审查、提供并承担费用的教师所教授的教学材料。美国国务院教育和文化事务局（Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs）的一次审核认定，在招聘与孔子学院有关的教职时，一般都必须有中华人民共和国教育部所属的一个机构的批准。中华人民共和国的这种做法，不一定符合我们的价值观，或支持我们所有人都力争保持的安全、公平、积极的学习环境。 8月13日，国务院认定设在华盛顿哥伦比亚特区的孔子学院美国中心（Confucius Institute U.S. Center）为来自中华人民共和国的一个外国使团。虽然对孔子学院美国中心的定性不直接影响到全美各地校园中的孔子学院，但这将通过要求孔子学院美国中心向国务院提供有关其运作的信息来提供迫切需要的透明度，其中包括它与在美国的各孔子学院的关系。因此，美国的利益相关方，包括大学和学院，将能做出有关中华人民共和国政府在其社区施加的影响力的更加知情的选择。尽管国务院对孔子学院美国中心的定性并不迫使你们院校采取任何行动，但我们请求你们的董事会和教职员认真审核同你们的校园有关的中华人民共和国政权的所有相关活动，并考虑一下学生的人身安全、学术自由、院校自治以及适当的管治和透明度是否得到维护。我们敦促你们评估中华人民共和国资助的项目接受开放的知识探究的能力，密切观察他们面对在校园中就与中华人民共和国的专制行为相关的问题发表谈话的独立思考人士、学者以及公民社会活动人士的所作所为。如果你们发现中华人民共和国的存在，在意在为你们的学生提供一个中国语言和文化机会的同时，还试图约束有关中华人民共和国的行为的学术对话，我们敦促你们采取适当的措施。我们可以共同确保中华人民共和国政府不遏制学生们接触参与多样化的观点并公开探究所有课题的能力，其中包括获得中国语言技能或文化认知。我们的大学和学院必须继续成为所有学生、研究人员和学者的一个安全的、受到热情接纳的环境。虽然美国人可能在很多问题上看法不同，但对于我们的自由的威胁将我们所有人团结起来。我们期待着共同努力在我们国家的校园中以及全世界各地增进学术自由。诚挚的，贝琪·德沃斯（Betsy DeVos）教育部长（Secretary of Education）迈克尔·蓬佩奥（Michael R. Pompeo）国务卿（Secretary of State）	Joint Letter to Presidents of American Institutions of Higher Education and Affiliates Regarding the People’s Republic of China OTHER RELEASE MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE BETSY DEVOS, SECRETARY OF EDUCATION OCTOBER 9, 2020 Dear Presidents of American Institutions of Higher Education and Affiliates, At the U.S. Department of State and the U.S. Department of Education, we share a mission to advocate for American values, including the important principle of academic freedom. U.S. institutions of higher education are an invaluable partner in that mission.  It is in the spirit of this shared mission that we write to you about a real and growing threat: the malign influence of the authoritarian government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) on our nation’s campuses. This threat, and the seriousness with which the U.S. academic community regards it, were on open display in the last several weeks. As it became clear that students in the free world could not study and discuss contemporary China without fear of violating the new Hong Kong National Security Law, some U.S. professors offered to hide their own students’ identities or allow them to “opt out” of China-related coursework and classroom discussions. They feared that the PRC could prosecute their students for statements made in a U.S. classroom. Such fears about free speech on American campuses being suppressed by the PRC are well justified.  At least one American  has been indicted in Hong Kong for statements made in the United States, and at least  one student  from the PRC has been jailed in China for statements made while in the United States.  This kind of repression is not new. For years, students from the PRC have been repressed, and in some cases have had their family members harassed in China over their actions while studying in the United States. In practice, students visiting from China, members of Chinese minority language and ethnic groups, and those with other connections to China who voice dissent from the PRC’s authoritarian actions are the most endangered by the PRC’s increasingly aggressive posture. The presence of this authoritarian influence on our campuses has never been more concerning, nor more consequential.  The PRC has suppressed human rights and freedoms in Hong Kong; has intensified longstanding repression of ethnic and linguistic minorities in the so-called “autonomous regions” of Tibet, Inner Mongolia, and elsewhere; and is believed to be engaged in the world’s largest internment of a religious minority since the Second World War in the “autonomous region” of Xinjiang.  The broad implications for ensuring academic freedom, honoring human rights, protecting university endowments, and safeguarding intellectual property are outlined in the enclosed recent State Department letter to the governing boards of U.S. institutions of higher education.  Not only does the PRC seek to  control any criticism  of its policies  wherever they may occur, but there is extensive evidence that the PRC employs Chinese nationals in the U.S. to steal intellectual property and monitor the actions and activities of other Chinese students and scholars to ensure their continued acquiescence to its authoritarian principles. This only underscores the importance of work the Department of Education has undertaken to ensure compliance in reporting and transparency for the public under section 117 of the Higher Education Act. The initial reporting has given further support to these concerns. The PRC’s efforts to control campus dialogue are sometimes supported by a physical campus presence in the form of a Confucius Institute.  Today there are Confucius Institutes located on or near the campuses of approximately 60 U.S. colleges and universities.  Confucius Institutes are branded as Chinese language and cultural learning centers, but there is increasing evidence that they are also tools of malign PRC influence and dissemination of CCP propaganda on U.S. campuses.  The presence of a Confucius Institute, with the Beijing-based funding that comes with it, can provide an institution with financial and other incentives to abstain from criticizing PRC policies, and may pressure the institution’s faculty to censor themselves.  The American Association of University Professors noted in a 2014 report that “Confucius Institutes function as an arm of the Chinese state and are allowed to ignore academic freedom.” Many educators are surprised to learn that some U.S. colleges and universities make use of teaching materials developed by an authoritarian government and taught by teachers who are vetted, supplied, and paid by that same government.  A review by the State Department’s Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs determined that approval from an institution affiliated with the PRC’s Ministry of Education has been generally required when filling teaching positions associated with Confucius Institutes. This practice, by the PRC, does not necessarily align with our values or support the safe, equitable, and positive learning environment we all strive to preserve. On August 13, the State Department designated the Confucius Institute U.S. Center (CIUS) in Washington, DC, as a foreign mission of the PRC.  While the CIUS designation does not directly affect Confucius Institutes on campuses around the country, it will provide much-needed transparency by requiring CIUS to provide information about its operations to the State Department, including regarding its relationship with individual Confucius Institutes in the United States.  As a result, U.S. stakeholders, including universities and colleges, will be able to make more informed choices about PRC government influence exerted on their communities. Although the State Department’s designation of CIUS does not compel any action on the part of your institution, we ask your board and staff to examine carefully all PRC regime-related activities associated with your campus and consider whether student physical safety, academic freedom, institutional autonomy, and appropriate governance and transparency are upheld.  We urge you to assess the capacity of PRC-funded programs to withstand open intellectual inquiry by closely examining their actions in the face of independent thinkers, academics, and civil society activists that speak on campus about issues relating to the PRC’s authoritarian actions. If you find that the PRC’s presence, while meant to provide a Chinese language and culture opportunity for your students, also aims to constrain academic discourse about the PRC’s actions, we urge you to take appropriate action. Together we can ensure that the PRC government does not inhibit students’ ability to engage with diverse perspectives and to inquire openly on all subjects, including acquiring Chinese language skills or cultural awareness. Our universities and colleges must remain a safe and welcoming environment for all students, researchers, and scholars. While Americans may differ on many issues, threats to our freedoms unite us all.  We look forward to working together to advance academic freedom on our Nation’s campuses and around the world. Sincerely, Betsy DeVos Secretary of Education Michael R. Pompeo Secretary of State
2020年6月29日迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥，国务卿中国共产党对香港的压制促使美国调整与该地区的关系。中国共产党以限制给美国公民的签证作为报复的威胁再度暴露了北京如何地拒绝对它自己作的选择负责。如果中国想要重新获得香港人和国际社会的信任，那就应该履行在联合国备案的1984年《中英联合声明》里对香港人民和英国的承诺。	06/29/2020 Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State The Chinese Communist Party’s crackdown on Hong Kong prompted the United States to retool its relationship with the territory. The Chinese Communist Party’s threats to retaliate by restricting visas for U.S. citizens exposes once again how Beijing refuses to take responsibility for its own choices. If China wants to regain the trust of Hong Kongers and the international community, it should honor the promises it made to the Hong Kong people and to the United Kingdom in the U.N.-registered 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration.
美国国务院发言人办公室 2022年12月6日国务卿安东尼·布林肯、国防部长劳埃德·奥斯汀、澳大利亚外交部长黄英贤和澳大利亚副总理兼国防部长理查德·马勒斯在联合新闻发布会上的讲话美国国务院迪安·艾奇逊礼堂华盛顿特区 [摘译] 布林肯国务卿：……70多年前，《澳新美条约》（ANZUS Treaty）开启了我们加强太平洋地区和平架构的共同努力。我们今天的讨论表明，这项正在继续认真进行的工作，不仅惠及澳大利亚、美国和印太地区的人民，也惠及世界人民。这是我们举行的第32次磋商。这样的会议持续了如此之久，表明了澳美联盟的持久重要性。它超越了党派。长期以来，这一联盟在美国一直获得两党强有力的支持。它涉及到我们两国人民面临的广泛及深刻的问题，反映出我们之间的关系未来只会继续深化。以我们在气候危机方面的工作为例。气候危机对我们两国人民和世界各地人民的生存构成威胁，需要采取真正的全球性措施应对。今年秋初，澳大利亚加入了我们的《清洁能源需求倡议》（Clean Energy Demand Initiative），该倡议将公司企业和各个国家汇集在一起，为清洁能源转型提供动力。已有九家美国公司承诺投资至少22亿美元，帮助澳大利亚升级清洁能源基础设施。再以《蓝色太平洋伙伴》（Partners in the Blue Pacific）为例，这项新倡议旨在与太平洋岛国合作，实现我们共同的愿景，即建立一个有复原力、包容和繁荣的太平洋地区。我们合作从事这项工作的方式之一是实施一项重点计划，在整个地区内能够确保安全的地点事先存放人道主义救援物资，以便太平洋诸岛更有效地防备及应对任何灾难。今天，我们讨论了共同努力应对普京总统对乌克兰发动的野蛮战争以及支持乌克兰能源部门抵御俄罗斯攻击的问题。我们感谢澳大利亚与美国协调实施制裁的努力——以及通过乌克兰防务联络小组（Ukraine Defense Contact Group）与我们共同开展的工作，我们正在通过该小组协调援助行动。澳大利亚在支持乌克兰捍卫国土方面也表现出非凡的慷慨，提供了超过4.4亿美元的军事和人道主义援助。我们还通过历史悠久的多边组织尤其是东盟（ASEAN）来开展合作。我们两国都承诺支持东盟的中心地位，同时我们努力振兴其他机构，以发挥互补优势以及我们的盟友和合作伙伴的优势。在四方伙伴关系中，我们与印度和日本一道，正在推进一个开放和自由的印太地区的共同愿景。其中一个关键部分是确保商品和信息能在整个地区自由流动。就在上周，在悉尼举行的“四国技术商业和投资论坛”（Quad Technology Business and Investment Forum）上，我们四国私营部门和学术界的领袖一起讨论了新的合作方式，以支持人工智能和生物技术等新兴技术，确保这些技术维护我们的民主价值观。 5月，我们与占全球GDP超过40%的其他13个志同道合的合作伙伴共同发起了印太经济繁荣框架（Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity），这是建立一个自由、开放、安全及具有复原力的地区的积极平等的经济愿景。印太经济繁荣框架将帮助我们各国推进一系列优先事项，例如打击腐败、促进劳工权利和数字经济的高标准贸易条款、加速清洁能源转型、对供应链中断问题做好准备并予以应对。下周，当印太经济繁荣框架合作伙伴在布里斯班（Brisbane）举行会议讨论这些优先事项时，我们将看到这种合作的实际效力。今天，我们还讨论了如何继续推进澳英美（AUKUS）伙伴关系，这是澳大利亚、英国和美国之间建立的至关重要的安全伙伴关系。我们三个国家为在澳大利亚获得核动力潜艇的同时遵守不扩散最高标准方面取得了重大进展。我们致力于尽早履行这一承诺。我们还深化在其他一些关键领域的合作，其中包括网络、人工智能、量子技术和水下能力，这将帮助我们在未来确保我们的技术优势和我们的安全。我们正在加快把我们在欧洲和亚洲、大西洋地区以及整个太平洋地区的各个联盟联合在一起，因为这些联盟所面临的挑战和威胁越来越密切相关，而且当我们并肩努力时，我们会更有成效。我们还讨论了应对中华人民共和国对基于规则的国际秩序所构成的挑战的工作，这些挑战包括试图扰乱南中国海的航行自由，试图单方面改变现状及破坏台湾海峡的和平与稳定，以及试图通过经济胁迫恐吓其他国家。澳大利亚对这些企图并不陌生，我们重申将与澳大利亚站在一起，反对这些施压手段。我们还同意有必要负责任地管理与中国的关系，以确保竞争不会演变成冲突，并找到可以合作的领域——例如气候和全球卫生领域——这将有利于我们两国人民和世界各国人民。纵观我们关系的广度和深度，对我来说，最令人兴奋的部分之一是我们的研究人员和科学家共同开发领先技术而建立起来的蓬勃发展的科学伙伴关系。今年早些时候，我有幸参观了墨尔本大学（University of Melbourne）的生物医学项目。我们有像Illumina和IBM这样的美国公司正在进行基因组学研究并加速量子计算的进展。当我抵达澳大利亚时，莫德纳（Moderna）公司刚宣布在墨尔本开设一家mRNA疫苗生产设施，这是他们在南半球开设的第一个此类设施。这些都是有助于塑造21世纪的尖端问题。澳大利亚和美国之间的合作正在帮助引领方向。回顾我们两国的历史，澳美关系始终如一地发展、成长，并最终为两国人民造福；使他们的生活更安全、更有保障、更加繁荣。今天的澳大利亚-美国部长级磋商（AUSMIN ）是朝着为所有人建设更美好未来迈出的又一步。我要再次表示，有你们两位出席真是太好了，非常感谢大家今天所做的工作。 * * * * 奥斯汀部长：谢谢。各位下午好。马勒斯副总理和黄部长，感谢你们今天来到华盛顿参加我们的会议。很高兴在这里与我的好朋友和同事布林肯国务卿一起接待你们。我们将美国和澳大利亚之间的关系称为牢不可破的联盟，这是有充分理由的：一个多世纪以来，澳大利亚和美国在每一次重大冲突中都肩并肩站在一起。我们的民主制度和我们的人民之间的纽带是通过共同的牺牲、共同的价值观和共同的历史而建立起来的。展望未来，这些纽带比以往任何时候都更加牢固。这鲜明地体现在我们今天进行的极好的讨论中。我们涵盖了很多领域。我们谈到了我们所面临的错综复杂且不断变化的安全环境。我们讨论了我们在战略方面的强有力的协调。我们还承诺采取具体步骤以深化我们在外交和国防领域的合作。美国和澳大利亚的共同愿景是建设一个各国能够决定自己未来的地区，他们应该能够在不受胁迫和恐吓的情况下寻求安全和繁荣。令人遗憾的是，这一愿景今天正在受到挑战。中国在整个印太地区——包括台湾周边、太平洋岛国以及东中国海和南中国海——从事的危险的胁迫性行动威胁着地区和平与稳定。与此同时，俄罗斯对乌克兰的野蛮、无端的入侵也是对基于规则的国际秩序的攻击，而这种秩序使各个地区的国家都更加安全。面对这些挑战，美国和澳大利亚团结一致，决心成为一支稳定的力量，并与志同道合的伙伴合作，建设一个自由开放的印太地区。今天，我们同意在几个重要方面深化我们的防务合作，包括加强我们的军力态势合作。基于今天的会谈，我们将增加美军在澳大利亚的轮换驻防规模。这包括轰炸机特遣队和战斗机的轮换驻防，以及美国海军和美国陆军未来的轮换驻防。我们还将扩大我们的后勤和持续保障合作，这将深化我们的互操作性，并创造更灵活且有韧性的能力。我们还将在未来几年继续寻找进一步整合我们的国防工业基地的方式。我们同意加强三边防务合作，并邀请日本加入我们在澳大利亚的军力态势计划。这些努力不仅能证明我们联盟的紧密程度；它们还展示了我们共同开展的工作，为实现我们的共同愿景取得切实成效。我为我们所取得的成就感到自豪，并对于我们将在不久的将来能够一起完成的工作感到振奋。因此，让我以此作为结语：我知道我们的纽带和我们的友谊将成为未来许多年和平与安全的基石。因此，马勒斯副总理和黄部长，再次感谢你们参加我们今天的讨论，感谢你们为我们的持久联盟所做的一切。谢谢。 * * * * 问：奥斯汀部长和布林肯国务卿，请允许我先向你们两位提问。几乎就在去年的今天，我们也是在这个礼堂被告知，美国人员、战斗机、轰炸机、海军人员到澳大利亚的轮换驻防将会增加。但实际上，那段时间并没有显著增加。您能否对你们今天达成的共识提供一些量化介绍？您对于这可能向中国发出的信息有什么看法或有什么预期吗？奥斯汀部长：是的，我们同意做的是增加我们的空中、陆地和海上部队到澳大利亚的轮换驻防——显然，这些是轮换驻防部队——这显然有助于我们的互操作能力，而且在一个战区中驻防肯定会有所帮助。这些轮换驻防的细节将由我们的工作人员制定并稍后公布；我们今天没有要对大家公布的具体细节，但我们两国确实承诺切实履行我们刚刚阐明的工作。 * * * * 问：……我的第二个问题与台湾和乌克兰有关，因为我估计台湾是今天讨论的一个主要议题。霍利（Hawley）参议员今天给您写了一封信，认为台湾对于美国国家利益比乌克兰更重要，而提供给乌克兰的武器妨碍了美国向台湾提供其所需武器的能力。您如何回应？ * * * * 布林肯国务卿：……关于台湾，是这样，我无法谈及武器系统等问题。但我认为事实恰恰相反，也就是说中国正在非常认真地关注在乌克兰所发生的一切——非常认真地关注美国和世界各国对俄罗斯侵略行动的反应。他们所看到的是，各国以非凡的方式团结一致，以确保乌克兰拥有保卫自己所需的物资，同时向俄罗斯施加巨大压力以迫使它停止侵略。在北约方面，我们正在加强我们自身的能力来保卫自己，以应对侵略行动扩大的可能性。我认为这一定会对中国未来的想法及其可能就台湾局势采取的行动产生影响。维护台湾海峡的和平与稳定与我们利害攸关。这一直是几十年来的现状；我们决心保持这种现状。这当然是几周前拜登总统与习主席进行的重要讨论所涉及的问题之一。但是，可以请我们的国防部长谈谈有关武器系统的具体问题。 * * * * 普赖斯先生：我们请天空新闻（Sky News）的安娜丽斯·尼尔森（Annelise Nielson）提最后一个问题。问：……布林肯国务卿，您曾多次表示，在应对中国时，美国不会让澳大利亚孤军奋战。特别是，我们看到外交关系有点缓和，但我们仍然面临着一些相当严重的经济胁迫。美国正在采取什么实际行动来帮助澳大利亚应对中国的经济胁迫？具体而言，对类似于我们已经看到的有关巴厘协定和葡萄酒的问题，世界贸易组织（WTO）上诉机构本来能够做出裁决，但美国为什么要阻止裁决？ * * * * 布林肯国务卿：……首先，在面对中国的经济胁迫时，澳大利亚在抵御这种胁迫方面做得非常出色，并进而处于一个更好、更强的地位。我认为无论是总体而言还是具体而言，我们当然是其中的一部分。我们是澳大利亚最重要的经济伙伴。我们的贸易和投资占澳大利亚年度经济的大约7%，而且显然为两国都提供了成千上万的就业机会，并且是双向的。我们的——这种贸易和投资关系是我们双方拥有的最强大的根基之一，我认为它增强了澳大利亚应对任何形式的经济胁迫的韧性。与此同时——你们今天已经听到我们就此谈到的几点，而且我们每天都在为此努力——我们都在建设抵御胁迫的各种韧性，其中包括，例如，通过致力于使供应链多样化；正如理查德所说的友岸外包（friendshoring）；并确保任何国家都难以操纵其针对我们任何一方的经济杠杆。而这就是我们每天所做的工作的重要组成部分。关于世贸组织的这个案例，我可能并不熟悉有关情况，但我愿意之后就此再做答复。谢谢。 * * * *	Secretary Antony J. Blinken, Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin, Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong, and Australian Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Defense Richard Marles at a Joint Press Availability U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE Office of the Spokesperson December 6, 2022 REMARKS Secretary Antony J. Blinken, Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin, Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong, And Australian Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Defense Richard Marles At a Joint Press Availability Dean Acheson Auditorium Washington, DC [Excerpts] SECRETARY BLINKEN: … . More than seven decades ago the ANZUS Treaty kicked off our shared work to strengthen the fabric of peace in the Pacific. Our discussions today show that that work continues in earnest not only for the benefit of Australians and Americans and others in the Indo-Pacific, but for people around the world. This is our 32nd consultation overall. That such a meeting has persisted for so long shows the enduring importance of the Australian-American alliance. It transcends parties. It has long enjoyed strong bipartisan support in the United States. It covers the breadth and depth of issues facing our people and it reflects a relationship that will only continue to grow deeper. Take our work on the climate crisis, which reflects an existential threat to the survival of our people and people everywhere and one that demands a truly global response. Early this fall, Australia joined our Clean Energy Demand Initiative, which brings together companies and countries to power the clean energy transition. Already nine American companies have committed to investing at least $2.2 billion to help upgrade Australia’s clean energy infrastructure. Or take Partners in the Blue Pacific, a new initiative that seeks to work with Pacific Island countries toward our shared vision of a resilient, inclusive, and prosperous Pacific. One of the ways we’re doing that together is through an initiative focused on pre-placing humanitarian supplies in secure locations across the region so the Pacific Islands can better prepare and respond to any disaster. Today, we discussed our joint efforts to counter President Putin’s brutal war on Ukraine and to support Ukraine’s energy sector against Russian attacks. We’re grateful for Australia’s efforts to impose sanctions coordinated with ours – as well as our shared work through the Ukraine Defense Contact Group, through which we’re coordinating our aid efforts. Australia has also shown extraordinary generosity in supporting Ukraine as it defends its territory, contributing more than $440 million in military and humanitarian assistance. We’re also working together through longstanding multilateral organizations, notably ASEAN. Both our countries are committed to its centrality, and we’re standing up and revitalizing other bodies to draw on complementary strengths and those of our allies and partners. In the Quad, along with India and Japan, we’re advancing a shared vision of an open and free Indo-Pacific region. A key part of that is making sure that goods and ideas can flow freely throughout the region. Just last week at the Quad Technology Business and Investment Forum in Sydney, leaders from the private sector, academia from across our countries discussed new ways to collaborate on supporting emerging technologies like artificial intelligence and biotech and ensuring that they uphold our democratic values. In May, together with 13 other like-minded partners representing more than 40 percent of global GDP, we launched the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity, an affirmative economic vision for a region that is free and open, secure and resilient. IPEF will help our countries advance a number of priorities like combatting corruption, promoting high-standard trade provisions for labor rights and the digital economy, hastening the clean energy transition, preparing for and responding to supply chain disruptions. We’ll see this collaboration in action next week when the IPEF partners meet in Brisbane to discuss each of these priorities. Today, we discussed as well how we can continue to advance AUKUS, a vital security partnership between Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Our three countries have made significant strides toward Australia obtaining nuclear-powered submarines while adhering to the highest nonproliferation standards. We’re committed to delivering on that promise at the earliest possible time. We’re also deepening our collaboration on a number of other key areas, including cyber, artificial intelligence, quantum technologies, and undersea capabilities that will help us secure our technological edge and our security going forward. We’re increasingly weaving together our alliances in Europe and Asia, in the Atlantic, and across the Pacific because the challenges and threats that those alliances face are increasingly interconnected, and we’re more effective when we stand and work together. We also discussed our efforts to address challenges posed by the PRC to the international rules-based order, including attempts to disrupt the freedom of navigation in the South China Sea, efforts to unilaterally change the status quo and undermine peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait, and attempts to intimidate other countries through economic coercion. Australia is no stranger to such efforts, and we reaffirmed that we would stand with them against these pressure tactics. We also agreed on the need to responsibly manage the relationship with China to ensure that competition does not veer into conflict and to find areas of cooperation – such as on climate, on global health – that would help both our own people as well as people around the world. Across the breadth and depth of our relationship, one of the most exciting parts to me is the thriving scientific partnership with researchers and scientists working together developing leading technologies. Earlier this year, I had the chance to visit the University of Melbourne’s biomedical project. We’ve got American companies like Illumina and IBM conducting genomics research and accelerating progress on quantum computing. When I arrived, Moderna had recently announced that they would be opening an mRNA vaccine manufacturing facility in Melbourne, the first such facility of theirs in the Southern Hemisphere. These are the cutting-edge issues that will help define the 21st century. Our collaboration between Australia and the United States is helping to lead the way. Throughout our history, that’s what the Australia-U.S. relationship has always: evolve, grow, and ultimately deliver for our people; and make their lives a little bit more safe, a little bit more secure, a little bit more prosperous. Today’s AUSMIN was another step towards building that brighter future for all of our people. It’s wonderful, again, to have you both here, and we’re so grateful for the work that we did today. * * * * SECRETARY AUSTIN: Thanks. Good afternoon, everyone. Deputy Prime Minister Marles and Minister Wong, thank you for traveling to Washington to join us today. It has been a real pleasure hosting you here along with my good friend and colleague, Secretary Blinken. Now, we call the relationship between the United States and Australia the unbreakable alliance and for good reason: Australia and the United States have stood shoulder to shoulder in every major conflict for more than a century. The bond between our democracies and our peoples have been forged by shared sacrifice, shared values, and shared history. And as we look to the future, those bonds are stronger than they’ve ever been. That was clear throughout the outstanding discussions that we had today. We covered a lot of ground. We spoke about the complex and changing security environment that we face. We discussed our strong strategic alignment. And we committed ourselves to concrete steps to deepen our cooperation in both diplomacy and defense. The United States and Australia share a vision of a region where countries can determine their own futures, and they should be able to seek security, prosperity free from – and prosperity free from coercion and intimidation. Unfortunately, that vision is being challenged today. China’s dangerous and coercive actions throughout the Indo-Pacific, including around Taiwan, and toward the Pacific Island countries and in the East and South China Seas threaten regional peace and stability. And meanwhile, Russia’s cruel and unprovoked invasion of Ukraine is also an attack on the rules-based international order that makes countries everywhere more secure. In the face of these challenges, the United States and Australia stand united and determined to be a force for stability and to work with likeminded partners for a free and open Indo-Pacific. Today, we agreed to deepen our defense cooperation in several important ways, including enhancing our force posture cooperation. And based upon today’s talks, we will increase rotational presence of U.S. forces in Australia. That includes rotations of bomber task forces, fighters, and future rotations of U.S. Navy and U.S. Army capabilities. We’ll also expand our logistics and sustainment cooperation, and that will deepen our interoperability and create more agile and resilient capabilities. We’ll also continue to find ways to further integrate our defense industrial bases in the years ahead. And we agreed to enhance trilateral defense cooperation and to invite Japan to integrate into our force posture initiatives in Australia. These efforts just don’t demonstrate the closeness of our alliance; they also show the work that we’re doing together to deliver tangible results toward our common vision. I’m proud of what we’ve accomplished, and I’m excited about we’ll get done together in the near future. So let me close by saying that I know that our bond, our mateship, will serve as a bedrock of peace and security for many years to come. And so, Deputy Prime Minister Marles and Minister Wong, thank you again for our discussion today and thank you for all that you do for our enduring alliance. Thanks. * * * * QUESTION: Secretary Austin and Secretary Blinken, if I can address you two first. Almost to the day last year we were told in this same room that there would be increased rotations of U.S. personnel, of fighters, bombers, navy, to Australia. And really, there hasn’t been a significant increase in that time. Could you please provide some quantification of what you’ve agreed on today? And do you get a feeling or do you have any anticipation of what – the message that might send to China? SECRETARY AUSTIN: Yeah, so what we’ve agreed to do is to increase rotations of our air, land, and sea forces to – and these are rotational forces, obviously – to Australia, to – and that helps, obviously, with our interoperability, and the presence in a theater will certainly help. The details of those rotations will be worked out by our staffs and announced later; we don’t have specifics to announce to you today, but we do have a commitment between our two countries to in fact do what we just described. * * * * QUESTION: … And then my second question is Taiwan and Ukraine-related, given I expect Taiwan was a major topic of discussion today. Senator Hawley wrote you a letter today arguing that Taiwan is more important for U.S. national interests than Ukraine, and arms transferred to Ukraine are impeding the U.S. ability to supply Taiwan with the weapons it needs. How do you respond? * * * * SECRETARY BLINKEN: … With regard to Taiwan, look, I can’t speak to weapons systems, et cetera. But I think in fact it’s exactly the opposite, in the sense that China is watching very carefully what’s happening in Ukraine – watching very carefully the response of the United States and countries around the world to the Russian aggression. And what they’ve seen are countries coming together in extraordinary ways to make sure that Ukraine has what it needs to defend itself, to put tremendous pressure on Russia to end its aggression, and as well to make sure that, in the case of NATO, we’re strengthening our own capacity to defend ourselves in case that aggression were to spread. And I think that has to have an impact on China’s thinking about the future and about what it may be looking at in terms of Taiwan. We have a strong stake in preserving peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait. This has been the status quo for decades; we’re determined to preserve it. It’s one of the issues of course that came up in the important discussions that President Biden had with President Xi a few weeks ago. But the Secretary of Defense is certainly welcome to address the specific question of weapons systems. * * * * MR PRICE: We’ll take a final question from Annelise Nielson of Sky News. QUESTION: … Secretary Blinken, you’ve stated on quite a few occasions that America won’t leave Australia alone on the field when dealing with China. In particular, we’ve had a bit of a thaw in diplomatic relations, but we’re still facing some pretty severe economic coercion. What’s the U.S. doing in practical terms to help Australia with the economic coercion with China? And specifically, why is the U.S. blocking an appellate court at the World Trade Organization that would be able to adjudicate issues like that we’ve seen with Bali and wine? * * * * SECRETARY BLINKEN: … . First, when it comes to Chinese economic coercion, Australia has done an extraordinary job of standing up to that coercion and coming out in a better and stronger place. I think in a general sense as well as in a specific sense, we’re of course part of that. We’re Australia’s most important economic partner. Our trade and investment contributes about seven percent of Australia’s annual economy and, obviously, thousands and thousands of jobs in both countries, in both directions. Our – this trade and investment relationship is one of the most powerful foundations that we both have, and I think it contributes to Australian resilience when it comes to any kind of economic coercion. At the same time – and you’ve heard us talk a little bit about this today, but we’re working on this every day – we are all building different kinds of resilience against coercion, including, for example, by working on diversifying supply chains; friendshoring, as Richard said; and making sure that it is difficult for any country to use what economic leverage it has against either of us. So that’s part and parcel of the work that we’re doing every day. With regard to the WTO case, I’m afraid I’m just not familiar with it, but I’m happy to come back to you on it. Thanks. * * * * # # #
美国国务院发言人办公室华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年7月 6日国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥（MICHAEL R. POMPEO）发表声明英国建立全球人权问题制裁制度今天，英国政府根据本国“2018年制裁与反洗钱法”（Sanctions and Anti-Money Laundering Act）建立了全球人权问题制裁制度（Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime）。美国赞赏英国继续为倡导和保护人权发挥主导作用。这项制裁制度标志着英国的制裁政策及我们两个民主政体的相互合作开始进入新时代。英国的全球人权问题制裁制度将为英国提供威力强大的新的经济工具，在全球范围内促进对侵犯人权行为的问责。英国新获得的授权将与美国和加拿大做出的努力相辅相成，进一步促进我们共同取行动的能力。美国将继续争取与更多的盟国和伙伴共同努力，通过我们手中所有可采用的工具，拒绝参与严重侵犯人权的所有人员进入美国及国际金融系统。	Office of the Spokesperson For Immediate Release STATEMENT BY SECRETARY MICHAEL R. POMPEO July 6, 2020 Today, the Government of the United Kingdom (UK) established a Global Human Rights sanctions regime pursuant to its Sanctions and Anti-Money Laundering Act 2018. The United States commends the UK’s continued global leadership on the promotion and protection of human rights. This sanctions regime marks the beginning of a new era for UK sanctions policy and cooperation between our two democracies. The UK Global Human Rights sanctions regime will give the UK a powerful new economic tool to promote accountability for human rights abuse on a global scale. The UK’s new powers will complement the efforts of the United States and Canada, further enhancing our ability to act together. The United States will continue to seek out additional allies and partners to jointly leverage all tools at our disposal to deny access to the U.S. and international financial systems to all those who engage in serious human rights abuses.
白宫华盛顿特区 2022年2月24日简报：美国与盟友和伙伴一道对俄罗斯施加极其严重的代价俄罗斯将面临孤立于全球金融和贸易体系以及尖端科技之外所造成的重大代价今天，为回应普京选择对乌克兰发动战争，美国与盟友和伙伴一道对俄罗斯施加严重且即刻的经济代价。今天的行动包括全面的金融制裁以及严厉的出口管制，将对俄罗斯经济、金融系统及其对尖端科技的获取产生深远影响。这些制裁措施将对俄罗斯最大的金融机构施加沉重代价，并将进一步使俄罗斯孤立于全球金融系统之外。有了今天的金融制裁，我们现在以俄罗斯的全部10个最大的金融机构为对象，包括对持有近80%的俄罗斯银行部门资产的机构实施全面封锁、往来和通汇账户制裁以及债务和股权限制。这些前所未有的出口控制措施将切断俄罗斯一半以上的高科技出口，限制俄罗斯获取至关重要的技术投入的渠道，使其工业基础退化，并削弱俄罗斯想在世界舞台上施加影响的战略野心。这些措施产生的影响将得到显著扩大，因为具有同范围广泛的盟友和伙伴的历史性多边合作，他们正在采取与我们同样的行动，遏制普京想使俄罗斯脆弱的单向度的经济多样化的野心。我们必须果断地应对普京大举进犯的行径及其对国际秩序构成的威胁，如果他不改弦易辙，我们将继续对其施加沉重代价。我们正在以史无前例的多边合作来应对普京的威胁性行径以及现在他对乌克兰的无端入侵。美国欢迎澳大利亚、加拿大、欧洲联盟、日本和英国做出的也将采取类似的强有力的行动来追究俄罗斯的责任的承诺——显示出了我们的伙伴关系的实力，并深化了对俄罗斯的影响，超出我们能够单独采取的任何行动的力度。这是继我们于本周早些时候对俄罗斯实施首轮严厉制裁的共同行动之后采取的。普京选择战争的后果是，俄罗斯将立即面对施加于其经济之上的重大压力，及其孤立于全球金融系统、全球贸易和尖端科技之外所造成的重大代价。这包括将俄罗斯最大的银行同美国金融系统切断——对其运作及进行全球贸易的能力予以沉重打击。这还包括对俄罗斯第二大银行实施全面封锁制裁——冻结其任何触及美国金融系统的资产。俄罗斯进入全球市场、吸引投资及利用美元的能力将遭到重创。俄罗斯的经济在最近几周已经面临加剧的压力；就在今天，其股票市场跌至四年半以来的最低点，而且卢布的每日结算价跌至有记录以来的最低位——这都是在实施进一步制裁之前。有了这些新的严厉措施，这类压力将进一步累积并超出俄罗斯的经济增长，增加其借贷成本，提高通膨，加剧资本外流，并削弱其工业基础。美国以及我们的盟国和伙伴团结一致，将继续让其付出代价，迫使普京转而寻求其他无法复制西方市场的金融和技术实力的国家。今天，美国采取了以下制裁：欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/02/24/fact-sheet-joined-by-allies-and-partners-the-united-states-imposes-devastating-costs-on-russia/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。	FACT SHEET: Joined by Allies and Partners, the United States Imposes Devastating Costs on Russia FEBRUARY 24, 2022 Russia to Face Massive Costs from its Isolation from the Global Financial and Trade System and Cutting-Edge Technology Today, the United States, along with Allies and partners, is imposing severe and immediate economic costs on Russia in response to Putin’s war of choice against Ukraine. Today’s actions include sweeping financial sanctions and stringent export controls that will have profound impact on Russia’s economy, financial system, and access to cutting-edge technology. The sanctions measures impose severe costs on Russia’s largest financial institutions and will further isolate Russia from the global financial system. With today’s financial sanctions, we have now targeted all ten of Russia’s largest financial institutions, including the imposition of full blocking and correspondent and payable-through account sanctions, and debt and equity restrictions, on institutions holding nearly 80% of Russian banking sector assets. The unprecedented export control measures will cut off more than half of Russia’s high-tech imports, restricting Russia’s access to vital technological inputs, atrophying its industrial base, and undercutting Russia’s strategic ambitions to exert influence on the world stage. The impact of these measures will be significantly magnified due to historical multilateral cooperation with a wide range of Allies and partners who are mirroring our actions, inhibiting Putin’s ambition to diversify Russia’s brittle, one-dimensional economy. The scale of Putin’s aggression and the threat it poses to the international order require a resolute response, and we will continue imposing severe costs if he does not change course. Putin’s threatening actions and now his unprovoked aggression toward Ukraine are being met with an unprecedented level of multilateral cooperation. The United States welcomes the commitments by Australia, Canada, the European Union, Japan, and the United Kingdom that they will also take similarly forceful actions to hold Russia accountable – demonstrating the strength of our partnerships and deepening the impact on Russia more than any action we could have taken alone. This follows our joint action earlier this week to impose a first tranche of severe sanctions on Russia. As a result of Putin’s war of choice, Russia will face immediate and intense pressure on its economy, and massive costs from its isolation from the global financial system, global trade, and cutting-edge technology. This includes cutting off Russia’s largest bank from the U.S. financial system – a significant blow to its ability to function and process global trade. It also includes full blocking sanctions on Russia’s second largest bank – freezing any of its assets touching the U.S. financial system. Russia’s ability to access global markets, attract investment, and utilize the U.S. dollar will be devastated. Russia’s economy has already faced intensified pressure in recent weeks; just today its stock market sunk to its lowest level in four and a half years, and the ruble weakened beyond its weakest daily settlement price on record – before additional sanctions were even imposed. With these new stringent measures, these pressures will further accumulate and suppress Russia’s economic growth, increase its borrowing costs, raise inflation, intensify capital outflows, and erode its industrial base. The United States and our Allies and partners are unified and will continue to impose costs, forcing Putin to look to other countries that cannot replicate the financial and technology strengths of Western markets. Today, the United States carried out the following actions: ###
华盛顿 — 美国商务部长吉娜·雷蒙多将于 8 月 27 日至 30 日前往中华人民共和国，访问北京和上海，并与中华人民共和国高级官员和美国商界领袖进行会晤。继拜登总统去年 11 月与习近平主席举行会晤之后，雷蒙多部长此行旨在加深美国和中华人民共和国在一系列问题上的沟通。在中华人民共和国期间，雷蒙多部长期待就美中商业关系、美国企业面临的挑战及潜在合作领域相关问题进行建设性的讨论。	U.S. Secretary of Commerce Gina Raimondo will travel to Beijing and Shanghai, the People’s Republic of China (PRC), from August 27-30 for meetings with senior PRC officials and U.S. business leaders. Secretary Raimondo’s travel follows President Biden’s meeting with President Xi last November to deepen communication between the U.S. and the PRC on a range of issues. While in the PRC, Secretary Raimondo looks forward to constructive discussions on issues relating to the U.S.-China commercial relationship, challenges faced by U.S. businesses, and areas for potential cooperation.
2020年12月18日美国东部标准时间下午03:11 迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥国务卿中国共产党在国内外的恶意活动伤害美国的利益，并削弱我们盟友与伙伴的主权。美国将运用所有可用的反制措施，包括采取行动阻止中华人民共和国（PRC）的公司与机构为了恶意目的利用美国商品和技术。今天的行动是我们决心的又一例证。美国现针对特定实体施加新的限制，因其削弱我们国家安全和外交政策利益的活动。具体来讲，美国商务部现将59家中华人民共和国实体加入其出口管制实体名单。大规模监控、军事现代化和人权侵犯美国现将四家实体加入实体名单，原因是他们通过向中华人民共和国政府提供DNA检测材料或高科技监控设备，促使中国境内人权侵犯行径的发生。我们敦促中国共产党尊重中国人民的人权，包括藏传佛教徒、基督徒、法轮功成员、维吾尔穆斯林以及其他少数民族和宗教少数群体的成员。此外，美国商务部现还将十九家实体加入实体名单，原因是他们系统性地协调并犯下超过十二起窃取美国企业商业机密的盗窃行动，用于推进中华人民共和国的军事工业复合体；参与活动，破坏美国打击非法贩运核材料和其他放射性材料的工作；或是利用美国的出口来支持人民解放军和中华人民共和国的国防工业基础，其最终目标是在能力上超越其他被他们视为竞争者的国家——尤其是美国。南中国海这些新的限制也给北京在南中国海的非法胁迫行动施加成本。美国商务部现将中国船舶集团（China State Shipbuilding Corporation）附属的25家造船研究机构以及另外六家实体加入实体名单，这些实体为人民解放军海军提供研究、开发和制造支持，或试图获取源自美国的物项，以支持人民解放军的项目。商务部还将包括中国交通建设公司（China Communications Construction Company）在内的五家中华人民共和国国有企业加入实体名单，原因是他们参与胁迫南中国海的声索国。	12/18/2020 03:11 PM EST Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State The Chinese Communist Party’s malign activity at home and abroad harms U.S. interests and undermines the sovereignty of our allies and partners. The United States will use all countermeasures available, including actions to prevent People’s Republic of China (PRC) companies and institutions from exploiting U.S. goods and technologies for malign purposes. Today’s actions mark yet another sign of our resolve. The United States is imposing new restrictions on certain entities for activities that undermine our national security and foreign policy interests. Specifically, the Department of Commerce is adding 59 PRC entities to its export-control Entity List. Mass Surveillance, Military Modernization, and Human Rights Abuses The United States is adding four entities to the Entity List for enabling human rights abuses within China by providing DNA-testing materials or high-technology surveillance equipment to the PRC government. We urge the Chinese Communist Party to respect the human rights of the people of China, including Tibetan Buddhists, Christians, Falun Gong members, Uyghur Muslims, and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups. Additionally, the Department of Commerce is adding nineteen entities to the Entity List for systematically coordinating and committing more than a dozen instances of theft of trade secrets from U.S. corporations to advance the PRC defense industrial complex; engaging in activities that undermine U.S. efforts to counter illicit trafficking in nuclear and other radioactive materials; or using U.S. exports to support the PLA and PRC defense industrial base, whose ultimate goal is to surpass the capabilities of other countries they view as competitors, particularly the United States. South China Sea These new restrictions also impose costs on Beijing’s unlawful campaign of coercion in the South China Sea. The Department of Commerce is adding 25 shipbuilding research institutes affiliated with the China State Shipbuilding Corporation to the Entity List, as well as six other entities that provide research, development, and manufacturing support for the People’s Liberation Army Navy or attempted to acquire U.S.-origin items in support of PLA programs. Commerce is also adding five PRC state-owned enterprises, including the China Communications Construction Company, for their role in coercion of South China Sea claimant states.
2020年3月6日，美国东部标准时间下午04:09 发言人办公室以下来自发言人摩根·奥特葛斯：迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥国务卿今天在纽约与联合国秘书长安东尼奥·古特雷斯会晤。蓬佩奥国务卿和古特雷斯秘书长讨论了在阿富汗政治解决方案的最新进展以及也门、利比亚和叙利亚目前的事态发展。关于叙利亚，他们讨论了持久停火和继续联合国授权的跨境援助交付的重要性。对于联合国人权事务高级专员米歇尔·巴切莱特决定发布在以色列控制的领土内运营的公司数据库，蓬佩奥国务卿也重申了他的愤慨。国务卿明确表示，美国将继续在此问题上与联合国官员和成员国接触，不会容忍对美国公司的不顾后果的不当待遇，并将对有害于我们商界的行动做出反应。	03/06/2020 04:09 PM EST Office of the Spokesperson The below is attributable to Spokesperson Morgan Ortagus: Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo met today with UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres in New York. Secretary Pompeo and Secretary-General Guterres discussed the recent progress towards a political settlement in Afghanistan, as well as ongoing developments in Yemen, Libya and Syria. With respect to Syria, they discussed the importance of an enduring ceasefire and continuing UN authorized cross-border aid deliveries. Secretary Pompeo also reiterated his outrage at the decision by UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet to publish a database of companies operating in Israeli-controlled territories. The Secretary made clear that the United States will continue to engage UN officials and member states on this matter, will not tolerate the reckless mistreatment of U.S. companies, and will respond to actions harmful to our business community.
美国国务院发言人办公室华盛顿特区 2020年5月4日媒体简报美国领导抗击冠状病毒病大规模疫情和疫苗研发美国基于最近一项行动计划（Action Plan），正在汇集美国政府机构、私营行业、高等院校和海外合作伙伴中的最优秀人才，研发疫苗和治疗方法，保护世界不受冠状病毒病（COVID-19）威胁。美国正在利用作为七国集团（G7）轮值主席的机会，促使世界主要民主国家和自由经济体在这项努力中发挥实力和应力。美国欢迎其他国家为减缓和最终结束冠状病毒病大规模流行而调动资源，作出努力，例如今天欧洲的认捐会议，其内容之一是，支持对流行病防范创新联盟（The Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations，CEPI）进行投资，以及英国6月4日的对全球疫苗免疫联盟（Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization，GAVI）的认捐会议。 “举全美国之力”（Whole-of-America）的努力包括以下方面：	05/04/2020 06:29 AM EDT Office of the Spokesperson As outlined in its recent Action Plan, the United States is bringing together the brightest minds in U.S. government agencies, the private sector, universities, and overseas partners to develop vaccines and therapeutic interventions to protect the world from COVID-19. The United States is using its G7 Presidency to catalyze the power and resilience of the world’s leading democracies and free economies in this effort. The United States welcomes efforts by other countries to mobilize resources to mitigate and ultimately end the COVID-19 pandemic, efforts like the pledging conference today in Europe which, among other things, will support investments in the Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations (CEPI) and the United Kingdom’s June 4 pledging conference for the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunizations (GAVI). Whole-of-America efforts include the following:
2023年6月5日东部夏令时间下午12:46 发言人办公室 6月5日，负责东亚与太平洋事务的美国助理国务卿克里滕布林克、美国国家安全委员会中国与台湾事务高级主任萨拉·贝兰与中华人民共和国的官员举行了会晤。助理国务卿和高级主任与美国驻中华人民共和国大使尼古拉斯·伯恩斯一道，会见了中国外交部常务副部长马朝旭和北美大洋洲司司长杨涛。双方进行了坦诚和富有成效的讨论，这是保持开放的沟通渠道并增进近期两国高层外交的持续努力的一部分。双方就双边关系、海峡两岸问题、沟通渠道以及其他事项交换了意见。美方官员清楚表明，美国将不遗余力地竞争和维护美国的利益和价值观。克里滕布林克助理国务卿和萨拉·贝兰高级主任还会见了美国驻华使馆的人员。 https://www.state.gov/assistant-secretary-kritenbrinks-meetings-in-beijing-peoples-republic-of-china-prc/	MEDIA NOTE OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON JUNE 5, 2023 Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Daniel Kritenbrink and National Security Council Senior Director for China and Taiwan Affairs Sarah Beran held meetings with PRC officials in Beijing on June 5.Together with U.S. Ambassador to the PRC Nicholas Burns, the Assistant Secretary and Senior Director met with Ministry of Foreign Affairs Executive Vice Foreign Minister Ma Zhaoxu and Director General of the North American and Oceanian Affairs Department Yang Tao. The two sides had candid and productive discussions as part of ongoing efforts to maintain open lines of communication and build on recent high-level diplomacy between the two countries. The two sides exchanged views on the bilateral relationship, cross-Strait issues, channels of communication, and other matters. U.S. officials made clear that the United States would compete vigorously and stand up for U.S. interests and values.Assistant Secretary Kritenbrink and Senior Director Beran also met with members of the U.S. Embassy community.
迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥国务卿总统军控事务特使马歇尔·S·比林斯利大使《新闻周刊》 2021年1月4日阅读署名文章英文全文，点击链接：https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/chinas-nuclear-madness-op-ed/	MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE AMBASSADOR MARSHALL S. BILLINGSLEA, SPECIAL PRESIDENTIAL ENVOY FOR ARMS CONTROL NEWSWEEK JANUARY 4, 2021 COVID-19 has taught the world that the Chinese Communist Party’s lies can have vast and terrible consequences. As the United States, our allies and our partners renew calls for transparency about the virus, we also urge Beijing to come clean about another danger: China’s opaque and threatening nuclear weapons buildup. During the Cold War, the United States and the Soviet Union recognized that arms control served both our countries’ national security. So, we engaged in a series of talks that allowed both sides to understand the nature of our respective nuclear arsenals. We established a framework to handle potentially deadly misunderstandings. As President Ronald Reagan famously said, citing a Russian proverb, “Trust, but verify.” Today, China allows no such transparency for the world’s fastest-growing nuclear arsenal. Beijing refuses to disclose how many nuclear weapons it has, how many it plans to develop, or what it plans to do with them. It is the least transparent of the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council. Despite Beijing’s secrecy about its nuclear activities, we know China is pursuing a nuclear triad on land, in the air and at sea, and that it is rapidly growing and modernizing its capabilities. General Secretary Xi Jinping champions this buildup. Soon after taking office in 2012, he described China’s nuclear-weapons command as “support for China’s status as a great power.” He subsequently elevated that command to a standalone service called the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) Rocket Force as a part of his plan to build a “world-class” military by 2049. Satellite imagery shows the PLA’s advances toward that goal, with a 2019 military parade in Beijing featuring nuclear-capable missiles. The display stretched nearly 3 miles—almost 10 times longer than the same segment a decade ago, and certainly only a fraction of the total arsenal. The parade also showcased the Dongfeng-41 missile, which could strike America’s shores in 30 minutes. The PLA will deploy this missile in silos and on mobile platforms in the near future, and we expect that—if current trends hold—China will at least double its total nuclear arsenal in the next decade. Beijing has done all this while exploiting the United States’ decades-long compliance with ineffective arms-control agreements. While we were constrained by the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty’s limits on ground-launched missiles with a range of 500 to 5,500 kilometers, the PLA has fielded more than a thousand theater-range ballistic missiles near its coast. Many of these weapons are dual-capable, meaning they can be armed with nuclear as well as conventional warheads. They are intended to target U.S. forces in East Asia and to intimidate and coerce America’s allies. China’s ballistic missiles aren’t simply collecting dust. China launched more of them in both 2018 and 2019 than the rest of the world combined. In 2020, China test fired more than 220 ballistic missiles, exceeding its totals in either of the previous two years. Commercial satellite imagery reveals year-round activity at Lop Nur, China’s nuclear weapons test site. Paired with its weapons modernization, Beijing’s nuclear posture is getting more aggressive, threatening even non-nuclear neighbors and undermining confidence in its so-called “No First Use” policy. The Department of Defense’s reports also show evidence that the PLA is moving to a “launch-on-warning” posture. By contrast, the United States and other democracies uphold transparency and respect for international norms governing nuclear weapons. We participate in robust and reliable crisis communication networks with other nuclear powers, and we’ve encouraged Beijing to do the same. We also publicly release our Nuclear Posture Review, and we conduct biannual data exchanges with Russia on nuclear issues. Both France and the United Kingdom regularly produce statements detailing the numbers and types of nuclear weapons in their arsenals. China refuses to adopt these processes, instead clinging to secrecy as its preferred strategy. Our calls for China’s leaders to change course are reasonable. We’ve asked Beijing for transparency, and to join the United States and Russia in crafting a new arms control agreement covering all categories of nuclear weapons. The current U.S.-Russia New START Treaty limits our two countries’ development of certain types of weapons, but leaves China free to continue its buildup unchecked. Any successor to New START must be expanded to include China. The United States has done its part to reduce nuclear dangers; it is time that China stopped posturing and began to comport itself responsibly. We need America’s friends in the fight, too. Many of our allies and partners—more than half of our NATO allies among them—have urged Beijing to come to the negotiating table. But too many countries, including champions of arms control who depend on America’s nuclear deterrence capabilities, remain publicly silent about Beijing’s buildup. All nations must urge China to honor its obligations under Article VI of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons to pursue negotiations in good faith. Over the past four years, the Trump administration has awakened the world to the China challenge. Beijing’s two-decades-long asymmetric arms race is a core part of that challenge. It endangers the American homeland, our strategic positions in the Indo-Pacific, and our allies and partners. It is of concern to all peace-loving nations. We’ve briefed allies, partners and even the highest levels of the Russian government on China’s nuclear buildup. History teaches a valuable lesson about the best way forward. The United States, the Soviet Union and other nations recognized long ago that great powers must behave responsibly with the world’s most dangerous weapons. So, too, must any nation with claims to greatness today.
白宫华盛顿特区 2022年3月24日北约领导人今天在俄罗斯无端和无理入侵乌克兰一个月整之际举行会晤，重申我们对乌克兰人民的强大支持，对要俄罗斯对发动残酷战争承担责任的决心，以及我们对加强北约联盟的承诺。我们荣幸直接听到了泽连斯基总统的讲话，我们将通过提供重大且不断增加的安全援助，继续支持他和他的政府反击俄罗斯侵略，维护他们的自卫权利。在过去几周里，美国宣布向乌克兰新增10亿美元安全援助——防空系统，反装甲武器，无人机以及数百万发弹药。我欢迎许多其他盟国采取的向乌克兰提供自卫支持的步骤，并且我们共同承诺将确定更多的设备，包括防空系统，帮助乌克兰。我们还讨论了增强北约集体防御的努力，尤其是在东翼。我们今天的联合声明表明，北约一如既往地强大和团结。我们在俄罗斯进一步入侵乌克兰之后，立即启动了北约防御计划和北约反应部队。美国向欧洲速增数千部队和额外力量，我们也欢迎我们的盟国做出的新部署。今天在斯洛伐克、罗马尼亚、保加利亚和匈牙利建立的四个新作战集团是一个强大信号，即我们将集体捍卫和保护北约的每一寸领土。在从现在到6月召开北约首脑会议的时间里，我们将制定加强北约防御的增兵和能力扩充计划。我们将采纳一项得到更新的战略概念（Strategic Concept），以使北约随时做好准备，在新的和更加危险的安全环境中应对任何挑战。 ### 欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/03/24/statement-from-president-biden-on-the-extraordinary-nato-summit/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。	Statement from President Biden on the Extraordinary NATO Summit MARCH 24, 2022•STATEMENTS AND RELEASES NATO leaders met today on the one-month anniversary of Russia’s unprovoked and unjustified invasion of Ukraine to reiterate our strong support for the Ukrainian people, our determination to hold Russia accountable for its brutal war, and our commitment to strengthening the NATO Alliance. We had the privilege of hearing directly from President Zelenskyy, and we will continue to support him and his government with significant, and increasing, amounts of security assistance to fight Russian aggression and uphold their right to self-defense. In the past few weeks, the United States has announced $1 billion in new security assistance to Ukraine — anti-aircraft systems, anti-armor weapons, drones, and millions of rounds of ammunition. I welcome the steps by many other Allies to provide defensive support to Ukraine and together, we are committed to identifying additional equipment, including air defense systems, to help Ukraine. We also discussed our work to bolster NATO’s collective defense, particularly on the Eastern flank. Our joint statement today makes clear that NATO is as strong and united as it has ever been. Immediately after Russia’s further invasion of Ukraine, we activated NATO’s defensive plans and the NATO Response Force. The United States has surged thousands of forces and additional capabilities to Europe, and we have welcomed the new deployments made by our Allies. Today’s establishment of four new battle groups in Slovakia, Romania, Bulgaria, and Hungary is a strong signal that we will collectively defend and protect every inch of NATO territory. Between now and the NATO summit in June, we will develop plans for additional forces and capabilities to strengthen NATO’s defenses. We will adopt an updated Strategic Concept to ensure NATO is ready to meet any challenge in the new and more dangerous security environment. ###
2020年9月8日美国东部夏令时间下午07:13 美国国务院迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥据报道9月7日协调委员会成员玛丽亚·科列斯尼科娃（Maria Kolesnikova）发言人罗德嫩科夫（Anton Rodnenkou）和行政秘书克拉夫佐夫（Ivan Kravzov）在白俄罗斯遭绑架，以及9月8日企图强行驱逐出边境到乌克兰，美国对此深感关切。面对白俄罗斯当局的不正当暴力和镇压，包括9月6日在光天化日之下公然殴打和平游行者和拘押数百人，以及越来越多关于绑架的报道，科列斯尼科娃女士和白俄罗斯人民勇于和平地维护其在自由和公正选举中挑选自己领导人的权利，我们赞扬这种勇气。在与我们的伙伴和盟友协调下，美国正在考虑实施新的定向制裁，以推动追究参与白俄罗斯侵犯和镇压人权的人的责任。我们提醒白俄罗斯当局，他们有责任确保科列斯尼科娃女士和所有被不公正拘押的人的安全。我们呼吁白俄罗斯当局停止对本国人民的暴力，释放所有被不公正拘押的人，包括美国公民维塔利·什克里洛夫（Vitali Shkliarov），并与白俄罗斯社会的真正代表进行有意义的对话。	09/08/2020 07:13 PM EDT Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State The United States is deeply concerned by the reported abduction September 7 in Belarus of Coordination Council member Mariya Kalesnikava, Spokesman Anton Rodnenkou, and Executive Secretary Ivan Krautsou, and the attempted forced expulsion over the border to Ukraine September 8. We commend the courage of Ms. Kalesnikava and of the Belarusian people in peacefully asserting their right to pick their leaders in free and fair elections in the face of unjustified violence and repression by the Belarusian authorities, which included brazen beatings of peaceful marchers in broad daylight and hundreds of detentions September 6, as well as increasing reports of abductions. The United States, in coordination with our partners and Allies, is considering additional targeted sanctions to promote accountability for those involved in human rights abuses and repression in Belarus. We remind the Belarusian authorities of their responsibility to ensure the safety of Ms. Kalesnikava and all those unjustly detained. We call on the Belarusian authorities to end the violence against their own people, release all those who have been unjustly detained, including U.S. citizen Vitali Shkliarov, and engage in meaningful dialogue with genuine representatives of Belarusian society.
2020年9月3日美国东部夏令时间上午09:30 国务院发言人摩根·奥特葛斯长期以来，美国一直是国际上向全世界人民提供卫生和人道主义援助最慷慨的国家。这种援助是在美国纳税人的支持下提供的，其合理的期待是，它服务于一个有效的目标，帮助到有需要的人。遗憾的是，世界卫生组织在这些方面严重失败，不仅在应对COVID-19方面，而且在近几十年来应对其他卫生危机方面也是如此。此外，世卫组织拒绝采取迫切需要的改革措施，这种改革首先是要展示其独立于中国共产党。当特朗普总统宣布美国退出该组织时，他明确表示，我们将寻求更可信和更透明的合作伙伴。美国的退出于2021年7月6日生效。自总统做出这个宣布以来，美国政府一直在努力寻找合作伙伴，以负责此前由世卫组织从事的活动。今天，美国宣布有关我们退出世卫组织的下一步行动以及美国资源的重新分配。这个重新分配包括对美国在2020财政年计划向世卫组织缴纳的分摊会费的结余部分重新编算，来部分支付美国向其他联合国组织缴纳的分摊费用。此外，到2021年7月，美国将逐步减少与世卫组织的接触，包括从世卫组织总部、区域办事处和国别办事处召回美国卫生与公众服务部(HHS)的工作人员，并重新分配这些专家。美国对世卫组织技术会议和活动的参与将依个案确定。	PRESS STATEMENT MORGAN ORTAGUS, DEPARTMENT SPOKESPERSON SEPTEMBER 3, 2020 The United States has long been the world’s most generous provider of health and humanitarian assistance to people around the world. This assistance is provided with the support of the American taxpayer with the reasonable expectation that it serve an effective purpose and reach those in need. Unfortunately, the World Health Organization has failed badly by those measures, not only in its response to COVID-19, but to other health crises in recent decades. In addition, WHO has declined to adopt urgently needed reforms, starting with demonstrating its independence from the Chinese Communist Party. When President Trump announced the U.S. withdrawal from that organization, he made clear that we would seek more credible and transparent partners. That withdrawal becomes effective on July 6, 2021, and since the President’s announcement, the U.S. government has been working to identify partners to assume the activities previously undertaken by WHO. Today, the United States is announcing the next steps with respect to our withdrawal from the WHO and the redirection of American resources. This redirection includes reprogramming the remaining balance of its planned Fiscal Year 2020 assessed WHO contributions to partially pay other UN assessments. In addition, through July 2021, the United States will scale down its engagement with the WHO, to include recalling the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) detailees from WHO headquarters, regional offices, and country offices, and reassigning these experts. U.S. participation in WHO technical meetings and events will be determined on a case-by-case basis.
2020年9月12日美国东部夏令时间下午04：54 发言人办公室以下来自发言人摩根·奥特葛斯：常务副国务卿斯蒂芬·E·比根率领美国代表团参加第27届年度东盟地区论坛（ARF）部长会议，该会议由26个东盟地区论坛参与国的外长参加，包括朝鲜及欧盟高级专员。比根常务副国务卿与几位外长一起强调，在应对南中国海日益紧张的局势和不断增强的军事化方面建立基于规则的国际秩序的重要性，在若开邦不受阻碍地获得人道援助和停止暴力的必要性，对香港的自治和人权受到侵蚀的关切，以及美国对韩朝半岛持久和平路径的支持。常务副国务卿与该论坛其他参与国一道表达对冠状病毒大流行冲击的关切，并表达有需要采取协调良好的区域对策和提供负担得起的疫苗。常务副国务卿呼吁及时和透明的信息交流，并强调美国政府已拨出205亿美元，用于开发疫苗和治疗方法、准备工作和其他对外援助。常务副国务卿比根强调了湄公河-美国伙伴关系的启动，并宣布提供超过1.5亿美元的额外援助以打击湄公河的跨国犯罪活动，包括贩运人口、毒品、野生生物和自然资源。常务副国务卿还赞扬妇女作为和平缔造者以及领导者的强大作用，并支持美国致力于推进全球“妇女、和平与安全”议程。常务副国务卿比根强调美国国际发展署支持东盟制定“东盟行动计划”，以实施其“妇女、和平与安全”议程。	09/12/2020 04:54 PM EDT Office of the Spokesperson The below is attributable to Spokesperson Morgan Ortagus: Deputy Secretary of State Stephen E. Biegun led the U.S. delegation at the 27th Annual ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) Ministerial Meeting, attended by Foreign Ministers of the 26 ARF participating countries, including the DPRK, as well as the EU High Commissioner. Deputy Secretary Biegun was joined by several foreign ministers in underscoring the importance of the international rules-based order in addressing increasing tensions and militarization in the South China Sea, the need for unhindered humanitarian access and the cessation of violence in Rakhine State, concern over the erosion of autonomy and human rights in Hong Kong, and the U.S. support for a path to lasting peace in the Korean Peninsula. The Deputy joined other ARF participants in expressing concerns about the coronavirus pandemic’s impact and the need for a well-coordinated regional response and an affordable vaccine. The Deputy called for timely and transparent information exchange and highlighted the $20.5 billion that the U.S. government has allocated for the development of vaccines and therapeutics, preparedness efforts, and other foreign assistance. Deputy Secretary Biegun highlighted the launch of the Mekong-U.S. Partnership and announced more than $150 million in additional funding to combat transnational criminal activity in the Mekong, including the trafficking of persons, drugs, wildlife, and natural resources. The Deputy also recognized the powerful role of women as peacemakers and leaders and championed the U.S. commitment to advance the global Women, Peace, and Security agenda. Deputy Secretary Biegun highlighted USAID’s support to ASEAN in developing the ASEAN Plan of Action to implement its Women, Peace, and Security agenda.
美国财政部公共事务办公室华盛顿特区 2023年1月18日瑞士苏黎世——财政部长珍妮特·耶伦（Janet L. Yellen）今天会晤了中华人民共和国副总理刘鹤，作为继拜登总统和习主席于11月在巴厘岛会晤后加深沟通并共同应对全球挑战的努力的一部分，两位领导人在会晤时同意授权主要高级别官员就这些问题进行接触。在坦诚及具有实质性和建设性的对话中，他们就宏观经济和金融发展交换了意见。双方一致认为，进一步加强围绕宏观经济和金融问题的沟通对于全球经济的运作具有重要意义。他们还就可持续发展的重要性达成了共识，将在联合国、二十国集团（G20）和亚太经合组织（APEC）等双边和多边基础之上，以及通过支持新兴市场和发展中国家的清洁能源转型，来加强气候融资合作。耶伦部长还在坦诚地交换观点时提出了引起关切的问题。她期待在不久的将来访问中国并欢迎对等官员访问美国。欲查看原稿内容: https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/jy1192 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。	ZURICH, SWITZERLAND – Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen today met with Vice Premier of the People’s Republic of China, Liu He as part of efforts to deepen communication and work together to address global challenges following the meeting between President Biden and President Xi in Bali in November where the two leaders agreed to empower key senior officials to engage in these issues. During the candid, substantive, and constructive conversation, they exchanged views on macroeconomic and financial developments. Both sides agreed it is important for the functioning of the global economy to further enhance communication around macroeconomic and financial issues. They also agreed about the importance of sustainable development and that they would enhance cooperation on climate finance on a bilateral and multilateral basis, such as within the UN, G20, and APEC, as well as through support for emerging markets and developing countries in their clean energy transitions. Secretary Yellen also raised issues of concern in a frank exchange of views. She looks forward to traveling to China and to welcoming her counterparts to the United States in the near future.
美国国务院发言人办公室供立即发布 2020年9月9日今天，中国共产党的主要宣传报纸《人民日报》拒绝刊登我们在北京的泰里·布兰斯塔德大使所撰写的署名文章，并列举了一连串的不满。具有讽刺意味的是，这篇署名文章呼吁在我们两国间建立更积极的关系，并要求“通过不受限制的交往和不受审查的讨论来建立关系”。《人民日报》的回应再次暴露了中国共产党对自由言论和认真严肃的思想辩论的恐惧，以及北京方面在抱怨其他国家缺乏公平对等待遇时的虚伪。相反，在我们有活力而自信的民主政体中，中国政府官员享有与美国人民直接对话的能力，并通过我们的自由媒体呈现了其政府的观点。光是中国驻美国大使崔天凯今年就在《华盛顿邮报》和Politico这类知名美国新闻机构发表过五篇署名文章，还接受过诸如美国有线电视新闻网（CNN）、美国哥伦比亚广播公司（CBS）等媒体的专访。中国外交部以及像《环球时报》、《中国日报》这样的国有宣传机构经常畅通无阻地利用推特（Twitter）和脸书（Facebook）这类美国社交媒体平台来攻击我们的政策、我们的生活方式，以及恰恰保护着他们自由言论能力的系统。他们在其他民主国家也这样做。如果共产主义中国真心实意地想成为一个成熟的大国并加强与自由世界的关系，那么习近平总书记的政府就会尊重西方外交官直接与中国人民对话的权利，允许外国记者回到中国，并停止恐吓和骚扰调查记者——无论是外国人还是中国人。这些记者努力坚持新兴自由媒体的诚信以服务公众利益。他们拒绝这样做，表明中国未经选举的政党精英多么害怕他们自己的人民有自由思想，害怕自由世界对中国内部治理做法的评判。点击这里阅读布兰斯塔德大使拟发表的署名文章。点击这里阅读人民日报的回复。	PRESS STATEMENT MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE SEPTEMBER 9, 2020 Today, the Chinese Communist Party’s main propaganda newspaper, the People’s Daily, refused to run an Op-ed written by our Ambassador in Beijing, Terry Branstad, citing a litany of grievances. Ironically, the Op-ed called for more positive relations between our two countries and asked to “build relationships through unrestricted engagement and uncensored discussion.” The People’s Daily’s response once again exposes the Chinese Communist Party’s fear of free speech and serious intellectual debate – as well as Beijing’s hypocrisy when it complains about lack of fair and reciprocal treatment in other countries. In contrast, in our vibrant and confident democracy, Chinese government officials have enjoyed the ability to talk directly to the American people and provided its government’s views through our free media. China’s Ambassador to the U.S. Cui Tiankai alone has published five Op-eds this year in prominent U.S. news outlets such as the Washington Post and Politico, and given exclusive interviews to the likes of CNN and CBS. China’s Foreign Ministry and state-owned propaganda organs like the Global Times and China Daily regularly use free access to American social media platforms like Twitter and Facebook to attack our policies, our way of life, and the very system that protects their ability to speak freely. They do this in other democratic countries, too. If Communist China is sincere about becoming a mature power and strengthening relations with the free world, General Secretary Xi Jinping’s government would respect the right for Western diplomats to speak directly to the Chinese people, allow foreign journalists back into China, and stop the intimidation and harassment of investigative journalists, foreign and Chinese, who strive to uphold the integrity of the fifth estate to serve the public good. Their refusal to do so shows just how much China’s unelected Party elites fear their own people’s free-thinking and the free world’s judgment about their governance practices inside China. Read the proposed Op-ed by Ambassador Branstad here. Read the response from the People’s Daily here.
2023年4月10日美国东部夏令时下午04:28 首席副发言人韦丹·帕特尔今天，布林肯国务卿做出决定，埃文·格什科维奇被俄罗斯不当拘押。新闻工作不是一种犯罪。我们谴责克里姆林宫继续对俄罗斯内独立声音的镇压，及其对真相的持续战争。美国政府将向格什科维奇先生及其家人提供一切适当的支持。我们呼吁俄罗斯联邦立即释放格什科维奇先生。我们同时呼吁俄罗斯释放遭到不当拘押的美国公民保罗·惠兰。	PRESS STATEMENT VEDANT PATEL, PRINCIPAL DEPUTY SPOKESPERSON APRIL 10, 2023 Today, Secretary Blinken made a determination that Evan Gershkovich is wrongfully detained by Russia. Journalism is not a crime. We condemn the Kremlin’s continued repression of independent voices in Russia, and its ongoing war against the truth. The U.S. government will provide all appropriate support to Mr. Gershkovich and his family. We call for the Russian Federation to immediately release Mr. Gershkovich. We also call on Russia to release wrongfully detained U.S. citizen Paul Whelan.
白宫华盛顿特区 2022年6月30日西班牙马德里马德里国际会展中心（Institución Ferial de Madrid）欧洲中部夏令时间下午2点56分拜登总统：各位下午好。谢谢大家。如果您有座位，请入座。你们可能以为是其他人走过来了。非常感谢你们抽出时间来到这里。我想我们都会赞同这是一次历史性的北约峰会。有些人对我进行报道已经有一段时间了。大约一年半以前，当我首次参加在英国举行的七国集团会议时，我谈到了我们有必要重新考虑北约的构成以及它是如何运作的，并为北约以及我们如何共事提出一个不同的战略。此外，我们还谈到了七国集团承担起更多的责任。在这场战争爆发前，我曾告诉普京，如果他入侵乌克兰，北约不仅将更加强大，而且将更加团结。我们还会看到全世界的民主体都挺身而出反对他的入侵并捍卫基于规则的秩序。而这正是我们今天看到的情况。这场峰会事关增强我们的联盟，应对我们的世界今天所面临的挑战以及我们今后将会面对的威胁。北约上一次起草新的使命声明是在12年前。当时，它将俄罗斯称为一个合作伙伴，而且根本没有提到中国。从那以后，世界发生了变化，发生了极大的变化。而且北约也在改变。在本届峰会上，我们团结我们的联盟来应对俄罗斯对欧洲构成的直接威胁，以及中国对基于规则的世界秩序构成的系统性挑战。而且我们已邀请两个新成员加入北约。这是一次历史性举措。芬兰和瑞典，这两个有着长期的中立传统的国家选择加入北约。一些美国新闻记者会记得，当时我接到芬兰领导人的电话，问他能否前来与我见面。他第二天就来了，并问道：“你会支持我加入——我的国家加入北约吗？” 我们通了电话，他建议我们打电话给瑞士领导人——“瑞士”，我的天啊。我当时对于扩大北约的确感到焦虑（笑声）。是瑞典。当时发生的情况是，我们通了电话，她问道她第二天是否能来，希望来谈谈加入北约。所有的盟国都在加紧努力，增加防务支出。他们中的大多数正在朝着首次超出他们所做的国内生产总值（GDP）百分之二的承诺迈进。他们曾同意将国内生产总值的百分之二用于防务支出。以德国为例：德国已承诺今后支出百分之二，并宣布了为其军队提供的一项超过1000亿美元的特别资金。斯洛伐克、捷克共和国和荷兰也宣布他们将履行其百分之二的承诺。波兰、罗马尼亚、爱沙尼亚、拉脱维亚和立陶宛都超过了百分之二点五，有些高达百分之三。我们正在齐心协力地在全部所有领域部署更多的资产和能力来增强我们的联盟——陆、空、海、网络和太空。我们——我们已重申了我们的第五条款承诺是神圣的。对一个成员的攻击就是对所有成员的攻击，而且我们将捍卫每一寸北约领土。每一寸北约领土。就我们而言，美国正在采取我说过如果普京入侵我们会采取的行动：增强我们在欧洲的军力态势。我们将在西班牙这里派驻更多的舰艇。我们正在意大利和德国部署更多的空防；在英国部署更多的F-35战机；以及为了增强我们的东翼，在波兰设立陆军第五军团（Army Fifth Corps）的新的常设总部。此外，在罗马尼亚部署一个新增的旅级战斗队，并在波罗的海国家新增轮换部署。情况正在改变以适应我们今天这个世界。而且所有这些都是在我们应对俄罗斯的入侵并帮助乌克兰保卫自己的背景下进行的。美国正在号召世界与乌克兰站在一起。全球各地的盟国和合作伙伴正在作出重大贡献。奥斯汀部长刚刚聚集50多个国家——50多个国家——作出新的承诺，这是支持乌克兰的一项全球努力：将近14万个反坦克系统，600多辆坦克，将近500个火炮系统，60多万发炮弹，以及先进的多管火箭系统，反舰艇系统和防空系统。美国再次一马当先。从我上任以来，我们向乌克兰提供了将近70亿美元的安全援助。未来几天里，我们准备宣布增加8亿多美元，包括向乌克兰提供一个先进的西方防空系统，更多的火炮和弹药，反炮雷达，以及更多的用于我们和其他国家提供给乌克兰的海马斯多管火箭系统的弹药。我们也第一次欢迎我们的印太地区伙伴参加了北约峰会。正如我向普京表示的，这将是——他的行动将引发全球反应，使大西洋和太平洋的民主盟国和伙伴团结起来，专注事关我们未来的挑战，并且针对这些挑战，包括来自中国的挑战，捍卫基于规则的秩序。在德国的七国集团会议上，我们启动了从最初“重建更好世界”（Build Back Better notion）的设想转化而成的“全球基础设施和投资伙伴关系”（Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment），为发展中和中收入国家提供满足他们迫切基础设施需要的更好选择。因为一旦美国和七国集团国家身先士卒，它帮助了——会帮助调动亿万美元——在完成前——可能高达万亿美元外界私人行业的资金——仅在未来数年内就达到6000亿美元。与中国不同的是，这些项目将以透明的方式展开，并且具有很高标准。例如，美国政府刚刚协助在两个美国公司与安哥拉政府之间建立了新的合作关系，投资20亿美元，在安哥拉建立一个重要的太阳能项目。这个合作关系将帮助安哥拉达到它的气候目标并满足它的能源需求，同时为美国的技术创造新市场，为安哥拉创造良好的就业机会。就像你们听我说过的：我一想到“气候”，就想到“就业机会”。七国集团还表示，我们将共同努力，对应中国破坏规则和胁迫性的贸易做法，并且让我们的供应链中不再有强迫劳动产品。我们责成我们的团队制定有关俄罗斯石油价格上限的细节，减少普京的国库收入，同时不使美国人和其他人在加油时感到痛苦。我们将要用对俄罗斯商品征收的关税帮助乌克兰重建。我们致力于——我们已经承诺提供45亿多美元——其中一半以上来自美国，用以解决俄罗斯的战争所造成的粮食匮乏和紧急危机。这个历程中的每一步，世界民主国家都立下了团结、决心和强大能力的标志，尽功尽力。普京以为他能打破跨大西洋联盟。他试图削弱我们。他期待我们的意志会崩溃。但是，他正在得到的恰恰事与愿违。他想让北约芬兰化。他得到的是芬兰北约化。想想看：那是他曾经想的。现在北约[芬兰]和瑞典比以往任何时候都更接近加入。这即将发生。我们比以往任何时候都更加团结。芬兰和瑞典的加入将使我们比过去更加强大。他们有实在的军力，两国都是这样。北约的边界将沿着芬兰–俄罗斯边界延长800英里。瑞典全力投入。要点在于：我们正在达到我在我们第一个——第一个七国集团会议上提出的目标。我们正在达到一个反映20——21世纪第二个25年现实的立足点。我们——我们即将取得重大进展。欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2022/06/30/remarks-by-president-biden-in-press-conference-madrid-spain/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。	JUNE 30, 2022•SPEECHES AND REMARKS Institución Ferial de Madrid Madrid, Spain 2:56 P.M. CEST THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon, everyone. Thank you. If you have a seat, please sit down. You’d think someone else walked in the room. Thank you very much for taking the time to be here. I think we can all agree that this has been a historic NATO Summit. Some of the folks have been covering me for a while. About a year and a half ago, when the first G7 meeting took place in England, I talked about the need for us to reconsider the makeup of NATO, how it functioned, and come up with a different strategy for the — for NATO and how we work together. And — and in addition to that, we also talked about the G7 taking on additional responsibilities. And before the war started, I told Putin that if he invaded Ukraine, NATO would not only get stronger but would get more united. And we would see democracies in the world stand up and oppose his aggression and defend the rules-based order. And that’s exactly what we’re seeing today. This summit was about strengthening our Alliance, meeting the challenges of our world as it is today and the threats we’re going to face in the future. The last time NATO drafted a new mission statement was 12 years ago. At that time, it characterized Russia as a partner, and it didn’t even mention China. The world has changed, changed a great deal since then. And NATO is changing as well. At this summit, we rallied our Alliances to meet both the direct threats that Russia poses to Europe and the systemic challenges that China poses to a rules-based world order. And we’ve invited two new members to join NATO. It was a historic act. Finland and Sweden, two countries with a long tradition of neutrality and choosing to join NATO. Some of the American press will remember when I got a phone call from the leader of Finland saying could he come and see me. And he came the next day and said, “Will you support my joining — my country joining NATO?” We got on the telephone, and he suggested we call the leader of Switzerland — “Switzerland,” my good — my goodness. I’m getting really anxious here about expanding NATO. (Laughter.) Of Sweden. And what happened was we got on the phone, and she asked if she could come the next day to want to talk about joining NATO. Allies across the board are stepping up, increasing defense spending. A majority of them are on track for the first time to exceed our 2 percent of GDP commitment that they made. They agreed to spend 2 percent of the GDP on defense. Look, for example, Germany: Germany has committed to spending 2 percent going forward, and announced a special fund for its military of more than $100 billion. Slovakia, the Czech Republic, and the Netherlands have announced they will also meet their 2 percent commitments. Poland, Romania, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania are doing more than 2.5 percent, some as high as 3 percent. Together, we’re deploying more assets and capabilities to bolster our Alliances across all domains — land, air, sea, cyber, and space. We — we’ve reaffirmed that our Article 5 commitment is sacred. And an attack on one is an attack on all, and we will defend every inch of NATO territory. Every inch of NATO territory. For our part, the United States is doing exactly what I said we would do if Putin invaded: enhance our force posture in Europe. We’ll station more ships in here, in Spain. We’re stationing more air defense in Italy and Germany; more F-35s in the United Kingdom; and, to strengthen our eastern flank, new permanent headquarters for the Army Fifth Corps in Poland. In addition, an additional brigade combat team positioned in Romania, and additional rotational deployments in the Baltic countries. Things are changing to adapt to the world as we have it today. And all this is against the backdrop of our response to NATO’s — to Russia’s aggression and to help Ukraine defend itself. The United States is rallying the world to stand with Ukraine. Allies and partners around the globe are making significant contributions. Secretary Austin just brought together more than 50 countries — more than 50 countries — pledging new commitments, and this is a global effort to support Ukraine: nearly 140,000 anti-tank systems, more than 600 tanks, nearly 500 artillery systems, more than 600,000 rounds of artillery ammunition, as well as advanced multiple launch rocket systems, anti-ship systems, and air defense systems. And again, the United States is leading the way. We provided Ukraine with nearly $7 billion in security assistance since I took office. In the next few days, we intend to announce more than $800 million more, including a new advanced Western air defense system for Ukraine, more artillery and ammunition, counter-battery radars, additional ammunition for the HIMARS multiple launch rocket system we’ve already given Ukraine and more HIMARS coming from other countries as well. We also welcomed, for the first time, our partners in the Indo-Pacific to participate in the NATO Summit. As I indicated to Putin, this would be — his action would cause worldwide response, bringing together democratic allies and partners from the Atlantic and the Pacific to focus on the challenges that matter to our future and to defend the rules-based order against the challenges, including from China. In the G7 in Germany, we also launched what started off to be the Build Back Better notion, but it’s morphed into the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment, to offer developing and middle-income countries better options to meet their urgent infrastructure needs. Because when the United States and G7 countries put skin in the game, it helped bring — it helps bring millions of dollars up to — before it’s all over — up to possibly a trillion dollars of private sector money off the sidelines — $600 billion in just the next few years. Unlike China, these projects will be done transparently and with very high standards. For example, the U.S. government just facilitated a new partnership between two American firms and the government of Angola to invest $2 billion building a significant solar project in Angola. It’s a partnership to help Angola meet its climate goals and energy needs while creating new markets for American technologies and good jobs in Angola. As you heard me say before: When I think “climate,” I think “jobs.” And the G7 also said we’d work together to take on China’s abusive and coercive trade practices and rid our supply chains of products made with forced labor. We tasked our teams to work on the details of the price cap on Russian oil to drive down Putin’s revenues without hurting Americans and others at the gas pump. We’ll seek to use the funds from the tariffs on Russian goods to help Ukraine rebuild. We’re committed — we’ve committed more than $4.5 billion — more than half of that from the United States — to address food insecurity and the immediate crisis caused by the Russian war. At every step of this trip, we set down a marker of unity, determination, and deep capabilities of the democratic nations of the world to do what need be done. Putin thought he could break the transatlantic Alliance. He tried to weaken us. He expected our resolve to fracture. But he’s getting exactly what he did not want. He wanted the Findalization [Finlandization] of NATO. He got the NATOization of Finland. Just think about this: That’s what he thought. Now NATO [Finland] and Sweden are closer than ever to joining. And this will occur. We’re more united than ever. And with the addition of Finland and Sweden, we’ll be stronger than ever. They have serious militaries, both of them. We’re going to increase the NATO border by 800 miles along the Finnish-Russian border. Sweden is all in. The point is: We’re meeting the goals I set out when we first — the first G7 meeting. We’re moving to a place that reflects the realities of the 20- — the second quarter of the 21st century. And we’re — we’re on the verge of making significant progress. Now, I’d be happy to take your questions. And the first question, I’m told, is Darlene Superville from the Associated Press. Q Thank you, Mr. President. Two questions, please. THE PRESIDENT: (Laughs.) Of course. Q “America is Back” was your motto at the first NATO Summit last year. And you’ve come to this summit here and the one in Germany after the U.S. Supreme Court overturned constitutional protections for abortion, after the shootings in Buffalo and Texas, at a time of record inflation, and as new polling this week shows that 85 percent of the U.S. public thinks the country is going in the wrong direction. How do you explain this to those people who feel the country is going in the wrong direction, including some of the leaders you’ve been meeting with this week, who think that when you put all of this together, it amounts to an America that is going backward? THE PRESIDENT: They do not think that. You haven’t found one person — one world leader to say America is going backwards. America is better positioned to lead the world than we ever have been. We have the strongest economy in the world. Our inflation rates are lower than other nations in the world. The one thing that has been destabilizing is the outrageous behavior of the Supreme Court of the United States on overruling not only Roe v. Wade, but essentially challenging the right to privacy. We’ve been a leader in the world in terms of personal rights and privacy rights, and it is a mistake, in my view, for the Supreme Court to do what it did. But I have not seen anyone come up to me and do anything other than — nor have you heard them say anything other than, “Thank you for America’s leadership. You’ve changed the dynamic of NATO and the G7.” So I — I can understand why the American people are frustrated because of what the Supreme Court did. I can understand why the American people are frustrated because of inflation. But inflation is higher in almost every other country. Prices at the pump are higher in almost every other country. We’re better positioned to deal with this than anyone, but we have a way to go. And the Supreme Court — we have to change that decision by codifying Roe v. Wade. Q There were some comments by some of your counterparts after the U.S. Supreme Court ruling. But my second question is: G7 leaders this week pledged to support Ukraine, quote, “for as long as it takes.” And I’m wondering if you would explain what that means to the American people — “for as long as it takes.” Does it mean indefinite support from the United States for Ukraine? Or will there come a time when you have to say to President Zelenskyy that the United States cannot support his country any longer? Thank you. THE PRESIDENT: We are going to support Ukraine as long as it takes. Look at the impact that the war on Ukraine has had on Russia. They’ve had to renege on their national debt for the first time since the beginning — almost well over 100 years. They’ve lost 15 years of the gains they made in terms of their economy. They’re in a situation where they’re having trouble because of my imposition of — of — dealing with what can be exported to Russia, in terms of technology. They can’t even — you know, they’re having — they’re going to have trouble maintaining oil production because they don’t have the technology to do it. They need American technology. And they’re also in a simi- — similar situation in terms of their weapons systems and some of their military systems. So they’re paying a very, very heavy price for this. And just today, Snake Island is now taken over by the — by the Ukrainians. So we are going to stick with Ukraine and all of the Alliance is going to stick with Ukraine as long as it takes to, in fact, make sure that they are not defeated by — by Ukraine — I mean, excuse me, in Ukraine by — by Russia. And, by the way, think of this: Ukraine has already dealt a severe blow to Russia. Russia, in fact, has already lost its international standing. Russia is in a position where the whole world is looking and saying, “Wait a minute, all this effort — you tried to take the whole country. You tried to take Kyiv. You lost. You’ve tried to take the Donbas and all of it. You haven’t done that yet.” The generic point is that we’re supplying them with the capacity — and the overwhelming courage they’ve demonstrated — that, in fact, they can continue to resist the Russian aggression. And so, I don’t know what — how it’s going to end, but it will not end with a Russian defeat of Ukraine in Ukraine. I’m supposed to go down the list here. Jim, the New York — Jim Tankersley, the New York Times. Q Hi. Mr. President, thank you. This week, you and the G7 allies introduced a plan for an oil price cap for Russian exports — which is not yet filled out — and, obviously, is a response to the high price of gasoline in the United States and around the world. Are you confident that that cap would bring down prices for American drivers? And how long is it expect — fair to expect American drivers to continue to pay a premium because of this war? THE PRESIDENT: Let me hear the — the second part of the question was, “Would it bring down the price?” Q Will it bring down prices. And the war has pushed prices up. They could go as high as $200 a barrel, some analysts think. How long is it fair to expect American drivers and drivers around the world to pay that premium for this war? THE PRESIDENT: As long as it takes so Russia cannot, in fact, defeat Ukraine and move beyond Ukraine. This is a critical, critical position for the world. Here we are. Why do we have NATO? I told Putin that, in fact, if he were to move, we would move to strengthen NATO. We would move to strengthen us — strengthen NATO across the board. Look, let me explain the price — I suggested a while ago that what we should consider doing is putting a cap on the amount of money that we would pay for — the world would pay for Russian oil, and that we would not — there would — we would not provide — the West — provides insurance — would not insure Russian ships carrying oil. We would not provide insurance for them, so they would have great difficulty getting customers. The point is that we’ve said to them, “Here’s the deal: We’re going to allow you to have a profit on what you make but not the exorbitant prices that you’re charging for the oil now.” We’ve — we’ve delegated a commission — a group of our — (inaudible) sherpa — our national security people to sit down and work out that mechanism. We think it can be done. We think it can be done, and it would drive down the price of oil, and it would drive down the price of gasoline as well. In addition — in addition, at home, I have also called for changes. We’ve — I’ve released a million barrels of oil per day from our oil reserve, and in addition to getting other nations to move forward a total of 240 million barrels of oil to release from the Strategic Petroleum Reserve. Number one. Number two, I’ve asked Congress would they, in fact, go and end the — temporarily end the tax on gasoline at the pump. And thirdly, to ask the states to do the same thing. If we do these things, it’s estimated we could bring down, tomorrow, if they — if Congress agreed and the states agreed, we could bring down the price of oil about a dollar a gallon at the pump, in that range. And so, we could have immediate relief in terms of the reduction of the — of the elimination of — temporary elimination of the gas tax. And so I think there’s a lot of things we can do and we will do. But the bottom line is: Ultimately, the reason why gas prices are up is because of Russia. Russia, Russia, Russia. The reason why the food crisis exist is because of Russia — Russia not allowing grain to get out of Ukraine. And so that’s the way in which I think we should move, and I think it would have a positive impact on the price at the pump as well. Jordan Fabian, Bloomberg. Q Thank you, Mr. President. I also have two questions for you. THE PRESIDENT: (Laughs.) Of course. Q Thanks. The first one is on Turkey. What assurances, if any, did you make to President Erdoğan about his request for new F-16 jets for his military? THE PRESIDENT: What I said was — I said back in December, as you’ll recall, we should sell them the F-16 jets and modernize those jets as well. It’s not in our interest not to do that. And I indicated to them that I’ve not changed my position at all since December. And there was no quid pro quo with that; it was just that we should sell. But I need congressional approval to be able to do that, and I think we can get that. Q And my second question is on your trip to Saudi Arabia, which is coming up next month. As we just discussed, Americans are paying almost $5.00 a gallon nationally, on average, for gas. So, do you expect to ask the Crown Prince or the King to increase oil production? And if so, how will you balance that with your desire to hold them accountable for their human rights abuses? THE PRESIDENT: Well, first of all, that’s not the purpose of the trip. The purpose of the trip — my — first of all, I’m starting off on that trip in Israel. And the Israelis are — believe it’s really important that I make the trip. And in addition to that, what we’re trying to do is that the G- — it’s the Gulf States plus three. And so, I’m sure — it’s in Saudi Arabia, but it’s not about Saudi Arabia. It’s in Saudi Arabia. And so there’s no commitment that is being made or — I’m not even sure; I guess I will see the King and the Crown Prince, but that’s — that’s not the meeting I’m going to. They’ll be part of a much larger meeting. And what we’re talking about in dealing with that trip is that, before I go, I’m, as I said, going to Israel to meet with Israeli leaders to affirm the unbreakable bond Israel and the United States have. And part of the purpose is — the trip to the Middle East — is to deepen Israel’s integration in the region, which I think we’re going to be able to do and which is good — good for peace and good for Israeli security. And that’s why Israel leaders have come out so strongly for my going to Saudi. But the overall piece here is we’re also going to try to reduce the deaths and — in the war that’s occurring in Yemen. There’s a whole range of things that go well beyond anything having to do with Saudi in particular. Q But if you were to see the Crown Prince or the King, would you ask them to increase oil production? THE PRESIDENT: No, I’m not going to ask them. I’m going to ask — there’s — all the Gulf States are meeting. I’ve indicated to them that I thought they should be increasing oil production, generically — not to the Saudis particularly. And I think we’re going to — I hope we see them, in their own interest, concluding that makes sense to do. And, you know, they have real concerns about — about what’s going on in Iran and other places in terms of their security as well — all of them. Tarina [Tarini], the Wall Street Journal. Q Thank you, Mr. President. I’m going to keep the trend and also ask two questions, if that’s okay. One on the summit and one domestic question. On the summit, you just said that there would be another round of security assistance for Ukraine. After hearing President Zelenskyy’s assessment that the war needs to end before the winter, are you changing your calculation in terms of the pace of the assistance and what kind of assistance you’re sending to Ukraine? THE PRESIDENT: No, I — the war could end tomorrow, by the way, if Russia stops its irrational behavior. So, you know, when the war will end, I hope it ends sooner than later. But for it to end, they have to be in a position where the Is- — the Ukrainians have all that they can reasonably expect, we can reasonably expect to get to them, in order to perva- — provide for their physical security and their defenses. And so, one does not relate to the other. They need — we’re going to be providing another — well, I guess I’ll announce it shortly, but another $800 billion — $800 million in aid for additional weaponry, including — you know, weapons, including air defense system, as well as offensive weapons. I have a whole list I’d be happy to give to you. But that’s the next tranche that’s going to occur. Q And on the domestic question, sir: What further specific executive actions are you considering in response to the Roe ruling? And would you declare a public health emergency as several Democrats are calling on you to do? THE PRESIDENT: I’ll be happy to go in detail with you on that, on the — I’m having a meeting with a group of governors when I get home on Friday. And I’ll have announcements to make then. But the first and foremost thing we should do is make it clear how outrageous this decision was and how much it impacts not just on a woman’s right to choose — which is a critical, critical piece — and on privacy generally. On privacy generally. And so I’m going to be talking to — to the governors as to what actions they think I should be taking as well. And — but the bi- — most important thing to be clear about is we have to change — I believe we have to codify Roe v. Wade into law. And the way to do that is to make sure that Congress votes to do that. And if the filibuster gets in the way — it’s like voting rights — it should be we provide an exception for this — the exce- — the — require an exception to the filibuster for this action to deal with the Supreme Court decision. Q Mr. President — THE PRESIDENT: Hang on. I got one more here. Kelly O’Donnell, NBC. Q Thank you, Mr. President. Well, you just made some news saying you would support changing the filibuster rules to codify abortion rights broadly across the country. THE PRESIDENT: Right to privacy, not just abortion rights. But, yes, abortion rights. Q Can you describe for us, sir — many Americans are grappling with this. What is your sense today about the integrity and the impartiality of the Supreme Court? Should Americans have confidence in the Court as an institution? And your views on abortion have evolved in your public life. Are you the best messenger to carry this forward when Democrats — many of them, many progressives — want you to do more? THE PRESIDENT: (Laughs.) Yeah, I am. I’m the President of the United States of America. (Laughter.) That makes me the best messenger. And I really think that it’s a serious, serious problem that the Court has thrust upon the United States not just in terms of the right to choose, but in terms of the right to who you can marry, the right — a whole range of issues relating to — to privacy. And I have written, way back, a number of law review articles about the Ninth Amendment and the — and the Fourteenth Amendment and why that privacy is considered as part of a constitutional guarantee. And the — they’ve just wiped it all out. And so I’m the only President they got, and I feel extremely strongly that I’m going to do everything in my power which I legally can do in terms of executive orders, as well as push the Congress and the public. The bottom line here is: If you care — if the polling data is correct, and you think this decision by the Court was an outrage or a significant mistake, vote. Show up and vote. Vote in the off-year and vote, vote, vote. That’s how we’ll change it. All right, guys, I — Q Mr. President — Q Mr. President, just a quick one. THE PRESIDENT: No, there’s no such thing as a quick one. I’m out of here. Thank you all very much. 3:23 P.M. CEST
STATEMENT BY SECRETARY MICHAEL R. POMPEO 美国国务院发言人办公室华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年4月22日国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥发表的声明美国追加超过2.7亿美元的对外援助款项，继续引领全球抗击COVID-19冠状病毒疾病的行动。半个多世纪以来，美国始终是全球卫生安全和人道主义援助领域最大的捐助国。美国在特朗普总统（President Trump）领导下，发扬美国人民乐于助人的精神，宣布由国会（Congress）专为抗击疫情提供的补充拨款，追加超过2.7亿美元的对外援助，在面临COVID-19疫情之际，继续保持这项杰出的记录。这笔新的援款将提供约1.7亿美元的人道主义援助，帮助一些情况最危急地区的各社区对疫情做好准备和采取应对措施。与此同时，我们还提供1亿多美元帮助政府、公民社会和民营部门对COVID-19在经济、民众安全、稳定和治理等方面造成的次生影响做好准备并努力进行缓解和处理。今天宣布的事项使美国政府自COVID-19疫情爆发至今在卫生、人道主义和经济援助领域为全球提供的资金超过7.75亿美元，具体以世界每一个地区100多个国家抗击疫情的行动为重点。世界更健康意味着美国更健康。数十年明智和战略性的对外援助已证明可减轻海外美国民众受到的进一步影响，同时更好地保护美国国内民众避免受到跨越边界的进一步传播。国务院（State Department）、美国国际发展署（U.S. Agency for International Development）、美国疾病控制与预防中心（.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention）和国防部（Department of Defense）正协同努力，通过国会划拨的24亿美元紧急补充资金，加入全美动员（All-of-America）的行列，支持全世界在医疗护理、人道主义援助和经济、安全和稳定等方面进行的努力。美国作为人道主义善举的一支力量无可比拟。美国民众——除我国的政府援助和对多边机构的供款外——齐心协力，通过民营工商业、非政府组织、信仰组织和慈善组织，在美国政府提供的援助外，慷慨地为世界各地受COVID-19疫情影响的人口提供了30多亿美元款项。美国欢迎其他捐助方提供高质量、透明的捐助，为抗击COVID-19疫情助一臂之力。	For Immediate Release STATEMENT BY SECRETARY MICHAEL R. POMPEO April 22, 2020 The United States Continues Leadership in the Global COVID-19 Response with More Than $270 Million in Additional U.S. Foreign Assistance For more than a half century, the United States has been the largest contributor to global health security and humanitarian assistance. Through the American people’s generosity and under the leadership of President Trump, the United States continues this outstanding record in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic, with the announcement of more than $270 million in additional foreign assistance provided by Congress in supplemental funding specifically to respond to the outbreak. This new funding will provide approximately $170 million in humanitarian aid to allow communities in some of the most at-risk countries to prepare for, and respond to the pandemic. At the same time, we are also providing more than $100 million to help governments, civil society, and the private sector prepare for, mitigate, and address second-order economic, civilian-security, stabilization, and governance impacts of COVID-19. Today’s announcement brings the total global investment from the U.S. Government since the outbreak of COVID-19 to more than $775 million to date in health, humanitarian and economic assistance – specifically aimed at fighting the pandemic in more than 100 countries in every region of the world. A healthier world means a healthier United States. Decades of smart and strategic foreign assistance has proven to mitigate further impact to Americans overseas and better protect Americans at home from further transmission across our borders. The State Department, U.S. Agency for International Development, U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and Department of Defense are working together as part of an All-of-America response to support health care, humanitarian assistance, and economic, security, and stabilization efforts worldwide with $2.4 billion in emergency supplemental funding allocated by Congress. The United States is without peer as a humanitarian force for good. Together, Americans – separately from our government aid and contributions to multilateral institutions – have generously donated more than $3 billion to populations affected by the COVID-19 pandemic around the world through private businesses, nonprofit groups, faith-based organizations, and charitable organizations, in addition to what the U.S. Government has provided. The United States welcomes high-quality, transparent contributions from other donors to help fight the COVID-19 pandemic. # # #
从中国旅行返美的美国公民须知您将会在机场遇到以下情况: 美国疾病控制与预防中心和美国海关与边境保护局正在实施更严格的健康筛查，以发现入境美国时出现发烧、咳嗽或呼吸困难症状的旅行者。筛查程序包括: 如果旅行者没有症状，疾控中心工作人员将为他们提供健康信息卡随身携带。这些卡片会告诉旅行者需要留意哪些症状，以及他们在离开中国后14天内如果出现症状，该怎么办。这种健康评估,以及要求人们对自己的健康进行监测是限制疾病传播的分层方法的一部分。当与其它公共卫生措施一起采用时，更严格的入境筛查可以加强我们为保护美国免受2019-新型冠状病毒和其他疾病影响所做的努力。如果我从中国来我应该做些什么? 所有来自中国的旅行者，包括商务旅行者、探亲访友者和人道主义工作者，都应该采取以下步骤。首先，在离开中国后的14天里，观察自己的健康状况有何变化。如果你在这14天里有发烧、咳嗽或呼吸困难的症状，应避免与他人接触。打电话给你的医生或医疗服务机构，告诉他们你的症状和近期的旅行史。他们会提供进一步的指导，告诉你在就诊前应采取哪些步骤，以帮助降低将你的疾病传染给办公区或候诊区其他人的风险（如果这是导致你生病的原因）。生病时请不要旅行。	Wuhan Health Alert (4 February, 2020) Location: Wuhan, Hankou area Event: There is an ongoing outbreak of a respiratory illness first identified in Wuhan, China, caused by a novel (new) coronavirus. In an effort to contain the novel coronavirus, the Chinese authorities have suspended air and rail travel in the area around Wuhan. The Department of State may be staging additional evacuation flights with capacity for private U.S. citizens on a reimbursable basis, leaving Wuhan Tianhe International Airport on February 6, 2020. Interested U.S. citizens in possession of valid passports should contact CoronaVirusEmergencyUSC@State.gov with the information listed below. There is no need to call to confirm receipt of your email. If you or your immediate family members are interested in departing on a flight, please immediately email CoronaVirusEmergencyUSC@state.gov with the below information for each passenger: If you are not a U.S. citizen, but will be traveling with a U.S. citizen immediately family member please also provide: If space is available, we will contact you with additional information. Please note that you will be responsible for your own transportation to Wuhan Tianhe International Airport. Chinese health authorities will be screening travelers at the airport and may deny boarding to anyone who may be of health concern. They may also deny boarding to the passenger’s family members or involuntarily hospitalize anyone of health concern. Prior to actually boarding the aircraft, you will again be screened by Department of State medical personnel. Travelers who develop symptoms or fever during travel will be referred for medical care. In accordance with the Proclamation on Suspension of Entry as Immigrants and Nonimmigrants of Persons who Pose a Risk of Transmitting 2019 Novel Coronavirus, beginning at 5:00 p.m., Eastern Standard Time, Sunday, February 2, the United States government will implement temporary measures to increase our abilities to detect and contain the coronavirus proactively and aggressively. Any U.S. citizen returning to the United States who has been in Hubei Province in the previous 14 days will be subject to up to 14 days of mandatory quarantine to ensure they are provided proper medical care and health screening. Our goal is to complete the health screening activities in a manner that safeguards the health and safety of all passengers and the people of the United States. The Department of State will continue to monitor the situation and work diligently to assist the needs of U.S. citizens who are in the Wuhan area affected by the current outbreak situation. Assistance:
食品和药物管理局采取重大措施抗击冠状病毒，为在应对这次疫情的过程中实现2019新型冠状病毒诊断的第一个重大进展发布紧急使用授权美国食品和药物管理局（U.S. Food & Drug Administration）华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年2月4日今天，美国食品和药物管理局发布紧急使用授权(EUA)，疾病控制与预防中心（Centers for Disease Control and Prevention）可紧急使用2019-冠状病毒逆转录聚合酶链式反应即时诊断试剂（2019-nCoV Real-Time RT-PCR Diagnostic Panel）。目前这项检测方法仅限于在疾病控制与预防中心各实验室使用；今天的授权允许在国内各地符合疾病控制与预防中心要求的实验室使用。食品和药物管理局局长，医学博士史蒂芬•哈恩（Stephen M. Hahn）说，“自疫情第一次爆发以来，我们始终与美国政府内和全球的伙伴密切合作，努力加速关键医疗产品的研制和供应，为尽可能快地结束疫情贡献力量。目前的局势仍在不断变化。向合格的实验室提供这种诊断试剂的能力是为保护公众健康迈出的重要一步。我们与疾病控制与预防中心的合作对于迅速研制这类诊断试剂并为人们获得试剂提供便利至关重要。食品和药物管理局仍积极要求通过我们的监管工具并利用我们的技术和科学专长，促进关键医疗产品的问世，尽可能以最迅捷、安全和有效的方式抗击疫情。” 2019年12月在中国武汉发现的2019-nCoV属于一种新型的冠状病毒，可导致人体出现严重呼吸系统疾病。大多数确诊感染2019-nCoV的患者出现发烧和/或急性呼吸系统疾病的症状（例如咳嗽、呼吸困难等）。但是对于与感染2019-nCoV有关的全部临床表征，目前获得的信息仍很有限。截至目前为止，在中国以外地区上报的2019-nCoV感染病例大多数都与在中国武汉居住或前往该地旅行有关。当前，联邦卫生官员仍然认为，美国公众受这种病毒威胁的程度相对不高。根据这项紧急使用授权， 2019-nCoV逆转录聚合酶链式反应即时诊断试剂可以用于符合疾病控制与预防中心关于2019-nCoV检测条件的患者。检测限于疾病控制与预防中心指定的合格实验室，在美国指获得高复杂性检测认证的实验室。这项检测采用逆转录聚合酶链式反应诊断试剂，可通过棉签刮取鼻腔或口腔等呼吸道分泌物获得2019-nCoV的推定性检测结果。检测结果为阳性提示有可能感染2019-nCoV，受感染的患者应配合医疗护理人员对症状进行处理并决定如何对患者周围的人员提供最好的保护。检测结果为阴性并不排除感染2019-nCoV的可能，不可以此为治疗或对其他患者进行管理的唯一依据。检测为阴性的结果必须结合临床观察、病史和流行病学信息一并考虑。一旦卫生与公众卫生服务部长（Secretary of Health and Human Services）认定已发生公共卫生紧急事件或存在发生公共卫生紧急事件的重大危险，从而可能严重影响国家安全或美国公民的健康和安全，并宣布根据现有情况有理由批准紧急使用该医疗产品，则食品和药物管理局可依据某些医疗产品可能有效诊断、治疗或防止有关疾病或病状的科学数据，发布紧急使用授权。 1月31日，卫生与公众服务部长亚历克斯·阿扎尔（Alex Azar）宣布发生公共卫生紧急事件，认定2019-nCoV具有潜在的威胁，并重申本届政府坚决采取一切可动用的资源协助预防、缓解和应对这个威胁。考虑到目前食品和药物管理局尚未确认或批准任何检测2019-nCoV的商用诊断试剂，谨此认定紧急使用授权对于保证人们及时获得诊断具有关键意义。为此今天卫生与公众服务部长有必要决定和宣布给予紧急使用授权，并由食品和药物管理局应疾病控制与预防中心的要求，发布紧急使用授权的公告。这项行动是食品和药物管理局、疾病控制与与预防中心及联邦医疗保险和医疗补助服务中心（Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services）密切合作的结果。联邦医疗保险和医疗补助服务中心负责管理美国各实验室，为抗击新型冠状病毒等新出现的传染病疫情，重点安排关键医疗产品的有效研制和采行。 1月27日，食品和药物管理局介绍了为抗击这次疫情采取一切适当的监管授权并努力加速预防、诊断和治疗2019-nCoV的关键医疗产品的研制和上市采取的策略。该机构一贯坚持与研制人员、国际伙伴和美国政府共同支持目前为公共卫生采取的对应措施。食品和药物管理局坚持与其他2019-nCoV诊断试剂的研制人员共同加快研制项目的进度和紧急使用授权的申请程序。实际上已有几个项目为抗击这次疫情申请并获得紧急使用授权的模板。食品和药物管理局正在采取的各项措施之一是，对于有助于加快为诊断、治疗和预防疫情扩散正在研制的各类医疗产品的研制和审查给予最高程度的重视。食品和药物管理局作为美国卫生与公众服务部下属机构，负保护公众健康，保障用于人体和动物的药物、疫苗和其他用于人体的生物产品及医疗设备的可靠性、有效性和安全性。该机构还负责保障我国食品供应、化妆品、营养补充剂、电子辐射产品的可靠性和安全性，并对烟草产品实施监管。	FDA Takes Significant Step in COVID-19 Response Efforts, Issues Emergency Use Authorization for the First 2019 Novel COVID-19 Diagnostic Critical Milestone Reached in Response to this Outbreak For Immediate Release: February 04, 2020 Today, the U.S Food and Drug Administration issued an emergency use authorization (EUA) to enable emergency use of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s (CDC) COVID-19 Real-Time RT-PCR Diagnostic Panel. To date, this test has been limited to use at CDC laboratories; today’s authorization allows the use of the test at any CDC-qualified lab across the country. “Since this outbreak first emerged, we’ve been working closely with our partners across the U.S government and around the globe to expedite the development and availability of critical medical products to help end this outbreak as quickly as possible. This continues to be an evolving situation and the ability to distribute this diagnostic test to qualified labs is a critical step forward in protecting the public health,” said FDA Commissioner Stephen M. Hahn, M.D. “Our collaboration with the CDC has been vital to rapidly developing and facilitating access to this diagnostic test. The FDA remains deeply committed to utilizing our regulatory tools and leveraging our technical and scientific expertise to advance the availability of critical medical products to respond to this outbreak in the most expeditious, safe and effective manner possible.” The COVID-19, identified in Wuhan, China in December 2019, is a new type of coronavirus that can cause severe respiratory illness in humans. Most patients with confirmed COVID-19 infection have developed fever and/or symptoms of acute respiratory illness (e.g., cough, difficulty breathing). However, limited information is currently available to characterize the full spectrum of clinical illness associated with COVID-19 infection. To date most reported cases of COVID-19 infection outside of China have been linked to residence in or travel to Wuhan, China. At this time, federal health officials continue to believe that the threat to the general American population from this virus is relatively low. Under this EUA, the use of COVID-19 Real-Time RT-PCR Diagnostic Panel is authorized for patients who meet the CDC criteria for COVID-19 testing. Testing is limited to qualified laboratories designated by the CDC and, in the U.S., those certified to perform high complexity tests. The diagnostic is a reverse transcriptase polymerase chain reaction (PCR) test that provides presumptive detection of COVID-19 from respiratory secretions, such as nasal or oral swabs. A positive test result indicates likely infection with COVID-19 and infected patients should work with their health care provider to manage their symptoms and determine how to best protect the people around them. Negative results do not preclude COVID-19 infection and should not be used as the sole basis for treatment or other patient management decisions. Negative results must be combined with clinical observations, patient history and epidemiological information. The FDA can issue an EUA to permit the use, based on scientific data, of certain medical products that may be effective in diagnosing, treating or preventing such disease or condition when there is a determination, by the Secretary of Health and Human Services (HHS), that there is a public health emergency or a significant potential for a public health emergency that has a significant potential to affect national security or the health and security of U.S. citizens, and a declaration that circumstances exist justifying the medical products’ emergency use. On Jan. 31, HHS Secretary Alex Azar declared a public health emergency recognizing the potential threat that COVID-19 poses and reiterating the government’s dedication to leveraging all available resources to help prevent, mitigate and respond to this threat. As there are no commercially available diagnostic tests cleared or approved by the FDA for the detection of COVID-19 it was determined that an EUA is crucial to ensure timely access to diagnostics. The HHS Secretary accordingly today made the necessary EUA determination and declaration and the FDA issued this EUA in response to a request from the CDC. This action is the result of the close collaboration between the FDA, the CDC and the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, which provides oversight for U.S. laboratories, to prioritize the efficient development and implementation of critical medical products in response to emerging infectious disease outbreaks, such as COVID-19. The FDA outlined its approach to expediting the development and availability of critical medical products to prevent, diagnose and treat COVID-19 using all applicable regulatory authorities to respond to this outbreak on Jan. 27. The agency remains committed to working with developers, international partners and the U.S. government to help support this public health response. The FDA is dedicated to actively working with other COVID-19 diagnostic developers to help accelerate development programs and requests for EUAs, in fact several have already requested and received the EUA template for this outbreak. The FDA, among other steps, is providing its highest level of attention to helping expedite the development and review of a variety of medical products being developed to diagnose, treat and prevent the spread of this outbreak. The FDA, an agency within the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, protects the public health by assuring the safety, effectiveness, and security of human and veterinary drugs, vaccines and other biological products for human use, and medical devices. The agency also is responsible for the safety and security of our nation’s food supply, cosmetics, dietary supplements, products that give off electronic radiation, and for regulating tobacco products.
特朗普总统与朝鲜民主主义人民共和国国务委员会委员长金正恩在1对1对话中的讲话河内传奇新都城索菲特酒店越南河内 2019年2月27日中南半岛时间下午6:33 特朗普总统：非常感谢。那真是太好了。嗯，我只想说很荣幸和金委员长在一起。很荣幸能一起在，真的是，一个国家—越南，在这里他们真的是铺开了红毯，他们已经—他们对于我们能来感到非常荣幸。而且非常高兴与你在一起。我们举行过一个非常成功的首次峰会。我觉得它是非常成功的，有一些人想要事情进行得更快。我是满意的；你是满意的。我们想要对我们正在做的事情感到高兴。但是我认为首次峰会是巨大的成功。而我认为这一次峰会，希望将会是和第一次一样好，或者比第一次更好。而且我们取得了许多进展，我认为最大的进展是我们的关系真的是很好的关系。正如我很多次说过的——我和媒体说，我和任何一个想听的人说：我认为你的国家有着巨大的经济潜力，难以置信，无可限量。我认为你在你的国家将会有伟大的前景——一位伟大的领导。我期待看到这样的事发生并帮助它发生。我们将帮助它发生。非常感谢大家，谢谢大家。我们要去吃晚饭，然后我们明天安排了一些重要的会议。我想我们会在白天的某个时候在新闻发布会上见到大家。非常感谢。结束中南半岛时间下午6:3	REMARKS BY PRESIDENT TRUMP AND CHAIRMAN KIM JONG UN OF THE STATE AFFAIRS COMMISSION OF THE DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF KOREA IN A 1:1 CONVERSATION Sofitel Legend Metropole Hanoi Hanoi, Vietnam February 27, 2019 6:33 P.M. ICT CHAIRMAN KIM: (As interpreted.) So it’s exactly 261 days since we met last time in Singapore, in June, last year. PRESIDENT TRUMP: Yes. CHAIRMAN KIM: (As interpreted.) And I truly believe that this successful and great meeting that we are having today is thanks to the courageous decision — political decision that your team, Mr. President, reached. So, during that 261 days since we last met, there have been some misunderstandings. There have been all these eyes from the world who are misunderstanding the situation. But — and there was some hostility that still remains from the very, very past period that — from the outside. PRESIDENT TRUMP: Right. CHAIRMAN KIM: (As interpreted.) But, however, we have been able to overcome all the obstacles, and here we are today after 261 days, in Hanoi. I actually believe that those 261 days were the days which were — and during which a lot of painstaking efforts were necessary and also a lot of patience were needed. But here we are today, sitting next to each other, and that gives us a hope that we will be successful with time. And I will really try to make that happen. PRESIDENT TRUMP: Thank you very much. That’s really nice. Well, I want to just say it’s an honor to be with Chairman Kim. It’s an honor to be together in, really, a country, Vietnam, where they’ve really rolled out the red carpet and they’ve — they’re very honored to have us. And it’s great to be with you. We had a very successful first summit. I felt it was very successful, and some people would like to see it go quicker. I’m satisfied; you’re satisfied. We want to be happy with what we’re doing. But I thought the first summit was a great success. And I think this one, hopefully, will be equal or greater than the first. And we made a lot progress, and I think the biggest progress was our relationship is really a good one. And as I’ve said many times — and I say it to the press, I say it to anybody that wants to listen: I think that your country has tremendous economic potential. Unbelievable. Unlimited. And I think that you will have a tremendous future with your country — a great leader. And I look forward to watching it happen and helping it to happen. And we will help it to happen. Thank you all very much. We appreciate it. And we’re going to go have dinner, and then we have some big meetings scheduled for tomorrow. And we’ll see you, I guess, at a news conference at some point during the day. Thank you very much. Q Mr. President, do you have any reaction to Michael Cohen and his testimony? PRESIDENT TRUMP: (Shakes head.) END 6:37 P.M. ICT
2020年12月28日美国东部标准时间09:06PM 迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥国务卿特朗普总统上个月采取果断行动，以名为应对来自对共产中国涉军企业的证券投资的威胁的行政命令(13959号)，保护美国投资者与养老金持有人，不向共产中国涉军企业（CCMCs）提供资金。特朗普政府正紧密协调，以反制这些公司给美国经济和国家安全带来的威胁。财政部今天（12月28日）指，13959号行政命令禁止任何交易所交易基金（ETF）和指数基金，以及它们在财政部或国防部公开上市的任何占股权50%或以上的子公司持有CCMC的任何股份。此举确保美国的资本不会对中华人民共和国（PRC）军事、情报和安全服务的发展和现代化有所贡献。该行政命令适用于美国人士的所有交易—包括个人、机构投资者、养老基金、大学捐赠基金、银行、债券发行人、风险投资公司、私募股权公司、指数公司和其他美国实体，包括在海外运营的实体。此举应可减轻担心美国投资者可能不知情地通过直接、间接、或其他被动投资，而支持了CCMC，包括那些与教育相关，ETFs、风险基金、私募股权、房地产投资信托基金、大宗商品、捐赠基金、养老金、或任何其他投资基金追踪债券、贷款、租赁线、债务或股票指数，包括CCMC或者其子公司在美国政府公开持有的证券。自2021年1月11日开始，无论CCMC所持所有权的比例，美国投资者将不再能够在公开交易或。私人市场买卖CCMC的债务或股本证券，或任何其衍生证券，并规定与于2021年11月11日之前全资撤出。其他资源：	12/28/2020 09:06 PM EST Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State President Trump took decisive action last month to protect American investors and pension holders from funding Communist Chinese military companies (CCMCs) through Executive Order (13959) Addressing the Threat from Securities Investments that Finance Communist Chinese Military Companies. The Trump Administration is coordinating closely to counter the threat these companies present to the economy and national security of the United States. Today, the Treasury Department noted that Executive Order 13959 prohibits the ownership of any CCMC shares by exchange-traded funds (ETFs) and index funds, as well as any of their 50 percent or greater majority-owned subsidiaries that have been publicly listed by the Treasury or Defense Departments. This ensures U.S. capital does not contribute to the development and modernization of the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) military, intelligence, and security services. The Executive Order applies to all transactions by U.S. persons, including individuals, institutional investors, pension funds, university endowments, banks, bond issuers, venture capital firms, private equity firms, index firms, and other U.S. entities, including those operating overseas. This should allay concerns that U.S. investors might unknowingly support CCMCs via direct, indirect, or other passive investments including those linked to educational, ETFs, venture funds, private equity, Real Estate Investment Trusts, commodities, endowments, pensions, or any other investment funds tracking bonds, loans, lease lines, debt or equity indices that include securities of CCMCs or subsidiaries publicly listed by the U.S. government. Beginning on January 11, 2021, U.S. investors will no longer be able to transact in publicly traded or private market debt or equity securities, or any securities that are derivative thereof, regardless of the percentage ownership of CCMCs, with full divestment required by November 11, 2021. Additional Resources: